.- .J i \ '- 'R‘ 19% c .r , _ 1 '3 ,3 M“? -‘T’> (ta «'3 FHESL» '3 39%;?! $3.3“ 3373.154: if a! ‘5' ‘ ‘ - '— - u.» ; g Recharge fimfl g Ufififir”tt3§‘$§¢y "L“ N This is to certify that the thesis entitled STATISTICS AND SOCIAL SCIENCE: THE INTRODUCTION OF INFERENTIAL STATISTICS INTO HIGHER EDUCATION IN. AMERICA FROM 1890 TO 1930 presented by Gerald Frederick Dobbertin has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. Admin. & Higher Ed. degree in Wad/7W Major of ‘SOI [hue May 1, 1981 0-7639 7| S F" It MSU LIBRARIES m. RETURNING MATERIALS: Place in book drop to remove this checkout from your record. FINES will be charged if book is returned after the date stamped below. ~ STATISTICS AND SO( mmmm STJ INAME ('1 () '1 £1) \‘< “- \h ‘ ‘ “\v“ 5 §.. V” |“ u-»‘u‘ TR‘Ys N ‘ ~ ’ \“§ “ H‘LN STATISTICS AND SOCIAL SCIENCE: THE INTRODUCTION OF INFERENTIAL STATISTICS INTO HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA FROM 1890 TO 1930 BY Gerald Frederick Dobbertin A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY College of Education Department of Administration and Higher Education 1981 sacs END soc: .7 "3“ “mom; 5.; .. 1‘; my. ‘ . r l. : 5-..... .: ., ‘ ‘ -u-v Dvfiu‘ . , . I A nclnlnntt: n- E”: s. “:5.-. e- -.. .- ll ‘ -' ”lfifiofiwlfi l - HA O-l e». "nth... .... ‘hv ‘ y.. g “1 ‘ .- ‘\ Q ~q- u q ~ (5 I u... ubvn...y “Vi“ -. i':~‘:-. «: a v v "‘9'. '. V . _ ‘ .. __ . 'I M‘M-u ‘ \ N.\y.‘~ ‘V‘a ~n.-..\d "Ab ‘ H I ‘ .I~.‘. I“ . .."‘t . fiber ““- ¢|-\l..~- \' - \... M. '.“‘V \ n V.:er ea‘ ABSTRACT STATISTICS AND SOCIAL SCIENCE: THE INTRODUCTION OF INFERENTIAL STATISTICS INTO HIGHER EDUCATION IN AMERICA FROM 1890 TO 1930 BY Gerald Frederick Dobbertin This study is a sociological investigation of Hm genesis of the statistical movement in American social sdence. The movement began in 1890, when American scholars first became acquainted with the new science of inferential stmfistics created by Francis Galton and Karl Pearson in England. During the latter decades of the nineteenth century, Ammfican higher education entered a period of radical trans— fmmmtion. New universities based upon the German model were flmnded. Older, established colleges changed from the cozy clflrlike institutions of America's colonial past to fore- rmumrs of the modern research university. Enrollments in flmse universities increased rapidly to meet the demands of alexpanding industrial economy. As the number of college- trahmd Americans multiplied each year the occupational world Incame increasingly professional. This period of educational transformation is the social milieu in which the intellectual mmmment of modern statistics grew. An investigation of the antistical movement in America is, therefore, also a study of higher education. This dissel'tat emf the mathemati< gistics. It is a 1 allectual movement :riofthe lives :tegnesis of tha til institutions; ritstitutions and :2'» Hence, titre :12 institutions, I: the Unite :‘zzisics was seize ;::’::'.’:a: it is--a Eeeitcators, psy: finalists, sc “ “315' are moral L- ..... ~..‘._\ .3 so many of 4 15 not a histt i ~. :C V» ~ axesented h m,‘ \w: the earlv C‘E \“I m‘anEStic This dissertation is not an account of the develop— ment of the mathematical concepts comprising modern statistics. It is a sociological View of the social— intellectual movement of modern statistics. It is an account of the lives and times of the scholars who participated in the genesis of that movement. Every individual lives in social institutions; he creates a biography of his own; and both institutions and biographies are part of the flow of history. Hence, three areas are included for discussion: social institutions, history, and biography. In the United States the new science of inferential statistics was seized upon by non—mathematicians who recognized it for what it is——a powerful, versatile tool. These scholars were educators, psychologists, anthropologists, biologists, agriculturalists, sociologists, economists, and more. With a few exceptions, mathematicians of the period covered in this study are notable for their lack of interest in statistics. Because so many of the proponents were not statisticians, the study is not a history of the American Statistical Association. What is presented here is an account of the scholars, the universities, and the historical events which introduced American education and social science to inferential statistics during the early decades of the twentieth century. An investigation of any sort often reveals patterns and categories into which the subject can be arranged in a sensible fashion. Accordingly, the Study is divided into Six areas which form chapters- chapter 1 cont 55:122.. The P051ti i293!" foms comic . (1;; 2f demonstrabl :Eex an‘ne tr ose sc .535: site. of tie a-u: .Ay Oh: ‘NH‘ : Syn .U. bu: bbr- V Cn:n& y 2 *- Vao::ib8‘ S aoo' I .- '. ‘ J: “.1 12,1:fi" W Hit-oi a“ .¢ \- AU..I .. :I nc‘ '- ken .\“‘\oer ""' H" 5/“ Hal- V c :Iu:‘. I ‘9 IL}. .. h -= COT acetone I ~::: "V “Y“: "'M .u y-~- c:~;‘.. uu‘yon ! u ..::\ D“: ‘~§.‘,‘“ F a uv ”a.‘LHL-V¢. T- I \:.: :fla.‘ ‘ \ ‘I .. ‘1‘ HA 3" H "V \- 4.; .‘Q‘ A _ ' \“a»'ev N ‘s ‘ t l “‘R" 'Q ‘ “w '1 “we“ tL‘Ie n ‘ 0A \ I Ks he“, ev- 6 ‘Q Q ‘ . :N- Chapter 1 contains a discussion of cultural evolution. The position taken is that cultures evolve, with new forms coming into existence as a result of the working of demonstrable social forces. Chapters 2, 3, 4, and 6 examine those social forces. Chapter 1 one contains a short sketch of the history of probability, as a back- ground for the topics of the following chapters. Chapters 2 and 3 discuss the important topic of professionalization. Statistics are tools used almost exclusively by university—trained professionals. Thus, Chapter 2 is concerned with the general trend toward increasing professionalization of the occupational structure of America. Chapter 3 looks more specifically at the professionalization of teaching. The fourth chapter chronicles the appearance of the new universities in which statistical inference first gained a foothold in American social science. Chapter 5 is a collective biography of the scholars who first used the new statistical tools in their work. Chapter 6 is a discussion of some of the important intellectual issues behind the work of the scholars. This dissertation is dedicated to Leslie and Margo ii .. 233131231 CODPultCE ' . v. a . ..:. I: -uqm "nfifi ! a. ‘b \ ~- _' u-J.uv VV-uu - o ‘l ‘ . .~-.- «v n "w; "' "t-Hu. a- u. v o \ Zn.“- o‘I-a ' A n: ‘ ‘T‘!’\ ”“3: ‘ ."“O Voou.u\~ \‘Vvv 4 ~.... '_ ~ , "\. : F ~2cv: .‘hA " ”"V “klv \raS: . - “Iv... .. \uy‘u ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The writer expresses his gratitude to the members of his doctoral committee who gave generously of their time so that he might complete his program at Michigan State Univer— sity; Wilbur Brookover, Howard Hicky, Richard Featherstone. Special thanks goes to committee chairman, Walter Johnson, whose help gave the student a second chance and a second career. .a- fi'. . I I .u n ny- l.‘ -n-wpff J we)?» . lo LES I 0 So 0 I ‘ Stat of P‘ .u . . lb- ’6‘ 9‘ IvglCAQL¢OAA I ‘ 7". R1!“- O" ' -‘u-.. - J "H q ' t ‘ P a? a .19 . OD .. v~‘- «A; nth-«luau Canar-‘ “; ska-V‘s; but u... A.” nvnq‘ - .— - I" .. I" u f' ‘3'" - Vv-J-v-ks; .. n. I . "3‘ Y2“. h; "‘v -~—b-yu -I - ‘ . In“: “H ““ ‘0‘» f“. ‘y'.. - L q \.. V -..u; u 4 . . ~‘ ‘-r\v~ n. . A A‘hfivv“v“ - LAA9HP‘O- a- ovv‘y..v V7,: filfif‘TTR“- I ‘ V' I \r V9.3.-V ‘H - -‘n‘--A\. ~‘6Vn- ‘U-\ ‘h‘ n S‘"- . ‘u h ‘ A .m‘y“-_\‘: 21‘ TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Vi INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 State of Purpose. . . . . 1 Definition of Inferential Statistics . . . 1 Origin of the Problem . . . . . . . . l The Problem . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Methods. . . . . . . . . . . . 5 General Background . . . . . . . . . 7 Chamer l--CULTURAL EVOLUTION AND NEW FORMS . . . . 8 Theoretical Position . . . . . . . . 8 The Individual and Culture . . . . . . 11 Historical Background . . . . . . . . 20 Footnotes to Chapter 1. . . . . . . . 43 Chqfier 2--OCCUPATIONS, PROFESSIONS, AND SECULAR EDUCATION . . . . . . . . . . 46 Footnotes to Chapter 2. . . . . . . . 68 Chapter 3--TEACHING BECOMES PROFESSIONAL . . . . . 70 Legitimating the Academic Degree . . . . 72 Teacher Training and Salaries . . . . . 87 Footnotes to Chapter 3.. . . . . . . 93 Chapter 4--THE NEW COLLEGES. . . . . . . . . . 96 The Land Grant Colleges . . . . . . :3 Elective Courses. . . . . I15 The Rise of the UniverSity System . . . . 122 Footnotes to Chapter 4. . . . . . . . Chapter 5'-THE SCHOLARS . . . . . . . . . . . 125 Prosopography . . . . . $33 Early Courses in Statistics . . . . . . 135 Key Men. . . . . . . . . . 137 James McKeen Cattell . . . . . . . . 152 Franz Boas. . . . . . . . . 156 Edward Lee Thorndike . . . . . . . . 163 Charles Benedict Davenport . . . . . . 166 The Scholars . . . . . . . . . . . 176 Key People. . . . . . . . . . . . 184 Psychophysicists. . . . . . . . . . important 1 Key Instit' The Priv The Stat M Gem 5 Adv . ' L A Poo:no.es .- - A..“' '2..:y ;._rl.i1_ i - ." K m". u a .d bub-oh . 2:..0' ..-fl:“.flt o. A- IAI\ If". I VV-‘V~VVLVI .' ' . ‘ ain‘o-Ao- I .. n. ‘3 hmofihifib- - ' N A“- Q - D a.“ g HVVVV \r-V ' 4 ;:‘-“\‘\vovv I! . - .v"! -~.'\-§~o0. . . . Important People . . . . . . Key Institutions . . . . . . The Private Universities. . . The State Universities . . . The German Universities . . . Footnotes to Chapter 5 . . . . Chapter 6—-THE ISSUES . . . . . . . . Footnotes to Chapter 6 . . . . Gmpter 7--CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . Limitations of the Study . Suggestions for Further Research. BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . - 241 250 255 261 266 279 281 283 284 286 -. - rips: con D”; 12:31:: 0"“- l‘l ‘l" “T: _ ‘ r: 4' - r-‘_-.‘\¢._. “CC. 0 ‘ A- An':‘ L: DLi_.\ I I '0 u. "-"f\\"\\l' ac ' I- - I; '--v l ~\v\4.\',.'_‘ C- _-- "s ‘ O'I “' .. a - 'h...‘ ~ . - I. ~“-\vnn- .0... ,. ‘- I v.-. ._ . | -q, "" 'h\\ - I ~~ .V..v-_ ..\\'- N-o'.‘_‘ ~— - - . I use. 'QQ‘ U‘th .V N :- . .t‘v - \\~::Q\ .~-~ .u - .\\,- ~b~ .q.‘.‘ H A--..‘.‘\“A . . ‘ ~ \ \ '5.» u wcwu~_\-~ ‘ I I " RR-“~~ ‘ \ 'i‘l'- - ._\\ Nob at- . 3‘. -¥5 . :." I“? Np..\~\ ~\ . l \ I u. u.. b-¥vb‘ ‘ I I. ‘ N“- \‘NRN- .\.I l. - Hy \L‘ "Q‘s . ‘\¥. .. I. I h \ ‘l.“ . ‘ . h nhe: I . Q - K. ‘ u-l L . ~~~. s... “ s u.‘ N, ~ A . .: . . L"\_v_~\ “I . AK" ~~ \“ I “ ”0.. u u film,‘ '\ u§§5 x" ‘ \._ W‘ s ~ *\--~ T i :- . T‘"e . _ N «~\ ".1 - _\I,\‘ “ . A“ ‘. .'. 1., ‘ N“ I “w ‘ EMF: s AK ‘ ‘ ‘l A ~ i... “‘ N ‘ “My. ‘5 ‘le ‘ \ \T‘ K ‘\ ~‘ \ to‘ § ‘.“‘ \ s l \\ 4A; ~ D‘\?- a RL‘ 2“ -:“~ YY‘.‘ \ ”ML ‘ 8’17. * k Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table LIST OF TABLES I - FIRST COLLEGE COURSES IN STATISTICS BY DEPARTMENTS . . . . . . . . . II"PROFESSIONAL POSITIONS . . . . . . . III - AMERICAN PSYCHOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION. . . IV - AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE . . . . . . . . . . . V - ECONOMICS SOCIETIES . . . . . . . . VI - AMERICAN EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH ASSOCIATION, VII - PROFESSORS AT COLUMBIA. . . . VIII - STUDENTS AT COLUMBIA . . . . . . . IX - PROFESSORS AT HARVARD . . . . . . . X - STUDENTS AT HARVARD . . . . . . . . XI - PROFESSORS AT CHICAGO . . . . . . . XII - STUDENTS AT CHICAGO. . . . . . XIII - PROFESSORS AT JOHNS HOPKINS. . . . . XIV - STUDENTS AT JOHNS HOPKINS. . . XV - PROFESSORS AT CLARK . . . . . . . . XVI - STUDENTS AT CLARK . . . . . . . XVII - PROFESSORS AT YALE. . . . . . . . XVIII - STUDENTS AT YALE . . . . . . . XIX - PROFESSORS AT CORNELL . . . . . XX - STUDENTS AT CORNELL . . . . . . . . XXI - PROFESSORS AT PRINCETON . . . . . . XXII - STUDENTS AT PRINCETON. . . . . vi 125 172 173 173 174 241 242 243 243 244 245 . F 1' p .abnv l IIOOU 'I 'In A an. \r o - n-cb u'l A-A - n '--v - m... a . a. . a :- »... ' o a a, . . I a... ‘1 “A I - ...‘ .‘-' LIST 1 ‘nnvv fill—.Q-‘T‘I'I LAT. - b.».¢_.\. . - 103.1: - PROPS: "“9"..- nun-00‘. T‘.. I I - 3001....-- . yd T." ' 0‘ A"_ A ‘l ‘A - H: 'h v- \ Inl-.; . .39. “U 0-.va fl-..\-\-- Al) - \ ‘ ”T'“ U-vd~.\‘ "‘T‘T- \H A -—.- a Duane- an"..- m... l . .ul'uk;_l. - C 5..-»; rune-.. R-..'\‘ . . I - thugs! b‘yy‘ "‘0‘", )“T1 - :mv.\:_ - MBI ~ Ob-..- ‘KR‘ R Us ‘2‘ .~¢.-‘~ "u u ‘ 'T Q 1"”? . .Mou.' L. . ‘- j'“\\:~ I I - . \.\,_\ . Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table LIST OF TABLES — Continued XXIII - PROFESSORS AT MICHIGAN . XXIV - STUDENTS AT MICHIGAN . . XXV - PROFESSORS AT ILLINOIS. . XXVI - STUDENTS AT ILLINOIS . XXVII — PROFESSORS AT INDIANA . XXVIII - STUDENTS AT INDIANA. . XXIX - PROFESSORS AT WISCONSIN . XXX - STUDENTS AT WISCONSIN . XXXI - PROFESSORS AT MINNESOTA . XXXII - STUDENTS AT MINNESOTA XXXIII - STUDENTS AT BERLIN . . XXXIV - STUDENTS AT LEIPZIG XXXV - STUDENTS IN ENGLAND WITH GALTON, PEARSON OR FISHER . . . XXXVI - COLLEGES THE SCHOLARS TAUGHT IN AFTER CONTACT WITH THE KEY INSTITUTIONS mg 250 250 251 251 252 252 253 254 254 255 256 257 T‘m “V"‘OSE 3;“: “it V . p n I‘ H -'\-~:'o *r‘3 '38.. .3"; “(baby w-v . , ' P ' 'quna ’1‘ Dquvcw““ :ntncfi: vU .ot-C- v... b. n u I ‘ ’“‘D. ‘0 aw“ v. a o ’1. er V. vudl".¢ EA- C ' Q - , n. .‘ w. "' :Hfi 1 “zo-Q' h“:.."" ut-AH "ouw 9- o - o. . 3“} v-~ $- VOQo.;\. x .5? LpA “‘. 0M. $1.: ”HI . pt. ‘A u u. \ ‘A ~ "" ‘tv -A\3 Q‘: Vooy~v ~ VN— I-‘.I ~ . '. "M:. Y a -I I H ‘ I ‘a‘b ‘ha‘\ . 5“»:-‘ .I: ' ‘I‘ ‘ \‘ ‘h\::$‘qfi‘ - V “*w :- ‘. .. ‘ ad "e. I u a '\...‘ 2“ ‘ ‘ ‘n ‘ \ . I b“: H“TV\ IT 5.¢'\,' ‘ 1‘. -_': :. ‘fl . ~ "‘\ N ‘ ivfi“ K" 5+ \A “(ga‘ K fin. . '1“\ \ as“: a“ ‘ ‘ v "‘ C6*r~a \~q* “.‘\ V 'u i‘ ‘2‘“: a; N ‘ L“ (NW \ . m~u:1. ‘ 1‘. ‘ “fab. ‘. ‘l 5 .‘fi - x.‘~\ 1 INTRODUCTION Statement of Purpose The purpose of the research reported in these pages istn locatetfluamen and women who introduced American social science to inferential statistics. This study is not a regni of empirical research. It is a social study conducted hIthe classic educational tradition, analyzing history, lfiography and institutions. Definition of Inferential Statistics For the purposes of the study inferential statistics refers to those statistical concepts which are based upon the rmrmal curve of error, the binomial distribution. Origin of the Problem This thesis grew out of professional work as teacher aw.researcher in sociology from 1968 to 1978. During this Period, the author used statistics in various research pro- jects at Iowa State University for two years and taught statistical methods to undergraduates at Lake Superior State College for six years. While using and teaching statistical methods, a certain curiosity about the historical and social origins of modern statistics began to grow. It became qwarent that little is known about the origins of the .zirLical movement ‘ a“. 3: books typically mistical movement. at... ,-.u~a \ '\ as a researcl 225.: verified by a In” :‘ . :fi' 'bI‘COU “I a t). .-1 . (D U) (D '1 ('1‘ C): .“. .L§'. h .."‘A A u- I‘ ,- "': TN‘IU tub Hus. U u. V .. Mug-A. " "a s. vi...4"- . \fifi: C Nun‘. fl: 4. . "'-- v "‘3 "1:..- . s 5009 V‘Vc. .- B-\ ( ..;: :Vfln . NI;- -V~-\~.. ‘- ‘\ .I‘ :‘. ‘Q Q A ' I nu... ;: a 53“: 2 \r-\‘. .I‘-..‘ ‘.:‘-.“;‘ AH‘. ‘ nvgyh‘ “22‘ e f“ -MI - '\. \'::.‘ .1“ A ‘ ~ y ‘\ h“fi. c N. . \Jr.-.“ . "v. a A- .v.‘— abat‘l a- ‘5 y I‘ I I ' “:.;::“\u ‘ . t c».~;v : \ ‘N u . ‘“-‘:O\c .‘._‘ 1“" :‘I““ . “\‘C... 5“ e. V‘ L .“ .m‘ N ‘ v“ \ SV| L“ “‘h Q. .‘ .» L.‘t ‘\ \ N. :u. ‘ \ ~a ‘u‘ ~ 5“. ~y.‘ ‘ ‘kytaLQ Mt. y “L\ ‘. .:~‘ \‘2 s “. ‘.‘.~ u I *““~:"O“ W ‘ ' ‘ A. b ‘I 3“ ‘ K "H '\ N »‘ .v “ . ‘1‘. i‘h‘ ‘ AL‘: M“ ‘\ ~‘ ‘ “\ ‘Wy. w n. \ c Q..\ qq~‘. . \\(\' , - \“A ~ i ~: 2 . N u¥\\"\ "Vut xv. . x.‘ 3“ \‘Z, M" UT .‘ 5“.“- N ‘ . ' bfi‘ \ kit “\V\,‘ “‘¥. statistical movement in American social science. College text books typically do not discuss the social aspects of the statistical movement. They simply explain how to use sta— tistics as a research tool. The importance of statistics is easily verified by a perusal of the many social science journals and dissertations in any university library. One finds that the use of statistical methods is common in the social sciences today. In spite of the fact that statistics are commonly used, however, little is known about the social origins of the science. The Problem The problem is to draw a picture of the statistical movement as a social movement, not simply to describe the mathematical development of the concepts of statistics. The thesis of this study is that the intellectual movement of inferential statistics is grounded in two social phenomena: (1) professionalism and (2) the expanding college and uni- versity System of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The thesis requires that these two phenomena be documented. Evidence must be adduced which demonstrates the pro- fessionalization of occupations in general and of teaching in particular. This is done in chapters two and three. In Order for any social movement to take root in a culture, there must be a group of people to prOpel it. Statistical infer— ence, being a scientific body of knowledge, is, by its nature, esoteric. Formal education of a group of people is required -- create both the c: dance which consu: :: of occupations ; fixer-rs, agrlcw a a q.‘r Q0: “'Hfiii an _ u.- -.\l‘u"lcv G . n q u r'IQ'QR;‘I ':r(’1:‘ ~: u--d.«U.I ;\A. “V‘- ““ . t . 4 u . I Q :1-:-...- n. unac- HO.“S "In-v..-\i onbvoo “ . “Po-n. h ‘ q 4 I . . ;- .nrxn : - flung.» a.n.u..~'u~ ». u. I ‘ “it “?:::n- :n n ~ " V-vuuuv u.. ..¢. . . s I‘q..‘~‘-‘ .1 ‘ | ~.-\\ H" ‘92’1 fin ‘ ""'V.Ia--L-Ab-'\anc 22h. ‘ ‘ “~“' : f:"‘v~ \ L. -AH‘ ‘bq: . . “‘I . . u ‘h..:=.b a“; ‘ ~“ .‘uk‘dhbh‘ .‘ ‘ p ' “a. ‘~ K I Q IV~ ~ a .- " h‘W-‘u' \ a by L h I.» . I. u \\ La; J:Y‘“C-\ q; u' ‘u 5“. C V. to create both the craftsmen who use statistics and the audience which consumes statistical outcomes. Professionaliza- tion of occupations in general and of teaching in particular, created a group of producers and consumers of statistics. As an increasingly larger number of professional psychologists, educators, agriculturalists, anthropologists, and biologists were produced during the period from 1890 to 1930, a corre- spondingly larger market was created for the consumption of scientific methods. Statistical inference is one of the most important methods these scholars adopted. Chapters two and three present an historical documentation of the trend toward professionalization. In this study a professional is defined as one who learns a technique, method, or skill (or all three) through extended formal education. Acquisition of these components of professionalism requires higher education. Hence, chapter four documents the expansion of American higher education. The appearance of land—grant colleges is an important force behind the expansion of education. Thus, the Morrill Act and the land grant schools are related to the growth of the statistical movement. The innovation of the elective system is important because it mitigated against the classical curriculums of America's early colleges which tended to exclude rigorous scientific study. The elective principle allowed students to choose courses, rather than have them assigned by college Officials. This system gave professors the opportunity to teach new scientific subjects and allowed students to include see subjects in the giants quickly dis: :i'eoccupational I "tion of scienti is system created .... .'. : L '..' ' re... 0. stansti The transfer ..-. c 1.. d “‘ "trunk”, dlviueu U4 . .. “HM?!“ -’ ' ' ‘p— K, ras¢ “ N've -bv Cgtg . Q T“‘Io Q - q "an \ «T: SOFA CD. “.V v “V ‘4'! I I ‘1 .:“‘NA A V "v-wu: \) V C“: ‘fiY-o - .- "“:"'t"5 u. l‘ ‘.‘ :-" “ ""sdu ’h-u: "V" bo.\, LL: -‘ '\ ~V uhgu.‘: Hfi“.-~“‘I . yugbahLo- .- .__ .- .‘A . "u ‘ \ I. I"~~ ‘5 fivn'.‘I ‘J‘WLH .:-~. _ \.~‘: Cu 5‘ A‘ I. V :CI‘C‘ u "‘ \A 7'. s Q ' W v‘ "‘ ‘Tyy‘e “‘er \r‘t a”: ‘. o . V \‘ ‘h ~ h" neh‘ : ‘\ ‘I‘: \‘ ‘ W to “n kvliel Y "s . '1‘. '-.\ \‘K S“““~‘ 1 fit‘L‘aY‘Q x. s~ \Q \“‘ .‘\ .‘ ' -‘\ \ ‘b\:: fie“ ‘ . \ u 5&1“ n "L4 .‘I . \ u \ ‘\¥ h“ l these subjects in their curriculums at their discretion. Students quickly discovered that their chances for employment in the occupational marketplace were greatly enhanced by inclusion of scientific courses in their college studies. This system created academic institutions in which the new movement of statistics could flourish. The transformation of early American colleges which emphasized teaching, into universities which encouraged research, helped spread statistics as a scientific method. The university creates an atmosphere in which professors and students are encouraged to engage in free inquiry and to seek new methods of investigating the world in which they live. The rise of the university system thereby created an ama. b'iance of acceptance of new ideas like statistical inference. Chapters two, three, and four are social histories documenting the trend toward professionalism and the expansion of higher education. The theme running through all three chapters is growth: the proliferation of professions and the expansion of education. The scholars who introduced American social science to inferential statistics are presented in chapter five. These peOple were professional educators who first became aware of the new science of inferential statistics and intro— duced it to their disciplines through teaching and research. These scholars were associated with the colleges and uni— Versities described in chapter four. Chapters two, three, and four lay the foundation for chapter five. '— "re- 33551 Chapter six < issues behin austics. There m ' 1 I ratific too- if 1 izbezost rigor-tan 22.31515 and 5031 c ‘ D .. . VI-Jr"- ' a u q. ' " ‘ F. ‘ """¥ub£‘- . .-_. -"~:v~fi“ . h : - VP ‘ 'lh'.vib'.v.‘ U - LO.‘ . .‘.‘ '0 ‘ . .m333¥< O. :“ ‘I - I. . Dr, u:'.‘. ‘ “ ‘-‘-§ \-.-..v.;. 3 ,. I :. "'-V' "t- g . ‘-:| .- ‘Avafi'.\Y-. .. . .- vv..b-b. 9-: . 5”; ‘VA ‘ mu. “HA“- I u . “A .-“"|CIOH V‘ -.- .l 'l‘. -‘ . "-.- -‘v. A- , v. I.-‘.., ‘V f “.2 . ~ 5..» l‘-. ~,_ pu‘ " he 0..-: “U h“’\ .. -V ~. 1““ ., .- A \‘ ‘s‘ - 2 .H _ 5“ b A“ Q. 5“»; . Mn 2‘. L‘ ‘I. t'flq ‘ Au .:th. .‘q ‘ D Q ~\ \I :"x‘ ‘Ht V‘s“ . 5 s V» n‘.‘u ‘. ‘~ Vii": N ' v Q -._\ to» '\—‘S K‘ \“ n \ |'~' ‘ ‘ :‘u N'Np“. N ' _“ :“‘c xx 0: I‘ .1! .\\“ ‘. \~‘ 1. u s‘ V H . nib‘ “~: N». ‘ w . “D, b‘ ‘1‘ , “‘\4“: \\ N9>:‘H \ ‘ ‘ C‘N . vs. I ‘ ~..e: ‘l .5 |~“‘b . 5 § ‘ n‘ ‘ “ ‘ J a H \ \ ‘ \r . u§ea Chapter six describes some of the important intel— lectual issues behind the spread of the science of inferential statistics. There must be an intellectual need for a new scientific tool if it is to become a social movement. One of the most important intellectual uses to which inferential statistics were first put, was the science of genetics. Both biologists and social scientists were interested in the science of inferential statistics because of its usefulness in the investigation of the effects of heredity. From its beginnings in the work of Francis Galton and Karl Pearson, the science of inferential statistics was bound up with the science of gene— tics. A controversy over the relative importance of heredity and enviromnent in determining human behavior grew out of the work of many of the first scholars who used statistical infer— ence. This controversy—-the nature versus nurture controversy --became a powerful intellectual force behind the spread of inferential statistics, because proponents on both sides of the controversy used statistics to demonstrate their position. sense. The research reported in this thesis employed two methods. One was simply library research; the other was prosopography. Chapters 1, 2, 3, 4, and 6 are the results of classic library research into the history of statistics, professions, higher education and eugenics. The relevant literature in these four areas was surveyed and reported. Chapter five used the relatively new technique of prosopography, Prosopogl'aph ~a ceneral ovary; a... .- | . I. tnis case . . I ch a v I.“— u! q. “2' ' $‘ ~ah .: o C\A-‘. Q “an: 'h‘V‘F . fl: - _ -:::.\vn HOV-O Lab. I 'VAA D. :n.‘.'- Ara-s “I .44.: 0... 05-: b‘ - .:‘u. ova-n -~.,.\ ""‘;§ - . \wu ..y'... b \r v ‘ U» o e . ‘ ‘ .“...-|n~ ~h‘ ~“” " ‘ x a ..‘UI- ”H u...“ ' .H 'I. l‘ ‘ -~~.- p“- r; _ . '~» -5“ Prosopography is discussed in detail in Chapter five; but a general overview of the method can be presented here. Prosopography is a technique which examines the biographies of a group of people, all of whom share a common character- istic. In this case the common characteristic shared by the group is an early interest in inferential statistics as a research tool. Each of the scholars in this study was an early user of statistics in academia. The names of the scholars who were selected for inclusion in the group were taken from two types of sources. First, the histories of statistics and mathematics listed in the bibliography of this study were read. This reading included a search for names of scholars who were influential, and who were considered to be among the first to use statistics in their work. Biographies of these scholars were then read in the biographical encyclo— pedias and dictionaries which are listed in the bibliography of this study. Second, the biographical encyclopedias and dictionaries were surveyed for the time period of 1890 to 1930. This survey located prominent statistical scholars who might not have been discussed in the several histories of statistics and mathematics mentioned above. The biographies Of these scholars were also read. The reading of the relevant biographies constituted a survey of the scholars‘ lives. A set of questions was "asked" Of each biography and the answers displayed in outline form. For each scholar (there is a total of 65) there is a corre- SPonding short, outlined biography in the appendix. These outline biographies are analogous to the answers one might to open—ended qu- ‘ 3‘1 alive and coulc “has, universit: ' . 00.5:V t" 35's schol “rs : r- ».- vs-v 4-“- ' 4.. fl ,. . “.I "‘ — III . Lot-o .:Ie $.10 D b :J - O- ”: ids-“t 7", oc . 'I nu. us.» .‘dy.$v---v ' ' n I '--‘\"v 5‘ +nn “in"? '- ~u-o V- 5.;c luU: \ ‘I-o-A.;nn ? ‘mr‘yl‘. .- ‘ ‘ "‘DOUUQVU b0 m-IC‘ a ,‘\‘ . ' 2 -:V w. ¥¢og~ by..- .‘ 'l- . p M: V_:o ._ ‘ h ‘Vu. V \ ‘~.‘ ‘ .‘ ..: a _N u.“ IR‘ ~ ' by“ -‘l y l .- u .- | A.~ ‘- .-.~u. ‘.:: C ‘ -‘\ . ‘I- ~. \" T I“ 5‘ : - . 5‘ NIH -I~“ ‘ U‘-‘ :-\ 1 “I. I ‘ In ". “-n 51,". s \ag‘; ‘. l ., ‘I . ‘sq‘ ‘Q‘.“.“I‘:‘ ‘ ' \‘Hu‘:. I u I‘W' H ~. \"‘ :‘:-:~Q A . buvy~ toe: ~L . ‘ ‘ bi§ I . ‘ I W: ‘ 3. T';\ I .‘g".‘ *--u' \ 0 ._. C“ \ w ~._\ . ‘5 ‘ '\ ‘ :\Q‘5"\n _ ' 55“.. 1“ L‘ t.. x.“ \ .I . vs“ w.‘ .“ ‘ I “‘b l getto open—ended questionnaires if the scholars themselves were alive and could be questioned about their careers. The data in these outline biographies were used to identify the colleges, universities, and professional organizations with much the scholars were associated. Thus, the institutions much were most prominent in introducing inferential statis- tics are identified. Chapter five also contains short biographical sketches offour of the most important scholars to introduce inferential statistics to American social science and higher education. General Background Chapter one contains general background material for Hm rest of the study. The theoretical approach to the subject isstated in this chapter. Three theoretical paradigms form Um guidelines of the research: cultural evolution, function- Mism and diffusion. Any social movement is the result of the group behavior ofindividuals. Hence, a theoretical discussion is included much states social a psychological View of the relationship beween the individual and society. Finally, chapter one con— tahm a sketch of the historical developments in probability 'Uwory which led to the development of inferential statistics. '0’ fr..- " CL-‘L5‘~.. P b . “ "AOAvA n-u 3:-U-C U-\AA. — 9 . ‘ “- 'P‘S. .‘~ ~ RH . ' -.. . \ y. v..-» _..\l‘-~ul ' v I ‘ I . . '.' I-‘~u— : T‘F‘h" a .- I.~voh-. “..-V.. V! ‘ . n . . ' "an... _‘ . I _" :v-h a ‘3". ~u-uv.~vug.u V-...\ c— - - 5"“ I‘. \~-~.. ~'~-\‘ . .l.‘ .n ‘\ _u:._,‘ ‘BR u. ‘ In . 'K‘g . liq,“ an...“. \ \ . Vlt~' ~Vy‘ ‘! u‘~ ‘ ‘ \., ;“-'~ A~~ - ..~ vuhd-’ VB- 5 s. . \‘ la ‘ .5. ~— ‘ “ u- .‘ \"A“‘ “u ‘\::' - ~V'RY ~u'n n~.‘_ h f \v . a. I :W‘ u Chapter 1 CULTURAL EVOLUTION AND NEW FORMS Theoretical Position Before plunging directly into the body of this study, a theoretical position must be stated. E. B. Tylor, Hm great English thinker said evolution "is the great prhxfiple which every scholar must lay hold of if he intends tormderstand either the world he lives in or the history of Um past."l Evolution is the great unifier in science. It lwlps relate the past to the present by explaining how hmtitutions, societies and cultures originated. The intellectual, cultural movement of inferential statistics mufizbe viewed in this scheme. Its appearance in England and subsequent growth in institutions of higher education in Mmmica are the results of the workings of social forces in alevolutionary pattern. The theory of cultural evolution has not always mfloyed great popularity. There have been many who opposed it. Franz Boas (l858-l942), born and educated in Germany, emigrated hathe United States in 1883. Within two years he was appointed docent in anthropology at the newly created Clark University an quickly became the most influential anthropologist in Ammfica. Boas was opposed to the theory of cultural evolution andfns influence dominated all other theories for nearly half Of a century.2 At the same Erica, the German in around a ma: r” “‘istype of a; . gun- I .shistoria: does. I I f '9. pflvv '\ n 9' 9 yr 'uu a}. 5 Me n - g .u . u . n-uny-Iof‘q v'nfifi “e -- a | “sun-incl ..lv an Al . . , We“ M‘DSont uni |..y.. u'... u..- a O ' :- . ‘ unoc2r3nL f‘" 9"7 ~..-.w-v-4L Vucbu- \ ' ‘ nun. A‘. a 51-». . l A. It! A0. ' ._ -""' "‘ |.\.|\’ I-...' ' . .. tfivacC f‘f‘w-C I"... .».V\__~, Vv..- "w- . \ “"1 .7 ..~_ 6“ on .y M"; ‘ ; F3~~ . s“... . ybc » .‘Ia . 'K' \I.‘-I“"\V\A w“: on..-"¥ “Q: . H.“ ll) (I) K I. (D In (I! “YA .ho su-‘ . .QI‘ Q ‘ I -~ ‘l '\ - 0 ~ ‘ \v .. R“ on .-_~‘\_ 9 At the same time Boas was rising to prominence in America, the German Diffusionist school of Anthropology was forming around a man named Fritz Graebner. The proponents of this type of anthropology treated cultural phenomena as the historian does. They were not particularly concerned with how a new form came into existence or how social forces determined which new forms of culture survived and which died. When presented with similar or parallel developments in different cultures their kulturkreislehre, or historical point of View, did not ask questions about the kinds of social forces, common to all societies, which bring similar forms into existence at different times and in different locations. These men assumed that the appearance of the same institutions in two different societies was possible because ideas spread from one society to another in a process called diffusion.3 They were not led to the conclusion that an institution could develop independently in more than one society. In this sense this school was not anti-evolutionist as much as it was simply non-evolutionist.4 This school of thought eventually passed into the hands of clerical scholars like Father Wilhelm Schmidt, a Roman Catholic priest, and became actively anti—evolutionist.5 While the present study adheres strongly to the evolutionist interpretation of culture, it also borrows from the Diffusionist school, particularly in Chapter 4 which describes the appearance of the university SYstem in America. During the early decades of the twentieth century a mildly anti—evolutionist type of ethnology arose in England _—._a..-._f_ 5:25 the Functiona p0. I“9“;‘v.,,-db Lil- wants u..- s r—u ”.:Qul: ' -‘ -:....-’.-CT. sees .56 . ‘ . "I a . l- .v- u. -n ‘ .1: i.: ..‘t by H‘- I u. :"‘“““AAA “,- -~.. ‘, >- P" , VAQU 5". VI . \ 'I-n. ‘ ‘ . 0 Hflnu o;_‘.. s... u:“‘ , _ . a : a -U-..,‘ \‘V I A :.I.u.‘ A“ :: L ' s A . ~I.~"-“. -‘ \ I ‘ up- ‘ ‘ I A. I~ ‘Q . “' ‘ .:- ““v-nrx " buy I w a s u-:_,\'~‘ \ ‘fi ' u““;4ls.‘ V s 10 called the Functionalist school. It produced strong scholars like Bronislaw Malinowski and A. R. Radcliffe—Brown who influenced modern American anthropology and sociology greatly.6 The difference between the Functionalist and the Evolutionist is most evident when attempting to answer the question of why a particular institution exists. To the Evolutionist this is a question about the origins of the institution because he thinks in terms of cause and effect. What are the social forces which brought this institution into existence? To the Functionalist this is a question about penultimate ends because he wants to know how the institution fits into the overall scheme of social existence. What is the purpose of this institution and what function does it serve in society? The Functionalist is like the Diffusionist in that he is not as anti—evolutionist as he is non—evolutionist. The questions raised by the Functionalist are less concerned with immediate cause and effect than those raised by the Evolutionist. The Functionalist is, therefore, less scientific but more analytical than the Evolutionist. The Evolutionist wants to know what caused inferential statistics to appear and spread while the Functionalist wants to know what purpose statistics serve in society. The present study adopts some of the Functionalist interpretation as well as the Evolutionist View. The theoretical position taken in these pages is, then, borrowed from anthropology. Cultures do evolve, with new forms coming into existence as a result of the workings of demonstrable social forces. Chapters 2, 3, 4 and 6 restigate the 5001 etistical inf erenc . . 1'" “Heat. u I “‘I' .III Ur- . . . . ‘ "l.- .n-A "5"“.flqu In \' ,1 ~=u .u‘v .VL'IU-U .‘ I nu. . A -.- n “:‘R:. h WV“ "0- nun." . I \ a... '-. fi'v o'.‘ “A a a; u on! to.» y‘.w.uv 0 d 0.... ‘ PI ‘7‘: I... C- F *"Vo‘ Von» n'u‘uu L oo\ . ‘ l 0o....:.“‘ A “4‘“ ‘-} ”I “-‘ci-u.: o N .2: v. - . I I '\~, q . \‘f‘lalfi J "hv _ ~" ‘ I~."-U' ' 'u. u b.- ‘:. “-,‘. ~ ‘ ~p ‘ .- q I .~. I OOH|~ u ‘ .u ‘2‘ . A . ‘ \ '1- ‘.‘ 0 .uv .:- A“: "\ ".\"0u.. .. . ~ ‘ .‘ 0H: 2 ~:"‘\VK‘| ¥~ u “5“: R 4 -u.., M... “‘ 4.... w‘ H Va. 5U, v—Q" -A. y 5 “~ ‘ K‘:..'~.‘ ‘ “‘ ' vu9§fis 55-11 C H ‘~ \‘.t\ ,.“‘I‘ u ‘M‘ ‘ ‘ n-uu:: a ‘n‘ ‘ -_ ' 5“: l.‘ . .:‘:‘ ‘§\‘~ I ~ ’ sh: EK‘V I “ b; c \ .' ‘ I s. ‘ . ul‘l Y‘b‘ ‘ ~\.\ ‘ .V “‘13... C: II. \. ll investigate the social forces behind the introduction of statistical inference in American higher education. Elements of three different anthropological schools are used in the investigation: diffusion, functionalism, and evolution. The Individual and Culture Any investigation of man, the social animal, must take into consideration at least three components of his existence: biography, social institutions, and history. Viewing the change in institutions through the course of history one must not lose sight of the biographies of individuals. Whether taking the individualistic approach of psychology or the group-oriented approach of sociology, one must have a clear View of the nature of man and culture, and the relationship between the two. The researcher must develop a general, elementary social psychology before going on to investigate the men and women who introduced inferential statistics to institutions of higher education. Man is unique in the phylogenetic kingdom. He is the only surviving animal species that has culture. Culture includes all the knowledge, habits, attitudes, values, beliefs, the extrasomatic continuum of human behavior, events, and things which depend for their existence upon symboling, and are passed from one generation to the next through language. All of the things associated with and created by man, his institutions, artifacts, art, tools, literature, language, and more, make up culture. Any time or place in which anthropologists have found people, they have found them to be in possession of culture. Murdock has estimated that there II..- q r: '1 rtnnn.anu Cd- q mhafiiisc F‘n -‘ 1.1: '.' ;.€ Eclllu‘v {.u. fl? "A“:. ““f‘ my US e‘=80v 6““ 1 I ' u- . on 6 ‘6 C u. .:‘n l-v F. n u. H“‘.“‘ WU" 5‘ V ~ . u . n . u “v nun HF-‘Q-v‘n-IA "H Vunv -00“- V -U ‘c - A U ‘ . "'_'\" §“~ “'Inuv--oa‘ . . -AA ‘v-A 0-!” '“V bu >- be.» “ ~\\ ‘\ “my ‘5 n I . 12 have been about 4,000 spontaneously existing, different cultures.7 No other species has been found to have culture except man, and culture depends upon the ability to symbolize; therefore, man is defined as the animal capable of symboling.-._8 The ability to spontaneously bestow meaning upon any thing or event and also the ability to grasp and recognize the meaning that others have associated with things or events is called symboling. Symboling becomes a social activity when one individual recognizes the meaning that another individual has bestowed upon a thing or event. Symboling involves at least two things: the symbol and its referent. Most generally a symbol is a thing which stands for or represents another thing; the relationship between the two things is arbitrary. The word 9.2131}; represents the thing, the phenomenon which is probably supporting the reader's body at this moment. The phenomenon represented by the word gh_a_i_r_ is the referent. The word Lair is the symbol. That the relationship between the symbol and the referent is arbitrary becomes obvious when one considers that there is no logical, necessary, or natural connection between the symbol chair and the referent. The symbol does not smell like the referent, does not look like the referent; there is no way our senses can detect a similarity or connection between the symbol and the referent because there iS none. Nevertheless man makes the connection between the sYmbol and the referent. This is symboling. Humans manifest mind when they spontaneously generate a sYTnbol-—the symbol could be verbal, written, done with the "*3 is ”he defiant ‘=“-":ion, one cou ' ,é-fin to 590“ — " U' daUUil .-I. o q . ." 1q‘on‘fl n I‘LL? IELGL’Ju tv . ~0- qr Q . ‘ A 'Ano— f. rum!» 1. CLCLLIOVJ (I) mew. ner‘ nonv Ernuvgu- .. . I . ; ‘ " \Q‘fi- AVW: I nvgvdovu- V-\:~.- 5‘ 1 ‘ “ ’1‘“. eey‘,‘ u. .: Chucr‘ ..k. . I.“ ‘ 1 ‘RA ”"F V‘- .— .n.-D taboiy ‘ ‘IC .‘ ‘ I: _o.’.: A- 2 caivky V- “L“‘. v ‘. ‘ ‘ '2‘:w~“~ 41: :‘VBVu-.“ “-8 a . ‘ ‘ ‘ I. I . IV N 'v ‘ s. , . :.-....uu .. ’h l 1 M -“-~ ..~.'.': C2“ “‘2 “ . “‘ ~V g. “s. I ~ l‘n ‘ ‘ ‘ \~__~ ‘ :‘ “N. , . N ‘ f‘ ~n-e... U \\ ‘ g y . s. fig . ~ T .- 5 db». 5 l: a. ‘ | ~. v,‘ \ ‘ ‘v .:‘t Er "I"~_ V v k. x..: :Y‘.‘ fl yu.\\,i.e1.ce ‘T .:N. N.. ‘: :T?"‘ y ‘ ‘ . NXNI ‘N‘ ‘ N\I‘Q~"llt :‘h \ l‘n WNW ‘ “"\‘Ce \h :4 l *u “\M n,‘ 5‘“ .0 l3 hams as the deaf do-—which represents a referent. At the smmatime the symbol is generated, an image of the referent is generated in the central nervous system of the individual. Hus is the definition of man's unique mind. Expanding the defhfltion, one could say mind is: the process of using hflmvior to spontaneously generate symbols which are arbi- trarily related to referents, and the generation of images much are electrochemical representations of the referent filthe central nervous system. Man is viewed here as a Mological organism living in a sociocultural environment much is experienced through symbols. This rather lenghy discussion of symbols, mind, and Um nature of man is not a digression from the main topic. Thegueceding discussion provides a social psychology for explaining how new social forms come into existence. These cmumpts can be used to explain the social psychological Imchmflsm by which new ideas or new cultural forms come into mdstence. It is not enough to point out the social forces much have brought the new idea of statistical inference hmo existence and made it an important part of the educational hmtitutions of higher learning in America. One must also locate the mechanisms by which new ideas come into existence. An analogy can be made here between biological evolution and cultural evolution. In the biological realm the continued existence of a form is determined by things like availability of food for the organism, ability to reproduce in adequate numbers, weather, predators, and so on. These things determine which forms of organisms will animate, spread '1 is the actual 2 :2 into existence *' ws. Somethin .. :wb 51: reuse: and "=== ““ssr‘rc are un- V-oy 13.3331. EECCEI‘. l S? .._.;:';e: austere: . ‘ . :.Qu:.u «SHAY-\p‘c ‘."' ... , V. m... """I 'JvU . “U """"‘: .. Y '9‘ ‘l.-..."" “as, e V- ' ‘ p :fl'.‘ 2 -.‘NY-Ac w". VVV'...‘ ‘Vs...._, I n. :Y“ ‘ ‘- "W.“ ‘ n- : F . 15‘s: 5..» “y 1“ :sn ‘ - \"vu': . I -\.~ ~ ‘. 5‘ vfi“‘ ‘I «C ..~ A. (I r v (D 1". cl! \ .V-\ q ‘-C \“f‘n;\“ ‘ ~k"“y" 'v- . “Ht \ l4 medominate, spread and increase in numbers, but none of Umm is the actual mechanism by which new forms of organisms cmmzinto existence. This mechanism is known to be mutation ofgenes. Something happens to change the chromosome structure cfi an organism and its progeny are different as a result. flmse offspring are new biological forms. There is an mmlogous mechanism in the sociocultural realm whereby cmnfinued existence of an institution, social movement, or smfiety depends upon social forces involving economics, mflitics, war, religion, and more. These forces determine much social forms will spread and predominate, but they do notexplain the actual mechanism by which new forms come into adstence. The claim made here is that this mechanism is axial—psychologicali11nature. It is found in the mind of man. Mind has been defined earlier as the process of ushg'behavior to spontaneously generate symbols which are arbitrarily related to referents, and the simultaneous gamration of images which are electrochemical representations of the referent in the central nervous system. The key words here are spontaneously generate and arbitrarily. Because man iscapable of making new arbitrary connections or seeing Imw relationships between two, three or more things which were not believed to be related in the past, he is capable of bringing new knowledge into existence. Man does this spontaneously. He creates meanings and arbitrarily attaches nmvsymbols to these meanings or connections. This is the actual mechanism by which new social forms come into existence. Man is usua Warent cultures fividuals are P16 --‘='ence is a goo: ..cu- mgoacnfo} er +131". :. ..nvva'u bu ~‘. fl'f:‘. A 521.935, Sv-u‘.erb .. .. ‘ ulnA -go '1 vfi 'uvuvl :IE'. (‘65.ere ' ' I l‘“ gfivagavsne can‘- .-u v3;U:oAV Leon‘s ' '2 .. "’V‘F2 TFR‘ ' ' 2r- ~tngouul ...u-u' 1.....‘A: ,1 .‘ - " In "-‘u-e we, but 0. _ ' I \ :.‘;"AV“-‘~ ‘w a. . ‘Hv--v-- » v . . ‘ l.‘ Q ‘ ~ ‘ .261“ err :x‘fi‘ uv . ..V“"" be 5:. ... ‘ _ vu. - . u o. u ‘ ...: ‘v"‘f\fiv\ ‘ . ~..--»-bv.‘ ..~I . an... ‘ “ .'--AU :1 ." , u . Q ‘ ' a," "V' v“ . ..‘V.. -P‘" ‘0‘ v.‘ . .5... V - :“ ‘“ m...“ -. " A...“ ~ “..u : b“ . in 5 s,‘~ . |" “:‘ ‘h “ '- v» “~ ~» 2:: “b“ - \ h“‘. ~ '..~“‘- 2“; N 1 ‘\ u~ 11 ‘¢ V! V ‘“.“R kt ‘ V aty“ ‘ :1 “a ‘ ‘H‘ L1 re. u ‘:..l‘ . N n N“: ‘\§ i" - I ~ \‘ \V‘ v-‘ V‘iyl — l ‘\:v\| ‘ I“ ‘ S :2 u \‘ ‘ . '.::"‘.‘ 15 Man is usually motivated to find new ideas when two different cultures come into contact and, through language, individuals are presented with new possibilities. Statistical inference is a good example of this. By the middle of the nineteenth century the British Empire had sent its admini- strators, soldiers and businessmen to every corner of the globe. Everywhere a British citizen went he was presented with evidence that he was superior to the colonial subjects. In Africa, India, the Orient, any place British armies dominated, the British citizen took this to be evidence of his superiority. Francis Galton, a British aristocrat who had explored extensively in Africa, returned to England and by his thirtieth year began giving serious thought to devising a method of measuring who was superior and who inferior.9 In the process he gave birth to the Eugenics Movement and statistical inference was the prime tool he would use to measure people. Galton related the body of knowledge known as probability to the measure of human social and mental abilities. He enlisted probability theory, much Of which had been in existence for almost a century, in the service of British imperial ideology. Man's ability to symbolize renders him not only creative but also gives him the gift of culture. For our purposes we may divide culture into four components: ideology, Sociology, attitudes and technology. The ideological component of culture is composed of beliefs, particularly those beliefs which are shared by a group of people, a segment of a culture, a class, a caste, ..interest group. «:2 of people are mop relative 1y me nature of t feed belief whici not tigi ., for exam; 2:11;: in cohesi‘ :::ral--however i have whit ::::atices 8351a ‘.A‘ .‘. h. K I «‘- "-¥:J; u: I re‘i U1 1 . . ‘ .2: 2?; .an ‘ ‘_ ':.'. ‘.v k.“ ~ ‘ 1:.1“ ~ .N‘-.\’.\r s s O .‘ .. 1 IA ‘ ...— _~fiflau‘~ u» .*‘H‘:He ( ‘ U h! ' 0-. “c.- . ...._, Qua» _‘Ht.. ‘2“ \ ‘ a u :s‘.“ .mmh‘»: a: : u . ‘ :‘:‘~‘ " \. \5-.»: ‘3 ~‘ QR M‘~\' I. \§ "u .‘fl§“ 16 or interest group. Any time the everyday activities of a group of people are in some sense similar, these people will develop relatively similar beliefs about themselves, others, and the nature of their world. People develop an ideology, a shared belief which helps to make sense out of their lives. Religion, for example, gives life purpose and knits people together in cohesiveness. Magic aids technology and gives control--however illusory--over environment. Patriotism gives motives which are national in scope. Philosophy systematices and analyzes ideologies. All of these: philosophy, religion, magic, patriotism, and other ideol— ogies are bound up in a system of symbols. Some of these symbols are iconic, like the national flag and the Christian cross, but most are linguistic. Among Western cultures the linguistic symbols are both written and verbal, except for the language of mathematics, which is written. The Eugenics Movement is an ideology which employs mathematics as a tool. Eugenicists use statistical inference to discern between those whom they believe to be genetically superior and those whom they believe inferior. The movement is based upon scientific principles, promulgated by men and women who seem to be motivated by a desire to seat Eugenics firmly upon empirical evidence. The sociological component of culture is comprised Of customs, institutions, rules of behavior, patterns, social classes, castes, and more. The work reported in this study is concerned with the institution of higher education in America, its patterns of growth, relationships among the men amen who popu. {n relationsh: . II. Li‘ fierential statiS‘ o.'..:.’.:9,: 9A3 lrfl .. r- ..uy.-v\. -vb‘ l :u.. ‘FVO: ‘A‘e, ~uu .‘va, ecu \r u - . -:—;: :untah“qua "5 - nub vch'b U o -. . u: :.‘"I-' 'V‘ ’ “A “' ~"‘" fi-fi- any ‘ | q ' V ‘ i V" = a" ruin. a tag- ... . \ :-"'V‘\I~:F. “ no I--'§.v.~..\,..5 -. ‘IIA ' ‘ v q , .._: ~“"‘: : his‘ s ‘ln‘oo.‘-~’ H“ . .s. ‘ . . t.‘ \n A Q “ *I ‘ V v¥v. A b- "~~ , ‘ ‘ . ‘\ ‘B‘ ‘. '-- . a . ev-A“ “‘u-.\ I _ to. '\,.‘ - N “‘ .‘.A I ' A“. ‘ ‘ . ~ 2...- ~""‘N‘§ I. L s‘va: “ u ~‘b Nul~ ‘. 4‘. ‘- . vu.-““ u #1; o - RIV‘Wp.‘ DI UI‘\'. [he 2 .ll u h‘ \: :\‘~\ ‘s :3: “: ‘\ R . h ti~~.“"\v\' a &\r¥‘\";l\' .: M ~ a” ‘ v . ‘s; 1“ ‘Qt ‘H "h \4 'Ltt G: :‘L \ \ . ~ \. i “My 0 q‘l‘sfi \Hyke K“ ‘.:\I.s:‘ A: ‘ \r‘ Cl‘ ‘ l7 and women who populate the institution, changes in patterns, and the relationship between these things and the spread of inferential statistics. The period from 1890 to 1930 in higher education witnessed great sociological change which is described in Chapters 2, 3 and 4. The attitudinal component of culture is composed of subjective feelings, predispositions to act. Feelings about love, hate, sex taboos, fear, joy, and indifference have a subjective aspect to them which is of great importance This study will not, however, delve into such subjects. Man's ability to create tools with which to manipulate his environment is believed by many to set man apart from other animals, but it does not.10 Sea otters and apes make and use tools with surprising dexterity. Some apes occasionally even learn to use tools by observing and imitating another ape as it manipulates the tool. In spite of this similarity between man and ape, their use of tools is profoundly different. Man's use of tools is cumulative in nature. The ape's is not. Mankind has progressed from the simple use of stone in paleolithic times to the present age of electronics and atomic energy. No similar development has occured in any non-human species. Man's ability to symbolize has permitted him to accumulate knowledge, pass it along to succeeding generations and build the fourth component of culture, technology. Plan's technt itsical artifacts i xii-fies tools whic‘ arise, biology, g rile-steal discip ‘ . . “0" “"'"=‘= ne e-.. 'w- .n u u ‘ " ".A v- . O 7': l S --..-I..‘-- iv» ' \ ‘ 5‘35 A. ‘ -HVV‘VM‘ . N “H‘A'Na. A: a w, \~\ ~ -. I..V~~~' H- “‘. I l . §A\-A“““ .\ _ p...~\u.‘\'..»\ re O V a. \ .:h ‘v ‘ - sue. a a “a“ ‘- §» V~~ ‘ A I ."‘ ‘\~ 0 N ‘ ~ n.‘ a . ‘3‘“ . ‘“ a \ l ‘.‘ k0. . |"'-.. ., m ‘ re" a. “ | ‘l \. ~ ‘ \ h: . 2 5k“ 1 m. ‘ .. $me I l ‘ In 5.: Q'N‘ ‘ u» ““ _"‘. ‘ 1 “L k .N ‘\ . . ‘.~ I “ \uit . l‘ ‘ ‘ ““"\'C N‘ V- '~. ' ‘n . ‘ M: 1"“ Q 1: \L I ‘~ V ‘ .::- \s‘ . ., ‘§ “A“ h» ‘ “‘ rlw h|k“. 1:“ ‘.‘ .M -“~w ““Q ‘ a A. , s”; 1 115 In \\\ ‘ .‘ ‘h ’ N k": tele~ ' A ‘ \ \C ,‘_ ‘\‘;‘I |\‘ ~ 18 Man's technology is composed of more than simple physical artifacts like machines and factories. It also includes tools which are bound up with symbol systems: physics, biology, geology, mathematics, economics and all intellectual disciplines which are used to indirectly manipulate the environment. The intellectual discipline of statistics is a system of mathematical and linguistic symbols used to manipulate segments of the environment from agriculture to insurance. Culture has been analytically divided into four com— ponents: ideology, social patterns, attitudes and technology. For purposes of analysis all four are treated as if they were independent parts of a whole, culture. They are not, however, independent of one another. Changes in any one of these four components result in changes in the others, but the relationships among them are not identical. Technology is superordinate to the other components. It is basic to them and they are dependent upon it. This can be demonstrated with two arguments. First, it is obvious that ideas are significant in contributing toward the maintenance of life only when they are effected through technology.11 It is true that technology cannot exist without symbols (ideas), but the symbols themselves do not contribute to survival or maintenance directly. They must first be translated into the tools of technology before they have a direct effect upon man. Statistical inference relies for its raw data upon the instruments of science which measure and collect data, the telescope, microscope, tachistoscope, and even the survey que st ionna ire . Secondly, t tied successful c fieslogical, attitL 1t technologg “sis of culture u'v . I -‘ I “.225 than Lner t ':~v::: "Mr C“ ~r~ ”IV-UV ‘HUoi 0 o I A A. bra- : ‘ "‘"v G» u I-nv rob—a. but ' .I '::‘:.r “-2,. ; ~:v-o ""‘9 --.‘4. u oufi‘an] ‘ i I" '* RF 7'- q c ‘ I “‘ Iv Van. L .p ‘U ., ’ . \cvafiflhny ‘h 2"," I. .‘hHDQV. »» u..\ . . . ' u . . .:--:\'V: at. ova‘l “7‘ .I'sul H. h..-\'.. ¢ .. ' u: \.“r“_‘ I...‘- “a ‘ uni-vb-..” . “~- . _ , . .\ q ‘~Vq,\ ‘ A v‘.! by “‘“'.:'C d i '..:-:v A: I” ... a...“ “.6 . . \h ‘I “‘ l ‘ \v‘ ~~‘ “" .. .h u v . _‘A.u b \v \‘ “ A I‘ “v . .. N ‘ ‘5‘ \ ‘Hfi \--¢c “M Q . ‘I u .‘ ~ ‘ ‘ s H h \ mam :40? N . ‘ '\ \ -\§‘: -efi:‘\,a ‘ “my“ $0“ In,- I - Y‘ \..t“ a: 1 n. '-.. P u'u~ ~\ 0‘ C“‘ ‘ I .‘~ .\ 1 ‘ "‘t ”In ‘ MH\e QCC~ 1 (D ' C} {11 19 Secondly, technological innovations are more easily flmged successful or unsuccessful, useful or useless, than ideological, attitudinal, and social innovations. As aresult technology grows at a faster rate than other aspects of culture, creating what is often referred to as 'tultural gaps." Technological inventions are easier to judge than other types of innovation because it is easier maagree upon quantifiable criteria in judging technology. Itis clear that a bullock fastened to a plow can turn ground faster than a man; a tractor plows faster than a bullock; aw so on. It is not as easy to decide whether one ideology is superior to another. It is difficult to agree upon criteria by which to judge ideologies, attitudes, and social patterns. Using the techniques of statistics it is easy to agree that the average height of one group is greater than the average of another group. The criterion usaiin judging this is clear. What is not so clear is what hmflications the difference might have for beliefs about tall and short people, or attitudes toward them or the way others behave toward them. When an innovation occurs in any of the four cmqmnents of culture, it happens in accordance with demonstrable social forces. Leslie White states it clearly: When an invention becomes possible it becomes inevitable also. It is meaningless to say that an invention was possible but that it did not occur; if it did not take place, in what sense was it possible? An invention is like a shower of rain. When certain meteorological factors and conditions are present and in proper conjunction rain wi or in p There i pcssibi same wi culture present irt'a'ti uni-rod not, t3 rum-o r‘w nu“: Us disccve SVCA-“I Ugubnol 'Li I), Cébc! 911%4 ‘ 1'2." " ' *An :- ““"hw ~U-CVC: o . ' —"‘"‘fi Qy“.,‘“ -...,._-" .— -..v 5... v . ‘ .unnn~, -kfi - "f‘ "‘“svuvh 5...: a.“ V A“ .. ..Y 63.. 9..“ y .'\n g D‘ _ .~_: -“\~_“.‘ . :“‘V:. f w, '5-\ ' \ ‘s . ‘H = s "'h “N ‘\ ‘-. ~’\’\. “*‘K ~| ~ . \‘ s . b \ ~“ V» “l ".‘l‘ “I\. . Q” \ 3“ ‘ ~ "stD-“g' “h ,‘N ~C 20 rain will fall; when they are not present or in proper conjunction it will not rain. There is no difference here between possibility and inevitability. It is the same with inventions. When certain cultural elements and conditions are present and in proper conjunction, an invention will take place; when they are not, the invention will not occur. The numerous instances of inventions or discoveries being made simultaneously by persons working independently of one another illustrate this point. Calculus is a good example of an invention occuring in two different places. Newton first invented calculus in England andleibniz invented it twenty years later in Germany. Alfimmgh the two inventions did not occur simultaneously itis clear that they did occur independently of one another. As we discipline of statistics was growing during the period frmnl890 to 1930 there are instances of different researchers hflependently inventing the same thing, although they are not asdramatic as the independent inventions of Newton and Leibniz. Historical Background The origins of statistics are so varied that it is difficult to trace all of them. Since the time of the Romans, governments have been gathering information of a numerical sort about their people for purposes of taxation, raising anMes, and allocating resources and services. The word Efigggflj£§_derives from a term which describes numerical Emormation about the state.13 Probability theory, which is Um beginning of statistics as a science, originated in the seventeenth century gaming salons of France where decadent ghers of the ari grin-ling away the titans.14 Insure rat explorations heiress, wealthy next voyage. a I « It In! vn‘liifl c1 “‘9 . ”I .0605, "' Hun-u U- n ' o . ‘ "..A"" i V 0:: ‘ I.-':. .1. ~-- V . . ‘ . ‘ ‘ ‘ h ans Ifir 9".“ ”a I . _ V ~o|c ian-\n—.C.. Lib v ..H . ‘ ‘ . u. "‘h "PHI ‘1 f“ ‘ h\"‘. 9“... ' I g. ‘ 3 1Q n mun-luv» ‘~ “V .- l. . I . ‘ - H. ‘ ‘ a J: A: I\ ". .- H..». ba.\-\, ‘v ..“ . . i . .-~: A. ..‘“‘_““f o~‘.l.~ 5‘ f. -to..“‘.‘ . I ‘ . :~:~w n'.‘ “:9 1‘ . -.>i‘.=b‘~“i -l \.. ‘ ‘ "“‘ n \ . \. Int: 4‘7, ‘Q 1 b r“v‘\' ' I. . .'\ ‘ ‘ A. ‘ u‘a‘ \"IHI“ 5‘ l I; \,.. .‘ ‘~.“““ ¢r ‘ \“~‘ ' u "w". \.‘ ‘ ~ v» :59 ‘5- N y.“- . V§ -“ ‘K'C ‘. l‘ l n" ‘ “5‘ ’fi“~ \V a \I ““‘e: a “4‘ n F“.‘ ‘ "I; L ‘ I“ 4“ ~b\. CARL bk ‘. "a "\ “H‘ A“ ‘1‘ ¥ \v. L.£e I 1‘,» ‘ a ““g‘ f‘“' ‘l h l‘v, \ ‘Q*\de ~‘ I s::“v.1h‘ . if.” :vahq . ‘H‘;~ ~ ““‘ . Q, “N “\K‘ .\‘ I‘ \ X¥e Lele I.‘ V K-l. a” ‘ "K.r‘| QV‘. a, «‘C s “\ u l“\ b‘ \\ Q‘ “¥é 21 members of the aristocracy were entertaining themselves by gmflfling away the estates they had inherited from their fadmrs.l4 Insurance began in Europe during the age of the great explorations. Because sailing was such a risky business, wealthy ship owners began betting on whether or rmt a particular ship of theirs would disappear at sea during its next voyage. The owner, of course, wagered that his flflp would sink, thus collecting money upon the loss of his property. Life insurance originated during the same period whmarmblemen began wagering that their wives' expected dflldren would die before reaching a certain agreed—upon age.15 hmurance is not basically different today. The main difference is that the insurance companies enjoy a greater dance of winning the bet because of sophisticated methods qfstatistical inference. Population studies began with the great plagues of seventeenth century Europe and the publication of E. Halley's life tables. In 1693 the Nulosophical Transactions of the Royal Society began voicing concern over things like mortality and fertility.16 During um age of mercantilism these concerns took the form of economic arguments between revolutionary utopians like Condorcet and Godwin on one side and the gloomy parson Malthus on the other.17 The theory of errors began in astronomy largely as the result of mistakes made while observing transits of celestial bodies. In the nineteenth cmnmry Quetelet generalized this theory by postulating 'Umt human errors generally occur with predictable regularity.l8 fimories on experimental design began as a consequence of r5; done at the R0 1. in England. Afull trea :te genesis of s ”I" The main cc razistics in socie :zei States. Hm '1: 11's .ubject by ~o-z'fl.""o' “'15, :.-..~.‘." U.-\u- ‘ . : . .. . vhoV‘Kh:"“‘ ‘- . V... :;U~‘~“L t\ . ‘ \‘:“— .. t In: b.-e“'a L; C “‘u...A . .u .\ NSIAA k .. L; 5 “um-cut: ‘v an ..:v:‘. I .u....: ‘ : 2 ‘ O' H-“- . o. .'.‘P.. ‘ ....I- : re“ " *d~ . . obv-use '. 5‘. 22 work done at the Rothamsted Agricultural Experiment Station in England.19 A full treatment of all these intellectual strains in the genesis of statistics is beyond the scope of this study. The main concern is with the spread of inferential statistics in social science and higher education in the United States. However, a background must be provided for the subject by looking briefly at the history of probability prior to 1890, for statistical inference grew from probability. Mathematical probability theory originated in the correspondence between two men of extremely differing character, Blaise Pascal (1623—1662), an ascetic, childless, religious recluse and Pierre de Fermat (1601-1665) , a humorous and worldly king's counselor in the Parliament of Toulouse. During 1654 the two men exchanged letters in which they discussed the vicissitudes of the Chevalier de Mere's gambling career. The Chevalier, it seems, made a fortune by betting small odds that he would get at least one six with four rolls of the die. Unfortunately, he lost this money by betting small odds that he would get at least one combination of two sixes in twenty—four double rolls.20 De Mere asked Pascal for mathematical aids which would help with his gambling. The mathematician wrote to Fermat explaining the situation and the correspondence which followed indicated they had independently come to similar mathematical conclusions about games of chance. Unfortunately f1 topped such speculatio anti-Jesuit sect whi latch theologian named as almost completely 1 Q ‘ I -a sansenist con rent I“ .l V‘s: ! 2:215 life he sanere. 1 a I Q L‘ ' j 6i nq-un n q '1 . $133: :1: ceabroé loo 5 r A - a.» I s v L er...: - v e C :I. n a; .. : ““8 ._ ‘. “file“ a “1-6 at.“ -l i H '(‘zfln " ‘ 1' u Jun, '6 S bv:?S;‘ I\*“-\ ‘h.- H “A ‘ . " My note a: s . P ‘ §~¥-hailze: as ’\ \ ‘nh L.“ , k” Ltle 3:. SQ“:v a. bfu-abe a “fit, r }-'\..\‘.etL In C L.‘ E 2 0- ‘ x . “ “NM 315 h ., “ ilO\\eyery 1 tC nah“ . W«at: N l\|\ \.‘ "NS 11‘ H‘ \l ,‘. “W“ ”av . ‘ M “E "\H -y or“ a a ‘H\, L ‘\“ q A \s\: 3“ a; “ “Lion in ‘5 ta ‘1???»- .t‘ 23 Unfortunately for the world of mathematics Pascal stopped such speculation at about the age of 25 and joined mianti—Jesuit sect which followed the teachings of a Duuflrtheologian named Cornelius Jansen. By age 31 he was almost completely isolated from the outside world hia Jansenist convent at Port Royal. The last four years oflfis life he suffered from head pains which probably caused his death in 1662 at the age of 39.21 Fermat lived a happier, more complete life. He mfioyed a wife and five children and corresponded with the greatest thinkers of his day. Fermat's arguments were so advanced that one of his theorems was beyond the ability of Rene Descartes, a shortcoming Descartes admitted. His tmfly marvelous sense of humor is illustrated in the margin of a book of Diofantine equations. In his personal copy of C.G. Bachet's translation of Diofantus of Alexandria he wrote a short note apparently to himself which has since been immortalized as Fermat's unproven "Last Theorem." On the other hand, it is impossible to separate a cube into two cubes, a fourth power into two fourth powers, or, generally, any power except a square into two powers with the same exponent. I have discovered a truly marvelous proof of this, which however, the margin is not large enough to contain. 'Nmee centuries of mathematicians have been frustrated by Hus "truly marvelous" SPOOf- The correspondence between Fermat and Pascal attracted little attention in their time. This is not surprising as Imither of these men were connected with an important niversi’tY' Seventeentl ludful of universities relative isolation. Th‘ journals to facilitate scholars outside of 1a: mo Englishmen islanders of demogre iilliai Petty (1623-165 lazural and Political l M Gathering : registries Graunt cate ticoroareo‘ these gro fitt'rings, he calcc tr{dished method cc: intimate of the deg ml as inaccurate me by tabulati inrmin age.23 William Petty .. .orrteen, He was s; - . lule 1n Caen l ..nat' ms at the Je "15%qu ‘ men the uniu 12W ‘ .Orc where he 331631 and . enter ‘ ‘ ed still u; r as ‘ a prominen 3551 SW . ~C1e . ty. Some 24 university. Seventeenth century Europe had no more than a handful of universities and the work carried on was done in relative isolation. There were few societies or learned journals to facilitate scientific communication among scholars outside of large cities. Two Englishmen are usually given credit for being the founders of demography: John Graunt (1620—1674) and William Petty (1623-1687) . In 1662 Graunt published his Natural and Political Observations Made Upon the Bills of Mortality. Gathering material on mortality from church registries Graunt categorized his data into homogeneous groups and compared these groups looking for differences. Among other things, he calculated the population of London by a complicated method containing unfounded assumptions and made an estimate of the deaths from plague, which was perhaps equally as inaccurate. Graunt's important contribution was his life table. He originated the method of representing mortality by tabulating the number of people who survive to a certain age.23 William Petty went to sea as a cabin boy at the age Of fourteen. He was put ashore at Caen after breaking his leg. While in Caen he studied Latin, Greek, French and mathematics at the Jesuit college in that city. After Caen he attended the universities of Utrecht, Amsterdam, Paris and Oxford where he received the Doctor of Physic degree in 1651 and entered the London College of Physicians. Petty was a prominent intellectual who helped found the Royal Society. Some of his early success he owed to John Graunt who was hi oi 1666 destroyed Grau Zetty went to Ireland government and made 51 Grant's patron until -.i. .et " ' v L 5"“ q'nro.e L“ 1.... n. ‘n ._ n ' . lose Vermin sapien . a _ .. . "~:.‘."H .‘ L :‘\'“~ 1. e “" La. . h.. V' ‘ 'Ay \ ~‘ “""c- We: Cris-n w- u. -yu c '\ i u ‘0... . ‘ 2"" Pr- 5" u' - ,_ sou L‘V a: Q v.\ ‘a L .. F~|S ‘AQ 1‘“ b “‘- 5.» ”OP; ‘ 3" ‘ \ 2?! . v..'~:“'-«] f: a l tab“ Vesav‘w‘, - «um: i 25 John Graunt who was his patron until the great London fire of 1666 destroyed Graunt's haberdashery, bankrupting him. Petty went to Ireland as a representative of the English government and made such a sizeable fortune that he became Graunt's patron until 1874 when Graunt, still impoverished, died. Petty wrote the systematic estimates of national income "Verbum Sapienti" in 1665, "Political Arithmetic" h11676 and "Treatise on Ireland" in 1687. His discussion of a nation's wealth makes him the first econometrician, predating the father of economics, Adam Smith, by a century.24 He was not, however, the careful, theoretical, and insightful thinker Adam Smith was. Petty and Graunt encouraged the use of a wide variety of statistics by government. Petty wanted to see a governmental department devoted to compiling national statistics and census enumeration. The science of descriptive statistics was born more than a century later when three elements finally came together, government, economics and mathematics.25 These two seventeenth century men of science were responsible for bringing to the attention Of government the important subject of demographic statistics and, therefore, adumbrated the science of statistics. Edmund Halley is usually mentioned in connection With the origin of demographic statistics. Although he was an astronomer by training and profession he had a restless Innd which led him down other paths. In 1693 he published nmrtality tables which have become as important historically asGraunt's. We usual bearing his name. The work begur ndeveloped until the When it was brought t izferential statistic irreiient, probabili q . f :::son :or democrat}: 1 I:.,. uq‘:~~ u indent; ujrll the ' * ‘t A: ‘ ‘ .."‘ \a‘ n! - ‘ Ol‘0“s UH. ac :. an“ 0- V V “‘ UVusy- :‘fi‘sn' . “en-.:Fr Tr AQW“~y.~ “"vu weak»..- . I - HY ““ h to: "~e WC? ‘ ’ C \ ‘lw “a mes-Q s\, “ thrtz ~ \. “ ~ :Y‘A “‘H \ e hi‘m’» ““L “:1 ‘.\\‘ L: a“ v “‘6 Q::,\ ‘. m4. ‘tk‘i. lt ‘H" . ha: ': “No“? v: , & mks. x. \\y‘ ‘ “\‘l a ‘ \‘,‘ ‘uM\ N \ Y ‘i‘. be‘L: \ a“ “‘w QN \ . \k‘ Fle a \ \v +3 ‘ ‘ \g‘;.‘ 26 as Graunt's. We usually remember him for the comet bearing his name.26 The work begun by Graunt and Petty was left largely undeveloped until the beginning of the nineteenth century. When it was brought to life again it did not lead into inferential statistics, because it lacked an important hmredient, probability theory. There was no compelling reason for demographers and economists to pay attention to mathematics until the nineteenth century. Only one figure stands out as a contributor to demography prior to the nineteenth century, Johann Peter Sussmilch (1707—1767), who studied mortality.27 While work on probability theory was not carried on vigorously after Fermat and Pascal it did continue at a slow, steady pace, due largely to contributions by Huygens, the Bernoullis, De Moivre, and LaPlace. Christiaan Huygens (1629—1695) wrote the first printed work on games of chance, "De Ratiociniis in Ludo Alae'COn Calculations in Games of Chance") in 1657. It is a systematic explanation of the probabilities of winning various card and dice games. Huygens was a prominent Dutch astronomer whose work in optics and other areas of physics was far more important to him than his small tract on games 0f chance. What makes his "De Ratiociniis" so important is the effect it had on Jacques Bernoulli and Abraham De Moivre.28 Niklaus Bernoulli, a merchant in Basel, Switzerland, produced highly talented progeny. In three generations his descendents included i noleft their mark 0 Daniel, Nicholas, Jea the son of Niklaus) I uheuatical statisti finish his theologica career. His schoolin Stance and Holland to tebecone a professor yulished very little W (The Fatima ly in 1713) :5“, , ~ "ALDOOK cevoted C c r: :our parts. thé marry consenting u' szazei ' a quite clearly 6 applied to Cl\‘ll, izzi~‘ «Darll‘lC the nine .7”. ..“Qrun at * ‘uQ LEiV , Bernor a“ Whtvv.‘ .lq tions is suff urine with any 5,62‘ course. What ~iproper method 0“ basis of past ew sessary to prove t amtntably large _ , t 27 descendents included eight mathematicians of the first rank who left their mark on the discipline. Four of them, Daniel, Nicholas, Jean and especially Jacques (1654—1705, the son of Niklaus), contributed to probability and nethematical statistics. Jacques' father insisted he finish his theological studies before deciding upon a career. His schooling completed, he traveled in England, France and Holland for six years before returning to Basel to become a professor of physics and mathematics. He published very little on probability, but his important work, Ars Conjectandi (The Art of Conjecturing, published posthumously in 1713) is significant because it is the first book devoted completely to probability. The book is in four parts, the first part pays tribute to Huygens' work by commenting upon it at great length. Bernoulli stated quite clearly that he believed probability could be applied to civil, moral, and economic studies, thus anticipating the nineteenth century work of Quetelet. Unfortunately, Bernoulli died before he could develop this line of thought. The fourth part of the work is the most important. In it he tried to show that if the number of observations is sufficiently large it is possible to predict an outcome with any predetermined level of accuracy.29 This is, of course, what inferential statistics is all about: Um proper method of determining an unknown probability on the basis of past experience. He was first to claim it is necessary to prove that as the number of observations becomes uncountably large, the proportion of successes falls within an arbitrarilY small unknown probability. called Law of Large it with great vigor, probably realized th advances in probabil further fell to De 1* inequation which e) distribution, so he equation of the non The work 0f link between the thi statistical inferen< after him.30 He di :rench surgeon livi rrotestant educatio alseoan. This non ..ouble for him whe of r lantes which had *30iEStants. At ad if after a time be M Na meager living ‘LhETatics. we b e 31 the Royal Societ Efinc‘ ‘ \lm he master tam“ .lng then in bi he . Permitted “K O n the normal Lc 28 an arbitrarily small, fixed interval around the actual, unknown probability. He considered this theorem, the so called Law of Large Numbers, extremely important and treated it with great vigor, but alas, without calculus. He probably realized this theorem was essential to any further advances in probability, but the task of developing it further fell to De Moivre. Bernoulli was not looking for an equation which expressed the ordinate of the binomial distribution, so he did not generate the all important equation of the normal curve. The work of Abraham De Moivre (1667—1754) is the link between the theory of probability and the theory of statistical inference, which developed more than 150 years 30 He discovered the normal curve. The son of a after him. French surgeon living at Vitry, Champagne, he was given a Protestant education and sent to the Protestant University of Sedan. This non—Catholic education soon caused great trouble for him when in 1685 Louis XIV revoked the Edict of Nantes which had ensured religious toleration for Protestants. At age 18 De Moivre was forced to leave Paris and after a time he settled in London where he scratched out a meager living as a private tutor and lecturer in nethematics. He became acquainted with important members 0f the Royal Society, including Halley and Newton whose Principia he mastered by tearing out pages of it and carrying them in his pockets so he could study them when time permitted. Long before he published his pioneering work on the normal curve the members of the Royal Society recognized his extra in 1697. He once ac plagiarizing materia but he eventually wi instance illustratir. discovery, and in t? 'K‘23c: H‘ ‘ .er "an a-“ v‘ V I x “I! ‘ I 'u‘. \‘f‘“ v...“ ' n-IV‘V‘. yin-LC” 2m“: ‘ \AMV - n A. fl . . .l.,. 'n' “a AAA I‘. 1“ i::::ii i"rQ\ - I .»v - . U P“ ~ hs ,‘ ‘ ““5 0:3st \. & N \ ‘\ V ‘~:‘ v ‘\ Wh‘. Leah Q‘ a ~ d'\y\‘ VLJ .\ \ ‘ \§ \g‘:rV‘v 1H-' 6. ' ‘Lll dis 3";- ~\'k N :::a‘:\‘, 1" \4.S‘ l.“ V “N A.\: Ue \‘C' V ‘l w . a. . “i in: ‘ \ey i ‘i - ii ‘ K t. .‘aLe; 29 recognized his extraordinary talent and elected him a fellow in 1697. He once accused a younger man, Thomas Simpson, of plagiarizing material from his Annuities on Lives (1725), but he eventually withdrew the accusation. This is an instance illustrating Leslie White's principle of inevitable discovery, and in this case, it appears two men discovered the same idea at about the same time. On November 12, 1733 De Moivre privately published a short seven page tract for a few friends entitled Approximatio Ad Summam Terminorum Binomii 3—1—52 in Seriem Expansi. This tract grew out of earlier Work on the binomial expansion which appeared in his first edition of The Doctrine of Chances (1718). The Doctrine of Chances is a text for gamblers on the popular games of the day. The Approximatio is the first appearance of the formula for the normal curve. De Moivre translated this Latin version into English in 1738 and published it in his second edition of The Doctrine of Chances referring to it with the comment: I shall here translate a Paper of mine which was printed November 12, 1733, and communicated to some Friends, but never yet made public, reserving to myself the right of enlarging my cg? Thoughts as occa51on shall require. This obscure document, the Approximatio, which was really only a supplement to a larger work, was lost to history until discovered by Karl Pearson in 1924, thus establishing De Moivre as author of the single most important idea in inferential statistics, the normal curve. De Moivre calculated the proportion of the total area under the curve between the positive dwhflon,finding it awwxumtion, consid probability integral. whethe"standard C loiulus by which we 5 Isaac Todhunt Eportant that sixty attention given to De missed ent character well as it "Doctrine‘ is the orj here is t} normal cu: antiCipate antiCipatE refer to t expanded t diIECted 5 down whicl Century, "Histol—yn of algebra memoir an: exerCise, eXerted in really wiE I 4. ns 1' ‘ 30 between the positive and negative values of the standard deviation, finding it to be 0.682688; a very good approximation, considering he did not have a table of the probability integral. Of course, he did not call this value the "standard deviation;" he referred to it as "the Modulus by which we are to regulate our Estimation." Isaac Todhunter believes De Moivre‘s work to be so important that sixty pages of his History of the Mathematical Theory of Probability are devoted to it. In spite of this attention given to De Moivre, Karl Pearson believes Todhunter: missed entirely the epoch—making character of the "Approximatio" as well as its enlargement in the "Doctrine." He does not say: Here is the original of Stirling's Theorem, here is the first appearance of the normal curve, here De Moivre anticipated LaPlace as the latter anticipated Gauss. He does not even refer to the manner in which De Moivre expanded the Newtonian theology and directed statistics into the channel down which it flowed for nearly a century. Almost everywhere in his "History" Todhunter seizes a small bit of algebra out of a really important memoir and often speaks of it as a school exercise, whereas the memoir may have exerted by the principles involved a really wide influence on the development of the mathematical theory of statistics, and ultimately on statistical practice also. Todhunter fails almost entirely to catch the drift of scientific evolution, or to treat that evolution in relation to the current thought of the day, which influences science as much as science influences general thought. The causes which led De Moivre to his "Approximatio" or Bayes to his theorem were more theo— logical and sociological than purely mathematical and until one recognises that the post—Newtonian English mathe— maticians were more influenced by Newton's theology than by his mathematics, the I l history 0 centurY" scientist Royal Soc It is often religion permeated t end eighteenth centu eager to show (and r intellectual and sci hough men like Bra Descartes, and LaPla mzloence of theoloq nosing war with sc iasorotracted and t usapoear. Mam bat no was burned at .e institutions 0‘ ooerctec; most 0 tears; and the lam films“ 179 Of the Catht h“ .12?) ‘ no invented calC‘ $51 of ' . hlS selentif Mn - 8 life tra: e ..IQ-u * the Roya In the posthv w.‘ ‘ m l‘ 31 history of science in the eighteenth century—~in particular that of the scientists who were members of the Royal Society——must remain obscure.32 It is often forgotten in a more secular age that religion permeated the entire social fabric of seventeenth and eighteenth century Europe. Historians are usually so eager to show (and rightly so) the unbroken chain of intellectual and scientific advance from the Renaissance through men like Brahe, Kepler, Copernicus, Galileo, Newton, Descartes, and LaPlace that they lose sight of the important influence of theology. It is true that Christianity fought a losing war with science during these years, but the war was protracted and the Church did not suddenly give up and disappear. Many battles were won by the Church; Giordano Bruno was burned at the stake; Galileo was forced to recant; the institutions of higher education were all Church supported and operated; most of the scientific scholars held religious orders; and the language of the scholars was the official language of the Catholic Church, Latin. The great Isaac Newton invented calculus when he was only 21 years old and did most of his scientific work before age 30. He spent the rest of his life translating the scriptures while he was director of the Royal Mint. In the posthumous 1756 edition of The Doctrine of Chances, De Moivre argues in favor of a divine "Great First Cause." He contends that what appears to be capriciousness and luck to the ordinary man is in reality guided by Principles which he had discovered. These he takes to be evidence of unitY E The Doctrine of Lbs who think they have Run of ill Luck age been the victims oi shyly do not undei As the mode 1‘. becomes obvious fl‘n‘ . leQ‘ ' . bye 11‘) LITE ”36 33511 x ““459 the la . ‘ V .. n» Valarant.‘ ; L tr ‘ u lg, ls :5 Car; ‘« Q+1a \ ‘Vh. H ‘ l . tneclc \F ‘XI‘ r *e~ De on I~~f§ ’5 $. ‘2‘ ‘ ~.‘5L‘r\' .‘i nun-1106‘“ “w. . by..;y 1 A My . I am ::‘~\\~ “50l e . ‘OuflEr ( ‘ I E‘W‘. W. ‘ana“l\'Cv M “E b 13 , 32 evidence of unity and divine purpose. His preface to The Doctrine of Chances contains many references to gamblers who think they have experienced good luck or a "prodigious Run of ill Luck against them,"33 when they have actually been the victims of the principles of probability. They simply do not understand the unifying principles of chance. As the modern student studies De Moivre's Doctrine it becomes obvious that this work unites many of the principles of arithmetic, algebra, and analytic geometry which are usually learned earlier in one's educational career. Furthermore, there was (and perhaps still is) a strong tendency in English higher education to stress the unifying aspect of education rather than the practical. The purpose of higher education in England was not to educate one to fill an occupation——there was an apprentice system for that kind of training, but rather to make men complete in the classical sense, to make them whole. Because the higher educational institutions were religious in character it is not surprising this unity was expressed as Christian theology. After De Moivre, there was little significant development in the theory of probability until the nineteenth century. A number of men were prominent in mathematics and contributed to probability: "in Germany——Gauss, Bessel, Encke, Littrow, and Hagen: in France——LaPlace, Legendre, Poisson, Fourier, Cauchy, Puissant, Bienayme, and Bravais; in England-—Ivory, De Morgan, Galloway; in Belgium-—Quetelet; in Italy-~Plana; in America——Adrain; in Russia~~Tchebycheff."34 I \ r A . E a. L. . acquire lmC "Sher 5 le; 1". l a I C I Pierre uctant to t amer ' s so 3.21% t L as rel ». Jea “fink “~V. h’ these men, the t born a Gauss, both of whom ot a.\ c» ufiu w “ ~ o. E .n-.. I C E e R t C D. .l I t I I d C e C. a e C]. r N C. 7.. l . e an“ n.” at Ya - in O . -. Lt .1. ml. AM P L .. a i. .1 . Q. o T“ C . .«i at .~u Av nu to AU at a nu ii - b. e a C Co v.. 1| 2n en~ my . QC .1i v. be at AU an ~n Y; r. :u "t. I v; At. «C -l. C.» 2 at «C - ~I. Lr .. Q» Db aka 3» v. uh . y ~u. We a v A: A~b . x I. e a» be“ A v v.. n ~ e h Ant a . -,u . a\~ :5 up u ‘ s a \P . V c ‘3‘ Asp -1 - v n u v s m n u u - ia 5 he. “L “t 3‘s § ‘ n 33 Of these men, the two most important to us are LaPlace and Gauss, both of whom lived well into the nineteenth century. Pierre Simon, Marquis de LaPlace (1749—1827) was born a farmer's son in Normandy. Throughout his life he was reluctant to talk about his humble origins. His education was paid for by a wealthy neighbor who appreciated the boy's ability. He emigrated to Paris and through the influence of Jean d‘Alembert, whom he impressed with his knowledge of mechanics, acquired an appointment as professor of mathematics in the Parisian military school. LaPlace learned early in his life that it is necessary to please the powerful if one is to rise to prominence. This requirement was particularly necessary in late eighteenth century France which experienced three volatile regimes during this period—~the Republic, the Empire, and the Restoration. While intellectuals all around him were losing their heads on the guillotine or fleeing the Jacobin Terror, LaPlace flourished by shifting his allegiances. Napoleon made him a count and Louis XVIII made him a marquis, quite a rise for a penniless farm boy. He was recognized to be a snob and an opportunist who failed to give credit to others in his writing. He was never successful as a teacher. He was, however, in spite of his personal shortcomings a brilliant mathematician and astronomer, and the first to apply calculus to probability theory. He was the first person after De Moivre's time to call attention to the law of error. A collection of his memoirs published under the title Theorie Analytique des Probabilites is considered by some to be the greatest ‘— collection of tract: been translated int: large mark on Europ When Karl F Ry he cane to the sent him to school goal-non he tel: ‘f‘ 533013! and a s‘ " 'T 83‘ ‘ .:...roversral. CO' "‘ ‘ I C." -" Ynn ' 1 u.~‘~vae-tu “:91; «J — G. ”ac. ‘ ' bauSS ClSCC ”man. «5“:1 ‘c ”K «LA 4 ‘ “ v H “l biog“ a :Q ‘h ‘ O .‘ O t§w HOOK “ QCYlé F“ ‘ — As ~ \- Laifiul ‘- ~ _ M- 5.8" 1‘- ‘ H I'Aey“ \“Ui‘l, P.“ .. CGLISS CYea (‘fl'oy‘ \ "“th V.“~h n..:.. “gore t1. .. I t .‘ ‘ o;h~& “ \ H ‘-t “QYnln \ . .V L;;ODR\»S‘ ’N a “I. CAL, 1*. ~: ”A 1... s. ‘ “h tr5115i e ..t. I; , L be. 1. “H“ “‘tl :thel‘b‘s ‘H “‘1 ‘ . he“ :rlel fi.‘ 5‘1"“1‘ wiat 4 8:1» ‘ 34 collection of tracts on probability. Most of his work has been translated into German and English, and has left a large mark on European thought.35 When Karl Friedrich Gauss (1777-1855) was still a boy he came to the attention of the Duke of Brunswick who sent him to school at the Collegium Carolinum in Brunswick and then to the University of Gottingen observatory, a position he held to the end of his life. He was a meticulous scholar and a shy man, hesitant about publishing anything controversial. Consequently much of his best work was not discovered until after his death. Gauss discovered the principle of least squares while devising a method to calculate the orbits of heavenly bodies in his book Theoria Motus (1809). The orbit of a planet can be calculated if a certain minimum number of positions is known. Gauss created a method which uses all of the positions known when more than just the minimum number is available. According to E. W. Scripture, Gauss suggested the first psychophysical measurement when he asked Gerling to set up a pendulum and have various people observe and record its transit. It was discovered that the observers erred (in their recordings of the transit) according to systematic Patterns when their records were compared with the precisely calculated transits. Gauss became interested in this problem when he discovered that different observatory assistants recorded slightly different transit coordinates gygn when they were observing the same transit. This was the first recognition of the so called personal equation. The variations ,1:in 7 ’K as:— in observations We“ 36 normal curve. The three s of statistics came ' Quetelet (1796'1874 theheginning of th divided into sovere izterests were mani survival and well b planning of a natic ‘45 services. Quet :‘zerical in nature Statistics on any 5 anthroPOIetry, mete publish 90 a tremen: nth - an lnternaticr Eisie' “10“ t0 direct d Was e 'he Stronoe moon StatiStical 3‘ .S'. filtering Of t ‘:Z} . ‘44 in Brussels. American Stati Quetelet q :.,_ “‘Cfs ’h . thh Gauge :35)". «teem. , . aSslst 35 in observations were, of course, found to follow the normal curve.36 The three social forces which produced the science of statistics came together in the life of one man, Adolphe Quetelet (1796—1874), the gifted Belgian astronomer. At the beginning of the nineteenth century Europe was clearly divided into sovereign nation states whose economic interests were manifestly dependent upon information for survival and well being. Information was needed for the planning of a nation's economy: the distribution of goods and services. Quetelet recognized that this information was numerical in nature. He had a passion for collecting statistics on any subject that interested him: astronomy, anthropometry, meteorology, crime, and demography. He published a tremendous amount of work which repeatedly applied statistical methods to a wide variety of subjects. As director of the Royal Observatory in Brussels and a scholar with an international reputation, he was in an excellent position to direct his government‘s attention to statistics. He was the strongest advocate behind the founding of the London Statistical Society in 1834, and helped organize the first meeting of the International StatisticalCongress in 1853 in Brussels. He was also the first foreign member of the American Statistical Association in 1839. Quetelet generalized the notion of the curve of errors which Gauss used to study the observations of Observatory assistants. The theory of errors could, according to Quetel be created an ideal characters could be reasurements of mas Corrie was wrestling positivism and cree newly coined socic-l hm ‘ ‘ ' ..:.9 names .r: tne ~ how can 1: H y- F u A- L . D .H "1 (D (i P- fl) 0 m 2;! l h C) I I {)1 (.1 '(j (‘r of) :J (D H r r "1 () r 9' {U (7 '1 {U (D ’4 P- Q) - O Q} lnStl I C). (D .‘J - rt ‘0 36 according to Quetelet, be applied to all human behavior. He created an ideal type, a conceptual "average man" whose characters could be described statistically through the measurements of masses of men.37 At a time when Auguste Comte was wrestling with the philosophical question of positivism and creating a hierarchy of science (with the newly coined sociology at the zenith) for which historians have named him the father of sociology, Adolphe Quetelet was already engaging in that activity which so sharply defines the modern sociologist: gathering statistics about his fellow man. It is safe to say that Quetelet is the father of the science of statistics and perhaps even sociology, but he certainly was far from being an "average manfl' In the words of Walker he was: A great Belgian who was at once a mathe— matician, astronomer, anthropometrist, supervisor of official statistics for his country, prime mover in the organization of a central commission on statistics, instigator of the first nation-wide census, ardent collector of statistics, university teacher, author of many books and papers, carrying on an extensive correspondence with most of the scholars of his day, and in his leisure hours a poet and a writer of operas. 38 Francis Galton (1822—1911) gave birth to the new science of inferential statistics in the latter decades Of the nineteenth century. In 1869 he published Hereditary Genius: An Inquiry into Its Laws and Consequences, which demonstrated that social prominence ran in families. Rather than conclude that this tendency might be due to certain advantages in the social environment of some families, Galton claimed a man' 5 by inheI limitatl featur e 5 Within two came to realize the differences could i by De Moivre, Gauss of error. Galton claf their position bece hail-9'5- One night The answer Galton < 1an is a beautifui :attenatical metho< niferences anon: ‘ certain distributi :ifr'er ences are do (2:1; n Mon mace. It i use such an assum Karl Pears “a not an aristoc Either . . nas a leadi 39‘? h “~50“ came from C' ‘v Lb ' - I151”? that Ga pearson ca 554 — “EVElOPEd proo‘ 1 Simplified Ga] £350an W ork, 0\ 37 a man's natural abilities are derived by inheritance, under exactly the same limitations as are the form and physical features of the whole organic world. Within two decades of publishing this study, Galton came to realize that the problem of measuring individual differences could be solved using the methods developed by De Moivre, Gauss, and Quetelet; that is, the normal curve of error. Galton claimed that the wealthy and prominent held their position because they were innately superior human beings. One might ask, "What evidence is there of superiority?" The answer Galton gives is that they have achieved prominence. This is a beautiful case of circular reasoning. Galton's mathematical methods demonstrated that there are significant differences among people, and these differences assume a certain distribution. But they did not demonstrate that the differences are due to heredity. This is an assumption Galton made. It is not surprising an aristocrat would make such an assumption. Karl Pearson (1857-1936), Galton's brilliant protege was not an aristocrat as Sir Francis was, but Pearson’s father was a leading barrister and counselor to the queen. Pearson came from a prominent English family, and it is not surprising that Galton's theories would attract him. Pearson gave Galton's methods mathematical rigor. He developed proofs of what Galton had been doing intuitively, and simplified Galton's clumsy method of correlation. Pearson's work, over a period of four decades, put the new isti of stat scrence It also gave eugeni v 1 'E‘: measur Pearson did urther. :a 4G 1100 '1 a. brothers 1 8"" nah in Ti.lE 7% ..l . the N between the- ru.. 2» ..L A: ac nature, .. ‘,.| vCib S New"... . .l _ I”? l . vhvrlb‘du G: ‘ a “ ‘ n e ‘1 ha .ese 5 -Q Lir- 1L, «ii.-b\" \ a 38 science of statistics on a firm mathematical foundation. It also gave eugenics respectability. Pearson did not question Galton's claim that mental ability is inherited. Instead, he carried the claim further. He measured the physical and mental traits of brothers in 1100 families and found a high correlation between them. This brought Pearson to the conclusion that the mental characters in man are inherited in precisely the same manner as the physical. Our mental and moral nature is, quite as much as our physical 40 nature, the outcome of hereditary factors. Accepting Galton's claim that mental ability is innate, it is not difficult to believe they are correlated with physical ability. These studies, which Pearson conducted in the 1890s, are significant because they influenced young James McKeen Cattell, who had just received his Ph.D. under Wundt in Leipsig. In Leipsig Cattell learned how to measure the physical abilities of man. From Pearson he learned that these abilities are correlated with mental abilities. The importance of measuring physical abilities seemed obvious to Cattell and he went on to become the leader of anthropo— metric measurement in America. One of Cattell's graduate students, Clark Wissler, demonstrated that Pearson was wrong. There is no significant correlation between physical and mental abilities. Looking at Pearson's work with the advantage of modern methods at one's disposal, it is apparent that he was not aware of the complexities of what the modern social scientist calls Zglidity. Pearson did not measure what he thought he reasured. T0 111935“ the inpressioni stic Wissler, using bett Although Wi findings of Galton, fining that was not cf inferential stat Elie people who argr "Jun L‘ | . the scrence t} “‘- H’M n , a. . "~ .. ..ic CECLLI‘» 1L. \ n ’5' \rwum I “L . ‘~ G-“'&.u€.¢b$ acal‘ a u a “‘f‘qn ' ,b- - " ' I tuL‘QEE ..H ‘ :qu : ..n: 0' - .: ~& ~. \ ‘.“"“ Hycb‘\ A I “its Crl‘C‘ ~ . .‘!u in ‘Vu: In ‘\ \ ~ ns'... “~uL: Dr ‘5‘ ‘ ‘I- “..g ~~¥ g»? ‘ « ‘ i .‘ ~. ‘uu‘au‘ , . ‘l 3. a“) ' ~\~‘ ‘\ *\‘ \ g ‘ ‘ LiaEOT‘\ \ \ \“\ “‘11:"! 39 measured. To measure mental abilities, he depended upon the impressionistic value judgements of various observers. Wissler, using better measures, found more valid results.41 Although Wissler and others cast doubt upon the findings of Galton, Pearson, Cattell, and eugenics, the one thing that was not doubted was the worth of the new method of inferential statistics Galton and Pearson had created. The people who argued against Galton and Pearson did so with the science these two men had founded. At the turn of the century it was difficult to find much public support for arguments against the findings of Galton and Pearson because their work seemed to correspond well with Mendel's laws of inheritance which were rediscovered then. There are other names connected with the development of statistics prior to Galton. Some of the more prominent among them are: Thomas Bayes (1702-1761) the reclusive, celibate Presbyterian minister from Tunbridge Wells, Kent, England; Condorcet (1743—1794) the versatile Revolutionary Utopian who died in a priSOn cell during the Jacobin Terror in Paris; Parson Thomas Malthus (1766-1834) who became the first demographer with his still pertinent essay on mortality, fertility, and food supplies; Baron Fourier (1768—1830) the French mathematical physicist; and C. A. Lewis (1787- 1872), French physician and founder of medical statistics.42 What has been presented in this introductory chapter is the history of the beginnings of statistical inference: probability theory. During the last decade of the nineteenth century statistics became more than a simple descriptive science. From pro] an inferential modr itself, no adequatr There 1 statist Westerg introdu with de (1929) formati It is surp oneccnsiders how i hperusal of the 'P library shows that tool. The hundrei .lerge nether of nonstatistics, y this ubiquitous tr There are will: 1 “b‘e: but no: ‘N . .. merlc Utedi 40 science. From probability theory statisticians developed an inferential model. As for the science of statistics itself, no adequate history exists. Kendall claims: There is no history of theoretical statistics or of statistical methodology. Westergard (1932) is interesting as an introduction but is largely concerned with descriptive statistics. Walker (1929) has some valuable sketches of the formative period under Karl Pearson. 3 It is surprising that no such history exists when oneconsidershow important statistics are to higher education. A perusal of the Ph.D. dissertations of any large university library shows that most of them use statistics as a research tool. The hundreds of learned journals in libraries contain a large number of articles and reports which rely heavily upon statistics, yet little is known about where or how this ubiquitous tool originated. There are several partial histories of statistics available, but none of them treats the period 1890 to 1930 in American higher education sociologically. The best of the lot is Helen Walker's Ph.D. dissertation (1929) from Columbia University Teachers College.44 It is an impressive scholarly work, but only deals with the mathematical development of the subject. Chapter VII, "Statistics as a Subject of Instruction in American Universities," is a valuable source of information about some of the first men to teach statistics in the United States. It is understandably not a discussion of the social forces and institutions involved. Richard W. miversity is, 11 cultural developm entirely concern the topic. It co than Walker's dis: Harold We: M is an 4 statistics beginn: his book, however Nineteenth Centurj tine period which bestergaard's boo dozens of countri 41 Richard W. Gover's dissertation (1967) at Alabama University is, like Walker's, concerned not with the cultural development of education and statistics, but is entirely concerned with the mathematical development of the topic. It contains less discussion of men and institutions than Walker's dissertation.45 Harold Westergaard's Contributions to the History of Statistics is an excellent account of the development of statistics beginning with the sixteenth century.46 He ends his book, however, with Chapter 17, "The Last Decades of the Nineteenth Century," which is just the beginning of the time period which the present study investigates. Westergaard's book covers the history of statistics in dozens of countries from Belgium to Australia and it diScusses hundreds of interesting men like Babbage, Broca, and Lombroso. It is a good source book for the history of statistics before 1900 outside the United States. The Statistical Movement in Early Victorian Britain by M. J. Cullen, as is evident by the title, does not cover the same subject treated in these pages. Die Statistics und die Social wissenschaften, written in German by Emilio Morpurgo, about Italy and published in 1877 is, no doubt, of some historical value, but it has no bearing on the subject of this study. The most comprehensive and probably most cited work on the history of statistics is The History of Statistics: Their Development and Progress in Many Countries by John Koren.49 Three of its 19 chapters contain background material of some interest to studen are concerned with census. Since 1955, articles on the his ln1970, E. S. Pear papers about the hi papers are primaril development of the Not only he larsely ignored, t] never been written tenement in our in. The Subjec‘ development of inf unspent of infere be social requisi 42 interest to students of the American scene. These chapters are concerned with federal and state statistics, e.g., the census. Since 1955, Biometrika has intermittently published articles on the history of probability and statistics and in 1970, E. S. Pearson and M. G. Kendall edited a series of papers about the history of statistics.50 All of these papers are primarily concerned with the mathematical development of the topic. Not only has the general history of statistics been largely ignored, the history of statistics in America has never been written. It has never been treated as a social movement in our institutions of higher education. The subject of this study is not the mathematical development of inferential statistics. It is the social movement of inferential statistics. This study examines the social requisites of an intellectual movement. Two Of these requisites are professionalization and higher education, the tOpics of the next three chapters. r— N m.~w a‘ . Leslie, Whit HcGrav-Hill , . Marvin Harri (New York: 6, 7, 9, 10, The Science c m . Harris, Chapt . Herskovits, I . White, p. vii - Harris, Chapi - George P. Mu} - Leslie White Behavior, " Tl Strauss, 19:17 ' Intern ' e w David L. 811‘ David (New y 6:48~52. “the White 10. ll. 12. 13. 14. FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER 1 Leslie, White, The Evolution of Culture (New York: McGraw—Hill, 1959), p. vii. Marvin Harris, The Rise of Anthropological Theory (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1969), Chapters 6, 7, 9, 10, 14; Mellville J. Herskovits, Franz Boas: The Science of Man in the Making (New York: Charles Scribner & Sons, 1953), Chapters 2, 3; White, preface. Harris, Chapter 14. Herskovits, pp. 51—57. White, p. viii. Harris, Chapter 19. George P. Murdock, "World Ethnographic Sample," American Anthropologist 59 (August l957):664-87. Leslie White, "The Symbol: The Origin and Basis of Human Behavior," The Science of Culture (New York: Farrar, Strauss, 1949), passim. International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, ed. by David L. Sills, s.v. "History of Statistics," by F. N. David (New York: Crowell, Collier MacMillan, 1968), 6:48-52. "Use and Manufacture of Tools by the Lower Leslie White, (l948):2lO—ll. Primates," Antiquity 22 White, Evolution, p. 21. Ibid., p. 16. Encyclopedia Americana, 1979, s.v. "Statistics;" Encyclopedia Britannica, 1979, s.v. "Statistics;" G. U. Yule, "Introduction of the Words 'Statistics,‘ 'Statistical' into the English Language," Journal of the Royal Statistical SocieterXVIII (1905): 391—96 cited in H. Walker, Studies in the History of Statistical Method (Baltimore: The Williams and Wilkins Co., 1929), p. 32. Lancelot Hogben, Mathematics for the Million W. W. Norton, 1968), p. 551, passim. (New York: Ibid., p. 590. 43 ._. an ._. \a N o M p—‘a N N N w N u:- .Ialker, pp. . William Pete Chapter 5. . Walker, p. 3 . R. A. Fisher (New York: a . Hogben, p. 55 . The McGraw-Hi s.v. "Pascal . The McGraw-H: s.v. “Fermat . International s.v. "Graunt . lnternationa. S-V. “Petty, '- Walker, pp_ - The McGraw-H S'V- “Halley ' Walker, p. 3 l6. 1% 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 35. 44 Walker, pp. 30-36. William Peterson, Population (London: MacMillan, 1969), Chapter 5. Walker, p. 39. R. A. Fisher, Contributions to Mathematical Statistics (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1950), "Introduction." Hogben, p. 551. The McGraw—Hill Encyclopedia of World Biogrgphy, 1973, s.v. "Pascal, Blaise." The McGraw—Hill Encyclopedia of World Biography, 1973, s.v. "Fermat, Pierre de." International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1968, s.v. "Graunt, John." International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1968, s.v. "Petty, William." Walker, pp. 30-37. The McGraw—Hill Encyclopedia of World Biography, 1973, s.v. "Halley, Edmund." Walker, p. 37. The McGraw-Hill Encyclopedia of World Biography, 1973, s.v. "Huygens, Christiaan." International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1968, s.v. "Bernoulli, Niklaus." The discussion of De Moivre is taken from Abraham De Moivre, The Doctrine of Chances or, A Method of Calculating the Probabilities of Events in Play (London, 1756). Reprinted by Chelsea Publishing Co., New York, 1967, with an excellent article on De Moivre Helen Walker; also, Walker, pp. 14—18. Walker, p. 14. Ibid., p. 18. De Moivre, p. iv. Walker, p. 20. The McGraw—Hill Encyclopedia of World Ibid., pp. 21—22; Pierre Simon, Marquis de." Biography, s.v. "LaPlace, y: u... ‘3 1..» co 9» u: .5 c» .5 ,_.. a. M .1.— w .4:— U1 . Walker, p. 3 . Francis Galt . Karl Pearson . Clark Wissle Halter, pp. Biggaphy, 1 Walker, pp. Biogaphy, 5 Laws and Con Internationa s.v. "Galton in Man," Nat Internationa s.v. 'Pearso Traits,“ g§y_ - lnternationa. 5-V- "Bayes, - lnternationa s.v. "Pearso: - Walker, Hist ' R- W. Cover, DeVElOpment Lanersity O ' H' Westergaa (New York : .J- CUllen Brltain; T 3d 37. 3& 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 49. 50. 45 Walker, pp. 22—25; The McGraw—Hill Encyclopedia of World Biography, 1973, s.v. "Gauss, Karl Friedrich." Walker, pp. 39-42; McGraw—Hill Engyplopedia of World Biography, s.v. "Quetelet, Adolphe." Walker, p. 31. Francis Galton, HereditaryfiGenius: An Inquiry into its Laws and Consequences (London: MacMillan, 1869); 1; International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1968, s.v. "Galton, Francis;" Walker, pp. 45—49. Karl Pearson, "On the Inheritance of Mental Characters in Man," Nature LXV (1901—02):118 International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1968, s.v. "Pearson, Karl." "The Correlation of Mental and Physical Clark Wissler, (1899-1901):42. Traits," Psychology Review Monographs III International Engycloppdia of the Social Sciences, 1968, s.v. "Bayes, Condorcet, Malthus, Fourier, Lewis, C.A." International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1968, s.v. "Pearson, Karl." Walker, History of Statistical Method. "Discernible Periods in the Historical R. W. Gover, (Ph.D. dissertation, Development of Statistical Inference" University of Alabama, 1967). H. Westergaard, Contributions to the History of Statistics (New York: Agathon Press, 1968). M. J. Cullen, The Statistical Movement in EarlyiVictorian Britain: The Foundations of Empirical Research (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1975). E. Morpurgo, Die Statistics und Die Socialwissenschafen, Jena: Herman Costenoble, 1877. J. Koren, The History of Statistics: Their Development and Progress in Many Countries (New York: MacMillan, 1918)." " ’ E. S. Pearson and M. G. Kendall (eds.), Studies in the History of Statistics and Probability: A Series of Papers (London: Griffin, 1970). occuennons , The gener occupations is in science. Before science was a dis amateurs.1 CoinC in the values and began to demand ti trained in the ma: The naturl Galton was unlike professionalizati there was a sizea Lanarckians‘ Th (1840~1897), sub Merck (l744~18 noiogically inh ..e' lr anCEStOrg "Maoist, Augu S Chapter 2 OCCUPATIONS, PROFESSIONS, AND SECULAR EDUCATION The general trend toward professionalization of occupations is important because it professionalized science. Before the middle of the nineteenth century science was a discipline engaged in largely by wealthy amateurs.l Coinciding with this trend was a basic change in the values and organization of science. Scientists began to demand that members of their calling be rigorously trained in the manner of professionals. The nature versus nurture controversy begun by Galton was unlikely to have occurred were it not for professionalization. By the time the controversy began there was a sizeable and growing body of professionals who Were greatly concerned with the question of heredity because of its implications for their work in biology, physiology, anthropology, psychology, and more. An example of this concern is the fate of the Lamarckians. These people, led by Edward Drinker Cope (1840-1897), subscribed to the theory of the Chevalier de Lamarck (1744-1829), who claimed that organisms can biologically inherit characteristics which were acquired by their ancestors. This theory was destroyed by the German biologist, August Weisman (1834—1914) who cut off the tails 46 of rats and obse vithont tails. T istics are not i affect the germpl lanarckian theory professional scie laboratory techni By demons environment, Weis hereditarianists upon his findings ization convinced place their discij physical sciences Explaining behavi‘ PrEpared for a CO 311 that was requ 91011905 speciali 1investigation of “iich created tha At the e Civil . “51 "someth \ Itsnlt c 0* a Chan 47 of rats and observed that future generations were not born without tails. This demonstrated that acquired character- istics are not inherited, unless, Weisman claimed, they affect the germplasm of the organism. Weisman destroyed Lamarckian theory by testing it with the method of the professional scientist: experimental, inductive, laboratory techniques.2 By demonstrating the importance of inheritance over environment, Weisman gave tremendous support to the hereditarianistsandeugenists. This over emphasis placed upon his findings, combined with the weight of professional— ization convinced many social scientists, who were eager to place their disciplines on a level with the respectable physical sciences, that environment was not important in explaining behavior. Thus, conditions were intellectually prepared for a controversy over nature versus nurture. All that was required was for a professionally trained group of specialists to arise. We turn, now, to an investigation of the historical process of professionalizatiOn which created that group. At the end of the Reconstruction period after the Civil War "something akin to an intellectual explosion" occurred in America. This explosion was the inevitable result of a change in national priorities which came after the United States settled the question of power between the slave based, agricultural economy of the South and the industrial economy of the northern states. With the war between the States no longer using up the lives of the most talented men, the industry. This gr and expertise to r vas developing an The labor and expe higher education; :ent of any new 22.. decades of this cr rapid crowth of o :4“ ~ «national - insti :n‘ mi. 2.“ .l lversities, =331etv, (9' me :QI‘C media-V «dons of ,1 Cciwt ' ~ ll‘. .‘nerica: 951er~1 . “‘1. (and t( Pirici Mp requirim 3:50pm . . it i: t Prof ' ESSlonaliZat ._,p . iiCioreg - “ 1n hich 48 talented men, the United States turned her energy toward industry. This growing industrial machine required labor and expertise to handle the affairs of an economy which was developing an increasingly sophisticated technology. The labor and expertise were supplied by immigration and higher education; therefore, an explanation of the develop— ment of any new intellectual movement in the first three decades of this century must also be an account of the rapid growth of college and university education, and the cultural influence of Europe. Education, it seems, is inextricably bound up with virtually everything Americans do. The most general problem is to explain the relations between one particular intellectual movement, statistical inference, and the social structure of the United States. Educational institutions of higher education, colleges and universities, act as a link between statistics and society. The professionalization of occupations in institutions of higher education is an important pivotal point in American history. Professionalization of occupations generally (and teaching in particular) occurred during this period, requiring a parallel growth in American colleges. Although it is true that part of the social context of professionalization manifested itself outside education, in business, military, and government work, most of it is anchored in higher education. Occupations become professions only when they require long periods of formal education. The men and women who introduced statistical inference to America were members of a rapidly growing class of professionals, Hence, from the Vj analllze how the ( movements of thous In this C1 and growth of higl ray that the hiSt' Chapter 1, 895135 the social struct Civil War. What invhich statisti of the nineteenth related to the hi The devel 20 the developnen the major develop Renate students apple and nature ..n‘ach statisti w u. .1 ~. 1- her. the in var n - ,nnen statisi the ‘ ' institutiona' ”verges . “I 311G W130i] ** Upward nobil k social nov em .13 Ch: . ““91“? col :‘lH‘ “tu‘fiht 49 Hence, from the viewpoint of higher education, we can analyze both the changing structure of occupations and movements of thought in the intellectual community. In this chapter the change in occupational structure and growth of higher education is presented in the same way that the history of probability was presented in Chapter 1, against the background of general trends in the social structure of the United States following the Civil War. What is needed is an analysis of the social milieu in which statistical inference developed in the second half of the nineteenth century. The history of statistics is related to the history of education. The development of statistics is closely connected to the development of graduate education. Without exception, the major developers of inferential statistics have been graduate students. Statistics were introduced by university people and matured in their hands. The locus of activity for much statistical investigation has been, since the Civil War, the university. For example, even in times of war, when statistical work intensifies in government, the people largely responsible for carrying out the tasks are recruited from the ranks of academia. The university was the institutional milieu in which the statisticians lived, worked, and wrote. These academics realized that avenues for upward mobility existed in the university. To understand the social movement of inferential statistics we must recognize the changing colleges and universities as the milieu of the movement. There 15 movement and educ E t impor J laved an P | 1m t0 tra C I e». -b- C J i E 1 Y‘ 1L. Andree C" 8; Th' ni nV ion hm“ ..,,y S ‘l o L I up 'V‘.‘ 1t. sicent e ““‘é‘gel cs to re 1 . TY" H U r attent practice. l i eate I statist he I 50 There is another connection between the statistical movement and education which cannot be overlooked. Statistics played an important part in shaping educational theory and practice. Many of the most prominent scholars have turned their attention to the educational system. They have used statistics to restructure and change the institution which created it. This is a circular process. The men and women who were formed by the institution, in turn, changed the institution. Six of the statistically—trained scholars discussed in Chapter 5 of this dissertation were college presidents; nine were academic deans; 20 were department chairmen; ten founded academic departments; and 25 were founders or directors of university laboratories. James McKeen Cattell published at least 11 tracts explicitly“ on our educational system. One of them, "University Control," is a masterpiece which should be read by all college administrators. Cattell stated that the education of America's youth was one of his major concerns.3 Three important trends were operating in America after the Civil War: first, the increase in the division of labor in society called for the elective system in college curricula to train people to fill the new occupational positions. Second, education became secularized. And third, the scientific and professional schools appeared. Along with these trends came the new educational managers and the wealthy philanthropists who financed the founding of scientific schools, laboratories, and graduate schools. The Ph.D. degree degrees became in. These thr spread of statist labor produced a created by profes existed but did :1 education. As re: entrance, two co: ElPadded to nee: .: ..r ' ‘ v. §!U;ESSlCHdlS . w-‘LC, h: ' mew. w. uElVEIE ~.,.; 51 The Ph.D. degree and other graduate academic and professional degrees became important during this period. These three post—Civil War trends contributed to the spread of statistics in America. The increasing division of labor produced a variety of professions. Most of these were created by professionalizing occupations which already existed but did not previously require advanced formal education. As more occupations required education for entrance, two consequences followed. First, higher education expanded to meet the increased demand made by a growing class of professionals. This caused the great increase in the number of universities in America from the late nineteenth into the early twentieth century. It was in these new universities that statistical inference was mathematically developed. Second, the growing professional class provided a literate group of people who found new applications for statistics. There was a market principle operating; the increasingly large number of scientifically trained agriculturalists, economists, physicians, psychologists, and civil servants, consumed the new statistical applications which were developed in university laboratories. The secularization of education was important for the development of science in schools. To the extent that science and religion have historically been adversaries, the secularization of education was beneficial to science, including the science of statistics. The only three professions found in eighteenth century . . . 4 America were medicine, law and religion. Clergymen disproportionate. 5 New England. I: clergy from the } congregations we stubborn Yankee of colonialism w to get by with v these clergymen that the religio adv «L' ..lcauon for th Hum. -c.. all, mam CM)" 4. : chenselve The prof :v-r- “"15 rs were hel Hewlv formed =1: skills. to 52 disproportionately dominated the intellectual elite in New England.5 Intellectual issues were presented by the clergy from the pulpits of their churches. Their congregations were critical, outspoken people in the stubborn Yankee tradition. People who threw off the mantle of colonialism were not likely to allow their ministers to get by with vague or ambiguous sermons. Therefore, these clergymen were well-trained in logic and demanded that the religious colleges of New England provide rigorous education for the young men who matriculated in them.6 After all, many of those young men would some day wear the collar themselves. The profession of law was a bit of an anomaly. Lawyers were held in contempt, yet it was recognized that the newly formed government of the Republic was in need of their skills. Medicine seems never to have suffered the low status to which it is occasionally relegated in other countries. Americans have usually held physicians in high regard. There was a growth in the accouterments of learning during the last part of the seventeenth century and the first part of the nineteenth century. The one hundred or so books printed by Cambridge presses in the third quarter Of the seventeenth century were nothing compared to the number being published by the middle of the nineteenth century. Writing became a self-supporting profession. Men like Cooper and Hawthorne made more money from writing than did preachers. Three quarters of a century after the end of the War of Independence many families had had adequate time to accumula‘ Th; professions . There we: rte. W literate America: "e one ease in t. 4 iv ' ‘. tnors o. byenth $.77“ “I .4 D reach a 4 1221' ‘7‘“: *3. was no loncer dej this cl ‘ 'Ql‘ V ‘75:. or ‘4 53 time to accumulate fortunes in mercantilism or one of the professions. This created a leisure class with time to write. There were more authors, printing presses, and literate Americans to read the new books. The new country was no longer dependent upon England for literature. In 1820 roughly one third of all publications were from American authors; by the middle of the same century four— fifths of them were American.7 This increase in American literary production may be interpreted as a sign of the increase in the professional class. In medieval times professionals were trained in a guild system owing its existence to waves of occupational associations which rolled over Europe in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. These guilds eventually gave birth to the European universities for the training of professionals.8 America did not inherit this guild system directly from Europe, but it was, to a certain extent, imported into the colonies. A small professional class did exist before the nineteenth century due to these guilds. With the coming of industry this class grew rapidly. A. M. Carr—Saunders states our theme clearly and concisely, and is worth quoting at length. Before the opening of the nineteenth century the recognition of new professions was an extremely slow process; but during the last hundred and fifty years professions have multiplied apace. For an explanation we must look primarily to the mechanical revolution and the progress of science which gave rise to engineers, chemists and physicists, and to the consequential may neen esoteric knowlen tkmghlicensr dashing -I invop Lsregulated in CYEI EducatiOn . refilat e, aSSoc .qena profeSS 54 social revolution which brought a demand for intellectual specialists to handle the new complicated machinery, both material and insti- tutional: actuaries, surveyors, realtors, secretaries, patent attorneys and accountants (virtually unknown in Anglo—Saxon countries before the middle of the nineteenth century). Supplementary causes are the throwing off of dependence, as, for instance, by public administrators, who over the greater part of the world have been freed from their dependence upon the patronage of ministers or the suffrages of electors, and the further recession of the church, because of which the teachers have gained a group consciousness. We have therefore the present situation in the western world where the day to day functioning of society so largely depends upon professionals. We recognize a profession as a vocation founded upon prolonged and specialized intellectual training which enables a particular service to be rendered. But this recognition may be hindered by dependence, which militates against group consciousness since it is only under the stimulus of the letter that the practitioners associate together and become a profession in the full sense of the word. The state often steps in and regulates vital professions to insure a certain minimum level of competence and ethical practice. In the case of medicine or law, in which the citizen may need help at a moment's notice (help involving esoteric knowledge), the state regulates the profession through licensing and higher education. The profession of teaching, involving the care and socialization of our young, is regulated in the same fashion, by licensing and control over education. In professions which the state does not regulate, associations arise to set their own regulations. Often a profession is regulated by the state and an association whici the profession w‘ Speciali in coming to the modern times tha general educatio profession. Thi egalitarianisn a affairs of men i . churn-NJ,- vuu‘rLQ be 11128:: e T ‘ ‘n 1 \ "DP 7 I .~..V‘pp f‘fi‘flfi“ Guutctlcr . .‘Ov .1- ..anHy-QA a “I M ova ‘Vts ea\t «on. g .9. an: m‘ - stung. he -As H . IN‘ N "‘ ‘ :5.: in |-nn A.."I“‘F becare Yal saacp ' :5‘» and ‘ ‘N SGLOHC 3: «t. b[Q L ‘ ‘W Ulted .. o, S4 m‘h Q line lnc \ns :rO “ int}: c O- D ‘17:»- H o n 7 ‘téfifih fvnded 55 association which both function to exclude those from the profession who are considered undesirable.lo Specialized higher education for lawyers was slow in coming to the United States. It has only been in modern times that the bar exam has been established and general educational requirements have been laid down by the profession. This is due largely to the philosophy of egalitarianism and laissez-faire social doctrine in the affairs of men in the United States. The expense of a long formal education for law practice must certainly exclude a large number of people whose families cannot afford to educate them. This inequity operated against requiring law school education for the profession. In spite of this, law courses have been offered by our universities for a long time. The first law lectures were given by Chancellor Wythe in 1779 at William and Mary. The Litchfield Law School, which became Yale Law School, was founded in 1872. Isaac Parker was appointed the first Royall professor of law at Harvard in 1815. Fritz Leiber taught law at Columbia in 1857. In 1833 there were 150 students in law schools; by 1915 there were 20,000. Not until the period between the first and second World Wars did the majority of the members of the United States Supreme Court graduate from law schools.11 The increase in the division of labor reflected in the growth of professions brought with it a demand for a wider variety of courses in higher education. Colleges responded with the elective system, introduced in 1869 at Harvard bY PIESi of the elective the Civil War, b after the war. proliferation of required. R. Pr prescribed curri decades of the n colleges began C Languages in add curricular... The requirements of must ry; curric if importance tc schools which pr Because the s~'~ mOOl SYStE m' infidernore «Cally. r . nlC surv‘ 56 Harvard by President Charles Eliot, a chemist. The idea of the elective system had been in existence since before the Civil War, but there was no strong need for it until after the war. Only after the tremendous growth and proliferation of professions was the elective system required. R. Freeman Butts documented the change from prescribed curriculums to elective ones during the latter decades of the nineteenth century.12 During this period colleges began offering new courses in science and modern languages in addition to the already established classical curriculum. The content of these new courses met the requirements of the new occupations created by business and industry; curriculums became more scientific and professional. Of importance to us is the eventual appearance of graduate schools which professionalized teaching. Because there was no landed aristocracy in America the school system developed a practical curriculum. There was, furthermore, no entrenched clerical or military caste to dominate education. The poor farmers of early America had land which made them, poor as they were, independent economically. These farmers found it possible to generate an economic surplus with which to build public schools of practical learning. Farm boys who went to the universities Of Iowa, Indiana, and Wisconsin learned agricultural tech— niques imported from the Rothamsted Agricultural Experiment Station in England and statistical techniques developed by Pearson. Midwestern farmers had no use for elite private schools which 0f favor of a Partj public schools V These sc not because Ame] secular precisel not agree upon ‘ dominate. It Wi iron education. 925‘ a . @003 has c fire d enOminat.‘ ..s inltarian 57 schools which offered classical curriculums, slanted in favor of a particular religious denomination. They wanted public schools with elective curricula. These schools were freed from clerical control, but not because Americans rejected religion. The schools were secular precisely because Americans were religious and could not agree upon the question of which religion should dominate. It was a logical compromise to eliminate religion from education. Horace Mann said it clearly in 1838: . . .to debar successive teachers in the same school, from successively inculcating hostile religious creeds, until the children in their simple—mindedness should be alienated, not only from creeds, but from religion itself; the statute of 1826 specially provided, that no school books should be used in any of the public schools "calculated to favor any particular religious sect or tenet". It is not surprising that early Americans rejected sectarianism and harbored suspicions about religion; many of them had left Europe to escape state religions. In spite of early America's suspicion of religion, many colleges were church schools, because higher learning was supported largely by private endowments and fees until passage of the Justin Morrill Act of 1862. Some states did establish non—religious schools before 1862. Georgia was the first to do so in 1785. Michigan legally established a university in 1817 which opened its doors in 1837 when statehood was granted.14 The other early colleges, however, were denominational. Harvard (1636) was Congregationalist and Unitarian. Yale (1701) was Congregational. Columbia .3 (1754) and Willi Brown (1767) was Secular private schools in 1816 by Thom.‘ 1825. At the 0' private and 21 presidents and mostly by Cong: During :igher ec‘ucatic . :‘thht‘OI-‘S ‘ o (‘7: h ‘ x“ 1wh 1e 0]. .:m'. ““‘5ted hm _ . .Qr 58 (1754) and William and Mary (1693) were Episcopal. Brown (1767) was Baptist. Princeton (1746) was Presbyterian. Secular state universities often developed from private schools. The University of Virginia was founded in 1816 by Thomas Jefferson and taken over by the state in 1825. At the outbreak of the Civil War there were 161 private and 21 public state universities and colleges. The presidents and professors of these colleges were supplied mostly by Congregationalist Yale and Presbyterian Princeton.15 During the latter half of the nineteenth century higher education became increasingly secular. The sons and daughters of midwestern farmers used education as a doorway into professional respectability. Their upward social mobility placed them in state legislatures and other locations from which they could exert pressure on social institutions. The result was an increase in public funding of higher education. In 1871 only 70 million dollars were spent on public higher education. In 1900 this figure was 200 million, about the same amount spent on privately endowed colleges. By this time all states south and west of Pennsylvania had publicly supported colleges and universities.16 The oldest private colleges in New England dominated higher education in that section of the country for a century and a half after the important Dartmouth College legal decision of 1819. In that year an attempt to gain political control over private colleges was stopped by Chief Justice Marshall. The Dartmouth decision was: a spe Amer: foun: highe boar: tion. inte: effe terr fore priv empo c011 pres dire the ‘1‘ l tné ‘i‘fiy \A.\"e:QQf: c uyyu i r0“ s | A ;H “‘Cre L. in A o\. ‘031 . 11‘ y \\~}Der c 0* bloat 59 a spectacular event more important in American educational history than the founding of any single institution of higher learning. By securing the boards of trustees of endowed educa- tional institutions against political interference, the Dartmouth decision in effect decreed that a large part of the terrain of the higher learning should be forever occupied and controlled by private corporations composed of citizens empowered to select their own successors, collect and disburse money, choose presidents and professors, and more or less directly determine the letter and spirit of the curriculum.17 This decision was welcomed by those Americans wealthy enough to afford private colleges, and they responded by pouring money into such schools. Increases in private endowments kept pace with increases in public spending. In 1890 endowments amounted to 74 million dollars, in 1900 166 million dollars. The endowment of Johns Hopkins increased from three million dollars to 24 million in the period from the 1890's to the 1920's. Yale's endowment increased from four to 58 million dollars; Columbia‘s increased from nine to 63 million, and Harvard's increased from ten to 86 million dollars.18 Science and industry had created a mechanical revolution in America which altered the occupational structure Of society, creating new skilled trades and professions. After the Civil War there was no power structure strong enough to resist the rapid expansion of Eastern industry which hungered for the abundant raw materials in the West, the coal in Virginia, the iron in the Mesabi Range, the COpper of Montana and the oil in the southwest. Industry raced across th civil engineers teachers. New established SCr students in tec In the anunher of CO] prominent in sc Polytechnic Ins technic in 1865 echnology in 1 were lso founc institutions: the Lawrence S< School at Dartr iPpeared in rag R1864 (Columl Ta'.‘ «n: .h Univers: (7 7 £870), the Ca: :olytechnic In‘ 6o raced across the continent on railroads demanding more civil engineers, accountants, business executives, and teachers. New technical schools were born and older, established schools built laboratories to train their students in technology and science. In the middle decades of the nineteenth century a number of colleges were founded which later became prominent in science and technology. The Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute was founded in 1824, Worcester Poly— technic in 1865, and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1860. Three important scientific schools were also founded before the Civil War as adjuncts to older institutions: the Sheffield Scientific School at Yale, the Lawrence Scientific School at Harvard, and the Chandler School at Dartmouth. After the Civil War technical schools appeared in rapid succession: the Columbia School of Mines in 1864 (Columbia's first Ph.D. was awarded in this school), Lehigh University (1866), Stevens Institute of Technology (1870), the Case School of Applied Science (1881), Rose Polytechnic Institute (1874), and Brooklyn Polytechnic Institute (1874).19 By the end of the nineteenth century science had firmly established itself in higher education. Professional scientists and engineers were being produced and other students found science invading their courses. The new scientific agriculture developed at the Rothamsted Agricultural Experiment Station in England began to appear in American agricultural colleges. Eugene Davenport, aMichigan farm Woodland, took College in 1884 developed metho Michigan Agricu the college far a prominent acr 61 a Michigan farmer born in a log cabin in the village of Woodland, took his M.S. degree from the Michigan Agricultural College in 1884 and went to Rothamsted to study statistically developed methods of crop control. He returned to the Michigan Agricultural College to become superintendent of the college farm and assistant to Professor William J. Beal, a prominent agriculturalist.20 Palmer 0. Johnson, born in Eagle Grove, Iowa, the heart of America's farm country, earned his Ph.D. at the University of Minnesota, did post—doctorate work in the Galton Laboratory at the University of London, and returned to become chairman of the Department of Statistics and superintendent of the animal breeding farms at Minnesota. Johnson brought the latest developments in statistical inference to the study of educational psychology and animal breeding.21 Science was more than an esoteric intellectual discipline by this time. It had developed a way of viewing the world, a technique, a rapidly growing body of knowledge, and its own heroes. It is difficult to assess the effects of the Justin Morrill Act which gave hundreds of thousands of acres of land to the states for the construction of industrial, mechanical, agricultural, and scientific colleges. The first such college endowed under this act was the Michigan Agricultural College, followed by "land grant" colleges in all of the other states. The Morrill Act Spread the word of science across the continent. The aphasized 501‘ tant pom 1mp0r statistics to ‘ economy. rCldl CO‘ 6 a d ‘01.. 011” v 7"". I we 13:0 ,5 ,« £5“ The in 1 .L ‘;€F” d no Lg. u L: were n oul :xcer fornore soeci c 62 important point for us is that these land grant colleges emphasized science, the discipline which put inferential statistics to work in the service of an emerging industrial economy. The increasing division of labor generated a need for more specialists. It became apparent that amateurs could no longer fill the occupational positions created. Experts were needed. Education, engineering, and journalism all needed men trained formally. As occupations became professions schools were required to train people in the specialized fields. The University of Missouri opened the first journalism school in 1908. In 20 years there were 1,000 college trained men and women entering this profession each year.22 This proliferation of specialization spread beyond science into commercial activities. Population began shifting from rural to urban areas as the factory system created more jobs and economic opportunity in cities. Commerce became more widespread, more diversified, and more sophisticated, requiring specialists in business. More middle level managers were needed: foremen, accountants, designers, directors, program coordinators, and administrators Of many kinds. Business schools appeared to meet this need. Commercial courses were added to the already established schools. In 1893 there were 15,000 students registered for commercial courses. Seven years later this number had increased to 75,000, an increase almost three times greater than high schoc 1920 there weré commercial sch< Economy was e51 in 1881; Calif< By 1915 there i business schooj The Alexander 1 York Universitj journalist who of Connerce, A business cours Leon C from 1907 to 1 the Departnent vi Connerce an 20‘": ' it"blah and 3.02165 ‘596 to 1915 2L Vere *- , . EL Nation; Z‘iSine 55 I and ‘ 63 than high school enrollment during these seven years. In 1920 there were 336,000 students enrolled in private commercial schools. The Wharton School of Finance and Economy was established at the University of Pennsylvania in 1881; California and Chicago followed suit in 1898. By 1915 there were 9,000 students enrolled in university business schools. That number reached 60,000 by 1930.23 The Alexander Hamilton Institute was organized at New York University in 1909 by J. F. French (1853—1925), the journalist who also organized and was Dean of the School of Commerce, Accounts and Finance of New York University. He was a leader in commercial education who trained teachers to go out into the educational community and establish business courses.24 Leon C. Marshall was at the University of Chicago from 1907 to 1928. During that period he was chairman of the Department of Political Economy and dean of the Colleges of Commerce and Administration. He helped to train a generation of American businessmen.25 Elgin R. L. Gould, a statistical economist with a Ph.D. degree from Johns Hopkins (1886), taught at Hopkins, Columbia, and Chicago before founding the City and Suburban Homes Company of New York, of which he was president from 1896 to 1915. He was also president of the Thirty-fourth Street National Bank. Gould was a reformer in politics and business, and did research for the United States Labor Department.26 — The Wha Pennsylvania ha 1891 he develop States Senate prices and wag professors of classroom, the An app by H. W. Farwe revealingly ti student who ha science and am In ‘ fom was are In pre‘ him you deg mak gir out but tra of six kni do 64 The Wharton School of Finance at the University of Pennsylvania had on its faculty Roland P. Falkner. In 1891 he developed the wholesale price index for the United States Senate Finance Subcommittee while investigating prices and wages in the national economy. Many of the professors of commerce served business and industry in the classroom, the board room of corporations, and with research.2 An appeal for commercial education was made in 1915 by H. W. Farwell of Columbia University in an article revealingly titled "Training for Action". Speaking of one student who had recently graduated with a Ph.D. degree in science and another student in engineering, he wrote: In the meantime the young scientist found that the direction in which he was inclined was not that of the executive, but that of the student. In a word, his education had not prepared him for the work expected of him. A rude awakening came for another young man who had recently taken the degree of Civil Engineer. He could make long computations of stresses in girders for steel work, he could lay out beautiful curves for a railway line, but all his years of college had not trained him in the very practical problem of keeping busy and happy a party of sixty additions to the melting pot, knights of the pick and shovel. Where do the text—books state that a young engineer should never allow such an occasion to arise that one of his dusky foremen calls him by the short and ugly name, or that the occasion having arisen, he should promptly apply a sedative by means of a convenient pickaxe handle if he wishes to maintain his self—respect and his job? — It is published in and edited at proponent of 5 business march Althou and the more a United States extensively. 29 business educa First, mass pr of industry wh countless new the far West 11 machine of the The vast dista and between th demands Upon t ShiPPing, rail induStries res American indus invention. T1 to modern hig} t0 Steam, San Cachines for 1 mph)? CIEate( with formal t‘ 65 It is interesting to note that this article was published in the Popular Science Monthly, a journal owned and edited at the time by James McKeen Cattell, a leading proponent of scientific education in America. Science and business marched hand—in-hand across the stage of education. Although Europe founded business schools earlier, and the more advanced ones are to be found there, the United States has developed business education much more extensively.29 The social forces behind this expansion of business education can be divided into three components. First, mass production and the consequent rapid expansion of industry which it fostered were responsible for creating countless new jobs. Second, the movement of population into the far West uncovered raw materials for the industrial machine of the East and created markets for finished products. The vast distances between the markets and the manufacturers and between the raw materials and the factories made new demands upon transportation and communications industries. Shipping, railroading, telegraphy, telephone-—all of these industries responded to the vast distances over which American industry had spread itself. Third, there was invention. The typewriter was invented; printing changed to modern high speed presses; and shipping turned from sail to steam. Samuel Morse and Alexander Graham Bell gave us machines for talking over great distances. Radio and photo— graphy created a new industry. All of this required specialists with formal training. Curriculums added courses in bookkeeping, .._~ 2;?‘9, 229%“!— "‘ stenovraphv. Economics de offerings to this complex the country. this disserta societies fo Scien statistics in enhanced by t of education ' religion. It cornerce. The the division c 311d elective 5 Practical, and training. Collec endowments, m became the fir Johns Hopkins, my Shifted boards of tn“ were Sitting < shift, the CO} Ch urch dOCtriy 66 stenography, typewriting, selling, and advertising. Economics departments in universities expanded their offerings to help the young business manager understand this complex new market economy which was spreading across the country. Five of the men discussed in Chapter 5 of this dissertation were presidents of new economics societies formed in the period from 1885 to 1930. Science is the discipline which carried inferential statistics into America and the spread of science was greatly enhanced by the secularization of education. Secularization of education is not an indication of a movement against religion. It was a result of the non—religious demands of commerce. These demands arose from the changing form of the division of labor, giving rise to innovative schools and elective systems offering business, professional, practical, and scientific training, as opposed to religious training. Colleges became dependent upon businessmen for their endowments, not clergymen. The fortunes of the Robber Barons became the financial foundations of the new schools like Johns Hopkins, Clark, Chicago, and Stanford. As endowment money shifted from clerical hands to business hands, the boards of trustees changed also. Increasingly, businessmen were sitting on the boards of colleges. As a result of this Shift, the content of courses was no longer determined by Church doctrine, but by business requirements. 1890 to 1924 ' population in were more stu schools which sent to colle free-market fa Finally, it Sp aid“ by educa ”110015 in Eur 67 The rise of state universities as a result of the Justin Morrill Act meant higher learning was designed for the needs of the working and middle classes, not for an elite class of clergymen. The sheer size of the student body of the new universities precluded the kind of clerical training which by its nature requires small classes and small enrollments. College enrollment in the period from 1890 to 1924 increased 352 percent while the general 30 population increased by only 79 percent. Each year there were more students graduating from grade schools and high schools which were not in any way religious. These students went to college and demanded a secular education. In true free-market fashion, colleges supplied what students demanded. Finally, it should be pointed out that secularization was aided by educators who were themselves graduates of secular schools in Europe. '- N 9.; U1 as \- on Q ' Buits ' Beard ' Ibid., George D (New York See: Edw Evolution August We Problems Edward J. Isis LVI A. L. Jom Columbia 1 See: Cha: Pulsar ' ”films . ma, p, 0 Ibid., p. M . R. P. But. McGraw-Hij . R“ B. Cul. Publ' . “*5 and 7 I pp I pp P. . w 10. 12. 13. 14. 15. l6. l7. l8. FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER 2 George Daniels, American Science in the Age of Jackson (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), p. 1. See: Edward D. Cope, The Primary Factors of Organic Evolution (Chicago: Open Court Publishing, 1896); August Weisman, Essays Upon Heredity and Kindred Biological Problems (Oxford: Clarenden Press, 1892) Edward J. Pfeiffer, "The Genesis of American Neo-Lamarckism," Isis LVI (1965):156—57. James McKeen Cattell, James McKeen Cattell: Man of Science, Vol. II, Addresses and Formal Papers (Lancaster, PA.: The SCience Press, 1947), pp. 265—305. Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1930, s.v. "Professions." S. E. Morison, The Puritan Pronaos, (New York: New York University Press, 1936), p. 152, 156. (New York: MacMillan, A. L. Jones, Early American Philosophers. 11—12. Columbia University Contributions, 1898), pp. See: Charles A. and Mary R. Beard, The Rise of American Civilization (New York: MacMillan, 1949). Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1930, s.v. "Professions." Ibid., p. 477. Ibid., p. 479. Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1930, s.v. "Education." R. F. Butts, The College Charts Its Course (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1939), pp. 131—142. R. B. Culver, Horace Mann and Religion in the Massachusetts Public Schools (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1929), p. 41. Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1930, s.v. "Universi- ties and Colleges," by S. D'Irsay; Beard, pp. 184—185. Butts, pp. 98,117-118; Beard, pp. 467—69. Beard, pp. 467—68. Ibid., p. 819. Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1930, s.v."Education." 68 Butts, I Dictione William Supplenn Biograol s.v. "Jc Press), Encyclop "Journal Ibid., lbid., s Biocrapl x".- S-V- 1‘1: Dictiona 81§fiili Ibid., 5 H. )1. FE (1915) I EfiCyclOp "BUSihes Ibid., 5 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 69 Butts, pp. 129—30. Dictionary of American Biography, 1974, s.v."Beal, William J." (New York: Charles Scribner & Sons, Supplement 3), pp. 216—217. Biographical Dictionary of American Educators, 1974, s.v. "Johnson, Palmer 0." (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press), pp. 716-717. Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1930, s.v. "Journalism." Ibid., s.v. "Business Education." Ibid., s.v. "Universities." Biographical Dictionary of American Educators,1974, s.v. "Marshall, Leon C." Dictionary of American Biography, 1974, s.v. "Gould, Elgin R. L." Ibid., s.v. "Falkner, Roland P." H. W. Farwell, The Popular Science Monthly LXXXVI (1915), p. 77. Encyclopediawof the Social Sciences, 1930, s.v. "Business Education." Ibid., s.v. "Education." As VI A k. d no be hi CEdC ion t. occupat 0fthe reco;: ”‘1 UN I “cation, 1h .nu ft. ~ \ /\ 1?" ‘\ f\ C\ 11.- v\\d .‘ . ..\ :L .sl— — :y C O r. G . S t v . d it a A... 1 I D. r LL “L. 41.. «C 1P.” in... 1. «k W». e ah. I e 3. Nb. . an O n..- . D. C. a. .l 0 b... O S \..\. .Q l «C A. in; LL B D. S u l C. in” NI. C. C C e .W at e C «Q Ya AM at O «L a .l .l t wflu t Rd e .nu O at n ... 1 u). 1Q it D. so. .ld \G e L L «C at. ..L e 0 Ab Qt 8 *1 v N - ‘ a e -1; M1“ \C ~M. Y; -1‘ UL We. -\I\ h). in» or» n 1.. 1-. «Q nL h... at S t r e o I. 0 «Q no . at. . u -1; C a t a 1: aw \Q «m.» Nita wt“ NM» ‘1 A A 1.; \rH 4 \ r \ -..C.w in“ am“. new. ~~w MW .n. My. .. s a . ~\~ 3. so a t .3 Chapter 3 TEACHING BECOMES PROFESSIONAL As vocations were transformed into professions, teaching became the key to this occupational shift. An occupation that requires prolonged formal training in one of the recognized fields of learning is a profession. Education, more specifically, higher education, is what is needed to build professions. ". . . an intellec— A profession has been defined as tual technique acquired by special training which can be 1 applied to some sphere of every day life. By the latter half of the nineteenth century it became apparent that education itself had become a profession. Educators had developed pedagogical techniques which were being taught to the uninitiated. With the coming of inferential statistics these techniques became grounded in PhYsiological theories which grew from the laboratories of the psychophysicists in Germany. The first prominent American educator to bring the new pedagogical techniques which relied upon measuring, statistics, and psychophysics to the United States was Henry Pickering Bowditch. He studied under some of the most celebrated physicians in France, and with physiologist, Carl Ludwig at Leipzig. In 1871 Bowditch was appointed a8sociate professor at Harvard and founded the first 70 2 q ica 141' area. chil Amer J of n vears 8X93 e i position 0f d' pmsiological .- ‘Ill 11 Ha v I Stanley M Americ .eri :‘C‘ .71 ha ‘tb ”TD -¢A\- 71 physiological laboratory in the country. He rose to the position of dean of the Medical Faculty in 1883, and for ten years exerted tremendous influence over medical education in America with his anthropometric studies of the growth of children.2 Many of his students became distinguished scholars after leaving Harvard. Among them was Granville Stanley Hall. Educators became aware of themselves as members of a distinct occupational group who required advanced and increasingly long periods of formal education. As these scholars acquired this group awareness they began to exhibit the characteristics of a social class. They communicated with one another by forming associations and societies, such as the following: Founding Year The American Statistical Association 1839 The Ammerican Association for the Advancement of Science 1880 The American Historical Association 1884 The American Economic Association 1885 The American Mathematical Society 1890 The American Psychological Association 1892 The American Philosophical Association 1901 The American Sociological Society 1905 The American Political Science Association 1906 The members of these associationswerethe people who adoPted inferential statistics as their scientific tool. With the exception of the historical and philosophical associations, the other organizations were all united in their ready acceptance of statistics. A glance through the various 1 this claim. I H As cc increased the legitimizing they must con professions. the first sta The n century for r. awarded almcs V‘:’y\' .euLl {611811115 terse 11.01.“ 1‘) ‘ HG not 51 2‘s \ ..LSSEQ his a nee :8 72 the various journals of these organizations easily verifies this claim. Legitimating the Academic Degree As communication among these professional scholars increased they became concerned with standards for legitimizing academic degrees. Scholars became aware that they must control the entrance requirements of their professions. The granting of advanced degrees was one of the first standards to come under scrutiny. The master's degree was awarded in the seventeenth century for non—academic reasons by Harvard. The degree was awarded almost as a matter of course, not for recognition of research completed by the student. It was simply a second degree. In 1642 Harvard College stated the following requirements for the master's degree: Every Schollar that giveth up in writing a System, or Synopsis, or summe of Logick, Naturall and Morall Phylosophy, Arithmetick, Geometry, and Astronomy: and is ready to defend his Theses or position: withall skilled in the originalls as abovesaid: (Refers to the requirement for the bachelor's degree) and of godly life and conversation: and so approved by the Overseers and Master of the College, and at any publique Act, is fit to be dignified with his 2nd Degree.3 A student named Hartshorn applied for a master's degree from Harvard in 1736, but was turned down because he did not already possess a bachelor's degree. Hartshorn pressed his application, however, and received his master's degree after "considerable discussion and delay".4 It a an examinati disputations affirmed or questions ar Questio for the under t Harvard in New III. n 73 It appears as though the master's degree required an examination by the year 1743. The "program of disputations" for that year posed 19 questions which were affirmed or denied by the degree candidates. Four of these questions are given here: Questions for the Class of 1743 Questions to be methodically discussed by candidates for the degree of master of arts in public assembly under the Rev. Mr. Edward Holyoke, president of Harvard College, by divine Providence, at Cambridge in New England, on the 6th of July A.D. 1743. I. Whether a Confession of Faith may be declared in words merely humane? Affirmed by Thomas Prince. II. Whether every Dissimulation to be a Vice? Deny'd by Benjamin Stevens. III. Whether the Dissolution of Solids in Corrosive Liquors be performed by Attraction? Affirmed by Samuel Gay. IV. Whether Private Profit ought to be the chief end of Moral Actions? Deny'd by George Bethune.5 Only two of the 19 questions in the "program of disputations" for the master's degree are related to scientific subjects. Harvard did not establish a scientific school until 1847 under President Everett. By 1860 research was expected of Harvard's faculty. In his 1860 inaugural address President Felton made the following statement about research: This direct effec It became ap train studen members in t recognized g toaid them required "to instruction i There was al be passed. herded Unde Profession3 In j dQQIEQSI ““1 and w reciflired $1 mather“stic Uh l887‘8 in the Ste A ”My _ 74 I have said that the object of a university was partly to educate the young—~the picked and chosen youth of our country, but it is also in part the duty of professors to add to the literature and science of their respective departments. The university that fails to do this fails in an 6 essential portion of its proper business. This emphasis upon research as well as teaching had direct effect upon the graduate degrees offered by Harvard. It became apparent that graduate programs were needed to train students in the new techniques developed by faculty members in their research. No doubt, faculty members recognized graduate students as a willing source of labor to aid them in their work. By 1872 Harvard students were required "to pass with high credit four full courses of instruction of advanced grade, pursued for one academic year.“ There was also a new regulation requiring that an examination he passed. In 1874 the first earned master's degree was awarded under these new requirements.7 Harvard began to professionalize higher education. In 1873 Harvard awarded its first Ph.D. and S.D. degrees. Both of these degrees required long periods of study and were considered reSpectable degrees. The S.D. required study in two areas of specialization chosen from mathematics, physical sciences, and natural sciences. In the 1887—88 academic year there were 217 students enrolled in the graduate program at the M.A. and Ph.D. levels. . 8 Seven doctorates were awarded in that year. dogma almost delree three "the master', l°f COurse') 0r COUISeS 0 type was able students Em that advanc, was awarded 75 Among these graduates was Charles B. Davenport who took his Ph.D. in zoology from Harvard in 1892. He became one of the leading proponents of eugenics and convinced the Carnegie Foundation to fund his studies at the biological experiment station in Cold Spring Harbor on Long Island.9 In 1895 James W. Glover graduated from Harvard with a Ph.D. in mathematics. He was appointed chairman of the department at the University of Michigan and established statistics courses in the curriculum. Outside the university, Glover led an active and influential professional life. He served as an expert consultant to business and government during his career and was, therefore, in a position to introduce statistics to many agencies and institutions outside academia. In its early years Yale College granted the M.A. degree almost automatically to anyone with a bachelor's degree three years after graduation. This degree was called "the master's degree in course (humorously interpreted 'of course') referring to course of time rather than course or courses of study."11 The first unearned degree of this type was awarded in 1702. There are records of graduate students enrolled in Yale in 1836, but it was not until 1847 that advanced instruction was instituted in mathematics and physical sciences. The first earned M.A. degree at Yale was awarded in 1866. Although Yale began granting earned master's degrees at this time, the school did not intend to give in to the pressures of commerce and produce professionals trained for occupations. Yale was, at the time, still educating young 10 men in the Eu of conservati reactionary e of 1828, whic dissertation. point out the of giving awa ready, yet, t passage from 76 men in the English fashion. The school was the citadel of conservatism and continued to adhere to the almost reactionary educational goals set out in the Yale Report of 1828, which will be discussed in Chapter 4 of this dissertation. For our purposes it is only necessary to point out that while Yale was willing to stop the practice of giving away unearned master's degrees the school was not ready, yet, to condone professional education. The following passage from Yale's 1877-78 catalog makes this clear. The degree of master of arts is conferred on bachelors of arts of 2 years standing or upwards who have given to the academical faculty evidence of having made satis- factory progress in liberal studies after receiving their first degree. Such evidence may be furnished by l year's systematic study (not professional) in New Haven under the direction of the academical faculty, followed by an examina— tion. Such bachelors of arts of the college as may not choose to reside at the college for the prosecution of study may show, at any time not less than three years after graduation, by their printed essays, or by submitting to a special examination, that they have spent a year in liberal (not professional) study and are worthy of recommendation for the degree. The first Ph.D. degree given in the United States was awarded by Yale in 1861. Interestingly enough, this was not an honorary degree. The student was required to study for two years in the department of Philosophy and arts.13 Princeton's first master's degree was of the unearned type, awarded in 1751. According to the catalog, "the degree Of master of arts is conferred in course on every bachelor 0f arts of 3 years' standing who, in the interval, shall haVe sustained a other studio was not aver degrees. Th According to for the Mt. college" and made in the Professions, Princeton ac to enter the 3y 1879 Prin declrees. In 1 awarded its honorary tier Study beYOn its fil'st P of Pure Scj that Colonn SQhOOL for Scient . 1: lnfl“Slice the bar. 77 sustained a good moral character and pursued professional or other studies."14 From an early date, Princeton, unlike Yale, was not averse to assigning professional status to academic degrees. The catalog recognized professional studies as legitimate for higher education. Princeton's first earned master's degree was awarded more than one century later in 1879. The rules covering A.M. degrees changed in that year. According to the catalog the candidate was required to work for the A.M. "devoting 1 year exclusively to study in the college" and "passing rigid examinations." Provision was made in the new regulations for “Those pursuing the learned professions, including teaching." With this provision, Princeton acknowledged its responsibility for training students to enter the professions and regarded teaching as a profession. By 1879 Princeton had awarded its first Ph.D. and first Sc.D. degrees. In 1758 Columbia University (called King's College) awarded its first master of arts degree. It was not an honorary degree. The regulations required three years of study beyond the bachelor's degree. In 1875 Columbia granted its first Ph.D. in the School of Mines, until the "faculty of pure science was established in 1892." It is significant that Columbia's first Ph.D. was awarded by a scientific school. Columbia responded early to the industrial demand for scientifically trained graduates.15 In statistics, psychology, and education Columbia's influence is probably unmatched by any other school. During the period from 1890 to 1930 both the faculty and students in these dis« American com: of Galton an: European sta James McKeen University f In 1 school. Cla 1900, granti: 1891 to 1914 L- C In 1 78 in these disciplines were instrumental in introducing the American community of scholars to the statistical techniques of Galton and Wundt. The most direct connection between European statistics and American social science came through James McKeen Cattell, professor of psychology at Columbia University from 1891 to 1917. In 1889 Clark University opened with no undergraduate school. Clark offered only graduate studies from 1889 to 1900, granting 117 Ph.D.s in psychology and education from 1891 to 1914, and a total of 192 Ph.D. degrees in all areas.16 Clark's first president, Granville Stanley Hall, was one of the first and most prominent psychologists in America; thus, the large proportion of degrees in psychology and education is not surprising. Although Clark has always been a small school, it can boast of many nationally prominent scholars from the ranks of its students and faculty. In 1905 Lewis M. Terman took his Ph.D. in psychology and education at Clark. He is remembered for his thirty-year study of gifted children and his work for the Department of the Army during World War I. He developed the first group intelligence tests for the army, the Alpha and Beta tests. Terman also popularized the term "intelligence quotient" in psychology, and revised the French Binet-Simon intelligence test, calling his American version the Stanford-Binet test.17 The trend away from unearned graduate degrees also affected programs at other schools. In 1859 the University of Michigan granted its first earned M.A. degree. This M.A. was awarded for course work and thesis. In 1876 Michigan conferred its first Ph.D. The 1 master of art degrees were honorary A.M. Carolina bege 1812 along w: awarded in 1: Anoti an early date date was 1857 The I fieGree to a a early as 1831 Students wh< diversity in The I thre “ e YEar me has ab‘drded - in1871, 79 The University of South Carolina granted its first master of arts degrees in 1808, the honorary kind. These degrees were continued until 1873 after which no more honorary A.M. degrees were granted. Surprisingly, South Carolina began granting earned A.M. degrees as early as 1812 along with the unearned type. The first Ph.D. was awarded in 1891. Another school which granted an earned M.A. degree at an early date was the University of North Carolina; the date was 1856. In 1883 this school awarded its first Ph.D. The University of Virginia never awarded an honorary degree to a student who simply held a bachelor's degree and displayed "3 or more years of successful activity." As early as 1833 Virginia began awarding the master's degree to "students who completed the entire curriculum offered by the University." The Ph.D. was first awarded in 1885. The University of Georgia began granting an unearned three year master's degree in 1803. The last of this kind was awarded in 1868, while the first earned A.M. was granted in 1871. In 1858 the trustees of the University of Mississippi considered a proposal to add an M.A. program in scientific and literary subjects to their B.S. program. In 1859 graduate work began at Brown University. The first master's degrees were awarded in 1888 requiring one year of resident work or "2 years in absentia." The first Ph.D. came in 1889. The E education, ne graduate facr Chicago. Twe work; 40 of t The 1‘ States is fai known univers 80 The University of Chicago strongly emphasized graduate education, never awarding honorary degrees. In 1892 the graduate faculty made up 40 percent of the teaching staff at Chicago. Twenty-eight percent of the students did graduate work; 40 of them held fellowships. The founding of graduate schools in the United States is fairly recent. The graduate schools of some well— known universities were founded in the following years.19 Founding Year Columbia University 1880 Harvard University 1890 University of Wisconsin 1892 Princeton University 1901 University of Illinois 1906 University of California 1909 University of Michigan 1915 The number of graduate students in the United States grew at a rapid pace from 44 in 1870 to over 47,000 in 1930.20 Year Number of graduate students 1871 44 1872 198 1873 219 1880 411 1885 869 1889 1,343 1890 2,382 1900 5,831 1910 9,370 1920 15,612 1930 47,255 Dur of graduate 1880 to 189 slightly gr. increased b; decade from tripled. Dur and the hum) greatly. 21 30 Perig 81 During the three years from 1871 to 1873 the number of graduate students increased by a factor of five. From 1880 to 1890 the number of students increased by a factor slightly greater than five. From 1890 to 1930 the number increased by a factor of slightly less than 20. In the decade from 1920 to 1930 alone, the number of graduate students tripled. During the same period the number of graduate schools and the number of Ph.D. degrees awarded by them increased greatly.21 Number of schools Number of Ph.D. Year offering Ph.D. degrees awarded 1876 25 44 1890 —— 164 1900 -- 342 1910 38 409 1920 44 532 1930 74 2,024 From 1890 to 1900 the number of Ph.D. degrees doubled. From 1920 to 1930 the number quadrupled. Graduate education from its beginning to 1930 can be classified according to the degrees granted in the following manner: The first period from 1642 to 1860 was the time of the honorary M.A. degree. The second period from 1860 to 1900 is when degrees began to be awarded for academic work and the Ph.D. made its appearance. During the third period from 1900 to 1930 a wider variety Of degrees were awarded and the Ph.D. became the "terminal" degree for more disciplines. The graduate ed described i trained as specialists degrees. H honorary de« from studen‘ Th1: happen all ( 1900 some 1:} éeclined m. K A jegrtées we re Of honorarv ‘ W -839 24 82 The social mechanisms responsible for the growth of graduate education and the proliferation of the Ph.D. are described in Chapter 2. Industry and commerce needed people trained as specialists, particularly in the sciences. These specialists, in larger numbers, were acquiring M.A. and Ph.D. degrees. Higher education responded by doing away with honorary degrees and insisting instead upon academic work from students at the graduate level. This change from honorary to earned degree did not happen all at once, but required three decades. From 1872 to 1900 some Ph.D. degrees were still honorary, but the practice declined rapidly after 1890. In 1889 29.2 percent of all Ph.D. degrees were honorary. By 1898 only three percent were not earned. It is clear from the following table that the number of honorary Ph.D. degrees declined steadily after a peak in 1889.22 The association ECddemia; t The nine as encouraged . 83 NUMBER OF Ph.D. DEGREES GRANTED Honoris Percent gear In Course Causa Honoris Causa 1872 141 20 _ 12.4 1874 173 20 11.5 1878 203 35 11.7 1888 106 29 21.4 1889 121 50 29.2 1890 125 39 23.7 1891 136 30 18.0 1892 152 36 19.0 1893 189 32 14.4 1894 233 33 12.4 1895 234 34 12.6 1896 285 30 9.5 1898 325 11 3.0 The awarding of honorary degrees was Opposed by associations and societies which wanted to professionalise academia; that is, make it respectable and legitimate. The nine associations and societies mentioned above all encouraged earned doctorates and master's degrees. In addition, the Affiliated Clubs of Graduate Students were Organized in the 18905. Meeting in New York, these affiliated Clubs officially protested the granting of honorary degrees.23 Graduate students perceived quite clearly that they were the PeOple most directly affected by low academic standards. As early as 1881 the American Philological Association condemned the honorary Ph.D. At its meeting in Cincinnati the Association resolved: 5—4 1:! the same Of Science Bef. in 1889 Pro Spoke again 84 Whereas manycollegesin the United States have, in recent years, conferred the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, not by examination, but honoris causa: be it Resolved, That this association deprecates the removal of this degree from the class to which it belongs (namely, B.D., LL.B., M.D., and Ph.D. degrees conferred after examination), and its transfer to the Class of honorary degrees.24 In the same year the American Association for the Advancement of Science announced its agreement with this resolution. Before a meeting of the National Education Association in 1889 Professor Charles Foster Smith of Vanderbilt University spoke against the granting of degrees honoris causa. The Education Review threatened, in 1892, to publish a list of schools which granted honorary degrees. When this abuse subsequently continued the Review published the list. Because no government agency exerted control over standards, the presidents of prominent universities formed the Association of American Universities in 1900 and added their voices to the call for an end to honorary Ph.D. degrees. By the time of World War I the Ph.D. was a thoroughly professional research degree. It is clear that this movement to legitimate advanced degrees was composed of learned societies, graduate students, and university presidents. "A Survey of College Faculties" reported by B. W. Kunkel, documents the level of professionalization of academia by the third decade of this century. The mailing list Of the American Association of University Professors was used as a sample of American faculty members. This furnished a 25 sample of 1 faculties c other thing members whc lekel four mlettered ., uy u Pointing Kunkel is n Simply refl 'deS intensi V Gem .510de SC In into tWee mileage Commented c 85 sample of 4,667 teachers which was "about one—sixth of the faculties of American colleges and universities."26 Among other things this study reported the number of faculty members who held academic degrees. The members of the American Association of University Professors have practically all had college or university degrees. In fact, of those who answered the questionnaire, only 13, or less than 0.3 per cent had no degree whatever. Only 214, or 4.6 per cent had no degree higher than the bachelor's; and 1,147, or 24.7 per cent had no degree higher than the master's. The rest, constituting 70.6 per cent, have the doctor's degree. Kunkel found there had been a decrease in the number of unlettered men allowed into academia over the years. ...there has been a progressive decrease in the number of men admitted to the profession without any degree whatever as the years have gone by. The percentage is very small [less than 0.4%] and represents almost exclusively teachers of fine arts and music.... 8 By pointing out that the exceptions are in fine arts and music Kunkel is not deprecating those disciplines in any way. He is simply reflecting the concern for scientific degrees, which was intensified by an expanding industrial economy that demanded scientifically trained workers. In this study Kunkel divided the 4,667 faculty members into three age groups: old, middle, young. He found the middle-age group held more doctorates than the old groups and commented on this: I. nA-n . The "pressur itself in it One Some of the German natic many America universitie< 86 The increase of doctor's degrees in the middle group over the old group doubt— less indicates the more or less growing pressure on college faculties to earn their highest degrees in order to gain promotion. The decline in the percentage of doctor's degrees among the young men is explained simply by the fact that many men enter the profession without that degree and earn it later in their careers. The "pressure" Kunkel speaks of was generated by academia itself in its effort to professionalize. One other inducement to professionalization which can be touched on here is the German influence in American higher education. The professionalization of American educa— tion took place under the guidance of German—trained scholars. Some of the professors in the new graduate schools were German nationals who migrated to the United States. Also, many American scholars spent time studying in German universities before returning to take teaching, research, or administrative posts in higher education. During the period from 1800 to 1850 there were less than 200 American students enrolled in German universities. By the 18705 there were over 1,000 Americans studying in Germany.30 These were the people who rose to prominence in American colleges as professors and administrators. They had prestigious German degrees. By the turn of the century American universities were able to produce Ph.D. graduates in sufficient numbers to begin to meet the needs of an expanding university system, BY the time of World War I the number of German-trained scholars had diminished considerably, but American graduate education had the clear imprint of German scholarship on it.31 Edt honorary de difficult k In one year 50,000 teac leave teacl population. produced 11 0f the 50,( 1860 only : there Were this incre. than adequ' “ll-Versus During tn: teaChErS| Year 1865 1890 / 87 Teacher Training and Salaries Educators found that the struggle to eliminate honorary degrees and raise academic standards was made more difficult by the tremendous demand industry made upon them. In one year during the late 1890s it was estimated that 50,000 teachers would be needed to replace those who would leave teaching and to keep up with the expanding general population. In that same year the number of teachers produced in the normal schools was only 11,225, a small fraction of the 50,000 teachers required.32 This demand placed a heavy burden on the normal schools, which trained teachers. Facilities for training teachers expanded as a result. In the 24 years from 1836 to 1860 only 11 normal schools were built. By the year 1898 there were 167 of them in the United States.33 In spite of this increase in schools, the supply of teachers was less than adequate to meet the demand. Thus, colleges and universities increased their output of teachers also. During this period of demand and educational expansion teachers' salaries increased, as shown in the following table:34 WEEKLY TEACHER SALARIES Rural Urban Year Men Women Men Women 1865 $ 9.09 $ 5.99 $23.15 $ 8.57 1890 18.08 13.68 52.19 21.05 It :' colleagues. general trer Agricultural higher payir in cities sc surprising 1' other worker $8.94 per we $15.64 durir only teacher reason for t 88 It is clear urban teachers made more than their rural colleagues. This is not surprising. It only reflects a general trend which affected all employed Americans. Agricultural workers were leaving the countryside to find higher paying jobs in city factories. The tax base was higher in cities so teachers' salaries were higher. What is surprising is the comparison of teachers' high salaries with other workers' wages. Common laborers were paid $8.82 to $8.94 per week, and skilled urban workers earned $14.90 to $15.64 during this period.35 In 1890 rural women were the only teachers earning less than skilled urban workers. The reason for these relatively high teacher salaries was the tremendous demand for teachers. To a certain extent teachers could bargain for higher wages. This they did through their associations. Teachers had a good argument in their favor. They were required to spend more of their time training themselves in colleges and normal schools, therefore they deserved a higher wage. Teachers were moving through a transition period in the overall occupational scheme. They were not quite professionals yet, but they had risen above the prestige level of skilled workers. Teachers' salaries continued their increase after this period. In 1914 the average annual salary of a public school teacher was $525; in 1930 it was $851 (uncorrected salary was $1,420). Douglas and Burgess have demonstrated similar increases during the same period.36 These figures are meaningless, however, unless we compare them with the increases in Other workers' wages. During the thirty-year period from 1890 to 192 common work skilled wor teachers di This change World War I more than 2 that period Which was 2 doubt, due in the 1930 SChOOiing a may also be teacher worj school each It i ignore mac] earriérs, Wh< their income Sta tes. The 89 1890 to 1920 teachers' salaries increased 125 percent, while common workers'average wages increased 195 percent, and skilled workers' wages rose 169 percent. Relatively speaking, teachers did not fair as well as others during that period. This changed after World War I. During the period from World War I to the Depression, teachers? incomes increased more than 200 percent. Teachers' salaries caught up during that period somewhat with the general increase in real wage which was 277 percent from 1890 to 1937.37 This was, no doubt, due to the length of time required to train a teacher. In the 1930s the average teacher had twice as much formal schooling as a teacher in 1890.38 This increase in salary may also be simply attributable to the amount of time a teacher works. In the 19305 teachers taught more days of school each year than they did in the 18908. It was highly unlikely that organized labor would ignore teachers. They were a rapidly growing class of wage earners, who, unlike physicians and lawyers, did not control their incomes. Teachers associations sprang up in various states. Their main purpose was to encourage education through taxation, libraries, and adult education. In this purpose they were supported by 1abor.39 An organization actively involved in the professionalization of teachers was the National Education Association. It was founded at a meeting in Philadelphia in 1857, calling itself the National Teachers Association. In 1870 it consolidated with other organizations and changed its name to the National Education Association. The original NTA seems to have grown out of an earlier consolidati which form By 1870 tea organizatic communicati certificati members. A the followi E 188 189 19c r91: r92 193 n; 90 consolidation of state and regional teacher associations which formed in 1849 with Horace Mann as their leader.40 By 1870 teachers had moved from loosely consolidated organizations which functioned mainly to facilitate communication, to the NEA which sought educational reform, certification of teachers, and political power for its members. After a hesitant start the NEA grew steadily as the following table demonstrates:41 NEA MEMBERSHIP Year Membership 1884 2,729 1895 11,297 1900 4,641 1919 10,000 1921 50,000 1932 220,149 Another association which fostered cohesiveness among teachers is the American Federation of Teachers, founded in 1916 with a membership of 2,800. By 1934 its membership had increased to 13,000. This organization spoke more militantly on public issues than did the NEA. The AFT pushed their favored legislation, publicly opposed criticism of education, Opposed war and child labor, and pushed for recognition of the Soviet Union after the Bolshevik take—over.42 Over a period of decades various professional Organizations championed the cause of education and teachers. How successful they were in improving working conditions and raising Sal expected lj and skilled teachers ea less than c earnings of H. F. clarl teaching we was elevent an expected Ele education t these teaCi not afford teachers we Tea than just I for expensi high school among the s managerial colleges an trained in and to a le Tea less of the Student for . . ...eq icine, 1 "EE'~Y 91 raising salaries is difficult to judge. Comparing the expected lifetime earnings of teachers with other professions and skilled trades during the 19205 we find public school teachers earning slightly more than skilled workers but less than other professionals. Ranking expected average earnings of a lifetime (among professions and skilled trades) H. F. Clark found medicine first with $108,000; college teaching was sixth with $69,300; public school teaching was eleventh with $29,700, followed by skilled trades with an expected lifetime earning of $28,600.43 Elementary school teaching required less advanced education than high school or college teaching, therefore these teachers were drawn from the lower classes who could not afford a more lengthy education. Elementary school teachers were trained largely in normal schools. Teaching in high school and college required more than just normal school education. These occupations called for expensive college and university schooling. As a result, high school and college teachers were drawn largely from among the sons and daughters of the professional and managerial classes. They were graduates of liberal arts colleges and universities. Forty—five percent of the teachers trained in teachers'colleges came from skilled labor, farmers, and to a lesser extent, from businessmen.44 Teaching was the easiest profession to enter. Regard- less of the socioeconomic status of his or her father, the Student found entry into elementary education much easier than medicine, law, or clergy. Education has been a doorway into middle clas and Moffett attending a or owner of predominant Bec the profess Forty-two p the percent filures are IEpresent e been overwh In With Other the main Vs This IS a 5 Expanding i: beilEVed th through edt and raising eduCatiOn’ industriar of this dis nFor a Cth 92 middle class respectability for many young Americans. Hill and Moffett found that the father of the typical student attending a teachers' college was a farmer, skilled tradesman, or owner of a small business. These students came predominantly from small towns or rural areas.45 Because teaching has remained the lowest paying of the professions it has attracted more women than men. Forty—two percent of all teachers were men in 1880. By 1930 the percentage of male teachers had dropped to 16.5%. These figures are not true for college and university teachers, but represent elementary and high school. Higher education has been overwhelmingly masculine.46 In spite of the low salary of teachers when compared with other professions, education was believed by many to be the main vehicle of upward social mobility for Americans. This is a direct result of the demands placed upon it by the expanding post—Civil War economy. Teachers and students believed they were improving both the economy and themselves through education. They were contributing toward "progress" and raising their own personal financial chances through education, by responding to the demands of an expanding industrial economy. The unifying theme of Chapters 2 and 3 of this dissertation was stated eloquently over 40 years ago: "For a century the social outlook of teachers has been based upon an expanding economy."47 10. ll. 12. l3. 14. 15. l6. l7. l8. l9. FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER 3 Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, s.v. "Professions." Dictionary of American Biography, s.v. "Bowditch, Henry Pickering." Walton C. John, Graduate Study in Universities and Colleges in the United States (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior, Bulletin No. 20, 1934), p. 1. Ibid., p. 2. Ibid., p. 3. Ibid., p. 5. Ibid., p. 5. Ibid., p. 10. Dictionary of American Biography, s.v. "Davenport, Charles B." National Cyclopedia of American Biography, 1975, s.v. "Glover, James W." John, p. 5. Ibid., p. 6. Ibid., p. 9. Ibid., p. 6. Ibid., p. 10. E. V. Wills, Growth of American Higher Education (Philadelphia: Dorrance and Co., 1936), P. 150. Biographical Dictionary of American Higher Education, s.v. "Terman, Lewis M." For dates on Michigan, South Carolina, North Carolina, Virginia, Georgia, Mississippi, Brown, and Chicago, see: John, pp. 7—11 passim. B. J. Horton, The Graduate School (New York: Byrne J. Horton, 1940), p. 74. 93 John, Ibid Ibid Ibid 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 94 John, pp. 12—13. Ibid., p. 19. Ibid., p. 20. Ibid., p. 24. Ibid., p. 21. Ibid., p. 24f. B. W. Kunkel, “A.Survey of College Faculties," Bulletin of the Association of American Colleges XXIII (1937): 466—68. Ibid., p. 484. Ibid., p. 485. Ibid. C. F. Thwing, The American and the German University (New York: MacMillan, 1928), p. 42 Beard, Vol. II, p. 467 f; out of a total of 65 scholars in Chapter 5 who were important contributors to statistics in American higher education, 24 studied in Germany. W. S. Elsbree, The American Teacher (New York: American Book Co., 1939), p. 314. Ibid., pp. 153; 312. Ibid., p. 432. C. H. Judd, "Education," Chapter VII in Recent Social Trends in the United States, Report of the President's Research Committee on Social Trends, Vol. 1 (New York: McGraw—Hill Co., 1933), passim. Paul H. Douglas, Real Wages in the United States (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1930), p. 382. Douglas, p. 382. Elsbree, p. 436. Ibid., p. 242. Ibid., p. 503. Ibid., p. 577. Ibid. Ibid E. 5 Stan (Wasl I935 Collt Cont: Tead SocL of C: Elsb: Ibid 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 95 Ibid., p. 437. E. S. Evenden et a1., "Teacher Personnel in the United States," in National Survey of the Education of Teachers (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Interior, 1935); M. Kiely, Comparison of Students of Teachers' Colleges and Students of Liberal Arts Colleges, Columbia Contribution to Education, No. 440 (New York: Columbia Teachers' College, 1931), passim; F. L. Whitney, "The Social and Economic Background of Teachers' College and of University Students," Education XLVII (1927);449f. Elsbree, p. 549. Ibid., p. 554. W. H. Kilpatrick, ed., First Yearbook of John Dewey Society (New York: D. Appleton—Century Co., 1937), p. 143. As War, more higher lea completely were the r daily prot and betwee inference. mechanism nature. n ima(line hc Could have Chapter 4 THE NEW COLLEGES The Land Grant Colleges As free public education expanded after the Civil War, more Americans entered colleges. To meet the demand for higher learning old colleges expanded into universities and completely new universities were built. These universities were the nexus between society and new ideas, between the daily problems of industrial America and scientific solutions, and between practical applied agriculture and statistical inference. The universities became a vast continent-spanning mechanism Spreading ideas, particularly those of a scientific nature. Without these universities it is difficult to imagine how the arcane sciences of the twentieth century could have been grasped by a nation of pioneers, social experimenters, and immigrants who arrived on American shores divided by their languages and the ethnologies of Europe, Africa and Asia. The impact of statistical inference upon education, psychology, agriculture, economics and other fields would have been slight and slow in coming without America's universities. More than any single event the universities of America are indebted for their character, their ability to influence 96 culture, a unimportan public uni Justin Mor Act of I86 emerging m theories a society.1 Ed during the attempts a due to lac emerging j that its C would be: The Elite dominance mStOcrat taken by t agricultur manPOWEr E beCame app alliance t their YOUI preside“ mind is m VlgOI‘OuS < 97 culture, and their public endowments, to a seemingly unimportant piece of nineteenth century legislation. Many public universities owe their existence to Congressman Justin Morrill of Vermont who guided the Land Grant College Act of 1862 through Congress with the backing of newly emerging middle class Americans eager to implement their theories about education for the masses in a democratic society.1 Educators detected a plasticity in the American psyche during the period of Reconstruction. It seemed as though attempts at educational reform which had previously failed due to lack of public support might now succeed. The nation, emerging from the Civil War as an international power, demanded that its colleges decide which kind of social mechanism they would be: custodians of the past or architects of the future. The elite of the South had lost their bid for national dominance and with it went social power and hopes for an aristocratic, semi—feudal society. The initiative had been taken by the financial empire of the East and the industrial— agricultural heartland of the Midwest with their expanding manpower and natural resources. During Reconstruction it became apparent to some that the people forming this vast alliance between East and Midwest wanted higher education for their young. In 1871 when James B. Angell was inaugurated as president of the University of Michigan, he said: "The public mind is now in a plastic, impressionable state, and every Vigorous college, nay, every capable worker, may help to shape its decis its cells the l828 education Justin Mo "Eliot of Angell of Hall of C Alderman Ohio Stat Who with private p SCOPE and T discovere fOunded i new ident Years lat college." T the New Y Um Farme and Simil KentuCky’ nickname imitators Iowa Stat 98 its decisions upon education."2 America was about to launch its colleges on a journey out of the pre-Civil War land of the 1828 Yale Report which advocated classical, elite education. The colleges were launched on this journey by Justin Morrill and presidents like Gilman of Johns Hopkins, WEliotof Harvard, Harper of Chicago, Jordan of Stanford, Angell of Michigan, Wheeler of California, White of Cornell, Hall of Clark, Van Hise of Wisconsin, MacLean of Iowa, Alderman of Virginia, Wilson of Princeton, Thompson of Ohio State, Folwell of Minnesota, and Butler of Columbia.... who with the generous support of State legislatures or private philanthropy laid the foundations for the present scope and quality of university education in the United States."3 The state universities which had been floundering discovered new strength in the Morrill Act. Michigan State, founded in 1857 as an agricultural college, found a whole new identity with passage of Morrill's Land Grant Act. Five years later it was known as "The nation's first land grant college." The sobriquet is not, however, entirely accurate. The land grant movement was adumbrated by schools like the New York State Agricultural College incorporated in 1853; the Farmer's High School of Pennsylvania chartered in 1854; and similar schools in Maryland, Massachusetts, Georgia, Kentucky, and Virginia.4 If not technically accurate, the nickname is at least true in spirit, for a network of imitators spread across the continent. The campuses of Iowa State University, Louisiana State University, and the Universi East Lan Universi railroad This was solely t. Two year Harvard . classica. American Educatior and curr; Of them ( mOVement universii 99 University of Kansas bear a resemblance to the campus in East Lansing, Michigan. Ten years after the founding of Michigan State University Johns Hopkins donated his Baltimore and Ohio railroad fortune to the school bearing his name in Baltimore. This was the first attempt to build a university devoted solely to research, scholarship, and graduate education. Two years later Charles Eliot rose to the presidency of Harvard and introduced the elective system, shattering the classical curriculum which had dominated Harvard and other American colleges for two centuries. These new presidents and new schools reformed college education. They destroyed the cozy, club-like atmosphere and curricular homogeneity of the old college system. Each of them contributed his own unique experiment tofthe reform movement, but they all reflected the idealism of German universities with their emphasis on research, modern science, and service to the state. Not everyone was eager to adopt the German university model. Some who were opposed to it claimed German schools trained students for professions that did not exist in the United States: teaching, civil service, and the diplomatic corps.5 The claim was not a particularly valid one because the United States did have these three vocations. The point of university education was to professionalize vocations by upgrading the education of teachers, civil servants, and diplomats. Th confederat of one arm examine st mainly in instructio most remar of literat free inqui American u it was an and encour influence, and COnsid 100 The typical English university was composed of loosely confederated colleges which operated more or less independently of one another. The main function of the university was to examine students. French universities were distinguished mainly in their administrative function of controlling instruction in the institution. The German university was most remarkable because it included strong graduate faculties of literature, science, and the arts. The Germans encouraged free inquiry into all areas, particularly science. The American university developed all of these characteristics: it was an examining body; it regulated through administration; and encouraged research in its graduate school. The German influence, with its emphasis on graduate schools was stronger and considered more important than the English or French influences.6 Although prominent Americans as early as Franklin and Jefferson had spent time observing English colleges and early American colleges were designed on the English model, America was still too filled with anticolonial feelings to adopt the English university system. Furthermore, the fundamentally elitist British system would not meet America's educational needs in an expanding economy. Eventually the English themselves built non-elitist schools like the University of London. When America initiated her expansion of higher education, she turned for help neither to England, the mother country, nor France, her sister in Revolution, but to the didactic and dutiful Germans. The German university system replaced the conservat: intellectr on educati statistics Halle, Hei Tl universiti caused by might have the Cheval 0f the Pb) Revolutior Trand idea the Acaden 101 conservative English system of colleges as the center of intellectual endeavor in the United States. German influence on education and statistics, particularly the application of statistics, emanated from schools at Gottingen, Berlin, Halle, Heidelberg, and especially Leipzig.7 The United States came close to having French universities on its soil. If it were not for the disruption caused by the French Revolution, America's university system might have been distinctly French. An influential Frenchman, the Chevalier Quesnay de Beaurepaire, grandson of "the founder of the Physiocrats" served as a volunteer in the American Revolutionary Army. While in this country he "conceived the grand idea" of building a French university here, called the Academy of Sciences and Fine Arts of the United States of America, with branches in Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, and the main campus in Richmond, Virginia. It was to be affiliated with the royal societies of London, Paris, and Brussels, have French professors, 200 associates, and offer instruction in "foreign languages, mathematics, design, architecture (civil and military), painting, sculpture, engraving, experimental physics, astronomy, geography, chemistry, mineralogy, botany, anatomy (human and veterinary), and natural history." The French court was in favor of the School and Thomas Jefferson wanted it. Sixty thousand francs was raised for it in America and in 1786 the foundation of the first building was laid in Richmond. It was completed some years later. The French Revolution, however, intervened and the Academy never opened.8 err-T was Benja Universit says: However, j that Geme rate mathe apparatus Fr a0270f his ietters to The .:Si'man Univ, 3:‘T‘ediCine who a v mOre Ame :l J‘ Aster V‘his exper 102 The first American to investigate German universities was Benjamin Franklin in 1766. Professor Hinsdale of the University of Michigan writing in 1897 about Franklin's visit says: It is rather surprising to find that the man who is the best embodiment of the practical spirit of American philosophy should have been the first American to show an interest in the higher education of the land of abstract thought and science. However, it is perhaps not so surprising when one considers that Germany produced Gauss, Helmholz, and Wundt, all first rate mathematicians and scientists who also constructed apparatus. Franklin himself makes no mention of this visit in any of his published memoirs, but he does discuss it in his letters to his wife. The Germans thought Franklin's visit important enough that they published his interview with J. T. Koehler in five different editions in Gottingen (1767), Gotha (1769), Frankfort and Leipzig (1769), and again in Helmstadt in 1777. The latter edition was published in the American colonies in a translation by John Wesley.10 The first American to receive a degree from a German university was Benjamin Barton who took his doctor of medicine degree in 1789 at the University of Gottingen. Two more Americans took degrees in Germany in 1814, J. J. Astor and E. Everett. None of these men left a record . . . ll Of his experiences in Germany. Germany Germany in Ameri Germany country, was near publishe could no Scholars more by German 5 Should i the read in the . 103 George Ticknor was the first American to study in Germany and leave a record of it behind him. He went to Germany for two years, 1815 to 1817, because the libraries in America were inadequate.12 Ticknor first learned about Germany while reading Madame de Stael's account of the country, On Germany. According to Henry Adams, "Germany was nearly as unknown as China until Madame de Stael “13 Madame de Stael published her famous work in 1814. could not speak well enough of German universities: All the north of Germany is filled with the most learned universities in Europe. In no country, not even in England, have the people so many means of instructing themselves and 3f bringing their faculties to perfection.1 Scholars in German universities were apparently distinguished more by their performance than by family background; de Stael goes on: The rich and poor scholars were distingpgshed from each other only by personal merit. German scholars also had reputations as teachers: The education of the German universities, says a French writer, begins where that of most nations in Europe ends. Not only are the professors men of astonishing infor- mation, but what distinguishes them above all things in their extreme scrupulousness in the art of instruction.1 Such uncritical admiration of Germany, or any country, should be read with a certain skepticism, but it does give the reader some idea of how educated people viewed Germany in the early nineteenth century. German universities were academically impressive, but more than that, they had a democrati German st scholarly German un Midwest. 112 stude education to the Rc Leipzig.1 students movement iniluentr' nineteent Theodore "a 77 omza) TABLE III AMERICAN PSYCHOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION President Year G. S. Hall, first president 1891 J. M. Cattell 1895 J. M Baldwin 1897 C. H. Judd 1909 C. E. Seashore 1911 E. L. Thorndike 1912 R. S. Woodworth 1914 J. B. Watson 1915 R. M. Yerkes 1916 W. D. Scott 1918 M. F. Washburn 1921 L. M. Terman 1923 E. G. Boring 1928 L. L. Thurstone 1932 C. L. Hull 1935 L. B. Carmichael 1939 TABLE IV AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF SCIENCE President Year J. M. Cattell, first social scientist elected 1924 F. Boas 1931 E. L. Thorndike 1934 Vice President Year R. S. Woodworth 1909 — 1924 G. M. Whipple 1922 C. E. Seashore 1926 P. 0. Johnson 1950 Presid Presid flown IZL'FJZCU 174 TABLE V ECONOMICS SOCIETIES President Years F. A. Walker First president of the American Economic Association 1885 - 92 R. T. Ely Secretary, American Economic Association 1885 — 92 President, American Economic Association 1899 — 1901 W. F. Willcox American Economic Association 1915 I. Fisher American Economic Association 1918 First president of the Econometric Society 1930 - 33 H. Hotelling Econometric Society 1936 TABLE VI AMERICAN EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH ASSOCIATION President Year 0. B. Woody 1923 F. N. Freemen 1930 D. E. Scates 1947 P. M. Symonds 1956 AMERICAN COUNCIL ON EDUCATION President Year w. D. Scott 1913 C. H. Hubbard 1929 1937 E. C. Elliott Colunfl but a Germal five) prival Hopkil throug five 5 Wiscox Table: playe< instit to tal t0 mo: Table 175 Columbia University can claim the greatest number of scholars, but a surprisingly large number of them went to school in Germany. Tables VII through XXII (at the end of chapter five) list the scholars who were associated with eight private universities: Columbia, Harvard, Chicago, Johns Hopkins, Clark, Yale, Cornell, Princeton. Tables XXIII through XXXII list the scholars who were associated with five state universities: Michigan, Illinois, Indiana, Wisconsin, Minnesota. The German influence is shown in Tables XXXIII and XXXIV, and the English connection is dis— played in Table XXXV. After a period of association with the thirteen key institutions listed above, many of the scholars left them to take positions elsewhere; thus spreading the new science to more schools. These other institutions are listed in Table XXXVI . T biogra disser 1854-1 Occupa Father School Colleg Collec POSit: 176 KEY PEOPLE These biographies are composites assembled from the biographical sources listed in the bibliography of this dissertation. RICHMOND MAYO-SMITH 1854-1901 Born: Troy, Ohio Occupation Statistician, economist Father Successful railroad man and car manufacturer Schools attended: 1 — Graduate of a Dayton high school Colleges attended: 1 - Amherst — 1871—75; took economics under Professor John W. Burgess. 2 — University of Berlin 3 — University of Heidelberg two years Colleges taught at: 1 — Columbia, 1877-1901 A. Assistant and adjunct professor of political economy and social science, 1878-1883 B. Full professor, 1883 C. Named one of five original professors in graduate School of Political Science, 1880 D. Taught first course in statistics in an American university in 1880 Positions outside college: Assisted in revival of American Statistical Association, 1889 2 — Vice—President of American Statistical Association, 1889—1901 3 — Member of National Academy of Sciences, 1890, honor usually reserved for natural scientists 4 - One of the founders of the American Economics Association, 1885 l Marrie Died u fall a collap 1858-l Occupa Father Mother School Colleg Colleg Hi5 re Marrie Married, 1884, 177 5 — Member of editorial board of Political Science Quarterly when it was founded, 1886 four children Died under suspicious circumstances. Died of a four—story fall a few months after a boating accident and a nervous collapse. 1858—1942 Occupation Father Mother Schools attended: FRANZ BOAS Born: Minden, Westphalia Anthropologist, professor, researcher, curator Prosperous merchant A friend of Carl Schurz and sister—in—law of Dr. 1. 2 _ Abraham Jacob's of Columbia University Froebel Kindegarten, founded by his mother in 1854 Attended a public Gymnasium Colleges attended: 1 _ 2 l 3 Bonn dueled and was imprisoned for Kiel student pranks, several times, briefly. He acquired dueling scars because of anti-semitic remarks he could not ignore. Doctorate at Kiel in 1881 on the color of sea water Heidelberg } 1877-1881 — He drank and Colleges taught at: His researches Married, 1887, l- 2 3— 4 _ University of Berlin, 1886, privatdocent. Clark University, docent in anthropology, 1889; produced the first American Ph.D. in anthropology at Clark, 1892 Columbia, lecturer in physical anthropology, 1896 Columbia, full professor, 1899—1942 into Indian folklore were statistical. to an Austrian immigrant Wrote c InflueI Positi< 178 Wrote on Psychophysics immediately after his doctoral work. Influenced by Fechner and Wundt Positions outside college: 1 2 3 U155 (D\l 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 One year of military service, 1882—83, Berlin. Studied Eskimos one year in Baffin Land, 1883-84 Spent winter 1884-85 in U.S.A. looking for a job Royal Ethnographic Museum, Berlin, 1885~86. Studied American Indians in N.W. Canada, 1886—87 Geographic editor of Science magazine in New York, 1887 Five field trips in seven years, 1887-1894 Edited the Journal of the Boston—based American Folklore Society, 1908-1925 Assistant to Frederic Ward Putnam at the World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago, 1892—97 More than one year unemployed, 1894-94 Assistant curator (under Putnam) of the anthro- pological department at the American Museum of Natural History in New York, 1895 Honorary philologist in the Bureau of Ethnol— ogy, 1901 Curator of American Museum, 1901, resigned in a bitter dispute, 1905 Helped found the American Anthropological Association, 1902 Founder and editor of the International Journal of American Linguistics, 1917-39. In 1911 he published his Changes in Bodily Form of Descendants of Immigrants for the U.S. Immigration Commission. He used Francis Galton's Biometric Techniques Made eight more field trips, the last at age 72. International School of American Archeology and Ethnology, in Mexico, which he helped to found, 1910-12 President of American Anthropological Associa- tion, 1907—09 Chairman of the American Committee for Democracy and Intellectual Freedom, attacked racism and intolerance President of International Congress of Americanists, 1928 President of American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1931 IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIE:::l_________________l ll ll Commen 1860-l Occupa Fathei Uncle Mothei Broth: COlle< Marri 179 Comments: 1 - He opposed U.S. entry into World War I _ 2 - Joined the Socialist Party for a brief period during World War I _ 3 — Publicly accused four U.S. anthropologists of spying for the U.S. in Mexico. As a result he was censured, almost expelled from the American Anthropological Assoc1ation ' 4 - Publicly opposed racism during the NaZi rise to power 5 - Honors too numerous to list 6 — Published six books and 700 articles 7 — Turned Anthropology into a science 8 — Made thousands of biometric measurements 9 — His personal papers in the Museum of Philadelphia contain over 60,000 items JAMES MCKEEN CATTELL 1860—1944 Born: Easton, Pennsylvania Occupation Psychologist, science editor Father Presbyterian minister, president of Lafayette College in Easton, Pa. Uncle A. G. Cattell, financier, U.S. senator Mother Inherited fortune from manufacturer father, Irish descent Brother Became pathologist and medical editor Colleges attended: (Tutored by college professors and read on his own until college age, 14.) Lafayette College, Easton, Pa., 1876—1880, Bachelor's Leipzig, Wundt — Gottingen, Herman Lotze Johns Hopkins, 1882-1883 — Leipzig, Wundt, 1885-1886, Ph.D. Cambridge, St. John's College, 1886, with F. Galton }_I I } 2 years ONU'lubUJN I Note: frequently took hallucenogenic drugs as a student, recurrent depression Married, 1888, English girl, student in Leipzig. IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII[Z:::____________________l lllll Colleg Positi Child] 180 Colleges taught at: l - Bryn Mawr, 1887 2 - U. of Pennsylvania, 1889 - first American professor wholly in Psychology 3 - Columbia, 1891 — Psychology Positions outside college: 1 10 11 12 13 14 15 Founded Psychological Review with J. M. Baldwin, 1894, edited and owned it until 1903 Co-founder of American Psychological Associa- tion, 1892 President of American Psychological Associa- tion, 1895 Purchased Science in 1894 and persuaded the American Association for the Advancement of Science to take it in 1900 First psychologist elected to National Academy of Sciences President of American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1924 Owner—editor of Popular Science Monthly, 1900 Owner-editor of American Men of Science, biographical director, 1906 Owner-editor of American Naturalist, 1907 Owner-editor-founder of School and Society Owner-editor of Leaders in Education, 1932, biographical directory After 1905 he ceased psychological research Helped to found the American Association of University Professors, 1915 Fired from Columbia University, 1917 A. Official reason: he petitioned several congressmen to send conscripts to Europe only with their consent and used Columbia University stationery. B. Unofficial reason: he was in favor of Democratic socialism in the running of Columbia. Was opposed to the authori- tarian regime of then President Nicholas M. Butler. Most celebrated academic freedom case of World War I. Used personal funds to help found the Psychological Corporation to promote research Children He and his wife educated their Children at home until they were college age IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIEI:::____________________l ll ll 1866-l! Occupa‘ Father School Colleg Colleg POSiti -. .w— ..-—-’u 181 CHARLES BENEDICT DAVENPORT 1866—1944 Born: Stamford, Connecticut on a farm but grew up in Brooklyn, N.Y. and the farm, 1/2 year in each place. Occupation Geneticist, biologist, researcher, professor, administrator Father Established an academy in Brooklyn, later went into real estate. Descendent of John Davenport, the founder of the New Haven Colony, 1638. Charles' mother inherited enough money to make them financially independent. Two of his brothers and one sister all became prominent. His father was a strict Congregational deacon. Schools attended: 1 — Tutored by his father until age 13 2 - Brooklyn Polytechnic Institute, 1879—1883, graduated Colleges attended: 1 — Brooklyn Polytechnic Institute, 1883—1886, B.S. in Civil Engineering 2 - Harvard, 1887-89, A.B. zoology 3 - Harvard, 1892, Ph.D. Colleges taught at: 1 - Harvard, 1892—1899, instructor 2 - University of Chicago, 1899-1904, assistant professor Positions outside college: — Worked on railroads in northern Michigan, 1892 - Director of the summer biological station at Cold Spring Harbor, Long Island, 1898—1923 3 — Full-time director, 1904, Station for Ex— perimental Evolution, Cold Spring Harbor. Funded by Carnegie Institute to study genetics. He campaigned two years to get the Carnegie Foundation to do it. The foundation withdrew its support in 1940, when eugenics was obvioulsy racist. 4 - Director of Center for the Study of Eugenics, 1910, Cold Spring Harbor. He persuaded the widow of railroad magnate Edward H. Harriman to finance the center 5 — Director and founder of the Whaling Museum at Cold Spring Harbor 1 2 g l Marri Comme 1874- Occup Fathe l Schoo Colle Colle POsit 182 Married, three children, wife a Radcliffe graduate - Comments: - A leader in biostatistics — A racist, an advocate of segregation - Personally a very shy man, in groups — Introduced American scholars to Karl Pearson with Statistical Methods with Special Reference to Biological Variation, 1899 .bWNF‘ EDWARD LEE THORNDIKE 1874-1949 Born: Williambsburg, Massachusetts Occupation Educational psychologist, professor Father Lawyer in Maine, Methodist clergyman in Massachusetts; all four of the Thorndike children had scholarly careers (E.L.'s siblings) Schools attended: 1 - Lowell High School, Boston High School, Providence (Rhode Island) High School, public schools Colleges attended: 1 — Wesleyan University, Connecticut, 1891—95, B.A. traditional classical curriculum 2 - Harvard - B.A., 1896, M.A., 1897; worked under William James 3 — Columbia, 1897-98; worked under James M. Cattell, Franz Boas; Ph.D. Colleges taught at: 1 - College for Women of Western Reserve University, 1898—99, education 2 - Columbia Teachers College, 1899-1941, psychology, psychology laboratory Worked with George D. Strayer, Florence L. Goodenough, Robert S. Woodworth Positions outside college: 1 - President of the American Psychological Association, 1912 2 — President of the American Association for the advancement of Science, 1934 ; W W1 Was t they 183 3 - President of New York Academy of Sciences, 1919—20 4 — President of American Association for Adult Education, 1934-35 Was the center of controversy over his "connectionist theories"; they did not explain Mind and they supported the status quo. E. L. Thorndike's four children all pursued scholarly careers. graph tion. 1840- Occur l Famil Pre-c Colle Colh 184 PSYCHOPHYSICISTS These biographies are composites assembled from the bio- graphical sources listed in the bibliography of this disserta- tion. HENRY PICKERING BOWDITCH 1840-1911 Born: Boston, Massachusetts Occupation Physiologist, professor, inventor Family Remarkable for scientific achievements. Henry grew up on an estate in West Roxbury. Pre-college school: Epes S. Dixwell Colleges attended: 1 — Harvard, 1857-1861, Medicine 2 — Lawrence Scientific School (Cambridge, Mass.), 1861, Chemistry and Natural History 3 — Harvard Medical School, 1868, M.D. 4 — Lawrence Scientific School, 1865-1868. 5 — Paris, 1868 A. Physiology under Claude Bernard B. Histology under Ranvier C. Neurology under Charcot D. Met physiologist Willy Kfihne, 1869, who led him to Carl Ludwig (Leipzig) to study physiology. Colleges taught at: Harvard, 1871, associate professor of physiology. A. Founded the first physiological laboratory in the United States. B. Distinguished students: psychologists G. S. Hall and E. E. Southard. Many more in other fields. Harvard, 1876, full professor; George Higginson professor, 1903; Dean of Harvard Medical Faculty, 1883—1893. Influe Positi Marrie 1844-] Occup; Fathel Mother C011e§ 185 Influenced by (intellectually): 1 - Francis Galton. Bowditch used Galton's percentile grades in his pioneering anthropometric studies of the growth of children, 1872—1891. Provided the rationale for school lunches. Positions outside college: 1 2 Filed a brief against the anti—vivisectionists in 1896 Made reports on the alcohol problem through the "Committee of Fifty," 1872, 1894, 1903 A founder of the American Physiological Society, 1887 President of the American Physiological Society, 1888, 1891-95 Co—editor of Journal of Physiology, 1877 (British) American Journal of Physiology was founded by Bowditch's assistant, W. T. Porter 2nd Lieut., 1861; Major, 1865; wounded, Civil War Note: While alive H. P. Bowditch was the most distinguished American Physiologist after Beaumont. Married, 1871, to the daughter of a Leipzig banker 1844—1924 Occupation Father Mother GRANVILLE STANLEY HALL Born: Ashfield, Massachusetts Came from extremely poor family. Psychologist, philosopher, educator, college president, accumulated a considerable fortune from his books. Farmer, self—educated, profoundly religious One of the early graduates of Albany Female Academy Colleges attended: 1 - Ashfield Academy 2 - Williston Academy, Easthampton, one year 3 — Williams College, 1863-1867 ‘ mlhg l POSiti Marrie Child: Remarr 1857~1 186 4 - Union Theological Seminary, N.Y., 1867 5 — Lived in Bonn, Germany, 1868-1870, studied theology and philosophy. 6 - Union Theological Seminary, 1871 7 — Harvard, 1878, Ph.D. Colleges taught at: l - Antioch College, 1872—1876, Literature, Philosophy, coached plays, preached in Unitarian churches 2 — Harvard, 1876—1878, English instructor 3 — Germany, 1878, post—doctorate research A. Helmholz — Physics B. Ludwig — Physiology C. Wundt — Experimental Psychology 4 — Harvard, 1880, Pedagogy 5 — Johns Hopkins, 1882, made professor of Psychology and Pedagogics in 1883 A. Brought to Johns Hopkins as students: 1) James McKeen Cattell 2) John Dewey 3) Joseph Jastrow 6 — Clark University, President (first), 1889-1919; Head of Psychology Department, 1893 Positions outside college: 1 - Founder of American Journal of Psychology, 1887. 2 — Founder of American Psychological Association, 1891. 3 - First president of APA 4 — Founded the Pedagogical Seminary, 1891 Married, 1879, a woman from Cincinnati while in Germany. Wife died in 1890. Children, two Remarried, 1899 JOSEPH MAYER RICE 1857-1934 Born: Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Occupation Physician, researcher (education) Schoo Colle Colle Posit 1856- Occup Colle Colle 187 Schools attended: 1 — Public schools of Philadelphia and New York City. Colleges attended: 1 — College of the City of New York 2 - Columbia College of Physicians and Surgeons, 1881, M.D. 3 - Jena 4 _ Leipzig } 1888—1890, psychology and pedagogy Colleges taught at: None Positions outside college: 1 — Physician in New York hospitals, 1881-1884 2 - Private medical practice, New York City, 1884-1888 Studied American schools under the sponsor- ship of Forum magazine, 1890 4 — Editor of Forum, 1897—1907 5 Founded the Society of Educational Research, 1903 3 ARTHUR MacDONALD 1856—1936 Born: Caledonia, New York Occupation Professor, researcher, educator Colleges attended: 1 — University of Rochester, 1879, A.B. 2 - Princeton Theological Seminary, 1883, A.M. 3 — Berlin ~ 4 — Leipzig, psychophysics 5 — Paris 6 — Zurich Colleges taught at: l — Clark, 1889-1891, docent in Applied Ethics and Criminology. Positi 1858-I Occupa Colleg Colle( Posit 1864 OCCup Fathe 188 Positions outside college: 1 - United States Bureau of Education,_1891. A pioneer in special education for the abnormal and handicapped. HARRY KIRKE WOLFE 1858—1918 Born: Bloomington, Illinois Occupation Psychologist, professor, administrator Colleges attended: — University of Nebraska, A.B., 1880 - Berlin, 1883—1884 - Leipzig, 1884—1886, A.M., Ph.D.: studied under Wundt LAMP-4 Colleges taught at: 1 — University of Nebraska, 1889, founder and first chairman of the Department of Philosophy 2 — University of Montana, 1905-1906, professor of education and philosophy 3 - University of Nebraska, 1906—1909, professor of educational psychology; head of Department of Educational Psychology, 1908—1918. Forced to leave this position over suspicions about him due to his studies in German universities. Positions outside college: 1 — Edgar Ponca School, Nebraska 3 years as 2 — Lincoln Schools teacher 3 — Superintendent of South Omaha Public Schools, 1897—1901 4 — Principal of Lincoln High School, 1901-1905 EDWARD WHEELER SCRIPTURE 1864 Born: Mason, Hillsboro Cy., New Hampshire Occupation Psychologist, researcher, professor Father Member of the New York produce exchange; well- known New England family —¥— School Colleg Colleg Positi Note: ments measu] 1867~j Occup Schoo Colle 189 Schools attended: 1 - Schools of New York City Colleges attended: 1 — College of the City of New York, graduated, 1884. 2 - Berlin 3 - Zurich 1890 4 — Leipzig, 1891, Ph.D. Colleges taught at: 1 - Clark, 1892, resident fellow 2 — Yale, 1892- Positions ouside college: 1 — Assistant editor of the American Journal of Psychology Note: He made dozens of experimental discoveries and measure- ments in physiological psychology and invented psychological measuring devices. EDWARD BRADFORD TITCHENER l867—1927 Born: Chichester, England Occupation Psychologist, professor, researcher, musician Schools attended: 1 Oxford, Brasenose College, 1885-1890; B.A. Classics, Physics, Physiology 2 — Leipzig, 1890—1892, Ph.D. in Wundt's laboratory 3 — Oxford, 1894, M.A. 4 — Oxford, 1900, D.Sc. Colleges taught at: 1 — Oxford, 1892 2 - Cornell, 1892—1927, Psychology professor, research professor; also professor of Music, 1896—1898, director of psychology lab. —_— l7 Positi Marrie Note: 1873-] Occupa Father Schoo] ‘ Colleg C011e< 190 Positions outside college: 1 — Editor of Mind, 1894-1921 2 — Associate editor of the American Journal of PsycholOgy, 1895—1921; editor 1921—25 Note: Had a superb grasp of psychology but made no important theoretical or experimental contri— butions. He changed psychology from a traditional to a laboratory subject. Married, four children Note: Translated Wundt CHARLES HUBBARD JUDD 1873—1946 Born: Bareilly, India Occupation Professor, psychologist, researcher, administrator Father Methodist missionary, died when C. H. Judd was a boy; mother died young also. Poor family. Schools attended: 1 — Public high sch001, Binghamton, N.Y., graduated 1890. Colleges attended: 1 — Wesleyan University, Conn., 1894, B.A. in Psychology 2 — Leipzig, 1896, Ph.D. in Wundt's laboratory Colleges taught at: 1 — Wesleyan, 1896-1898, Philosophy instructor 2 - New York University, 1898—1901, Psychology professor 3 — University of Cincinnati, 1901—1902, professor of Psychology and Pedagogy 4 — Yale, 1902, Psychology professor and director of the Yale psychology laboratory, 1909 5 - University of Chicago, 1909—1938, professor of Education and director of the School of Education, replaced J. Dewey; also chairman of the Department of Psychology, 1920-1925 Positi Marrie 1869-l Occupa Colleg COlleg POsitj 191 Judd also assembled and administered one of the most talented communities of educational scholars ever to grace the campus of an American university. Positions outside college: 1 — Translated Wundt's Grundriss der Psychologie into English; involved weekly conference with Wundt 2 — President of American Psychological Associa— tion, 1909 3 - Edited the Elementary School Journal. 4 - Edited the School Review 5 — President of the National Society of College Teachers of Education, 1911—1915 6 — Chairman of the American Council on Education, 1929—1930, which he helped to found Married, twice; one daughter WALTER DILL SCOTT 1869—1955 Born: Cooksville, Illinois Occupation College president, professor, administrator Colleges attended: 1 - Illinois State Normal School, 1891. 2 - Northwestern, 1895, B.A. 3 - McCormick Theological Seminary, Chicago, 1895—1898 4 — Leipzig, 1900, Ph.D. in Psychology Colleges taught at: l — Northwestern, 1901—20, Education and Psychology. Was director of the Psychology Department from 1901 to 1908; also professor of Advertising and Applied Psychology, 1902; head of the Department of Psychology 2 ~ Carnegie Institute of Technology (Carnegie and Mellon), 1916—1917, organized and directed the Bureau of Salesmanship Research while on leave from Northwestern 3 - Northwestern, 1920—1939, president Positions outside college: 1 — Cooperating editor of Psychology Bulletin 2 - Chairman of the editorial board of The American Readers' Encyclopedia, 1948-1955 —¥— l7 8- 192 Organized the Scott Company in New York City, 1918, a consultant firm Director of the Division of Psychology and Anthropology of the National Research Council, 1919—1920 Chairman of the U.S. Solid Fuels Advisory Council during World War II, 1941—1946 Chairman of the American Council on Education, 1918—1919 President of the American Psychological Association, 1918-1919, Numerous other organizations, honors Married, two children biogr disse 1897- Occup Fathe Schoo Colle Posit 193 IMPORTANT PEOPLE These biographies are composites assembled from the biographical sources listed in the bibliography of this dissertation, arranged alphabetically. LEONARD PORTER AYERS 1897—1946 Born: Niantic, Connecticut Occupation Statistician, research administrator, economist, author Father Journalist, lecturer, clergyman, author, editor of the Boston Advertiser Schools attended: 1 — Public schools of Newton, Massachusetts Colleges attended: 1 — Boston University, College of Liberal Arts, Ph.B., 1902 2 — Columbia, Teachers College, 1907 3 — Boston University, M.A., 1909, Ph.D., 1910 Positions outside college: 1 - Teacher in Puerto Rico, 1902-1907 2 - Superintendent at Caguas, 1903, and San Juan, 1904 3 - General superintendent of schools for Puerto Rico, 1906 4 — Organized the Insular Bureau of Statistics. 5 - Joined the staff of the Russell Sage Foundation, 1908; director of Departments of Education and Statistics 6 — Organized the Division of Statistics of the Council of National Defense, 1917 7 — Responsible for reporting statistics and analyses for the War Industries Board, the Priorities Committee and the Allies' Purchasing Committee, 1917 Never 1874- Occup Fathe COlle C0lle . ".54...“ ‘X ill ' -. ‘ W'x 194 8 — Lieutenant Colonel; with a staff of 50 he directed the Statistics Branch of the General Staff preparing reports for military leaders and President Wilson, 1918 9 — Joined General Pershing in France with a staff of 250, 1918. Awarded distinguished service medal 10 - Participated in the Versailles Peace Treaty and Reparations Plan 11 — Vice—president and chief economist of the Cleveland Trust Company in charge of statis— tics, 1920—1946 12 - Edited a monthly economic review, Business allege l3 — Brigadier general, 1940-1942 14 - Chairman of the Economic Policy Commission of the American Bankers Association, 1932—1941 and 1944—1946 15 — Officer of the American Statistical Associa— tion and the American Economics Association and the American Association for the Advance— ment of Science Never married WILLIAM CHANDLER BAGLEY 1874—1946 Born: Detroit, Michigan Occupation Psychologist, professor, editor Father Superintendent of Harper Hospital, oldest hospital in Michigan Colleges attended: 1 - Michigan Agricultural College, 1891-1895, B.S. 2 — University of Chicago, 1896, summer school 3 - University of Wisconsin, 1898, M.S., under Joseph Jastrow 4 - Cornell University, 1900, Ph.D., under E. B. Titchener Colleges taught at: 1 — Montana State Normal College, 1902—1906; became vice-president of college 2 — State Normal School in Oswego, N.Y., 1906- 1908 Posh Marr 1861 Occu Coll C011 195 3 — University of Illinois, 1908-1917 4 - Teachers College, Columbia University, 1917-1939 Positions outside college: 1 - Teacher in a one-teacher school, Garth, Michigan, 1895-1897 2 — Principal, Meramec Elementary School, St. Louis, Mo., 1901 Superintendent of schools, Dillon, Montana, 1902—1906 4 — Founded the Journal of Educational Psychology with Carl Seashore and Guy Whippler, 1910 Founded the Inter—Mountain Educator, 1905 Editor of School and Home Education, 1912— 1914 7 — Editor of Journal of the National Education Association, 1920—1925 8 — Organized the Society for the Advancement of Education while working for the Carnegie Institute, 1939 9 - Editor of School and Sociegy, 1939-1946 U) I ON U1 I Note: Bagley was suspicious about progressive education and skeptical of innovations that did not involve academics in the classroom. He believed a good program is built around language and mathematics. Married, four children JAMES MARK BALDWIN 1861—1934 Born: Columbia, South Carolina Occupation Psychologist, professor, researcher Colleges attended: 1 - Princeton, 1884, A.B. 2 - Princeton, 1889, Ph.D. 3 — Berlin 4 — Leipzig Colleges taught at: l — Princeton, one year 2 - Lake Forest (Illinois) University, one year 3 - University of Toronto, 1888-1893 Movet Posh Beca l886 Occu Schc Coll Col 196 4 - Princeton, 1893—1903, established a laboratory of experimental psychology 5 — Johns Hopkins, 1903, professor of philosophy and psychology 6 - Assisted in reestablishing the National Uni— versity of Mexico, 1909—l3. Moved permanently to Paris in 1912 Positions outside college: 1 — Cofounder (with J. M. Cattell) and editor of the Psychological Review, 1894—1903 President, International Congress of Psycho— logists, 1909-1913 3 - President, American Psychological Association, 1897-1898 4 — Numerous other organizations and honors 2 Became critical of the experimental method EDWIN GARRIGUES BORING 1886-1968 Born: Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Occupation Psychologist, researcher, professor, engineer Schools attended: 1 — Friends' Select School, Philadelphia, 1904 Colleges attended: 1 - Cornell University, 1908, bacherlor's in Mechanical Engineering 2 - Cornell University, 1912, M.A. Physics and Psychology 3 — Cornell University, 1914, Ph.D. in Psychology Colleges taught at: l - Clark University, 1919—1922 2 — Harvard, 1922-1957; founded the Psychology Department; director of Psychology Labora— tories 3 — Cornell, graduate assistant and instructor, 1913—1918 4 - Secretary of American Psychological Associa— tion, 1920—1922 5 — President of American Psychological Associa- tion, 1928 —_— l Influ Broke 1898- Occur . Schoc Colle Colle P0811 ' l, ‘s\. ~ 7 l 197 6 - Honorary president of the XVII International Congress of Psychology, 1963 7 - Fellow of the American Association for the Advancement of Science 8 — Several honorary degrees and awards Influenced intellectually by Wundt and E. B. Titchener Broke Psychology away from Philosophy at Harvard LEONARD B. CARMICHAEL 1898—1973 Born: Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Occupation Psychologist, administrator, professor, college president, secretary of Smithsonian Schools attended: 1 - Germantown Friends School, Philadelphia, 1917 Colleges attended: 1 — Tufts College (University), Medford, Mass., 1921, B.S. 2 — Harvard, 1924, Ph.D. 3 — University of Berlin, 1924, Sheldon Fellowship Colleges taught at: 1 — Tufts, 1923-1924, instructor. 2 — Princeton, 1924-1927 3 — Brown, 1927—1936, director of psychology laboratory and laboratory of sensory physio— logy, 1934-1936 4 — University of Rochester, 1936-1938, chairman of Department of Psychology, dean of Faculty of Arts and Sciences 5 - Tufts, 1938-1953, president and director of research laboratory of sensory psychology and physiology Positions outside college: 1 — Director of the National Roster of Scientific and Specialized Personnel, 1941-1943, Washington, D.C. 2 — Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1953-1964; modernized and expanded it and the National Zoo Mar: 186' Occx Sch< Colj C01 198 3 — National Geographic Society, vice—president for research and exploration; joined Jacques Yves Cousteau in the ocean and climbed Mt. Everest, 1964 4 — Cooperating editor of Psychological Index, 1931—1936 5 - Associate editor of the Journal of Genetic Psychology, Psychology Monographs and British Journal of Educational Psychology Developed electroencepholography with Herbert Jasper at Brown University 7 - President of the International Primatological Society, 1964—1968 Chairman of the section of psychology, National Academy of Sciences, 1950—1953 9 - President, American Psychological Associa— tion, 1939-1940 10 - Section president, International Union of Biological Sciences 11 — President American Philosophical Society, 1970—1973 12 — Vice-chairman of Harvard Foundation for Advanced Study and Research (h I 00 I Married, one child WILL IAM ERNEST CASTLE 1867— Born: Alexandria, Ohio Occupation Professor, biologist Schools attended: 1 - Granville Academy, Ohio Colleges attended: — Denison University, 1889, graduated — Harvard, 1893, A.B. — Harvard, 1894, A.M. - Harvard, 1895, Ph.D. DWNH Colleges taught at: l - Ottawa University (Ottawa, Kansas), 1889, professor of Latin 2 - University of Wisconsin, 1895—1896, instructor in vertebrate anatomy Marr He d 1869 Occu Scho Coll Coll Step test Mar: 1874 OCCE 199 3 - Knox College, Illinois, 1896—97, instructor in biology 4 — Harvard, 1897, instructor in zoology Married, three sons He did research in heredity, genetics, eugenics. STEPHEN SHELDON COLVIN 1869—1923 Born: Phoenix, Rhode Island Occupation Professor, psychologist Schools attended: 1 — Worcester Academy, 1887, graduated Colleges attended: - Brown University, 1891, Ph.B. - Brown University, 1894, A.M. — University of Berlin, 1895—96 — University of Strassburg, 1897, Ph.D. - Clark, 1897-1901, studied under G. S. Hall 014:.me Colleges taught at: Brown, 1892-95, instructor of rhetoric 2 — University of Illinois, 1901—12, assistant professor of psychology; department head 3 - Brown, 1903—04, assistant professor of Philosophy, one year, on leave 4 — Brown, 1912-23, professor of educational psychology and director of the school of education, 1919—23 5 — Columbia Teachers College, 1923, professor of education Stephen Sheldon Colvin was an American pioneer in intelligence testing. Married twice, one child STUART APPLETON COURTIS 1874—1969 Born: Wyandotte, Michigan Occupation Professor, business executive, education consult— ant Schoo Colle Colle N Posi‘ Mari 186: 00c 200 Schools attended: 1 — Central High School, Detroit Colleges attended: — Detroit Business University — Massachusetts Institute of Technology, two years — University of Chicago — Columbia, 1919, B.S. summers Columbia, 1921, M.A. - University of Michigan, 1925, Ph.D. NH mono-w I Colleges taught at: l — Director of instruction and dean of the Detroit Teachers College, 1920—24 2 — University of Michigan, 1921—44, professor of education 3 - Wayne State University, 1931—44, professor of education Positions outside college: 1 - Ligget School, Detroit, 1898-1914, head of department of science and mathematics 2 — Director of educational research for Detroit public schools, 1914—19 3 - Consultant to Detroit (1924—31) and Hamtramck (1926-30) public schools, and Culver Military Academy (Indiana) 1930-35 4 — President of the Detroit Thermo Electric Power Company and the Courtis Research Foundation 5 — Secretary (1913-17) and President (1918—19, 1932-33) of section L of the American Associa- tion for the Advancement of Science — Secretary of the College Teachers of Education President of the National Association of Directories of Education Research, 1917-18 \1 ON I Married, four children ELWOOD PATTERSON CUBBERLY 1868—1941 Born: Antioch, Indiana Occupation Administrator, college president, professor, dean of school of education - Fath Scho Coll Posi Marx He 5 $77( ant} 185( Occx Fat] 201 Father Druggist Schools attended: 1 2 3 4 5 Antioch High School Purdue University, college preparatory department Indiana University, 1891, A.B. physics Columbia, 1901, M.A. on leave from Stanford Columbia, 1905, Ph.D. under Thorndike, on leave from Stanford Colleges taught at: l 2 3 4 5 A Baptist college in Ridgeville, Indiana, 1891 Vincennes University, 1891—93 Vincennes University, 1893—96, president Stanford, 1898, assistant professor of education; 1906, professor Stanford, 1917-33, dean of the newly created School of Education Positions outside college: 1 2 3 4 Assistant to David Starr Jordan (president of Indiana University) 1887—91 Taught in a one-room school in Indiana during his undergraduate days Superintendent of schools, San Diego, California, 1896—98 Editor of the influential Houghton Mifflin Riverside textbooks in education Married, no children He amassed a fortune through publications and left over $770,000 to Stanford's education school. He was was intolerant, authoritarian, ethnocentric and a racist. 1856~l94l EUGENE DAVENPORT Born: Woodland, MiChigan, on a farm in a log house Occupation Professor, administrator, farmer Father Farmer —— SCh1 C013 C011 Mar] 1871 OCCI Col} —¥— 202 Schools attended: 1 — District school 2 - Local private school Colleges attended: 1 — Michigan Agricultural College (MSU) 1878, graduated 2 — Michigan Agricultural College, 1884, M.S. 3 — Rothamsted Experiment Laboratory, England, 1892 Colleges taught at: l — Michigan Agricultural College, 1888, assist— ant to Professor William J. Beal and assist— ant botanist of the experiment station; professor of agriculture and superintendent of the college farm, 1889—91 2 - Went to Brazil to "establish and preside over" a college, but the venture fell through, 1891 3 — University of Illinois, 1894-1922, dean of the College of Agriculture; vice-president of the university, l920~22 Positions outside college: 1 — Taught at local Michigan school, 1874 2 — Farmer in Woodland, Michigan, 1884-94 3 — Helped organize the Illinois Farmers' Institute, 1899; he used the institute as a political tool to raise money for the agri— cultural experiment station at the University of Illinois Married, two children EDWARD CHARLES ELLIOTT 1874—1960 Born: Chicago, Illinois Occupation College president, administrator, professor Colleges attended: — University of Nebraska, 1895, B.S. - University of Nebraska, 1897, A.M. - University of Jena, Germany, 1904 - Columbia Teachers College, 1905, Ph.D. “>me Coll Posi Marr i Co-a1 1854- ! Occu; Colle C0116 203 Colleges taught at: l — University of Wisconsin, 1905—16, professor of education 2 — University of Montana, 1916—22, chancellor 3 — Purdue University, 1922-45, president Positions outside college: 1 — Leadville, Colorado, high school teacher, 1897—98, and superintendent of schools, 1898—1903 2 — Member of President Herbert Hoover's National Advisory Commission, 1929, and President Franklin Roosevelt's Natural Resources Commission, 1937 3 - Chairman of the American Council on Education, 1937 4 — Chairman of the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching, 1944—45 5 — Numerous organizations and eleven honorary degrees Married, four children Co-authored a book with Elwood P. Cubberly, 1915-l6 RICHARD THEODORE ELY 1854-1943 Born: Ripley, New York Occupation Economist, professor Colleges attended: — Columbia, 1876, A.B. - Columbia, 1879, A.M. — Heidelberg, 1879, Ph.D. — Switzerland, University of Geneva — Halle, Germany 1879—81 - Royal Statistical Bureau, Berlin ONU'Ith-WMH Colleges taught at: l — Johns Hopkins, 1881-92, first professor of political economy 2 — University of Wisconsin, 1892—1925, head of Department of Political Economy 3 - Northwestern, 1925—33, professor of economics —¥— if Posi ‘i Marr Comm 1866 Occu l Fath Schc C01] C01] 204 Positions outside college: 1 2 3 4 5 6 Married twice, Comments: NH 1866-1940 Editor of three series of textbooks for MacMillan One of the founders of the American Economics Association First president of the American Association for Labor Legislation, 1907—08 Founder, director, president of the Institute for Economic Research President of the School of Land Economics Other organizations and honors four children Consistent supporter of academic freedom Critic of classical economics and big business and defender of labor Advocate of legal protection for women and children ROLAND POST FALKNER Born: Bridgeport, Connecticut Occupation Economist, statistician, professor Father Rector of Christ Episcopal Church, Bridgeport Schools attended: 1 — Public schools of Philadelphia. High school graduate Colleges attended: 1 (.11wa University of Pennsylvania, 1885, Ph.B., Wharton School of Finance and Economy Berlin University, Germany Halle University, Germany, 1888, Ph.D. College de France, Paris, three months' study Leipzig, 1888 Colleges taught at: l - University of Pennsylvania, 1888-1900, Wharton School, instructor of accounting and statistics Pos; Mar} 186' OCC1 Fat} SCh< Col: 205 Positions outside college: 1 — Statistician for Senate Finance Subcommittee investigating prices and wages in the U.S.A., 1891; this work gave birth to the wholesale price index for the U.S. economy 2 — Secretary to the American delegation to the International Monetary Conference at Brussels, 1892 3 - Secretary (1889-96) and vice—president (1896-98) of the American Academy of Politi- cal and Social Science Editor of the Annals (1890-95) of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 5 - Chief of the Division of Documents of the Library of Congress, 1900 6 - Commissioner of Education, Puerto Rico, 1904—07 7 - Statistician for U.S. Immigration Commission, 1908-11 8 — Assistant director of the Census, 1911—12 9 Editor for (1915—23) and director of research for (1923—26) Alexander Hamilton Institute 4:. I Married, four children IRVING FISHER 1867—1947 Born: Saugerties, New York, grew up in Peace Dale, Rhode Island, 1868-81, then moved to New Haven, then St. Louis, Missouri Occupation Economist, professor, inventor, businessman Father Congregational minister Schools attended: 1 - Smith Academy, St. Louis, Mo., 1884, graduated Colleges attended: 1 — Yale, graduated valedictorian, 1888, Bachelor's degree, mathematics 2 - Yale, Ph.D., 1891, mathematical economics 3 - Studied in Berlin and Paris, 1893-94 ; ill Coll Posi ‘ Marx Whil lead Fish mone Many half Cons Outs 1880 OCCU 206 Colleges taught at: l — Yale, 1891-95, taught math 2 — Yale, 1895, department of political economy Positions outside college: 1 2 3 .5 \Im 10 ll 12 13 .— Married daughter While abroad, First president of the Econometric Society, 1930 Editor of Yale Review, 1896—1911 Crusaded for health issues, prohibition, monetary reform, U.S. membership in the League of Nations Pursued various business ventures President of American Economics Association, 1918 Note: Lost a fortune during the Great Depression and his reputation suffered as an economist President of the Econometric Society, 1931—33 President of American Statistical Association, 1932 President of National Institute of Social Science, 1917 President of American Association for Labor Legislation, 1915—l7 President of the Eugenio Research Association, 1920 President of the Pro—League Independents Secretary of the New Haven County Anti— Tuberculosis Association, 1904-l4 Member of 13 other organizations of a well—to—do family of Peace Dale, R. I. 1893-94, he met Walras, Edgeworth, Pareto, all leaders in mathematical economics Fisher spent $100,000.00 of his own money on the problem of monetary stability in the 1920's. Many claim he was the leading economic theorist of the first half of the 20th century in America, but his work was not conSidered too important while he was alive. His affairs Outside of academia overshadowed his academic work. 1880-1961 FRANK NUGENT FREEMAN Born: Rockwood, Ontario occupation Administrator, professor —¥— l7 Coll Coll Posi Mar One in 186 Dec Fat Sch 207 Colleges attended: 1 — Wesleyan University, Middletown, Connecticut, 1904, B.A. 2 — Yale, 1906, M.A. , 3 _ Yale, 1908, Ph.D. } studied under C. H. Judd Colleges taught at: l - University of Chicago, 1909—39, instructor in educational psychology under Judd, who was appointed director of the school of education 2 — University of California at Berkeley, 1939-48, dean of the school of education Positions outside college: 1 5 6 Secretary of section on Psychology of American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1919-28 Chairman of the Board of the National Society for the Study of Education, 1937-39 Secretary, 1922-23, and chairman of the board, 1930-37, of the American Educational Research Association Chairman, 1938-40, Society for Research in Child Development President, 1947—48, American Association of Colleges and Departments of Education Numerous other organizations and honors Married twice, five children One of the nation's most distinguished educational psychologists in the period between the world wars. JAMES WATERMAN GLOVER 1868-1941 Born: Clio, Michigan Occupation Statitstician, mathematician, professor, administrator Father Painter Schools attended: 1 — Public Schools, Saginaw, Michigan Coll Posi Marr 1866 OCCU Coll Colleges attended: btnkaw University of Michigan, 1892, B.L. Harvard, 1893, A.B. Harvard, 1894, A.M. Harvard, 1895, Ph.D., mathematics Colleges taught at: l — University of Michigan, 1895—1930, mathematics and insurance 2 n University of Michigan, 1932—38, mathematics professor, department chairman, 1926—30 and 1932-38; established statistics courses at U. of M. Positions outside college: 1 2 President of the Teachers Insurance and Annuity Association of America, 1930—32 Expert advisor to the Canadian Royal Commission on Insurance Consulting actuary to the Wisconsin legis— lative committee investigating insurance Expert special agent to the U.S. Census Bureau, 1910-29 Consulting statistician for the Office of Public Roads, U.S. Department of Agriculture, 1913-16 Chairman of the Actuarial Committee on Economic Security, 1934—35 Numerous other organizations and government positions Married, two sons, one died in infancy 1866—1957 HENRY HERBERT GODDARD Born: Vassalboro, Maine OccuPation Psychologist, professor, administrator, researcher Colleges attended: bLoR)H Haverford College (Pennsylvania), A.B., 1887 Haverford College, A.M., 1889 Clark, Ph.D., 1896—99 German universities COIL Posi Marr Comm 1860 Occu Fath. C011 C011 209 Colleges taught at: l — Pennsylvania State Normal School, 1899—1906, professor of psychology 2 — Ohio State University, 1922—38, professor of clinical and abnormal psychology Positions outside college: Married, no Comments: 1860—1915 Occupation Father 1 - Principal of Damascus Academy (Ohio) 1889-91 2 — Principal of Oak Grove Seminary (Vassalboro, Maine), 1891-96 3 — Director and psychologist of research labora- tory for the psychological study of mental deficiency, 1906 4 — Director of the State Bureau of Juvenile Research in Columbus, Ohio, 1918 5 — President, American Association for the Study of the Feebleminded, 1914-15 6 - Other honors Children 1 - Coined the term "moron" 2 — Author of The Kallikak Family, 1912 3 — Translated and revised the Simon—Binet, 1910 ELGIN RALSTON LOVELL GOULD Born: Oshawa, Ontario Economist, business executive, statistician, researcher His grandfather (E.R.L.'s) owned large tracts of land in Ontario Colleges attended: 1 - Victoria College (later federated with University of Toronto), 1881 graduate 2 — Johns Hopkins, 1881-86, Ph.D. Colleges taught at: l - Johns Hopkins, 1892-97 2 — Columbia, 1901-02 3 - Chicago, 1895—96, professor of statistics —;—~‘r.. P051 1892 0cm Coli Col‘ P05; Mar: 189! 00m 210 Positions outside college: 1 — Founder and president of the City and Suburban Homes Company of New York, 1896-1915 2 - President of the 34th Street National Bank 3 — One of the organizers of the Citizens Union, 1897; very active in New York City politics; reformer 4 — Did research in Europe for the U.S. Labor Department, 1887-92 KARL JOHN HOLZINGER 1892—1954 Born: Washington, D.C. Occupation Statistician, psychologist, professor Colleges attended: 1 — University of Minnesota, 1915, A.B. 2 — University of Minnesota, 1917, M.A. 3 - University of Chicago, 1922, Ph.D. Colleges taught at: l — University of Minnesota, 1917, instructor in mathematics 2 — University of Chicago, 1920—54, collaborated with K. Pearson and C. Spearman at Universipy of London on factor analysis and educational psychology, 1922-25 Positions outside college: 1 — U.S. Army, psychologist, World War I 2 Editor of the Journal of Educational Psycho— logy, 1949—54 3 - Vice-president of the American Statistical Association, 1933 President of the Psychometric Society, 1941 4 Married, two children HAROLD HOTELLING 1895-1973 Occupation Journalist, statistician, economist, researcher, professor, mathematician —¥— lli C011 C011 Infl Posi 211 Schools attended: 1 - Seattle High School Colleges attended: 1 — University of Washington, 1916-19, bacherlor's in journalism 2 - University of Washington, M.A., 1921, mathematics 3 - Princeton, 1924, Ph.D. in mathematics Colleges taught at: 1 - Stanford University's Food Research Institute, . 1924-27, researcher 2 - Stanford University, associate professor of mathematics, 1927—31 Spent six months with R. A. Fisher at Rothamsted during this period 3 - Columbia, 1931, professor of Economics, 1931— 46 4 — University of North Carolina, 1946, founded the department of Statistics on the Chapel Hill campus 5 — University of North Carolina, professor of Economics Influenced by: — R. A. Fisher Studied Edgeworth's economic work - Karl Pearson l 2 3 Positions outside college: 1 — Honorary F.R.S. 2 — Distinguished fellow of the American Economics Association Fellow of the Econometric Society and the Institute of Mathematical Statistics and the Royal Economics Society 4 President of the Econometric Society, 1936-37 5 — President of the Institute of Mathematical Statistics, 1941 6 - Three other honorary degrees from University of Chicago, University of Rochester, and University of North Carolina 3 Com: 188A Occ' SCh1 Col Col Pos Mar 212 Comments: 1 — Contributed to the field of Multivariate Analysis 2 - Generalized the "student—t-statistic" 3 — Furthered K. Pearson's "principle components analysis" 4 - Developed "canonical correlation analysis" CLARK LEONARD HULL 1884—1952 Born: Akron, New York, in a log farmhouse Occupation Psychologist, professor, researcher Schools attended: 1 — Alma (Michigan) Academy, 1905 Colleges attended: 1 — Alma College, 1905-07, studied mining engineering 2 — University of Michigan, 1913, B.A. in psychology 2 — University of Wisconsin, 1918, Ph.D. in psychology Colleges taught at: l - Eastern Kentucky State Normal School (University), Richmond, 1913-14, acting professor of psychology 2 — Wisconsin, 1918-29, psychology professor 3 — Yale, 1929-47, psychology professor Positions outside college: 1 - Public school principal at Sickels, Michigan 1909-11 2 - President of American Psychological Associa— tion, 1935-36 3 - Numerous other organizations and honors Principles of Behavior, published in 1943, was one of the most influential books on the theory of learning Note: Built a machine to calculate product- moment correlations Married, two children —;—l vr—j—r 19C Occ Co] Co] 188 Dec —¥_ 213 PALMER OLIVER JOHNSON 1901—1960 Born: Eagle Grove, Iowa Occupation Professor, administrator, statistician, agri— culturalist Colleges attended: University of Wisconsin, 1912, A.B. — University of Minnesota, 1921, B.S. University of Minnesota, 1926, M.S. — University of Minnesota, 1928, Ph.D. — University of London, Galton Laboratory, 1934—35 01:500th I Colleges taught at: 1 — University of Minnesota, 1926—58. head of science education and statistics 2 - University of Minnesota, 1958—60, chairman of Statistics Department and professor of educational psychology Positions outside college: 1 — High school teacher, Dassel, Minnesota, 1913—16, agriculture, biology, chemistry 2 — Superintendent of animal breeding farms, 1917 3 - High school biology teacher, Quincy, Illinois, 1921—26 4 — Statistical editor of the Journal of Experimental Education Research 5 — Vice-president of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1950-51 6 - Vice—president of the Minnesota Academy of Science, 1946,47 7 - Consultant to President Roosevelt's Advisory Committee on Education, 1937—38 8 - Several more commissions Married, two children TRUMAN LEE KELLEY 1884—1961 Born: Whitehall, Michigan OCCupation Psychologist, professor, researcher C01] C01? POS Coi whi 0C( Co 214 Colleges attended: 1 - University of Illinois, 1909, B.A., Mathematics 2 — University of Illinois, 1911, M.A., Psychology 3 — Columbia, 1914, Ph.D., student of E. L. Thorndike Colleges taught at: l — Georgia Institute of Technology, Atlanta, 1909-10, Mathematics 2 — University of Texas, 1914-l7, educational psychology 3 - Columbia Teachers College, 1917; worked with E. L. Thorndike on classification tests for U.S. Army, World War I 4 - Stanford, 1920-31, professor of educational psychology, worked with L. M. Terman on the Stanford Binet and the SAT 5 — Harvard, 1931-50 Positions outside college: 1 — Taught high school and junior college in Fresno, California, 1911-12, mathematics 2 — Culver Military Academy, 1913-14, consulting psychologist Cofounder of the educational honor society Kappa Delta Pi while a student at Illinois LEON CARROLL MARSHALL 1879—1966 Born: Zanesville, Ohio Occupation Professor, administrator Colleges attended: 1 - Ohio Wesleyan University in Delaware, Ohio, 1900, A.B. 2 — Harvard, A.B., 1901 3 — Harvard, M.A., 1902 Colleges taught at: l — Harvard, 1902-03, fellow and assistant in economics 2 - Ohio Wesleyan University, 1902-07, professor of economics — Mar Wrc 186 Occ Co] Co] P05 Mar 215 3 — University of Chicago, 1907—28, taught political economy, dean of colleges of commerce and administration, senior colleges, school of social service administration, chairman of department of political economics; director of work in economics and business Johns Hopkins, 1928—33, professor at the institute of law and visiting professor of education, 1935-39 5 - American University in Washington, D.C., 1936, professor of political economics .5 I Positions outside college 1 - Many government positions during World War I 2 - Position in the National Recovery administra- tion 3 - Edited and wrote a large number of reports and books Married, four children Wrote on criminal and judicial statistics HENRY LUDWELL MOORE 1869 Born: Moore's Rest, Charles County, Maryland Occupation Economist, professor Colleges attended: 1 — Randolph Macon College, 1892, B.A. 2 — University of Vienna, 1892 3 — Johns Hopkins, 1896, Ph.D. Colleges taught at: l — Johns Hopkins, 1896-97, instructor of economics 2 - Smith College, 1897—1902, professor of political economics 3 — Columbia, 1902-1929, professor of political economics POSitions outside college: None Married — 774_4 H. I eco: Not: to l eco: 186 Occ C01 C01 Pos Mar 187 Oct Fat Sci 216 H. L. Moore might be one of the founding fathers of scientific economics in the United States. Note: F. Y. Edgeworth said H. L. Moore was the first economist to use inferential statistics on a large scale to buttress economic theory. GEORGE WILLIAM MYERS 1864-1931 Born: Champaign County, Illinois Occupation Mathematician, professor, astronomer Colleges attended: 1 — University of Illinois, 1888, B.L. 2 — University of Illinois, 1891, M.L. 3 — University of Munich, 1896, Ph.D. Colleges taught at: 1 - University of Illinois, 1888—1900 2 - Chicago Institute, 1900-01 3 - University of Chicago, 1901—29 Positions outside college: 1 - Wrote successful arithmetic textbooks 2 — Editorial staff of School Science and Mathematics for thirty-one years 3 — Edited Standard Service Arithmetics Married, four children NAOMI NORSWORTHY 1877—1916 Born: New York, New York Occupation Professor, teacher FathEr English mechanical engineer migrated to United States Schools attended: 1 — Public schools of Rutherford, N.J. — ,4 C01 C01 POS 186 Fat Col Col 217 Colleges attended: 1 - State Normal School at Trenton, 1893—96, graduated 2 - Columbia Teachers College, 1899—1901, B.S. 3 - Columbia Teachers College, 1904, Ph.D. Colleges taught at: l — Columbia Teachers College, 1901—12, tutor, instructor, assistant professor, associate professor Positions outside college: 1 — Taught third grade, Morristown, N.J., 1896-99 Immediate disciple of E. L. Thorndike WILLIAM TOWNSEND PORTER 1862-1949 Born: Plymouth, Ohio Occupation Physiologist Father Physician, died when William was 17 years old Colleges attended: 1 — St. Louis Medical College (Washington University) in St. Louis, Missouri, 1885, M.D. University of Kiel, Germany } r was impressed University of Breslau with the ex- - University of Berlin perimental labo— ratory method of teaching as opposed to didactic method I at St. Louis AWN I Colleges taught at: l - St. Louis Medical College, 1887, assistant professor of physiology 2 - Harvard, 1893—1928, physiology, invited to Harvard by Henry Pickering Bowditch — , .»:3§§7&=% u'lZ‘: " ‘.":: P0; OCI Fa- Sci Col 218 Positions outside college: 1 - Resident physician and acting superintendent, St. Louis City Hospital, 1886 2 - Founded the Harvard Apparatus Company, 1901, with money from Pres. Charles W. Eliot; Porter never took salary even though the company was quite successful; he donated the money to Harvard to found a research fellowship for students 3 — Founded and edited the American Journal of Physiology, 1897; gave it to the American Physiological Society debt—free in 1914 Married, one child Walter B. Cannon was his student and chief assistant. They had EWfalling out because Cannon became chairman of the department over Porter, due to student complaints about Porter, who was a martinet. HAROLD ORDWAY RUGG 1886—1960 Born: Fitchburg, Massachusetts Occupation Psychologist, statistician, engineer, educator Father Schools attended: 1 — Fitchburg High School, 1902 Colleges attended: 1 - Dartmouth, 1908, B.S. 2 - Dartmouth, 1909, Civil Engineering degree from the Thayer School of Civil Engineering at Dartmouth 3 - University of Illinois, 1915, Ph.D. Colleges taught at: l - James Milliken University, Decatur, Illinois, 1909-11, engineering . . 2 — University of Illinois, 1911-15, engineering 3 — University of Chicago, 1915-20, education, administration, statistics, psychology 4 — Columbia Teachers College, 1920-51, professor of education and school psychologist at Columbia's Lincoln School - Fullbright scholar in Egypt, 1952-53 _ _ . University of Puerto Rico, 1953-54, VlSltlng professor O‘IU'I Wro tim boo 189 Occ C01 C01 Po: h I 77:77 {:7 " ‘\ 219 Wrote the most popular social science stud mater a1 f h' time, 1921—28. y l S O ls An advocate of progressive education, his critics wanted his books banned from library shelves. Married, three wives, three children DOUGLAS EDGAR SCATES 1898-1967 Born: San Diego, California Occupation Professor, researcher, administrator Colleges attended: 1 - Whitworth College, Spokane, Washington, 1922, 2 - Shiversity of Chicago, 1926, Ph.D. Colleges taught at: 1 - University of Chicago, instructor in education, 1923-26 2 — Indiana University, 1926-29, assistant pro— fessor, education 3 — Duke University, 1939—48, professor 4 — Queens College, New York City, 1950—52, visiting professor and assistant to dean of teacher education 5 — University of Florida, 1953—62, professor of education and consultant for the statis— tics laboratory, 1955—62 Positions outside college: 1 — Director of the Bureau of Research, Cincinnati Public Schools, 1929-39 2 — Office of the Secretary of War, 1940-47, personnel research section 3 - American Council on Education, 1948—50, director of research in scientific personnel 4 — Consultant for Office of Naval Research and the Human Resources Research Institute of the U.S. Air Force, 1950—52 5 — Research Specialist for the American Social Health Association in New York City, 1954—55 6 — Chairman of the editorial board and editor of the Review of Educational Research 7 - President of the American Educational Research Association, 1947-48 Vice—president of the American Statistical Association, 1941 0) I Ma: l9( Oc< Sc] Co C P l O 220 9 - President, Ohio Conference of Statisticians, 1933 10 — Numerous other organizations and committees, etc. Married, two children HENRY SCHEFFE 1907-1977 Born: New York City to German parents Occupation Mathematical statistician Schools attended: 1 — Cooper Union Free Night School,-engineering 2 — Brooklyn Polytechnic Institute 3 — Bell Telephone Laboratories Colleges attended: 1 - University of Wisconsin, B.A. in mathematics, 1931 2 — University of Wisconsin, Ph.D. mathematics, 1935, under R. E. Langer Colleges taught at: l — Princeton, 1941-1944 2 — Columbia, 1946-1953 3 - California Berkeley, 1953-74 Positions outside college: Bell Telephone Laboratories President of the Institute of Mathematical Statistics, 1954 Vice-president of the American Statistical Association, 1954—56 Worked with the Office of Scientific Research and Development in the New York area during World War II 1 2 3 as I CARL EMIL SEASHORE 1866—1949 Born: Morlunda, Sweden Occupation Psychologist, administrator, department head, dean, professor Fa1 Sc} POE Mar COII 221 Father Small farmer, carpenter, Lutheran lay preacher, emigrated to 80-acre farm, Boone County, Iowa, 1869 Schools attended: 1— 2 _ 3- Colleges attended: 1— 2- Taught by parents Public schools, Boone County, Iowa Boarded with a nearby pastor and learned to play the organ Gustavus Adolphus College, St. Peter, Minnesota, 1891, B.A., Greek, mathematics, philosophy Yale, 1895, Ph.D., psychology under E. W. Scripture; also studied philosophy under ma Colleges taught at: 1 2- Positions outside 1 2 _ 4- Yale, 1895—97, assistant in the psychology laboratory State University of Iowa, 1897—1937, assistant professor, in charge of the psychology laboratory; head of department of Philosophy and Psychology, 1905; dean of graduate college, 1908 college: President of American Psychological Associa— tion, 1911 Vice-president for the section on psychology of the American Association for the Advance— ment of Science, 1926-27 Resident chairman of the Division of Anthro— pology of the National Academy of Sciences, 1920-21, served in Washington, D.C. Numerous other organizations and honors Married, four children Comments: (.0 N I One of the few psychologists of his genera- tion who was neither native—born nor a member of an upper—middle-class family A mental tester, in music Inventor of psychological measuring devices Campaigned throughout his career for ability grouping of children Co 222 5 — Many of Seashore's contemporaries were influenced by his work, e.g., the papers of Edwin G. Boring, James McKeen Cattell and E. B. Titchener — all contain references to Seashore indicating that they were familiar with him and his work DAVID EUGENE SMITH 1860—1944 Born: Cortland, New York Occupation Professor, mathematician, historian, traveller Mother Daughter of a "cultivated country physician" Schools attended: I H 1 - Learned Greek from his mother who dies when he was twelve h Colleges attended: 1 — State Normal School in Cortland 2 - Syracuse University, 18881, Ph.B., art, classical languages, Hebrew 3 — Syracuse, 1884, Ph.M. 4 — Syracuse, 1887, Ph.D., art history 5 — Ypsilanti State Normal School, 1898, master of pedagogy Colleges taught at: State Normal School at Cortland, 1884-91, math 2 - State Normal Schools at Ypsilanti, Michigan, 1891, professor of mathematics 1 3 - Principal of State Normal School, Brockport, New York, 1898—1901 4 - Columbia Teachers College, 1901—26, pro— fessor of mathematics Positions outside college: Practiced law, 1881-84 Vice-president of the International Commis— sion on the Teaching of Mathematics, 1908-20 and president, 1928—32 3 - Librarian and editor of the Bulletin of the American Mathematical Society, 1902—20, and vice—president, 1922 4 - Editor of American Mathematical Monthly, 1915 1 2 C01 Married twice Comments: 1876-1962 Occupation 4300 I 223 President, American Mathematical Associa— tion, 1920—21 Helped found Scripta Mathematica at Yeshiva College in New York, 1932 Helped found the History of Science Society in 1924; first president in 1927 An avid collector and traveller, he collected nearly 11,000 books from all over the world. He donated the collection to Columbia in 1931; it is part of the Plimpton-Smith—Dale Library Wrote 150 textbooks for elementary and secondary education, somestimes with collaborators Very influential in math teaching Helen Walker's photos in her dissertation were from his collection GEORGE DRAYTON STRAYER Born: Wayne, Pennsylvania Professor, administrator, researcher Colleges attended: 1 2 3 Colleges taught l Bucknell University, Lewisburg, Penn., no degree Johns Hopkins, 1903, A.B. Columbia, 1905, Ph.D. at: Positions outside Columbia Teachers College, 1905-43, director of two divisions in Columbia, 1921—42 college: Teacher and principal in public schools in Pennsylvania and Maryland, 1893—1903 President of the National Education Associa- tion, 1918-l9 President of National Society for the Study of Education, 1918—19 Numerous other organizations and honors Oc SC De 224 Published books with E. L. Thorndike and Naomi Norsworthy Became a national leader in school administration Married, four children EDWARD KELLOGG STRONG, JR. 1884—1963 Born: Syracuse, New York Occupation Professor, psychologist, administrator Schools attended: 1 — Bloomington, Illinois Public Schools A 2 — Bay City, Michigan Public Schools 5 Colleges attended: a l — University of California, Berkeley, 1906, B.S. 2 - University of California, Berkeley, 1909, M.S. 3 — Columbia, 1911, Ph.D. Colleges taught at: 1 — Assistant, Barnard College, 1909-10 2 — Columbia, 1911—14, research fellow and lecturer 3 — George Peabody College for Teachers, 1914-l9, psychology and education 4 - Carnegie Institute of Technology (Carnegie- Mellon), 1919-23, professor and department head of vocational education and head of the Bureau of Educational Research, 1921—23 5 - Stanford, 1923-49, professor of psychology and director of vocational interest research, 1932-63 Positions outside college 1 - President, Southern Society of Philosophy and Psychology; 1919 Developed the Strong Vocational Interest Inventory. Me 225 PERCIVAL MALLON SYMONDS 1893—1960 Born: Newtonville, Massachusetts Occupation Professor, administrator, psychologist, depart— ment head Colleges attended: 1 — Harvard, 1915, A.B. 2 - Columbia, 1920, M.A. 3 - Columbia, 1923, Ph.D. Colleges taught at: l - Columbia Teachers College, 1921-22, instructor 2 - University of Hawaii, 1922-24, professor of education and psychology 3 - Columbia Teachers College, 1924-58 A. Chairman of the division of theory and techniques of measurement, 1933—37 B. Head of department of research methods, 1937—42 Positions outside college: 1 - Teacher at Punchard High School, Andover, Mass., 1915—17 2 — Worcester Academy (W. Mass.), 1917—18 3 - President of educational psychology division of the American Psychological Association, 1947-48 President of the American Educational Research Association, 1956-57 .5 I Married, no children LEWIS MADISON TERMAN 1877-1956 Born: Johnson Co., Indiana Occupation Psychologist, professor, high school principal, army researcher Colleges attended: 1 - Central Normal College, Danville, Indiana, 1898, A.B. 2 — Clark University, 1903—05, Ph.D. psychology and education, was a fellow in psychology and education 3 — Indiana University, 1902, A.B. 226 Colleges taught at: l — State Normal School in Los Angeles (later UCLA), professor of pedagogy and psychology, 1906—10 Stanford, 1910—42, faculty member in educa- tion Stanford, 1922—42, head of Psychology Depart— ment Positions outside college: 1 2 1887-1955 Rural school tacher, Johnson County, Indiana, 1894—95 and 1896—97 Principal of Johnson County High School, 1898-1901 Principal of San Bernardino (California) High School, 1905—06 World War I — developed the Alpha and Beta tests, the first group of intelligence tests Popularized the term "I.Q." when he published the revised version of the Binet—Simon scale, he called his the Stanford—Binet test Did a 30—year study of gifted children President of the American Psychological Asso- ciation, 1923 LOUIS LEON THURSTONE Born: Chicago, Illinois Occupation Psychologist, professor, researcher, administrator, department head Father Swedish immigrant, Lutheran minister, newspaper editor and publisher Schools attended: 1 - Jamestown, New York High School Colleges attended: 1 - Cornell University, 1912, degree in Mechanical Engineering 2 — University of Chicago, 1914—l7, Ph.D. Psycho— logy Ma: OCc 227 Colleges taught at: 1 — University of Minnesota, 1912—13, instructor, drafting 2 — Carnegie Institute of Technology, Pittsburgh, Pa., 1915, Psychology; 1917—24, full professor and department head (Carnegie-Mellon) 3 - University of Chicago, 1924—52, psychology, associate professor and professor, developed a psychometric laboratory 4 — Frankfurt, 1948, visiting professor 5 - Stockholm, 1954, visiting professor 6 — University of North Carolina, 1952, and established a psychometric laboratory Positions outside college: 1 — Edison laboratory in East Orange, N.J., 1912. He invented a flickerless motion picture projector which impressed T. Edison 2 - President of American Psychological Associa— tion, 1932—33 3 — Founder and first president of the Psychometric Society, 1936 4 - Founder of Psychometrika, the Psychology Society's journal Influenced intellectually by: 1 - Charles Spearman, factor analysis 2 — Ernst H. Weber 3 - Gustav Fechner PSYChOthSics Thurstone carried the work of Spearman, Weber and Fechner further, developed multiple factor analysis. Worked on developing oral trade—aptitude test for the army during World War I. Developed college entrance exams for the American Council on Education. Married, three sons. Wife, Thelma Gwinn, helped in his research, Ph.D. in Psychology, 1926 ROBERT MORRIS WILLIAM TRAVERS 1913 Born: Bangalore, India Occupation Psychologist, researcher, administrator, depart- ment chairman Ma Co 228 Father First director of the Indian Institute of Science, 1906—l4 Colleges attended: - University of London, 1932—35, B.S. — University of Cambridge, 1935-36 — University of London, 1936-38 — Columbia Teachers College, 1938—41, Ph.D. Personal assistant to E. L. Thorndike thH Positions outside college: 1 - U.S. War Department, Washington, D.C., research psychologist, 1943-45 2 - Board of Higher Education, New York City, 1949—52 3 - Air Force Personnel and Training Research Center, San Antonio, Texas, 1952-58, research administrator 4 — President of educational psychology section of the American Psychological Association 5 — Department of Army, Civilian Meritorious Service citation Married, three children FRANCIS AMASA WALKER 1840—1897 Born: Boston, Massachusetts Occupation Educator, economist, statistician, public administrator, college president, army general Father Political economist, patron of education, prominent manufacturer; the outstanding economist of his time Colleges attended: 1 — Amherst, 1855—60, A.B. Colleges taught at: 1 — Yale, professor of political economy and history, 1873—81 2 - Massachusetts Institute of Technology, president, 1881—97 3 - Williston Seminary, Easthampton, 1865-68, Latin and Greek 229 Positions outside college: 1 — Law, Worcester, Mass., 1860—61 2 — Civil War, 1861—65, brevet brigadier-general; wounded and imprisoned 3 - Editorialist for Springfield Daily Republican, 1868—69 4 — Special deputy and chief of Bureau of Statistics, 1869; superintended census of 1870; superintended census of 1880 - Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1871—72 President, American Economics Association, 1885—92, first president of organization 7 - Vice—president, National Academy of Science, OW U1 I 1891—97 8 — President, American Statistical Association, 1882—97 Politics Republican who turned "Mugwump" in 1884 and voted for Grover Cleveland Note: Created our modern census bureau JOHN EDWARD WALLACE WALLIN 1876—1969 Born: Page County, Iowa Occupation Administrator, professor, researcher Colleges attended: 1 — Augustana College, Rock Island, Illinois, 1897, A.B. 2 — Yale, 1899, M.A. 3 — Yale, 1901, Ph.D. Colleges taught at: 1 — Clark, 1901, psychology assistant 2 - University of Michigan, 1902-O3, experimental psychology - Princeton, 1903-06, experimental psychology State Teachers College, East Stroudsburg, Penn., 1906—09, vice—principal and head of the department of psychology and education 5 — Normal Training School at Cleveland, 1909—10, head of department of psychology and education 6 — University of Pittsburgh, 1912-14, professor of clinical psychology and director of the psycho- educational clinic 3 4 230 - Harris Teachers College, St. Louis, Missouri, 1914—21, director of the psychoeducational clinic and special schools; and instructor in the department of instruction — Miami University (Oxford, Ohio), 1921—29, director of the psychoeducational clinic; professor of clinical psychology - Johns Hopkins, 1929-30, lecturer Atlantic University at Virginia Beach, Virginia, 1930-32, professor and director of clinic He was mental tester of handicapped children Positions outside college: 1 9 10 Director of psychological research for the oral hygiene committee of the National Dental Association Director of the laboratory of clinical psychology at the New Jersey State Village for Epileptics, 1910—11 Director of the division of special education for the Baltimore Department of Education, 1929—30 Director of the division of special education and mental hygiene for the Delaware State Department of Public Instruction, 1932—47 A cooperating editor of the Journal of Applied Psychology and Journal of Delinqpency Founder of three departments of special education in Missouri, Ohio, Delaware Secretary to the committee on special education for the White House Conference on Child Health and Protection, 1929—30 Secretary, 1941-47, and chairman, 1942—47, National Association of State Directors and Supervisors of Special Education Chairman of section on clinical psychology, American Psychology Association, 1917, 1918 Numerous other organizations Married, two children 187l~1939 Occupation MARGARET FLOY WASHBURN Born: New York, New York Professor, editor, researcher, psychologist 231 Schools attended: 1 — Ulster Academy, Kingston, New York Colleges attended: 1 — Vassar College, Pughkeepsie, New York, 1891, A.B. 2 - Vassar College, 1893, M.A. 3 — Cornell, 1894, Ph.D, worked under E. B. Titchener 4 — Columbia? 1894, worked under J. M. Cattell Colleges taught at: 1 2 3 4 She translated two of Wundt's books: Systems, Positions outside college: 8 9 — Vassar College, Wells College, Aurora, New York, philosophy, psychology, ethics — Cornell, 1900-02, lecturer in psychology — University of Cincinnatti, 1902-03, assistant professor, psychology 1903—37, became the first professor of psychology in 1908; head of department of psychology in 1912 1894-1900, Ethical 1901, and Principles of Morality, 1901 Cooperating editor, 1903—25, and joint editor, 1925—39 of the American Journal of Psychology Cooperating editor of the Psychological Bulletin, 1909-30 Associate editor of the Journal of Comparative Psychology, 1921-35 Advisory editor of the Psychological Review, 1916—30 Member of the editorial board of the Journal of American Behavior, 1911—17 On the advisory board of the Dictionary of Psycholog , 1934 President of the American Psychological Association, 1921 President of the Eastern Psychological Association, 1931 Other organizations and honors She left her estate to Vassar College to endow promising students in psychology. This woman had tremendous influence on the dis- cipline of psychology through her varied editorail activities and her more than 200 publications. P1 0‘ CI C1 232 JOHN BROADUS WATSON 1878-1958 Born: Greenville, South Carolina, on a farm Occupation Psychologist, professor, businessman, researcher Colleges attended: 1 — Furman University, 1894-99, M.A. 2 — University of Chicago, 1901, Ph.D., psychology, philosophy, neurology Colleges taught at: 1 - Chicago, 1901-08, instructor 2 — Johns Hopkins, 1908—20; resigned from Johns Hopkins because of a highly publicized divorce from his first wife in 1920, married again Positions outside college: 1 - President of American Psychology Association, 1915 2 — Editor of many journals 3 — Worked successfully in advertising, 1920—46 Wrote in reaction to Wundtian psychology GUY MONTROSE WHIPPLE 1876-1941 Born: Danvers, Massachusetts Occupation Psychologist, professor, editor, administrator Colleges attended: 1 — Brown, 1897, A.B. 2 — Cornell, 1898—1900, Ph.D. Colleges taught at: Clark, 1897-98, psychology Cornell, 1898—1904, psychology University of Illinois, 1904-17 University of Michigan, 1919-25, professor of experimental education Carnegie Institute of Technology (Carnegie— Mellon), 1917—19, acting director of bureau of salesmanship and research and professor of applied psychology prI-J Harvard, 1924-25, temporary lecturer Co 233 Positions outside college: 1 - Editor of elementary school textbooks for D.C. Health, 1928—37 2 - Cooperating editor of the Journal of Applied Psychology 3 - Co-editor of the Journal of Education Research 4 — A founder of the Journal of Educational Psychology 5 - Board member of the American Psychological Association, 1914—16 6 — Vice-president of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1922 7 - Director of the National Intelligence Tests of the National Research Council, 1921-24 Married twice, four children SAMUEL STANLEY WILKS 1906—1964 Born: Little Elm, Texas Occupation Mathematical statistician, researcher, administra- tor Father Farmer, 250 acres, small in Texas Schools attended: 1 - Seventh grade teacher was W. M. Whyburn, who became chairman of the Department of Mathematics at the University of North Carolina 2 — In high school he sneaked off to take a college math course during study hour Colleges attended: 1 — North Texas State Teachers College, bachelor‘s in architecture, 1926 2 — University of Texas, 1928, M.A., mathematics, studied topology with R. L. Moore and statistics with E. L. Dodd 3 — University of Iowa, 1931, Ph.D, mathematical statistics; worked under Henry L. Rietz and E. R. Lindguist, 1931 4 — Columbia, on a Natural Resource Council fellowship he worked with H. Hotelling, E. E. Spearman, and Walter Shewhart of Bell Telephone Labs, 1931 234 5 - University College, London, Karl Pearson's department of applied statistics, worked with Egon Pearson, met R. A. Fisher and Jerzy Neyman, 1932 . 6 — Cambridge, met John Wishart, M. S. Bartlett, W. G. Cochran, 1932 Colleges taught at: 1 - Princeton, 1933, department of mathematics Positions outside college: 1 9 10 Worked with the College Entrance Examination Board and Educational Testing Service in Princeton, N.J. Helped organize the Institute of Mathematical Statistics, 1935 Editor of Annals of Mathematical Statistics, 1938-49 Worked for the National Defense Research Committee, 1941 Director of Princeton Statistical Research Group during World War II Helped develop and operate short courses which introduced statistical quality control to American industry Chairman of each of the three divisions of Social Science Research Council over an 18-year period Member of Board of Directors of Russell Sage Foundation, 1953-64 President of Institute of Mathematical Statistics, 1940 Worked for uncounted committees and organi~ zations Married, one child He made contact with many important men. He worked with determinants and matrices. He believed in and liked to work in groups, in organizations, societies, associations, etc. committees, 1861~1964 Occupation WALTER FRANCIS WILLCOX Teacher, scholar, demographer, statistician 235 Colleges attended: — Amherst, 1884, A.B. — Amherst, 1888, A.M. — Columbia, L.L.B., 1887 — Columbia, Ph.D., 1891 — Studied divorce in Berlin, 1889 U1I¥>wNI-' Colleges taught at: 1 — Cornell, 1891; taught statistics in a philosophy course called "Applied EthicsW Became professor of economics and statistics, 1901, retired in 1931 Dean of College of Arts and Sciences, 1902—07 Positions outside college: 1 — One of five chief statisticians for 1900 census 2 — Board of Health, New York State, 1899—1902 3 - Statistics expert for War Department on census of Cuba and Puerto Rico, 1899-1900 4 — President of American Statistical Association, 1912 5 — President of American Economics Association, 1915 6 - President of International Statistical Institute, 1947 CLARKSON DAVIS WISSLER 1870-1947 Born: Wayne County, Indiana, on a farm Occupation Anthropologist, museum curator, researcher, professor Father Teacher, school superintendent, newspaper publisher, Richmond, Indiana Schools attended: 1 — Hagerstown, Indiana, High School, 1887, graduated Colleges attended: 1 — Indiana University, 1897, graduated in psychology 2 - Clark, one summer while at Indiana, worked under G. S. Hall E:::______________________________________ll lll 3- 4 — Columbia, 1901, Ph.D.; met J. M. Cattell 236 Indiana, 1899, M.A. at a meeting in Columbus, Ohio; Cattell brought him to Columbia, where Wissler acquired an interest in anthropology from Franz Boas Colleges taught at: 1 2 3 4 Ohio State University, 1897-99, instructor in psychology New York University, 1902, instructor in pedagogy Columbia, 1903-O9, lecturer Yale, 1931, professor of anthropology Positions outside college: 1 2 3 Taught in rural Indiana schools, 1887-93 American Museum of Natural History, 1902-05, assistant to Boas and assistant curator American Museum of Natural History, 1905-42, Wissler took over the anthropological work after Boas resigned. He had a falling out with Boas over this Director of the Arthur M. Huntington Survey of Archeology and Ethnology, 1909 President of the American Anthropological Association, 1919, he was elected as a compromise between the racists who were opposed to Boasian anthropology and the Boasians Chairman of the Division of Anthropology and Psychology of the National Research Council, 1920 and 1921 Consultant to the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum in Hawaii, 1920-47 President of the American Association of Museums, 1938-43 Vice—president of the advisory board of the National Park Commission, 1940-43 Married, two children Wissler was quite influential in his prime (1910's and 1920's) but his work was ignored soon after his death. He believed Nordic superiority carried civilization. 237 ROBERT SESS IONS WOODWORTH 1869-1962 Born: Belchertown, Massachusetts Occupation Psychologist, professor Colleges attended: — Amherst College, 1891, graduated — Harvard, 1896, A.B. — Harvard, 1897, A.M. — Columbia, 1899, Ph.D. thH Colleges taught at: l — Washburn College, Topeka, Kansas, 1893—95 2 - Harvard Medical School, 1897—98, assistant in physiology 3 - Columbia, 1899-1902, instructor in physiology 4 - Bellevue Hospital Medical College, New York City, 1899—1902 5 — University of Liverpool, 1902-03, Johnson Fellow and demonstrator in physiology 6 - Columbia, 1903—58, psychology Positions outside College: 1 — Watertown, New York, high school teacher, 1892-93 2 — Editor of Archives of Psycholggy, 1906-45 3 — Vice—president of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1909, 1924 4 - President of the American Psychological Association, 1914 5 - President of the Social Science Research Council, 1931-32 6 - Other honors Married, four children Co-authored Elements of Physiological Psychology with G. T. Ladd A mental tester, wrote questionnaires to test the emotional fitness of World War I inductees. Wrote Heredity and Environment, 1941. 238 CLIFFORD B. WOODY 1884-1948 Born: Thortown, Indiana Occupation Professor of education, administrator, researcher Father Farmer Schools attended: 1 — public schools Colleges attended: 1 - Indiana, 1908, B.A. 2 — Indiana, 1913, M.A. 3 — Columbia, 1916, Ph.D. Colleges taught at: l - University of Washington, 1916—21, professor of education 2 - University of Michigan, 1921—48, professor of education and director of the Bureau of Education and Research Positions outside college: 1 — Secretary—treasurer of the National Society of College Teachers of Educaiton, 1940—47 2 - President, American Educational Research Association Married, no children HELEN BRADFORD THOMPSON WOOLEY 1874—1947 Born: Chicago, Illinois Occupation Professor, psychologist, administrator, researcher Colleges attended: — University of Chicago, 1897, Ph.B. — University of Chicago, 1900, Ph.D. - Paris I _ - Berlin f 1900 01 hLORIH 239 Colleges taught at: l — Mount Holyoke College, South Hadley, Mass., 1902, director of the psychology laboratory and professor of psychology 2 - University of Cincinnati, 1909—ll, faculty position and founded the Cincinnati Vocational Bureau 3 — Merrill-Palmer School, Detroit, 1922, associate director 4 — Columbia Teachers College, 1925—30, professor of education and director of the Institute of Child Welfare Research Positions outside college: 1 - Worked in Japan and Philippine Islands as a psychologist, 1905—09 She worked with Elizabeth Cleveland to develop the Merrill- Palmer Scale of Mental Tests. GEORGE MEARNS YERKES 1876—1956 Born: Breadysville, Pennsylvania Occupation Animal psychologist, researcher, professor Father Farmer, maintained an extended family Colleges attended: 1 — Ursinus Academy and College, 1892-97, A.B. 2 - Harvard University, 1898, A.B. 3 - Harvard, 1899, M.A. under C. B. Davenport, W. Castle 4 — Harvard, 1902, Ph.D. under Mfinsterberg Colleges taught at: l - Harvard, 1902—17 2 - University of Minnesota, 1917-19 3 — Yale University, 1924-44 Positions outside college: 1 — Consultant, Boston Psychopathic Hospital, 1913-17 2 — Owned and edited the Journal of Animal Behavior with John B. Watson, 1911—19 3 — President of the American Psychological Association, 1916 4- 240 Major, United States Army, Division of Psychology, 1917-24. Conducted the famous and controversial army intelligency tests Organized and was a member of the Committee for Research on Problems of Sex, which sponsored Alfred Kinsey, 1921-47 Chairman, Committee on Scientific Problems of Human Migration, 1922—24, investigated the intelligence of ethnic groups in America Director and founder of Yale Laboratories of Primate Biology, Orange Park, Florida, 1929—41. Married, two children 241 KEY INSTITUTIONS The Private Universities Taken from the biographies. TABLE VII PROFESSORS AT COLUMBIA Richmond Mayo-Smith James McKeen Cattell Franz Boas Edward Lee Thorndike Robert Sessions Woodworth Elgin Ralston Lovell Gould Naomi Norsworthy David Eugene Smith Henry Ludwell Moore Clarkson Davis Wissler George Drayton Strayer Edward Kellogg Strong, Jr. Truman Lee Kelley Harold Ordway Rugg Percival Mallon Symonds Stephen Sheldon Colvin Helen Bradford Thompson Wooley Harold Hotelling Date Arrived at Columbia 1877 1891 1896 1899 1899 1901 1901 1901 1902 1903 1905 1911 1917 1920 1921 1923 1925 1931 242 TABLE VIII STUDENTS AT COLUMBIA Richard Theodore Ely Walter Francis Willcox Margaret Floy Washburn Edward Lee Thorndike Naomi Norsworthy Robert Sessions Woodworth Elwood Patterson Cubberly Clarkson Davis Wissler Edward Charles Elliott George Drayton Strayer Leonard Porter Ayers Edward Kellogg Strong, Jr. Truman Lee Kelley Clifford B. Woody Stuart Appleton Courtis Percival Mallon Symonds Samuel Stanley Wilks Robert M. W. Travers YearIS) 1876 1879 1887 1891 1894 1897—98 1899-1901 1904 1899 1901 1905 1901 1905 1905 1907 1909 1911 1914 1916 1919 1921 1920 1923 1931 1938-41 Degree A.B. A.M. LL.B. Ph.D. B.S. Ph.D. Ph.D. M.A. Ph.D. Ph.D. Ph.D. Ph.D. 243 TABLE IX PROFESSORS AT HARVARD Date arrived at Harvard Henry Pickering Bowditch 1871 Granville Stanley Hall 1876 Charles Benedict Davenport 1892 William Townsend Porter 1893 William Ernest Castle 1897 Robert Sessions Woodworth 1897 Leon Carroll Marshall 1902 Edwin G. Boring 1922 Guy Montrose Whipple 1924 Truman Lee Kelley 1931 TABLE X STUDENTS AT HARVARD Year(s) Degree Henry Pickering Bowditch 1857-68 M.D. Granville Stanley Hall 1878 ph D. Charles Benedict Davenport 1887—92 ph.D. James Waterman Glover 1893 A.B. 1894 A.M. 1895 Ph.D. Math William Ernest Castle 1893 A.B. 1894 A.M. 1895 Ph.D. Edward Lee Thorndike 1896 B.A., M A. Robert Sessions Woodworth 1896 A.B. 1897 A.M. Leon Carroll Marshall 1901 A B. 1902 M.A. Percival Mallon Symonds 1915 A.B. Leonard B. Carmichael 1924 Ph-D- Elgin Charla John E Leon C John I Frank] Charle Hnok Karl J Dougla Louis Helen John B Louis Stuart Karl J EVeret Dougla 244 TABLE XI PROFESSORS AT CHICAGO Date arrived 33.91325519— Elgin Ralston Lovell Gould 1895 Charles Benedict Davenport 1899 John Broadus Watson 1901 Leon Carroll Marshall 1907 John Franklin Bobbitt 1909 Franklin Nuget Freeman 1909 Charles Hubbard Judd 1909 Harold Ordway Rugg 1915 Karl John Holzinger 1920 Douglas Edgar Scates 1923 Louis Leon Thurstone 1924 TABLE XII STUDENTS AT CHICAGO Year(s) Degree Helen Bradford Thompson Wooley 1897 Ph.B. 1900 Ph.D. John Broadus Watson 1901 Ph.D. Louis Leon Thurstone 1914-17 Ph.D. Stuart Appleton Courtis 1918 Karl John Holzinger 1922 Ph.D. Everet Franklin Lindquist 1922 & 1927 Douglas Edgar Scates 1926 Ph.D. Richar Granvi Elgin Henry James John E Elgin Jams Henry George 245 TABLE XIII PROFESSORS AT JOHNS HOPKINS Date arrived w— Richard Theodore Ely 1881 Granville Stanley Hall 1882 Elgin Ralston Lovell Gould 1892 Henry Ludwell Moore 1896 James Mark Baldwin 1903 John Edward Wallace Wallin 1929 TABLE XIV STUDENTS AT JOHNS HOPKINS Year(s) Degree Elgin Ralston Lovell Gould 1881-86 Ph.D. James McKeen Cattell 1882-83 Henry Ludwell Moore 1886 Ph.D. George Drayton Strayer 1903 A.B. Franz Granv Arthu Guy M John ] Edwin Henry Stephe Clarks Lewis Arnold JOhn F 246 TABLE XV PROFESSORS AT CLARK Franz Boas Granville Stanley Hall Arthur MacDonald E. W. Scripture Guy Montrose Whipple John Edward Wallace Wallin Edwin G. Boring TABLE XVI STUDENTS AT CLARK Henry Herbert Goddard Stephen Sheldon Colvin Clarkson Davis Wissler Lewis Terman Arnold Lucias Gesell John Franklin Bobbitt Date arrived at Clark 1889 1889 1889 1892 1897 1901 1919 Year(s) Degree 1896—99 Ph.D. 1897—1901 1897 1903—05 Ph.D 1906 Ph.D. 1909 Ph.D. Franc Irvir Carl Char] Arno] Clark Clark Irvir Carl John Fran} Arno] TABLE XVII PROFESSORS AT YALE Date arrived atlYale Francis Amasa Walker Irving Fisher E. W. Scripture Carl Emil Seashore Charles Hubbard Judd Arnold Lucius Gesell Clark Leonard Hull Clarkson Davis Wissler TABLE XVIII STUDENTS AT YALE Year(s) Irving Fisher 1888 1891 Carl Emil Seashore 1895 John Edward Wallace Wallin 1899 1901 Franklin Nugent Freeman 1906 1908 Arnold Lucius Gesell 1915 1873 1891 1892 1895 1902 1911 1929 1931 Degree B.S. Math Ph;D.. Ph.D. M.A. Ph.D. M.A. Ph.D. Walte Guy A Marga Edwin Marga Guy M: Edwin LOUIS 248 TABLE XIX PROFESSORS AT CORNELL Date arrived at Cornell Walter Francis Willcox 1891 E. B. Titchener 1392 Guy Montrose Whipple 1898 Margaret Floy Washburn 1900 Edwin G. Boring 1914 TABLE XX STUDENTS AT CORNELL Year(s) Degree Margaret Floy Washburn 1894 Ph.D. Guy Montrose Whipple 1898—1900 Ph.D. Edwin G. Boring i323 §::: 1914 Ph.D. Psych. Louis Leon Thurstone 1912 James John Leona Samue Henry James Hal-”Oil 249 TABLE XXI PROFESSORS AT PRINCETON Date arrived at Princeton James Mark Baldwin 1889 John Edward Wallace Wallin 1903 Leonard B. Carmichael 1924 Samuel Stanley Wilks 1933 Henry Scheffe 1941 TABLE XXII STUDENTS AT PRINCETON Year(s) Degree James Mark Baldwin 1884 A.B. 1889 Ph.D. 1924 Ph.D. Math Harold Hottelling Jame: John Guy I StuaJ Clifi Robel James Clarl Stuar 250 The State Universities Taken from the biographies. TABLE XXIII PROFESSORS AT MICHIGAN Date arrived at Michigan James Waterman Glover 1895 John Edward Wallace Wallin 1902 Guy Montrose Whipple 1919 Stuart Appleton Courtis 1921 Clifford B. Woody 1921 Robert M. W. Travers 1947 TABLE XXIV STUDENTS AT MICHIGAN Year(s) Degree James Waterman Glover 1892 B.L. Clark Leonard Hull 1913 B.A. Stuart Appleton Courtis 1925 Ph.D. Eugen Stepr Guy I Haro] Truma Harol TABLE XXV PROFESSORS AT ILLINOIS Date arrived at Illinois Eugene Davenport 1894 Stephen Sheldon Colvin 1901 Guy Montrose Whipple 1904 Harold Ordway Rugg 1911 TABLE XXVI STUDENTS AT ILLINOIS Year(s) Degree Truman Lee Kelley 1909 G.A. Math. 1911 M.A. Harold Ordway Rugg 1915 Ph.D. Dougla ‘ Elwood l Clarks John E Lewis Cliffo 252 TABLE XXVII PROFESSORS AT INDIANA Douglas Edgar Scates TABLE XXVIII STUDENTS AT INDIANA Elwood Patterson Cubberly Clarkson Davis Wissler John Franklin Bobbitt Lewis M. Terman Clifford B. Woody Year(s) 1891 1897 1899 1901 1902 1908 1913 Date arrived at Indiana Degree A.B. Psych. M.A. ID U3 :ua» KID Rich; Willi Edwa: Clar} Pa lme Clar} Henry 253 TABLE XXIX PROFESSORS AT WISCONSIN Date arrived at Wisconsin Richard Theodore Ely 1892 William Ernest Castle 1895 Edward Charles Elliott 1905 Clark Leonard Hull 1918 TABLE XXX STUDENTS AT WISCONSIN Year(s) Degree Palmer Oliver Johnson 1912 A.B. Clark Leonard Hull 1918 Ph.D. Henry Scheffe 1931 B.A. Math. 1935 Ph.D. Loui Karl Palm Karl Palm. 254 TABLE XXXI PROFESSORS AT MINNESOTA Louis Leon Thurstone Karl John Holzinger Palmer Oliver Johnson TABLE XXXII STUDENTS AT MINNESOTA Year(s) Karl John Holzinger Palmer Oliver Johnson 1915 1917 1921 1926 1928 Date arrived at Minnesota 1912 1917 1926 Degree A.B. M.A. B. M. . Ph.D. Richm Richa Harry Arthu Rolan Willi James Walte Edwai Step1 Helel Leon 255 The German Universities Taken from the biographies. TABLE XXXIII STUDENTS AT BERLIN Year(s) Richmond Mayo—Smith 1875 Richard Tehodore Ely 1881 Harry Kirke Wolfe 1883-84 Arthur MacDonald 1884—88 Roland Post Falkner between 1885 & 88 William Townsend Porter 1885-87 James Mark Baldwin 1889 Walter Francis Wilcox 1889 Edward Wheeler Scripture 1890 Stephen Sheldon Colvin 1895—96 Helen Bradford Thompson Wooley 1900—01 Leonard B. Carmichael 1924 Henry Granv: Harry James Rolant Josep? James ST E. Ho 256 TABLE XXXIV STUDENTS AT LEIPZIG Henry Pickering Bowditch Granville Stanley Hall Harry Kirke Wolfe James McKeen Cattell Roland Post Falkner Joseph Mayer Rice James Mark Baldwin E. G. Titchener E. W. Scripture Charles Hubbard Judd Walter Dill Scott TABLE XXXV Year(s) 1869 1878 1884-86 1885—86 1888 1888—90 1889 1890-92 1891 1896 1900 Degree A.M. Ph.D. Ph.D. Ph.D. Ph.D. Ph.D. Ph.D. Psych. STUDENTS IN ENGLAND WITH GALTON OR PEARSON OR FISHER J. M. Cattell - with Galton and Pearson E. Davenport — Rothamsted H. Hotelling — with Fisher S. S. Wilks — with Fisher P. 0. Johnson - with Pearson R. M. W. Travers — Cambridge Eggp 1886 1892 1927 1932 1934 1935 Robert Louis Marga] Clark Henry Carl Henry Dougl Arno] Robe] Step 257 TABLE XXXVI COLLEGES THE SCHOLARS TAUGHT IN AFTER CONTACT WITH THE KEY INSTITUTIONS Robert M. W. Travers Louis Leon Thurstone Margaret Floy Washburn Clarkson Davis Wissler Henry Ludwell Moore Carl Emil Seashore Henry Scheffe Douglas Edgar Scates Arnold Lucius Gesell Robert Sessions Woodworth Stephen Sheldon Colvin College Ohio State University of Utah Western Michigan Univ. Univ. of North Carolina Carnegie Tech. Wells College, Aurora, Univ. of Cinncinati Vassar College Ohio State New York Univ. Smith College Univ. of Iowa Univ. of California, Berkeley Duke University Queens College, N.Y. Univ. of Florida Los Angeles State Normal School - Psych New School for Social Research Washburn College, Topeka, Kansas — Math Bellevue Hospital Medical College, New York City Brown University — Inst. of Rhetoric Philosophy Ed. Psych. Director of School of Education Year(s) 1941-43 1958—65 1965 1952—55 1915—24 1894—1900 1902—03 1903-37 1897-99 1902 1897—1902 1897-1937 1953-74 1939-48 1950-52 1953-62 1908-10 1950 1893-95 1899-1902 1892-95 1903-04 1912—23 1919-23 Euge Henn Haroi Jame: Fran< Richa Walt: Evere LGOHE Perci Raymc EdWar 258 TABLE XXXVI - Continued College Year(s) Eugene Davenport Michigan Agricultural College 1888-91 Henry Herbert Goddard Pennsylvania State Normal School - Psych. 1899—1906 Ohio State Univ. - Psyc. 1922—38 Harold Ordway Rugg James Milliken Univ., Decatur, Ill. 1909-ll James Mark Baldwin Lake Forest Univ., Ill. after 1889 University of Toronto 1888—93 Francis Amasa Walker M.I.T. - President 1881—97 Richard Theodore Ely Northwestern - Econ. 1925—33 Walter Dill Scott Northwestern — Head Psych. Department 1901—20 President 1920—39 Everet Franklin Lindquist Univ. of Iowa — Educ. 1927-69 Leonard B. Carmichael Brown Univ. - Psych. & Physiology 1927—36 Univ. of Rochester — Chair. Dept. Psych. & Dean, Arts & Sciences 1936-38 Tufts — President & Director of Psych. & Physio. Lab. 1938—53 Percival Mallon Symonds Univ. of Hawaii — Educ. & Psych. 1922-24 Raymond Holder Wheeler Univ. of Oregon - Psych. 1915—24 Univ. of Kansas — Psych. 1925-47 Erskine College, Due West, So. Carolina 1947—48 Babson Institute of Buss. Administration, Welles— 1ey, Mass. 1948-61 Edward Kellogg Strong Barnard College 1909—10 George Peabody College for Teachers - Psych. ‘ - & Ed. 1914—l9 Carnegie Inst. of Tech. — Dept. head of Voc. Ed. 1919—23 Cliffl Clark Frank Leon Guy 1 John Edwz Hell Stu 259 TABLE XXXVI - Continued Clifford B. Woody Clark Leonard Hull Frank Nugent Freeman Leon Carroll Marshall Guy Montrose Whipple John Edward Wallace Wallin Edward Charles Elliott Helen Bradford Thompson Wooley Stuart Appleton Courtis College Univ. of Washington — Educ. Eastern Kentucky State Normal School — Psyc. University of Calif., Berkeley — Dean of School Ohio Wesleyan Univ. - Econ. American Univ., Wash- ington, D.C. Carnegie Inst. of Tech. Applied Psych. State Teachers College, East Stroudsburg, Pa. Psych. & Ed. Normal Training School at Cleveland — Psych. & Ed. Dept. Head Univ. of Pittsburgh — Psych. & Ed. Harris Teachers College, St. Louis, Mo. — Psych. & Ed. Miami University, Oxford, Ohio — Psych. & Ed. Atlantic Univ. at Virginia Beach Univ. of Montana — Cancellor Purdue Univ. Mount Holyoke College - Psych. Univ. of Cinncinati Merrill—Palmer School, Detroit Detroit Teachers Coll. Dean Wayne Univ. — Educ. — President Year(s) 1916—21 1913 1939-48 1903-07 1917-19 1906;09 1909-10 1912—14 1914—21 1921;29 1930-32 1916-22 1922—45 1902 1909-11 1922 1920—24 1931—44 Will Rola 260 TABLE XXXVI — Continued College Year(s) William Ernest Castle Ottawa Univ., Ottawa, Kansas - Latin 1889 Knox College, Illinois - Biology 1896-97 Roland Post Falkner University of Pen- nsylvania — Statist. 1888—1900 (I) ._.|>?n 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER FIVE Lawrence Stone, "Prosopography," Daedalus 100 (1971):46. Ibid. International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1968 ed., s.v. Ibid. Ibid., s.v. "Fechner, "Helmolz," "Wundt." Stone, p. 47. Ibid, pp. 47-48. Quoted in H. Walker, Studies in the History of Statistical Method (Baltimore, Md.: The Williams and Wilkins Co., 1929), p. 150. Ibid., p. 151. Ibid., pp. 152—156. Ibid., p. 152. Ibid., pp. 152—153. Ibid., p. 156. James McKeen Cattell, James McKeen Cattell: Man of Science (Lancaster, Pa.: The Science Press, 1947), p. 1. Cf. L. R. Veysey, The Emergence of the American University (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1965); Dictionary of American Biography, pp. 148—151; M. M. Sokal, "The Unpublished Autobiography of James McKeen Cattell," American Psychologist, 26 (July l971):626-635; W. B. Pillsbury, "Biographical Memoir of James McKeen Cattell,“ Bibgraphical Memoirs of the National Academy of Sciences, XXV (l949):1—l6; R. S. Woodworth, "James McKeen Cattell," The Psychological Review 51 (July l944):201-209; M. M. Sokal, The Education and Psychological Career of James McKeen Cattell, 1860—1904 (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation at Case—Western Reserve University, 1972). See also twelve memorials in Science 99 (February 25, 1944). F. M. Albrecht, "A Reappraisal of Faculty Psychology," Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences VI (1970):36-38. 261 9 l 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. Sokal, Career, p. 33 E. G. Boring, A History of Experimental Psychology, 2nd 230 (New York: Appleton—Century—Crofts, 1950), pp. 261- Sokal, Career, p. 53. Ibid., p. 55. Ibid., p. 60. Ibid., p. 61. Ibid., pp. 63, 77, 128. Ibid., p. 86; Sokal, “Autobiography," p. 632. Sokal, Career, p. 81. Ibid., pp. 90—93. Ibid., p. 71. Ibid., p. 69. J. Jastrow, "Autobiography" in History of Psychology in Autobiography, ed. by Carl Murchison (Worcester, Mass.: Clark University Press, 1930), vol I, pp. 135—162. Sokal, Career, pp. 103, 106, 110. Boring, pp. 299—300, 708. Cattell, Man of Science, vol. II, p. 435. N. G. Annan, “The Intellectual Aristocracy," Studies in Social History, J. H. Plumb, ed. (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1955), pp. 241-287. International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, s.v. Annan, passim. Cattell, "Psychology in America," Science LXX (1929):338. Sokal, Career, p. 246. Ibid., pp. 269—277. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 263 H. Walker, Studies in the History of Statistical Method, p. 46. Cattell, Man of Science, vol I., pp. 360—375. Ibid., p. 373. Sokal, Career, p. 490. Sokal, "Autobiography,“ p. 633. M. F. Washburn, "Autobiography" in History of Psychology in Autobiography, vol. II, pp. 333—358. Sokal, Career, p. 486. R. S. Woodworth, "Autobiography" in History of Psychology in Autobiography, vol. III, pp. 367—368; G. Joncich, Tpg Sane Positivist: A Biography of Edward L. Thorndike (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1968), p. 220. Dictionary of American Biography, supplement four, s.v. C. Wissler, "The Correlation of Mental and Physical Tests," Psychological Review Monography Supplements III (1901): 3—4, 14-15, 22—36; C. Wissler, "The Contribution of James McKeen Cattell to American Anthropology," Science XLIX (1944):323—333. New York Times, June 21, 22, July 13, October 2, 1907. Sokal, "Autobiography," p. 633. Sokal, Career, p. 470. M. Mead, "Apprenticeship Under Boas" in The Anthropology of Franz Boas, Memoir 89 (Menasha, Wisc.: American Anthropological Association, 1959), p. 35. Dictionary of American Biograppy, supplement three, s.v. Ibid., p. 81. M. J. Herskovits, Franz Boas (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1953), p. 1. Ibid., p. 13. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 264 Ibid., pp. 14, 39. Ibid., p. 15. Ibid., p. 121. Ibid., pp. 251-252. F. Boas, Changes in Bodily Form of Descendants of Immigrants, Senate Document 208, Glst Congress, 2nd Session (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1911), passim. Ibid. Herskovits, p. 106. Joncich, Chapters I, II. Ibid., pp. 236, 253. Ibid., p. 254; Cattell, "Statistics of American Psycho- logists" in Man of Science, pp. 360-375. Joncich, p. 29. Ibid., p. 86. E. L. Thorndike, Animal Intelligence: An Experimental Study of the Associative Processes in Animals, reprinted in The Psychological Review, Monograph Supplements 2 (June 1898), also as Columbia Contributions to Education, vol. 4 (New York: MacMillan, 1911). Joncich, p. 98. Ibid., pp. 173—176. Ibid., p. 179. Ibid., pp. 179-180. E. L. Thorndike, Education, A First Book (New York: MacMillan, 1912), p. 69. E. L. Thorndike, Measurement of Twins (New York: Science Press, 1905): P. 7. Cattell, Man of Science, pp. 388—426; Thorndike, "Eugenics: With SpeCial Reference to Intellect and Character," Popular Science Monthly 83 (August 1913): 128. l 87. 88. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 265 O. Riddle, "Biographical Memoir of Charles Benedict Davenport," Bigggaphical Memoirs of the National Academy of Sciences, XXV (1947):75. Also see: Dictionary of American Biography, supplement three, s.v. Riddle, p. 77. Ibid., pp. 83, 91. Ibid., pp. 77-78. C. B. Davenport, Statistical Methods With Special Reference to Biological Variation (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1914). Dictionary of American Biography, supplement three, s.v. Riddle, p. 83. Ibid., pp. 86, 90. C. B. Davenport, Presidential Address: The Development of Genetics (Cold Spring Harbor, Long Island, N.Y.: Carnegie Institution, 1932), pp. 18, 21. Joncich, p. 61. Ibid., p. 100. Ibid., p. 88. the; the and side psyc proi unit prof to t past narr prof to n the fOrc scie thei Chapter 6 THE ISSUES Public debate forces men to adduce evidence for their position. The controversy in the early decades of the twentieth century over the relative effects of heredity and environment brought forth statistical evidence on both sides of the issue. The natural scientists (mostly biologists and psychologists) were eager to change their disciplines into professions. In their effort to do this, they searched for a view of the world which could be based upon principles unique to their own disciplines. As an occupation becomes professionalized there is a tendency for the practitioners to become more specialized than they might have been in the past before professionalization. Their View of the world narrows to agree more closely with the basic tenets of their profession. The natural scientists were looking for a way to make their professions scientific. The success of the physical scientists in reducing the world to chemical compounds and mathematically precise forces impressed the natural scientists. When the new science of inferential statistics gave them the opportunity to classify human beings and abstract generalizations about their behavior, they embraced statistics. By reducing social 266 beh pre res In exp phy red div the tes inh red inh The dur is Cha bio was He the tai of ger Cha 267 behavior to identifiable chemicals and mathematically precise formulas, the natural sciences acquired the respectability and mysticism of the physical sciences. In the terminology of the social sciences this attempt to explain social phenomena with biological, chemical, and physical concepts is called reductionism.1 The biological reductionism of the natural scientists can be historically divided into four categories: (1) the Neo-Lamarckians; (2) development of the cytological view of life; (3) instinct theories; and (4) the mental testers. (Although mental testing has often been reductionist in its view, it is not inherently so. Modern mental testing is moving away from reductionism.) The Neo—Lamarckians claimed that organisms biologically inherit the acquired characteristics of their ancestors. They claimed the body and behavior of an organism change during its life as it adapts to its environment. This change is then transmitted biologically to the organism's progeny. Changes caused by the environment, they believed, are biologically inherited by the next generation.2 This View was tested by a German biologist at Freiburg, August Weisman.3 He cut off the tails of many generations of rats and noted that the offspring of the mutilated animals were not born tailless. Weisman claimed that the acquired characteristics of one generation are not inherited by the next, unless the germplasm of the first generation is affected by the acquired characteristic. the arg isi Wei war anc‘ vie to gra in the dis cat off str her ALIS are dis fou CEI‘ l'ldm 0f pla Cha 268 While Weisman's work clearly destroyed the claim of the Neo-Lamarckians, it also lent weight to the hereditarian argument. Weisman seemed to be saying that 211 character- istics are carried by the germplasm, the cells of reproduction. Weisman emphasized the importance of heredity because he wanted to draw attention to the difference between germ cells and body cells. He was building a case for the cytological View of living matter. Cytology was, at the turn of the century, beginning to gain acceptance. The expanding universities were graduating increasing numbers of young scientists trained in the laboratory. Biologists and psychologists trained in the methods of science wanted a theory which would take their disciplines beyond the realm of mere description and classifi— cation. They wanted to explain living matter. Cytology offered an explanation. Two other important contributions in biology gave strength to the hereditarian argument: Mendel's laws of heredity and the theory of mutation.4 Gregor Mendel, an Austrian botanist, claimed that an organism's characteristics are inherited according to demonstrable mathematical distributions. Observing many generations of plants, he found that identifiable characteristics appear according to certain ratios. One generation after Mendel, a Dutch botanist named Hugo de Vries claimed that the change in characteristics of an organism occurs as a result of a change in the germ— plasm of a species. The germplasm mutates and new somatic characteristics appear.5 The theories of Mendel and de Vries were The t h' with i Ameri empha Will: Weis does dete char He: inhi BY de of Sc 269 were introduced to American scholars by Charles B. Davenport. The theories of Weisman, Mendel, and de Vries, combined with the professional aspirations of a new generation of American scientists, trained in cytology, produced an emphasis on heredity. This emphasis appeared first in the writing of William E. Castle at Harvard. He combined the theories of Weisman, Mendel, and de Vries claiming that the environment does not affect the offspring; their characteristics are determined by the germplasm. Furthermore, the somatic characteristics are encoded as dominant or recessive factors in the germplasm. Finally, he claimed Mendel and de Vries explain why new types are especially variable, how one variation causes others, and why certain variations are so persistent in their occurrence. Davenport adopted this view at about the same time. He reduced all organisms to combinations of biologically inherited characteristics. To—day biology has to recognize that its individuals are likewise diverse combina— tions of units-—relatively very numerous—- which, following de Vries, we call unit characters....Characteristics are thus to individuals what atoms are to molecules. As the qualities and behavior of molecules are determined by their constituent atoms, so the essence of the individuals of any species is determined by its constituent characteristics. By 1906 Davenport had adopted the theories of Mendel and de Vries, and began applying them to man.8 These new theories of heredity sparked a whole new area of investigation. Scientists applied the science of statistics to the Mendelian ratio measu preda new 9 hybri see a use c atoms in 1E Wag. phys: Thor: work. belh circ book feeb Henr the book 270 ratios in agriculture as well as human physiology. The measurement of man, as embodied in the eugenics movement, predates scientific breeding in agriculture, but soon the new genetic theories were being used to produce improved hybrids. In the above quotation taken from Davenport, we see an attempt to legitimize the new genetic theories in his use of the analogy between biological characteristics and atoms. E. L. Thorndike entered the discussion of heredity in 1913 with his influential book, The Original Nature of Mgp.9 He claimed that all human traits, mental as well as physical, are inherited in accordance with Mendelian ratios. Thorndike was predisposed to such a view by his earlier I work. In his Measurement of Twins he demonstrated a firm belief in the inheritance of mental ability with the circular statement that ...the fact that Mr. Rockefeller has amassed one of the great fortunes of the age is undoubtedly due almost exclusively to his original capacity, not to circum— stances.... 0 A Neo—Lamarckian named Richard Dugdale published a book in 1895 about the Jukes family, in which he claimed feeblemindedness was inherited by successive generations. Henry Goddard published a similar work which warned about the dangers of inherited mental deficiency. His most famous book was The Kallikak Family.ll beh epi or the and par Jam HO Sim inf emp 271 These hereditarians based their theories of human behavior on the cytological foundations of biology. They used the methods of statistics to support a View which was, epistemologically, beyond the scope of statistics to prove or reject. Ironically, the people who opposed the hereditarians (e.g., Boas and his students) also used statistics to support their position. The course of development of hereditarian and eugenic literature is well documented.12 Instinct theory was introduced to American scholars in The Principles of Psychology, by William James.13 The idea of instincts appealed to him because they gave an explan— ation for indeterminism. James sought an explanation which permitted generalization about human behavior, while still allowing for the interplay of indeterminate causes in the environment. He claimed that instincts determined the general course of behavior in about three dozen areas. Because man evolved from lower species, James claimed he has more instincts than them. While these instincts are inherited genetically, he believed, they are capable of being modified by the environment. Hence, man's behavior is, to a certain extent, depending upOn the circumstances of the particular individual, somewhat indeterminate. According to James, man has about three dozen instincts. James produces no empirical evidence for the existence of instincts. He simply argues that they must exist.14 James was such an influential scholar that many others overlooked his lack of empirical evidence. Few were-skeptical of his claim. inst nati sour : mecl bel: The: intl Tho it to bec sur ext sta awe mer Thc 272 Thorndike was one of those who were skeptical about instincts. He disagreed with his teacher, James, about the nature of an instinct. James believed instincts are somehow bred into the organism by “nature" as a survival mechanism. This seemed like teleology to Thorndike. He believed instincts are general tendencies to behave in a certain way. These tendencies are not bred into the organism. There is no mystical force in “nature" which breeds instincts into an organism for the purpose of survival. According to Thorndike, instincts serve no purpose of any kind. Instincts are simply in the organism because of chance. A particular instinct may be conducive to survival, but on the other hand, it may not be. Obviously, those instincts which are conducive to survival are the ones we are most likely to observe, because species carrying those instincts are more likely to survive. Thorndike was led to this elegant argument by his extensive experience with animals. Because he had collected statistics on large numbers of both animals and men, he was aware of the great differences between human and animal mental processes.15 C. H. Judd compromised in a fashion similar to Thorndike. He favored instincts, however, claiming that human behavior is ...determined by the circumstances of individual life, but the great majority of the fundamental possibilities in human nature app given at the beginning of life.... i but as; He by ex; max on the the n ane in< as Nev be} cor the exp 19. n at R. S. Woodworth conceded the existence of instincts, but he did not believe they were as important as other aspects of human nature. Extensive as is the native equipment of man, with its manifold sensations and emotions, movements and interests, it would bulk rather small, numerically, in an inventory of the whole equipment of the adult.1 He believed the internal behavior of the body is determined by instincts, but all human social behavior is learned. The weakness of the concept of an instinct as an explanation became obvious with the passage of time. Too many of them appeared. L. L. Bernard records that 600 books on instinct were published during the first two decades of the twentieth century.18 In spite of this prodigious output, there was no verifiable evidence offered that one particular instinct appeared to be statistically more significant than another one. For most psychologists, the existence of instincts was not something one would doubt; it was accepted as readily as a pre-nuclear physicist would accept the Newtonian View of mechanics. When a psychologist came upon behavior which he could not explain, he simply invoked the concept of instinct. By 1920 psychologists had identified thousands of instincts, and it became obvious that instinct explained nothing. Consequently the idea fell out of vogue. Although some discussion of instinct continued after 1920, most important controversy died at about that time. In the decade from 1920 to 1930 another issue caught the attention of social scientists: mental testing. The mental tes Uni two and by iné WEI the che SCE C12 met loe ...Irlfiin-I.|. : . ree Bi] he: in th. an we 274 testing movement began in England with Galton. In the United States it reached its controversial peak when over two million soldiers were tested with the well-known alpha and beta tests during the First World War. Mental testing was imported from Galton's laboratory by Cattell in the 18905. Cattell wanted to account for individual differences among human beings. His measurements were concerned with characteristics which were more physical than mental; for example, the senses and motor functions.19 Two Frenchmen, Alfred Binet and Theodore Simon, changed the direction of mental testing with their intelligence scale, published in 1905.20 As mentioned in Chapter 5, Clark Wissler had already cast serious doubt upon Cattell's methods in 1900. Thus, the psychologists who were still looking for an explanation of individual differences, were receptive to the Binet—Simon intelligence scale. Henry Goddard introduced American scholars to the Binet-Simon test in 1909. Goddard, an eugenist and hereditarian, was director of research at the Vineland institution for the feeble-minded in New Jersey. He used the Binet—Simon test on thousands of people at Vineland, and came to the conclusion that such tests are necessary to 21 Goddard became, weed out mentally defective individuals. like Davenport, a spokesman for the eugenics movement. Goddard's version of the Binet—Simon scale was improved by L. M. Terman at Stanford University. Terman "standardized" the Binet-Simon test by repeatedly administering it to a group of white middle class Americans. Each time he calc1 test acco pre tes eug 1t shc Al; Eng 275 calculated the results of administering the intelligence test, he added questions which tended to group scores according to the bell—shaped curve of errors, and removed questions which did not group scores in this way.22 Thus, he forced the test to fit the assumptions of the bell curve. Terman assumed his revised version (called the Stanford—Binet) of the test separated cultural effects on behavior from innate ability. He claimed his test measured inherited, innate ability. In 1917, with the expectation of war, Robert M. Yerkes, president of the American Psychological Association, organized a team of psychologists to devise a battery of intelligence tests for the United States Army. He was a hereditarian and eugenist who worked with Goddard and Terman on the tests. It was important to the army to know which of its recruits should be officers and which should be cannon fodder. The Alpha Scale was for inductees who could read and write English; the Beta Scale was for those who could not.23 Selecting a random sample of 162,526 from the two million soldiers who took the test, Yerkes analyzed their scores.24 He discovered that native—born soldiers did better than foreign— born. Among the foreign—born, he found that those from English—speaking and northwestern European countries did better than those from southeastern Europe, and whites did better than blacks.25 Yerkes' findings slowly filtered out from academic journals to the general public in doses small enough so that oi ir ar SE 01' be ut 276 no great concern was voiced over them. However, in February 1922, Mrs. C. J. Cannon wrote an article in the Atlantic Monthly which created a public outcry. She claimed the army alpha and beta tests demonstrated that immigrants from southeastern Europe are inferior. She recommended to Congress that these allegedly inferior people be prevented from entering the United States. Their defective germplasm should be kept out of the country because the demonstrated low intelligence of these people is a threat to a democratic form of government.26 Shortly after Cannon's article appeared, the president of Colgate University, George B. Cutten declared in his inaugural address that the United States should be ruled by an intellectually superior aristocracy, which could be selected by intelligence tests. Because the army tests‘ demonstrated that the average mental age of an American was only 13 years, democracy can only produce chaos and should be scrapped.27 W. C. Bagley of Columbia University replied to Cannon's article saying that the mind is an inherently social phenomenon. It is not a thing which is given at birth, but something that grows through social interaction. Because mind can never be separated from culture, no test can measure the innate capacity of a mind.28 G. M. Whipple of the University of Michigan replied to Bagley saying that the army tests should be accepted on utilitarian grounds. His tautologous argument claimed that be 110‘ we the fo: the adh is The eug How tha gen rej nat eXd 277 because the tests have given us useful results, we should not abandon them. In order to insure a continuing democracy we must educate those who, according to test results, show the greatest promise.29 S. S. Colvin of Brown University criticized Yerkes for not recognizing the problem of language. He claimed that Italian—Americans do not do well on such tests because they have trouble handling the language. This, says Colvin, is a cultural-linguistic problem, not a sign of low innate intelligence.30 Franz Boas joined the controversy with convincing arguments. He pointed out that the negro soldiers who took the test were mortally afraid of the caucasian officers who administered it. Also, negroes grow up in a culture which is considerably different from the dominant caucasian culture. These two problems of fear and cultural differences certainly cause negroes to do poorly on the tests. Finally, Boas pointed out that African culture displayed highly developed forms of art. Certainly this is evidence of intelligence, albeit of a kind different from caucasian North America.31 The early 1930s marked the end of hereditarianism, eugenics, and racist mental testing in scientific circles. However, the rise of the Fascists in Europe is ample evidence that racism in its most virulent form was still alive in the general population. Long before national leaders came to reject the theory of behavior which is based upon allegedly national and racial abilities, the scientific community had examined it and rejected it. VE st a: ar SL‘ 278 It is difficult to say why one side in the nature versus nurture argument should win out over the other. Certainly, both sides used the new science of inferential statistics to marshall evidence for their claims. Statistics are tools which can be used to support or reject any social argument. They are not by their nature predisposed to support or reject any argument. The use to which they are put depends upon the wish of the user. 10. ll. l2. l3. 14. 15. FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER 6 J. Gould and W. L. Kolb, eds., A Dictionary of the Social Sciences (New York: The Free Press, 1969), p. 579. J. C. Greene, The Death of Adam (New York: New American Library, 1961), pp. 160—69; E. J. Pfeiffer, "The Genesis of American Neo-Lamarckism," Isis LVI (1965):156-67. A. Weisman, Essays Upon Heredity and Kindred Biological Problems, A.B. Poulton, S. Schowland, A.B. Shipley, eds., and trans. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1892) Vol. I, pp. 73- 74, 81—83; Vol. II, pp. 31—70; G.G. Simpson, The Meaning of Evolution (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1949), pp. 128-35. L. C. Dunn, A Short History of Genetics (New York: McGraw—Hill, 1965), pp. 3—77. H. de Vries, "The Origin of Species by Mutations," Science XV (1902):721—729. W. E. Castle, "Mendel's Laws of Heredity," Science XVIII (1903):405—406. C. B. Davenport, "Animal Morphology in its Relation to Other Sciences," Science XX (1904):698. Davenport and Davenport, "Heredity of Eye Color in Man," Science XXVI (1907):589-92. E. L. Thorndike, The Original Nature of Man (New York: Teachers' College, Columbia University, 1913), passim. E. L. Thorndike, Measurement of Twins (New York: The Science Press, 1905), p. 11. R. L. Dugdale, The Jukes: A Study in Crime, Pauperism, Disease, and Heredity (New York: G. P. Putnam Sons, 1910), pp. 55, 65—66, 113—14; H.H. Goddard, The Kallikak Family (New York: MacMillan, 1923), passim. C. Burt, "The Inheritance of Mental Characters," Eugenics Review IV (1912):168—200; S. J. Holmes, A Bibliography of Eugenics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1924). W. James, The Principles of Psychology (New York: Dover Publications, 1950). Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 181-97. E. L. Thorndike, Original Nature, pp. 5—41. 279 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 280 C. H. Judd, Psychology: General Introduction (New York: Scribner & Sons, 1907), p. 219. R. S. Woodworth, Dynamic Psychology (New York: Columbia University Press, 1922), p. 77. L. L. Bernard, Instinct: A Problem in Social Psychology (New York: Henry Holt, 1924), pp. 173-74. See J. M. Cattell, Man of Science, 2 volumes (Lancaster, PA: The Science Press, 1947), passim. A. Binet and T. Simon, The Development of Intelligence in Children (New York: Arno Press, 1973). See H. Goddard, The Kallikak Family, passim. L. M. Terman, The Measurement of Intelligence (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1916), passim. R. M. Yerkes, ed., Psychological Examining in the United States Army, Memoirs of the National Academy of Sciences XV (Washington, D.C.: National Academy of Sciences, 1921), pp. 202-11, 235—58. Ibid., pp. 551-657. Ibid., pp. 699, 741. C. J. Cannon, "American Misgivings," Atlantic Monthly CXXIX (1922):145—57. G. B. Cutten, "The Reconstruction of Democracy," School and SocieterVI (1922):477—489. W. C. Bagley, "Educational Determinism; Or Democracy and the I.Q.," School and Society XV (1922):373—84. G. M. Whipple, "Educational Determinism; A Discussion of Professor Bagley's Address at Chicago," School and Society XV (l922):599—602. S. S. Colvin and R.D. Allen, "Mental Tests and Linguistic Ability," Journal of Educational Psychology XIV (1923):1—20. F. Boas, "The Problem of the American Negro," X (l920—21):386-95. Yale Review CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSION The social movement which encouraged the use of inferential statistics was composed of three elements: professionalization, the university system and the issues. Each of these elements is related to the expanding industrial economy of America during the period between the Civil War and Second World War. It is not claimed here that the mathe— matical concepts of statistical inference would not have been born in the absence of these three elements. The question of whether or not modern statistical theory would have come into existence if these elements had been lacking is not answer— able. What is claimed is that the concepts of statistical inference were readily adopted by American scholars because these people were professionals, working in an expanding university system; and they turned intellectual issues into institutionalized debates. Professionalization of an occupation created adherence to a philosophy. When an occupation becomes a profession, the worker is no longer simply one who toils at certain duties and tasks. The professional spends a period of his or her life training; learning not only the skills of an occupation, but the canons, doctrines, and dogmas of a particular philosophy. During the period from 1890 to 1930 more and more scholars became professional scientists and teachers. These people viewed the world according to the tenets of the scientific method. They were pre—disposed by professional 281 trai wor] The) The} eco: exp as tOO the for uné the 282 training in their youth to accept a mathematical View of the world, and to apply laboratory techniques in their work. They were prepared to accept the new science of statistics. They used it as a tool in psychology, biology, agriculture, economics, and more. As professionals they were eager to explain the world according to the tenets of positivism, not as a construct of a philosophical system. The most important tool at their disposal was inferential statistics. A growing class of professional biologists accepted the laboratory findings of August Weisman. These people were formally trained in the techniques of modern science and understood the implications of Weisman's findings. Thus, they rejected the claims of the Lamarckians, a group which was far less professional. The intellectual explosion that occurred after the Civil War was the consequence of redirected national priori- ties. With the war over the nation directed its considerable energy and resources into industry, education and commerce. This expanding economy required a corresponding expansion in the professions. College enrollments increased to meet the demand for more professionals. The need for religious edu— cation was replaced by a demand for ideologically secular curriculums which would train the work force needed by industry. The teachers who trained the growing class of pro- fessionals became professionals themselves. They spent more time in colleges learning the new theories of human behavior a re en sh. i: the 0f th pr 283 and education. Credentials and degrees came under control of the practitioners of the new education. Educators were increasingly being trained in scientific methods, which pre— disposed them to the use of inferential statistics in their work. Old colleges transformed themselves into research universities. New universities were founded as a result of the Justin Morrill Act and the philanthropical largess of the new American millionaires. Scholars at the old transformed schools of Columbia, Harvard, Yale, and Princeton, and the new schools of Chicago, Clark, Johns Hopkins, Cornell, Michigan, Illinois, Indiana, Wisconsin, and Minnesota led the movement of statistical inference. From a bondful of scholars at these schools the new techniques of statistical inference gained rapid acceptance in a multitude of disciplines from anthropology to zoology. Limitations of the Study The method of prosopography used in chapter five has a limitation inherent in it. Any piece of prosopographical research is always open to the charge that it did not do enough. It is difficult to decide how many biographies should be examined; or how many should be included in the final report. There is no pre-determined rule which tells the researcher what questions should be answered. The kinds of questions asked of the biographies is determined more by the subject of the research than anything else. In the present study the question of education was the most important tYE liIl res DUI bi 284 type of information extracted from the biographies. This limitation in prosopography is also a convenience for the researcher. He can decide to end the work with almost any number of biographies. There is no general criterion in prosopography which requires a certain minimum number of biographies. Another limitation to the present study is the manner in which the biographies were selected for inclusion in the study. The researcher chose the biographies which are included in the study. These choices are subject to the biases of the person choosing. A different researcher would have different biases and might choose other biographies for inclusion in the study. This weakness could be eliminated by assembling a panel of judges who would decide, on the basis of a merit system, which biographies to include. Suggestions for Further Research As a supplement to the present study it might be informative to examine a sample of important academic journals, looking for articles which use the methods of inferential statistics. The sample could be limited to journals published during the period from 1890 to 1930. The number of articles using inferential statistics each year could be recorded and graphed. This record of publi- cations could then be analyzed for patterns of growth in the statistical movement. It should be possible to find out which journals contributed most to the spread of statistics and which scholars were most productive during the forty year period before 1930. Si] imi the Thi SC 285 The science of statistics has continued to grow since 1930. Although the foundations have not changed, important contributions have been made. New debates about the use, validity and reliability of statistics have risen. These controversies are a healthy sign. They indicate that scholars are developing new uses for the ubiquitous tool: statistical inference. Al? Be BIBLIOGRAPHY Albrecht, Frank M. "A Reappraisal of Faculty Psychology." Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences VI (1970):36—40. Angell, James Burrill. Selected Addresses. New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1912. Bagley, W. 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