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‘» , - TIME AND THE RELIGIOUS DRAMA- AN INVESTIGATION.
INTO THE FORMAL DRAMATIC STRUCTURE OF TWELVE
PASSION PLAYS DETHE MIDDLE AGES”

 

 

 

 

 

 

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This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

Time and the Religious Drama: An Investigation
Into the Formal Dramatic Structure of Twelve
Passion Plays of the Middle Ages

presented by

John Willis Arnold

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph . D. degree in Department

of German and Russian

0K4; Ag’b#/ch ‘2:

F) 11“

Major professor

Dan: August 3, 1977

0-7639

er WM

ABSTRACT
TIME AND THE RELIGIOUS DRAMA: AN INVESTIGATION

INTO THE FORMAL DRAMATIC STRUCTURE OF TWELVE
PASSION PLAYS OF THE MIDDLE AGES

by
JOHN WILLIS ARNOLD

The massive corpus of criticism written about the medieval religious
drama contains few studies of either its structure or its dramatic
intensity. Through a consideration of the formal, regenerative structure
of twelve Passion plays encompassing the years 1150 AD. to 1517 AD.
and originating in Italy, Germany, France, and England,I have attempted
to unearth several reasons for their extraordinary theatrical longevity.
The method employed was derived from the phenomenological school of
criticism and especially the treatment of temporal dramatic structures
advanced by Peter Putz. The process of creating anticipation in audiences
was found to be the cornerstone of the formal organization of all dramatic
endeavors, regardless of their time of production. Attention was directed
to the manner in which medieval playwrights integrated succession as well
as past and future events into a 'present', or audience-imminent time.
Several categories of temporal manipulation were applied to each play
in an attempt to discern how specific authors consciously or unconsciously
employed dramatic-structural techniques to extend their productions
beyond the confines of scriptural records while faithfully representing
the sacred history of Christ's Passion.

The biblical story was found to admit numerous alternatives of
representation, possibilities consistent with religious, cultural, and
social values and attitudes of the surrounding society. The texts were

divided into chronological groups to afford opportunities to compare

John Willis Arnold
and contrast techtonic methods within the four mentioned national
literatures.

The two texts of Group I (1150-1250) presented the Passion in a
commemorative fashion, celebrating the facts of Jesus' triumph over
His enemies. Group II (1250-1340) gradually redefined and amplified
existing material to stress the Lord's human suffering. This redefinition
led directly back to a renewed Christocentric piety introduced by St.
Bernard, St. Anselm,St. Francis, St. Bonaventure, the Franciscan preachers,
and John of Caulibus. Group III plays (1340-1517) greatly expanded an
awakened interest in character portrayal and social criticism to instruct,
to moralize, and to preach.

The method revealed a correlation of intent and form. Artists chose
or instinctively included certain temporal categories to reflect their
attitudes and designs for the works.

By investigating time structures I was able to identify and evaluate
the curious tendency for anachronistic presentation in medieval Passions,
then to comprehend it in light of the medieval understanding of sacred
history, that is, the eternal 'presentness' of Old and New Testament
truths. There emerged a 'theory of dramatization' perceived by few
medieval scholars. This definition of the consequence of time made many
modern ideas on ideal dramatic forms redundant and inconsequential.

Another result of this study was an expanded aesthetic appreciation
of often masterful, occasionally inspired methods of rendering the age~
old tale of the Passion. It was found that, by employing objective
measurement to non-contemporary dramas,a modern mind, having put away
its preconceptions and prejudices, could enjoy and more thoroughly

comprehend the artistry behind these monuments of medieval Europe.

TIME AND THE RELIGIOUS DRAMA: AN INVESTIGATION
INTO THE FORMAL DRAMATIC STRUCTURE OF TWELVE
PASSION PLAYS OF THE MIDDLE AGES

by
John Willis Arnold

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of German and Russian

1977

3;
C3
wsd
("‘30

@ capyright by
JOHN WILLIS ARNOLD

1977

DEDICATION
For my understanding and loving wife, Claudia,

for my dear and patient son, Michael, and for
our esteemed mutual friend, Gail.

ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

It is with a profound sense of gratitude that I recognize the

many persons who have lent their abilities to this thesis:

Dr. Richard Walker, co-chairman, whose unfailing interest, sup—

port, and human perceptions kept me at the task these many months;

Dr. Sandro Sticca, co-chairman, who so graciously shared both his
time and vast knowledge of medieval drama and criticism, and without
whose constant guidance and concern the task would long since have

been abandoned;

Dr. Arnold Williams, who many years ago provided the initial spark
of interest in medieval drama and at whose hands the topic first took
shape;

Dr. Ann Harrison, who first introduced me to the French branch
of the medieval dramatic family and constantly supported me with
her wisdom;

Dr. Kurt Schild, a demanding, but understanding taskmaster, who
taught me to read;

Dr. John Yunck, a singularly knowledgeable and effective teacher,

whose insights into medieval culture and literature, combined with a

well-honed wit and deeply-appreciated humanity, excited my curiosity

and caused me to endure the difficulties of a lengthy investigation;

Mr. Walter Burinski and the staff of the Inter-Library Loan
Facility at Michigan State University, who cheerfully and expertly

provided many specialized texts upon which the thesis rests.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES. . .,.
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT TITLES,
PREFACE .
CHAPTER
I Introduction .
II Traditional Scholarship.
III Method010gy. . . . . . . . . . .
The Stratum Theory of Literature.
The Stratum of Linguistic Creation.
The Stratum of Meaning Unity.

The Stratum of Represented Perceivable Objects
The Stratum of Schematized Aspects.

Medieval Drama and Literary Temporal Parameters .

Successive Ordering of Events . .

Presentational Time and Represented Time

Temporal Foreshortening , . .

Tempo- Acceleration and Retardation ,

Parallelism, Interruption, and Psycho-
intellectual Moments .

Suspense and Anticipation .

IV Formal Consideration of Drama and the Dramatic .
The Genre Drama and the 'Dramatic! Style.
Medieval Drama as 'Drama' . .

V Group I- Montecassino and Benediktbeuern .
'Time of Presentation and Represented Time .
Succession of Events.

Adverbial Evidence . .
Temporal Linking of Events .
Spatial Movement . .
Appearance and Withdrawal of Characters.
Succession by Dialog .
Plot .
Design and Realization.
Command and Execution .
Mention and Appearance of Characters.

iv

.viii

.ix

.xi

23

33
35
36
37
39
40
42
44
46
49
51

53
57

63
63
66

74
75
78
78
79
81
84
87
92
93'
96
97

VI

Tempo of Succession .

Temporal Parallelism . .
Interruption and Suspension.

Discourse on Mary Magdalene.

Anticipation of the Future .

Proclaimed Occurrences Originating in

the Material .

Announced arrivals .

Prophecy .
Oaths.

Forms of Proclamation Emanating from

Structure.

Intimated Occurrences Originating in.

the Material .

Time Consciousness .

Mood .
Dreams .

Forms of Intimation Emanating from

Structure

Discourse on Conventions of

Early Stages .

Silence.
Music.

Recovery of the Past .
Events Previous to the Onset .of

Dramatization.
Remembrance.
Trials .

Expositional Forms of Remembrance .

Narrated Pre- history .

Pre-history as a Present Circumstance.

Actualized Pre-history .

Retrieved Events Within Dramatized Time .

Epic Application of the Chorus.

Group II- St. Gall,

Adverbial Evidence.

Temporal Linking of Events.

Spatial Movement.

Appearance and Withdrawal of Characters .

Succession by Dialog.

Plot.

Design and Realization .

Command and Execution .
Mention and Appearance of Characters .

Passage of Time .

V

Wien, Palatinus, Autun B and R.
Time of Presentation and Represented Time.
Succession of Events .

. 99
.102
.105

.111
.114

.115
.115
.116
.120

.122

.123
.124
.126
.128

.130

.130

.132
.134

.135

.137
.137
.139
.142
.143
.144
.145
.147
.149

.160
.173
.184
.185
.187
.193
.200
.204
.213
.214
.218
.218
.220

Tempo of Succession .

Discourse on the Virgin and her
Structural Importance in the Passions
of the Fourteenth Century.

Temporal Parallelism .
Interruption and Suspension.

Integration of the Future. . .
Proclaimed Occurrences Originating in
the Material . .
Announced Arrivals .
Prophecy .
Oaths. . . . . .
Forms of Proclamation Emanating from
Structure.
Intimated Occurrences Originating in
the Material .
Time Consciousness .
Mood .
Dreams . . .
Forms of Intimation Emanating from
Structure.
Silence.
Music.
Reflection and Contrast.

Integration of the Past. . .
Events Previous to the Onset of
Dramatization.
Remembrance.
Trials . . .
Expositional Forms of Remembrance .

Pre- -history as a Present Circumstance.

Actualized Pre— history .

Retrieved Events Within Dramatized Time .

VII Group 111- Chester, Towneley, Gréban's Mistére,

Donaueschingen, Alsfeld.
Time of Presentation and Represented Time.
Succession of Events .
Passage of Time .
Succession by Dialog.
Plot. .
Design and Realization .

Mention and Appearance of Characters .

Tempo of Succession .

Discourse on the 'Reality' of the
Crucifixion.

Temporal Parallelism .

vi

.223

.235

.268
.273

.289

.289
.289
.290
.293

.294

.297
.297
.300
.302

.303
.303
.304
.304

.311

.313
.313
.315
.317
.318
.319
.320

.332
.349
.374
.374
.376
.384
.384
.386
.388

.396

.408

Interruption and Suspension-

Integration of the Future -
Proclaimed Occurrences Originating in

the Text . . . .
Oaths
Intrigue . . .
Forms of Proclamation Emanating from
Structure. . . . . .

Intimated Occurrences Originating in
the Material . .
Time Consciousness .
Mood .
Unconsciousness. . .
Forms of Intimation Emanating from
Structure. . .
Meaningful Noises. .
Reflection and Contrast.

Integration of the Past. . .
Events Previous to the Onset of
Dramatization. .
Expositional Forms of Remembrance .
Narrated Pre- -history .

Pre- -history as a Present Circumstance.
Retrieved Events Within Dramatized Time .

VIII Conclusion.
APPENDICES .
FOOTNOTES.

LIST OF REFERENCES .

vii

.412
.425
.425
.425
.427
.434
.441
.441
.442
.443
.446
.446
.448
.455
.455
.457
.457
.459
.463
.477
.486
.509

.602

Table

LIST OF TABLES

List of Plays Examined . . . . .

Adverbial Evidence of Succession .

l

2

3 The Scenic
4 The Scenic
S The Scenic
6 The Scenic
7 The Scenic
8 The Scenic
9 The Scenic
10 The Scenic
11 The Scenic
12 The Scenic
1% The Scenic
14 The Scenic

Structure
Structure
Structure
Structure
Structure
Structure
Structure
Structure
Structure
Structure
Structure

Structure

of Mbntecassino .

of Ben? .

of StG

of Wien .

of Pulat.

of Autun B.
of.Autun.R.
of Chester.
of waneZey .
of Mistére .
of Donau.

of.AZsbed.

viii

.22

. 486

. 488

. 489

. 490

. 493

. 494

. 49S

. 496

. 497

. 499

. 500

. 503

. 506

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND SHORT TITLES

Alsfeld

Autun B

Autun R

BenP

Chester
Christusbild
Configurations
Deutsche Drama

DLK
DL:1500

Donau
DMC
Drama

Drama

DVjs
EES

Eigenform

Elemente

English Religious Lyric
Erkennen

Figure

Das Alsfelder Passionsspiel

La Passion d'Autun- B(iardi) manuscript
La Passion d'Autun- R(omani) manuscript
Das Benediktbeurer Passionsspiel

The Chester Cycle

Pickering: "Das gotische Christusbild,
Zu den Quellen mittelalterlichen
Passionsdarstellung."

Nelson: "Some Configurations of Staging
in Medieval Drama."

Michael: Das Deutsche Drama des Mittel-
alters

Ingarden: Das Literarische Kunstwerk

Michael: "Deutsche Literatur bis 1500:
Drama."

Das Donaueschinger Passionsspiel
Young: Drama of’the MEdieval Church

Brinkmann: "Das Religigse Drama im Mittel-
alter: Arten und Stufen."

Hartl: uDas Deutsche Drama des Mittel-
alters."

 

Deutsche Vierteljahresschrift

Wickham: Early English Stages: 1300 to
1600, vol. I.

Brinkmann: "Die Eigenform des mittelalter-
lichen Dramas in Deutschland."

MUller, Maria: Tragische Elemente im
Passionsspiel des.Mittelalters

 

Woolf, Rosemary: The English Religious
Lyric in the Middle Ages

Ingarden: VOm Erkennen des Literarischen
Kunstwerks

 

Meyers: A Figure Given: Typology in the
maEereZd Plays

ix

List of Abbreviations and Short Titles (cont'd)

Fbrmgeschichte ~

French Drama
GR

GEM
Grundbegriffe
JEGP

Lit and Art

Mimes
Montecassino
Mistére
Palat

Passion
Pilate

PMZA
Progessionsspiele
Spirituality

StG
Stil

Teufel

Themes and Images

waneley
Untersuchung StG

verschmelzung

Mien

Bgckmann: Formgeschichte der Deutschen
W

frank: The Medieval French Drama

Germanic Review

Germanisch-Romanisches Monatsheft
Staiger: Grundbegriffe der Poetik

Journal of English and Germanic Philology

Pickering: Literature and Art in the
Middle Ages

Gamer: "Mimes, Musicians, and the Origin
of the Mediaeval Religious Plays."

The Montecassino Passion Play
Gréban: Le Mistére de la Passion
La Passion du Palatinus

Sticca: The Latin Passion Play

Williams: The Characterization of Pilate
in the Towneley Plays

Publications of the Modern Language
Association

Michael: Die Geistlichen Prozessions—
spiele in Deutschland

Sticca: "Drama and Spirituality in the
Middle Ages."

Das St. Galler Passionsspiel

Maller, Walther: Der schauspielerische
Stil imVPassionsspiel des Mittelalters

 

Rudwin: Der Teufel in den deutschen
gezstlichen Spielen des Mittelalters
und der Reformationszeit

Gray: Themes and Images in the Medieval
English Religious Lyric
The Towneley Cycle

Hartl: "Untersuchungen zum St. Galler
Passionsspiel."

Wolff, Ludwig: "Die Verschmelzung des
Dargestellten mit der Gegenwartswirklich-
keit im Geistlichen Drama des Mittel-
alters."

 

Das Wiener Passionsspiel

PREFACE

In the subsequent analysis of medieval drama I have selected a view-
point which emanates from a personal reading of the texts. The reasons
for such a non-traditional approach to these products of ages long past
are twofold: my primary interest and intent during this exercise is to
offer aesthetic insights for modern readers which will enable them, if
not to thoroughly enjoy, then at least to respect the accomplishments of
artisans operating within a set of literary rulescnr 'handicaps' sig-
nificantly different from those we take for granted; the resulting
structural analysis may provide insights into medieval thought and life,
providing in the mirror of staged activity at least a glimpse of the
possible reality laying behind it. The uninterruptable flow of chron-
ology has made the way back through the centuries, particularly through
the vehicle of literature, fraught with cultural, religious, even
hiStorical misunderstanding;1 we cannot renew an acquaintance with med-
ieval drama in the same manner as did its contemporary audiences; we
must rely on manuscripts which, in many cases, have not well withstood
changes in religious dogma, war, or general neglect, and which are
subject to scribal whim, the ultimate significance of which we can only
conjecture. We also view dramatic activity from an altered point of
view. But the unyielding curtain of time and change may prove to have
small tears in it through which we may occasionally peek. In the final
analysis, however, the cultural and religious distance between then and
now is simply too great to bridge with complete success. We may ap-
proach that flickering mirage of truth, and, if we are careful and
fortune smiles, chance to touch it here and there. Nevertheless our

tools will remain imperfect at best, for any modern analysis or
xi

discussion, though it purport to contain ultimate viewpoints and per-
ceptions similar or identical to the Middle Ages, will inevitably

betray its anachronistic bias to one degree or another.2 I have,
therefore, chosen to adopt a stance which is obviously modern, but which
at its most challenging point demands that each work be considered in
light of the exegencies of literary creativity which define it and make
it unique. It is not only naiveté, but intellectual folly to expect,
for example, a complete originality of plot and character from medieval
drama. The initial step on the path of acceptance and literary enjoy-
ment is to recognize that that particular value so highly prized

by twentieth-century man has little, and in many instances, no appeal
or value of its own in medieval times.3 But this is not the only
problem inherent in the ensuing discussion. The theme of the analysis
and the critical method employed therein raise several fundamental liter-
ary questions. Some relate to the concept of temporal experience,

one which has undergone substantial mutation in the centuries separating
us from the Middle Ages, while others appear as part of an essentially
modern literary theory generated by the philosophy of phenomenology.

To affbrd methodological clarity, it will be necessary to different-
iate between medieval and modern thought on the nature and experience
of time. A second category requiring amplification will be the phil-
osophical distinctions which separate the two ages. It is also nec-
essary to consider the experiences which bind the two eras to complete
the picture.

Several basic observations concerning the inner workings of
phenomenology must be made, since this method has rarely been applied to
medieval texts. Although the following remarks offer an outline of
numerous literary tenants of this philosophy, my interest in offering

xii

them is to establish the validity of the approach, not to engage in a
protracted examination of the psychological and philosophical back-
ground of the method. I shall discuss only those portions of
phenomenology which have directly affected the outcome of this literary
investigation. Readers who feel the inclination to explore these
theories further are referred to the works on the subject quoted in
later footnotes and in the general bibliography.

The attempt to define the playwright's intention through structural
analysis is made with the full realization that the result must remain
only an attempt. One must be something of a modern Renaissance man
for complete understanding of a complex phenomenon like medieval drama.
Thus, I do not imply a thorough recapitulation of medieval philosophy,
rather a recognition of the correlation of form and intent at a
fundamental level of artistic creation.

Since my interest is not specifically to ascertain the origins of
particular characters or dramatic forms, or to investigate other than
in the most superficial way the influence of the liturgy or Easter
plays on evolving Passion plays, I have omitted the normal discussion
of the evolution of liturgical drama from the tenth-century 'Quem
quaeritis' trope through the several steps culminating in Easter plays
and preparing the way for fully-developed Passions. A particularly well-
written outline of this development is offered by William L. Boletta in
The Role of'Music in Medieval German Drama: Easter Plays and Passion
Plays (Nashville, 1967).

Allied with my cardinal interest in the coming paragraphs is the
desire to investigate through the techniques of structural measurement

the degree to which medieval men were able to fashion meaningful

xiii

dramatic ferms from biblical material. I choose formal analysis which
turns upon the successful integration of several temporal phenomena in
order to ascertain how well the Middle Ages reconstituted drama with-
out knowledge of previous Greek and Latin theatrical practices. What
forces act upon the author as he attempts to mold the story which
precedes the dramatic genre?; how will he shape a tale which turns on
supernatural and miraculous events and whose sequence permeates the
whole of historical time? How does his product employ structural-
temporal necessities of effective theatrical performance? What follows
is a consideration of the reformulation of’a genre as witnessed by
dramatic structure. How an author provides for spectator interest is.

a very real indicator of the quality of that reconstitution.

xiv

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

The experience of time is a universal human phenomenon. Each
person experiences time in some fashion, for, as Meyerhoff explains,
"There is no experience . . . which does not have a temporal index at-
tached to it."1 From the dawn of civilization mankind has studied the
passage of time and determined methods of measuring it, thereby relat-
ing himself to its movement. He has not always occupied his present
psychological and philosophical position relative to the coming and
going of events. Modern man's predilection for viewing past events as
separate from his present situation (except as one event causes another)
is a function of his historic sense, one which places developments into
specific contexts relating social, cultural, religious, and political
events to one another and to a given historical situation. For modern
man there is little sense of continuity in life or art. His is a world
in continuous flux; innovation becomes an artistic virtue of exceeding
importance. It is for these reasons that to more clearly understand
medieval art in general and medieval religious drama2 in particular,
we must consider the ancient concepts of man's relationship to the
passage of time and contrast it with our own modern ideas. Only then
will we be prepared to ask what the medieval religious drama communicated

to its audience and what form the message took.

 

 

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In the temporal frame of reference which constituted spiritual be-
havior medieval man perceived himself surrounded by abiding things.
He counted himself part of a heirarchy of existence from the lowest
ferms to the highest, whose members possessed an intrinsic continuity.
All existence was created existence and seemed to be created each moment,
not anew, but continually. God gave things being and at the same time
caused them to endure.4 There was a specific form of continuity
inherent in the creative act which linked man and his surroundings to
previous and succeeding generations. In its most general sense time
was not horizontally linked from one secular event to another, but
. . . 5
» rather evolved on earth and rose vert1cally 1nto etern1ty. The
result was incomplete duration, a system continually developing towards
some uncharted future union with the Creator. Georges Poulet explains:
Thus sustained by the permanent continuity of substantial
farm, the moving continuity of time unrolled itself, so
mobile and so fluid that it was impossible to distinguish con-
secutive moments. No doubt such fluidity implied a part
of non-being. But what distinguished this time from Hera-
clitan time or even Platonic time . . . was that it was a move-
ment towards an end... . . Even in his body the Christian of the
Middle Ages felt a continuous orientation towards a spiritual
perfection. Time had a direction. Time finally carried the
Christian toward God.6
'For medieval man, then, time was "strictly limited in duration and
importance: it differed from eternity, and in eternity lay all human
goals."7 Eternity, as understood by our ancestors meant not infinite
time, but timelessness.8 This concept of time which placed God outside
the confines of human temporal experience, but recognized His unlimited
dominion over it, projects numerous staged conventions upon medieval

theater, most notably that of a pervasive anachronism, which at first

glance seems strangely out of place or 'foreign' to us. As we delve

further into certain of the peculiarities of medieval theater, its
importance and appropriateness will become apparent.

The perception modern readers bring to literature is conditioned by
the habit of attaching chronology to all events, their genesis, con-
tinuation, and exodus being delimited by fairly specific dates in
history. They do not lead to eternity, but issue from one, continue
into another, only to disappear into the vagueness of past time. They
may be recalled, but are seen as having left the consciousness of pre-
sent things, resting somewhere in the realm of history. Even when we
bring an event nearer our reality through memory, an inescapable logic
tells us that it continually recedes into history, or as Roman Ingarden
observes:

. . " . . . N
Es w1rd 1mmer ,alter', 1mmer mehr ,anc1en', immer langer
.vergangenl. Zwischen das vergangene Ereignis und unsere
immer neue Gegenwart schieben sich immer neue, soeben noch
gegenwartige und jetzt schon vergangene Tatsachen, Prozesse,
usw. . . . Aber auch diese . . . eben noch werdende aktuelle

Gegenwart geht nichtsdestoweniger vorbei und verwandelt sich
in eine neue Vergangenheit, . .

Modern man distinguishes consecutive moments and marks them in his
mind. But he has lost the benefits inherent in relating himself to
past events and experiencing the implied continuity. He has instead
substituted history in its broadest sense. His chronologicalnotion
not only colors his philosophy of life, it also permeates his
literature. Modern man has little tolerance for anachronism in art,
events or objects out of chronological order with their surroundings.
Medieval man, on the other hand, referred his whole cultural, social,
and religious life to the vast panorama of preceding events and found a
satisfying sense of endurance. In his religious life, our ancestors

from the Middle Ages formulated their weekly communion with God in terms

4

of sacred history. History for them was not, as Weber puts it,
"a descriptive ordering value",10 giving events a life of their own in
a chronology which might be conceived as a relationship between cause
and effect; man's final reality, his origin, end, and center of time,
was the Almighty, Who dwelt beyond time.11

Even if man considered himself part of incomplete duration, he
was, by virtue of his temporal bondage and human condition, conscious
of the passage of time in other ways. He experienced night and day,
the changing seasons, the times of nature. But this natural time was
impossible to mark with accuracy until the beginning of the fourteenth
century, when the introduction of counter-poised clocks afforded him .
freedom from the vicissitudes of inclement weather.12 Before the advent
of this invention, mankind reckoned the movement of time by motion of
heavenly bodies-- when he could see them. These phenomena all conform to
sidereal or conceptual time, of calendar and clock time, recognized
by modern scientists and mathematicians in their calculations. For
medieval man conceptual time was decidedly inferior to his spiritual
timepiece. Conceptual or natural time may have guided his system of
fead production, his lying down and rising up, but in things of the
spirit, he was indifferent to its passage, as Scholes and Kellog
state: "For ancient man the significant (i.e. ritual) actions, by
virtue of their identification with mythical events, took place out-
side of ordinary chronological time."13 Medieval man's spirit was
bound to an entity beyond his reckoning of days and years. Unchanging
rituals integrated individuals into the community of true believers;
the liturgy subsumed every aspect of the person into direct affiliation

with his Lord's life.14 Even natural time and seasonal changes were

5
integrated into the Church calendar by alliance with stages of re-
demption: autumn prepared Christ's inception into human time by Advent;
the long period of penitance during Lent flowered with nature in
spring and came to bloom in Easter; summer was equated to Pentecost.15
The Roman Mass, occupying the center of liturgical celebration, was
ordered in its variable parts to stress the lives of saints (though on
a daily, not seasonal basis).16 For members of religious orders even
the hours of the day were fixed, not by the natural course of time
(though Prime and the rising of the sun were linked allegorically),17
but enclosed in prayer and a reformulation of sacred history using
Scripture, according to Weber, to "relate each day to the seasonal
(religious) cycle of the year and to interpret the passage of the day
in the life of the individual soul."18 Thus was medieval man's life
ordered far beyond natural or conceptual time; every moment or WiSh
on his part or on that of the congregation was "articulated and con-
secrated by the liturgy of the Church."19 His eyes saw the ultimate

truth of a God—centered universe beyond his sensual experience (If

changing hour and season.

As noted, natural or sidereal time is a constant. But entirely
different methods of experiencing the flow of time exist which employ
criteria other than the constancy of moving bodies; they prevail out-
side the barriers of natural time; they are not always steady, determined
or defineable passages of minutes, hours, or days. This time exper-
ience has its origin in each individual consciousness, a fact recognized
by ancient and modern minds alike. It is also somewhat independent of

the idea of sacred history, for though it may be directed by the sacred,

6
its ultimate reality exists in the psyche of every individual.

St. Augustine, in rejecting the concept of sidereal time as the
final arbiter of temporal experience,20 was perhaps the first to
recognize the presence of an alternative perspective based on the
eternal presentness of actions.21 Although every event must be placed
into a present system to occur at all, it is possible to employ memory
and expectation to account for past and future happenings.22 The past
was understood to be the present memory of past events and the future
a present anticipation or expectation of unrealized conditions:

. . . nec proprie dicitur: tempora sunt tria, praeteritum,

praesens, et.futurum, sed.fiortasse proprie diceretur: tempora
sunt tria, praesens de praeteritis, praesens de praesentibus,
praesens de futuris. . . . praesens de praeteritis memoria,
praesens d3 praesentibus contuitus, praesens dc futuris ex-
pectatio.

With his discussion of time based on memory and expectation, St.
Augustine initiated the investigation of the subjective relativity of
temporal experience. In view of these considerations, this study attempts
to stress this subjective relativity of time, of the consciousness of
temporal experience, by applying certain modern techniques of form analy-
sis developed primarily by the phenomenological philosophy of literature,

a system which places the experiencing individual at the center of

consideration.

Each literary epoch contains certain artistic possibilities. These
alternatives are reflected in form. Since man is the center of the
literary process, it follows that his art will reflect an understanding
of his world at a particular time. Thus, in the medieval period, life
may revolve around the Creator, but the understanding and form taken
by literature is supplied by human beings, who interpret through human

images and communicative devices.

7
Each author we shall investigate perceives the events of the Passion
in a singular perspective and creates certain time structures, if
only intuitively, to reflect this subjective experience. Each pro-
vides a separate statement on the accepted flow of events culminating
in the Resurrection. It is also of utmost importance to realize that
the cultural and social milieu in which the artist finds himself will
greatly influence what he choses to commit to record and how he ac-
complishes it. The monastic surroundings of Montecassino will do
much to define that first preserved Passion, as will the market
and urban experiences of writers of the late fifteenth century.

True literary masterpieces refuse to be frozen into 'period pieces',
objects of little consequence for any but the most dedicated specialist.
Their form, the structure given them by human intellect, is the key to
their existence. Ideological and cultural investigations are useful,
but they do little to clarify the artistry reflected in great literary
endeavors. They do not take into account the degree to which the
intellectual content of the work, the ideas of a cultural period, are
rendered into a ferm which transcends chronological barriers.

Paul Bgckmann argues convincingly: "Solange man das Eigenrecht der
Epoche allein aus ihren geistes- oder kulturgeschichtlichen Bedingungen
heraus rechtfertigt, kommt man nicht zu einer Erkenntnis ihrer dichter-

ischen M3glichkeiten."24

We may speak of cultural and bibliographic
inputs of an era and perhaps gain some shred of understanding for the
creative process at a given time. But this says precious little about
the power of poetic creation at work in an individual writer or group of

writers. When one makes clear that certain historical situations direct

artists down specific paths, that the method of literary communication

V 8

is unique to a period, that it does not follow an abstract norm nor
conform to some ideal set of rules, then, and only then will the deeper
and more productive questions of the mutation of form and its importance
be asked.25

Literary masterpieces communicate independently of the ideas
expressed in them.26 Works of art certainly convey attitudes and ideas;
these are the unavoidable raw materials of intellectual endeavor.
That which separates them from mundane transmission of information is
the structuring of the informational process. The history of form and
its manipulation is the history of ideas and their mutation. When
foam is studied, a satisfying aesthetic appreciation for the author's
creative talents constitutes an added benefit for the initiated reader.
Form places man before himself,27 as in a mirror, and in the words of
Bgckmann:

Es erweist sich dann, dasz in allem dichterischen Schaffen

nicht um beliebige Formen geht, sondern immer um diejenigen,

in denen sich das Menschliche seiner selbst vergewissert -

Es geht nicht um eine Technik der kunstgerechten Wirkung,

sondern um eine Erkenntnis der Formen, in denen der Mensch

sich selbst zu begegnen vermag.
With all this stress upon the position of man in the literary equation,
critics may argue that he is not the center of interest in medieval
drama. Ample evidence to the contrary may be cited. One can point to
a change in the pattern of Christian consciousness of existence which
as early as the twelfth and thirteenth centuries began to dissolve the
objective participation in the Mass and in liturgical drama as the
mystical Body of Christ; instead one perceives even in the years which

contain_the earliest preserved Passions of Western Europe a movement

towards fractionalization of the community of believers into a group of

9

individuals, all experiencing the plays in a subjective way.
There are to be found in late medieval religious drama statements on
the meaning for the individual of Christ's sacrifice. Such a pro-
nouncement is made by the Proclamator of’Alsfeld:

got gebe dae mer das spiel szo triben,

das mer got damidde eren

und alle sunder und sunderyn sich bekeren

die dissze horen und sehen. 0
The context is purely religious, but mankind remains the fecal point.
This example provides evidence that representation of the ultimate
offering by the Christ is not experienced as a purely historic and
far-removed event, performed as a known deception; an intensive aware-
ness of His sacrifice fer man is called fer and a response anticipated.
Later paragraphs on the peculiar nature of drama will lend further
weight to the argument.

The relationship between content and ferm which gives a literary
work its unity, reflects the author's world of experience and brings
it to view.31 When one considers the origins of medieval drama in the
Church liturgy, when one notes the religious positions of those
identified as having written Passion plays, as well as the fact that
they long remained under the auspices of Church authorities, one
recognizes the relationship between expressed ideas and the form they
took. Even with all the elaborate discussion of 'secularization' of
religious drama, which, it is supposed, accounts for the numerous
worldly elements of later plays, one must not overlook the fact that

the Church did not eject the plays into the streets, but guided them

0 32 o o o '
there "on grounds of convenience", ma1nta1n1ng control over much of

33

the perfbrmance even after they left 'consecrated ground', by virtue

10

of the division of clergy into regular and secular membership.34

Mere acceptance of a theatrical hand from laymen, particularly from‘
guild members in France and England35 in no way altered the basic
message or reason of performance. We can expect, therefore, that the
underlying intentions of even the most 'secularized' plays originated
in the religious arena, that a design other than pure entertainment
defined their form. A study of temporal form can recreate in part
the literary possibilities of these works, possibilities which in turn
direct our attention to the spiritual context of the Middle Ages.36

Of equal importance for this study is the investigation of aesthetic
qualities in medieval drama which are reflected in the time structure.
Insights by readers as far removed from the original presentations as
twentieth-century readers are will surely only approximate those of
medieval audiences, although the intensity need not be less. We cannot
hope to recreate in every detail the primitive experience of the first
audiences. But the phenomonologist's tools of objective measurement
db enable us to experience the products as dramatic entities with a
particular style and temporal construction worthy of consideration.
Readers may well find themselves at odds with my conclusions and even
with one another when the discussion turns to authorial intention, for
even a marginal comprehension of intent implies not only a vast know-
ledge of social and intellectual history, but a solid foundation in
medieval theology as well. Though these limiting factors be operative,
none can deny the structural application, the formal presence of
literary phenomena in the texts. Dramatic qualities can be immensely

enjoyed and appreciated even by modern readers when structural criteria

are applied: the 'how' of creation is more important than the 'what'.

11

H
Eberhard Lammert addresses himself to the importance of the process:
Sofern aber historische Forschung ihr Augenmerk nicht
nur auf das Was', sondern auch auf das Wie' der kunstler-
ischen Aussprache3richtet, gerat sie notwendig in Kontakt
mit einer Poetik, die die grundsatzlichen Moglichkeiten
dichterischer Aussage ausgebreitet hat. Solche Blicknahme
auf auszerhistorische Sachgesetzlichkeiten gibt dem histor-
ischen Betrachter kunstimmanente Maszstdbe in die Hand und
begunstigt auf diese Weise auch die historische Beurteilung
einzelner Werke und ganzer Literaturstromungen nach ihrer
asthetischen Eigenart. 3
Such qualitative conclusions benefit our objective considerations of
distant epochs which cannot be defined by those aesthetic conventions
of our modern literary reality,38 for they concentrate attention on
the manipulation of enduring measures, on the very act of creation,
on form.

Significant fer literary masterpieces is their ability to withstand
changing demands placed on them.:59 Their communicative capacities
transcend their ideological content. Many ideas lose their impact in
time, but their structure resists subjective changes in interpretation.
It is the realized potential of material which associates succeeding
generations with masterpieces and creates the possibility of intimate
aesthetic experience independent of the date or the creation of the
work. An effective channeling of ideas into poetic reality can be
absorbed and appreciated by anyone who will attend the formal structur-
ing of literature. A study of several Passion plays is well suited
for such an experience, as all rest on common liturgical ground.

The ideas expressed remain relatively constant; they all share a
similar potential for dramatization. This dramatic potential, as

reflected in temporal structure, will in each instance, however, be

singular, as not only each Passion, but each realization of the same

12

play constitutes a separate dramatic entity.41

The attendant investigation employs as its point of departure
research into the peculiar artistic potential of time management dis-
cussed by Peter Patz in Die Zeit im Drama: Zur Technik Dramatischer
Spannung (thtingen, 1970).42 This author investigates several methods
of structuring past, present.and future events in theatrical perfor-
mance. His service is that he approaches the formation of time
relationships from the temporal demands of drama as a genre. This
avoids much of the current unwarranted antagonism toward medieval drama,
an aggravation which rests upon a misunderstanding or lack of exposure
to the artistic possibilities which medieval drama could employ, and ,
is often abetted by the current attitude of agnosticism towards things
religious. Patz substitutes objective measurement and a study of
technique not bound to any school or type of dramatic literature in
the place of emotional and irrational criteria. Hardin Craig, a well-
known contemporary medievalist, displays such a bias when he remarks:

When one considers the origin of the mystery plays within the

medieval church, an origin without thought of dramatic or

histrionic effect, and when one considers also how these

plays passed into the hands of very simple medieval peggle .

one can see that the1r techn1que was 1neV1tably naive.
Such a generalization does great injustice not only to the artistic
capacities of the several clerks, priests, and other clergy who at
various times lent their talents to the formulation or expansion of the
dramas, but to the auditors of the plays as well. Furthermore, it does
violence to the facts now available to any careful investigator. I
feel obliged to refute this inadequate statement not only with hard

evidence, which will be developed at length in the analysis, but also

with opinions generated by scholarship more recent than Craig's.

13

After intense reflection and investigation into medieval drama I am
convinced that Craig has erroneously and all too harshly judged these
ancient plays. Instead I share the thoughts of Boletta on the subject.
While he directs his remarks specifically to Alsfeld and to the role of
music in it, his observations have, I believe, general validity for the

entire dramatic genre of the Middle Ages:

It is, of course, a well established critical stance to regard
medieval drama as a rather simple-minded but devout dramatic
rendition of the Vulgate into scenes, but the selectivity and
the deceptive artlessness of many plays belie their sim-
plicity. . . . Those responsible for the Alsfeld Passion Play
were not possessed of the sophistication of a Gottfried Von
Strassburg, or a Hartmann von Aue, but they were not fools or
children either. Though Alsfeld has its occasional loose

ends and exists within a definite medieval dramatic and
religious tradition, it is not devoid of merit and origin~
ality. If the word 'artistic' in this context offends, let

us call the achievement in Alsfeld one of dramatic crafts-
manship, but let us not dismiss this play and most of medieval
drama as an interesting curiosity devoid of dramatic cogency.

Indeed, it appears that the presentation of conventional religious
ideals may well have made audiences from this period more sensitive
"to the implications of thought in dramatic works than to the inner
relationships of plot and character,"45 the latter quality of which
constitutes a supreme value for modern drama. A much more constructive,
and, I believe, accurate conclusion than those of scholars like Hardin
Craig is advanced by Glynne Wickham, who hints at dramatic successes
not recognized by many critics:
All in all, scholarship is teaching us that our ancestors

of the Middle Ages, far from being crude, barbarous, illiterate

and generally inferior beings, were, on the contrary, civil-

ized. Despite their lack of our cushioned, conveyor-belted

and cellophane-wrapped amenities, their world had meaning and

purpose: and what is more, they were fully able to make this
manifest in all they left behind them.46 -

14

And in the context of production organization of the English cycle
plays, the same author again questions Craig's insinuations of intel-
lectual naiveté in medieval people:
To take another aspect of the plays, what right have we to
regard organizers and administrators who were capable of

handling casts between fifty and a hundred actors, budgets

totalling several thousands of pounds and audiences com-

prising thousands of people, as simpletons? If they were,

then it is surely quite extraordinary that these audiences .

should have supported plays regularly all over Europe for

some two hundred years?

I share many of Boletta's and Wickham's philosophical orientations.

My study stresses the idea that, despite the religious exigencies
inherent in Passion accounts and often because of them, artists were
capable of brilliant products reflecting intensive dramatic power by '
the effective structuring of the literary potential of'the drama in

that epoch. Indeed, I shall endeavor to show that the very core of

the Passion account, of material contained in Scripture dealing with
this time in the life of Christ, contains a wealth of dramatic potential.
A formal analysis employing primarily modern tools of structural measure-
ment will show the degree to which mostly unknown artists formed their
messages into viable dramatic works by consciously or intuitively
employing dramatizing techniques of time manipulation.

To return to the benefits of employing structural measurement,
some validity may be contained in Craig's opinion concerning the lack
of an identifiable, all—pervasive dramatic theory from which medieval
drama issued, but to state that medieval drama was inevitably naive
is to judge earlier works by narrow, even biased, and individual stan-
dards. I will have occasion to consider Craig's contentions again

upon the advancement of several pertinent structural discoveries. I

do, however, wish to call one more witness against Craig, for 1H:

m;

,~ .1.
11:.

that

131;"

55¢A.

5““

15

typifies so much of adverse medieval scholarship. The opinion I

wish to call up is that maintained by Waldo F. McNeir, who has observed
that if medieval drama is to be afforded its distinctive and rightful
position in English letters, it must be studied for its own value,

not simply as some poor'antecedent of the more noble Elizabethan acn
complishments.48 His statement can be generalized to include traditions
of all texts contained in this study. The phenomenological approach
advocated in these pages stresses objective textual analysis and
careful measurement of form in an attempt to more clearly and im-
partially approach the doctrinal and intentional realities behind them.
It looks upon the text as the final arbiter and most perfect witness

of its makers' accomplishments. Unreasoned and uncritical reactions
have no place in structural measurement. The investigations of Patz
avoid precisely such pitfalls by concentrating on the techniques avail-
able fbr creative temporal management. His study enables one to
recognize the dramatic potential of any body of material as well as to
identify those particular techniques employed by medieval dramatists to
effectively structure their works. There can be little doubt that
medieval Passion plays were not created primarily as literature or as
exercises in aesthetics:49 to maintain that these ancient dramatists
consciously sought out the most effective dramatic techniques con—
sistent with their religious context from a generally accepted literary
theory is to completely misunderstand its nature and aspiration.

There is to be found, however, ample evidence that, within the tra-
ditional and doctrinal strictures of their material and its present-
ational manner, medieval poets were indeed able to more than adequately

organize their plays. The work of Kolve and Eleanor Prosser in the area

16
of choice of presented scenes convincingly establishes a remarkable
latitude which could be exercised by any competent writer.50 I am
neither so bold nor so naive as to imply that a completely conscious
creative process is at work in all the texts we shall view. But the
structurally measurable facts indicate that medieval dramatists were
able to create intense statements of belief within a religious frame—
work by intuitively exploiting the potential for presentation of the
Passion account contained in Scripture. It is at this point that a
modern reader armed with an understanding of form and structure can
communicate with the work in meaningful ways. That the creative
process was in certain instances an unconscious application of the
biblical material and the artist's understanding of it does not alter
the reflected literary skill. In order to open the door to medieval
drama just a crack further, however, it behooves us to remember that it
is we who must for a moment arrest our own presentational and religious
conventions and let other modes of thought wash over us. We should
realize that psychological understandings of the world which motivate
modern tragedy has gradually replaced the dominant metaphysical con-
cept which guided religious thought of ages past and lent medieval
drama its singular form.Sl During this exercise we will additionally
have cause to investigate several circumstances in the progressive
alteration of probable authorial intent during the beginning of the
feurteenth to the end of the fifteenth centuries which, within the
context of a Christian view of the world, will suggest a certain
commonality<HFmotivation with psychological dramas, preparing the

field fer their later dominance.52

17

Whereas continual chronological and cultural comparison of indi-
vidual works is necessary to ascertain developments in the application
of the dramatic potential inherent in the Passion account, stress is
laid on analogical, not homological relationships, as differentiated
by Dieter Hasselblatt.53 A discussion of normative poetics is not
intended, though the specific criteria of time measurement are repeated.
Analogical comparison will best reflect the realized power of each

work, as well as afford insight into the significance of the material

in general.

Wilhelm Kosch provides us a rough definition suitable for the original
Passions, but which will necessarily be broadened to include material'
antedating and postdating the Passion proper. He describes a Passion
play as Heine dramatische Darstellung der Leidensgeschichte Christi, wie
die Osterspiele kirchlichen Ursprungs, im neunten Jahrhundert latein-
ischen Lesedramen, zu den Mysterienspielen gehgrig."54 These plays
originally encompassed the period of time from Christ's entry into Jeru-
salem until His Crucifixion, a period roughly equivalent to six days.55
There remains little question that the events of Easter morning, par-
ticularly the Resurrection,56 constituted the germ from which Passions
developed. The history of the evolution of medieval drama involves a
study in retrograde enlargement, of a continuous addition of material
from the story before Christ's triumph over death. Although the original
impetus for the Passion as a sub-genre remains Open to debate,57 its
relationship to the Resurrection is made clear from earliest times. The
Ludus Breviter de Passione. from the Carmina Burana collection, though

preserved in fragmentary form, makes its precursive role to an Easter

° 18

play apparent by declaring at its conclusion: "Et ita inchoatur ludus
dc R'esurrectione."58 Indeed, a Passion play without an Easter morning
is doctrinally and dramatically incomplete; the final message of
triumph and resolution of dramatic conflict are both lacking. Later
plays represent composites of the time from the Lord's Baptism to His
entry into Heaven. 'We are dealing, then, with dramatic accounts which
nominally can be called Passion plays, but which in reality constitute
significantly broadened statements of belief. With this in mind, we
must approach the English cycles carefully, for their scope is consider-
ably greater than the already extended continental Passions.59 All
include plays commencing with the Creation and culminate in the Day of
Judgment. To arbitrarily separate the plays dealing with the Passion
from their more inclusive religious context is to risk losing sight of
the manner in which the cycles referredthis segment and its personalities
typologically to previous dramatized material.6O Since no point in the
biblical account of Christ's life found in the cycles conforms to the
point of departure in the continental tradition of Passion plays, His
Resurrection and subsequent appearance to the three Maries, where staged)
are included under the purview of this analysis. This procedure assures
a representation equal to that of the later German Passions. It allows
a more adequate consideration of their considerable mastery of source
material.

English cycles are often dissimilar to their continental relatives
in the presentational form they assume. The latter normally employed a
single stage with several loca and a great undefined area known as the
platea, filled with a cast which remained constant throughout the drama-

tization. The former may have been performed in the usual manner, but

19

evidence of presentation on pageant wagons has also been found.61
Each individual play has its own staging facility and its own cast under
this system. There result a series of discrete, but related present-
ations. Although the dramatic design of the cycles links one player
with his counterpart in previous and succeeding accounts, a constant
change of backdrop and actors is experienced. Eleanor Prosser notes

the discontinuity of physical presentation, explaining that rather

than the audience arresting its interest between scenes of a unified
drama and reinstituting it as the play continues (as is most often the
case with modern drama), medieval English audiences experienced a com-
plete break in dramatic activity while new wagons rolled into place and
new cast members took their positions.62 She concludes: "Since drama
is evaluated in terms of its effectiveness, we must remember that each

63

play created a separate impression." With this anomaly in mind,

Prosser offers a definition of a single play in the English cycles as
"any defined unit presented without break by a single cast."64
We will wish to keep this definition constantly in mind when discussing
the English cycles and comparing them to French and German Passions.
In Chester XII, The Temptation, for example, there exist two separate
dramatic units; we observe the temptation of Christ proper, then our
attention is diverted to the entirely new circumstances and characters
encompassing the Adulteress. Both are formally separated from their
immediate surroundings by epilogs. Thus, an analysis of the
Temptation must focus on two distinct units only formally identified as
a play.

Representative texts were chosen based upon chronOIOgical, linguistic,

and cultural criteria. My intention was to apply temporal measurement

20

on several analogous, but independent manuscripts from varying centuries
of religious thought. I would thereby be able to more positively
identify those points of commonality of structure which united them

into a generic whole, but also be able to recognize the reformulations
which made each text unique. I chose Passions from different cultural
traditions in order to ascertain what, if any, alterations to the basic
story might be attributable to social, religious, and historical

factors not always shared by all groups of men of all eras. There evolved,
therefore, an analysis of massive proportions, which,on the surface,
appeared to involve the simple reiteration of examples within an iden-
tical methodological framework. However, in order to identify the
indebtedness of each chronological grouping to its immediate cultural
and religious surroundings, and the degree to which the fundamental
artistic structure of each Passion mutated with changes in thought and
perception, it was necessary to at once respect the uniqueness of each
play by considering it within a closely-defined number of years, and

to attempt to not only comment significantly upon the temporal structure
of each work independently, but also to identify its position in an
evolving artistic manipulation of traditional materials. Phenomenology
insists on the value of the text and its enjoyment in its own envi-
ronment; to lump all eleven Passions into one group would be to blur
the characteristics which make each a singular product of a particular
age. We would surely gain by having to read only one relatively short
analysis, but we would lose the inestimable joy of communication with
many texts of varying artistry: our final opinion of medieval drama

would be less than it could be.

21

Since textual evidence plays such an important role in formal
structural analysis, the degree of textual completeness constituted
a vital criterion. Thus the Ludue Breviter de Passione, the sulmona
Passion, and the Frankfurter Dirigierrolle were omitted. I had origin-
ally intended to include the Passion sections of York as well as those
of Ludus vaentriae; But a reasonable and cogent analysis and pre-
sentation of results forced their exclusion. Similar considerations
prompted me to delete the Passion Provencal and the Frankfurter
Passionsspiel of 1493. Having accomplished much of the formal work on
them, I am convinced that their exclusion does not adversely affect
the conclusions of this work; they all add valuable insights into four
more methods of presenting religious attitudes, but their basic tech-
niques and goals are shared by other Group III Passions. The texts
included can be found in Table 1.

As the analysis employs an uncommonly large number of footnotes,
I have organized them according to chapter, beginning each with a
new series.

I wish to lastly draw readers' attention to the list of ab-
breviations and short titles accompanying the work on pages ix-x. They

will be used throughout the body of this dissertation.

22

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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CHAPTER II

TRADITIONAL SCHOLARSHIP

Medieval drama has been approached from numerous points of view,
but seldom with an eye towards its dramatic viability. Early scholars
placed most consideratiOn on developmental relationships. These
studies often took the form of handbooks on the subject and were limited
in their scope to observations of historical and developmental import.
The names of Creizenach, Sepet, de Julleville and Chambers are most often
recognized as the primary representatives of this early scholarship.
Still others concentrated on questions involving manuscript and textual
history. Towneley is an interesting case in point. Its peculiar hise
tory of revision as reflected in the application of several metrical
styles has caused extensive debate. Attempts have been made to date the
text by metrical and stylistic analysis, none of them gompletely satis-
factory.2 Its similarities to Iork have prompted discussion suggesting
the original unity of the two cycles.3 Specific phenomena have been
studied, then restudied.4 Despite this flurry of academic activity,
waneley remains an anomoly by virtue of its curious management of certain
biblical material, especially that of the Passion. One fact continually
insinuates itself into all discussions of Towneley; the last reviser,
the one called the Wakefield Master, was a literary artisan of immense
capabilities. His accomplishments are seen throughout the entire cycle,
identified by a characteristic thirteen-line stanza. The Master's
revisions of preceding texts served to significantly alter the dramatic
effectiveness of Towneley, making it one of the most impressive wit-

nesses of dramatic genius at work in any age.

23

24

In addition to studying manuscript interrelationships, the texts
themselves were examined for accuracy. The editions used throughout
this dissertation are primarily products of this facet of the history
of medieval drama.

Gustave Cohen has outlined the staging conventions and physical real-
ity of continental medieval drama, interesting himself primarily in
French drama.5 His conclusions can be applied to most other con-
tinental Passions as well. Cohen's research into the proprieties of
fixed platforms affords a view into stage management barely hinted by
many manuscripts. An understanding of these presentational potential-
ities will do much to relieve initial prejudice against an apparent
carelessness ornaiveté'of temporal and spatial construction. What
seem either slavishimfitationsof'biblical scenes or questionable
units of dramatic endeavor placed throughout the texts without regard
for temporal causality or continuity, with an apparent lack of ap-
preciation of spatial relationships between locations, may be explained
as the realization of medieval staging conventions. Certain of them
make specific reference to time and place simply redundant. Cohen
thoroughly investigates this stage with its several loca or sedes
continually visible to the audience and his conclusions offer rational
explanations for certain phenomena of time structuring which would other-
wise be considered aggravating at worst, clumsy or vague at best.
Without benefit of Cohen's research we are likely to dismiss medieval
drama as utterly poor organizations of irrelevant material.

Glynne Wickham, and more recently Alan H. Nelson, have investigated
the specifics of English cycle staging and have thrown much preceding

scholarship into question. Wickham theorizes, for example, that the

25

fully-outfitted pageant wagons were not ever intended to be pulled
through the streets of English cities other than processionally, and
that the plays themselves were most likely presented when the procession
was concluded or at very selected spots along the way.6 Wickham's
investigation into the particulars of pageant construction, the manner
in which they were employed, and the relationship of their fabrication
to the plays to be performed greatly enhances one's working knowledge
of medieval English stages.

Nelson also envisions the procession of wagons through towns,
but doubts a true-processional character of the cycles like Towneley,
which, he supposes, with considerable evidence, to have been presented
in the fashion of a theater-in-the-round, subsequent to the procession.
Nelson considers in great detail the theatrical traditions of all the
cities which supported cycle plays and in the process offers many
plausible answers to staging questions.8 The work of both Nelson and
Wickham is basic fer any understanding of English staging tradition,
particularly as it relates to performance on other than fixed stages.
Their discourse upon the areas of the stage, notably its division into
100a and platea, indispensably fills.the informational gap for English
theater,9 much as Cohen did for continental theater.

Research into the origin and development of medieval drama con-
stitutes so large a corpus of secondary material as to be practically
unmanageable. Each linguistic group has its own standard references,
and one must possess numerous language talents to adequately explore
them. The role played by Church liturgy, responses, hymns, and anti-
phons has received generous attention. Of the many excellent accounts

of the liturgical genesis and early development of medieval drama, Karl

. 26
Young's monmnental two-volume work, The Drama of the Medieval Church

(Oxfbrd, 1933), remains, with few alterations by later scholars, the
standard work of its kind.10

Significantly, as we have seen, most secondary literature concerning
medieval drama is historical. This has created a situation of imbalance,
which for many years biased scholarship. making it easy to avoid con-
sideration of the dramatic form of medieval theater. Prosser
expounds: ". . .most scholars of medieval drama have turned to a study of
external facts: sources, borrowing, dates, verse forms, guild records
and the like. The religious drama qua drama has been all but ignored."ll
All too many scholars are uncomfortable with medieval theater as anything
but a naive representation of religious belief which somehow created
entities generously called dramas. One key seems to be the religious
attitude which these critics themselves bring to the texts. Miss
Prosser correctly identifies the problem: "Modern man is simply not
Christian in the way that medieval man was."12 We must attempt to
divest ourselves of such prejudices before these ancient plays can
assume their rightful place. Formal textual analysis concentrates upon
structural entities within the text which cannot be colored by the
inability of scholars to recreate the historic religious atmosphere of
the Middle Ages. Their deliberations may aid us in our journey, but
they will not supply all the answers.

Eleanor Prosser is one of the few scholars to interpret English
medieval drama with dramatic criteria. Waldo F. McNeir has also con-
sidered as dramatic constructs the Passion plays of English cycles and
concluded that they would not have fulfilled their aim as religious

13 14

instruction and died an early death had they not been effective as

27
dramatic creations.

Prosser lists three conventional arguments against applying cri-

tical dramatic standards to medieval drama: 1) the English plays are
not products of conscious authorship, but of folk growth; 2) the English
plays were not intended to entertain but were designed for religious
worship; 3) these plays, based as they were on fixed material, did not
allow an author personal selectivity, the creation of art thereby
rendered impossible.15

In rebuttal to the first argument one can note that literary master-
pieces need not be attributable to a single author to be worthy creations.
To maintain this is to exclude the entire body of oral epic literature
from consideration. It is not the organic building up of a text from
one period to another which defines literature, but the degree to which
the final text, regardless of the number of individuals who participate
in its ultimate form, realizes the dynamics of the material for present-
ation. If literary masterpieces are not solely unconscious accidents,
then neither are they purely conscious endeavors. There exists a guiding
spirit behind all great literature. An author may utilize inherent
dramatic energy, though he may only sense its proportions. This is,
after all, one of the remarkable qualities which separate artists from
ordinary men.

The second contention is refuted by Prosser with the aid of an
analogy:

If religious purpose makes esthetic evaluation irrelevant,
should the critic dismiss Giottos Adoration of'the Magi as a
mere historical artifact of the Church? No one has ever
argued that religious purpose makes a painting 'non-art'.

It would seem just as invalid to reject a play as 'non-
drama’on these grounds. Surely the Agamemnon was not
written primarily to entertain. The festival of Dionysus
was religious in origin, as were the plays it fostered.

28
Let us, then grant the medieval playwrights their primary
motive, noting, of course, that as critics of drama we are
still completely free I8 judge their results on aesthetic,
not re11g1ous grounds.

The third supposition is the theme for Prosser's study and is
shared by me. She asks that the reader grant the hypothesis that
medieval dramatists had the freedom to choose incidents, rearrange
chronology, and alter traditional interpretations. Based upon the
observations of Prosser, Frances Foster, and Helmut Niedner',l7 I do
likewise. This is not done to draw attention away from a weak argument,
rather for the sake of organizational expediency, for the proof of
the hypothesis is given by much of the structural and factual evidence
to be developed in later paragraphs. Prosser restricts her arguments
to the context of English medieval drama represented by the five pre-
served mystery plays. Her approach stresses the dramatic nature of
the plays and she admirably investigates the organizational effect
religious doctrine had upon these presentations. Prosser specifically
studies the Magdalene and Doubting Thomas episodes as indicators<yf
effectively structured doctrine. She further deliberates over intrinsic
aesthetic qualities; she sees the literary competence of medieval
playwrights mirrored in their reorganization of biblical chronology.18
This takes the form of a confrontation with the biblical material and
a subsequent textual amendment. Her study reveals that, contrary to
the opinions advanced by Craig and others, didacticism and drama do not
conflict. To the contrary, the best dramatic presentations occur where
doctrine and theater are carefully integrated.19 Through discussion of

textual evidence supported by a sensitive and objective approach to the

dramatic potential of religious subject matter, Prosser approaches an

29

aesthetic appreciation of literary artistry. This dissertation ac-
cepts the same general goals of reflection on the literary achievement
of great authors as well as an attendant aesthetic experience of the
plays. My discussion is less inclusive in that I restrict my obser-
vations to the Passion sections of two English cycles, but more inten—
sive inasmuch as a larger number of texts are investigated. Whereas
Prosser deals at length with the doctrine of medieval religion reflected
in the English cycles, this study investigates the realization of
temporal management as witnessed by form, the degree to which artistry
is revealed, not necessarily as a fusion of doctrine and drama, but
with the same associated appreciation. Both studies propose to clarify

the dramatic viability of these early plays.

Traditional scholarship has normally disregarded the structure of
medieval drama. Two significant departures from this norm are the
products of Hennig Brinkmann.20 He, too, recognizes the importance of
the origin of the drama in the liturgy and appreciates the effect which
simultaneous staging had on form. But his intention is to determine
the religious understanding behind the form of medieval drama. Brink-
mann does this by considering the interrelationship between structure
and the creative forces contained in drama at a given time:

Das Wesen des Dramas wandelt sich wie das Wesen dichterischer

Leistung. Unsere Aufgabe ist, das geistliche Schauspiel
des Mittelalters .. . als einmalige Verwirklichungckn: Gatt-

ung ,Drama' zu nehmen und in seiner Eigenform zu verstehen.21
Brinkmann recognizes the dramatic mandate to present generally known
material: "Es gilt nur, das Bekannte eindringlich zu machen.”22 His
observations lead directly to a consideration of the 'what' (the story)

and the 'how' of drama (the method of presentation, of creating tension).

3O
Brinkmann also’focuses attention on the phenomenon of time and its
presentational ordering: he identifies various qualities of what is
here called the subjective experience of time by noting several textual

examples where time appears to be suspended and where a second scene

23

is begun befbre its historical predecessor in completed. This scholar

speaks of chronologically parallel scenes and how their eventual uni-
fication reflects an artistic mastery of the material required by

its religious background. Brinkmann is one of the few early scholars
who recognized form to be a prominent factor in the comprehension of
medieval drama. The relationship between his observations and those of
Pat: are intimate, though separated in time by forty years. The only
apparent contrast between them is Brinkmann's specific interest in the
dramatic form of medieval theater and Patz's fascination with drama as
a genre. Both correctly identify temporal management as a cornerstone
of mimetic activity.

A slightly varied approach to medieval drama is undertaken by
Ludwig W'olff.24 He investigates the manner in which biblical material
was made relevant for medieval man. Wolff discusses the presence of
contemporary medieval figures and their part in the presentification
process ("Vergegenwgrtigung"). His research gives a clue to the didac-
tic purposes of this drama and the ahistorical manner in which medieval
man regarded Christian thought. The roles of Old Testament prophets,
contemporary Jews, Church fathers like Augustine, personifications like
synagoga and Ecclesia are identified, allowing further insight into the
temporal structuring of the Passion story. Wolff identifies the power
of music in Passions and its part in 'contemporizing' Scripture. He

examines interruptions in represented events by Augustine, Mary, and

31

others, reflects on their dramatic purpose,and marks their mimetic
significance fer doctrine and structure. Wolff provides valuable
insights for an analysis of the anachronistic qualities of medieval
drama and their presentational effects as they relate to time management.

Both Kolve and Wickham address themselves to the phenomenon of
anachronism, but specifically in English theater.25 Each sees anachro-
nism at the center of presentation, as an attempt to relate the main
concepts of sacred history to the medieval experience. Wickham postulates:

Symbols drawn from the day to day routine in the local

environment would be immediately comprehensible to a

medieval audience, where symbols drawn from book learning

or extensive global travel would not.
In the theater of the Middle Ages we are dealing with drama which con-
centrates not upon the mundane events of everyday existence, but upon
what Kolve calls "the significant past and the significant future,...

27 What to uninitiated

designed to shape action, not to record it."
readers may appear to be a quaint slip of the pen will, upon protracted
exposure, assume the proportions of a remarkable attempt to impart life
and meaning to events we have come to consider purely historical. In

this respect, there is scant danger of overstating the importance of

anachronism for these plays.

Much attention has been devoted to specific characters who people
medieval drama. Those scholars who tend towards such research inevi~
tably approach them in terms of religious origin andtmstorical develop-
ment. They, too, reflect the linguistic grouping of which the author is
a part.28 Arnold Williams' book on Pilate is one exception.29. He
stresses the dramatic development of Pilate in the Towneley Passion plays

and offers convincing arguments relating the concentration of dramatic

32
interest in him to the artistic selection of scenes and events.
Williams goes far in offering collateral evidence for Eleanor Prosser's
contention that medieval playwrights could, indeed did, consciously
select their material for dramatic impact. The investigations of
Williams offer plausible reasons for the many peculiarities of the
Towneley Passion section. My analysis of time will bolster Williams'
I suggestions by relating time spent on stage by Pilate to that of other
characters, and the degree to which Pilate motivates the Towneley
conspiracy. He will be seen as the moving force behind the temporal
structure of the Passion section by the manner in which he causes

future events to happen.

CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

In this chapter I shall introduce the fundamental phenomenological
perceptions of literature central for the study of formal structure.
These observations, designed to establish the tenor for the remainder
of the exercise, will be augmented by the specific temporal/dramatic

phenomena to be measured and evaluated in the analysis section.

The critical method employed throughout this thesis derives from
several literary and philosophical sources. Authors such as Schillerl
and Goethe emphasized the importance of form in literature during their
extensive periods of personal correspondence, thus precursing a funda-
mental element fer phenomenological consideration of literature.

3 Husserl,4 and Heidegger,s along with their

Philosophers like Dilthey,
several students, investigated, among other problems, the phenomenon of
literature, its essence in being, and its relationship to 'true being'.
Phenomenology, applied to literature, concentrates on the structure of
masterpieces as it seeks to lend understanding to the creative process
in both artist and audience, coupled with the experience of aesthetic
qualities ingenerate to literature.

Since the philosophical precepts which describe phenomenology are
exceedingly numerous and intentionally far-reaching, only those ideas
are advanced which directly affected the structure of literature and
the immediate problems raised in this thesis. The concepts themselves
are reviewed in outline form only, as they were specifically employed.

For a more detailed consideration of the several strata of literature,

their constitution, function, and relationship to literary aesthetics,

33

34
attention is directed to the works of the above-mentioned philosophers
and those of Roman Ingarden in their entirety.
In the words of Ingarden, phenomenologists perceive literary works

of art as

. . . ein rein intentionales Gebilde, das seine Seinsquelle

in den schopferischen Bewusztseinsakten seines Verfassers hat

und dessen Seinsfundament in dem schriftlich festgelegten

Text . . . liegt. Vermoge der Dop elschicht seiner Sprache

ist es zugleich intersubjektiv zuganglich und reproduzierbar,

wodurch es zu einem auf eine Lesergemeinschaft bozogenen,

intersubjektiven, intentionalen Gegenstand wird.
In other words, the text, with all its 'objective' forms and witnesses,
is the product of an intentional manipulation of relevant material by
its author.

At the center of literary creativity lies the attempt by an author

7

to express what he cannot adequately convey through words alone. To
effect a deeper, more compelling and intensive communication, the author
avails himself of particular structures, relationships, characters,
actions, and numerous additional creative qualities, which, when organ-
ized into their final form, combine to comprehend the work of art.
Such qualities are possessed by all worthy literary enterprises from
all ages. Literature constitutes an attempt by mankind to understand
itself, its surroundings and situation.8 Artists form their material to
amnifesttheir understanding, and it is through a reconstruction of their
literary structures that this comprehension becomes partly available
to us, for as Bgckmann affirms: "Die Entfaltung der Formenwelt ist also
aufs engste mit der Entfaltung des menschlichen Selbstverstandnisses

n . . . . H 9
verknupft, so dasz s1ch be1de gegense1t1g erhellen mussen." The

postliminious creation not only transcends its author, but its reader

as well,10 for it encompasses the knowledge man has of himself at a

35

specific period of intellectual development. Phenomenology, although it
relies upon textual manifestation of intentional forms, does not attempt
normative poetics, nor does it serve as a handbook for literary creation.
Its function is to make available to the careful reader11 a critical
system based upon observable and regenerative structures reflected by
the work itself. In this way countless errors of subjectivity, per-
sonal literary taste, and insensitivity are avoided. The proper ap-
plication of the tenets of this methodology requires an individual
confrontation with the text within its own particular spiritual environ-
ment. Inherent in such analysis is the attempt to perceive the reasons
behind the intentional material manipulation. The possible aesthetic
experience a reader may have as he observes the skillful manipulation

of a gifted craftsman constitutes just one added benefit of the method.

The Stratum Theory of'Literature

"Die wesensmaszige Struktur des literarischen Werkes liegt
u(nseres) E(rachtens) darin, dasz es ein aus mehreren heterogenen
Schichten aufgebautes Gebilde ist."12 With these disarmingly simple
words Ingarden introduces his analysis of literary structure. He notes
the variation of individual levels ("Schichten”) by stating that each
possesses characteristic material from whose singularity certain
qualities result and that each stratum plays a specialitut: in the for-
mulation of the entire work.13 Despite the diversity of characteristics
and qualities within the individual levels, the literary work con-
stitutes an organic structure whose unity is founded precisely on the

peculiar nature of each layer.14 The unity of sense ("Sinneinheit"),1S

which farms the structural framework, underlies each layer and even

36

requires all of them according to its particular being.l6

But the structure of a literary masterpiece is neither monotonous
nor tiresome, rather it carrys a polyphonic differentiation with it.
Das heiszt; infolge der Eigenart der einzelnen Schichten wird
jede von ihnen auf ihre eigene Weise in dem ganzen sichtbar

und tragt etwas Eigenes zu dem Gesamtcharakter des Ganzen bei,
ohne dadurch der phanomenalen Einheit des letzteren Abbruch zu
tun. Insbesondere hat jede dieser Schichten ihre eigene Mannig-
faltigkeit von Eigenschaften, die zur Konstitutierung von
spezifischen asthetischen Wertqualitaten, in welcher eine
polyphone und doch einheitliche Wertqualitat des Ganzen
sich konstitutiert.17
Ingarden identifies four separate levels in all literary works, each
of which provides the entire structure with particular material and
form. The four levels fit together so that an internal unity is

created which accompanies the 'formal' identity of the entire work.18

The Stratum of'Linguistic creation

The initial level investigates morphological and phonological
qualities as well as resultant characteristics of a higher order
conditioned by these separate phenomena acting within a context ("die
Schicht der Wortlaute und der sprachlautlichen Gebilde und Charakter
hgherer Ordnung).19 Analysis of this stratum concentrates on individual
words, their form and function, intonation and sound patterns, their
relative strengths or weaknesses, and the like. The erective dynamics
of single words in series and phrases or sentencesare identified
together with whatever basic changes in individual speech elements
occur as a result of contextual inclusion.20 Rhythm and tempo, the
regular alternation of accented and unaccented syllables, if there be
such a phenomenon present,21 form a significant portion of this level.

In a word, the first level of analysis deals with words and their

37

individual components, singularly and in context, with all the stylistic,
grammatical, and semantic peculiarities that separate artistic communi-

cation from mundane speech or random sounds.

The Stratum of Meaning Unity

The layer of unity of word meaning ("die Schicht der Bedeutungs-
einheiten") occupies the second rung of the phenomenological ladder.2
It is here that the more significant meaning of words within a context
is developed, clarified, and the implication for artistic form drawn.23
Areas such as the meanings of words as sentence elements, sentences
themselves and their relationship to subjective, individual artistic
operations, and general characteristics of sentences occupy the analyst.
By means of an extraordinarily detailed and sophisticated philosophical
and psychological discussion of the potential for alteration of word
meaning, and of variously organizing linguistic elements, Ingarden
proves the presence of intentional manipulation within the creative
process. He speaks of the purely intentional object resulting from
a plain act of opinion ("der rein intentionale Gegenstand eines
schlichten Meinungsaktes") as well as the derived intentional correlation
of the unities of meaning ("die abgeleiteten rein intentionalen Korr-
elate der Bedeutungseinheiten").24 Further consideration of intentional
correlation of sentences,25 of the interrelationships of sentences and
the constituted higher unities of meaning26 provide irrefutable evidence
that at even the most elementary linguistic levels intentional man-
ipulation does occur, a process emanating from definite acts of con-

scious awareness; they both pervade and structure the work.27-

38

That an artistic creation cannot result from completely irrational
stimuli is true for all literature:28

Auch in einem ganz auf das Stimmungshafte und Geffihlsmgszige

eingestellten literarischen Kunstwerk ist das Moment der

Ratio immer enthalten, auch wenn es nur undeutlich mitschwingen

.sollte.29
The immediate implication such a contention has for medieval drama is
apparent: no matter how emotional the outcries of Mary Magdalene upon
recognition of her sinful ways may be, regardless of the acutely
expressive laments of the Virgin beneath the Cross in later Passions,
there looms behind them an individual, an artist or group of persons,
who knowingly and rationally form (or borrow in several instances)
the words and sentences to create specific contextual situations into
which the laments fit. These redactors may choose only traditional
biblical words and phrases, in which instance their product may have
less impact on modern readers who may be inclined to then criticize
the plays for lack of originality. Other artists may choose to include
phrases from hymns, antiphons, responses, and liturgical or apocryphal
writings as amplifications of traditional Gospel texts. This will also
influence the reception of the plays, and at once provide later audiences
with a differentiated, more varied and striking witness of their cumu-
lative understanding. Our own aesthetic senses will inevitably be
conscious of the simplicity of the first account and the emotional
depth of the second? But as observers from a distant time we will do
well to insist on the separation of the two accounts and to study them
as distinctive events. Relative simplicity, for instance, does not
necessarily imply less artistry, rather it signals the active Operation

of forces either not present or significantly altered in later circum-

31
stances.

39

The Stratum onquresented Perceivable Objects

Of the several levels which create a literary art work, that of
the stratum of represented externalities ("die Schicht der dargestell-
ten Gegenstandlichkeiten")32 receives almost unknowingly the most
attention from readers who carefully follow the intentional meaning of
the text.33 The greatest number of critical essays usually investigate
particular segments of this stratum in one manner or another.34 In
terms of formal criticism the represented objects comprise the outer
or external structure of literature. It is at this juncture that
phenomenology stresses the ontological dimension of poetic objects,
itheir poetic reality in the work. Of capital importance for this stratum
are the 'things' of literary endeavor, those qualities and capacities
which are created by the author from words, phrases, and sentences
combined into a unity of meaning. The results are the characters who
people literature, the story as dramatized (inclusive of its sequence),
the metaphoric of the problems existing in the presentation.35 All
objects which partake of a 'concrete' or quasi-existentiar life in
literature and are given some externalized, measurable, observable form,
act in concert to shape the third level of each work.36

The discussion of represented time, its nature and peculiarity,
its poetic realization in contrast to 'real', that is,conceptual time,
occupies a prominent place in this stratum, for although it is hardly a
concrete object, time does possess an externality corresponding to a
created quality of the work and has the same potential for manipulation
as any other 'thing' which is a part of the literary account. .Ingarden

makes the relationship clear when he observes:

40
Vor allem zwingt uns dazu die Tatsache, dasz die Ge-

schehnisse, an denen die dargestellten Gegenstande teilnehmen,

wesensmaszig zeitlich sind und auszerdem als aufeinanderfolgende

oder zugleichseiende dargestellt werden. Damit ist unter

ihnen eine zeitliche Ordnung statuiert. Schon diese zeit-

liche Ordnung bringt es mit sich, dasz einselne Zeitphasen

und Momente zur Darstellung gelangen. Aber sie werden oft-

ers auch durch entsprechende Elemente der Satzsinngehalte

auf ganz dieselbe Weise, wie die in ihnen seienden Gegenstande,

intentional entworfen. Es besteht also kein Grund, in

dieser Hinsicht irgendeinen Unterschied zwischen den darge-

stallten Gegenstanden (Dingen, Personen, Geschehnissen)

und der dargestellten Zeit zu machen.37
The Stratum of Schematized Aspects

The fourth level of literary art, that of the schematized
aspects ("die schmatizierten Ansichten"), finds its being not in any
device peculiar to itself, but is rather the result of the interaction
of the other three strata. Of the countless characteristics or
qualities of persons or events theoretically available for exploitation
("paratgehalten"),38 only specific portions will be used to create
the desired personality or action. These aspects can never define
the object, happening, or circumstance in toto, and the reader or play-
goer is confronted with a schematized entity which he can never
completely know.:59 That which he dbes learn takes shape as words and
sentences gradually reveal the circumstances into which a character
is placed. The view the spectator receives depends primarily upon the
words the author chooses and the contexts he portrays.

In many ways a spectator may be closer attuned to certain
authorial ideas because he does not solely rely on his imagination.
He rather participates in the drama via the mimetic nature of the
characters, who at least outwardly resemble to some degree those which

the redactor saw in his own imagination. But there continues to

exist, however well-conceived the characters may be, an irremovable

'41

screening effect between spectator and author. The actor himself
naturally interprets words and actions from his personal understand-
ing of the material, and those of the director further complicate the
process. His dramatics will never be identical to those of persons
before or after him, except perhaps in the most uninspired and repeti-
tive performances. 'And the degree to which any of them approach the
original ideas of the author is open to question. In the case of
early medieval drama, the parameters of allowable deviation from an
accepted and traditional norm may have been exceedingly narrow and
thus possibly nearer the original intent. However, as the theater
develops into the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, interpretative
impulses broaden with the growth of dramatic participants.

Though the spectator may unknowingly allow his vision to be
filled with secondary interpretation, he still catches only glimpses
of the aspects presented, which by no means conform to a reality

for itself; this relies on suggestion, as Ingarden attests:

. . . sie werden dem Leser (dem Zuschauer) nur durch kunst-

liche Mittel suggeriert und gehgren nicht zu wirklich realen,

sondern nur zu rein intentionalen, ihrem Gehalte nach

quasi-realen Gegenstandlichkeiten.4

Of the innumerable entities which encompass a complete literary
work I have chosen for analysis the indispensable, but nevertheless
single element of the whole called the temporal structure. Although
its importance to literary aesthetics and dramatic appreciation is,
I think, irrefutable, time by no means constitutes the only, nor perhaps
even the most prominent quality thereof. It has, however, an active

place in the polyharmonic character of literature. A careful study

will reinforce the contention that a literary work of art is a

42

"rein intentionales Gebilde" at any period of its development. To
adequately comprehend literary endeavors from a structural standpoint
implies understanding the interrelationship of the several strata and
the intentional structure which grows out of their manipulation.
Without each of them the work no longer exhibits an organic composition

and ceases to be an effective statement on human experience.

Medieval Drama and Literary Temporal Parameters

In this portion of the methodology I investigate the specific
temporal phenomena necessary fer any dramatic presentation and relate
them to medieval Passion plays. These are statements on the method-
ological notions of formal criticism as applied to temporal management.
Since we are dealing with a large number of texts and an approach rarely
applied to medieval literature, the examples provided in footnotes for
this section are designed to clarify the ideas themselves in a more
directed manner than was attempted in the introductory remarks. The
concepts farm the framework around which individual Passions will later

be investigated, documented, and interpreted.

It is apparent from the outline of a minute section of phenomen-
ology which preceded this section that the text as preserved offers
the most fertile field of consideration. Since it is impossible to
recreate medieval spirituality in its entirety, one must concentrate
on texts to find hints of the ideology behind these old dramas which
served as their impetus and dictated their overall structure. However,
recognition of the deeper religio-cultural implications of time
structuring is contingent upon a well-defined perception of the lin—

guistic and phenomenological nature of dramatic forms. By a careful

43

reconstruction of the conscious and unconscious formation of Specific
time structures, readers not contemporary with these plays can exper-
ience a satisfying aesthetic communication not only with the work, but
to some degree with the author as well.

Subsequent discussion establishes the text of medieval Passions
at the center of interest, not its staged reality. Not all scholars
agree with such an approach. Among them is Glynne Wickham, who figds
only a constant repetition of familiar texts in these activities.
But the scholar is faced with innumerable difficulties when ancient
dramas are approached in any manner not relying on their preserved
farm, especially if he wishes to research structure.43 Consider, for
example, the catalogs of useful and enlightening facts concerning the
musical aspect of medieval drama which have been identified by schoiars
like Schwietering, Gamer, Sticca, Smoldon, Molitor, and Osterhoff.
- They greatly facilitate the understanding of dramatic presentation
during the period and more clearly define the often impressive unity
which may develop between music and text. Such knowledge, however
well appreciated, constitutes one of the several factors which only
the physical attendance upon the plays themselves can realize.
Similarly, the exact status of gesticulation can often only be surmised,45
and the audience reaction to it is equally uncertain. Communication
between reader and presentation must rely on textual evidence. With
all the accompanying difficulties of imperfect preservation, chronology,
history, and scribal whim or plain error, the text still links a formal
record of performance with later intellects; it is the most perfect

and indeed the only witness to artistic accomplishment and intent.46

44

successive Ordering of’Euents

Whenever ideas, observations, intentions are committed to fermal
records, either orally or physically, through the written word, the
results convey unavoidable temporal consequences quite distinct from
everyday communicative applications. Literary time frames and the
language employed to create them find their being in a condition beyond
physical reality. Wolfgang Kayser comments:

Dichterische Sprache ist von der Zweckbestimmtheit und ,Realitgts-'

Bezogenheit der Alltagssprache befreit. Die von ihr hervor-

gerufene Gegenstandlichkeit hat eine eigene Seinsweise, und

die Sprache steht in besonderen Gefugen. ~

Medieval drama, a product of language, necessarily fulfills certain
communicative demands inherent in all linguistic processes. It seems‘
to lie at the center of human intellect to perceive 'reality' in

temporal terms. This is equally true of literary works.48

Language
superimposes an indispensable temporal context on literature: one word
precedes another, bundles of related words are formed into clauses and
sentences, some occurring 'earlier', others 'later'; sentences are
formed into entire 'phases' of activities, certain happenings pre-
cipitating later ones. Ingarden refers to the result as "die Ordnung
der Aufeinanderfolge". His observations concerning the phenomenology
Oftemporal experience are.predicated on the differentiation between
'concrete', i.e.sidereal time, and the literary application of time.
The fact that such a literary time exists is recognized when he states:

Sie (die Zeit) ist aber bei dem Stellenwert der einzelnen

Phases des literarischen Werkes durch den Aufbau des letzteren

gefordert. Bestimmte Sachverhalte z(um) B(eispiel) mussen

.schon' "entwozgen sein, damit die anderen sich auf ihnen

bauen konnen.

Ingarden further notes that well-conceived dramas produce scenes

which are prepared by previous occurrences: "Sie (die Szene) flieszt

45

sozusagen als Resultat aus vorangehenden hervor, sie setzt voraus."50
A The inherent temporal structuring of events can be tested by placing
culminating events toward the beginning of a drama: chaos or bewilder-
ment is the usual result. Were we to locate the Crucifixion or Planctus
Mariae before the conspiracy to capture Jesus in any of the Passions,
the entire cause and effect relationship, the doctrinal message of
redemption through sacrifice, would be negated for even the most
sophisticated audiences.51 Theoretically defined, the text of a drama
has only one continual 'now' about it, that is the time of presentation.52
But the dramatic experience relies on the observation of the successive
ordering of various developmental phases ("die Aufeinanderfolge der
Phasen"). Individual scenes contain elements of earlier and later
“actions. The complexities and interrelationships of the parts are
recognized when one notes that each part of a literary work (except
perhaps the initial one) shows moments which have their bases in
'earlier' conditions. They likewise contain elements which have no
basis in those of other portions, but which begin at that point.
Finally, they include causes for future, 'later' sections; they hold
the seeds of coming events.53

Literary works exist as physical entities beyond the human exper-
ience of flowing time; they possess no temporal beginning or ending.
All pieces are equally 'present', coexisting on the same physical
plane. Yet the human communication with the several parts of the liter-
ary whole betrays a definite and perceptible 'flow' of events. That
experienced phenomenon embodies the concretization of the work, that
artistic ordering of events taking place quite apart from either author

or audience.

46
Presentational Time and Represented Time

54

The 'present' or audience-immanent time of dramatic spectacles has
been identified as a series of events staged against a temporally and
phenomenologically moving background, as one of successive ordering
of dramatic material. Although spectators are locked into a perceptive
'now' of physical experience, they view the ebb and flow of events
causally and temporally linked to one another, but seldom contemporary
with the play-goers. To understand a poet's accomplishments requires
the investigator to separate presentational time from represented time.
Putz argues that on stage presentational and represented time are, for
all practical purposes, united.SS He finds little interest in the time
span between presentational and represented phenomena, for the difference
is irrelevant for this genre.56 Whereas the correlation of the two
qualities is certainly not as crucial to dramatic structure as it is
to narrative form, I maintain that the best Passion authors from the
Middle Ages created moments of suspense often by omitting great blocks
of represented time and referring to developments contained therein with
epic reports, thus establishing a conspicuous degree of concentration.
This is precisely what makes the Pilate of Towneley so impressive;
the Christ of Ben? may well be abstractly defined by the seemingly
undramatic scenes which initiate this Passion. Both instances can be
understood only by studying what amount of presentational time is
required to stage a specific represented time span. Appearances by
prophets, angels, and choirs in Alsfeld affect represented time and the
amount of presentational time required for the series of statements
forms a significant indicator of doctrinal intent. Although the

literary preponderance of presentational and represented time is

47
admittedly not as prodigious in the drama, the length a given event
occupies the stage and our attention in objective units does provide
at least a hint of its most important messages.

During the ensuing discussion I shall interpret the represented
time of the plays from a standpoint existing not only outside the time
presented on stage, but also outside the time of the medieval bystander.
I have generalized Ludwig Wolff's notion that medieval man recognized
the plays as 'artificial'constructsS7 and that he did not continually
identify with represented characters. That this fundamental separation
between auditor and performer was recognized and understood by spec-
tators is born out by recent investigations by Kolve into the Corpus
Christi plays as "play and game".58 The distance between the two groups
of celebrants, however, is by no means inviolate, and conscientious
authors will employ numerous theatrical and doctrinal tricks to bridge
the gap. But another, more critical awareness of necessary detachment
enters into the analysis.

The distinction between my position and the original audience is
methodologically compelled, for certain qualities, notably presentifi-
cation through linguistic phenomena and anachronism, disrupt the
technically pure flow of represented time on stage and involve medieval
audiences, but not necessarily the modern reader. To more perfectly
comprehend the complexity of represented time, I must often assume the
status of an impartial observer of the audience as well. A phenomenon
which may be described as breaking through purely represented time
into the temporal surroundings of the spectator does not imply an
accompanying break into my temporal reality. It seems necessary to

make these fine distinctions if one desires to deal meaningfully with

48
medieval drama and the audiences which may have attended them.

Presentational-time.is a continuum of finite units, of objectively
measurable minutes, hours, days. It comprises the time required to
physically perform the plays. In the instance of Gréban's.Mistere,
this form of time approaches four days. The exact number of hours of
daily dramatization is unknown, but to judge from the length of the
work itself, the sum must have been considerable. To avoid possible
error in measurement of presentational time and to account fer indivi—
dual reading speeds, I have equated it with verse numbers. Although
variations in length are to be found within specific Passion groups,
the differences are minimal and do not destroy the validity of the
standard.

Represented time refers to the time frame of every action depicted
on stage, as well as those implied or reported by directions or
characters as having occurred, but not dramatized. As Petsch relates:

Dieses KernstUck umfaszt alles, was sich von dem ersten

Aufgehen bis zum letzten Fallen des Vorhangs teils vor

unseren Augen, teils in dem dem unmittelbaren Spielfelde

benachbarten Raume vollzieht; das ist die .Handlungszeit'

im engeren Sinne, die dgg wesentlichen Entfaltung des Vorganges

in der Ze1t entspr1cht.
Represented time involves an.infinitely more complex phenomenon than
presentational time, for it does not flow evenly, nor is it always
successively ordered. Generally speaking, one can equate the primary
human experience of life (as opposed to the subjective experience of
memory) measured by clocks or other 'objects' with a series of usually
unrelated highlights separated by vast periods of mundane, inconsequen-

tial, even boring existence. Human memory rarely stores the input of

the majority of uninteresting activities; rather it concentrates the

49
more relevant and appealing events into lasting, but often chronolo-
gically disconnected images. Dramatic representation functions
analogously. A fundamental characteristic of drama is its tendency
to concentrate. It involves the artistic selection from the mass of
theoretically dramatizable 'historic' events those deemed most pertinent
and efficacious for the author's conceptual ideas. Surely Petsch is
correct when he observes:

. . . deg Dichter (mu'az), umdie Handlungs- und Spielzeit in
sin ertragliches Verhaltnis zu setzen, die Handlung selbst

durch Auswahl des Wesentlichen kurgfin und das Gebotene in

perspektivischer Weise verknupfen.
Temporal Fbreshortening

The public encounter with represented time bespeaks an apparent
willingness on its part to suspend its incredulity, for the unavoidable
temporal voids which inevitably happen during artistic concentration
are in most instances simply not perceived. Real time, by its very
nature, tolerates nointerruption.61 Whenever two separate situations
are presented, one earlier, the other later, the undramatized period
lying between them is accepted by the reader or spectator as also having
somehow existed. He may not even be aware of its absence unless, in
an abstract and non-contemporary involvement with the piece, he purposely
seeks out these anomalies. The audience is inclined to overlook whatever
incongruities might arise from these undefined areas of the play, inas-
much as they are even aware of them.62 Medieval Passions accommodate
innumerable empty, undramatized moments within represented time which
seem to leave spectator acceptance of the plays unaffected.

Although some of these undefined portions of the story are simply

not reported, other more weighty considerations receive epic treatment

SO

and are narrated as prior circumstances which lead toward dramatized
scenes. Represented time thereby enables the work to take on new,
enhanced horizons by epically intensifying dramatized scenes. Thus is
the past opened to exploitation, an unlimited panorama of temporal
affiliations made possible.63 The fact remains, however, that
represented time never truly focuses on events as they occur in objective
reality (Ingarden- "weil dieses Schema von uns gedenklich nicht in
allen seinen Phasen konstruiert wird").64

The audience experience of represented time varies with the time
perspective afforded it by the playwright. Since dramatists concentrate6S
their messages by selecting particular events, the scenes chosen for
playing and the time devoted to them on stage will directly reflect
the dramatic competence of the poet as well as provide clues as to his
intention.

This observation is further substantiated by the fact that an
author cannot physically portray all events of a character's life,
i.e., equate represented time with presentational time, without incur-
ring severe audience languishment. Even the most consequent Naturalist
did not succeed in presenting such detail without adversely affecting
his dramatic product.66 An author can only approach the equality of the
two phenomena, and he risks increased spectator boredom and uneasiness
as the two converge. Certain late Passion plays begin to approach just
such temporal equity. Alsfeld and Mistere present extended scenes
of Christ's flagellation and Crucifixion.67 The degree to which these
accounts detail the events of the period traditionally believed to have

encompassed six hours68 leads to loss of concentration and interest for

all but the most intensehrengaged individual; they have developed

51
senseless cruelty carried out by torturers, unrelenting intransigence
of Jewish mockers, and a deadening repetitiveness in Mary's laments
which border on intellectual and dramatic overkill.69
Represented time varies from the severely delimited accounts of

t,70

Mbntecassino, Autun, and Pala through the somewhat more inclusive

stagings of BenP, Donau, and StG,71 to the extensive descriptions of
Christ's ministry and Passion, lengthened by numerous secondary events
and occasionally gratuitous detail that constitute the two English
accounts and Mistére and Alsfeld. The reader is invited to compare the
presentational and represented times outlined for each Passion in
Appendix B .

. Represented time does not exhibit a continuous, unbroken flow of
activity within presentational time. The movement of time in repre-
sentation, a kaleidascope of forward rushing, retarding, interrupting,
recollecting elements, produces an often fascinating dynamic of temporal
experience. The techniques by which represented time is arranged on
the stage is at once objectively measurable, regenerative, and capable
of lending increased insight into the aesthetic and artistic construction
of medieval Passions. Particular scenes central to the poet's message
can be plotted and measured in 'objective' duration. The next logical
step leads to consideration of how a playwright draws out or shortens

his represented time, how he manages his material and forms it in

presentational time.

Tempo- Acceleration and Retardation
The focus has heretofore been the inherent temporal organization
of dramatic presentations, the manner in which the "Aufeinanderfolge der

Phasen" necessitates an experience of time. Although it is useful to

52

compare the amount of time represented withinthe confines of pre-
sentational time, another related facet of the temporal structure

must be considered. This is the tempo of succession. There occurs in
all drama not only a foreshortening of 'historical' or 'objective'

time within represented time, but also an individual (often unconscious)

experience of the passing of time equally controlled by the author.72

I speak of duration, the resolution in time an event seems to have.73
93:2 prefers to consider the quantity of experience from a standpoint

of succession, specifically the rapidity with which one event precedes
another.74 Dramatic tempo is seen to be regulated by the span of time
between the anticipation of an action and its realization.7S Whenever
the temporal connection is short, acceleration results; contrarily,

as the period between the two entities widens, dramatic retardation
assumes control.

Effective drama will not tend toward either temporal extreme.
Rather, a healthy mixture of the two assures spectator attention. A
medieval dramatist may fill his presentational time with broad, generally
undeveloped happenings, tracing only their vaguest outlines in rapid
succession, thereby constricting them. Or, he may present an intense,
detailed point-by-point analysis of the event, dwelling on it at length,
thus elongating it and retarding the succession of coming activities.
Irena Slawinska demonstrates the importance of this temporal retardation
by observing that the resultant moments correspond to those of greatest
dramatic import:

C'est'au ralenti' que nous vivons les scénes les plus impor-

tantes; un plus grand espace du temps semble etre nécessaire
pour transmettre plus de valeurs sémantiques.76

53'

Careful readers perceive a given occurrence or series thereof
in represented time as either accelerated or retarded, their duration
shortened or lengthened in presented time. This temporal encounter
is completely relative, and is manipulated by each individual author.
Indeed, as Froning has noticed, the three developmental stages fer
German Passions are'marked by continual additions of characters,
events, and speeches, resulting in the institutionalization of temporal
retardation.77

Early PaSsion accounts generally hasten depicted time by their
skeletal, ritualistic nature; their tempo is relatively rapid. Little
dramatization of the specifics of several Passion sections is found,
rather an outline of activity leading towards the Crucifixion provides
the focus.78 This observation may be explained by their relationship
to liturgical drama and their position at the very inception of
dramatic ventures depicting the central message of Christ's sacrifice

in ever-increasing detail and intensity.79

Later plays employ
retardation to such a degree that several of the fifteenth and six-
teenth century Passions contain scenes which must be regarded as

disruptively lengthy. Their dramatic impact is diluted, the forward

movement of the play impeded and occasionally voided entirely.80

Parallelism, Interruption, and Psycho-intellectual Mbments

In the fellowing pages two types of parallelism are introduced
under distinct titles. The first is parallelism of’action, to which
the simple term, parallelism, refers. The second is a sort of plot
parallelism, wherein audiences are drawn into the time sequence of plays

by virtue of anachronism.81 Walter F. Meyers identifies another method

S4

of presentation whereby vastly different times are brought into con-
temporaneity, that of direct address to spectators.82 For purposes of
organization and to allow fer a full consideration of their potential,
I have chosen to consider these ideas under a separate section called

suspension and interruption.

In several Passions the phenomenon of the complete interruption
and recapitulation of time can be discerned. It occurs whenever a
dramatist places two simultaneous events in dramatic succession, not a
surprising state of affairs when one considers that he has no other
means by which to present them in represented time. An audience can
only attend one event at a time, even though in history they be simul-
taneous. Evidence of this curious interruption rests in many instances
on the witness of stage directions, wherein a poet occasionally provides
hints as to the manner in which he understands his represented time to
be arranged in mimetic reality. Words and phrases such as the Latin
dum, interim, interea, and the German die mil, in dissem, in dem
afford positive evidence of the author's conception of the chronological
ordering of staged events. In those instances without sufficient
textual documentation, notably the French and English plays, one must
rely on analysis of time and place of scenes as well as the content
of speeches to identify scenic and temporal parallelism.

The intimate corollary of parallelism, the interruption or sus-
pension of represented time, functions not only to occasionally retard
succession, it often disrupts temporal movement completely. Particularly
in medieval theater is the latter true. To adequately understand the

fundamental nature of this drama one must separate consideration of the

SS

interruption of succession contingent upon the presentation of material
on stage and the complete relaxation of the barriers which distinguish
represented time from that of the spectator. To facilitate comprehension
I equate interruption with the temporary halting of the dramatic suc-
cession of represented time by characters acting as players and
suspension with the phenomenon of temporal disruption which reduces
or completely negates the psychological distance between stage and
spectator time.83

The succession of represented time, the historical period of
Christ's Passion as revealed in Scripture, can be interrupted. Lyrical
insertions may intrude upon the flow of time and the bystanders may
experience a momentary interruption of the movement of represented
substance. The phenomenon of interruption, as defined here, constitutes
an extreme illustration of temporal retardation.

Staged time, especially in medieval drama, is often altogether
suspended and a unity of varying duration of spectator and character
or staged reality emerges. The unity can be hinted by anachronistic
words peculiar to the culture and society of medieval man, such as pfaffe,
pennigk, Kirche, bishop, mahoundL knyght, fleur de lis, vaillant et
cortois, preudom, bewsire, and so forth. Such a context of anachronism
separates the words themselves from the historical presentation and
alters it in such a way as to provide innumerable points of entry for
medieval man into the doctrinal and religious significance of the plays.84
Represented historical time may be suspended for more extended periods
by figures who momentarily drop their dramatic facades to speak directly

to the audience, seeking its sympathy, explaining the meaning of a

concluded scene, or even preaching a short sermon on the evils of

56
contemporary life. The relatively important position occupied by music
in these dramas may likewise indicate varying degrees of commonality
between audience and stage characters. Singing of the well-known'Te
Deum'by Mary Magdalene near the close of Palat evokes the active par-
ticipation of the observer in that portion of the story. Alternation of
Latin and vernacular speeches lessens the distance between represented
and presentational time. Each of these phenomena.seemsdesigned to
elicit a definite spectator reaction, pulling him into the dramatized
action, 'presentifying' it for him. He can thus become actively inte-
grated into the play: it lives for him, not as mere religious history,
but as a statement on the continuing validity of the message.

Several points of doctrinal and dramatic interest can be identified
in the Passions by observance of the elongation afforded them. Some
comprise an elementary piling up of detail which surrounds an event
such as the Last Supper or the Crucifixion. They are classic examples
of temporal retardation. Still other elements function to arrest the
flow of represented time by injecting purely lyrical moments into the
stream of staged time. Numerous illustrations of characters who aim
their monologs directly at spectators can be documented. The presence
or absence of these psycho-intellectual moments greatly influences the
perceived intention of the work. It is at precisely these junctures
that the plays become most transparent. They sublineate dramatic
highlights lifted out of the normal dramatic context to a level of
uncommon intensity. Their inclusion serves to call attention to a
certain dialog, scene, or event, but they can only be adequately delin-
eated by a painstaking analysis of presentational and represented time,

complimented by a recognition of their capacity to stretch individual

S7,

temporal perception.

SuSpense and Anticipation

The German term applied to one of the basic concepts of drama,
that of ,Spannung', cannot adequately be defined by a single English
equivalent, for it denotes at once a characteristic subjective spectator
reaction to an objective contextual circumstance. The term most ap-
propriate for audience psychology and perception is suspense; its
corollary, anticipation, lends itself most easily to the meaning
for textual structure.

Anticipatory form, that dramatic structure linking past and present
events to the future, occupies a position of ascendency over audience
suspense; it must be operative before suspense can be created.85
Alan Thompson refers to anticipation as "the life of narrative and the
essence of suspense."86 This structural "ccespanntsein' aller Elemente
auf das Kommende"87 admits one of the central considerations of theatrical
activity. In effective drama individual scenes are rarely self-con-
tained; rather they are prepared by previous events and lead to other
as yet unrealized scenes. These anticipatory dramatic forms depend on
the interrelationships of the three temporal modi to one another.88

In his discussion of the peculiar nature of medieval drama, Cecile
Schreiber offers a general and, at first glance, perfectly acceptable
criticism of the plays:

La surprise, l'evénement fortuit n'existent donc pas, et le

theatre, de’méme que l'histoire, est alors’une suggession de

moments, d'etapes, dont 1e contenu est preetabli.

A common mistake of critics infers that to be effective and successful,

drama must include elements which surprise. These take all manner of

58

dramatic farm, like peripetie, unexpected changes of events, or perhaps
the introduction of unexpected characters. Were the essence of salient
drama condensed into such requirements, medieval theater could with
just cause be labeled unskilled productions. Surprise is, happily,

not essential to the stage. The varying degrees of anxiety experienced
by spectators depends not on single events or stage effects, but as
Thompson demonstrates, on "a state of feeling induced by the entire
action already witnessed.éul It is indeed true, as Schreiber states:

91

"Le theatre medieval est un theatre sans surprises." But this is

actually of little consequence, for really good drama depends upon the
interaction of past and future events, upon anticipation. Patz clari-
fies these observations:
0

Jeder Moment greift Vergangenes auf und nimmt Zukdnftiges

vorweg. Die dramatische Handlung besteht in der sukzessiven

Vergegenwartigung von vorweggenommener Zukunft und nach-

geholter Vergangenheit.
It makes little difference that in medieval drama, according to Schreiber,
"hombreuses prophéties annoncent les Evenements futurs,"93 that the
dénoument is "une necessité, une partie intrinséque de la situation

"94 Indeed, the latter circumstance has an exciting logic and

initiale.
drive towards the conclusion not possible with other dramatic structures.
For, contrary to expectation, public awareness of the conclusion may
actually heighten the potential for suspense rather than diminish it.
Thompson explains:

It is strongest when the spectator knows or at least suspects

. the outcome, as when we see a swimmer helplessly drawn to the
brink of a waterfall. . . . To know the ending does not relieve
our feelings; it may, on the contrary, increase them.

To fecus Specifically upon medieval theater, Prosser provides a

collateral opinion, stating:

59

Will the Jews destroy Jesus?. To say 'But the audience knew
the answer'is, of course, wholly irrelevant where drama is
concerned. Read Hamlet as many times as you will; see it
again and again; there is still that nonrational question,
that anticipation, that hope, and that shock of loss.

Of the several types of suspense, the most applicable to our
investigation of Passions is "Wie-Spannung", or how the sequence of
scenes prepares the Crucifixion and Resurrection, making both un-
avoidable.9,7 Since these two truths contain the common denominators of
medieval Christian faith (and modern Western religious belief as well),
the manner in which the playwright forms his story to insure audience
attention, participation, and suspense is of primary interest. Since
the medieval dramatist is active within the religious framework of his
material and is bound by the long tradition of dramatic endeavor which
preceded him, he cannot, nor does he ever wish to avoid the twin
mysteries of his faith. However, this in no way affects the potentiality
for impressive-- and mediocre-- artistry which he may employ to arrive
at the known end. Interest and suspense are characteristically focused
not on the outcome, but ontflueprocess which make it inevitable.

iIt is in the arena of possible alternatives to the Lord's suffering
and Passion that the otherwise undramatic scene in Gethsemane assumes
greater significance than one initially realizes, for in several of the
late accounts (and, one might add, in the Biblical records) it is in the
Garden where the possibility of avoiding the coming trials and hardship
is finally abandoned by the Christ and the human decision to endure
accepted. Although Jesus continually signals the inevitability of the
Crucifixion by prophecying His Betrayal and Trial, He still entertains

the human desire to momentarily pass up the bitter cup. The active

listener might well have felt anxiety at Christ's words in Alsfeld:

60

Pater, si fieri potest, transect a me calix iste.99

A triple repetition of the phrase and a paraphrase in the vernacular
appended to it serves to strengthen the inherent pathos of the scene.

It underlines Christ's humanity and creates substantial "Mitleid"

in the listener.101 Resultant suspense is, however, almost always short-
lived, for the arrival of an angel to comfort Him and assure Him of

God's will signals the necessity of the sacrifice. The related scenes
before Pilate will likewise contain significant capacity for suspense
which we will wish to examine closely.

A second form of suspense enters into the structure of medieval
Passion plays, one known as emotional suspense ("Gef'dhls-Spannung").102
Functional drama is not formed solely from the inexorable drive towards
the conclusion. There exist many factors, as I have previously shown,
which interrupt the flow. The way to Golgotha is by no means a steady
one; there occur several interruptions along the way as well as after
this station has been completed. Lyrical elements add their particular
plaintive quality to spectator suspense by fastening on human reaction
to overwhelming suffering. The laments of the Virgin not only interrupt
represented time, they also serve to intensify audience emotion by
stressing immediate commentary in a forceful manner. Other forms of
emotional suspense depend heavily on audience awareness of impending
disaster, one which normally overshadows the knowledge of the characters
themselves. Inclusion of such devices serves to throw successive lyrical
interruptions into greater relief.

Since medieval drama shares a fundamental temporal structure with
all dramatic forms, the measurable manipulation of the various time

modi and techniques employed to create a moving account are at once

61
identifiable and indicative of the artistry employed to formulate
the Passion accounts. The points of inception will often offer clues
to the causal chain of events leading to the Crucifixion and Resur-
rection. These in turn will provide insights into the manner in
which poets make the known outcome unequivocal. They also aid in the
identification of means by which writers artistically structure their
tales to provide effective opportunities for suspense. Epic elements
assume greater significance when employed not only to concentrate
action on the most important events of the Passion, but also to provide
information indicative of causality, of the absolute necessity of the
Passion. The power of past events continues to be felt throughout the
entire story. Prophetic utterances which betray the eventual chain of
events continuously remind the audience of mankind's spiritual depend—
ency on the Lord of the Passion. Whatever the development on stage,
they relate it to the conclusion. Yet prophecy is but a single example
of the many techniques whereby the future is anticipated. To investigate
the methods by which past action is related to future outcome is to
feel the artist's pulse, to know the dramatization of Christ's Suffering
not as a purely abstract exercise, but as a vibrant, vital, and lively

encounter with the work itself.

Though no division of so many and varied texts from such a great
exPanse of chronological time can be completely satisfactory, the
organization I have chosen takes into account the changing exegencies
Of staged performance and religious thought by drawing restrictive
boundaries around each group of plays. This is an attempt to hold

inviolate the particular Spiritual and dramatic surroundings of each

t6

TLC

£~~

62
text, while simultaneously allowing at least a minimum of comparison
within limited registers of years.

The analysis of each play group is organized into three major cate-
gories. Interest will be focused on: 1) the temporal succession of
the plays, 2) the means by which past events are integrated into the
presentational 'now' of the stage, and 3) the anticipation of future
events. Discussion of the several techniques for ordering staged time
comprises the bulk of each analysis. Each category contains a plethora
of potential temporal creativity and lends its capacities to the con-
struction of audience suspense.

An analysis of so great a number of techniques and plays inevitably
results in the consideration of certain passages and phenomena in two or
more analytical areas. While every attempt has been made to minimize
such overlapping, those temporal entities in prominent scenes like the
trials and the Crucifixion necessarily find their way into related
discussions. To facilitate analytical clarity I have employed the basic
outline of temporal structuring developed by Peter Putz. Most of the
definitions and titles of pertinent techniques are his, although I have
augmented them where necessary to account for peculiarities endemic

to drama in the Middle Ages.

CHAPTER IV

FORMAL CONSIDERATION OF DRAMA AND THE DRAMATIC

The essential value transmitted by coming analytical observations
depends upon the recognition of two theoretical and phenomenological
assumptions dealing with the drama. We must endeavor to comprehend
the constituents of the genre 'drama' and the 'dramatic' style, two

closely-related, but independent concepts.

The Genre Drama and the 'Drcmatie' Style

Drama has traditionally been defined in terms of impersonation,
of mortal men disguising themselves to represent other beings on stage.1
Other researchers have appended the requisites of action and dialog to
impersonation, and have thought to have recorded the essence of a genre.
Unfortunately, these intuitive recognitions fail to account for massive
amounts of material which depend upon none of the three activities, but
which are incorporated more or less into all 'drama'. These involve
alternative experiences of mind and soul, contrasting methods of
exposing the world and relating to it. Dramas exhibit essences of those
reactions to external reality which may best be termed 'lyrical' or
'epic', both adjectives. Their inclusion has enormous consequences for
the drama. Therefore, one must strive to differentiate the drama as a
nominal entity from its adjectival form, the 'dramatic', for as Robert

Edwards correctly pronounces:

63

64
. . . in pursuing the suggestion which is primarily phenomena

ological, one Shauld always keep clear a distinction between

the dramatic and drama. The dramatic deals with tension

between two forces. . . . Drama is a sophisticated art form

whose diverse elements presumably contribute to a single over-

all impression. Foremost among its elements is a sense of

the dramatic, but this sense in isolation does not add up to

the complexity of the fern any more than impersonation

defines the totality of drama.2
That specific body of plays we call medieval religious drama may include
hymns, responses, antiphons, and psalms from Church liturgy, as well as
narration of previous situations or undramatized events. The appearance
of each greatly alters the purely 'dramatic' organization of time, for
the temporal structure and intentional meaning of each component is
distinct. Temporal composition in medieval drama is so varied and com-
plex that it transcends terms addressing physical presentation alone.
The inclusion of a planctua Muriae, for instance, creates intensely
'lyrical' moments, where the emotion evoked transcends all external
objectivity,3 perhaps creating in us modern readers analogous flights
of ecstasy or depths of despair, both internalized into our own spirit
and quite apart from the plays or their reading. Or the artist may turn
his attention to the past through narration. Though the main area of
interest is occupied by the 'dramatic', it must be recognized that this
experience is only one of several fundamental reactions to human exist-
ence.4 We have before us entities known as dramas, but whose qualities
are far from adequately explained by staged presentation. We must look
closer at the temporal and existential apperceptions which surround
the dramas under review. We must consider the 'dramatic' style.

The singlemost decisive temporal factor at work in any literary

creation called 'dramatic', whether it be a poem, a work of fiction, or

a Staged production, is an anticipatory frame of reference; the

- 6S
existence of the piece is directed in all its parts to the future out-
come of stated circumstances.5~ Connate with all dramatic productions
(whether organized into any of the three genres-- Lyric, Epic, or Drama)
is a temporal interest in how present and past events cause or effect
the future outcome of a dramatized situation. The dramatic style organ-
izes time with the intention of creating suspense or anticipation of
future developments. The context of this suspense involves the conflict
of individuals with their surroundings, with their fates, another
reflection of a basic quality of drama. Petsch comments:
Jedes echte Drama . . . zeigt also den Menschen im Ringen
mit dem Schicksal. Das gilt von dem ernsten so gut wie von
dem heiteren, von dem Entwicklungs- wie von dem Vernichtungs-
drama. In der groszen Antingmie' auf die zuletzt jeder
dramatische Vorgang sich zuruckfuhren laszt, ist immer das
Ich mit seinen Forderungen der Behauptung, der Durchsetzung
und Vollendung seiner Selbst die eine Grundkraft, das Schick-
sal als Nicht-Ich im weitesten und im tiefsten Sinne die
andere. . . .
To bring this theoretical perception to bear on medieval drama, one
need only attend to the words of Hennig Brinkmann, who places the ideas
squarely within the religious context of man's struggle with external
forces in the Middle Ages: "Das Drama des Mittelalters war ein heiliges
Spiel, in dem es (im Sinne des Mittelalters) um die religigse Existenz
des Menschen ging."7
The dramatic style employs audience-imminent presentational formS,
like monologs and dialogs, to transfer its message from author to
Spectator. Events unfold in the presence of the audience, with the
intention of influencing its perceptions, as Staiger observes: "Wenn
der‘Vbrhang fallt, hat das Publikum das Vernommene zu bedenken und sich

...8

klarzumachen, inwiefern es Folgendes vorbereitet. The unknown

auth<>rs of Alsfeld place anticipated audience reaction into the specifically

66

religious context of the time by suggesting an appropriate, natural
response to the dramatized Passion:

au der kirchen eollen mer aZZe gann

und got dankende eynn

syner grosaen martel und pynn!

(Alsfeld 2915—2917)

Medieval Drama as 'Drama'

The drama of the Middle Ages has long been identified with funda-
mental qualities generally accepted as comprising the genre in its
broadest sense. Both Chambers and Young defined it in terms of action,
dialog, and impersonation. Young asserted that the latter must be phy-
sical imitation, that a performer must not only represent a figure, he
must resemble him as well.9 A major difficulty in the uncritical
approval of this philosophical stance has already been suggested: it
fails to account for participation and experience of countless other
factors. From a purely philological standpoint, it also constricts
our own abilities to relive drama without recourse to stages. 0.8.
Hardison also points out the limiting effects of such a definition by
noting that Young's ideas are predicated upon the physical presentation
and not at all upon the literary text.lo He continues by observing
that such discussions of drama are impaired by an imperfect knowledge
of medieval stagecraft: "but acting and staging procedures are certainly

11 Hardison's ensuing

not essential elements of the theory of drama."
evaluation of the relationship of life to art further supports his

contention that a good deal more than mere impersonation enters into
the equation. As he searches for elemental forces which may define

dramatic presentations, Hardison turns his attention to primitive

societies and their religious rites. He finds an analogy between

67
priests and actors: "The priest (in primitive societies) does not
represent the god, he is the god." Sarah Weber, too, finds an analogy
in the celebration of the Mass, but is reluctant to identify the cele-
brant with Christ. Instead, she sees him acting "as the Lord's
visible representative and His living instrument,"12 rather than
being Christ. Benjamin Hunningher is even more adamant in his denial of
any identification between celebrant and the Unseen.13 Nevertheless,
it seems to hold true that the most successful actors in some manner
do identify themselves with the action of the play and the character
they portray, that they do indeed assume, if only fleetingly, the
cloak of personal suffering of the original personage. Hardison
supposes this phenomenon of identification to have been active in the
psyches of medieval actors as well.

Since subsequent appreciation of literary art depends on its
'preserved form rather than on a complete reconstruction of stage
realities, the factor linking medieval man to his post-Renaissance
counterpart must lie elsewhere than in impersonation. I contend that
it can be found in the definition of the Hramatic', in the opposition
of struggling forces. A challenge elicits similarly-conceived re-
sponses because they have their origin in human existence. At the very
core of drama one discovers a human attempt to organize elements exter-
nal to man, and thereby master them. Chambers correctly identified
the 'mimetic instinct' of man as reflected in its classical dramatic

14 but was misled by his own distaste for the medieval Church and

form,
the evolutionary theories espoused by Charles Darwin, as applied to
literature. In his desire to derive a continuous develOpmental pattern

0f theedramatic genre from elementary pagan beginnings to complex

68

and infinitely more enjoyable Shakespearean monuments, Chambers'
'mimetic instinct' relegated medieval drama to the status of a poor
stepchild, of scant value or importance for its own sake. Nevertheless,
it was an unfortunate antedating specimen of deve10pment towards
Elisabethan masterpieces which required investigation, if only to com-
plete the evolutionary pattern. Chambers did not approach this drama
as an art form possessed of intrinsic value. In his opinion, he had
uncovered a medieval Church exceedingly hostile to 'pagan' dramatic
influences,a Church interested only in eradicating their unhealthy
presence. It has since been established that the medieval Church
actually directed and furthered dramatic presentations.15 More recent
scholarship than Chambers' has given the lie to one of his primary
arguments governing the early growth and intent of medieval drama.

A modern-day proponent of the position espoused by Chambers and
von Winterfeld is Benjamin Hunningher, who remains convinced that med-
ieval theater owes its genesis to 'pagan rites' instead of tropes17
and that mimes played an extremely decisive role in early Church drama.18
Gamer, Sticca, and,most recently,Wolfgang Michael have taken issue with
most of Hunningher's folkloristic responses to the questions of origin.
I_need not delay further with matters concerning the nascence of theater
except to remark that most scholars seem to agree that there does indeed
exist a 'mimetic instinct' in all of human kind. Differences of opinion
arise whencnua attemptSto organize the transition from lost Classical
traditions to that body of theatrical production we call medieval
tiueater.20 But it is exactly this basic drive for expression which links

medieval drama with preceding and succeeding drama. 21

TE

69

Present day scholars generally agree that drama, as understood by
‘classical artists and audiences,did not survive the decline of Rome
intact.22 Structurally speaking, Greek drama resolved itself into forms
reflectingtimeobservations of Aristotle in the Poetics. This singularly
important theoretical treatise became known to Western Europe at a
relatively late time, when a German named Hermann translated it into
Latin in 1256. Medieval drama had long since evolved Passion p1ays,.as
is evidenced by the Montecassino text.

Church liturgy is normally afforded the title of progenitor to
this drama, specifically the‘Quem Queritis‘trope of the Easter liturgy.
Julius Schwietering postulates that liturgical drama, a phase evolving
towards Passion plays, finds its origin in musical entities constituting
significant portions of the Mass.23 According to this theory, medieval
drama has its genesis in a lyrical form, that of music. Elsie Helmrich,
in her introduction to The History of the Chorus in the German Drama
(1912), sketches the broad developmental outlines of Greek drama, like-
wise beginning with lyrical hymns, those honoring Dionysus.24 She
relates the first epic additions to the festival as well as to the
part played by dance. It would thus appear that, quite apart from their
distinctive final forms, Greek and medieval drama do share some common
religious ground.25 A note of warning is raised by Robert Edwards, who
cautions readers against uncritical acceptance of the ritualistic origins
of medieval drama by noting that classical scholarship has recently moved
away from the attitude that Greek tragedy arose from ritual.26 There
need not be any fundamental disagreement between the ideas of Schwieter-
ing, Helmrich, and Edwards, for even in ritual I see a religious response

to mankind's 'mimetic instinct'.

70
Medieval drama shares dramatic characteristics with all drama which
can be formally reconstructed with modern tools. It is not simply a
1‘ . . . . . . .
naive, impoverished relative of more sophisticated dramatic offerings.
It merely organizes its mimetic instinct and lessons into the religious
context of the period, as countless ages and cultures have done before.
Schwietering glimpses the religious origins of drama when he writes:
Ich bin mir k1ar,dasz ich damit an letzte metaphysische
Grunde religioser dramatischer Dichtung und, falls alle
dramatische Dichtung im Religiosen wurzelt, an den Ursprung
dramatischer Wortgestalt schlechthin zu ruhren wage, aber
nicht mit vorgefaszter Theorie, sondern aus vertiefter
historischer Einsicht in die Genesis des mittelalterlichen
liturgischen Spiels . . . von diesem bescheidenen Einzel-
gebiet aus ein literarhistorisches Problem von allgemeiner
Gultigkeit losen zu konnen.
When we look for concepts which shape the fate and character of a
civilization, its religious practices and teachings are found to
unlock attitudes and fundamental methods of dealing with life. A
natural coalition of religion and drama appears almost inevitable.

Thompson explains:

. . it is religion that ultimately informs the dramatist's
work as well as other men's, and gives it whatever human
significance it has. . . . Technique is necessary to make a
play effective, but out of a high religion alone can the
substance of a great play come.

In these lines are contained the most probable reasons why the dramatic
Style, instead of epic narration, for instance, was employed so ex-
tensively to address the Passion of our Lord. No less significant was
the very nature of the material to be portrayed. The raw material con-
tributing the 'historical' context or 'plot' of Passion presentations,
the biblical story, itself possessed a highly-dramatic character in an
epic organization; the dramatic style lent itself best to a forceful

realization of Scripture}0 And the dramatic form best suited the

71

purposes of its mentor,.the Church of the Middle Ages. From a purely
theoretical viewpoint, the conflict between Christ and the external
world, embodied in pharisees, devils, Jews, and Pilate, presents enor-
mous dramatic potential. This contention of forces is paraphrased into
philosophical terms by Petsch, who finds in such discord the true
roots of the dramatic style:

Das gewaltige Ringen des Ichs mit dem Schicksal ruckt in

der dramatischen Gattung so uberwaltigend in den Vorder-

grund, ja in die Mitte der ganzen Darstellung, weil es den

Vorgang gleichsam aus allen seinen Erlebnis- und Erfahrungs-

zusammenhan en herausreiszt und vor uns auf die Buhne

hinzwingt.3
Passion plays not only explore Christ's wrestling with forces external
to Him, but also seek to explain man's part in the struggle.32 It is
to be expected that the structure of time also contributes to this
outcome by engaging expectations and anticipation within the spectator.
Sandro Sticca relates the function Of medieval drama to its dramatic
form and finds theater integrated into Christian philosophy:

It constitutes a powerful dramatic statement on the Christian

faith at its richest and most complex. The aim of medieval

drama is that which motivated the medieval church as a whole:

to express in visible dramatic terms the facts and values

of the accepted body of scripture and theological belief.

Christian art, particularly the dramatic art, is more than a

pleasing ornament, it is actually grafted on to the fabric

of Christian thought.33

If we concentrate upon the peculiar fact of medieval Passions,
that the story was widely-known and accepted, our attention is directed
to the touchstone of dramatic endeavor: how to portray the known in
'impressive' ways, how to bring home to bystanders its greater sig-

. . . . 3 . . .

nificance for their very salvation. 4 This immediately turns our

interest towards the management of the material by the writer, towards

the"how' of his temporal structure and its implication for the

 

72

dramatic style in general; for it has been established that dramatic
presentations by their very nature tend toward the application of
certain techniques designed to create anticipation or suspense in their
audiences. To more clearly understand the deeper implication of these
temporal techniques the reader need only accept the religious milieu
which defines medieval stages. If the dramatic style is viewed as
reflecting a continual struggle of man with his fate, either in a
religious or secular context, then the analogous relationship of all
dramatic forms become apparent. Modern man can then apply his phenoe
menological tools stressing structural measurement and not be in
methodological conflict with these old dramas. Medieval dramatists
may not have the complete freedom to relate to their material that is
afforded modern playwrights, but they will still organize their tales
and employ temporal techniques to accomplish goals consistent with
the literary alternatives of their time. 35

The structural method employed here will serve to elucidate
several literary techniques which culminate in viable works of art.
Implicit in the method is an investigation into the reasons behind the
final form, fer as Alan Thompson affirms: "Theater is an instrument,

not an end."36

If structural measurement is correctly employed, the
measured temporal manipulation may point directly to the cultural and
religious values of the Passions. One may consequently develop a higher
regard for essentially unknown artists. The conscious and unconscious
workings of artistic minds may be glimpsed; the genius of a Wakefield
Master can be more readily appreciated. But even this genius must be

comprehended in the light of subservience to a higher purpose. Readers

can marvel at his linguistic and dramatic facility, thereby gaining

73
perhaps an intensified aesthetic communication with the work quite apart
from its age. They should, howeVer, realize that the Master's artistic
genius always serves to comment not upon itself, but upon the timeless

story of man's struggle for religious existence.

CHAPTER V
_ GROUP I (1150-1250)
Montecassino and Benediktbeuern

Our knowledge of the seminal years of the development from litur-
gical play to Passion play is indeed inadequate. The history surrounding
this transfer of media often rests on conjectural grounds and is openly
disputed among scholars. We can, however, discern some vague outlines
of patterns which may have aided the displacement. Early in this cen-
tury Emile Roy was able to identify a Byzantine Passion antedating its
oldest known relative in Italy by several hundred years.1 Sandro Sticca
has recently traced the influences of Byzantine iconography, manuscript
illumination, and graphic arts on southern Italian monestaries, notably
that of Montecassino, from whence issued the first preserved Passion in
the West. In the context of structural criticism, the Mbntecaseino
Passion, a fully-developed Latin representative from the middle of the
twelfth century, assumes significant preportions as the initial play of
its kind. Montecassino, although an incomplete text, offers a dramatic
enterprise of relatively high sophistication. This quality is all the
more remarkable when the nearest chronological counterpart of Mbnte-
caseino, BenP, is investigated. But we must draw strict parameters
around any comparisons we may wish to make, for although the central
theme of both plays is the Passion of Jesus Christ, each text reveals
its own understanding of the event and each relates the tale differently.
Each play shares a core of dramatized material, but few, if any,
direct causal relationships have been established between German and

Italian Passions of the period.2

74

75.

Even though Montecassino does not contain as much structural
differentiation as later continental Passions and English cycles, the
playwright can be seen to organize his material into effective drama
at an early date. Despite this, one early discerns a tendency in both
accounts to remain faithful to Scripture, thus obviating any necessity
to offer novel or completely original composition. Several techniques
of time manipulation are therefore employed in a somewhat superficial
manner, but their presence will set the stage for later, more complex
plays. Thus it is that several examples of succession reveal the logic
and power of the biblical story rather than evince a continual dramatic
mastery of the same. In many instances these first two texts bask in
reflected glory, but a substantial potential for dramatic creativity

still exists.

TTME'OF.RRESENTATIONRAND REPRESENTED TLME

The objective duration of Mbntecassino encompasses 320 verses,
whereas the represented time of Christ's Passion includes the period
from Judas' bargain to the Crucifixion, those events from Maundy
Thursday evening to Good Friday afternoon. Represented time approaches
approximately twenty-four hours. Table 3 shows the general coincidence
of the play and the Gospels.

Mbntecassino commences with "Judas dicat", but there is no speci-
fication of the temporal relationship between Judas' actions and the
Last Supper, one made implicit by most later Passions. We cannot
determine whether the playwright intended Judas to betray Christ during
the final meal or whether his actions were calculated to be divorced

from the meeting of Christ the Man with His disciples. The care with

76
which the author describes his vision of later scenes tends to confirm
the latter supposition.

It is evident that in this generally unembellished recollection of
the Passion, represented time is only a framework of activities, that
substantial portions of time have been disregarded, probably due to
its fidelity to Scripture, and that the artist did not rework or extend
individual Scenes to anywhere near the extent of later redactors. The
single exception seems to be the scene of Utor's dream, a rather
lengthy amplification of Matthew xxvii:19.3 However, by studying the
extensive stage directions which accompany each speech and section, one
can uncover a sophisticated time scheme behind the succession of events.
Movement of represented time is neither simplistic nor rudimentary.

Presentational time in BenP is defined by 289 verses of somewhat
greater length than the versus tripartitus caudatus of the Latin text.
Substantial differences between the two accounts rest in represented
time. In these 289 lines the BenP author records the period from the
calling of Peter and Andrew to the request by Joseph of Arimathea for
his Savior's body. One shortcoming of the method of counting verses
and equating them with the significance of any scene is especially
evident in this play. Certain of the speeches, like the "Cum appro-
pinquaret dbminud'and the'Cum audisset [populos}" of BenP 11 and 12,
may only represent initial words of much larger speeches delivered,
but whose detailed copying was not considered necessary by virtue of
their familiarity. If this be the case, approximately twenty-one
lines for the first and thirteen verses for the second short title are
missing from the text as delivered in performance. Unfortunately, we

haVe no means of ascertaining how many of each block were spoken.

. 77
In Bonfithe artist has added several scenes of varying length and
dramatic impact, making it more inclusive than the traditional Passion
accounts defined by Kosch.’ Table‘ outlines the scope of Ben? and

provides a general picture of its scenic structure.

When investigating possible anachronistic elements in Group I,
few instances may be identified from the manuscripts. In order to
ascertain the degree of historical or dramatic up dating which has
occurred, one must search the records of contemporary plays from the
liturgy. From plays such as the Vieitatio Sepulchri and the Peregrinus,
both preserved in the Fleury playbook, we know that ample use was made
of realistic costumes copied from times contemporary with perfermance
or with dress improvised from ecclesiastical vestments, as they had been
during the tenth and eleventh centuries.4 Several illustrations from
the twelfth century verify this tendency to employ costumes readily
.at hand for such plays.5

From this general background of the presentational method we can
assume a similar means of scriptural up dating in Group I. Figures
emanating from historical life, like Mary Magdalene, Roman soldiers,
Pilate and his wife, most probably employed dress appropriate to a
worldly woman of the time, contemporary man-of-arms, and a ruler and
his mistress of the Middle Ages. Though we cannot be certain about the
costuming situation for all secular persons during the latter half of
the twelfth century from the texts themselves, plays from the same
period like the 0rdb ad.Repreeentandum Herodem, the Iconia sancti
Nicolai, and the Filius Getronie all were produced with historically

anachronistic costumes. This state of affairs is not at all surprising

78

when one considers the monasticorigin and cultivation of medieval
religious drama during the several centuries before they took leave

of ecclesiastical surroundings. To medieval man the Passion and Easter
stories were not mere one-time events; they were not regarded as pure
history, but as sacred history, as contemporary elements of life,
renewed at each Mass, alive with meaning and significance for all.6
Thus anachronistic costuming was not only a product of available vest-
ments, but also a natural outcome of a philosophical standard and

outlook.

SUCCESSION OF EVENTS
Adverbial Evidence

When reader attention is focused on the establishment of a suc-
cession of events within Group I Passions, the initial phenomenon which
meets the eye is a fundamental temporal motion of words and sentences
indicative of an ordered chronology described therein.' Immediately
after Judas has agreed to sell our Lord and has been offered reinforce-
ments by Caiaphas we read: "Post hec exeant Iudas cum loricatis. ,"7
As Judas reveals the sign of betrayal to his cohorts, the reader is
informed: "Post hec Iudas eat ad illum locum ubi Jesus orat. . . ."8
Jesus is led to the priests by the band and the author carefully indicates
that this action issues from a specified previous event: "Post hec du-
crant loricati Ieeum Zigatum ad sacerdotes, , , ."9 In each of the three
‘Lnstances the adverbial phrase, post hec, irrefutably establishes the
idea of succession.10

Other temporal constructions of this sort are expressed by various

introductory adverbs. Respondeat (reepondeant) occurs in 21 instances,

. 79

item once, iterum thrice, tuna once. Two ablative absolute construct-
ions complete the evidence oijbntecaaeino, all indicative of a logical
and consistentordering of speeches and actions in time.

The rubrics which accompany Ben? are less inclusive. Nonetheless,
a customary ordering of scenes and speeches in represented time can be
discerned. They, too, indicate by several adverbial elements that a
certain planned chronology is present throughout the play. Thus it is
reported that the angel visits Mary Magdalene after she has fallen
asleep,11 that Jesus is lead out to be beaten after the command by Pi-

late, and that His body is arrayed in purple and the crown of thorns

placed on His head after the flagellation.12

Temporal Linking of.Events

The causal chain of events in Montecassino is dramatically sound
and effective. The scene chosen to initiate the drama, Judas' bargain
for Jesus, provides the necessary dramatic impetus which leads to the
betrayal itself. This event in turn prepares the appearance before
Caiaphas, just as this very scene contains the arguments which culmin-
ate in Jesus' trial before Pilate. Actions naturally flow from one into
another, creating a series of life-like encounters. Here one should
note the structural puissance of the Gospels themselves, from whence
Mbntecassino draws its strength.

At first glance the author of BenP seems to violate the dramatic
injunction to place scenes into a logical developmental pattern and build
upon each individual episode. We are confronted with five preparatory
events which appear to be unmotivated recollections antedating the

Passion. These encounters, the Calling of the Disciples, the Healing of

80
the Man born Blind, the Visit to Zachaeus, the Entry into Jerusalem,
and the Repast with the Pharisee, undeniably occupy dramatic territory
outside and incidental to the Passion itself, and as such, do not
submit to the same dramatic logic which defines the tighter structure
of Montecassino. Another form of structuring seems to underlie their
presence. Certainly, each scene is not dramatically related to its
successor, but the small bits of dbctrinal information included in each
do form an eventual organizational logic sublineating the greater sig-
nificance of the conversion of Mary Magdalene. To grasp this peculiar
connection of widely-separated units, one must comprehend the conse-
quencesof the entire sequence of events. When seen in the light of
Mary Magdalene's worldly life, an inner, more symbolic relationship
of the parts becomes clear.

The five scenes in question are undoubtedly commemorative of Christ's
life and teachings which precede the Passion. Jesus is seen to surround
himself with simple fishermen, to heal a poor beggar, to bless the house
of a tax collector, and to eat with an established religious leader.

The statements place Him in a cultural milieu of great religious and
social prominence. The formal linking of these rather epic renditions
sets the stage for the introduction of the character who was most in-
volved in the world until her conversion, the figure who spoke most
eloquently to frail humanity of the Middle Ages, and occupied a position
of highest esteem in the medieval religious hierarchy for many years,
Mary Magdalene. If we observe BenP from this perspective, the mere
suggestion of Christ's life and impact, contained in surprising doctrinal

fullness in the few verses afforded the five scenes, reveals an admirable

81
logic of temporal development. The method of presentation is simply
distinct from that of Montecassino. ‘The development is nonetheless
reasoned and compelling, leading as surely to the Magdalene's con-
version in BenP as Judas' betrayal leads to Christ's arrest in

Montecassino.

Spatial Mbvement

The passage of represented time is also implicit in the alternation
of location, for it is inevitable that any place change defined by the
playwright signals a commensurate moving of the hands of the clock in
represented time. Regardless of the staged length of the journey
linking any two loca, the symbolic or theoretical flow of time continues.

The medieval stage, particularly as it relates to the use of space
and movement therein, owes most of its conventions to liturgical drama
of the tenth century. That convention which most concerns us is one
which differentiated between localized and unlocalized areas of acting.
The former carried the Latin name dbmus, locus, or sedes, while the
latter was known as a platea. These distinctions certainly derive
from Church architecture of the period.13

The generalized quality of the plated made the way open for develop—
ment of one of the most important concepts of medieval drama. Normally
this place was no more than an area in front of a stage where actors
moved when necessary,14 but by implication of its geographical neutrality,
no simulation of a historical fact being acted out in a historical place
was ever attempted.15 The story of the Lord's suffering took place before

a medieval audience in a medieval location, not in far off Palestine.

Our particular interest here is the manner in which time is implied to

82
pass and how its passing is simulated when staged activity enters or
transits the platea.

Already in the earliest Passions the symbolic qualities of movement
are apparent. Contrary to much modern drama, medieval plays cannot be
conceived without a good bit of movement between loca, for medieval
drama, particularly the Passion play, is a theater of action, of movement,
and the simultaneous stage with its representation of the world in
miniature,16 complete with an area wherein transfers can be accounted
for, allows the eye of the audience to follow movement inherent within
the tale without dilution of the critical concentration on action.

The passage of time insinuated by shifting localities receives
liberal application in Mbntecassino, for it is intimately bound to the
transparent ordering of events and constitutes one of the most obvious
dramatic techniques employed to create such an organization. The flux
of time is evidenced between Pilate's judgment and the Flagellation, for
it is reported: ". . . sacerdotes et milites capiant Iesum et ducant
eum ad alium locum. . . ."17 Shortly thereafter the manuscript states:
"Post hec loricati exuant Iesum [clamide et inlduant eum vestimenta sua

."18 Each scene is

[et ducant ad] locum ubi debet crucifIigi].
similarly introduced by the establishment of imagined changes of locale.19
We may be unable to ascertain exactly how much time lapses on stage

or in represented time during these spatial transfers, but their
occurrence and the manner in which they drive the story forward is

of primary importance. And they are of particular value for deciphering

Passions which have few stage directions. They aid in extrapolating

the author's conception of the succession of events and show how he

envisioned the passage of time.

83
Ben? employs several changes, of location to move represented time
forward. Although, fer example, the exact temporal aggregate necessary
for the Magdalene to move from the merchant's position to Jesus' locus
is not specified, represented time inevitably moves forward between the

direction, "Accepto ungento vadat ad'd'ominicampersonam",20 and the

next speech.delivered "cantandb flendb", even though the audience may
not be consciously aware of the ensuing temporal void” ‘To logically
remove Christ from the court of Pilate and insert Him into that of Herod21
and then to reverse the process22 also necessitates a progression in repre-
sented time, regardless of its suggestive degree. Pilate's reconciliation
with Herod, probably mimed,23 transpires between the return of Jesus to
Pilate and his words, "Nullam causam mortis invenio in homine isto!"24
This undramatized action provides evidence that the two events are
separated in represented time. Indeed, a continual preparation of lo-
cation change through dialog is obviated by the medieval convention of
staging several locations simultaneously. The rapid shift from
one location to another and the corresponding movement through unimpor-
tant phases of represented time can be accomplished with little dis-
ruption, spectator interest already being focused on the dramatized
event, not on the time required to make the journey.25 Indeed, time
itself, as it applies to movement and space, is all but cancelled out by
the capacities for symbolic depiction of the simultaneous stage. Hartl
reasons:

Kurz sind die Wege von Ort zu Ort, und die Zeit, die in dem

sub specie aeternitatis denkenden M(itte1) A(lter) nur eine

untergeordnete Rolle spielt, wird durch die Kraft des
Symbols auf ein Mindestmasz zusammengedrangt.

In light of staging conventions, the highly-symbolized movement from

84

place to place becomes readily understandable.

Appearance and Withdrawal of Characters

The inexorable transition of one represented moment into the next
can be further simulated by the appearance and withdrawal of characters
themselves. Entrances and exits must occur in some logical sequence;
the opening moment excepted, figures appear on stage and move from the
dramatic present into the realm of memory. No change in scene or
character is possible without a conforming march forward of represented
time.27 Thus, each new appearance of theatrical personages signals the
succession of chronological moments.

The artist of Montecassino prepares the arrival of characters
well. Few instances of unmotivated entrances or leave-takings can be
documented. Scenes normally grow organically either from the immediate
dramatic surroundings and exegencies of the episode itself or they
result from previous happenings, many of which are inherent in the story.
The Cassinese playwright calls up the armed band which will capture
Jesus by linking Judas petition,

[E]rgo factum maturetis

et clientes mihi detis

probes atque strenuous

(Montecassino 25-27),

with the willing accommodation of Caiaphas.28

BenP contains a complex of individual actions related to Mary
Magdalene, all of which offer in microcosm hints of temporal succession
for the entire play. Highlights from several hours are telescoped
into a few verses which reveal the worldliness of Mary. During her

immediate speeches Mary is seen engaged in secular activities, among

them the praising of her life style, the buying of accoutrements of her

85

trade, and the seduction of a young man.29 It is here that a lust for
life, the feeling of heady dramatic accomplishment emanating from the
incorporation of metrical and lyrical forms from contemporary secular
love poetry, of the particularly lively Latin Vagantenliedersoand ver—
nacular Minnepoesie,31 are employed to enliven Mary's character. The
well-conceived poetry of the Clerici Vagantes is subsumed into the larger
structure of the Passion play and serves to define Mary as a peculiarly
medieval person to a degree which will be realized in few characters
throughout the development of German medieval theater.

Upon falling asleep, an angel appears to Mary,32 informing her
of Jesus' presence at Simon's dwelling.33 The angel retreats and Mary
awakens to continue her activities, visiting a merchant with her hand-
maiden to purchase rouge.34 An angel appears a second time, presumably
addressing Mary with words previously spoken.35 Mary's second reaction
is as absent as her first, for she continues her revels, seemingly
unaware of the meaning or content of the heavenly message.36 After a
third encounter with the celestial messenger, Mary abruptly recognizes
her sin and delivers a moving Latin lament.37 Although the conceptual
duration of the complex is not specifically related textually, the three
short subsections set off from one another by the message of the angel,
insinuate a chronological linking of temporally successive moments.
In these scenes, the chain of figures, seen by PUtz as the consequence
of careful temporal and dramatic organization,38 fosters a meaningful
continuity of action between individual scenes. Unfortunately, this is
not the case for the entire presentation.

I have previously remarked on the relatively well-developed causal

qualities of Mbntecassino. As was stated, it is not this author's

86
style to invent unrelated scenes or characters. A certain carrying
over of figures from one scene to the next assures a smoothness and
constancy of temporal movement not as highly developed in BenP.
Sections which at first glance appear to be either inserted for their
own sake or unmotivated according to an essential chain of figures most
often occur at the same time as the central event, and run parallel to
it in another location. These can logically only be recorded in a quasi-
successive order in the manuscript.

Despite the general absence of such devices throughout the drama,
one interesting example of the binding of scenes through a chain of
figures in BenP merits consideration. Like so many of the worthy
dramatic qualities developed by the author, this illustration origin-
ates in material which investigates the Magdalene. The connection
between scenes depicting her recognition of sin and her forgiveness by
Jesus is so logical, growing out of her extreme spiritual agitation and
quest for repentance, that any temporal development not leading directly
to her Master is unthinkable. Mary goes from a situation involving her
lover and diabolus39 to a profound vocalization of her sorrow,4
pointedly symbolized by her investment of mourning cloth.41 Her
realization, accompanied by an angelic assurance, ". . . gaudium est
angelis dei super una pecatrice penitentiam agente",42 elicits extreme
contrition in Mary; her visit to the merchant to purchase precious oint-
ment is the only activity which separates her from Christ's loving
forgiveness,which lightens Mary's sinful burden. It forms a logical
continuation of immediately preceeding events, concretizing Mary's
feelings into action. Her presence in each of the subsections serves to

unite them into a thematic whole and to reflect the smooth transition

87
of successive moments.

If we were to compare identical scenes in Montecassino and BenP,
the dramatic strategies of both would become immediately apparent.
The appearance and withdrawal of characters affords us just such an
opportunity.

I have already investigated the effective dramatics of Judas'
introduction of those who will accompany him to Gethsemane on his
errand of treachery, noting how well their presence is mandated from
internal dialog shared by the disciple and Caiaphas. The identical
episode in BenP shows no such motivation, for the characters who take
part in Christ's arrest seem to simply be present at the time Judas
agrees to betray Him. They are introduced, not by the request for arms
and men, but by a suggestion of the high priests, who sing in response
to Judas' words:

Iesum tradas propere!
turbam tecum accipe
et precede viriliter!
(BenP 59-61)
Compared with its nearest generic relative, the succession of events
in BenP, composed by the organized coming and going of characters, is
not as well defined, not as carefully established, and not as potent.

The single images simply move too rapidly and the causal sequence is

not adequately reinforced.

Succession by Dialog

The sense of succession in dramatic works is not created solely by
means of spatial alternation and movement of characters onto or off the
stage; speeches given these figures accommodate a temporal-linguistic

potential upon which the artist can also build. Allusion may be made

88
to events leading up to dramatized scenes and temporal association drawn
between represented or reported developments. Speeches may provide
indications of the represented duration of events without recourse to
dramatization of all pertinent actions predating it. This can be ac-
complished by the skillful manipulation of words and tenses in dialog.
Repetition of individual key words and alternation of speaker serve to
place actions and details into temporal succession.43 A dialog con-
sisting of question and answer likewise reveals unavoidable temporal
order and forms a special category of alternation in repetition, "denn
er greift vor und kommt auf die Sache zuriick."44 The ensuing temporal
structure,determined by the movement from query to reply,is a model of
dramatic anticipation.4S
Mbntecassino reveals several interesting illustrations of linguistic

ordering. The effective interplay of tenses in the bargain scene, as
Judas responds to Caiaphas, broadens the scope of presentation while
avoiding the potentially hazardous elongation of many episodes and
resultant loss of dramatic intensity. The reader becomes immediately
aware that several important activities have already passed before the
' outset of dramatization when Judas remarks:

.[I]esus deli seminator

nostre gentis supplantator

tetro fraudis nomine.
Multos nostrum iam seduxit
in errorem quos perduxit
fraudulento nomine.
(Mbntecassino 7-12)

Although the exact definition of the acts subverting the people is
lacking, the perceived reality emanating from them is brought into focus.

The temporal horizons of the scene are suddenly widened, revealing a

meaningful duration of pertinent circumstances extending well beyond

89
those events offered in performance. Without incorporating details
about the actions themselves, the author successfully establishes the
prior chain of events culminating in Judas' betrayal and provides a
certain hint of the causality behind the disciple's actions.

Judas also suggests a continuation of Christ's activities and an
unhealthy outcome for the people if these past deeds are allowed to
go on. His declaration,

Cui si vita perdurabit
totus populos errabit
suis blandis monitis
(Mbntecassino 13-15),
effectuates a dramatic combination of undramatized past happenings with
their logical future outcome if permitted beyond the represented 'now'.
Such uncomplicated dialog carries with it an unassuming dramatic
strength of impressive quality. It preserves an essential density and
concentration of action, for it leads directly back to the represented
time of Judas' betrayal. The motivation of coming events is contained
in the traitor's words:
Tradam vobis ipsum vere
si vos vultis respondere
digne meis meritis.
(Montecassino 16—18)
Judas' kiss is prepared and made dramatically ineluctable by the effect-
ive combination of past, present, and future tenses.

Jesus' speeches provide clues culminating in represented facts,
too. As Judas seals his bargain with the damning sign, the Lord asks
why the armed men did not seize Him while He preached in the temple.
The reader is made aware by this device that at some time previous to

the arrest Christ was in the temple, and another purely tangential

consideration has been dealt with without recourse to dramatization.

90
The Lord contrasts that incident with the present one, again employing
a device which expands the temporal structure without creating excessive
length, a common weakness of a great many later Passions. The dramatic
strength of the biblical record is thus made more obvious to us, as these
observations by Christ emanate directly from it.

In comparison with the trenchant exploitation of inherently dramatic
material as shown above, Ben? often disregards such possibilities for
theatrical creation. The sequence of Judas' bargain and betrayal is
hardly comparable to the same scene in Montecassino, The tenor of the
episode is manifested in the rubrics: ". . . Iudas veniat festinandb

."47 His words have little of the

et querat oportunitatem tradendi. . .
temporal power detected in Montecassino. The Speech,

0 pontifices, o viri magni consilii,

Iesum volo vobis tradere

(BenP 131-132),

contains only a salutation accompanied by the matter-of-fact statement
of Judas' intention. Throughout the entire sequence no allusion to
prior events is made. If Judas had not taken exception to the anoint-
ment of the Savior by Mary Magdalene, no indication of causality would
be forthcoming. Even the scriptural reference to Christ's previous
appearance in the temple is absent. A statement of the most general
proportions is made by Jewish pontifs as they deliberate the Nazarene's
fate. They mention His doing of signs and wonders, fearing that the
pepulace will believe in Him should they release Him.48 Their brief
recapitulation of Christ's general practices moves somewhat closer to
specific explanation when they report to Pilate one of His prophecies:

"Hic dixit: Sblvite templum hoc et post triduum reedificabo illud."49

Although the accruing dramatic effect, a tentative succession of

91
undramatized events to realized action, is accomplished by the movement
from a general statement to a more explicit formulation of it, the net
result is insufficiently underscored. It constitutes merely an ap-
plication or restatement of Scripture without the additional temporal
dramatization found in Mbntecassino.

An indistinct but prevalent device which occurs in BenP is the vocal
expression by persons as they narrate their reactions to immediately
preceding events. Longinus does this when he muses on Christ's true
nature. Upon regaining his sight, Longinus remarks:

Er hat ein zaichen an mir getan,
wan ich min sehen wider han.
(BenP 269-270)
The succession of instantly associated events is reinforced by the use
of a perfect tense, indicating the temporal order between them. This

observation, however, hardly convinces one of the dramatic qualities of

succession in the whole of BenP.50

Several instances of inquiry and retort among figures are found in
Montecassino. With few exceptions they emanate from the Gospels and
their place in the text is probably obligatory for the faithful repre—
sentation of the biblical story. An effective alteration of the normal
following of answer to question is created by Christ's silence during
His interrogations. The dramatic significance of this response will be
investigated in subsequent paragraphs.

Little need be said concerning the application of inquiry and retort
in BenP, as their appearance is generally not fostered by a desire to
exercise the theatrical potential of creating succession through the

intimate linking of thoughts and opinions. Of the many instances in

92
Ben? where questions form a dramatic succession with answers, none are

original with the author.

Plot

Every theatrical presentation presumes a movement forward of
action through time.51 A point of inception is identifiable, as is the
final consummation of action. The means by which authors cause their
characters to interact involves an ordering of events into a succession:
this chronology forms the plot. Whereas medieval playwrights may be
bound to the basic material contained in religious teachings, they can
and do exercise a certain freedom to order the plot of the story
within established outlines. The dramatic manipulation of plot develops
from relatively unoriginal presentations in Group I to extensive and
highly-differentiated entities in Group III, as redactors add characters
and embellish scenes offered in their infancy in Group I.

It is a curious phenomenon of drama that many actions appear
twice during exposition, initially in an announced form and again as a
realized happening.52 Although units of plot may conceivably be re-
ported by a figure alone,53 that motion from announcement to execution
need not occupy an appreciable degree of represented time, the majority
of examples of plot-induced succession in Passions offers at least some
information relating the plan to its realization.

Plot manipulation, if structured well, may create suspense, for it
contains the potential for observable development, allowing the aud-
ience to become active participants in the story; its interest is piqued
by the succession which originates in announced intention and eyentual

outcome or lack thereof. But in truly effective drama there exists a

93
necessary separating interval between announcement and completion.

54 With few

Texts of Group I normally do not exploit this potential.
exceptions the first appearance Of such a plot unit is immediately
or quickly followed by its realization. Thus the quality of possible
suspense is limited.

Of the numerous techniques available for use in connecting one
portion of plot to another in temporal succession, the Passions of
Group I contain three. Two are nearly unavoidable consequences of
theatrical presentation and the sacred core material from which the
plays draw theirstatements.Passion plays were not intended to be
original texts; their dramatic efficacy for medieval audiences lay in
their ability to enliven Scripture through mimetic performance.
Nevertheless, the fact that Group I makes little use of original material
does not detract from its final forms. .The appearance of succession
by plot manipulation confirms the observations on the dramatic qualities
of the Gospel stories as well as the participation of medieval drama
in identifiable fundamental requirements of the dramatic genre.

a) Design and Realization

When characters approach the stage, presenting a course of action
to the audience or to other characters, a series of anticipatory fila-
ments are drawn between two related, but temporally distinct events.
The plan exposes the intent of a figure to set an activity into motion;
the result is separated from :its inception by succeeding moments, the
latten,in effect causing the former. Primary temporal movement is
implicit.

In Mbntecassino Judas first promises to betray his Master. A few

speeches later the realization of the agreement comes forth. He

94
reveals the sign of treason to his followers, stating;
Vbs hoc signum habeatis
illum caute teneatis
cui iam tradam osculum.
(Mbntecassino 31—33)

The interval separating the first mention of the event from its
realization is slight, as the confrontation in the Garden almost
immediately follows Judas' announcement.SS

A second adaptation of the technique is evidenced upon the blas-
pheming of the soldiers as they voice their intention to crucify Jesus
as Pilate had ordered.56 Their decision is once again directly
supervened by the next logical step in the sequence of actions and Christ
is indeed led to His death.57

Judas' plan of betrayal is contained in all four Gospels,58
though John is the only writer to suggest that the betrayal took place
in the same night as the arrest. The other three accounts suggest that
Judas made a bargain at some previous time and waited for the oppor-
tunity to turn Jesus over to authorities. Two Gospels report Judas
giving the sign of the kiss to those accompanying him shortly before
they reach the Mount of Olives.59 The second example cited above, while
not contained in Holy Writ, conforms to a natural outgrowth of the
words, "et educunt illum ut crucifigerent eum",60 placed into dramatic
surroundings. Though the words are not original with the author, the
use of them as a technique to reflect the temporal succession of events
in his play increases the technical and structural strength of the story.

In addition to the examples cited for Mbntecassino, BenP exhibits

a number of novel representatives, due in part to its inclusion of more

represented time. The first witness to the technique is found when the

95
Savior proclaims his desire to dine with Zacchaeus.61 In this instance
the realization of the initial statement is intimated, but not defined.
Logically, the meeting must have occurred to afford the tax collector an
opportunity to declare his intention to repay his debtors,62 a promise
offered at some interval after the original encounter in the Bible, but
which immediately comes after Christ's statement in the play. A useful
time lapse is lacking at this point; the transition from announcement to
realization is too abrupt and uncertain to enhance the dramatic value
of the play.

An analogous situation results when Longinus resolves to end the
Redeemer's suffering with a thrust of his spear.63 Here the interval
between plan and accomplishment is nonexistent, as the verbalization of
Longinus' intent coincides with its completion. This correspondence is
indicated by the rubrics which accompany his speech: "Tune Longinus veniat
cum lancea et.perfbret latus eius et ille dicat apertu. ."64

Two further instances of this technique center upon the acts of
Mary Magdalene. She suggests to her handmaiden that they buy rouge from
the merchant, "die uns machen schoene unde volgetane!"6S A repetition
of the lines beginning, "Chramer, gip di varwe mier!"ffl3and the merchant's
response, "Ich gib eu varwe, deu ist gugt . . .",67 combine to form the
second, more specific appearance of the decision to purchase. The plan
leads naturally to the fulfillment of the characters' stated intentions
and mirrors an integral succession of events within the plot.

Mary again chooses the vernacular to stress her intention of remain-
ing at her Lord's feet until He redeems her from sin.68 The conceptual
power of vernacular German, employed to touch bystanders with its

delivery and simple intensity, cuts through the formal/doctrinal

96
characteristics of Latin to speak directly to medieval man in his own
everyday medium. Jesus' absolution is separated from Mary's pronounce-
ment by fourteen lines of dialog between Him and Simon, including the
parable of the two debtors. The realization of the announcement
transpires as Christ forgives the sinful woman and concludes with the
benediction, "vade in pace!"§9 Mary's original design has done much to

cause the scene of fergiveness and make the realization almost inevitable.

b) Cbmmand and Execution

Temporal succession within the plot can also be.structured through
the simple command. The decree constitutes the primary impetus for an
act. The adjuring figure presupposes an attendant execution at some
later time, forcing the two singular events into a commonality of cause
and effect. Anticipatory forms in the guise of commands can, if pro-
perly organized, create an intense feeling of suSpense, since the
command may not necessarily be carried out. It may as easily be side-
tracked by other, unforseen actions, or be perverted into another form
not anticipated by its originator. The possibility for substantial
artistry is inherent: ,Wie-Spannung' may be reinforced as the interval
between command and execution passes in the presence of spectators.
Their attention can easily be focused on the manner in which the anti-
cipatory command becomes reality.

In both Group I texts the succession of command and execution is
immediate, rarely separated by more than a few words. The overwhelming
majority of textual evidence for this technique originates in Scripture.
Although a temporal ordering of events emerges from each instance, the
dramatic potential for suspense is rarely realized. In Group I com-

mands are routinely carried out exactly as they are given.

97
Mbnteoassino demonstrates a great number of command-execution

successions which drive the plot forward, not into a complex set of
suspenseful relationships, but into the next logically related situation
or moment. Each grammatical imperative institutes a response, Judas'
request, ". . . et clientes mihi detis",70 calls forth the actual com-
pliance by Caiaphas;71 the Lord's command, ”dicite quem queritis",7
initiates a response from the armed men;73 the oft—repeated demand by

. . . . 74
the hlgh priests, "Cruczfige eum", finally is fulfilled and the real-

ization of the command takes form on the Skull.75

The instance of'Uror's dream and her requests of Pilate define the
single example where the commands of a figure are actually disregarded.
The qualification, however, must be made that Pilate had every intention
and desire to carry them out, but was hindered by the uncontrollable
will of the Hebrew high priests.

The Christ of Ben? often speaks in a prescriptive manner, His
words normally eliciting an immediate response and no situation conducive
to suspense arises.76 A succession of phrases and sentences in time is
called into being, but is supplied by the biblical account or is an

. . . . . 77
exten51on of this material in dramatized form.

c) Mention and Appearance of Characters

A third technique of infusing a work with temporal succession while
simultaneously eliciting spectator suspense and building awareness
without recourse to lengthy monologs is contained in the preparation of
the entrances of central figures onto the stage.78 Individuals of
minor distinction may provide anticipatory information which finally
culminates in the arrival before them of the very object of their

speech. Goethe effectively raises the level ofexpectancy for his

98

audiences when he introduces Egmont by this valuable technique in the
drama of the same name. By reciting the previous acts, opinions, and
intentions of a dramatis persona, by offering descriptions of his per-
sonal qualities, and by defining his physical or mental capacities,
persons of lesser dramatic or doctrinal significance give notice and
temporally generate the eventual approach of the figure of greatest
interest. This entrance becomes the focus of an anticipatory form which
may create suspense in the audience. The person about whom so much has
been reported comes into sight; the playgoer knows him well, though he
has not yet uttered a word.

Montecassino prepares Christ's emergence in this manner. The
prior speeches of Judas and Caiaphas, while not concentrating solely on
Him, provide bits of information about this exceedingly dangerous man,
whom we first meet in the attitude of prayer.79 The revelation by
Judas of the seditious acts of the Savior contrasts remarkably well with
His humble countenance. Time is also telescoped into a series of high-
points, wherein are described the years of Christ's ministry in their
quintessential forms. Without calling up great testimonies of wrong-
doing in monolog or dialog, Judas identifies the perceived results of
the Master's sojourn among men: He has sought to supplant the established
religious authority and has seduced men into error with his new
teachings.80 With barely five lines of text the author has provided us
with an enlarged conception of the period leading up to the Passion, and
effectively set the stage for the appearance of the Christ. His eventual

emergence is temporally and logically ordered.8

99

A careful reading of Ben? reveals a complete absence of any ap-
plication of this technique. The capacity for suspenseful ordering
through mention and appearance remains unrealized, for Jesus acts from
the very beginning of the tale until it is nearly completed. Indeed,
from a standpoint of effective exploitation of this means of ordering
and compelling future events, Montecassino stands alone in all the
manuscripts under study; it alone offers a useful example of this

technique in a well-realized form.

Tempo of'Succession

The ritualistic and commemorative nature of both texts from Group I
causes certain problems for any meaningful discussion of the illusionary
duration of staged events. From a technical point of view, the passage
of time is greatly accelerated by the skeletal character of both
Passions.

Montecassino speeds the tempo of succession through its straight-
forward account of the development towards Christ's sacrifice. As
events quickly march after one another, the possibility for purposeful
retardation disappears. Few instances of suspense formed by the mingling
of acceleration with retardation of tempo are forthcoming. There occur
nonetheless two scenes which seem to be lifted out of the time rush,
two encounters which are highlighted with additional verses and dramatic
time. Of primary interest are the conglomerates of the trials before
Pilate. The first scene encompasses 88 verses with the inclusion of
Umop's dream and entreaty to her husband that he not condemn the
Innocent One, while the second trial is reported in 45 lines. Were the

Flagellation included as part of the second appearance before Pilate,82

100
as it is in later Passions, the two trial scenes would exhibit lengths
greater than the rest and perhaps indicate increased importance.

Until the trial sequences commence, the succession of events has
continued at a quick pace. Here detail is significantly increased,
delaying the immediate succession of anticipation and realization.
Audience attention is directed not only to the individual arguments of
priests and the ineffective retorts of Pilate, but the eventual outcome
is also postponed for some time by the dramatization of Uxor's dream.
In fact, a certain suspense is created by Pilate's vow to accomplish
his wife's wishes to avoid a false judgment. This is, of course,
exactly contrary to the final outcome, as Pilate gradually must give
ground to soldier and priest.

Whatever the original stimulus for the inclusion of this scene
may have been, the dramatic effect of retarding and even temporarily
calling the expected outcome of the trial into question through a
point-for-point embellishment of extra-biblical material provides an
effective slowing of tempo. The spectator can follow the unfolding of
the second appearance before Pilate with increased attention. But,
of those scenes presented by this artist, it should be noted that the
trials are also the longest of the Gospel records.83 With the exception
of Uxor's dream, whatever retardation of succession occurs between
individual scenes through extended analysis of trials in Montecassino
seems to result from source material.

One further incidence of retardation may have taken place during
the Crucifixion. Unfortunately, this state of affairs cannot be assumed
with any degree of certainty, for several events subordinate to it

are lacking. A more complete manuscript might well add considerable

101
detail to the doctrinal highpbint of the drama.

As previously noted, BenP also haStens temporal succession. Small
remembrances of no more than three Verses constitute each of the first
five scenes. The succession from one to another could hardly be ac-
complished more rapidly. Too little detail is afforded for each event
to be a complete dramatic entity. The velocity of succession can only
provide a fleeting remembrance of several important incidents in Christ's
life, widely separated in historical time. The succession itself is
not important; one event does not emanate from its immediate predecessor,
nor is the quantity of time left undefined between scenes of importance.
The significance of the entire group is that they occurred at all. Such
episodes do not need detailed analysis by the dramatist. Temporal
acceleration serves to focus attention on their cumulative effect.

Each provides a clue to Jesus' subsequent behavior and especially His
interaction with Mary Magdalene. It does not appear mere coincidence
that, after the recapitulation of several actions (extended in objective,
historical time over months or years) within sixteen verses, a scene of
many remarkable qualities and of some length immediately follows,

wherein succession is retarded. Increased interest and doctrinal sig-
nificance result from the interplay of blinding acceleration and

sudden retardation.84

Several modern literary theorists report that such a massive amount
of time dramatized in the most foreshortened of ways presents no funda-
mental difficulty for a bystander. Ferdinand Junghans may speak for

them:.

102

Diese dramatische Zeiterstreckung' wird im aesthetischen

Erlebnis annahernd so unauffallig, wie die wirkliche Zeit

selber, wahrend derer wir als Erlebende im Parkett sitzen.

In der Illusion der festgefugten, mitreiszenden, dramatischen

Entwicklung verblaszt das angebliche Zeitmasz der Handlung

augenscheinlich zu einer untergeordneten Zeitfunktion des

Konstruktiven.85
The opening scenes of BenP, although encompassing a great quantity of
historical time with large lacunae between speeches, do not by them-
selves make the play any less dramatic than later counterparts which
may concentrate action into several hours or moments. The result is
merely distinctive and unusual.

Most of the other sections of BenP show a fundamental acceleration
of succession which originated in traditional biblical material.
But when this author takes up the Crucifixion, an extended application
of lyrical elements effectuates retardation and displays the potential
to engage spectator interest. Marian laments form the core of such
consideration.86 The action of the play can no longer be defined solely
by succession, for it has reached an unavoidable climax; the Passion is
realized. Time does not move forward with as much perceived speed as
it did in earlier settings. Succession is no longer of compelling

interest. Several lyrical elements retard the flow of represented

time to the point of interrupting or suspending it completely.

a) Temporal Parallelism

The dramatic succession of time cannot be completely defined by an
analysis of acceleration or retardation. Several instances can be
cited where time is not only retarded, but recapitulated as well.
There results a phenomenon called temporal parallelism. This happens
when the artist exploits scenic parallels, reporting separate events

as if they were temporally successive, but clearly indicating his

g 103
intention that they be considered simultaneous in represented time,
A sure indication of the playwright's manipulation of material in
time ensues. Brinkmann has suggested that the application of
temporal parallelism in medieval theater owes its genesis to the
simultaneous stage, open to all Spectators on all sides. The possibility
of Speaking and acting in one location, while the playgoers observed
mimed activity in another, allowed two or more incidents previously

87 Thus,

only presented in succession to be Shown at the same time.
it can be seen that even the earliest Passions exploit the Simultaneous

stage.

The artist of Montecassino represents numerous activities simul—
taneously. He presents Peter's denial within the identical represented
time as the false witnesses against Jesus, perhaps located in the general
vicinity of Caiaphas' domicile, but somewhat apart from the locus to
which Jesus was taken.88 Through this technique the playwright is able
to provide greater detail concerning events which are related and
temporally coincidental. A similar ordeal in two locations leads to
diametrically opposed results; Jesus accepts the slander, while Peter
denies the truth. Peter's thrice-repeated denial, opposed to the
commencement of the trials of his Master, simply, but eloquently,
heightens the pathos and dramatic intensity of Christ's sorrow as the
two scenes come together in the rubric: "Ad hec gallus cantet et Iesus

."89 The simple glance of the Savior towards a

respiciat Petrum.
failing disciple becomes a more significant gesture by means of the
technique of parallelism. The resultant scene, Peter's lament, occurs

coincidentally with Jesus' deliverance to Pilate and with Judas'

104

remorse,90 a curious triple-tiered parallel.91

In similar fashion, BenP organizes spatially separate scenes into
temporally corresponding parallels. One of the most intriguing events
connects the Redeemer's repast with Simon to the introduction of Mary
Magdalene. The dramatization of the meeting between Simon and Jesus
is interrupted in the text by the Magdalene's joyful "Mundi delectatio".92
Her entire subsection must be interpreted as filling part of represented
time which was not dramatized in the immediately preceding section.
For upon her conversion from the world by the angel's message and her
subsequent searching out of her Lord, Mary is first informed that He
graces the home of the pharisee.93 Proximate to her miraculous con-
version, Mary visits the merchant a second time, now purchasing costly

4 She then immediately

ointment with which to anoint her Master's head.9
proceeds to Simon's house where she interrupts the assembly, as is clear
from the ensuing speeches. Simon protests that a prophet would have
known her to be a sinner,95 whereupon Jesus utters the words:

"Simon, habeo tibi aliquid dicere!"96 Textual evidence in the form of
this statement and the identification of the man in question Show that
the BenP author has ingeniously structured his message in represented
time so as to take advantage of the reinstitution of separate scenes

into their mutual consequence.

The context of the raising of Lazarus accommodates yet another
instance of a temporal parallel“ This example is less transparent than
the first. Jesus is in the process of resuscitating Hi5 old friend.

We discover that during his period of represented time98 Judas seeks
99

an opportunity to betray his Lord and indeed makes the fateful contact.

Treason is set in motion, the sign of the betrayal kiss identified, and

105
the armed men get underway.. At the same interval it is reported:
CWInterea.Iesus fhciat utnmos est in cena."100 There would seem to be
an inherent incongruity in the playing of the Lazarus scene, the betrayal,
and the inititation of the Last Supper Simultaneously. A logical ex- '
planation might be that a certain degree of recapitulation of represented
time may have been demonstrated, but not a complete contemporaneity of
action. Here, as in so many other instances, stage directions provide
hints of the author's temporal conception, but do not reveal its
entirety. It is indeed questionable that a live performance would
adequately answer the question either, although some of the structural
difficulties might be clarified if one could see a Simultaneous drama-
tization unfold and observe the interaction between characters and

groups.

b) Interruptionland suspension

In the first preserved Passion in Western Europe the phenomenon
of an interruption of temporal motion occupies an unclear status.
In Mbntecassino no indications were found to substantiate its appear-
ance. Its nearest representative seems to be the diminutive three-line
planctus of the Virgin. This, however, may well be more closely aligned
with suspension as I have defined it. Although it cannot be exactly
determined how effective the circumstance was from a theoretical stand-
point due to the incompleteness of the text, this feeling of human
grief and remembrance at the close of the Crucifixion101 may have
halted represented time and drawn the audience into a greater psycho-
logical participation.

From the lament emerge two significant facts: the vernacular of

the three lines is surrounded by Latin; the verses seem to have been

106

102 Use of the ver-

sung chorally with the assistance of lay women.
nacular at this point in the drama is critical, as is serves not only

to underscore the significance of Mary's reaction to her Son's suffering,
but also to isolate the thoughts linguistically from the remainder of
the drama. Represented time is not interrupted by a character from the
historical period of Christ's life so much as the spectators are drawn
into momentary participation in represented time itself. The divisions
between actor and spectator cease to exist. The chorus assumes, if only
momentarily, the pain of Mary. Commemoration has moved from witness

of performance to active participation; an emotional bond is thus

temporarily created, suggesting in concrete terms the meaning of the

Scriptures for twelfth-century religious man.

The peculiar inclusion of vernacular German within the context of
a Latin Passion produces an interesting theoretical potential for
temporal interruption in BenP. As might be anticipated from the litur-
gical origins of the play, figures whose characteristics generally
emanate from the Bible consistently communicate in Latin. 0f the five
characters who speak in the vernacular, Mary Magdalene and Mary the
mother of Christ merit most attention.103

Interest in heightening spectator participation hypothesized for
Mbntecaesinolo4 is sustained and expanded in BenP. When one analyses
the contexts which include vernacular speeches, it becomes apparent that
their presence is due to something more than strict translation of Latin
verses: a dramatic strategyof greater preportions compounds an apparently
simple, naive play. As Mary Magdalene's life unfolds on stage, she

105 a;

voices her joy of living by singing secular lyrics, both in Latin nd

German. 106 Though topically related, each linguistic statement stands

107

~ alone. Latin words are more than embellishment and German verses more
than easy recapitulation. Each statement adds a particular color to

, Mary's character. Subsequent to her conversion, Mary's vernacular
outpourings of mental grief and agony over her miserable status assume
greater dramatic intensity for an audience whose native language is

the same as that employed for her revelation. Mary summarizes her
plight in Latin, beginning the "flea vita preterita, vita plena malts, "107
itself a powerful conceptualization of remorse. But as she approaches
Jesus, seeking forgiveness, Mary's speech again moves into the ver-

108 A final restatement of Mary's deep regret concludes the

109

nacular.
-vernacu1ar appearances. Through the inclusion of this lament the
tempo of succession is so altered as to allow substantial spectator
identification with Mary. Indeed, Steinbach perceives the words,
Wilde, wave, daz ich ie mart geboren", as indicating the Magdalene's
equation with the supreme symbol of mankind's lost condition and as a

110 Her

representation of human hope and longing for deliverance.
outcries, highlighted by their linguistic form, achieve dramatic intensity
through their capacity to be comprehended and to contrast effectively

with previous vernacular speeches wherein Mary's enjoyment of worldly
pleasures was suggested. The Magdalene's former lust for life has been
transformed into extreme chagrin. A suspension of dramatic succession

allows immediate audience sympathy and identification; a bridge from

represented historical time into that of the spectator has been

created.111
Wilfried Werner sees a motivation lying deeper than a simple

dramatic expansion of the Magdalene's character. He understands the

worldly elements to be a warning to spectators of the threatening

108
dangers surrounding them and of their own sinfulness. Admonitions
take on increased urgency and strength of conviction when couched
in a language readily understood by all:

Sie (die Sprache) ist einmal die Sprache der Welt und der
Gottesferne und bildet damit einen Gegenpol zum sakralen Be-
reich und sie ist zweitens die Sprache des erlosungs-
bedurftigen Menschen, der sich aus dem Zustand der Sund—
haftigkeit heraus an Gott wendet, von dem er Rettung erhofft.
Das Wesen dieser neuen Beziehung zu Gott unterscheidet sich
also von dem des religiosen Bewusztseins auf lateinisch-
liturgischer Ebene. Das heiszt, die deutsche Sprache hat ihre
Begrundung nicht darin, dasz sie lateinisch- liturgischen 1
Frommigkeitsgehalt weiteren Kreisen zuganglich machte - 12

Of even greater impact is the vernacular planctus uttered by the
Virgin, which, like other laments, broadens and enhances its Latin

113 °

parent forms. Mary approaches the Crucifixion scene accompanied by

John and immediately commences the moving German lament, ”Awe, awe

e!"114

. .e . . .
mach hzut unde immer w This separation of a desperate monolog

of deep emotional impact from the following sequences, "FZete fideles

anime",115 and "Planctus ante nescia", 116

draws attention to the scene,
adding yet another opportunity for lyrical and emotional contact in

the drama. The language in which Mary's lament near the Cross is
communicated provides the context with a strongly personal experience,
much as it did for the sections involving Mary Magdalene. A general
human identification with both characters, which might have lost its
intensity but for the vernacular language employed, is made possible.
Though Mary's lament is in many respects only a ‘parsimonious outline of
dramatic values associated with effective theatrical performance, there
exists a lyric depth to it which makes its human responses stunning to

even a twentieth-century reader. Medieval spectators must have'exper-

ienced similar emotional reactions, being deeply moved, and through that

109

communication brought nearer their God.117

Vernacular language in a play where Latin abounds draws audiences
more closely to the portrayed facts. Events assume a familiar quality,
as dramatic time seems to momentarily halt its movement. It is also
indicative of the developing tendency of artists to expand formal
planctua forms in all languages into structures which increasingly rely
on native tongues to make the compassio Mariae more responsive to human
emotional stimuli. From this time forth Mary's laments will take on a
depth of feeling radically different from the formality of previous
centuries. I shall have more to say about the specific points of develop-

ment in future paragraphs.

When we consider suspension in Group I plays, the occasions when
a dramatis persona drops completely out of the role of actress or
actor to comment upon events, our attention is once again directed to
the sequence of the Crucifixion. In the height of her lament, the Virgin
delivers statements which in later plays are definitely identified with
the act of dramatic suspension. Her words contain the hint of de-
liberate temporary abolition of her role and the substitution of obser-

vation on the Crucifixion procedings by a non-role playing person:

lat iuch erbarmen, wip unde man!
but iwer ougen sehen dar
und nemt der marter rehte war!'

(BenP 224—226)
The suggestion is strong that the audience has been directly addressed,
that the dramatic framework has been subtly compromised, the play now
assuming something closely resembling a church service, as Mary urges

spectators to share her suffering.118

110
The final outcry of the Savior from the cross, "E — Zy, E — Zy,
lama eabactany, hoe eat Deua, Dena meua ut quid dereliquiati me?",119
appears to fill all the requirements of suspension. It contains a
speech fellowed by narrative explanation of the meaning of the strange
words. Fr. Schumacher, in his analysis of narrative elements in the
Autun B Passion, makes a point of the early inclusion of narrative forms
in the body of dramatic texts: "Les auteurs de quelque drames primitifs
ont admis des gloses ou des indications scéniques dans le texte du

.."120 He quotes the passage at the top of the page

dialogue .
from BenP’as evidence, and attempts to strengthen his case with the
aid of Ben? 15 ("Rabi [quad interpretur magieter], peto, ut mecum hodie
veZia mandacare"). In the instance of this Passion these sentences
should not be relied upon to prove either early narrative inclusion
by intent or to indicate meaningful structure. The first words are merely
a direct quotation of Matthew xxvii: 46, and the latter closely resembles
John i: 38 ("Rabbi [quad dicitur interpretatum Magister] . . .").
When one remembers that instances of scribal inattention may account for
several apparent inconsistencies of dramatic construction within BenP,121
the inclusion of the lament of Christ on the Cross should not be
ascribed to any real interest in creating suspense or introducing
meaningful narrative.122

Both plays exhibit a structure of succession which, with the
exception of the Magdalene's appearances and the less dramatic raising
of Lazarus in BenP, procede relentlessly to the highpoint of our Lord's
Passion. Indeed, Mbntecassino makes something of a virtue of its

.skeletal form by swiftly moving from one event to another, not deliber—

ating on motivation or character. Its succession drives towards Golgotha

111

without so much as a pause for even a scene of such doctrinal sig-
nificance as the Last Supper. BenP'prefers another type of drama-
tization. Although it, too, omits an extended presentation of the Pass-
over meal, the writer chooses to dwell at length on Christ's teachings
of repentance and forgiveness in the sequence of the Magdalene. Its
succession is therefore slightly more determined in its gravitation
towards Calvary. But the moments of lyrical lingering on Mary's
character do not obviate the necessity of the Master's sacrifice; they

only forestall it and increase its poignancy.

DISCOURSE 0N MARY MAGDALENE

Throughout the analysis of BenP thus far completed, the personality
of Mary Magdalene has continually made its importance felt. I have
identified numerous situations in which her activities, both prior and
subsequent to her conversion, hint at the great significance she
held for medieval man. The amount of presentational time in which this
woman occupies center stage likewise seems to confirm a special authorial
interest in her, for of the entire 289 verses, 107 of them are devoted
in some way to the Magdalene. Questions inevitably arise as to what
cultural and religious values may lie behind this dramatic concern and
the answers can be found in the very nature of Mary Magdalene, as
defined by centuries of inquisitive thought and doctrinal investigation
by learned and devout men of the Church.123

For the Middle Ages the figure known as Mary Magdalene comprised a
synthesis of three distinct biblical personalities, those of Mary of

Magdala (sister of Martha and Lazarus), Mary of Bethany, and the woman

'who, in the company of the Virgin Mary, watched beneath the Cross , and

112

to whom the Risen Lord chose to first appear. All these persons were
combined into one character with the aid of Luke's account of the sinful
woman who anointed the Lord and washed His feet during the visit to
Simon the Pharisee.124 Each of these personalities offered certain
dramatic traits which could be exploited in many situations to
varying degrees. The synthesis of personality provided the medieval
dramatist with ample latitude to stress or concentrate upon what he
wished to convey.125 As a result of the medieval understanding of Mary
Magdalene the gates of strict spiritual and religious development of
medieval drama were swung Open to admit numerous secular or profane
sequences,126 which differentially affected not only the tone or the
acceptance of the drama, but its central structure as well. One
thought on the essence of life of medieval times drew our ancestors
towards this child of the world, for in her they often saw themselves.
Marie Bath reminds modern readers of the absolute dicotomy of religious
thought during this period of history, when the world, things external,
those realities of life this side of death, were to be utterly shunned
and the eternal values of spiritual life and inner direction cultivated:

Das Weltkind geht der Verdammung in der Hglle entgegen, das

Gotteskind erwartet Seligkeit im Himmel. Aus dieser Lebens-

anschauung heraus, verbunden mit den biblischen Traditionen

und hineingetragen in sie wird dfig Behandlung der Maria~

Magdalenen-Scenen verstandlich.

The character of the Magdelene is, thus, a peculiarly medieval

phenomenon,128 originating in the early centuries of the period.129 A

cult of Mary Magdalene appears as early as the sixth century in Ephesis.130

Prior to the period covered by Group I Passions the legend of the
converted woman was disseminated throughout Christian Europe and ac-

cepted as truth by the faithful,131 and theliturgy of July 22 set

113

132
aside for the saint's celebration. During the eleventh century

the date assumed the status of‘a simple feast at Montecassino and at

. . . . 133
numerous other Benedictine establishments in the same century.

In Germany the presence of the Magdalen cult dates from the tenth
century and expanded quickly after 1060.134 Her importance. attested
by Church calendars and sanctuaries named in her honor, continued into
the Holy Roman Empire,even during times of eclipse in France and
England.135 In truth, within the years immediately surrounding the
composition of BenP a new religious order, the Penitents of'Saint
Mary Magdalene, established about 1225 in Hildesheim under the name
of the heiszfrauen (known in later years in French-speaking territories

as the Dames blanches)136

with the expressed intent of promoting the
moral recovery of prostitutes,137 assured lasting influence of Mary's
legend and concentration on her doctrinal importance, at least in the
Empire. With all the attention to the formal qualities of her veneration,
one should not overlook what in the saint spoke to medieval man. For
it is not the ascetic life of Mary Magdalene to which she is alleged to
have turned after her encounter with Christ which most interests and
compells medieval piety, but the converted sinner, as Saxer succinctly
argues:

Ce n'est plus l'ermit qu'au XIIIe sibcle on vénerait dans

les 'deserts' de des foréts, c'est la convertie et la

pénitente donnée comme modele a celles qui précisement ont

le plus bgfioin de penitence et de conversion, les femmes

tombées.
Thus is the amount of stage time devoted to this influential and sym-
pathetic converted sinner not attributable to mere chance; her impor-

tance for the tenor and structure of BenP seems to reflect her

religious importance for medieVal man, particularly to German

114
clergy and laity. Mary Magdalene is indeed representative of all

139

converted sinners and the story of her forgiveness touched med-

ieval spectators, making the injustice of the Crucifixion more intense.

ANWTCJPMTTON OF THE FUTURE

The second area of temporal structure in the drama focuses on the
techniques whereby as yet unrealized events become integrated into
the 'present' time of representation and how they suggest or even
foretell the future, thereby creating that strange uneasiness which
may build suspense in spectators. In this section I will deal with two
interrelated, but distinct concepts, each of which has many individual
facets to be enumerated in detail. To facilitate analysis, I employ a
suggested contradistinction between two major technical groupings, those
of declaration or notification (Ankundigung) and hints or intimations
of things to come (Andeutung). To clarify: a declaration is delivered
as a direct anticipation of or encroachment upon future happenings,
whereas an intimation seldom takes any spoken form. As PUtz relates:
"Sie (intimation) wendet sich nicht als Information an den Verstand,
sondern als versteckter Hinweis an die Sensibilitat des Publikums."140
Declarative anticipation affords a clear outline of succeeding events;
intimation only suggests, leaving the final picture of the future

41 Both elements develop as unavoidable

shadowy and undefined.l
consequences of dramatic endeavor, a variation in intensity and degree
of application being the only factors separating one production from
another.

,Both declaration and intimation exhibit forms or techniques which

often evolve from the story itself, suggestions within the material

115
which are generally unavoidable. An example of formally-mandated
technique in Passion plays is that of prophecy: it is an integral part
.of the tale of Jesus Christ as preserved in the New Testament. If
one is to remain faithful to that source, prophecies must become a
portion of the play. Still other methods of evoking future structures'
function solely in the realm of manipulation by the artist as he creates
meaningful dramas beyond lis stipulated source material. Such techniques
transcend. any story; in the form of monologs, prologs, or asides, to
mention only three, an artist may make the dramatization his own, he
may stamp it with his own particular understanding and relationship
to his surroundings. We must, therefbre, consider not only those
'given' techniques of simple fidelity to religious tradition, but also
those alternatives which lie totally within the domain of artistic and

aesthetic formulation of the Passion.

Proclaimed Occurrences Originating in the Material
a) Announced arrivals
One of the several techniques contained in the rubric proclaimed

occurrence ("Ankandigendes Vorkommnis")142

which anticipates the future
may be found in the announced arrival of a main figure.143 In this
manner succeeding scenes wherein the person appears are anticipated and
a certain capacity for suspense instituted. The degree of suspense
depends largely upon how the proceding scenes relate to the main
character's arrival. How will he be greeted? What plans do others
have for him? Are the persons who announce his arrival friendly or

hostile? What has characterized previous encounters between them?

Is he in control of his own destiny?

116

Mbntecaasino provides us with an imperfect example of such
anticipation. The arrival of Christ is not the main point of discussion
as the play commences. However, the entire sequence of Judas' bargain
presupposes the immediate appearance of the Lord, as much of the con-
versation of Judas and Caiaphas concerns the Teacher's previous activi-
ties. Bystanders are offered a generalized statement defining the
Lord's character from Judas' point of view. Though this be true, the
application of the technique must be viewed as a somewhat primitive
instance emanating from the Passion material and its place in the
Easter season rather than from any dramatic genius.144 Still, its
presence reflects an early application of a technique which in later
tales will grow to impressive proportions. As was the case in several
areas of succession, a full measure of suspense initiated by a certain
critical temporal distance between announcement and arrival does not
exist. The inherent anticipatory power of this structural phenomenon
has yet to be realized.

These reflections find confirmation in BenP, where little evi-
dence of this particular tool is found. A single example, the arrival
of the Jewish pontifs, announced by the chorus, can be cited,145 one
which accomplishes no more than introducing another group of players
who have long since taken their positions on stage.146 Repetition
of the situation described in Mbntecaesino becomes impossible, for

Jesus initiates the play as He calls two disciples. No suspense

through an introduction of Jesus by Judas can occur.

b) Prophecy
A powerful means by which to usher future events into the

'present' stage time comes to life in prophecy. Western readers are

117
accustomed to this phenomenon through Classical theater; they observe
oracles, soothsayers, wise men and women, and even choruses voicing,
often in puzzling form, specific portions of the future before they
happen. Some- of the most effective and suspense-filled productions
are results of masterfully organized anticipatory techniques developed
by Greek writers. .Suspense arises from audience knowledge that an
oracle may be misunderstood or that the entire process of unravelling
fate may be interrupted by an entity whose existence is found beyond
the control of mortal man.

At the center of Christian belief lies the concept of Jesus' all-
knowing and all-seeing nature. He perceived coming events, His own
suffering and death among them, but held steadfastly to the predeter-
mined wishes of His Father. Several instances of His awareness and
vision-sharing with various biblical personalities compose an important
portion of the New Testament records. This sort of future integration
forms a significant part of most Passion plays as well. Perhaps the
most meaningful variation of medieval drama from Greek plays is that
religious minds of the Middle Ages knew the absolute accuracy of
their Lord's prophecies, verified in Scripture. There arose little
ambiguity of interpretation, as was often the case with the sacred
oracles of Classical theater. Medieval audiences were able to anti-
cipate the resolution of prophecies explained by Jesus in exactly the
manner in which they were introduced, making useful dramatic application
of the phenomenon more difficult. To find really effective application
of this tool one must search extra-biblical additions to the Passions,
.where new or altered situations give rise to novel characters and

events not a part of the common religious knowledge of spectators.

118
With the widespread appearance of scriptural prophecy in mind, let us

attend its application in the texts of Group I.

At the outset of investigation a curious state of affairs arises.
Mbntecassino exhibits both instances of prophecy. The first expression
is a poetic restatement of Matthew xxvi: 64, Mark xiv: 62, and Luke
xxii: 69.147 Christ's vision, though indicating the future to the
high priests and more clearly defining His godly nature, offers little
Opportunity for suspense, as its realization lies far beyond the confines
of the Passion drama:

[Quem vi]d[etis a]udien[tem]
vos cernetie venientem
etheris nubibus.
Et videbitis sedentem
[de]i filium potentem
ad virtutia dexteram
OMOntecassino 88-93)
As in Scripture, the statement becomes the religious and legal hook
upon which Jesus' fate is hung. Cries of blasphemy from Caiaphas
exactly reproduce the reaction of his New Testament confrére.

The same can be maintained of the second prophecy, that of
Christ's promise to the good thief, a stanza which varies from biblical
records only in minor alterations designed to afford expression in
the rhythmic and metrical patterns of the verse ferm:

Amen dico tibi latro
mecum hodie in sacro
paradisco veniens.
(Montecassin0'315—317)
In this instance the message closely approximates Luke xxiii: 45.
Again, any striking or suspenseful effect is obviated by the fact that

prophetic truth lies in the realm of faith, not drama. Both prophecies

might be suggested through additional scenes tacked onto the plays, but

119

this would certainly detract from the presentation. The suffering of
God's Son for mankind would not be made more touching or vital by such
extentions. They would not fit the intention of the author nor pro-
bably even occur to him as necessary.

When an explanation for the paucity of primary anticipatory forms
is sought, one inevitably must focus on the amount of material offered
in presentation and its means of dramatization in both Passions. The
scope of Montecassino is restricted to the events immediately surround-
ing the Passion proper; little by way of secondary dramatization is
included. Scripture provides four instances of prophecy by Christ from
the time between Judas' bargain and the Crucifixion. Supplemental to
the two prophecies discussed above are those of Jesus' message to Peter
relating the disciple's denial and the crowing cock (Mark xiv: 72 and
Luke xxii: 34), followed by His warning of impending disaster to the
women of Jerusalem (Luke xxiii: 29). 0f the four visions, only that of
the crowing of the cock is resolved within the confines of the Passion.
Even this example is reported by Mark in epic fashion.148 The second
resolution of the words develops from the Last Supper, a sequence pre-
ceding the onset of dramatization in Montecassino. Mark's placement
of the prophecy in an epic framework makes its effective application to
dramatic circumstances difficult, as the force of Peter's denial would
surely lose much of its power upon insertion of a narrative element.
Peter is instead called to remembrance by his Savior's doleful glance
and the audience could well be counted upon to also make the connection.

Thus the absence of several expected instances of prophecy in
Montecassino seems to be a function of its preserved scope, of its

concentration on the time of the Passion itselffl Much the same can be said

120
of BenP, although here the absence of dramatic prophecy, of even those
visions declared by Scripture, is probably intentional. The scope of
Ben? is broad enough to admit all meaningful prophecies. However, given
the highlighting effect of the opening lines and the rapid movement from
one doctrinal link to its adjoining notion, no time remains to involve
prophecy without significantly altering the redemptive idea behind
the final form. The author's intention seems to have been doctrinally

rather than dramatically disposed.

c) Oaths

Of analogous structural function with prophecy is the oath. Their
divergence rests in the human elements present in the oath, one which
is non-critical in prophecy. No serious spectator doubts the outcome
of a sacred prophecy once the veracity of its source is established.
But when an oath is entered into, the possibility exists that the
person swearing it may not have sufficient strength or fortitude to
see it to conclusion. The final resolution is thus cast into doubt,
creating an opportunity for the author to concentrate reader or
spectator attention on the process evolving from the oath. The swearing
of revenge, an oath most prevalent in medieval Passions, causes the
character making it to review previous circumstances which have cul-

. . . . l
minated in the oath as well as to anticipate the future. 49

In previous discussion of dramatic succession in Montecassino, the
pivotal structural position occupied by Judas' initial bargain was
identified.150 Not only do the words create succession, they also make
inevitable the coming betrayal and integrate it into the dramatic

'present'. Spectators receive an open declaration of Judas' intent to

121
sell his Lord. Those horrible actions perpetrated by Christ which
preceded Judas' promise, "Tradam vobis ipsum vere", are left undefined,

51 In Montecassino the oath is

their existence only vaguely hinted.l
strengthened by the willing participation of the high priests. Thus,
not a single individual, but a group of co-conspirators defines the
force opposing the Redeemer. The sole factor yet to be established is
the manner in which the oaths will be accomplished.

The companion scene in Ben?152 lacks much of the dramatic impact
so obvious in Montecassino, for the anterior factors causing Judas'
oath are completely lacking. In similar fashion the dramatic force
of the future lessens with the position of the bargain in the larger
textual structure. There appears little action of significance to
separate the oath from its realization; no time is allowed to pass
before this particular future event becomes reality.

Both renditions pass mutely over the potential for the sequence of
the Last Supper to integrate hints of the future and effect suspense.
One of the most forceful oaths contained in Scripture binds the zealous
and confident Peter to his Savior's fate, as the fisherman swears
unyielding fidelity: "etsi oportuerit me simul commori tibi, non te

153

negabo.” These words, spoken with such conviction, prove too over-

whelming for Peter to manage; they underscore man's spiritual frailty.

BenP does include at least a mimed meal, though without any apparent

dialog.154 As in the case of prophecy, the appearances of oaths which

herald coming events is determined by the source of dramatized material

and not yet by the playwright.155

122

Forms of’Proclamation EManating from Structure

To this point our interest has concentrated on developments within
the plot of the Passion which provide glimpses into the future.
Although several supplotory methods of foreseeing and reporting yet
unrepresented incidents exist, I have investigated only those of
import for Group If Other possibilities will be introduced, documented,
and analyzed as they appear. I now turn my attention to individual
techniques supplied by the dramatist.

When we consider the various methods of proclaiming the future,
our interest is necessarily compelled to deal with Specific forms of

notification ("Formen der Ankiindigung")156

by which a playwright
structures not his tale, but its delivery. These phenomena are
characterized by methods of presenting facts to spectators such as
monologs, asides, prologs, direct addresses to the public, and the
closing remarks of acts. The latter will, naturally, not come into
effect until the advent of longer plays. I have moved the analysis of
direct address to sections concerning interruption and suspension

where its dramatic and theoretical potential becomes more understandable.
The remaining techniques concentrate on individual speeches by characters
who employ dramatic forms of notification in preference to those stress-
ing verisimilitude. Such strategies allow the dramatist some flex-
ibility in realizing the innermost cerebral processes of his characters
which epic artists most often take for granted. A playwright who

widely adopts techniques from this category concentrates on the con-
scious creation of dramatic bridges between spectator and represented

character, for these opportunities find their value in the premeditated

desire to dramatically solicit audience reactions which otherwise

123

might be lost or inactive.

It is significant for the probable intent of Group I texts and
their cultural and religious environment that, with the exception of
those conceivable illustrations from BenP of Mary Magdalene's direct
address to the audience,157 and the Virgin's call to spectators to see
her martyred Son,158 these specifically dramatic forms find no general
application in either Montecassino or BenP. The conclusion that the
texts were not primarily designed as dramatic productions but as
specimen of commemorative messages employing certain dramatic tendencies
seems inevitable. The alternative suggestion that these plays were
simply too primitive to support the application of singularly creative

159 is unfounded, especially when the active participation of so

forms
many other dramatic facets can be determined. The impelling nature of
the original material is merely exploited in unfamiliar ways and far

reasons which respond to an intention not solicitous of such tools.

Intimated Occurrences Originating in the Material

Hints of coming events may also be arranged into those indicative
of plot-imminent occurrences and those which allow the artist greater
freedom of expression and management. The forms of intimation, as did
those of notification, draw attention to specific mechanisms which the
author may manipulate beyond the mandates of his sources. Though the
atmosphere of a play, for example, may be established by plot material,
the particular forms an author chooses to enhance it, such as stage
props, meaningful noises, gestures, silence, lyric inclusions
(which I have considered under the tempo of’succession), character

resemblance and contrast, all lie in the realm of authorial disgression.

124

Artists will approach their application from various angles and will
choose those techniques which best complement their individual desires
for the work. In many instances, as a result of the vicissitudes of
textual preservation, of the lack of meaningful directions, or of our
own imperfect knowledge about props and gestures (especially those ex-
pressing well-known symbolic meanings) this potentially exciting cate-

gory proves to be of lesser value for medieval Passions than for modern

plays.

a) Time consciousness

Lively presentations normally provide multitudinous intimations of
things to come. A category which concentrates on a character's
psychological relationship to past and future modes of time is a
temporal consciousness. Putz identifies five modalities which approach
such concerns: 1) The general and relentless movement of time forward;
2) the burden of past activities; 3)incapacity before the future;
4) the determined approach of an event; 5) the problem of seizing the
appropriate moment.160 In the Gospels one discovers a clear combination
of 2) and 3) in the person of Judas. This wayward disciple reflects
upon his treason and attempts to rectify it by the repayment of his
blood money. He realizes that he cannot alter history and he cannot
halt the natural flow of events which he has initiated; once Judas has
set the wheels of treason in motion, he cannot interfere with the pure
movement of time forward. With this realization that he has ceased to
cause events to happen comes Judas' remorse and subsequent suicide.
In the words of 98:2: "Das Bewusztsein der Ohnmacht gegenuber der

Vergangenheit (ist) zu einer Andeutung kommenden Unheils (geworden)."161

125

The sequence involving the repentant Judas in Montecassino, who seeks
to alter history,162 transmits little dramatic creativity and suspense
beyond its biblical origin. Were the audience less familiar with the
doctrinal necessity or the inevitable outcome of Judas' act, it might
sense something of Jesus' future as the priests coldly refuse to
consider the traitor's pleas. They might suspect that the Son's fate
were sealed and perhaps fear for His safety. As has already been shown,
this sample of future anticipation cannot truly hope to initiate sig-
nificant suspense because of its origin and unadorned appearance. There
looms a second fact, that of the place of presentation. To believe
that religious monks were unfamiliar with every nuance of the play and
every intention behind it, especially that of commemoration of the
Passion and Resurrection, is to completely misunderstand the very
heart of medieval spirituality. Judas' recognition of the inviability
of time, as we of the twentieth century conceive it, is simply stated,
not one of the active forces behind Montecassino.

The second member of Group I exhibits a similar situation when it
deals with Judas' remorse. The confrontation of Judas with Caiaphas
is similarly paraphrased source material. Judas' recognition of the
final outcome he has prepared for Christ, as it relates to dramatic
time, remains a calculation somewhat forced in its application to
Group I plays. We present-day scholars may perceive the theoretical
points of reference behind the sequence, but it is certain that medieval
audiences were drawn to other, more immediate and transparent qualities

of the Passion.

126

b) Mbod

Yet another means by which the future is intimated involves an
area of some analytic difficulty. I speak of the mood of a play.
Since the identical atmosphere of medieval dramas cannot be achieved,
due in part to differences of religious orientation and world outlook,
we must rely on our own reactions to the texts for direction. Thus it
must be conceded that these two earliest Passions, where the promise
of dramatic potential is more hinted than exploited, do not plumb the
depths of creativity. And the reason again seems to be the particular
nature of the presentation augmented by its commemorative orientation.
However, one juncture of Montecassino does allow for a creative
combination of fear of an anticipated outcome and a hope of averting
it. These two concerns, acting upon one another, often serve to portend
some ulterior event: "In ihren Angst greifen die Bahnenfiguren auf eine

unliebsame Zukunft voraus; auf eine bessere warten sic in ihrer Hoff;

"163
nung.

It is the service of the Cassinese author that we experience a
noteworthy moment of heightened suspense resulting from the dramatic-
ally advantageous inclusion of Uaor's dream. In this scene a skillful
juxtaposition of a feared outcome of the future of Christ with a desired,
and indeed expected conclusion of the trial is manipulated. With the
aid of Satan's intervention through a troubling dream (though the
author does not specify the selfish motivation of diabolus as later
accounts do) 030? is afforded a glimpse into the ultimate disposition
of Jesus. Her fears for her husband are put into uncomfortably clear
focus; she must hastily act to alter the vision. Concomitant with

Uaorfisagitation is a momentarily heightened anxiety which transforms

127

itself into malaise, a deeply-felt discomfort, as she learns of the
probable outcome of the Lord's trial. For umor, the errand of warning
undertaken by her handmaiden to her governor-husband seems to minimize,
even eliminate, the need for fear. Her prayer of gratitude, apparently
offered to the Christian god, verbalizes her hope and conviction that
the future has indeed been mastered and all opportunity for evil
negated:

[Nlomen dbmini laudetur

quia non inficietur

presles iustlo sangu[ine].

0Montecassino 223—225)

What cannot be comprehended by Omar, but is obvious to audiences, is
the irony of the entire dream episode. She does not know the origin
of the vision, nor of its instigation in the final frenzied efforts by
diabolus to preserve his kingdom. She cannot, as a mere character,
realize the degree to which both her efforts and those of Pilate will
go unfulfilled because of the essentiality of the redemptive act.

The dramatic mood of BenP offers many qualitative as well as
analytical difficulties, for, contrary to Montecassino, there appear
few encounters which show the inclusion of elements of fear based
upon perceived future events as compared with the hope to alter them.
Perhaps the only representative example of these combined forces in
action are seen as Mary Magdalene realizes the error of her life and

164 Certainly her cries are motivated

laments, "Heu, vita preterita".
by a fear that she is a lost soul. The words themselves turn our
attention to the occasions in her past life. The fear of future

damnation is strongly hinted. Perhaps it even forms an unconscious

layer of sentiment underlying the entire scene, but the fear is not

128

spoken aloud as it was in.Mbntecassino. Similarly, the hope for a
remedy which might modify the hinted and perceived future originates

not with Mary, but with the angel's message.165 The seed of hope is
planted in the sinner's breast and she proceeds immediately to implement
the new possibility. With fervor she shuns her old vestments for

166

more appropriate black robes; her former lovers she forsakes

("protinus a me fugite, turpes amatores");167 the act of penitence
she undertakes by hurrying to the merchant to purchase a precious oint-

168 Mary's

ment, still lamenting, "lieu quantus est noster dolor!"
hope is further strengthened by her admission of guilt and plea for
forgiveness:

Jesus, troest der sele min,

la mich dir enpholhen sin,

unde loese mich von der missetat,

da mich deu werlt sun hat braht:

(BenP 95-98)

Jesus removes the woman's guilt, but it appears that her act of faith
far overshadows Mary's repentance, for it is reported: "Mulier,

remittuntur tibi peccata! Fides tua salvam te f’ecit."169

c) Dreams

Uxor's place in the drama of Montecassino opens another technical
area to exploitation, that of the dream. Most of the important ele-
ments which dreams bring to preceptive structure have been identified.
It remains only to underline one or two theoretical points concerning
the dream as it relates to hints of the future.

The dream of Pilate's wife occupies a position of great importance
in Passion plays, for it exemplifies one of the two major usages of this

technique of portending coming events. A dream may either display the

129
true reality of as yet unrealized times or it may be manipulated by
deceptive forces to confuse or to tempt. In the instance of religious
theater of the Middle Ages, dreams faithfully reproduce a true state
of affairs: these truths lie somewhere in the future, but are pre-
cisely detailed in the dream before their reality comes to life.”0
Dramatically speaking, the Cassinese playwright has worked out a
marvelous little scene, replete with a momentary interruption of
events as they rush toward their conclusion and with a sound co-
mingling of fear ironically turned to hope. In this extra-biblical
material we have a potential for efficaceous application of suspense
through atmosphere. We may argue the conscious use of theoretical
structures in Mbntecassino but we cannot deny the author his due for
exploiting inherent dramatic powers contained in dreams. And the in-
clusion is particularly intriguing because it reveals a splendid
sacred irony of man's attempts to contain divine providence: the
irony of the dream and Ubor's well-intentioned attempt to alter the
future she sees is that both her fear and hope are ill-founded. The
process of salvation will take its course despite man's intervention.
The status of the dream in BenP is dramatically less than for its
predecessor. Uxor's vision is not a part of its structure. We must
again search the sequences involving the Magdalene to discover even a
marginal example. The angel's thrice-repeated message to Mary, though
necessitating three unlikely periods of sleep during the time the Christ
visits Simon, provides a hint of things to come if Mary will only heed
the call. The angel not only reports the Lord's mission on earth
(”qui relaxat peccata populi!/hunc turbe confitentur salvatorem

171

seculi"), but further shows Mary the presence of her Master at the

’V

130

pharisee's home.172 Thus the dream is not strictly limited to

revelation of the future, but also to indications of parallel states of
affairs. However, the impact on the spectators which results from the
atmosphere of this scene does not seem to possess as much potential

as the dream in Montecassino.

Forms of'Intimation Emanating from Structure

When attention is focused on the forms of intimation which may
be exploited by artists to structure their deliveries, yet another in-
dication of the peculiar origin and design of medieval Passions comes
to light. The incompleteness of our knowledge about the specific
characteristics of each stage setting as well as exact infermation
dealing with possible artistic interpretation of standard gestures
accompanying certain portions of the plays does not simplify the task.
Although we cannot completely reconstruct the ancillary techniques of
medieval drama, a dim outline of what such presentations might have been
like can be constructed from records of performances of several music-
dramas prior to and contemporary with our Group I texts. In this con-

text is is useful to briefly consider the findings of Fletcher Collins.

DISCOURSE ON CONVENTIONS 0F EARLY STAGES
In his investigation of sixteen medieval music-dramas, Collins
researches the presentational aspects of the plays, concentrating on
areas such as characterization, movement and gesture, costuming,
11ghting, staging, makeup, properties and furnishings, and so forth.
From his work comes the observation that movement and gesture of the
earliest medieval church dramas were "formal and sustained, much as

we find it in the Japanese n5 dramas and in the vase illustrations of

131

Greek plays."173

Though one distinguish a formal quality about gesture and movement
in medieval theater, perhaps due in part to the tone of the dramatized
material174 as well as to its place of presentation, there was no
traditional style of representation except that provided by the
"customary verve and elegance of monastic performances of the Mass and
canonical offices."17S

Since several of these texts occur either slightly before or
simultaneous with the two Passions under discussion, and since both
forms originate in the same spiritual tenor and background, a similarity
of acting styles for both can be assumed. This intimates the assertion
that, for purposes of analyzing the effects of gesture and movement upon
suspensful anticipation of the future, these qualities show little
dramatic power at this period of Passion development.

Furthermore, the theatrical impact. of the stage setting is a matter
of some question. For the entire medieval period few stage plans have
been preserved. Those which have survived the ravages of time and cul-
tural upheavals afford limited insight into possible early stage set—
tings and we are unable to deduce much concerning the general efficacy
of several backdrops or other props. And yet we cannot state with all
certainty that the stage appeared a particular way with the relationships
of many sedes and loca always preserved in the same manner as some of
our texts indicate. Group I texts are likely to have been staged
either within the walls of the monastery of Montecassino, or possibly
outside the church for BenP.176 Several logical possibilities of

equating various required locations of Montecassino can be suggested by

known areas employed in earlier dramas presented within the confines

132
of the Church itself. A thorough discussion of them lies outside the
boundaries of this investigation. It will suffice to observe that the
stage plan for Group I texts, because of its well-established identi-
fication of specific actions with areas of the Church shared with weekly
services, Easter functions, and daily devotional hours, suggests a
commonly-accepted setting wherein few, if any, manipulations would
create spectator anxiety. However, it must be reiterated that this
handicap is of our own making and not of medieval playwrights. The

stage plan is not yet of value for its own sake.

a) Silence

Of the many methods whereby an artist may convey future events
by intimation,that of a willed silence by a character produces moments
of heightened awareness. At appropriate intervals during a scene
such lack of desire to communicate may create an emotional discomfort
in bystanders which makes itself known not as massive feelings of hope-
lessness or perhaps even fear, but rather as a vague, hardly defineable,
continually growing uneasiness. Silence best fulfills the function of

intimation when it becomes concealment: the conscious and willing

suppression of particular emotions or thoughts makes one especially

curious about them.177

Mbntecassino employs the two instances of Jesus' silence in the

face of accusation reported in Matthew and Mark.178 BenP includes the

second instance,179 broadening it to an ancillary argument during

Pilate's interrogation.180 Additionally, the Teacher of BenP maintains

181

the silence before Herod and his court attested by St. Luke. The

Innocent's calm demeanor contrasts markedly with the rancorous noise

133

of hostile voices around Him,182 isolating the character from his
surroundings and lending strength to his appearance.183

To function as intimation, silence must be interpreted not only as
pure silence, but its temporal factors must also be considered. Two
separate time spans interact to determine its intimative nature, the
past and the future: "Es ist schon etwas mitgeteilt, ngmlich dasz etwas
verheimlicht wird, und es ist noch offen, was unausgesprochen bleibt."184
Christ's silence in response to Caiaphas' demands, to Herod's questions,
to Pilate's attempts to define His higher nature for himself, rests on
His previous living testimony. Of greater interest for us is why the
Lord stands mute in the two texts. A possible answer lies beyond the
realm of mere dramatizatiOn; the biblical story directs our attention
to the deeper meaning of the Master's silence under attack. Rosemarie
Magnus comments:

Die angedeutete Spgrlichkeit der Verhandlungsszenen besitzt

gerade in dem, was sie verschweigt, eine unverkennbare Aus-

sagekraft: Christus, der Herr und Konig, gibt sich frei-

willig in die Gefangenschaft und erteilt selbst seinen

Verurteilern die Macht, ihn zu toten, weil er, aus den

Quellen seiner Barmherzigkeit schopfend, die Welt von der

Knechtschaft der Sunde befreien will.
A freely-offered sacrifice, made in humility, emphasizes Christ's
actions. Words will neither save His human frame nor convince His
adversaries at this point, as He states in Luke xxii: 67-68.186
What remains is silence and its larger significance is not lost on an

attentive audience. The unspoken words define the whole of Christian

thought.

134

b) Music

Of the remaining theoretical potentials which may be included
under forms of intimation, only one is partially operative in the
definition of anticipation. Another technique, that of singing, seems
at first to also be a factor. Certainly the inclusion of songs within
the general story line may give rise to anticipatory forms. Questions
involving the person delivering the song and where the lyrical inter-
.ruption occurs can be decisive factors in the precipitation of events.187
While this is doubtless a valid observation for Passions of the four-
teenth and fifteenth centuries, the fact that the Montecassino and Bene-
diktbeuern texts were sung in their entirety significantly reduces the
analytical value of the concept. A production wherein all verses are
sung can only differentiate either between religious and secular
melodies or along linguistic avenues. I have previously dealt with
the possible reasons fer inclusion of vernacular songs in Ben? and their
probably effects on spectators.188 The lyrical vernacular in Monte-
cassino is so brief that no adequate assumptions can be drawn from it.
There remains the entity by which many forms of music were communicated:
the chorus.

The chorus was one of the traditional elements of theater designed
to epically comment on or foreshadow events of the future. Although
its application in theater was greatly diversified at an early date
in Greek drama, it remained one of the most potent voices of impending
peril in other theaters as well. It also served to establish distance
from emotional scenes and to objectively comment on witnessed situations.

,From its distinctive plot-external position the chorus is able to pro-

vide hint of that which is to come. A chorus, when meaningfully

135
integrated into the drama, normally does not lay bare all future

happenings or negate them; rather it reasons about the openness of

the future and presages alternatives.189

The origin of Passion plays in the liturgy and within the frame-
work of the Christian religion weakens somewhat the ability of the
chorus to effectuate suspense through intimation, as much of the flow
of the story is already known. Nevertheless, there exists an area
in the Passion inhabited by the chorus which is controlled by the
writer alone, who may choose the proper time for its integration and
decide the words which will be sung.

Mbntecassino contains no speeches by a chorus. Those of BenP do
little to intimate the future. They serve mostly an epic function,
reporting events, not hinting their imminence nor commenting on them

in any depth.

RECOVERY OF THE PAST

All drama, by virtue of its selective—exclusive character, relates
events deemed most important by its author. There inevitably remain
several facts which are not presented, but which either more clearly
define circumstances which culminate in the dramatized scenes or cast
an epic light on previous encounters.190 A playwright may affect the
artistic form of his product by availing himself of numerous techniques
which allow him to concentrate spectator attention upon crucial ele-
ments of his chosen tale, while simultaneously giving him latitude to
broaden the impact of presented scenes by epically exploring their
origins and repercussions. A measure of a poet's command of material

and medium can be had by observing the manner and degree to which he

136

avoids dramatically unproductive parts of his tale, but still incor-
porates them through epic presentation to flesh out the necessary
motivational and causative factors which make for impressive productions.

A curious quality of recourse to the past in drama is that, although
the dramatist concentrates on an action previous to his 'present'
state of affairs, he employs that remembrance to prepare anticipation.191
Momentary movement into history may have the effect of injecting a
renewed impetus and motion into a slowed action; it may begin a process
of recognition, or perhaps even provide insights into individual
characters, thereby psychologically preparing their reactions.192
For purposes of clarity one must reduce the general rubric recourse to
the past into its two main quantities, retrieval of events previous to
the onset of dramatic activity ("nachgeholte Vorgeschichte")193 and
the retrieval of events within the duration of staged time ("nachgeholte
Dramenhandlung").194 Circumstances which find their being in a time
prior to the onset of dramatization will be integrated into the 'present'
time in a manner which prepares future action. Those which occur during
staged activity serve primarily to add breadth and detail to the drama
or to call a particularly prominent event to mind again, thus impart-
ing a noteworthy intensity to it.

The importance of past happenings for 'present', staged, or impend-
ing time varies with the dramatist's intention.195 They can so
dominate the story that dramatization becomes purely analysis of events
leading to presented action; they may conversely play such a minimal
role that all possibilities of action remain open to all persons.

The Passion of Jesus Christ, as reported in the New Testament, is seen

as the fulfillment of a long line of prophecies and promises, and as

137
such may be interpreted as drastically reducing the possible alter-
natives of response by dramatic figures. In this way the Passion
shares much motivational and structural qualities of the ,Schicksals-
drama'. The requisites of the traditional story notwithstanding,
Passion plays approach the integration of these previous hints with much
diversity. All still contain the intimation of willing sacrifice on
the part of the Savior, but some develop this idea more than others.
Despite the accepted necessity of the final sacrifice by Jesus, each
dramatist assembles past facts differently, laying weight upon varied
developments. Few medieval dramatists conceive the Passion as mere
analysis of pre-existing biblical exegencies. In spite of the
restrictive affects of the tale, some authors find remarkable latitude
when dealing with the past, its influence on the present and, more

to the point, its bearing on the future.

Events Previous to the Onset of Drcvnatization

Of the several means of exploiting past incidents in Group I
Passions, few are realized. Though their appearances are limited, they
provide us with a glimpse of their power and structural potential.
Even in infancy, these circumstances which involve the past as it helps

to form the future play a decisive role in the plays.

a) Remembrance

One manner in which preceeding situations find a voice in dramas
is through the perspective of remembrance. For Group I texts the pri-
mary application involves recalling to mind by a character of a specific
act, normally attributed to the Man of Galilee, which bears on staged

circumstances.

138

Montecassino depicts Judas as he seeks aid from the Jewish high
priests. In his report to Caiaphas, Judas elucidates the state of
affairs as it now stands: Jesus has undermined the power of the priests.
He includes, however, no particular doings of Christ which make Him
dangerous, only that "Multos nostrum iam seduxit/in errorem quos per-

196 ' . . . . . .
The exact acts, their time of commiSSion and severity lie

duxit."
completely outside the realm of staged reality, but serve still to set
the betrayal in motion, giving a vague illumination to the events which
motivate Judas. A second, more definite detail from the past surfaces
as the Son stands before His accusers in the hall of Caiaphas.
The witnesses report:
[Templum] dei d[est]r[uc]turus
[h]ic predixit et facturum
se.fOre post triduum
(Montecassino 78-80)
Our dramaturge has taken a portion of the biblical record and incor—
porated it with scant alteration. Its dramatic significance lies in
the expanded scope of the scene in which it appears, accomplished with—
out resort to dramatization of minimally important elements. We learn
from this epic inclusion that the God-Man at some previous time has
offended high ranking officials with His openly inflammatory and
threatening statements. They are the initial causes for the Lord's
arrest as one engaging in seditions acts against established Jewish
authority. This epic line not only defines a small portion of a
present situation, its appearance actually prepares imminent events by
the Christ's refusal to take an adversary position against the priests.
197

Caiaphas is quick to believe the worst, and his response to this

man's silence, “Per [dleum te coniuramus/tibi [et int]er[ro]gamus/si

139
sis dei f’ilius",198 prepares the positive answer which sends the priest

199 200

into a rage and effectively seals the Nazarene's fate.

The same report concerning Christ's candid statements in the temple
are found in BenP.201 Its impact is lessened,since it finds a place
before Pilate and elicits little emotion. Indeed, as a result of the
extensive scope of BenP, the actual time in the temple is included in
represented time, but not dramatized. The net effect of the accusation

is to initiate the trial against Jesus by epically relating to Pilate

one circumstance from His near past.

b) Trials

Of the numerous capacities whereby anterior activities receive
added weight and artistic value one finds in all Passions that situation
which calls forth former days and events by relating them to present
circumstances: I speak of the trial. As is the case with few other
techniques, the dialog structure of a trial, of premise and replication,
of accusation and defense, serves to review history, that which has been
dramatized as well as these incidents tangential to main occurrences,
and makes these previous facts relevant.202 The opposition of two
competing forces has the further capacity to cause suspense by contin-
ually focusing attention on the resolution of the conflict which lies
in some distant future time.203

In every instance, each playwright concentrates not so much on the
trial per se, but on the entire judicial process itself.204 All
Passion authors, though employing varied techniques, deal in some way

with the injustice of the trial, taking issue not only with the weakness

of the case against Christ, but also with the enervation or immorality

140

of the judge (hence of the entire procedure). Indeed, in a much later
Passion, the authors of Towneley make a willfully corrupt official the
main opposition of Jesus.

Since the trial sequence contains many of the most central themes
of the Passion which relate to the redemptive process, its ferceful
juxtaposition of Christ and His benefactors against His malefactors, its
review of the most significant incidents from His ministry allied with
the distrust and hatred of Jesus,leads to the inevitable inclusion of
the trial in any Passion dramatization. The process of condemnation
forms the one action of the story which cannot adequately be fathomed
by mere epic narration. The degree of integration of the past and the
intensity of spectator interest and suspense appear to be the only
variables affecting this episode. These qualities will be determined
by the overall tone of the individual play and the larger intention

of the author.

Mbntecassino and BenP resemble one another in tone of presentation.
Both are substantially symbolic presentations, BenP more so than its
earlier relative. The trial scene of Montecassino represents a faith-
ful model of Scripture, with the addition of Uaor's dream from apochry-
phal sources. One finds the normal questioning by Pilate, followed by
silence or by short, humble responses from Christ, as set forth in

2 . .
the GOSpels. 05 The few reverSions to anterior events are seen when

I O O O 20
the soldiers commence the case, stating, "Nam se dixit regem [esse]", 6

and equate this with an act against Caesar worthy of death.207 Pilate
is pictured as a rather'Vacillating official, loathe to condemn this

man of few words and impressive silence, but unable to defy the wishes

141
of the priests and their followers. His basic benevolence towards Jesus
is shown by his response to his wife's pleas to treat the Prisoner
justly, but the situation soon eludes his control.

BenP includes only the report concerning the destruction and
renewal of the temple in its highly-stylized and symbolic trial.
Scripture provides most of the necessary dialog and development. _Again,
we discover the seeds of profitable anticipation to be sown in a modest
manner, but one in keeping with the intention the plays may have had.

Modern readers may question the validity of such scenes on stage,
but they must be reminded that what we have come to regard as uninterest-
ing reproductionsof biblical source material is not only in keeping with
the spirit of the author, but also of his audiences. Such present-
ations faithfully reflect their liturgical origins. In response to
earlier criticism by two well-known German medievalists, Rosemarie
Magnus has provided us with a reminder:

Einmal bestehen die gemeinten Szenen nicht nur aus dialog-

isierten Bibelstellen, zum anderen berechtigt eine Herkunft

aus Bibel und Liturgie nicht, den Betreffenden Szenen weniger

Beachtung fiu schenken, zumal geistliches Spiel in diesen

beiden Spharen seine wichtigsten Grundlagen besitzt. Auf die

Analyse des Wie der dramatischen Gestaltung der religiosen

Wahrheit kommt es an, und dabei bildet die liturgisch-

stilisierende Gestaltung eine durchaus vollgultige und hoch

zu wertende. 208
The gradual weakening of auditors' linguistic capabilities, an ever-
increasing interest in purely dramatic characteristics of play production,
combined with the subtle alteration of the contemporary religious
atmosphere,comprise the forces which gradually augment scenes such as
the trials with more lively and expanded presentation and make them,

in our eyes, more than merely interesting; a process of dramatic

self-realization which expands far outside the confines of pure

142
didacticism or commemoration will drastically influence the trial
sequences of later plays. They will increase the detail surrounding
the basic fact of the trial and make it more vivid. But to audiences
of this period, people who were integrated into liturgical celebrations
of which these two Passions were a portion, there existed scant need
nor even a desire to extend them any further than symbolic represent-
ations of the trial. In this context we must nonetheless acknowledge
a second time the increased quality of anticipation which may have been

produced by the dream of Pilate's wife in Montecassino.

Erpositional Forms of’Remembrance

We have seen how several established and essential sections of the
story of the Good Shepherd's sacrifice for mankind elicit or reveal a
capacity to elicit on-looker interest or apprehension. Many other
elements which may be employed to structure the mandated historical
facts into dialog are also controlled by the dramatist. The most
spectacular tool at the disposal of writers is that of exposition.
Whereas certain statements which refer to Christ's activities are
uncontrollably furnished by Scripture or centuries of traditional
thought, the method by which a playwright includes them as well as that
point at which he incorporates them will have an intensifying or
debilitating effect on his finished product. This flexibility within
generally-eStablished boundaries was noted during the analysis of plot-
induced time structures.209 Attention i51unv directed to the expositional
means available to a dramatist which allow him to incorporate essential

or clarifying secondary elements bearing on the Passion. Two of the

organizational strategies derive their potential from narrated forms,

143

while a third lends dramatized support to coming activities. The three
distinct methods of relating secondary or past events to intensify stage
production may be called narrated pre-history ("erzghlte Vorgeschichte”),
pre-history as a present circumstance ("Vorgeschichte als Zustand"),
and dramatized pre-history ("dramatizierte Vorgeschichte").210

Forms of exposition differ from remembrances inasmuch as they ad-
dress themselves to information which defines the onset of a play,
whereas recollection involves individual reactions to specific events
within the exposition. Pre-history normally elucidates an entire
series of situations which result in the specific chronology of the
events portrayed on stage; it shows what facts lead to the inception
of dramatic activity and thereby fills informational-expositional
gaps for spectators. Remembrance finds its most effective application
in the establishment of internal relationships between figures and

unique happenings, lending vitality and a certain degree of psycho-

logical realism to the inner structure of plays.

a) Narrated Pre-history

Narrated pre-history comprises the most transparent manner of
reporting activities prior to the inception of dramatization. It is
defined solely in terms of a unique happening or a series of them as they
relate to a particular situation which occurs on stage. The dramatic
medium may be an introductory prolog delivered by a character existing
outside the temporal boundaries of the play, as we shall discover with
figures like Augustinus and Proklamator in later works. Their function
is to formally introduce developments which precede the commencement of
activity, to cast explanatory illumination upon the necessity of the

action or to explain why it is worthy of presentation. Stress is laid

144

upon the reported activity as history. The primary tempus of interest
for narrated pre-history is the past tense, but information thus
shared is always subsumed into the exegencies of the dramatic 'present'.

During several close readings of both Montecassino and BenP, I
have found no evidence of narrated pre-history. This situation is most
likely the result of cultural surroundings and the proximity of both
texts to liturgical celebration. There has not yet been any real
attempt to exploit the specifically dramatic orientations of this type

of epic inclusion.

b) Pre—history as a Present Circumstance

The pre-history of a dramatic activity can be deduced from present
states of affairs or it may be reported in numerous phases, the cumu-
lative effect ultimately determining the situation. Bits and pieces
of relevant information pointing towards portrayed events flesh out
spectator knowledge, affording lfimlinsight into the figure's unseen
past, while concomitantly adding further definition to the figure
who delivers the information. This artistic mastery of the past finds
a particular structural strength in its intimate integration of the

past with the present.211

As reported under the title remembrance, several soldiers voice
their recollection of Christ's ability to destroy the temple and re-
construct it within three days. Depending on the scope of represented
time, this event may precede the outset of dramatic activity or fall
within its boundaries. In Montecassino it conforms substantially to
the demands of pre-history as a present state of affairs by introducing

information from Christ's dramatically undeveloped past, thereby lending

145
greater definition and depth to the present pro-trial examination by
Caiaphas.

Judas' recapitulation of the ministry of his Lord, brought to
light in Mbntecassina 7-12,212 not only establishes a temporal bond
between single happenings, it also contributes valuable knowledge in
the fern of relevant past activities which create a part of 'present'
circumstances, all without recourse to extensive dramatization. The
Cassinese author thereby husbands his resources by relating them in
epic fashion, opening our minds to pertinent facts none the less
effectively than had he expanded his dramatization by several scenes.
BenP manages this set of circumstances with an analogous epic inclusion,
although its introduction takes place before Pilate and not a high
priest.

One other instance of this technique of securing the past by epic
means occurs in BenP, when Zacchaeus vows to repay four times over
those he has defrauded. His promise, "Domine, si quid'aliquem defraud-
avi, reddb quadruplum",213 carries the unmistakable reference to
preterite activities of the tax collector, the introduction of which
provides a measure of Jesus' power and persuasiveness by indicating

that old ways have been altered to accommodate a new reality.

0) Actualized Pre-history

Yet a third method of realizing pertinent data from even the most
mundane and well-known incidents involves the actualization of pre-
history, a particularly intense and aesthetically pleasing manner of
organizing material. Some intriguing examples of this formal mastery

of past events may be found in dramas of the Middle Ages, especially

146
those of later writing, for actualized pro-history presents supplemental
scenes and characters who act out the happenings only related in
epic fashion in other Passions. Actualized pre-history involves the
accretion of performed material and is one of the factors whichh
accounts for the growth of so many later Passions.

Responding to its own peculiar strengths and potential, actualized
pre-history concentrates its attention upon the future; or as 98::
explains:

Das Vergangene wird weder erzghlt noch als Zustand geschildert,

sondern die dramatische Handlung schreitet von Anfang an

kraftig fort und laszt in ihrem Verlauf die Vorgeschichte

erkennen.214
Passion plays Of a later period will employ this interesting technique
in novel and artistic ways. But those of Group I show no evidence 6f
its presence. At this time of Passion development attention is directed
to those circumstances which, with few exceptions, immediately surround

the Passion itself. The eyes of celebrants and spectators alike are

upon the remembrance and commemoration of Jesus' sacrifice for mankind.

These few representatives of pre-history which I have just outlined
are the sole indicators of the structural puissance of exposition at
this early stage. I attribute this lack of development to textual,
preservation on the one hand and to the possibility of authorial intent
on the other. Portions missing from Mbntecassino might develop Christ's
pre-history more fully, In the instance of BenP, this suggestion seems
remote to the point of non-existence. Of much greater interest is the
means to which the two texts were put. A celebrative and commemorative
reenactment dwells not on the past, as represented by epic vehicles in

drama, but on the very actions being remembered. Intense integration of

147
pro-history, as offered by these three expositional forms, is more
concerned with an artistic value of structure per so than with com-
memoration. Their fecus is most often upon the past as a narrated
entity or a series of elements (with the later exception of actualized
pre-history). Since the concentration of Group I texts is upon Christ's
suffering and man's relationship to it, such a minimal application of

the past as an artistic tool is not completely unexpected.

Retrieved Events Within Dramatized Time

The second major subdivision of past events to be considered here
concerns the means by which a playwright integrates into his play
developments which take place within the time represented on stage.
This category varies from those previously considered in that it deals
only with those happenings which correspond in temporal terms to
rqiresented time. Although our interest remains focused upon an activity
of presented reality, an epic introduction can become an efficient
method of stressing a concept, of deepening an emotional response to
a 'now' event, or of dramatically defining a scene as a function of the
past. For purposes of discussion of Group I manuscripts I am dis-
regarding an obvious division of such retrieval systems known as
screened occurrences ("verdeckte Handlung"), which are not functional in
the two earliest Passion plays. The remaining concept of repetition

will occupy us for the duration of this section..

There exists a portion of Scripture dramatized by all Passions of
reasonable preservation which involves the repetition of similar scenes
and infermation. Both deal with the seditious plots of Jesus. The

two trials, one before the high priests, and the other in the court of

148
Pilate, provide an example of activity repeated from represented time
and form the backbone of the scriptural story. Even though this
sequence is absolutely indispensable for any effective Passion drama-
tization, the mandated structure holds the potential of immediate
recollection and evaluation of old information in reference to its
timely repetition through recurring characters and circumstances.215
The trial before Pilate and its predictable outcome is in essence
little more than an elongation and intensification of Caiaphas' question-
ing of Jesus hours before. In general, limited amounts of unintroduced
information from the past are brought to light; the old testimonies
are most often repeated and intensified through this repetition.
If there were any doubt about the eventual resolution of the conflict
between the Lawgiver and the authorities on the 01d Law, it would seem
to vanish as one nears the conclusion of Caiaphas' speech in Monte-
cassino. When this intolerant leader cries, in response to the Son's
relevation of His divine origin, "[Bllasphemavit, cur tacemus?/Quid
ilam tertibus egemus?",n6 it seems painfully evident that the second
trial will function only as a formality. The priests wish Pilate to

217 Their decision about

exact the penalty which their law prohibits.
the Anointed's guilt and just punishment has long since been rendered.
Indeed, the second set of trial circumstances is thrown into greater
relief by its repetitive quality, its injustice made even more forceful.
The account of Judas' remorse from Mbntecassino communicates a
certain degree of dramatic achievement by recalling to mind his harsh
words of just a few hours earlier.218 Though still in an essentially

undeveloped form, Judas' repentance serves to review the agony of the

‘ betrayal and underline a central theme which courses throughout all

149
Passions, that of a sacrificial Innocent. The words of Judas add
poignancy to a past situation, which will be seiZed upon and developed
.by later dramatists into extensive acknowledgment5”0f genuine sorrow
and despair: ". . . heu quam graviter peccavi/tradens iustum
sanguinem."219
Much the same can be said of this section in BenP. Again Judas
is noted to have realized his trespass and seeks to rectify it by
returning the blood money, but to no avail.220 As was true in the
century older text, BenP demonstrates only the first stages of dramatic
growth; scant awareness of the theatrical potential of the scenes is
reflected.
There is to be found, however, a possibly important repetition at

the close of BenP. In these final moments Joseph of Arimathea casts
a baleful eye on the immediate past as he requests the remains of the
Crucified, and,in so doing, sums up the entire play, while reiterating
fundamental religious teachings behind the presentation:

Iesus von gotlicher art,

ein mensch an alle sunde,

der an schuld gemartret wart. . . .

(BenP 274-276)

The restatement of dramatized activity has the effect of reminding the
audience of the preponderance and validity of the tale they have just

. 221
witnessed.

Epic Application of the Chorus
A curious phemonenon in medieval drama is the structural position
occupied by the chorus. As I have written, it possesses an impressive

capacity to infer the future and to alert theatergoers of possible

150

impending events. But its dramatic nature is far from adequately com—
prehended by a system of future references alone: behind them lies a
vast domain of epic qualities which may equally be called into service
by conscious authorship. Not only is the chorus capable of infering as
yet undramatized happenings, its ontological existence outside the
confines of the drama enable it to report in epic fashion. It may be
employed to bring a past event into sharper focus in light of subse-
quent revelation; the chorus may simply recall for audiences a sig-
nificant occasion of the past; it may also assume the guise of narrator,
reporting on the passage of activities in represented time. Most of the
choral appearances in Ben? function in this manner.

On several occasions this dramatist chooses to report the fact
that many empty spaces in represented time were filled with specific
activities which had been glossed over by temporal acceleration. One
such instance identifies an action by the Magdalene: as she moves to
make plain her contrition before her Lord by buying ointment and seek-
ing him out, a chorus sings: "Accessit ad pedes-"ZZ22 In the later context
of Lazarus' resurrection a cleric proclaims: "Et prodiit ligatis
m[anibus] et p[edibus], qui querat] m[0rtuus]."223 When the Jewish
priests congregate to consider the fate of the Galilean, the chorus is
again called to introduce them in epic fashion: "Cbllegerunt pontifi-
ces etc."224 The dramatic and structural weaknesses of such statements
are obvious: they seem out of place, almost redundant. Nothing is
gained from their participation. These sung intermissions surely only
interfere with the dramatic and logical flow of events. And yet they
do not appear to be simply fortuitous, haphazard conglomerates of

unproductive words. Perhaps their function lies not in their epic

151
framework, but in their melodic method of delivery. This suggestion
reveals interesting avenues of consideration, paths which concentrate
our perpension on the ancient origins of the plays.

One should always bear in mind that the early Passions were fes-
tive, commemorative, and symbolic, building upon centuries of liturgical
development and practice. The liturgy had music as one of its formative
elements. It is,therefore, not unexpected that even epic narration
should take the guise of lyrical flight; it, too, led to God:

Als eine religi3se Weihestunde war das Ganze nicht zum Schauen

und H3ren von etwas Fremdem da, sondern wollte durch Gesang
und Handlung die Herzen aller in einer einzigen Empfindung
zusammenfassen und durch die Hulle und den Spiegel des Sinn-
lichen hindurch zu Gott hinwenden und erheben: darum konnte
man auch mitten in der dramatischen Handlung, die sich zwischen
Einzelpersonen abspielt, den Chorgesang eintreten lassen. . .
Fur den stimmunggebenden Charakter der Feier ist es nur Gewinn
und es ist geradezu Notwendigkeit, dem Geschehen mit Gesang

zu felgen, und solche Andeutung durch Worte zu verwenden

ist stilgemdsz (my emphasis). 225
Thus it is seen that these narrative elements emanated directly from

Church services and festivals, which were sung fer centuries. For BenP

to pick them up in their liturgical fbrm was natural.

Traditional scholarship of the ilk espoused by Hardin Craig has
long made a fundamental tenet of its critical appraisal system the con-
ception that the drama of the medieval period, preoccupied as it was
with religious rather than with artistic or theatrical ideals, achieved
triumphs primarily from treated subjects. According to this school of
thought, most creativity could be attributed to the chance arrival of
a redactor or author of some genius.226 This restrictive viewpoint
further surmises that, since religious drama was possessed of "no

dramatic technique or dramatic purpose, and no artistic self-awareness,"

152

one could not employ modern tools (including those derived from drama
as a genre) to any extent.227

One will readily admit that works of art which transcend their
moments of creation most often owe their 'timelessness', their charm and
impressiveness to extraordinarily-talented men. But only the most
marginal of literary concerns is addressed by such criticism, as its
truth can be postulated for all written records of all periods. The
medieval theater is surely no exception, for, just as in any epoch, one
finds an extremely uneven record of achievement. The criteria one
employs to arrive at a definitive conclusion as to the relative merits
of each text, therefore, becomes a major factor. Though, for instance,
I agree with most scholars who find in Montecassino a work of interesting
'dramatic' qualities, one which owes its fetching characteristics to a
gifted organizer of language and dramatic arts, I am less inclined to
dismiss BenP as so much wasted effort. The key lies in the manner of
apprehension.

The analysis of two of the earliest preserved Passion plays in
Western Europe refutes claims that one cannot gain valuable insights
and pleasures by the application of modern critical tools and methods,
for it has been shown that attention to the primordial drive of the
'dramatic', that instinct to order mimetic activity so as to continually
throw reader or viewer expectation into the future, can direct per-
ceptions into the interior workings of impelling drama, into the very
heart of dramatic organization.

There can be no doubt that the reliance upon Scripture does much
to establish the basic tone and presentational character of Montecassino

and BenP, linked as they are to liturgical celebrations of Christ's Passion.

153

However, we have ascertained substantial points at which both plays
individually break out of the 'restrictive' setting and demands of
religious communion into the realm of significant artistic accomplish-
ment. Although I have enumerated areas of temporal construction which
inevitably surface either as a result of the exegencies of play manage~
ment,228 or of biblical material offered in celebration,229 many other
facets of the framework of time hint at a fascinating variety of organ-
izational possibilities within even the most 'traditional' boundaries.
Particularly those areas of intimated occurrences (notably those 0f
mood and of dreams in Montecassino) and expositional fbrms of’remem—
brance (especially pre-history as a present circumstance) have offered
valuable insights into two distinct methods of controlling and artist-
ically manipulating the story. Established and objectively-measurable
facts relating to the tempo of succession have introduced us to a
sophisticated complex of temporal congruencies in Mbntecassino and an
all-pervasive anachronism of action in BenP, where the festive unity
of player and spectator signals a profound identity with Jesus' sacrifice
through the twin phenomena of interruption and suspension. We are
continually reminded that the Passion was not experienced as a unique
one-time event, but as 'up-dated', contemporary reality, a permanent
part of medieval man's system of divine reference. In such commemoration
of the 'Divine Comedy', historical and sacred time become one, as they
must, according to Robert Scholes:

Inevitably a culture's concepts of history and of reality

will be closely allied. Without a sacred time, eternal and
beyond the power or history, there can be no reality beyond
the actual. The function of ritual is to interrupt historical
time and to synchronize it with sacred time. It is related
to empirical actuality and to historical time insofar as it

is the vehicle through which human actions are felt to

154

acquire significance, transcending history by identification
of the human and actual with the divine and mythical.230

We have sensed the importance of the Ben? Mary Magdalene, whose
active participation lends such color, depth, and meaning to an often
puzzling presentation. Her dominance or strongly-supportive role in
107 of the entire 289 verses of presentational time serves to enliven
the conversion she undergoes, making it all the more theatrically
noteworthy. In the sequence of the Magdalene are discovered all manner
of dramatic and temporal structures quite beyond the traditional stric-
tures of faithful Passion representation; indeed, it is in the light of
the Madgalene's insinuation into the play that those brief vignettes
of the Teacher's ministry take on increased formal and doctrinal pre-
ponderance and structural harmony. Both groups of encounters are set
against one another, a technique establishing the artistic value of
BenP far ahead of its religious roots. We see, for example, in the
calling of the disciples and their immediate and complete obeissance
the symbolic representation of Christ's power over mankind.231 The
concept of Jesus as salvator et redemptor is given further weight by the
healing of the blind man, Mary's sinful life, repentance, and forgive-
ness, and the raising of Lazarus: His mastery over sickness, sin, and
death is absolute.232 A study of time has helped to confirm these
relationships, while at once giving witness to a more profound, more
compelling structure for probably the most stylistic Passion in all
German letters.

And yet I have attempted to judiciously keep the two texts

separate at every juncture; they can only be considered analogOus, not

homologous iterations on the Passion. We cannot, nor should we expect

155
both plays to offer identical results, based, as they seem to be, on
two radically divergent approaches to similar problems of dramatization.
The Cassinese author appears to have the upper hand on dramatic repre-
sentation; his play shows us an interest in securing audience attention
by the inclusion of "dramatic action details of a realistic and comic
nature,"233 thereby freeing the work "from the stylized solemnity of
the liturgical dramatic tradition."234 He accomplishes this by the
timely and well-formulated implementation of extra-liturgical and
apocryphal material (Uror's dream), as well as by the critical intro-
duction of vernacular speech at the Crucifixion.

BenP, on the other hand, fosters a highly-stylized review of the
Master's Passion, and therein lies the difficulty of acceptance. It
varies markedly with the method of’transmission in Mbntecassino:

Its (Montecassino) objective is to recreate events in at

least a semi-realistic manner in order that they become

apprehensible as history to an audience and thus become

grounds for devotion, while the Benediktbeuern play seeks

to embody doctrine and does so less through realistic

story telling than through selection of incidents and

for the most part stglized representation within a

liturgical context.2 5
Considered from a standpoint of dramatic interest, it must be said that
Montecassino provides a more satisfying experience of the theatrical
potential of scriptural material, though much of this text relies on
symbolic representation, too. When placed beside the identical series
of actions in Montecassino, the congregation of High Priests, for example,
shows a fundamental conservatism inherent in the Ben? author's method
of relating to his material. The latter chooses a scriptural state-
ment composed of three speeches to outline the situation:

Quid facimus, quia hic homo multa signa facit?

Si dimittimus eum, sic omnes credent in eum.
(BenP 170-171)

156
Empedit vobis, ut unus.moriatur homo pro populo
et non tota gens pereat.
(BenP7272'-273)

Ab ipso ergo die cogiverunt etc.
(BenP 273)

The comparison between the two accounts indicates that the result of
the BenP episode is_a rather undramatic dwelling on the facts as pre-
sented in Scripture. I have investigated the intense reaction of
Caiaphas to Jesus' silence and the perceived blasphemy related in

2 . .
36 The comparison of the two texts reveals a certain

Montecassino.
paucity of action in BenP, but one which fits well into its highly-
stylized and abstract character. One consideration which may enlighten
us as to the reasons underlying this bleak style is not only the
recognized commemorative intention of the entire performance, but also
its suggested place within the liturgy itself, specifically in the cere-
mony of the Procession of the Palms on Palm Sunday.237

Of the theoretically available techniques for rendering time, those
which find no part in Group I are inevitably those which seem to concen-
trate on the conscious endeavor to elicit artistic structures and lend
the story broader dramatic acceptance. This observation leads us
directly back to the peculiar commemorative nature of the plays them-
selves. We have noted many possible effects of the simultaneous stage
and its probable orientation toward church architecture. This offers
one arena of commonality with liturgical drama from whence Passions
sprang. Rudick's suggestion that Ben? may have been afforded a place
in the Procession of the Palms draws clear and unmistakable lines of

affiliation between Mass and Passion play ---both are commemorative.

Sticca derives a similar set of suggestions, most notably that

157
Montecassino was probably presented within the walls of that named
monastery.238 Both authors point to the central reason why Passions of
this early time did not respond to all theoretical alternatives of
temporal organization. We later critics may catch some of the intrica-
cies of commemorative Observances on stage by momentarily considering the
possible mentality of acceptance behind such 'non-dramatic, 'simplistic'
plays.

Those who first performed liturgical plays, from the first‘Quem
Quaeritis'trope, to the later and characteristically more developed
Visitatio sepulchri, were of monastic conviction and practice. The
audiences of the primitive situations were likewise well-initiated
members of a relatively homogenous group, a body of like-minded,
similarly-interested believers, intimately familiar with the Bible and
with contemporary exegesis. Their familiarity with liturgical forms,
with tropes, psalms, antiphons, responses, and such, created in them a
generally accepted compendium of acknowledgment of the Passion mysteries,
of the Lord's triumph over death, and His unity with the Father, an
idea established in response to the Arian heresy.239 For these religious
men history assumed sacred proportions; it continued to be present,
renewed with each Mass, commemorated and celebrated. The special nature
of their lives presumed constant contact with God, the Originator.

Thus, in plays such as those of Group I early auditors were able

to see God and His Son through the work, to short-circuit the necessity
for didacticism, an interest which lies at the very heart of several
later enlargements designed to make the plays useful to a laity not
steeped in religious teaching and practices as were the monks before

them. To these latter auditor/perfbrmers the work itself called

158

attention to the feats of the Son, and to God, much as in the below-

0 God

Spectator 0:0 Work

In its truest sense, the work was a linguistically-styled, masterfully

schematized diagram:

organized reflection of the Almighty; it was merely another method of
approaching God, of comemorating His triumph. The work possessed a
small fragment of truth and reflected it back onto the spectator, who,
by virtue of his intimate communication with God, had no need of
paradigmatic impressions of life. The play functioned as yet another
means fer validly relating to eternity; both it and God cast an image
back onto the spectator.

Thus are numerous techniques extending far beyond remembrance and
celebration not mandated or even possible; their lack of application has
nothing at all to do with a naive, unassuming, or haphazard dramaturgy:
they are simply not viable, nor desirable, nor useful alternatives.

Through the perceptions afforded by the structuring process we
are able to experience the work for ourselves, quite apart from the
expectations or demands of a medieval audience, whose impressions we
can but surmise. We can,by attention to the formal tools, made available
by structural analysis, partake of the transcendence of both plays in
an aesthetic sense. We are called to remember Ingarden's piercing
exposure of a work of art as a polyphony of experiences and embodiments,
one which cannot be observed simultaneously from all sides.240 The
minute fraction of the complete play known as the temporal structure

has, however, provided us with methods and insights whereby we may more

159

nearly approach an objective decision as to the relative merits of the
plays, fer they compel us to rid ourselves of modern prejudices against
things religious by exploring not always those things which set these
ancient forms apart from our experience, but those phenomena which they
share with all dramatic activities -- the forward-tending and anticipatory
temporal reference. And the lyrical insertions into both plays,
regardless of their origin and initial impetus, have again provided
evidence that dramas are not exclusively organized with 'dramatic'
devices. The complaints of both Maries in BenP invite attention to
emotions and psychological perceptions which to a large degree trans-
cend the moment, speaking to modern religious man as it might have to
his medieval ancestor:

. . . es (das lyrische Subjekt) denkt diesen Gedanken,

erlebt ihn zugleich und versinkt in ein ungenanntes Sinnen

und stilles Fuhlen. . . Aber das, was gesagt wird, konsti-

tuiert nicht fi‘. . eineeinzige, sich eben entfaltende,

konkrete, erfullte Ge enwart des menschlichen Lebens, sondern

etwas, was sozusagen uber allen Gegenwarten als ewiges

Schicksal des Menschen schwebt. . . .241
Such open-ended expressions of profound mental anguish provide points
of entry into the deeper structure and significance of the plays in
which they occur; we need only adopt adequate,objective methodology
and momentarily relax our reactionary, subjective defenses to become

enveloped by a meaningful experience of the mind. Attention to

temporal forms can accomplish this if we so allow.

CHAPTER VI
GROUP II (1250-1340)
St. Gall, Wien, Palatinus, Autun B and R

The five texts which comprise Group II all originate from the
first half of the fourteenth century. The opportunity, therefore,
exists to investigate within a limited chronology the means chosen by
five distinct authors or groups of redactors to relate the Passion story.
We will witness the same tale of what Douglas Gray calls "the true
center of medieval devotion"l in five unique renditions, each sharing
the generalities of its origin, while providing evidence of its

author's artistic control and understanding of his sources.

Before commencing our investigation it is necessary to consider for
a moment the most salient features of medieval thought on the nature
of Christ at this time in history, for it differs significantly from
attitudes of previous centuries and has importance for the structure
of fourteenth-century Passions.

Medieval drama exhibits a peculiar non-synchronous characteristic
between popular spirituality and devotional practices and their theatri-
cal representation.2 Several years may elapse before a new wave of
religious thought makes its way into the structure of drama; a necessary
period of cultural and spiritual evolution and clarification separates
the introduction of a new religious idea from its dramatic form, a cir-
cumstance shared much less in the Middle Ages with the epic or lyric
genres. It is not surprising, therefore, that the emerging Christo-
centric piety of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries finds expression

not in the Passions of the same centuries, but in those of the fourteenth.

160

161

These early Passions, like Montecassino and BenP, share a concept of
Christ with doctrine much older than themselves, one which has its
roots in the spiritual warfare of the formative years of the Church.

For many hundreds of years during its nascience the organized
Church was burdened with the repulsion of countless heresies. Of
importance for the theater was the pervasive disinterest for the
Passion, the result of organized opposition to the teachings of
Arianism, a doctrine which denied the divinity of Christ. Although
it did not altogether eliminate consideration of the Passion of the
Lord, the Church sharply deemphasized the humanity of Jesus in favor of
His equality with God the Father as the second person of the Trinity.
There evolved a picture of Christ triumphing over death, proving His
equality and unity with His Father. Religious art provides a vivid
witness to spiritual attitudes which affirm its conventional depiction
of Jesus as Master of life and death; during these years the Cross is
seen as the vehicle of victory.3

Church liturgy was equally affected by concentration upon the Lord
of Glory as victor: the Mass became a commemoration of His death,4
heavily dependent upon a host of symbols. Christ's humanity continued
to provoke little interest. Both liturgical and devotional practices
dwelled on the Lord Triumphant, more a symbol of spiritual power than
an entity to be approached as a man. We have observed the dramatic
responses to these doctrinal modes of thought in Group I Passions.
Iconography of the eleventh century attests to the power and persuasion
of the image of victory, where the eternal veracity of the Crucifixion

is locked into dogma:

162

In this Christ stands firm and aloof upon the Cross, kingly,

heroic, and triumphant: His feet are supported by a suppen-

deneum and His head is adorned by a royal crown. The scene

is a self-sufficient expression of a dogmatic truth, com-

plete within itself and demanding no specific response from

those who look at it.5
However, long before these conventions of Crucifix depiction in the
eleventh century, voices were heard from various quarters which pro—
claimed the humanity of the Lord in tones of emotional reaction. One
of the most eloquent early statements attesting to a changing view of
salvation and the nature of Christ was the allegory of the Mass, written
by Amalar (+ca. 850), wherein he employed the ceremonies and rites of
the service to recall the earthly journey of the Christ, particularly
the time of His suffering and death.6

As the eleventh century unwound, other spiritual leaders lent
their voices and visions to the evolving Christocentric piety. Men
such as St. William of Volpiano (+1031), St. Richard of Verdun (+1046),
and John of Fécamp (+1078) investigated with renewed fervor some of
Christ's human sufferings.7 But the greatest influence of medieval
theology during the period for the contemplation of Jesus the man was
exerted by the author of Our Deus Homo, St. Anselm of Centerbury (+1109),
primate of England and 'Father of Scholasticism'.8 By emphasizing
the teaching that the redemptive act occurred on a human level,9 Anselm
projected the mortal part of the Savior directly into the zenith of
interest. The salvation of mankind thereby took on a new immediacy;
through the insertion of a human Christ into the equation there evolved
a innovative relationship between God and man, one that stressed an
interest by the individual for his own salvation.10 Previous centuries

had seen mankind subordinated to God and the Devil, the two antagonists

who eternally contested supremacy over man's spirit and devotion.

163
As an entity of secondary importance, man was not strictly involved in
his own salvation:

He (man) was reconciled to God, but as a result of an issue

between God and the Devil: thus there were no immediate per-

sonal and empfional implicationsfor him in the Incarnation

and Pa551on.

Medieval theology, in marked contrast to these long—held beliefs,
significantly altered man's position and value in the argument by
placing emphasis upon a reconstitution of ancient bonds between God
and man; the defeat of the devil now occupied a position of secondary
interest.12 There issued from this new sense of kinship with the Divine
a more profound feeling of emotional participation in the Passion, a
love-offering which only the Christ, a perfect man, could make,13 a
sacrifice designed to reinstitute the primitive situation before Adam's
fall.

The voice which most changed the old picture of Christus triumphans
into Christus patiens in the twelfth century was that of St. Bernard of
Clairvaux (+1153), founder of the Cistercian order and reluctant preacher
of the Second Crusade.l4 Prior to the devotions of Bernard on the
humanity of the Lord, Emile Male observes that few sermons dedicated to

5 F. Vernet is more emphatic in his opinion

the Passion can be found.1
about the importance of Bernard for medieval spirituality: La dévotion
5 l'humanité du Christ 'est presque absent de la litterature chrétienne.
Avec lui, elle y fait une entrée victorieuse."'l6 Bernard's mystical
contemplation on the mortality of his Savior, an exercise calling up

in him an "unremitting love for Jesus crucified",l7 formed the most
significant theme of his entire life, making him one of the first

theologians to investigate the emotional implications of "Carnal Love".18

164

Bernard's Liber de Passione Domini becomes one of the most pre-
cipitous works of medieval spirituality, wherein the saint's contempla-
tion achieves literary form, underscoring in truly graphic terms the
momentous sacrifice Christ made for His creation. Not a treatise on
the triumphal overcoming of death, but the record of a mystic's search
for contact with his Lord on an emotional level, the work dwells on the
human consequences of a human Savior, suffering in pain and love to
regain His prize.19

By virtue of the high esteem in which they were held in religious
circles of the time, the opinions presented in Bernard's Libcr and
Anselm's CH? Deus Homo were universally accepted into the teachings and
opinions of the medieval Church,20 and with them was introduced a renewed
emphasis on the mortal and finite qualities of the Christ. But other
successors to the infant tradition did much to Spread the doctrine
throughout Europe.

A third personality soon appeared to lend the new Christocentric
piety of the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries a devotional
and popular quality.21 The man was St. Francis of Assisi, founder of
the Franciscans. Love for the crucified Lord fired Francis' religious
imagination, as it had few before him; his compassionate response to the
Savior called St. Francis to participate in Christ's struggle.22 The
tritsulations of the Lamb became the focal point of emerging Franciscan
contemplation; a set of emotional values and responses spread throughout
Europe via the vehicle of public preaching,23 accompanying the Franciscan
friars as they ventured into new territories.

St. Bonaventure (+1274), the most noteworthy Franciscan theologian

of the thirteenth century and general of the order until 1273,25

16S

likewise placed the Passion at the apex of devotional exercises,
stating that, to conserve and nourish the soul, one should concentrate
upon the dying Christ on the Cross.26

In his summary of the impact of the ideas popularized and socialized
by St. Francis, developed and spread by members of the Franciscan order,
Sticca concludes: '

Franciscan piety provided the new and essential spirituality,

with its desire to understand the abstract through the concrete,
the divine through the human, and to secure a more human and
dramatic visualization of the Christian mysteries.

Another work of primary concern for the discussion of medieval
spirituality as it develOped in the thirteenth century is the Meditationes
vitae Christi, long attributed to Bonaventure, but now thought to
originate from the hand of John of Caulibus.28 The text, prepared for
a religious woman of Saints-Claire,29 addresses itself, as do its
predecessors, to the heart and not the intellect.30 In it are found
some of the most moving and poignant of all medieval descriptions of
the Master's sufferings, supported by those of the Virgin. Many will
find their way into increasingly graphic renditions of the Crucifixion
in later Passion plays.

Renewed fervor for Passion contemplation found its way into med-
ieval thought in various other ways, too. Iconography and religious
art reacted to the changing emphasis, postulating the Lord's suffering
in ways not previously witnessed. This alteration of style also does
not spring fully-articulated from medieval culture; its path leads from
the last half of the tenth century, where a Crucifixion scene of a

psalter from England's Ramsey Abbey expresses the modification of old

beliefs before they were yet formalized into doctrine, to the early

166

eleventh-century depiction from Weingarten, Germany. In this Cruci-
fixion the suggestion of acute pain is strengthened with reSpect to
the Ramsey psalter picture in a way which becomes standardized in future
years: Christ is frozen into an emphatic S-bend at the apogee of suffer-
ing, His body placement indicative of the torment He endures. Further
detail is added by the courseness and jaggedness of a roughly-made
Cross. This vision of the Crucifixion is guided by intentions quite
unlike those behind earlier art forms: ". . . it had an emotional
design upon the beholder, an intention to stir him to a compassionate
involvement in the scene."31 Group II plays similarly attempt to
arouSe the emotions.

The Passion assumes a critical role not only in monastic and
scholarly circles, it spreads into previously unoccupied territory,
such as sermon books. In England lyrics on the Passion form the dominant
theme of thirteenth and fourteenth-century poetry.32 The most important
collection of hortatory topics from the time is contained in John of
Grimestone's manual for preachers.33

Though somewhat belatedly, theater of the Middle Ages begins to
share in the concern for a humanized Jesus. The plays were not longer
experienced in the objective-sacred manner of a person in prayer, but
rather in ways indicative of a subjective-psychological state of mind.34
Maria M3ller comments on the relationship of spectator to drama of the
period by remarking:

Der Zuschauer wird von der Sorge um das eigene Seelenheil

bewegt, nichtnmehr von der Sorge um den Gottesdienst.

Seine Aktivitat ist nicht mehr theozentrisch, sondern ego:

zentrisch ausgerichtet.3

Attention to the salvation of individual spirits fostered a previously

167
unknown tendency to teach and edify, aided by amplified attention to
Passion details. Mystery plays thus assume the function of the soul's
caretaker, and the stage takes on the purpose of spanning the gap
between spectator and sacred history. A new strategy of presentation
is needed to instill within individuals the importance of Christ's

Passion for them. The strategy is the illusion of the stage.

As might be expected, all these developments in theology and
philosophy have profound repercussions for the structure of presentation.
To emphasize Christ's humanity calls for greater numbers of characters
and speeches than are found in basically commemorative or symbolic
practices. In order to create the proper concept of Christ the Man on
stage, historical facts must be rationalized into human forms. If
Jesus' sacrifice is to assume a semblance of convincing mortality it
must of necessity contain an excrescence of detail; motivation of in—
dividual characters must be ascertained, adversary relationships more
carefully drawn. If the audience is to perceive His death in terms of
its own humanity, it must be offered humanized figures who deliver
intense and probable speeches. Human agony cannot be adequately trans-
fered by symbolic representation. In the fourteenth century spectators
are not expected to approach theatrical presentation with a cold,
distant, unengaged mental attitude; participation in the Lord's trials
is the key to comprehending fourteenth-century Passion plays. Even the
highly liturgical overtones of StG do not destroy this unity of spec-
tator and message. The meditative suggestions Aelred offered in the
.Letter to his Sister, that she envision herself actually participating

in the great events of Christ's life, particularly in the Crucifixion, --

168
where she is remonstrated to remove herself from the women, 'quae
longe stant,’ and join 'cum matre virgine et discipulo virgine accede
ad crucem, et perfusum pallore vultum cominus intuere,'--37 will be
taken to heart by playwrights of this time. They will attempt to so
organize their religious statements that participation by the audience
will be maximized. ‘We will be able to measure their successes by
direct observation of the temporal strategies they employ; for longer,
more complex plays will provide unprecedented opportunities to graphic-
ally structure the Passion tale in novel ways which are often incom-

patible with purely commemorative and symbolic plays.

The Passion of St. Gall, which contains the largest number of
liturgical remnants and is composed in pervasive liturgical tones,
rather than being a completely original account, appears to rest on a
much older prototype from the thirteenth century.38 It further seems
likely that StC owes its preserved form to an unknown scribe,39 not to
the author himself. StG approaches the life of Christ with an epic
breadth not witnessed in other texts of the group, and requires the
participation of at least fifty actors to portray eighty-five individuals
and chorus members.4O When compared to the twenty-five speakers and
six groups of speakers in BenP,41 it becomes obvious that many structural
alterations of significant proportions have been achieved. Similarly,
a larger number of loca to afford more playing space becomes necessary.
It has been suggested that as many as sixteen or seventeen locations
were required to adequately stage St0.42 Those events which were only

hinted.in BenP or presented within a few verses in Montecassino exhibit

greater structural and didactic relevance as their lines swell,

169
gradually developing into extensive dramatic encounters, which, in
many instances, establish and motivate several inherent adversary
relationships hinted in Scripture.

This tendency to increase length by accrued detail and scenes is
by no means an unprecedented phenomenon. Wolfgang Michael identifies
its presence in the earliest history of medieval theater, when the
Visitatio sepulchri becomes an Easter play. The original circumstances
of the Resurrection are investigated "in allen ihren Einzelheiten (um
sie) aufs Genauste auszuf3hren."43 Even during the preliminary move-
ment from ritual to aesthetically more independent theater one encounters
the human desire to know the details of an event in their entirety,
to experience them as they might have occured in reality. The growth

manifested by Group II texts seems to involve an inherent epic quality

of man's spirit.

One particular trait of these emerging dramatizations of the
fourteenth century which we will wish to note is the manner in which,
as Brinkmann observed, godly persons remain quite stylized in their
actions and motivations, while worldly or anti-Christian forces assume
ever-widening degrees of personality differentiation, continually
taking on more recognizable, if malevolent, human traits. His opinion
is born out by Grace Frank when she considers Palat:

In the Rabatine Passion the biblical characters retain their
traditional traits and yet the playwright's tenderness and
sympathy for those who must suffer, his hatred of those who
inflict hurt, are everywhere nmnifest.

What, for instance, began in Ben? as a fairly lengthy episode involving

only the Magdalene, the epitomy of secular and godless living, spreads

170

to other worldly and, in most circumstances, unfriendly personalities.
Much of the length, dramatic interest, and temporal structure of Group
II results from enlarged representation of these persons and their
situations. Heretofore unknown characters, such as Huitacelin and
Cayn of Palat assume an ever-ascending position of importance in an
attempt to bring Christ's tribulations down to levels of human cog-
nizance. These figures, driven by animosity towards their Savior,
supported by personnages like Haquin and Mossé from the Crucifixion, and
a servant to Caiaphas, make up some of the more interesting roles of
the approximately forty persons needed to stage Palat.46 A similar
excrescence of simultaneous localities which the stage must suggest has
also been identified.47

In terms of age and originality, Palat occupies a place of great
distinction in the history of French Passions, fer before Greban's
.Mistére de la Passion this manuscript has the honor of being the first
truly dramatic national Passion as well as the most original.48
Although several identifiable sources for Palat furnish varying amounts
of material -- among them the narrative Passion des Jongleurs (the most
immediate and critical source),49 the Gospel of'Nicodemus, and, of
course, the liturgy and the Bible50-- in the formation of his dialogs
and in the ordering of events this playwright evidences a remarkable

degree of freedom from his origins, a fact which sets him apart from

most other epic or dramatic restatements of sacred history.

The fourteenth-century text commonly known as the Passion d'Autun
consists of two related, but distinct Passion plays. Autun B, named

for its c0pyist, Philippe Biard(i), a student of theology,

 

 

L

 

171
was not reproduced until 1470.52 The text itself derives from a much
earlier time, during the last years of the thirteenth or the beginning
of the fourteenth century.53 It reviews the last hours of Christ's life
from the preparations fer Passover to the Noli me tangere scene
Thirty individual performance parts, excluding the numerous lines offered
by ung Juif; have been identified,54 making the total somewhat larger
than those for BenP. Autun R, also distinguished from its near relative
by allusion to its scribe, Antonio Romani, abridges much of the material
of related textsSS into a much less satisfying account, which, though
commencing at the identical point as Autun.B, concludes with the descent
from the Cross, and gives every indication of being incomplete.S6

Though both plays share much of the same source material, each
approaches the Passion facts differently. Were a comparison made between
the two Autun versions and their most significant common relatives, the
Passion des Jongleurs and the Passion du Palatinus, we would discover
many scenes shared with one of the two Autun plays and its antecedents,
but not with the other.57 However, one major structural factor separates
these versions into unlike units -- the tendency of the Autun B manu-
script to interweave narrative elements into its presentation. In
fact, the pattern of narration is so completely integrated into the
fabric of Autun B, both metrically and dramatically, that any attempt
to detach it has a debilitory effect on the entire work.

After much discussion of the problems concerning intercalation of
narrative elements into Autun 8, Fr. Schumacher concludes that the
original text constituted a normal dramatic presentation and that a
later person altered the structure, effectively transforming a drama

into something more akin to a narrative poem.59 Schumacher finds an

172
analogical development in a Passion Nostre Dame,6O in that its second
half, originally written completely in narrative form, adopted hitherto
unknown dramatic structures at the hand of a later redactor. He con-
cludes that a reverse development for Autun B is equally feasible.61
Grace Frank shares these views, but goes a step further to suggest that
Biard himself (or a predecessor) wished to alter the original dramatic
form to favor a reading public.62 For several reasons Frank rejects
the possibility that an actor declaimed both narrative portions and
direct speeches.63 While the ultimate impetus for such a drastic alter-
ation of original structure remains clouded in mystery, its results are
clear: Autun B is not a usual dramatic offering, as are the other plays
of Group 11. Its recently-acquired epic character, moreover, makes any
useful discussion of such epic inclusions exceedingly difficult.
Involved is a fundamental distinction between the epic and dramatic
genres. A presentation designed for the stage, as is recalled, must
'presentify' history, must create the momentary illusion of reality by
the judicious use of theatrical characters and situations. It must
excite spectators by throwing their attention continuously into the
future. An epic presentation, contrarily, postulates and presents history
in a framework of past events by virtue of its application of various
preterite tenses in which the story is told. Though an epic tale may
assume the trappings of the 'present' through quotation or direct
address between characters, the whole temporal focus is upon things
experienced, things having passed from reality. In this way a narrator
is insinuated into the context to comment on and present the story from
his omnipotent position above the work. Autun B has such a figure who

filters the entire production through his own eyes in a way his most

173
closely-related analog, Augustinus of StG cannot. For, although the
latter may comment upon dramatized material or introduce new activity
into the play, he does not relate the Passion of Christ. The characters
themselves develop it by their participation in live performance, of-
fered in terms of 'present' stage time. Since I am interested in the
position accorded epic remarks within a dramatic temporal context and
the means by which its scope is expanded while a mandatory concentra-
tion on events at hand is maintained, an adequate analysis of this
fundamentally narrated structure of Autun B lies quite outside the

scope of this investigation.

TIME 0F.PRESENTATION.AND REPRESENTED TIME

Each of the five plays, though composed within years of one another,
presents a different quantity of verses to accomplish a tale of varied
length. All of these plays involve a time of presentation considerably
more lengthy than either of the Group I texts. But here the similarity
ends. StG employs 1621 verses with several epic interruptions by a
fresh dramatic figure known as Augustinus to relate the story of
Christ's ministry from the Wedding at Cana through His Resurrection and
appearance to Mary Magdalene (Table 5; Appendix B). Significant dwell-
ing upon portions of the account allows one to identify dramatic and
possible intentional highpoints of the presentation, for increased scenic
length measurably alters the flow of time. A few moments of greater
importance are developed in detail, while various cause and effect
factors are investigated and critically evaluated by the author through
111.5 characters. Subjective time moves less quickly, requiring additional

'verses to complete its cycle, a technique which will receive attention

174
in following paragraphs.

Most of the individual episodes, including those newly introduced
by StG, are expanded by speeches, often delivered by innovative charac-
ters, all more detailed than either Montecassino or BenP. This
statement would demand qualification only if the percentage of pre-
sentational time and represented time were considered. The number of
verses devoted to uror's dream in Montecassino are fifty-seven of 320.
Again, it should be recalled that the Montecassino manuscript is im-
perfectly preserved. In B'enP Mary Magdalene's speeches encompass
107 of 289 lines. StG allows her 157 of 1621 lines. It is obvious that
the increased detail of StG, although affording her more speaking
opportunities, does not employ her as extensively as BenP. Other persons
and situations receive a greater emphasis and broadened specification.

In many respects Wien (Table 62-, Appendix B) offers the most interest-
ing and original rendition of all the texts of Group II, reason enough
to deplore its severely truncated preservation. This incomplete manu-
script preserves only 532 verses, but they hint at a construction which
may also have contained scenes from the Last Judgment, making it more
properly a Christian history of the world than a pure Passion play.6S
Wien commences dramatization with Lucifer's ,grozer hgmfit', traces his
intrigue to capture Adam and Eve, and his participation through a
devil surrogate in the sinful life of Mary Magdalene. The text breaks
off during the Last Supper, immediately after Jesus has prophecied his
betrayal.

The fact that Wien opens in Heaven provides insights into pro-

bable doctrinal leanings behind the text. From the inception of

activity we observe a godly causality at work, one which tends to

.2. LY."

 

'x-~ ' 'I

17S
typify human characters rather than individualize them.66 The struggle
between God and Devil disregards the perspective of mankind and works
instead with one we know as 'god-centered'.67 The conception 6f the
Passion in Wien was thus a study of the Lord's sacrifice as a redemptive
mission originating beyond time.68 An exemplary scene of such a world
view, additionally one which probably most enlightened medieval people
and raises our interest as well, is that of the reception of four
sinners into Hell. Each person serves as the host for a multiplicity
of sins, all typed in readily-recognizeable molds.

Dramatizations of the breadth of Wien will necessarily contain
numerous massive temporal lacunae, which in themselves may serve to
underscore for spectators the tightly-knit relationship between them
and their Old Testament fathers.

The earliest staged French text offers a presentational time of
1996 verses and a represented time of decreased scope so common to
several fourteenth-century Passions. Palat (Table 7, Appendix B)
dramatizes the crucial period from the preparation for the Passover
meal and Entry into Jerusalem to the Risen Lord's appearance to fiHis
favored convert, an interval of roughly six days. Represented time
is, however, not the entire holy week, but the period from Maundy
Thursday to Easter Sunday. The inclusion of Christ's triumphal ride
into the city on Palm Sunday just after initial preparations for the
Passover, forces represented time into a deceptively simple framework.
The account does not dwell upon any of the events between Palm Sunday
and Maundy Thursday. These days are merely unrecorded. Even with
this lacuna in the textual chronology, the periods omitted from Palat

are much less drastic than those deleted from Wien.

176

A multitude of scenes combining significant length with importance
can be identified in the represented time of Palat. The observation
that they commence with the outset of the trial scenes may further
direct our inquiry into the relationship between structure and intent.
All the mandatory sequences appear, but the trials before Pilate, the
Crucifixion and attendant Planctus Mariae, the Harrowing of Hell, the
Setting of the Guards, the related ointment purchase, and Christ's
appearance to Mary Magdalene clearly receive authorial attention.

These textual realities suggest a modification of the symbolic repre-
sentation which guided the writers of Group I plays. A reconstruction
of the temporal structure of Palat will aid in determining the extent
of this alteration.

The necessity of concentration upon a limited number of develop-
ments in any dramatized story has previously been investigated.69
Beginning with Palat and continuing through Group III Passions, we
now encounter a tendency to assemble new details surrounding the
sufferings of Christ, while excluding more material which has no im-
mediate part in this singlemost important purpose of Passion writing.
On the one hand manuscripts exhibit augmented length, while at the same
time limiting their attention more and more to the humanity of the Lord
and His trials. Palat, for example, excludes the foot washing, the
intervention of uaor on Christ's behalf, Jesus' encounter with the
women of Jerusalem, and the Noli me tangere scene from the Resurrection.70
But exclusions do not seriously affect the unity of presentation, for
as Rolf Steinbach observes: .

Die Erweiterungen sind, wie immer wieder zu Recht betont

worden ist, zumeist den Leidensszenen zugute gekommen;

damit haben sie gerade nicht eine die Einheit auf13sende
Tendenz.7l

177

His comments, made with a view towards German Passions alone, can,
by the fbllowing analysis of Several portions of the French plays of
Group 11, be generalized to include most of the ensuing European
Passion developments.

Increased concentration may be one of the factors which lead
authorial attention away from Mary Magdalene, but this is by no means .1
certain, nor, if applicable, the sole reason for her dramatic demise

in French plays, as we shall see in coming paragraphs.

 

Although both texts of the Autun Passion resemble one another, .I
often by their choice of identical words and phrases, their individual
scope in represented time is quite different. Autun B commences with
the preparation for the Passover and continues through the Resurrection
and appearance of Christ to the Magdalene, making the journey of ap-
proximately seventy-two hours in 2117 verses. Several individual
scenes receive increased attention in this account which admits most
of the episodes of importance during the last hours of the Teacher's
earthly life. Of particular interest because of their unusual length
are the celebration of the Passover, the trials, the Crucifixion and
Planctus Mariae (together constituting a quarter of the entire play),
and somewhat surprisingly, Joseph of Arimathea's dialog with Pilate.

Whereas the Autun manuscript contains both Passions, there are
numerous considerations which suggest several shared sources, but also
some of which are distinctive for each.72 Not only do the epic inclu—
sions of Autun B bespeak a varied set of circumstances from Autun R,
the amount of time presented on stage is substantially dissimilar.

The presentational scope of Autun R is defined by 937 verses, creating

a necessary constriction of represented events.

 

178
Although the play of Autun R is initiated by an introduction, which is
followed by the preparations for the Passover festival, as was the case
in Autun B, the lack of an Easter play serves to concentrate action on
the approximately twenty-four hour-long time span from shortly before
the Last Supper to a time must after Jesus' death.73 Of overriding
importance to the redactor of Autun R seem to be the Passover and
Crucifixion.. This final event encompasses just under one-fourth
of the entire presentational time. It is obvious that, like all its
relatives, Autun R concentrates upon specific portions of Christ's

sacrifice, presenting only selected highlights.

The presentational aspect called anachronism has, with the expand-
ing dominance of national languages during the fourteenth century,
assumed an ever-increasing position of importance in Group II Passions.
There is to be found in this group an obvious tendency to presentify
the holy message by incremental application of culturally contemporary
dress identified in plays incidental to Group I. Along with the expan-
sion of verse and scene come previously unknown figures representative
of medieval culture, communicating in languages readily understandable
to all spectators. The speeches contain numerous words, phrases, or
concepts which originate in medieval cultural, social, and religious
life, and their inclusion provides a specifically medieval tint to the
entire history, thereby effectively calling up a 'timeless' or
universal quality about Christ's life. An interest in 'presentifying'
the scriptural record, in relating it through terms familiar to their
constituents guides the authors of all five dramas. This state of

affairs conforms with religious life and comprehension feund in medieval

179
France and Germany.

In this second grouping of plays the incidence of anachronism can
be divided into several major areas: religious concepts and values,
cultural phenomena, and social life. Each group in turn reveals
numerous sub-units of increasing specificity. I will mention only a
few outstanding examples from each type.

One of the most significant introductions from medieval religious
history found in StG concerns the personality of Augustinus, a curious
commentator, preacher, and explicator, whose presence so greatly affects
its temporal structure. It is indicative of a certain intent that a
giant from Church history like St. Augustine was chosen to lend his
name to a character who functions as the main expositor and initiator
of staged activities. The weight such a personality can offer,not only
to the dramatization,but also to the medieval concept of the ultimate
meaning of the message can scarcely be overlooked. This Church author;
ity from early ecclesiastical history serves to reinforce presented
facts; his mere presence provides the tale with a sense of urgency and
gravity possible with few other interlocutors.

Other additions to the list of characters of StG evidence a dis-
solution of the old chorus into individual dramatic figures, a
fractionalization which continued from earlier years. Persons chosen
for individualization are those of the Jewish community, who have already
assumed several traits of medieval German Jews. They are now named
Salman, Samuel, Meier, and Rufus. The seeds of cultural prejudice which
will ultimately bear their bitter, ugly fruits in the form of open
antagonism between Christian and contemporary Jew are sown here.

Palat introduces the largest number of original persons of the group,

180
the most important of which are Cayn and Huitacelin (two medieval
torturers), the blacksmith and his wife, Marques, Haquin, M0556, and
Evramin (all Jews), and the guards of the sepulchre, anachronistically
called chevaliers.

Many concepts which the Church formulated to describe Christ's
sojourn with mankind or to identify developments growing out of this
encounter between man and God, codified and dogmatized in later years,
are superimposed upon the original facts of the Passion. So it is that
the Passover Lamb of StG becomes ,das gstgrlamp',74 and the time of
Passover becomes ,die gspgrsit',7s in Palat 'nostre Pasque',76 and

77 Apostles are sworn upon, particularly by Jews,

'Pasque' in Autun B.
before their religious experiences had been completed,78 Christian
martyrs are identified as saints before the fact,79 and Mary is referred
to as the Virgin or a saint before her special place in ecclesiastical
history was established by dogma.80 Furthermore, bishops are identi-
fied and addressed,81 apostles and legates discussed,82 cardinals and
prelates evaluated,83 and monks castigated.84 Even Mahon is sworn
upon,85 a favorite of the later Towneley Pilate. Two instances of the
elasticity of time in medieval drama merit particular attention.

In the account of Wien, a circumstance surfaces wherein a character
is afforded insight into events not yet realized in history, a view
wholly inconsistent with any human experience of time, but quite in
keeping with a character of mythical stature like Adam. Dominica
persona has just laid the curse of work upon man and Adam responds by
overleaping thousands of biblical years to beg mercy:

Gnade herre Ihesu Christ!

wie wol mir was, so we mir ist!
(Wien 128-129)

181
His insight into the second person of the Trinity is only possible in a
context which allows a dual experience of primary and secondary con-
ditions, from a time in which both events are elements of sacred
history. Dramatic presentations which turn thoughts backwards for
inspiration allow such a mixture of ahistorical reflection and medieval
man saw no conflict between God the Father and God the Son in this form;
both existed outside and beyond any human temporal reference. Kolve
summarizes:

Christ exists both before His incarnation and after His

crucifixion; His relationship to time is not horizontal

but vertical, because of His triune nature in eternity.

God is outside time and knowledge of His workings can trans—

cend the limitations of any single historical moment.
Chronological history is not the most prominent consideration, rather
attention is directed towards the cause and effect relationship of
man's fall and Christ's redeeming sacrifice.

A case of superimposing the historical description of man's
genesis onto Jesus is discovered in one of the complaints of the
Magdalene of Autun B. Here the situation is quite reversed from that in
Wien. A character who should have no such knowledge expresses her
lament in terms which dogmatically relate Jesus to God by attributing
an act of the latter to the former:

Doulx syre, qui formaste Adam,
Une coste luy ostate
De quoy Eve vous creaste. . . .
(Autun B 153-155)
Here Mary Magdalene recognizes the God in Christ, an enlightenment
obviously inconsistent with a purely historical conception of time.

Such a passage may convince modern readers of the incurable naiveté

of medieval authors, but when evaluated by religious understandings

 

 

182
contemporary with the plays and by alternatives for representation of
the period, much of the incongruity disappears, clearing the way for a
less subjective experience of not only the dramatists, but also of the
cultural milieu.

Group II makes ample use of contemporary medieval cultural and
social phenomena to presentify its Passions, including elements from
commerce,87 class distinction,88 and geography.89 At numerous points
the differentiation between Jew and Christian, as participants in med-
ieval city life, heavily colors the Passion story with values and over-
tones suggestive of an emerging Christian distain for their theological
neighbors. Autun B often speaks of 'des faulx Juifa'. At the Cru-
cifixion even the Virgin cries, "Les maulvais Juifa vous on ce fait",90
as if she herself were not a Jewess but a Christian. Indeed, in the
context of the plays she is Christian.91

The national language of each presentation dominates, particularly
in the French plays. Latin and vernacular French are neither in co-
operation nor contention, fer, with few exceptions,92 the texts com-
pletely rely upon the language of the people as their communicative
medium. It is evident that the transition from Latin to vernacular
speech happened earlier and proceeded more quickly in France than in
Germany. Retention of Latin phrases has a definite impact on the
tone and structure of German Passions, much of which is absent in
their French counterparts. The situation prevalent in Group 1, es-
pecially in BenP, where Latin and German function to imply nearness to
or distance from holy ideals,93 has changed to one in which all.

characters, including Jesus, express themselves in the vernacular.

This is not so for StG, for this text occupies a transitional state

183

between the purely symbolic application of Latin and the 'secularization'
of Passions, with German as its voice. There can be little doubt that
certain of the symbolic or emphatic qualities of Latin have been pre-
served in StG and that through them a decided stress is placed upon
important events of Christ's life. But the former potency of Latin
speeches identified2hi StC is manifestly weakened through the immediate
expression in vernacular forms, relegating the former symbolic value
of Latin to little more than a linguistic signal of the relative
importance of succeeding speeches. We note, for example, that several
lines spoken by John the Baptist are removed from a completely worldly
framework by their Latin introductions. The antiphon, 'Qui post me
venit',94 the responsory, 'Ecce, agnus dei',95 and other well-known
phrases frozen into liturgical application, such as the 'Ego vox cla-
mantis',96 the 'Ductus est Ihesus in desertum',97 and the 'Dominum
deum tuum adorabis',98 all indicate moments of consequence by their
linguistic form, but any symbolic application is undercut by their im-
mediate expression in German. Latin inclusions seem mainly to elevate
the general tenor of the entire presentation.99

The linguistic dynamics of Wien are somewhat more complex than
those of StC. While no longer completely symbolic in nature, Latin is
not yet relegated to a position of mere tonal importance. Several Latin
speeches remain only partially expressed in the vernacular, each lan-
guage still lending its own peculiar strengths to the dialogs in
question. Figures like Adam and Mary Magdalene still employ Latin

texts.100 Both lament their lot in Latin,101 and Mary speaks the

102 10

'Michi confer, venditor', and the 'Mundi delectacio , 3 both

familiar from BenP. Dramatic parameters are still broad enough to

184
allow a fundamental interaction on two linguistic levels, a phenomenon

soon to disappear.

SUCCESSION OF EVENTS

The numerous illustrations of events succeeding one another
identified for Montecassino and Ben? recur in all five texts of Group
11, though their ease of identification varies widely with the complete-
ness of supporting stage directions. Before investigating those areas
suggestive of succession, I wish to direct attention to a singular
method of structuring the dramatization of StG, one which is made ob-
vious from rubrics.

Of all the texts in Group II, StG alone employs the Silete call
of angels to indicate consecutive occurrences in time by the formal
structural division of scenes. Reference to Table 5, Appendix B,
will indicate the consistency with which the author articulates major
units from each other by aethereal song. The Baptism of Christ, His
triumph over the devil's temptations, Mary Magdalene's life, conversion,

and the related adultress theme,104 the Great Healer, the blind man,

and the disbelieving Jews, the Priests' intrigue, the Last Supper,105

Jesus' initial trial, the final decision of which resolves itself into
the Crucifixion, all conceived as materially compelling occasions, are
separated from their immediate surroundings by an introductory sizete.
The only instance not accompanied by remarks of.Augustinus is that of

John the Baptist. Mary Magdalene's representation commences with her

worldly activity, after which Augustinus makes his observations.

Boletta reviews several functions of this Silete. Among those

which are germane to our present discussion are: angels employed to

185
quiet the audience106 and Silete as a divider of scenes, analogous to the

curtain of contemporary theater.107

Boletta quotes Reinhold Hammer-
stein in summary, and in so doing, identifies the successive function
of these interruptions for StG:

Sicher machte die Verlegung der Spiele ins Freie, der gr3szere

Lgrm und der erweiterte Umfang des Schauplatzes diesen Ruf

notig. Zugleich hatte er eine gliedernde Funktion beim

Szenenwechsel, bei neuen Auftritten vor GruBgenbewegungen

der Personen von einer zur anderen Station.
All appearances point to aconscious effort by the StG artist to for-
mally create a succession of scenes and to identify the inception of
precipitous material, calling attention by the intrusion of supernatural
voices. Boletta comes to similar conclusions in his analysis of music

in medieval Passions.109

Adverbial Evidence

Succession created by the usage of adverbs of time in StG is so
vast that only an abstract of occurrences can be offered. Our author
evidences a predilection for the forms tunc (et tunc) and Respondet
(Respondens, Respondent, Respondeat, Respondeant), turning to the former
in 132 instances and to the latter 97 times. Other adverbial usages
previously identified complete the evidence which suggests that a
basic succession of events and dialog is, indeed, inherent in the
structure of StG. A similar situation exists in Wien, but the adverb-
ial quantity is limited by manuscript incompleteness. Since this method
of organizing a drama increases geometrically with the addition of
episodes and sequences in Group III, I have included an overview of all
eleven Passion plays as Appendix A. Reference to it will suffice to

indicate its fundamental character.

186

When attention is directed to Palat a striking dissimilarity
between this play and its German analogs causes some analytical dif-
ficulty. The playwright chooses to exclude specific rubrics of any
kind,110 normally identifying only the character who speaks. In only
one case does Palat avail itself of adverbially-induced succession,
that of BA 1235, where it is reported with "Post Dyabolus" that Satan
enters the staging area and commences his speech after the Virgin has
lamented Christ's passing. There are no inherent transitions existing
outside the dialog structure, a fact which makes for some unclarity as
to the exact location of events or the temporal relationships between
them. One must closely scrutinize the dialogs themselves to ascertain
relevant information. Only then is it possible to establish a con-
ception of how succession may have been conceived. If we follow care-
fully the speeches of Jesus and Saint Peter at the outset of activity,
for example, we can perceive a necessary succession from the flow of
dramatized events. The Lord commands His disciples, Peter and John, to
enter the city,where they will meet a man who will show them to the
Passover facilities.111 Peter replies, "Sire, volentiers nous irons,

"112

Vbstre commandement ferons. The immediately ensuing speech by

Peter is directed towards the host mentioned by Jesus (saint Pierre~
a l'oste--BA 15):
Amis, Jhesus, li nostre sire,
Nous envoie a vous pour dire
Que vous huimais le herbergiez,
A mengier li appareilliez.
(Palat 15-18)
Little doubt arises that a sequence of cause and effect, of command and

execution is implied, but where previous texts have made the relation-

Ships between the first and second event implicit through rubrics,

187
one must continually scan the dialog structure for evidence of suc-
cession. This method of creating or of determining succession is, in
many respects, more dramatic than the extensive application of stage
directions to which the audience cannot relate, for it internalizes
these affiliations into the dialog itself. The two texts of Autun do
not follow this structural lead, reverting in most instances to the use
of rubrics and to the complimentary adverbial succession.

Though rubrics carry much of the temporal succession in the
plays, certain correlations are created simply by the exchange of
speeches with two or more people, a situation which excludes the usual
adverbial aids. One instance can be seen in Autun B, when Joseph of
Arimathea converses with Pilate. One of the dialogs is introduced,
"Earle JOSEPH a Pilate"(BA 1492), and its successor is labeled,"Rarle
PILATE’a Joseph" (BA 1505). Clearly, the second speech replies to
Joseph's words of a few sentences earlier. While adverbs of time are
not absolutely necessary, the succession of events is made more trans-

parent by their inclusion.

Tamporal Linking of’Events

Investigation into cause and effect relationships of scenes as
structured by our five authors reveals some interesting contrasts.
StG opens the exposition with the Wedding in Cana. This episode has been
obviously moved from its scriptural position posterior to the calling
of the disciples. As in many cases, the StG author appears to be alter-
ing biblical chronology to open his play at a more favorable dramatic
junction within the basic material. Hartl quotes F.S. Mone as observing

that the result of chronological reordering affords StG a felicitous

188
onset, "wenn das Wunder f3r das gl3ubige Volk, das Wunder sehen wollte,

113 StG is not alone in the field of altered

vorangestellt wurde."
historical chronology; another German religious writing produced a few
decades prior to StG, Die Erl3sung, exhibits an identical sequence of
events. It would appear that a tradition of changed sequence also plays
a major role.114
This series of actions, of the changing of water to wine, is

succeeded by an extended baptism scene, wherein John identifies himself
and establishes the doctrinal link between the Old and New Testaments.

."115 Dramatically

John reports "das godes riche uns nahet.
speaking, he could not be more correct, for the scene preceding his
message contains the first stirrings of the Eternal Kingdom in human
form. John recalls the words of the prophet Isaiah, "Ego vox clamantis
in deserto: dirigite viam dbmini", thereby indeed preparing the way of
the Lord, who appears almost immediately. The necessary bridge linking
the Old and New Law is established and dramatically set in motion:

we have witnessed the first moments of the latter.

An excellent example of a conscious integration of several inci-
dents which lead directly to a main occurrence follows: Jesus prevails
over the three temptations of the devil; Mary Magdalene, who continues
her role representative of all mankind,116 is introduced in her worldly
glory and later converted; Christ calls His disciples; He confronts the
Jews who bring the adultress and He dines with Symon the leper. These
cameos, considered individually, possess no observable temporal or
causal affiliation to one another. But does the forgiving of the adult-
ress not psychologically prepare and deepen the succeeding pardon of an

even greater sinner? Christ has just in recent dramatic time overcome

189
Lucifer, His arch adversary; now He proves Himself Master of human
failings as well:

. . . durch ihre Verbindung mit der Haupthandlung werden auch

sie zu einem Teil des Erdwallens Christi, der, Gott und

Mensch zugleich, Welt und Ueberwelt in sich vereint.11
Thus it seems apparent that the artist's mind is consciously referming
and reorganizing his material within acceptable doctrinal limits to
convey a meaning for the story which is quite independent of its
separate parts; he is exercising no mean degree of structural freedom.118

The composer of Wien goes one step further in the exercise of
relative artistic freedom by not only expanding the scope of his pre-
sentation, but also by dramatizing many ideas only epically suggested
by other contemporary redactors. He chooses to stage the entire
doctrinal necessity of the Passion, commencing with Lucifer's fall from
grace, continuing through Adam's sin, and culminating in the sacrifice
of God the Son for man.

The fall of Adam is a direct outgrowth and response to Lucifer's
loss of power, a hostile reaction to his own banishment. His servant,
Satan, formulates his master's drive for domination over Ged's.creation
by declaring:

Ia, wer er in der erden,
der man mfiz uns werden
mit allem sime kunne.
(Nien 70-72)
The reception into Hell of four eternally-typed sinners119 immediately
after Adam and Eve prepares the appearance of Mary Magdalene in novel
fashion and incorporates it nicely into previous developments. A

careful spiritual integration of these happenings reveals the partici-

pation of a skillful artist who consciously structures his material to

190
deliver a particular message, for as Maria M3ller succinctly reports:

Durch die Handlung des ersten (Teils) wird nicht blosz ge-

zeigt, wie die Menschen in S3nde verfielen, sondern auch,

wie sich die SUnden mit der Zeit sehr verschlimmert haben.

Das illustrieren Beispiele: Sic bringen in dem Zuschauer

den Eindruck hervor, dasz alle Abh3lfe geschehen musz, wenn

nicht das Menschengeschlecht in all seinen Schichten ganz

verkommen 5011.

The Magdalene's sin provides a graphic illustration of the culmination
of evil in the world.

The temporal flow of events out of one another in the French Pas-
sions is more difficult to establish: There seems no overwhelming
necessity to begin them with Passover preparations. With the exception
of acceding to biblical narrative, I find no internal chain of events
which require the plays to be initiated at these points in time. Here
one must search other anterior French Passions for answers, for the
concept of the ascendency of literary cause and effect, which does so
much to define modern plays, is probably not at work to the degree seen
in German plays of the same period.121 In the predecessor of Palat,
the Passion des Jongleurs, a narrative poem from ca. 1243,122 from
which many of the first thirty-four lines are drawn, the same point
of departure is chosen.123 Although both Paul Mass and Grace Frank
assume a lost play between the Passion des Jongleurs and Palat,124 it
would be surprising if the unknown Passion began at another juncture
without leaving traces in Palat.

The appearance of Mary Magdalene loses some of its doctrinal and
structural intensity by being seemingly thrust into the scene of the
Last Supper without any preparation. We learn little about her former

life, so carefully organized and integrated into the grand scheme of

things in German plays. The Magdalene is only seen in the last stages

191

of conversion, seeking forgiveness through acts of contrition.125
There occurs, however, one instance whereby the cause of succession is
at least hinted. This happens when Judas, deprived of his customary
ten percent fee from Mary's gift, vows to recover it in the future.126
His speech dramatically sets some retaliatory measure in motion and we,
along with medieval audiences, recognize it as the betrayal of his Lord.
But this speech fits more logically into the consideration of oaths and
is therefore of marginal value for this analysis.

The playwrights of Autun B and Autun.R include in their intro-
ductions a statement that they Specifically wish to present the Passion

of Christ,127

which may account for the onset of activity around the
'Last Supper. Certainly, many varied means of presenting only the
Passion material exist which might have altered the structure of the
final plays, but, with a few notable exceptions, both texts seem to
closely follow biblical sources.

The singular approaches taken by the two German writers, the care-
ful balancing and integration of material previous to the outset of
Christ's Passion, prepares one for a similar experience in the French
plays. Unfortunately, a degree of disappointment may arise, for their
spirits respond to dissimilar stimuli. No impelling chain of events
external to the Passion linking it to prior circumstances elucidates
the beginning of the plays. Palat opens immediately with the Master's
expressed desire to partake of one last meal with His closest friends
before His ordeal begins. No dramatization or Specification which might
indicate the necessity of the sacrifice is incorporated, save that which

is incidental to the Scriptural bases of presentation. In like fashion,

Autun B and Autun R commence with preparations for the final meal, but

192

they preface dramatic inception with a short introduction wherein is
mentioned the desire to stage the Passion and Resurrection of our Lord.128
What may be involved in the lack of any identifiable dramatization of
causative factors is a possible traditional point of inception of these
early French dramas, indicative of a probable intent to restrict act-
ivity to the events immediately surrounding the sacrifice, as noted in
Kosch's definition of a Passion play.129

In the French plays the figure of Mary Magdalene is not employed
either as extensively nor as effectively as in BenP. The harlot voices
her remorse and contrition while proceeding to the Upper Room. She
explains her intention to anoint her newly-found Savior with oil and
wash His feet.130 The symbolic embodiment of sinful man so obvious in
BenP, StG, and Vien is weakened considerably by an epic narration in the
most general terms of her trespasses against God, as she reports:

Mbut ai au cuer grant repentance

De mes pechiez et rembrance. . . .

(Palat 83-83) 131

01'

Bien scat que quan iZ me vera
Mes pechies me pardonera.
(Autun R 106-107)
These are indeed pale statements when compared with the dramatized
life of Mary Magdalene in the German plays. The intensified impact of
a staged circumstance contrasted with one of epic characteristics can
easily be seen. The narration simply cannot provide the tension or
possibility of identification with the figure inherent in a presented
form.
It has been suggested that Mary Magdalene's position as a French

. . . . . 1 . .
national saint at this time constrained poets. 32 I am more inclined

193
to accept Saxer's observations dealing with the general decline of the
Magdalene's cult during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries,
initiated in France already in 1265-67 with the decreasing importance
of Vezelay,133 traditional objective of pilgrimages since about 1050.134
Mary's importance is not only mirrored in medieval drama, but perhaps
her eclipse is reflected as well, especially in France. Whatever the
reason, it is certain that the dramatic motivation of Mary in the five
texts is similar, but far from identical. The French authors do not
seem interested in investigating many of the doctrinal and social as-

pects of her life which surround the Passion as are their German counter-

parts.

Spatial Mbvement
Movement of time initiated by movement through space forms a sig-
nificant structural element in Group II, responsible for much of the
temporal succession found in these plays. StG, relying upon rubrics to
establish place changes, shows evidence similar to that of Group I
texts.135 Few exemplifications of what might be termed internal
evidence of temporal succession, of dialog specifying or strongly.
intimating alternation of place by one or more characters, were found
in Group I plays. Their appearance is normally either prepared or
confirmed by stage directions. Due to the extensiveness of StG, several
more examples of dialog-transmitted evidence can be pinpointed.
Among them are the statements by diaboZus, ”Ich furen dick uf'disen
hohen berg", appended to the rubric, "Tune DiaboZus apprehendens Ihesum
.,,’136

manu ducat [eum]in montem. and the calling of the blind man's

- . . O
father as a witness to his son's illness, "Samuel, kom her zu hant!/

194
unser herre hat nach dir gesant" succeeded by the direction, "Quo

1 . .
." 37 Yet a third set of Circumstances

veniente dieat cayphas. .
makes itself known in the StG text: some spatial movement, hence,
temporal succession, is purely internal, the change of location
manifested solely within a actor's speech. Such is the case when the
Healer commands the blind man:

N; ganc inweg z£_dirre stunt:

wasche daz abe un wis gesunt!

(StG 403-404)
The very next speech by the blind man,138uttered in the midst of several
Jewish bystanders, can only indicate a change of place and succession
of action, since it is the response to a command as well as the initial
event of a long didactic sequence making plain the disbelief of the Jews.
The facts as related make little dramatic sense unless they occur in
a place from which Christ is absent.139
Wien relies upon rubrics and dialog supported by direction to

signal its succession through spatial movement. Perhaps the most
interesting application of this technique is found early in the Passion,
when dominica persona ousts Lucifer from Heaven with the words:

Var hin, Lucifer, in die heZZe

mit allen dinen gecelle.

(Wien 32-33)

There issues a praise of God by the "good angels"(boni angeli),
which bridges the previous happening with its successor, a scene occupy«
ing an unspecified later time. According to interceding remarks,
Lucifer, now appearing as a devil, is lead to his throne by his en-
tourage.140 He cries loudly, " wet her geseZZen/aZZe aus der helle",14l

an unmistakeable declaration from his own mouth that Lucifer and his

attendants are indeed in a new place, as prescribed by God and,

195
coincidentally, find themselves in temporal surroundings existing some-
time after their encounter and banishment. Internal evidence from
speeches has established not only the locus alternation, but also the
inevitable passage of time.142

On frequent occasions the French authors turn to internal dialog
structure to signal location changes. The single exception to this rule
is discovered in Autun B and derives from the several narrated events
which define its reading adaptations. Let us first examine the normal
method encountered in these Passions before considering the epic
peculiarities of Autun B.

If it were not for internal dialog evidence, the movement through
space and attendant passage from one succeeding moment to another would
be difficult to comprehend and vast portions of text might appear either
unmotivated or perhaps even incomprehensible, a witness of poorly-con-
structed theater indeed! Fortunately, we are dealing, not with incom-
petence, but with a novel method of structuring time and motion, of
incorporating it so completely into the text itself as to demand extreme
care in its analysis and attention to detail.143

Evidence of spatial alteration internalized into the very speeches
of actors obviates extensive stage directions. Attentive readers and
audiences can follow the changes with ease, as the vast majority are
signalled by the characters who move from one circumstance into another.
In fact, this method of delineating space and time is, in many respects,
dramatically superior to reliance on rubrics, for it internalizes and
vocalizes the changes instead of merely reporting their occurrence;

it is a play-imminent phenomenon of great value for later readers.

These indicators also represent the strengths of simultaneous staging;

196
one need not report each and every movement supplemented by its ob—
jective duration if all loca are continually before the audience. A
short, but definite statement that movement will or has taken place
is the sole criterion. Textual succinctness compliments the intensity

of the stage remarkably well.

Although several possibilities of structuring dialog exist, the
prevalent pattern in Palat is generally tripartite in form: 1) most
location changes are initiated by a command, request or suggestion;
2) the person making the journey acknowledges the undertaking
(optional); 3) the same figure commences a dialog in the new place.
Though no other indication that a journey was accomplished need be
included, it must be assumed that movement of some duration has
transpired, regardless of its degree of suggestion. Among the many
incidences found throughout Palat where the internal dialog betrays
a succession normally made clear by adverbial forms is the sequence

4 Cayn responds:

in which Pilate tells Cayn to fetch a friend.14
Biau sire, et il me plait ainssi;

Et je irai tout maintenant

Pour faire te commandement.

(Palat 552-556)

The next speech is identified, "cayn a Huitacelin" (BA SS7). Cayn hails
his friend and remarks:

Li prevoz Pilate vous prie

Et pour rien ne le laisse mie

Que ne viegnes parler a lui.

(Palat 559-561)

The return to Pilate's court is introduced by Huitacelin's reply:

Mbut tres volentiers ji irai

Et son commandement ferai.
(Palat 563-564)

197
Upon Huitacelin's assent fellow Cayn's words to Pilate: "Sire, veez

145 We see that an entire succession of events evolves

ei Huitacelin."
through internal dialog, one without aid of extraneous directions.

In later circumstances the tendency to internalize motive signals
is again exemplified. Caiaphas, receiving little satisfaction from
his interrogation of Jesus, decides to deliver the Nazarene to Pilate

46

fer the penalty Jewish law forbids him.l Within a few verses Christ

has been transported to Pilate's hall and Caiaphas is heard to introduce

147 Pilate soon

"(In ypocrite, un tricheor,/Un desloyal, un traiteur".
shuttles the high priest off to Herod, who, it is hoped, will accomplish
the judgment which Pilate also cannot as yet condone, as he says:

148 Caiaphas' immediate speech, without bene-

"A Herode puia li dires. "
fit of directions denoting movement, is addressed to Herod and it is
made clear that the band now before the governor of Galilee originates
from Pilate's quarter:

Sire Herode, Dieux vous doint joie!

Li prevoz.PiZate vous envoie

Jhesu que nous avons or pris.

(Palat 357-359)
Although one may find contexts wherein passages having their genesis
in other loca interrupt the instant completion of spatial movement, such
as that found in the Garden between Christ's first command for the
disciples to awake149 and the second instance,150 interrupted by Judas'
bargaining,or the initiation of the Last Supper151 punctuated by Jesus'
entrance into Jerusalem, reported through the eyes of children,152
the tendency in Palat is to place the dialog in the new location and
153

time quite near the initial indication of movement. Still other

alterations of place must be extrapolated from two separate statements,

198
for occasionally no internal hint of spatial movement is included.
These situations constitute a decided minority of the evidence,
154
however.
Autun R manages most of its locus transfers in a manner similar to

155 Few changes

Palat, using command, acknowledgement, and fulfillment.
of place remain unmotivated.
Autun 8, due to its inclusion of numerous narrated rubrics,

exhibits a novel state of affairs. To be sure, the author occasionally
operates within internalized dialogs and signals impending or accom-
plished scenic alteration. Jesus requests Peter and John to enter the
cityznuiengage the Passover room; they express their willingness and
the next verses indicate an accomplished journey.156 Pilate tells the
Jews to take Christ to Herod.157 Thereupon the text reveals an immediate
change to Herod's palace,158 much in keeping with the situation described
for Palat.159 However, a meaningful number of changes of locale depend
on information supplied by the narrated text, which either indicates
the motion entirely within itself, or confirms the activity introduced
in dialog. So Mary Magdalene expresses the desire to seek out her
Lord and to find someone: who will allow her entrance into the Upper
Room:

vrayment il m'y vaul aller,

Qui m'y voudra laissier entrer.

(Autun B 146-147)

The success of her search is reported immediately thereafter by the
statement:

Incontinant par l'uyt entra,

De soubs la table se bouta.
(Autun B 148-149)

199
Another example of this usage is found after Jesus expresses His
need to commune with His Father,160 when it is reported: "Aprés on

161

jarden entra,/Piteusement son pere ora." The Master returns to the

disciples to find them asleep, an act expressed in narration,162 but one
necessary to link the previous speech with His ensuing warning.163
One might best term these narrated conditions epic rubrics, a concept
which would consider their peculiar preterite form and their analogous
function to normal directions contained in other plays.164
Few spatial transfers remain which exhibit incomplete definition.
I was able to positively identify only one instance in both Autun B and
Autun R, each occurring at identical points within the story. -The
example involves the return of Jesus and the disciples to the room in
Jerusalem prepared fer them by Peter and John. Peter first thanks the
host fer his gracious generosity before returning to the position oc-
cupied by the Christ. Here Peter infbrms the Master of the completed
preparations:
Sire, l'oste vous demande
Il fera quanti'i vous plaira,
Vblentiers vous abergera
Et sa viende vous lyvrera.
(Autun B 84-87)
The succeeding rubric, "0r parle L'Oste a Jhesuchrist",165 compels a
journey by the Lord to Jerusalem for the speech to take place.
Here is one instance where temporal succession is mandated, but the
motive stipulation is lacking. The identical circumstance prevails in
Autun R. The situation was not likely to cause any spectator surprise
or confoundement, for the symbolic nature of time passing on a journey

between two places was readily accepted by medieval audiences. More-

over, it fit well into the concepts of simultaneous staging.

200

Appearance and Withdrawal of’Characters

The role played by appearances and exits of individuals in temporal
succession was earlier identified.166 It was noted that an obligatory
'chain of figures' linking separate episodes and establishing a
series of related events was mandatory for effective drama. In many
respects this quality is innate in the Passion play, for the focal point
of the drama is Jesus Christ. Similar to those of Group I, the texts
of Group II either depict the Savior as the feature character or as a
central figure to be discussed in almost every scene. I have already
remarked on the succession created in StG, as the Lord ministers at
Cana, is baptized by John, and overcomes the three temptations of the
Devil. The essential figure of Christ binds these episodes into a
meaningful succession identical to the manner revealed in Scripture.
Additional examples may be found in StG, Palat, Autun B, and Autun R,
where a core of necessary characters moves from one activity to another,
others coming into view, departing the group (or the group going on to
new events), then becoming active at a later time. The Crucifixion and

the events leading to it provide a good example of this form of tem-

poral succession.

The StG playwright places a definite indication of the eventual
outcome of the mounting conflict between Jesus and the high priests
into his play. Caiaphas and Annas are first introduced as the un-
believing interrogators of the man born blind.167 Their absolute

disbelief in the Healer's powers are contained in Annas' parting words

to the healed beggar:

201

Puch, d5 mast sin verloren,
wan du bist in godes zorn
un wilt ung doch alle leren:
des must du von uns keren
un wis ovon uns geschalten,
wilt du din leben behalten!
(StG 426— 431)

The reader's next encounter with these characters takes place after
Lazarus is raised. .The high priests are seen to plot the demise of
their adversary. Annas asks: "Quid facimus, quia hic homo multa signa
. l6 . . . .
faczt?", 8 whereupon his religious confrere adVises:
Expedit nobis, ut unus moriatur homo
pro populo, et non tota gens pereat.
(StG 665-666)
Their second appearance, clearly occurring sometime after the first,
constitutes a heightening of suspense and anticipation of the final
outcome, for we first witnessed disbelief; now malice shows itself.
The third exposure of the plotters finds them making the bargain for
their quarry with a traitorous Judas.169 Succession and time have
moved even closer to the hour of decision. The confrontation begins
to develop in earnest with Jesus' arrest and presentation, first to
. 170 171 . . . .
one priest, then to the other. Their recalcitrance and intention
to rid society of this heretical menace is unyielding, as Annas' reaction
to Judas' repentance shows:
Dine rede get uns nit an!
hast du ubel oder wol gedan,
das wirst du hie nach wol gewar.’

wilt du an die wit, so var!
(StG 1025-28)

 

. . . 172
The character Rufus, first introduced at Christ's arrest, as-

sumes the role of official spokesman as the trials continue. He will
present the Lord to Herod at Pilate's command, return Him to the latter's

jurisdiction, and demand His death. Caiaphas puts in a relatively

202
unimportant appearance at the trial, and his arrival cannot be exactly
. 173 . . . .
determined. Rufus continues his antagonistic role on the way to

74 Annas and Caiaphas

the Skull ("Stig uf} man mfiz dich henkenl").1
join the procession, adding their sarcastic comments to the Teacher's
predicament and suffering.175 But their participation is not yet
completed, for they also take it upon themselves to assure that the
Resurrection does not occur by demanding soldiers to guard the grave.176
These two characters lend a realistic quality to the Passion tale by
their coming and going on stage, though it must be recognized that a
goodly portion of their attendance derives from biblical sources.

The high priests of Palat first appear at the bargain for Jesus.177
Their manifestation, too, forms a temporal succession. Entrances or
reintroductions of these persons emanate from foregoing scenes. Palat
pictures the priests as the main accusers of the Lamb. They accompany
Him from His appearance before them to the Crucifixion, continually
moving from one circumstance to its successor as Christ's irascible
antagonists. When the dramatic spotlight moves to scenes such as the
forging of the nails178 or to the flagellation,179 where they are os-
tensibly absent, their influence is still active and their reappearance
at the close of these episodes is a foregone conclusion. Not for one
moment do they rest their watchful eyes; they follow the Savior to His
borrowed grave and then attempt to insure His destruction.

Autun B and Autun R exhibit similar structures. The major differ-
ences occur in the consistent presence of the priests. Here both texts
chose to give much of the accusatory statements before Pilate and Herod

to figures normally identified only as 'Juifa'. An adequate temporal

succession results, but it has neither the potential to create as much

203

suspense as StG or Palat nor to clearly indicate succession.180

The temporal succession effected by the triple appearance of the
angel to Mary Magdalene in BenP finds analogous circumstances in StG,
where Martha's multiple repetition to her sister, separated in time by
the calling of the disciples and the episode of the adultress, serves to
rationalize and strengthen the Magdalene's final conversion. The
careful temporal structuring of Martha's three warnings toher sinful
sister, interspersed with Christ's divine ministry, not only present
a dramatic contrast of character and motivation, but they also reveal a
succession in time reflected in the repeated comings and goings of
Mary and Martha. Wien reveals pressure on Mary from three different
sources which culminate in her recognition of sin. Martha warns her,181
the messenger of Symon tells her of Christ's presence at his master's

house,182 and an angel finally succeeds in opening her reluctant eyes

83 In the instance of Wien the temporal

to the evils of her life.1
succession results from Mary's interaction on three separate occasions
with a like number of characters, each adding to the urgency of her
situation with increasing persuasiveness. Though these two plays build
upon established dramatic tradition, each takes its sources one step
further in the direction of diversification and intensity. The French
plays, owing to the absence of a dramatized life of the Magdalene, lack
the character definition of Mary inherent in the successive portraits

of the German Passions. They substitute a rather bland portrait in

which the repentance cycle has already passed the stages of confrontation,

and is soon completed with Jesus' forgiveness. Little by way of

temporal succession of heightened spectator interest can be found.

204

Succession by Dialog

The accrual of material destined for dramatic performance in
Group II Passions, the process by which familiar episodes become expanded
by accumulated speeches and figures, coupled with the introduction of
new events into the staged reality of medieval Passions, interposes
previously unexperienced problems for structural analysis of succession
by dialog. These examples from Montecassino and BenP. with the exception
of the Mary Magdalene episode, uxor's dream, and Joseph of Arimathea's
closing remarks to Pilate,184 generally constituted a dramatization of
biblical material inherent in the story of the Passion; they were in-
evitable bits of information whose general temporal relationships to
one another were specified in Scripture. As we approach Group II,
there arise numerous questions as to the necessity of many speeches,
and a concomitant blurring of theoretical divisions. Several dialogs,
though refering to a succession of events, may only be vehicles by
which the story is moved forward and required by the account. Their
inclusion may assume the form of the simple past tense, or their struc-
ture may be elevated to one of epic reference to events happening
within represented time, retrieved, but not dramatized. In either
situation the information may be deemed necessary for both the faithful
recapitulation of the tale and for its dramatic management. As such it
provides data concerning the succession of the narrated or dramatized
material ane not of the dramatization itself. Hints of the dramatic
struCturing beyond the original source material may be discovered in
circumstances involving extra-substantive material, such as the alter-

nation and repetition by secondary characters of previous events.185

205

StG abounds with illustrations of temporal structuring through
speech succession. In each instance a certain potential for suspense
results from the repetition of information which is basically non-
essential, but whose inclusion produces a highly effective drama. One
of the most potent applications is witnessed in the conversion of Mary
Magdalene.

The text projects a picture of a worldly woman vain with pride.
Her initial speech contains the unmistakeable reference to the
greatest of medieval sins, that of vanitas:

Ich bin [ein] vledig iunges wip

un dragen einen stolzen lip. . . .
(StG 202-203)

186

The conversion process undergone by Mary exhibits a threefold repe-
tition of Martha's warning to her sister, each more forceful and weighty
than the last. Martha first chooses to attack the earthly stay of man-
kind, attempting thereby to dissuade her sinful sister from succumbing
to the allures of worldly pleasure. Mary should concentrate on serving
God in this life,187 a message which surely was felt in the souls of
medieval bystanders. Martha's second caveat assumes greater consequence
and power, as she now warns Mary that her foolishness will be rewarded
in Hell.188 The recalcitrant wanton replies that her sister should go
home and spin, a pastime more befitting an aging Martha than the
younger Mary.189 In a short time Martha again confronts Mary, now with
a reminder that all people account for their actions after death, at

the Last Judgment.190 With this revelation the cloud falls from Mary's
eyes and at last she senses her predicament. Mary's conversion has

been initiated. Seen from a narrative standpoint, these thrice-repeated

monitions contain no material which, left undramatized, would cause the

206
play to falter. Yet their inclusion serves not only to rationalize
the character of Mary Magdalene into a more viable dramatic entity, it
also serves to add structural and emotional depth to the play and
heighten spectator interest. Mary is not simply converted by a
heavenly visitor, her own sister responds to a perceived need, employ-
ing all the standard arguments against secular life with which medieval
congregations were continually bombarded. The auspicious repetition
of like scenes, designed to accomplish an identical end, provides
evidence of meaningful artistic manipulation of sources, placed into an
effective temporal succession by judicious application of linguistic
and dramatic alternatives.

As the episode of the man born blind is developed by the StG
writer, another instance of expressive repetition confronts the reader.
When the Great Healer places mud upon the victim's eyes, He commands:

N5 ganc inweg z§;dirre stunt:

wasche daz abe un wis gesunt!

(StG 403-404)

This accomplished, Annas joins the scene with his doubts; the healed
man narrates the history of his miracle, first in Latin, then German.
Repetition of the primary facts, this time not by the Healer, rather
by the healed,191 intensifies the original miracle, thereby sharply
contrasting the faith of the simple villager with the continuing
spiritual blindness of the high priest. The healed man is called upon
to repeat his tale before Caiaphas within a few lines, and he narrates
the wonder exactly as he did before Annas.192 A second repetition of
the healing process further underscores the division between believer

and disbeliever, now isolating from salvation the alternate instigator

of Christ's death. As with the repetition of material from the

207
Magdalene episode, this case of the healed man twice relating his
profound physical experience does net involve information absolutely
necessary to the tale of Christ's Passion; rather its incorporation

. . . . . l
prec1pitates through speech the structure of dramatization itself. 93

A further means of building temporal succession by repetition can
be found when a character provides the audience with a state of affairs
culminating in staged circumstances.194 Normally such a statement
reflects in some detail upon past events in the figure's life and
integrates it into the present situation. StG includes a complaint by
Mary Magdalene which in general terms establishes her sinful past and
dependence on Jesus' mercy:

ich han gesundet alzu vil

uber aller rehter maze zil:

daz ist mir innecliche leit.

erzeuge mir din barmherzekeit

oder ich bin umer me verlorn:

uwe daz ich ie wart geborn!

ich han grozer sunder vil gedan.

(StG 328-334)

By this remembrance of her previous dramatized failings the Magdalene
recalls earlier events and places them in succession.

At a later juncture StG causes a tormented Jesus to repeat in
narrated form the promises of His disciples to remain faithful unto
death, thus giving evidence of succession in the play. However, in this
instance the formal result accomplishes much more than merely implying
succession. At a point immediately prior to His prayer that the cup of
bitterness might pass from Him, Jesus' words extend beyond Scripture

to exhibit a pain which is more intensely felt by its specific re-

collection of His followers' promises:

208

Mohtent ironit wachen eine stunt
bit mir? nu_sprach doch uwer munt,
ir wollent liden durch mich not,
ob ez were der grimme dot!
0 e .
nu slafent ir vil suze. . . .
(StG 839-843)

 

The contrast between the original oaths, particularly by Peter, and

the present situation becomes more profound with this timely repetition
of previously staged material; the conflict on the part of the disciples
between desire and ability to see it fulfilled, originating in Gospel
accounts, is here structurally magnified.

Small units of structure in Wien are precipitated by repetition,
but in contrast with StG they normally involve a restatement of already-
staged events by the character at their center. Thus does Lucifer
recall his lofty position among the angels prior to his fall.195 This
situation is contrasted with his present circumstance, one in which
Lucifer recognizes his Maker's wrath.196 But the evil spirit does not
dwell upon his place in Hell; as is normal with such dialog-induced
succession Lucifer relates these experiences to future activity. His
anger is to be directed at God's special creation, man, first in the
person of Adam and his family,197 then to all society. Such an epic
repetition of dramatized incidents and examination of its relationship
to an unpleasant present state of affairs precipitates not only the next
step in the story, but actually rationalizes and causes the structure
of the play to develop in a remarkably artistic manner. We are again
dealing not with a source-mandated sequence, but with one which has a
life and time of its own; the tale reflects skillful development and

authorial manipulation of individual parts td create a play independent

of slavish imitation, a singular statement on man's association

209
with God, and a satisfying literary experience in its own right.198

Palat recapitulates the events culminating in the Crucifixion,
investigating it from three separate viewpoints, each repetition mag-
nifying the original happening and fixing the sacrifice in the minds
of spectators.

The initial figure to review the central incidents is Satan. He
elates at the shameful death among thieves of his adversary199 and
narrates once again Judas' place in the conspiracy, coincidentally
indicting himself by this revelation:

Je pourchacay la treison,

Le berat et la tricherie.

anues si bele lecherie

Ne fit deable ne maufe.

0r est li lerres atrapé;

Mort et ocis par mon pechié.

(Palat 1256-61)

It is finally apparent to audience and reader alike that Judas was
acting under'develishinfluences and the destruction of the Lord
seemingly acccomplished, the forces of evil now glory in their ostensibly
unrestricted power over mankind. This point of view lends credibility
to the devils as active instigators of the Crucifixion, working through
misguided men. As a literary device, whereby a portion of the play
itself is precipitated and clarified, the dialog proves a clever and
useful tool. But an even more significant reason for the repetition
can be discerned: the devils ironically believe themselves victors
and can discern no bonds or impediments in their path towards ultimate
domination of man's spirit. Theyexhault,as have their human allies.

However, this exhaltation merely sets them up for the not too distant

triumph of Christ and the further restriction of their power.

210
A judicious reiteration of dramatized scenes in epic form not only more
adequately relates the character delivering the dialog to events he
narrates, it furthermore provides greater personality definition and
introduces circumstances upon which future staging depends.

The second point of view offered in repetition of the Crucifixion
is that held by Mary Magdalene. While Satan delights in the tragedy,
Mary grieves. She reviews Jesus' compassion with loving emotion:

Vous estiez plains de si grant courtoisie

Plain de pitie et plain de grant doucour.

(Palat 1793-94)

Somehow she knows the facts concerning Judas' treason and can only
strongly and emphatically condemn it.201 Mary recalls that no disciple
defended Christ at the arrest, a judgment which reinforces the Master's
prophetic talents;202 the future time of arrest seen from the Last
Supper became reality. Jesus proved His temporally-unbounded knowledge
of events and human character. Much of Mary's lament at this point
would seem to convey the official attitude of the medieval Church
towards the Crucifixion and supporting data.

Yet a third epic repetition of the Crucifixion, reinforced by the
specification of guilty persons, is delivered by Joseph of Arimathea.203
His naming of the conspirators, as the preparation for removing the
nails still holding the suspended Lord are made, must have provided a
memorable and deeply-moving recollection for spectators of the earlier
Crucifixion, further etching that event and its instigators into their
memories. Such a multi-leveled organization affords insight into the
persuasive power and structural underscoring which may be created by

the skillful application of succession by dialog.204

211
A similar recapitulation of the Savior's trial and suffering on the
Cross is contained in Autun B, with the scene reviewed from at least
two independent perspectives. Mary the mother of Jesus bemoans her
Son's passing in much the same fashion as Mary Magdalene and Joseph did

in Palat.205

She, too, knows all the critical facts, from those developed
in the Garden to His last gift to mankind. But probably the most sig-
nificant review of the final hours of the Christ's life is provided by
none other than Pilate, during an extensive dialog with Joseph.206 The
Roman expresses his regret at condemning Jesus and offers several
quotations by the Jews and his supposedly conscientious but unsuccessful
efforts to arbitrate the situation in the Galilean's favor. The author
paints a surprisingly sympathetic portrait of this reasonable, but weak
governor, placing into his mouth citations from the trial which evince

his great reluctance to become involved in an unjust proceeding:

Jamais je ne m'an mesleres.
(Autun B 1564)

saichés qui je n'an feray rien.
Laissés m'an paix; perdés vous temps.
(Autun B 1576-77)

N
saichés, Juifz, qu'en se mechier
Je n'ann ay culpe n'anssy vouldroye.
(Autun B 1600-01)

He even injects a curious note on the Anointed's innocence into his
memory of the Jewish response to his last speech:

Eyre Pilate, nous voulons,

Et entre nous pourter voulons

Que le sang de celug_inocens

Soye sur nous—et sur nous enfens.
(Autun B 1603-06)

 

I am inclined to lay this apparent oversight squarely on the shoulders

of the Passion writer as an instance indicative of how his own

212
prejudices and religious concepts occasionally insinuate themselves
into his work. The author of Autun B even allows Joseph to refuse
Pilate's guilt,207 a decision reminiscent of the apocryphal Gospel of
Peter.208 By such a scene the Jews are further isolated as the true
malefactors. There seems little doubt that this artist fundamentally
saw Pilate as a victim of circumstance and, by including this epic
recapitulation of the judicial process, structurally called the events
again to mind to express the magistrate's relative innocence. No
other text of Group II goes to such lengths to investigate Pilate's part
in the history of Good Friday.

A less developed, but equally effective scene wherein repetition
plays a decisive part is that of the time immediately following the
arrest of Jesus.209 John bewails the loss of their Master to Peter,
but in so doing casts a cognitive eye on a recently occurring pre-
monition of the Lord. He remembers the words foretelling the betrayal
as he agonizes:

Helas, bien dabvons estre esmeuz!

Te souvient il quant il disir,

Quant de nous voult departir,

Que chascum de nous s'en furoyt

Aussy tost comme prist seroit?

Alous veoir que il feront

De nostre maistre que perduz avont.

(Autun 8 445-451)

With this remembrance comes to John a revelation of a bit of Christ's
supernatural character; he now realizes that the Messiah is not bound
by time as man is, that He is indeed a timeless and eternal being,
and that the future is also present to Him. But John's recognition can

only Come after this infinite quality is proven. The artist of Autun B

has skillfully called attention to it by the disciple's advantageous

213

recollection. This short scene also throws the thrice-repeated denial
of Peter into perspective, for, although the denial is tale-obligated,
this anterior dialog between John and Peter would now seem to indicate
that Peter has still not seen its significance fer his own future. He
has forgotten the prophecy of his own denial. In terms of inferential
revelation, John is closer to comprehension than is Peter.210

Autun R picks up on the dialog between Pilate and Joseph, drama-
tizing the former's attempts to justify his action to one who, in

reality, has no power over him.211

Joseph assures Pilate of his in-
nocence, concluding:
sertes, il m'et bient avis
Que vous n'aves gueyre mepris.
(Autun R 920-921)
The exchange is identical to its immediate relative, Autun B. save its
constricted length.

Bach text of Group II elicits temporal succession by the technique
of question and answer. A close reading of the Passions, however,
indicates that, with few exceptions, the resultant succession grows
from biblical source accounts and constitutes a necessary unit of the
story. Only those inquiries and retorts which aid in presenting novel
material could be of significance for the deeper structure of the plays.
Their potential to markedly expand spectator interest is low level and,
though their presence should be acknowledged, little space need be af-

forded their analysis.212

Plot

When our attention is focused on the succession of dramatic moments

induced by plot manipulation, those categories identified in Group I are

214
in most instances again contained in the Passions of the second group.
Due to dramatic expansion of character and incorporated activity, the

quantity increases, as does their relative intensity and effectiveness.

a) Design and Realization

STG'incorporates nearly all the scripturally-nmndatedsituations
wherein a plan bears a future realization. The negative side of such
designs, intrigue, constitutes a primary structural unit upon which the
redactor builds. This artist, in contrast to his forebearer in BenP,
does not reveal all elements of the plot simultaneously. Though he
employs the same scriptural models, introducing via angels the council
of Jews with the "Collegerunt ergo pontifices et Pharisaie"213 from
John xi: 47-50, this dramaturge heightens the impact of his tale by
evolving the plot against Jesus in several steps. He offers an initial
picture of forces who oppose Jesus, but do not immediately decide His
fate. Contrarily, they form a plan of attack. The next step in the
intrigue finds Judas making contact with the priests, agreeing to sell
Him for thirty pennies.214 This scene is isolated from surrounding
events, but is staged simultaneously with portions of the Last Supper.
The third occasion shows Judas again seeking out the Jewish leaders,
acting at the same time in whichtfiuaIntercessor prepares to enter the
Garden.215 Finally, the unfaithful disciple identifies the signal with
which he will betray his Master, but this development is not reported
until we have gained a view of Jesus communing with his Father in
Gethsemane.216 These four events, although they constitute essential
parts of the story, are structured in such a manner as to increase

their impact, for they continually contrast with scenes from the Last

215
Supper. They display two opposing forces moving towards the final
conflict. These events will be detailed in the discussion of tempo.
A subsequent situation finds John the apostle reporting the latest
news to Mary concerning her Son's arrest.217 In response to these
unwelcome tidings, Mary expresses her intention to seek Him out, ac-

218 The decision practically assures an

companied by other women.
episode further into the play which will include Mary's arrival at the
place where her Son is held. The announced intention precipitates the
structure of this particular dramatization by impelling a future scene.
Most of the remaining examples of the technique of creating temporal
succession by design and realization involve strictly source-stipulated
inclusions or those, such as the Longinus episode, which we have seen
. 2 . . .
in Group I. 19 StG possesses innumerable areas which could eaSily
have been made extremely effective by this phenomenon, but the majority
are made dramatically inoperative by a force external to the represented
history, the person of Augustinus. A single illustration of this state
of affairs will suffice to clarify my contention.
Early in the play Augustinus interrupts the dramatization of
Christ's life to report:
Wbllent ir n5 [mit] zuhten gedagen,
so wil man uch nu sagen
wie des divels gehalkeit
Ihesum in der wustenheit
versuchte in drier hande wis:
des wolt er haben grozen pris.
(StG 139-144)
It is not difficult to imagine a relatively effective monolog for
diabolus, wherein he might express the above information in the form

of a plan or intrigue. The presence of'Augustinus, so judicious and

efficaceous in other areas of consideration, destroys here a dramatic

216
potential of some literary value. I attribute the lack of more
extensive application of plan and realization to his active participation
as interlocutor, guide, and exegete. But there is ample evidence that
the playwright of StG knew and mastered his source material and medium
to a degree which can satisfy even modern readers.
The beginning sequences of Wien,in which Lucifer and Satan are
so active, provide a useful and well-developed incidence of design and
realization. Lucifer presents a plan in command form to Satan:
wir sulen alle do nach ringen,
dgz wir sie (die Menschheit) 25 uns bringen.
Nu wol hin, ir chnehte min,
bringet mir Adam unt die sin!
(Wien 76-79)
The general outlines of the plan have been discussed and agreed upon
. . . 2 . . . . .
in preV1ous lines, 20 but the speCific method of realization is left
to Satan.
The manuscript of Palat opens with the wish and plan of Jesus to
dine with his followers one last time before His earthly life is
. . 2 . . .
sacrificed. 21 Succeeding moments of seeking out the host and making
the physical arrangements form the dramatized realization which depends
on the original design for its structural rational. Mary Magdalene
also announces her intention of locating her Lord and receiving for-
giveness:
Ses piez en oindra doucement
Quant bien lave les averai
Des lermes que je plorerai,
De mes chevex les essuierai;
Puis aprés si li baiserai.
Bien se, quant as me vorrai faire,
Tant est preudom et debonaire,
De mes pechiez avia pardon

Et envers lui remission.
(Palat 88-96)

217
These intentions reflect exactly Mary's actions and Christ's gift of
divine forgiveness. A coming confrontation of sinner and Lord is made
ineluctable, the structure of dramatic succession created by the two
scenes working in temporal harmony.

The intrigue of the Jewish pontiffs naturally occupies a significant
position in the technique of temporal succession in Palat, but its man-
ipulation appears to be much less artistic or striking than that of
StG. There is some textual evidence to suggest that Judas' betrayal
happens simultaneously with the Garden scene. This probability will be
pursued in future paragraphs. But the plot against Jesus and its
resolution into His arrest are concentrated into one sequence, including
Judas' initial contact with his co-conspirators the bargain, and the
arrest.222 There is not even so much as a hint of any temporal separa-
tion, as Judas gives the sign of betrayal to his band and Jesus is
immediately aware of his nearness;223 this without benefit of scenic
transition.224

Autun B and Autun R both present expected designs and realizations,
indicating a close kinship to Palat. Again the spectator sees Mary
Magdalene enroute to the place of the Passover meal, expressing her
intentions to annoint her Savior,225 and Judas setting the arrest in
motion,226likewise appearing in conglomerate form as it did in Palat.
John expresses his decision to investigate Christ's predicament at
closer quarters,227 but no indication of his accomplishment can be
discerned. The guards at the sepulchre again boast of their prowess,
setting up the Resurrection by their vain words.228 Of the remaining

illustrations, most owe their inclusion to biblical sources and

seem simply unavoidable.

218

b) Command and Execution

As attention is turned to the application of command and execution
in Group II texts, a circumstance similar to that prevailing in Group I
becomes apparent; decrees and strong suggestions form a substantial part
of the biblical source material and offer several 'given' situations
which define the tale in representation. However, no line can be drawn
between purely scriptural commands and those developed from new material.
The command and its execution forms such a fundamental step of succession
that its inclusion is nearly ineludible.229

One extraordinary use of command and assumed compliance involves
Augustinus and the angels of StG. Both continually ask for quiet during
the play, responding not only to the difficulties of open air stages,
but also to a desire on the author's part to structure his work. The
interruption by angels, beings from a mythical or timeless realm, serve
to accentuate the importance of impending dramatization; they set the
stage by insuring an attentive audience. Reference to Table 5 will
indicate the consistency with which the angels are employed in StG. In
several instances they accompany Augustinus, who himself stresses the
events of the Passion which succeed his appearance. In StG we find the
institution (If command designed to formally organize and manage the

dramatization of Christ's suffering, not merely to move the story itself

forward.

0) Mention and Appearance of Characters
The dramatic function of mention and appearance of mimetic figures

and the manner in which it causes temporal succession was earlier iden-

230

tified. It now remains to ascertain what application, if any, is

219
made of this potential in texts of Group II.

The greatest and most impressive means to introduce the reader or
spectator to the centra1 figure is to delay his entrance on stage for
several scenes, while others speak-of him. Aside from the introduction
by Augustinus of the StG Christ, this author chooses to place his main
character at the onset of dramatic activity. Jesus Himself defines
some of His divine personality and attributes. One would assume that
the theoretical potential fer telling dramatic succession would thereby
be abrogated. But, as in other circumstances, this playwright has
a pleasant surprise for us. The ensuing sequence of John the Baptist
provides one of the best opportunities in medieval drama to observe
the structural and dramatic power of a well-prepared appearance. To be
sure, this writer remains faithful to records contained in Scripture,
which constructs most of the sequence of events, but he so organizes
his chain of events as to achieve remarkable integrity of Old and New
Testament material on stage. The alterations the author makes to the
Gospel accounts are subtle, but highly effective. The biblical story of
John deals at length with his ministry. Two days comprise the time
directly surrounding the Christ's movement to John and His baptism.231
Our artist judiciously presents the action as if it were a continuum of
events within a more restricted time. He further concentrates dramatic
activity of Jesus' appearance by deleting several of John's statements,
such as thosereferringto the generation of vipers,232 and the axe laid
to the tree roots.233 John's remaining speeches specifically look
forward to the arrival of the True Savior, much as the biblical record

stipulates. He accomplishes this by quoting the Old Testament,234 by

relating his own lesser position to Christ,235 and ultimately announcing

220
, . 236

the Lord 5 arrival. The sequence moves from the general to the
specific as John first warns the populace to better themselves through

. 237 . . . . . .
baptism, then identifies his capaCity as the one who prepares Christ's
path by this sacred ritual-238 The final parallels are drawn as the
Baptist christens sinners in the name of Him "der schiere nach mir

239 John's introductory role is completed when he speci-

kommen sal."
fically identifies his Master:

sehent in mit augen an,

von dem ich vor gesprochen han:

er ist daz godes lamp vor war,

daz der werlte [sunden] zwar

un allen unseren schaden

hat gar uf [sich] geladen!

(StG 108-113)

Jesus is no longer the Son of Mary who may entertain by changing water
to wine; His historical place is hereby identified and His holy mission
of sacrifice made explicit. The concluding step in the introductory

240 to the the termination of the

process, from the 'Ecce agnus dei'
above quote, is an artistic addition to the scriptural record of John's
acquaintance with the Galilean.

The remaining four texts do not exhibit a.similar succession.
Some appearances of decidedly secondary figures are signaled by persons
who discuss a specific need for their services, but their dramatic im-

. . . . . . 2
pact is slight, as is their importance for temporal succeSSion. 41

Passage of‘Yime

Before continuing with the analysis of the tempo of succession,
I wish to extend this discussion of temporal succession to those
entities which make their first appearances in Passions of the second

chronological classification. One experience of succession in

221

representation involves the recognition of the passage of time.

Several figures in these plays make reference to the time of day
or to the duration of an activity, sometimes expressed in truly cosmic
dimensions. As a result of the identification of time and its movement
forward we are able to decipher more accurately the amount of represented
time actually staged and to determine the activities which do not receive
dramatic life. We recognize in StG that approximately ninety-six hours

242 to the

elapse from Lazarus' initial complaint of physical discomfort
arrival of Jesus on the scene.243 Martha is the person who provides
this evidence, when she reports to her Lord:

Nein herre, er (Lazarus) stinket als ein hunt,

wan es ist hude der virde dag

daz er in dem grabe lag!

(StG 617-619)

The text reveals that these four days are marginally filled with the
annunciation to the Great Healer of Lazarus' desperate condition,
return of the messenger to Mary and Martha, the Redeemer's decision to
travel to Lazarus, His arrival, and Mary's twice-repeated admonition,
"Domine, si fuisses hic,/frater meus no fuisset mortuus."244 Dramatic
activity focuses upon events near the advent of Lazarus' death and
again towards its premature suspension. This leaves the greater por-
tion of the journey and preparations at both ends completely uncon-
sidered. John's Gospel reports essentially the same information, but
includes the statement that Jesus remained at His locus for some time
before undertaking the trip.245 Apparently what transpired during those
four days was of minimal importance for the author's message (and for

John's, too). As with Scripture, the predominant interest and force

of the time reference is that Christ's beloved friend had been in the

222
grave for many days and that his body had begun the natural process of
decay. Martha's graphic observation, ”er stinket als ein hunt," under-
lines Lazarus' foulness. This miracle of divine healing, the most
momentous of them all, convincingly proves the Lord's dominion ever
even death, a fact of central importance to Christian theology; the
declaration of the passage of time potentially strengthens this idea.
The Jew Malchus picks up the preponderance of the feur days of Lazarus'
entombment, adding at once to its dramatic impact and voicing the growing
opposition to Jesus:
Lazarus was unser genoz:
den each ich sicherlichen dbt.
der selbe als ime Ihesus gebat,
erstunt an dem vierden dage!
bit warheit ich daz sage!
das bringet die werlet gar in den sin,
daz sie gleubent alle an in!
(StG 632-638)
Those same four days which characterized Jesus' absolute mastery over
human life and death now become a real threat to those who currently
wield power. The StG playwright skillfully shows not only the positive,
but also the negative effects of the wonder. Indeed, the good deed
functions as the greatest single element setting the opposition to
Christ in motion; specific portions of later structure are rationalized
and developed around this miracle, an excellent example of artistic
mastery over form and content within the restricted scope of sources
and possibilities of the epoch.
A second instance of the announced passage of time in StG pro-
vides an indication (HFthe vast scope and prominence of the Passion for

man. As the Savior's spirit confronts Lucifer and his subordinates in

the Harrowing of Hell, time, expressed solely in human terms, becomes

223
inconsequential and a temporal reference of enormous proportions is
substituted. Here in the mythical and timeless realm of eternal

punishment, where temporal concepts approach infinity, Lucifer becomes

greatly agitated at the command by Dominus: "Tbllite, portas".246 In

all his five thousand years in Hell he has never witnessed such a

247 Adam, who has suffered those millenia in

48

knocking upon his doors.
perdition, rejoices that his seemingly infinite pain is now ended.2
With such a temporal assertion, the doctrinal significance and necessity
of the Passion is dramatically established; original sin, which for eons
has held mankind in its sway, is forgiven and humanity is relieved of

its unbearable burden. Medieval man may have recognized his own temporal
relationship to his Lord by the alignment of lengthy punishment with its
eventual abrogation. Certainly he perceived Christ as one unbound by
human time, a being who actually exerted mastery over the course of
human history, indeed, one who contained the entire temporal reference
of history in Himself. A seemingly inconsequential statement of temporal
succession provides the key to understanding much of the doctrine of
religion which constantly insinuated itself into the structure of
medieval drama. Palat correspondingly dramatizes souls who rejoice

over their freedom from Hell's grasp, a bondage reported as having

endured "mil anz et plus".249

Tempo of'Succession

With the larger number of scenes and characters, augmented by
greatly detailed speeches, comes an alteration of the tempo of succes-
sion which contributes to the artistry and dramatic depth of Group II

Passions. The playwrights of the early fourteenth century were guided

224
by a fundamental interest in deepening audience reaction to the Lord's
sacrifice, an interest which caused them to dwell at length on par-
ticular occurrences, to develop concepts and ideas, character relation-
ships and conflicts inherent in Scripture, and to reform them into
effective religious and dramatic statements. This is not to maintain
that a continuous plane of inspired or innovative construction can
be established for all Passions of the period, but to identify the pre-
sence of trends in artistic manipulation of tempo which serve as a
collective impetus for future writers. Each of these plays exhibits
some degree of tempo acceleration and a contrasting retardation of the
motion of represented time on stage. The result is often a dramatic
product which possesses the capacity to incite, maintain, or increase

spectator interest.

Due to the dramatization of various events from Christ's ministry,
numerous temporal lacunae can be identified in StG, the result of an
accelerated view of many months or years of activity. The initial
phenomenon of acceleration appears between the Wedding at Cana and John
the Baptist's message concerning Jesus and His eventual baptism. Since
the preserved chronology in John, one which relates both incidents, is
substantially altered, there can be no meaningful conclusion relative
to the amount of represented time which may have been eliminated. It
would seem that the structure of StG at this point is merely a function
of a basic concentration. We experience therefore acceleration when
the disciples receive their calling. StG only notes two, Peter and
Andrew, who symbolize all twelve.250 By mentioning only two fellowers,

and detailing in broad terms their acceptance of the call, the author

225

avoids dramatically unfruitful terrain, the inclusion of which would
only dilute and needlessly reduce the tempo of succession.

For reasons of dramatic expediency and possibly due to the lack
of any source guidance, the three-day period from Jesus' death to
His Resurrection, the time spent harrowing Hell and binding the Devil,
is presented in 48 verses. They naturally convey the central theme of
OriginalIMNINSredemption, but allow one speaker, Adam, to symbolize

the multitude of waiting souls. However. I wish to defer a more

detailed analysis of the scene for a later time.

One of the most effective incidents of acceleration in StG involves
Mary Magdalene. Her story assumes greater structural and aesthetic
importance when coupled to a sudden retardation of tempo as she approach-
es realization, contrition, and forgiveness. Although the exact amount
of represented time incorporated into Mary's story is unclear, the
development and rationalization of her character separated into three
individual units, is obviously conceived as occurring in temporal parallel
with other episodes which span many days, months, or even years.
These events which correspond to Mary's life are the calling of the
disciples and the story of the adultress. Both suggest that Mary's
sins and Martha's vain attempts to influence her sister are protracted
in time.. Mary's unclean life, dramatized by recounting only its most
salient features and referring to them in a great temporal duration,
assumes deeper significance as she nears a personal decision. The
continuance of sin, simulated by acceleration, contrasts admirably with
the sudden reduction of tempo, wherein the relatively few moments of
the saint's repentance, the journey to Christ's locus, and eventual

forgiveness receive detailed dramatization. With this relaxation of

226

tempo comes one of the first dramatic highpoints of StG. Steinbach
views the dramatic affiliation between the worldly activities of the
sinner and the Messiah from a more traditional vantage point, but also
notes a most cogent structure, designed to teach:

Deg Beng der Worte Magdalenens auf die Mahnung Jesu ist

unuberhorbar. .Damit ist deutlich, dasz die Verknupfung

zwischen diesen beiden Szenen nicht kausal-IOgisch. sondern

ana-logisch ist. Die einzelnen Szenen gehen nicht auseinander

hervor, sondern spiegeln sich ineinander und erhellen sich
so gegenseitig.25

Steinbach's comments lend further credulity to the conclusions I have
reached through the study of the structuring process in StG.

Much of the remaining duration of scenes in StG may be attributed
to fidelity to scriptural material. Those events, the healing of the
blind man and his interrogation by the Jewish priests, the raising of
Lazarus, the Last Supper, the trials of Jesus, and His Crucifixion,
all lie at the heart of the Gospel accounts and reflect there a mean-
ingful retardation.252 Even the StG Flagellation, which in later
renditions is developed to a cruel episode of uncomfortable realism,
closely resembles its source. The scene is reported primarily in

rubrics,253 with only the blasphemous 'Ave, rem Judaeorum' of the

torturers repeated in Latin and then in German.254

As I have previously mentioned, the extensiveness of Wien creates
a tempo of succession which is extreme in its acceleration. Events in
represented time range from Lucifer's banishment to a view of contem-
porary medieval sinners in Hell, all are dramatized within 273
verses of presented time. The lacunae which result are obvious upon

even the most cursory reading. Despite such an unusual temporal struc-

ture, a remarkably pointed and convincing relationship is constructed

227

between the original introduction of evil into the world and the
continually worsening situation just prior to the naiscence of a
Savior. Temporal acceleration in this instance cuts through all matters
of secondary importance to reveal an overwhelming malaise, a growth of
evil demanding the sacrifice of the Son of Man. The cosmic proportions
of the problem are Shown by the exclusion of practically all the Old
Testament and the early years of Christ's ministry. Contrary to the
method of spanning great periods of historical time with a sentencecnr
two from several distinct episodes, as we noted in the first five scenes
of BenP, this playwright chooses to dwell at some length on four tem—
porally successive, but associated events.255 He thereby momentarily
introduces retardation into each. The fall of Adam and Eve, for instance,
is investigated in detail, filling lll verses. The Genesis account of
original sin receives a dramatic form in keeping with Scripture. But
a commensurate scene of some length is appended to the Old Testament,
one which is separated from it in time by countless eons; four souls
are led into the presence of Lucifer to account for their misdeeds.
A medieval usurer, a monk, an enchantress, and a thief all deliver mono-
logs, each identifying his particular sin and each receiving his just
punishment.256 These interactions between sinner and devil occupy 90
verses in presentational time and indicate a highly effective pause
inside the temporal rush towards the Passion.

The incidents which deal with Mary Magdalene also compel this
author to retard his tempo to investigate her motivation in depth.
He accomplishes this by picturing Mary as a worldly medieval woman,
knowledgeable in the arts of courtly love and well-versed in contem-

porary knmslyrics. Mary is introduced with her lover;257 then,

228
approaching the merchant, she speaks the celebrated 'Michi confer,

venditor'.258

The writer verbally expands these moments, adding
definition to Mary with each new phrase. It is impossible to deter-
mine the exact amount of time presented here, but it would seem to be
less than that suggested by the same scene in StG. The largest body of
preserved text is reserved for the description of Mary's repentance

and absolution, a total of 133 verses. Again, a perfectly limitable
time frame for the activity cannot be established, though all evidence

259 In any case, when

indicates a period of a few minutes or hours.
compared with the enormous sweep of activities depicted in earlier
phases of the play, the Magdalene experience concentrates attention into

a time of surprisingly short duration, providing detail by retardation

of succession.

Although the main thrust of this analysis is not the investigation
of probable sources for specific episodes or characters, a glance at
the fund of material in circulation at the time of Group II Passion
writing will aid in determining why Mary Magdalene plays such a vital
role in these two German Passion plays. I shall restrict my comments
to the account of Wien, which contains all essential developments found
in StG as well, but goes far beyond it in intensity. It will be of
value to review briefly the religious attitudes about the Magdalene which
were prevalent in the first half of the fourteenth century.

Despite the acceleration of the eclipse of Magdalene piety which,
it will be recalled, commenced as early as 1265-67 in vezelay, a de-
cline which was intensified during the second half of the fourteenth-

century260 in France and England,261 in Germany and Belgium her cult

229
continued to exert a remarkably forceful influence; the weiszfrauen
movement expanded into new territories "a cause de l'accélération propre

."262 In German-

au mouvement general de la ferveur madgalénienne.
speaking lands, from whence the cult may have originally been intro-
duced into France,263 the figure of this sinful person, the one to whom
Christ chose to first appear, survived to give witness to medieval man
of Christ's healing love.

Having introduced very superficially the tenor of religious
thinking which surrounds these fourteenth-century texts, I would like
now to investigate possible literary inputs which may explain the
position of Mary Madgalene in German plays.

Little question can In: raised concerning the particularly useful
and impressive integration by the BenP author of Mary Magdalene.
Regardless of what the initial impulses for her prominence in this
early Passion might have been,264 and notwithstanding the obvious
borrowing from Marian laments, secular Latin songs, and vernacular
love lyrics which were accomplished, the fact remains that the Magdalene
of BenP was a stroke of dramatic near-genius; the fusion of doctrine
and example was so complete that both Wien and StG, as well as plays
of much later origin, contain the core character of the BenP Mary
Magdalene supported by the means of realizing it set out by that
first redactor.26S Several Latin laments of Wien repeat verses from
BenP.266 Further, Mary Magdalene approaches the spice merchant with a
repetition of the 'Michi confer' lyrics,267 and praises her worldly
life in the identical manner seen in BenP, namely with the sensuous

'Mundi delectacio', though it has been moved in Wien to a position

subsequent to the visit to the merchant.

230

Considering these borrowings and others like them,268 it appears
probable that Wien owes much of its Magdalene figure to its predecessor
of one hundred or more years, or to some other unpreserved manuscript
very much like it. But this observation fails to do justice to the
accomplishments of the unknown artist who made the composite Magdalene
his own; he borrowed a dramatically intense portrayal of the woman of
Magdala, but infused her with even more dramatic life, reflecting a
greater use of medieval culture and society than any creator of Mary
Magdalene before him. The result is a personality possessing superior
potential to express to medieval man in familiar terms the power of
divine redemption. Retardation of tempo to investigate Mary's
character is indicative not only of her latent dramatic puissance, but
also of her status in Church doctrine and teaching. The author ac-
complishes this temporal concentration by l) broadening the application
of the vernacular folk song to a vain Mary269 and 2) expanding the
vernacular development of Mary's character. These are the literary
inputs which account for the lively dramatization of Mary in Wien.

I have indicated in a previous context how Mary's medieval ,
qualities are extended by the placing of Middle High German love songs
and secular Latin lyrics on her lips.270 R.M. Meyer has uncovered
many parallels to Wien 309 and its companion verse, Wien 307, which are
both based on BenP 44 ("wertlich vreude deu ist gfit" = "Minne tuet eu
hoech gemfit" and "hat gehBt mir den mfit"), all found in contemporary
love lyrics of the most well-known Minnesgnger from the preceding
century.272 An audience familiar with these songs has ample oppor-

tunity to observe Mary's sinful progress through life, presented in

terms of the courtly ideal. There seems to exist a further desire on

231
the part of the Wien redactor to make Mary more comprehending of
secular Latin lyrics. He achieves the goal, not by eliminating all
Latin verses from the drama, but by elaborating on their essential
tone and intent in the vernacular. In one instance the stagewright
goes as far to note: "In theutonico eadem sunt. . . ." This strange
apparition occurs as the introduction to a general paraphrase of the
tone of the 'Mundi delectacio':
wertlich vreude deu ist gfit,

deu ist mir worden sfize,

sie hat gehoet mir den mut,

svie och ich beggze!

(Wien 307-310)

The author of this Passion then continues with the 'Mantellied',
which has no Latin parallel. Although some of the traditional points
of doctrinal interest are retained in their original Latin ferms,
the playwright most often offers at least a paraphrase of them into
German.273 When dealing with Mary Magdalene, however, he exercises
the linguistic possibilities of the vernacular linked with contemporary
society. Mary offers pecuniary reward to the vendor ("ich han silber
unt golt, phennige, die sint swere")274 for medieval cosmetics ("wiltu

75 she dances with a

76

mir dor umbe iht geben rot vilzel unt wiz mel”);2
devil ("du solt mit mir tanzen/unt hubeschlichen swanzenl"),2 and
even a portion of her repentance lament indicates her medieval cultural
heritage:

Owe, ich han gesundet mit prise

und ouch mit tanzen!

ich trug geverwet risen

mit mangen hohem cranze!

(Wien 411-414)277

In View of these facts the conclusion seems justified that the

author of Wien was surrounded by literary material which lent itself

232
admirably to the vitalization and dramatic impact of Mary Magdalene
upon medieval audiences. It would be erroneous to interpret all facets
of Mary's character as original with the Wien artist, although I be-
lieve that a great amount of artistry can also be shown by the effective
borrowing and consolidation of already existing, but widely-separated
attitudes and perceptions on a personage. The Wien author has succeeded
in making the three separate Maries of the Bible his own, uniting them
in his tale, not as the first literary man to deal with them, but as
the one who up to and beyond his time most advantageously employed
ambiant energies possessed by the Magdalene, infusing her with existing
literary images. This felicitous augmentation of her character,
combined with the well-documented background of reverence for Saint
Mary Magdalene, has given us a dynamic, vivid, and lasting stage per-
sonality.

The tempo of succession employed to organize the French represent-
atives of Group II convey varied states of artistry, resulting primarily
from their scope of dramatization. Acceleration of tempo plays a minimal
role in Palat. Certainly, several temporal empty areas can be identified,
as in all staged activities, but this author tends much more towards
extension of scenic length, character number and speeches, concentrating
his work on less represented time and thereby creating stressed groups
of actions within the play by retarding succession. The events first
introduced follow one another in episodes of approximately the same
presentational length, varying from 25 verses for the Jerusalem entry

to 34 for the Last Supper.278

Only Judas' betrayal exceeds these
quantities, as his avaricious character is portrayed along with the

machinations of Annas.279 The trials receive extensive attention,

233
accounting for 258 verses. A significant number of verses transpire as
Herod questions Jesus. The author takes the opportunity to review
epically two representative miracles, the awakening of the dead (pos-
sibly Lazarus) and the curing of the blind man, as well as to identify
several other unspecified wonders.280 He investigates further the nature
of Annas, placing harsh emotions on his lips and malice in his heart.281
Information delineating previous unstaged activities is thus suggested
and the confrontation between Christ and the high priests elevated.
Contrary to several later Passions,which seem needlessly to interrupt
the flow of events towards the Crucifixion with the Herod episode, this
author manages to provide not only the logical series of events as
recorded by Mark,but also a hint of the vehemence of the Redeemer's
adversaries.

The flagellation of Palat provides the first extensive look into
material dealing with the Christ's physical punishment at the hands of
torturers.282 When this activity is compared with the most immediate
relative of Palat, the Passion des Jengleurs, a gradual alteration of
dramatic perspective can be sensed: the physical sufferings of the
Savior are treated in ever-lengthening scenes, particularly in the
French plays of the period. Concentration upon the triumphant Lord of
the Resurrection moves towards an investigation of the Man of‘Sbrrows
and His human torment.283 In contrast to StG, where this event was
reported in rubric alone, Palat conveys the beating and attitudes of
the torturers in detail. Pilate betrays the ferocity of the coming
moments when he commands:

A ce piler le Zieres,

Et le bates d'unes courgiEes I
Si que bien soient ensenglentees.

234
Et sachiez, se il se veut deffendre,
De ce c'om me fait a entendre,
Car il veut vostre lay abatre.
(Palat 580-585)

When the ownership of the Nazarene's garment is decided ( a deter-
mination entailing 49 verses), Huitacelin, angered by his loss of the
robe, voices the intention to exact a painful penalty from its former
owner.284 It is not known how long the actual flagellation lasts, but
a duration of some minutes can be assumed from the remarks of the
torturers. Huitacelin admits to his comrade: "Cayn, je ne puis ferir
plus."285 The second evildoer replies:

Tant le poons batre et ferir
Que plus ne sera tormente.
(Palat 662-663)
Three short lines pass before Cayn, too, admits that he can do no more
damage:
Compoins, je sui si fort lasse
Que plus ne sera tormente.
(Palat 666-667)
.The time narrated by Matthew xxvii: 26 ("Iesum autem flagellatum tra-
didit eis") becomes through retardation a period of severe suffering,
a bitter prelude to the unfolding immolation.

The Crucifixion itself, these six hours of extreme desolation, is
magnified by dialog additions designed to rationalize characters and
increase 'realism'. The time Christ spends on the Cross, if the griev-
ings<ifthe Virgin are included,286 involves 373 verses, making this
sequence by far the most prominent retardation of tempo. During the
opening moments the author graphically portrays the preparations for

the coming execution, relating the arrival of the newly-forged nails,

the procurement of a ladder, the ever-present derision of the Jews,

235
and the crowning of Christ with thorns. Indicative of a sorrowing mother,
Mary expresses deeply-felt emotional distress at the sight. Extra-
biblical verses communicated by the Dying Lord aid the conceptual slack-
ening of time; His charge to John, extended beyond all known biblical
utterances,287 seems to be a response to His mother's stirring pleas,
"parlc a moy, mon tres douz fiex",288 and "Cbnseille moy que je feray".289
Jesus' reply to Longinus' thrust and the miracle of regained sight,
an action which elicits extreme chagrin in this old knight,290 appears
to be designed to convey the idea of all-encompassing forgiveness of
sins to the truly penitent.

Mary's touching response to the last included words of Jesus,
"Consummatum est",291 reinforces stated affections, amplified by a con-
demnation of Judas and the Jews. She verbalizes medieval views on
the blame and responsibility for the Crucifixion. John's attempts to
ease the Virgin's discomfort, observed in their infancy in BenP as a
dimunitive utterance of four verses,292 are amplified to more closely
resemble human responsestxisuch tragic moments. John, too, places blame
squarely upon the Jews, casting epithets like "He larron Juif, trai-

293 294

tour!" and "Chiens enragié". The cumulative effect is one of

intense feeling and expression, voiced within reduced tempo.
DISCOURSE ON THE VIRGIN AND HER STRUCTURAL IMPORTANCE IN THE
PASSIONS OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY
Now that I have established the dramatic result of several of Mary's
laments within the Crucifixion sequence, I would like to investigate
the process of retardation so obvious in the mournings by way of example
and recognition of the manner in which medieval artists availed them-

selves of contemporary literary traditions. I will concentrate on

236

Marian speeches and a small number delivered by Jesus or John. The
series of lamentations in Palat was chosen to represent the entire group
because it contains the most extensive development of dramatic and
literary material. It is indeed strange that StG, which employed Mary
Magdalene as such an effective stage entity, should omit so much of the
lament tradition, deigning only to offer the 'Flete, fideles animae'
and only ten lines of vernacular bereaving by the Virgin under the
Cross.295 While it is true for StG that Mary's participation is spread
throughout the period from her Son's arrest to His descent from the
Tree, her lament appears curiously formal, perhaps even somewhat cold,
when compared to the often tender, but always powerful emotional
reaction which swirls around the Mary of Palat. The final planctus of
StG does conform, as Theo Meier observes, to "(eine) unmittelbare Ant-
wort auf das miterlebte Geschehen,"296 and Enhances Mary's dramatic
impact.297 To this extent the StG realization qualifies as a step towards
increased character integration and rationalization, while giving evi-
dence of the continued movement of Passion plays away from fixed or
symbolic representations, such as BenP.298 However, in view of achieve-
ments of other contemporary artists, the planctus section of StG is
arrestingly dissimilar, both in tone and breadth, evidence, I believe,
that it stands in conflict with normal fourteenth-century depictions
of Mary's compassion.

A short digression into the major sources of Marian lament will
afford insight into certain precepts of the Passion spirituality

surrounding all texts of Group II, while simultaneously pointing up the

vast amount of material available to redactors..

237

The non-synchronous nature of idea and literary expression,
experienced in the development of Christ's humanity during centuries
preceding its appearance in Passion plays, is prevalent in the emerging
dramatic exploitation of the Virgin.299 In fact, the two phenomena
are parallel manifestations of spiritual investigation of prior years.
gmile Male formulated it thus: "De meme que l'on dit Christi Passio,
on commence a dire, des 1e XIVe sibcle, Mariae compassio: cette com-
passion de la Vierge c'est l'écho de la Passion dans son coeur."300

One of the most influential voices of the early church to take up
the relationship of Mary to the Passion of her Son was St. Ambrose,
in 374 Bishop of Milan. The dimensions he drew around his conception
of the Virgin beneath the Cross were those of a mother piously observing
her Son's wounds, fearlessly standing by Him when His own carefully
chosen companions had fled. She was depicted as absolutely convinced
that her Offspring possessed the keys to the salvation of mankind,
even at this moment of tragedy wishing the death of Christ for the love
of humanity's redemption.301 The first visions of the Virgin directly
paralleled the ancient concept of Christus triumphans; Christ and His
mother formed a bond of belief which rested on the conviction that Jesus
was Master over all forms of life and death, and that His physical de-
mise was no more than an interlude to absolute dominion. In this scheme
of the Passion no room existed for a sorrowing or doubting mother.

Preliminary exegetic suggestions of the sort which prOpelled Mary
into such a prominent position in the later Middle Ages were already
felt when Paschasius Radpertus (+860) advanced the suggestion that Mary
indeed suffered a special sort of martyrdom at her Son's Crucifixion.

He investigated the prophecy of Simon and found it to have become reality

238

in Mary's suffering; the sword of Christ's Passion pierced her heart
and caused such pain because she held so much love for Him there:

Quia spiritualiter et caro eius passa est gladio passionis

Christi, plus quam martyr fuit. Unde congfigt quia plus

omnino delexit: propterea et plus doluit.

The tenth century witnessed an alteration of previous opinion
inasmuch as several religious essays began concretizing Mary's pain
and agony by including heretofore uninvestigated details. Anselm of
Canterbury commenced a new and vastly humanized involvement with Mary's
dolorous state by employing language which emphasized the wells of tears
shed by the Virgin and the heart-rending laments she made. As Meier
formulates it:

Eine neue Auffassung der Mater dolorosa meldet sich zu Wort.

Das Bild einer unbeweglich und tranenlos unter dem Kreuze

stehenden Mutter konnte nicht das Marienbild einer Zeit werden,

die aus lebendigem Mitgefuhl heraus das Menschliche in der

Gestalt der Gottesmuttgr aufsucht und die eigenen Empfindungen

auf Maria ubertragt.30

During ensuing years the compassion of the mother of God was
further investigated by men like Anselm of Lucca (+1085), Eadmer (+1124),
the most famous of Anselm's English students,304 John of Fecamp,

Arnauld of Bonnevalle (+1157), Richard of St. Victor (+1173), and Bridget

of Sweden (+1374).305
Eadmer invited his readers at one point to observe Mary's suffering,

not only at the foot of the Cross, but during events which proceeded

the execution as well. He suggested that, while Christ remained untried,

she harbored the hope that He might somehow be freed. This author

seems to be one of the very first to investigate the fundamentally

dramatic manner which the course of events culminating in Mary's com-

306

passion on Calvary might have taken. The final portrait of the

239

Virgin, however, still lacked definition. The time was not yet right
for an inquiry into individual details:

Der Ton sachlicher, theologischer Beweisfuhrung herrscht

(bei Eadmer) vor. Die Grosze ihres Schmerzes schildert er

nicht durch Aufzahlung konkreter Einzelheiten, sondern

begnugt sich noch mit der allgemeinen Feststellung,

Marias Schmerz sei zu grosz, als dasz man ihn darstellen

konne. 3
In Amadeus of Lausanne (+1159) we find a contemporary of Eadmer who
attested to the Virgin's super-human agony, and while doing so, con-
tributed notably to the gradual accrual of specific protestations of
pain. These words originate from his attempt to identify the incom-
prehensible dimensions of Mary's loss:

Ibi genitus, ibi singultus, ibi suspiria, ibi moreor, ibi

dolor, ibi agonia. ibi aestus animi, ibi incendia, ibi mars

morte durior. 308

As previously noted, the evolving interest in Christ's human
Passion, which blossomed toward the middle of the twelfth century with
the writings of St. Bernard, was accompanied by increased attention to
His mother's compassion. The authors whose works comprise fundamental
doctrine of the Savior's humanity are also those who provide more de-
tail for the dramatized Virgin of later centuries. Of particular
importance are the documents attributed to St. Bernard (Liber de pas-
sione Christi et dbloribus planctibus matris ejus),309 whose influence
can clearly be seen in PSeudo-Anselm (Dialogus de passione Christi),310
and John of Caulibus (Meditationes vitae Christi). These texts are
called by F.P. Pickering "das passionsgeschichtliches Gemeingut des
Mittelalters."311 The primary importance of Bernard's account is not

that is presented heretofore unknown or unconsidered opinions-- it is

rather a compendium of various sources, among them the 'Planctus ante

240

nescia! apocryphal Passion representations, motifs from several
lyrics, typical formulas from epic death laments312-- but that Bernard
organized his vision of Mary's compassion into a form in which her
words took on the aura of personal revelation.313 Pseudo-Anselm's
work follows this established tradition closely. It is not difficult
to ascertain the potential for effective dramatization of material
accepted as a direct manifestation of the Virgin's torment; once the
,passionsgeschichtliches Gemeingut' had assumed such an emotional
structure and Mary herself was allowed to bespeak her woes, the stage
was set for extensive exploitathmiof the human sufferings of Christ's
mother. Indeed, Mary's stoic endurance beneath the Cross, heightened
by a humanization of her character, shared with Christ the thoughts and
writings of religious men from the thirteenth through the fifteenth
centuries,314 exerting a lasting influence on European Passion literature.

The recapitulation of the history of Marian sorrows has necessarily
been brief, touching only the most significant spiritual developments
within the planctus tradition. Without question, vast quantities of
homilies, tracts, hymns, and prayers to the Blessed Virgin315 surround
the medieval stage personality of Mary and created from her a figure of
singular importance, one who cannot easily be dismissed. Let us now
return to the central question at hand, that of the investigation of
how these individual works about the Mother of Christ are woven into the
fabric of the Palatine planctussequence. I will first attempt to
identify the means by which Palat incorporates widely-known material
dealing with Mary's compassion. The task remaining will then be to
ascertain how the playwright fills the gaps of the lament scene, retard-

ing temporal motion and creating spectator awareness of the activity.

241

Paul Mass has investigated textual correspondances between Palat

and a host of works in the tradition of Marian compassion. These con-
. . . . . 316 . 317
Sist of Sixteen Latin writings, two French complaints, and one
. . 31 . . . .

Catalonian plainte. 8 Textual inc1dences which betoken some semantic
or structural dependency upon these sources are as follows:

1) Mary asks Christ why He hangs on the Cross

Palat 970-971 Lasse dolents! biax tres doulz fiex

En cele croys pour quoi pens tu, Diem?319

2) The Virgin asks Jesus to speak to her

Palat 972 Lasse! parle a may, mon tres douz fiex.320
3) Christ's commendation of Mary to John
Palat 995-1003 Un autre fil mout bon avras:
Veez ci Jehan, en lieu de moy,
Sera ton fil, quar je le veil.
Jehan, biax amis et biax frere,
Garde la bien, veez ci ta mere.
Tu soies de ci en avant
. . 321
Avesques lui, Je te commant.
4) Mary wonders about her fortune
Palat 1071 Lasse, dolente, que pourrai devenir?322
5) Jesus is the son and father of Mary
Palat 1077 J'ai mon chier til et mon pere perdu?23

Palat 1134-35 Nature mout s'esmerveilla

Quant fille son pere porta.324

6) Mary wishes a) to expire after her Son; b) ask death to relieve
her suffering

. . . . 325
Palat 1089 a) Dr ne quier ge Jamais plus vivre

Palat 1220-21 b)He mort egnuieuse! com par feustes crugre
Quant preistes le fil et laissates la mere!‘

7) Christ named Mary's comfort

. . 32
Palat 1093 Touz mes confers en lui avOie.

242

8) The Jews accused, their evil ways identified

Palat 1100—01 Lasse, trop furent or crugls
Li felon Juis desordenes!328

9) The Virgin's heart breaks or she desires it

Palat 1102-3 He! cuers, tu n'es pas a moy
, 329
Quant tu ne pars d entour moy.
Palat 1175 Cuer, que ne pars quant tu ce vois330

10) The Prophecy of Simon

Palat 1109-15 Je sent le glaive a costé,
Se que symon me dit,
Quar pieca le promit.
Biax douz enfent, li aguz glaives
Ce sont les douleurs et les plaes
Que je sent parmi le cors,331
Fuiz, dont tu es ore mort.

11) The pun upon Maria=marrie by John

Palat 1200-01 Pour ce te pri, douce Marie532
Que ne soies si fort marrie.

If Maas is correct in his assignments, then 33 lines of the 198 verses
which complete Mary's lament and immediately surrounding activities

are directly attributable to earlier religious writings which form the
body of material available for exploitation.333 If we assume that what-
ever text remains owes its specific form, specific tone, and interest

to the author, though appropriation of various passages from numerous
sources must be recognized,334 then perhaps it is possible to ascer-
tain certain tendencies towards humanization of Mary. I do not wish to
deny that the general tenor of the planctus section is set by its
sources or by a feeling of heightened emotionalism held in common with
the religious and lay communities of the day; I wish to indicate instead
the manner in which the poet's cultural surroundings affected his

product and influenced its dramatic delivery.

243

On several occasions the playwright embellishes an already-
prepared theme,335 the significance of the additions being the deepen-
ing of emotional response, a humanization or dramatization of a current
of pathos potentially seething under an inquiet doctrinal surface.
Not merely content to blame the Jews for the proceedings against her
Son, Mary is given an ahistoric perception of events and an overview
of Judas' treachery; she condemns him and the Jews vehemently:

0ho! Judas, traites, tricherie,

Ce as tu fait; li cors Dieu te maudie!

Tu as vend, mon chier fil savoureus

As faus Juis et mis fbrt entre eus.

0r l' ont ocis li fel par leur envie.

anues mais hons ne at tel vilenie.

Qui au feus Juis fu livre a martyre,

Il n 'avoit pas ceste mort deservie.
(Palat 1080-87)

John seizes upon the theme of spiritual blindness as he attempts to
console Mary, at once increasing the dramatic breadth and the doctrinal
intensity of the scene by contrasting the light of Christ with the
unseeing souls of the Jews:

Dr Z' ont fait li desnaturel
Juis morir de mort cruel.
(Palat 1142- 43)

He! Larron Juif traitour!

Pour quoi avez .feit tel doulour
De celui qui ere

Du monde clarte et lumiere,

D' une mort si apre et fiere

Mburir, mauvese gent cruere,
Chien enragie?

Avugle estes par pechie.

0r vous a il bien engignie,

Quant ainsint l' avez traveillie
Et tormente,

car pour sa mort toute clarte

En est mise en occulte,

Et pour ce vous a il moutre
Que il estoit

Tbut lumiere qu'enluminoit

Tout ce qu'en lui fiance avoit
Sans decevance.

244
He!, Juis! com mortel mescheance!
Peurchaciez mort sans defience
Celui en cui vostre esperance

Estre devoit.
(Palat 1147-68)

The monolog of John, presented in BenP by a formalized four-line state-

336 . . . . .
ment, and in StG with the Singularly brief observation, "Ecce quomodb
moritur iustus!",337 is magnified into speech of 76 verses, wherein
John not only attempts to console Mary by emphasizing the futility of
such deep mourning,“8 but also by identifying the severity of her
ioss339 and mentioning the kinship of mother and Son as well.340
John regards the dead Christ on the Rood and mourns:

Las, com j'ai au cuer grant destroit
Quant je vous voy si en estroit,
Si fert estendu et si roit,
Sire, en la crois,
Que vous tant de bien n'i avez
0u vostre chef'mettre puissiez.
(Palat 1169-74)
However, certain of John's observations<niChrist's state turn back onto
that of His mother, giving voice to his vision of her own pain at the
sight:
A sea flans et a sa couleur
Mbut bien i pert.
Dame, nun tant com vous i pert!
(Palat 1179-81)

In the monologs of the Blessed Virgin subtle innovative overtones
are evident: to be sure, Mary directs her thoughts to her Son's con-
dition,341 but it seems that much of the newly-acquired accentuation is
focused upon the dolorous mother. These lines suggest an interest in
Mary's future:

Conseille mog que je feray,
Et comment ie_me maintenrray.

Qui mg_gardera enprés toy?
Chier fuiz, aies merci de mog!

245

En toy estoit li miens delit,

En mog avoies ton cuer mis,

En toy avoie m’esperence,

En toy avoie mg_fiance.

(Palat 974-981)

Biax fuiz, pense de mon affiare.

Qu'apres toy porray devenir

Et quele voie porrai jg tenir?

. (Palat 987-989)
A glance at the underlined first person pronominal forms indicates that
the character of greatest interest is not the Christ, but the
Virgin. Indeed, the answering speech by Jesus is the 'Mulier, ecce,
filius tuus - Ecce, mater tua' commendation of Luke xix: 26-27.
Mary's questioning of Jesus provides a rather well-conceived method of

. . . . . 342

rationalizing the need for the biblical statement.

From textual evidence it is apparent that the author of Palat has
not only relied upon generally-available sources to create his retard-
ation of succession at the Crucifixion, he has tapped several reservoirs
of dramatic power ingenerate to these sources, augmenting them by a de-
symbolization of the Savior's Passion, choosing instead to show its
human terms with the Virgin and John as the main theatrical catalysts.
What emerges is a scene of impressive vitality and life, wherein the
characters who surround the tormented Jesus relate His pain to their
own needs, affording us the Opportunity to observe their human reaction
to that ignominious death by public execution. This retardation of
tempo contains numerous points of doctrinal and cultural history which
identify the significance for each spectator of the central truth of his
life: Christ died an unjust death, and suffered as a human being, not as

a god sent from above; and His earthly mother shared His pain, just as

any human mother would do. The author has vastly altered the scene by

246
successfully integrating not only several of the fundamental religious
writings of the day, but also with accretions which add rather than
detract from the chief Passion theme. In coming years the compassion
of Mary will become even more vibrant until it reaches its dramatic

zenith during the sixteenth century in Alsfeld.

As one investigates further episodes which affect the tempo
of succession, one discovers that the Harrowing of Hell likewise
offers opportunity to increase detail and presentify that joyous re-
lease<3fbondaged souls. This section also provides us with a good
measurement by which we can distinguish development in the fourteenth
century French and German PasSions.

French authors had long before consulted vernacular sources,
uncovering supplemental material for areas of Scripture which were too
brief to accommodate a meaningful theme through an entire scene. They
found the basis for numerous incidental episodes in legend and incor-
porated them into their plays.343 Incidents like the Veronica encounter
and Judas' history owe their dramatic life to legend.344 French
playwrights greatly expanded other non-biblical components which offered
opportunities for character intensification. The importance of character
in French Passions is one substantial factor which distinguishes them
from German equivalents.34S A comparison of the StG and Palat Harrow-
ings will indicate the degree of divergence between the two traditions.

The account of most traditional and sacred tone is that of StG.
Diabolus of the temptation is now called only Lucifer; neither he nor

his companions (Angeli mali)356 are humanized (Hartl- Hunter [denen] mehr

. . . . 34
eine geistige Macht als eine Sichtbare Gestalt verstanden werden 5011".)

7

247
. . . . 348
Liturgical and festive is the atmOSphere, for the day of release
fortortured souls is at hand. The actor portraying the Holy Redeemer
delivers the traditional speeches, like the antiphon, "Tollite portas",
based on the last lines of Psalm xxiv, expressed in German as well as

Latin.349 This command arouses Lucifer's anxiety. Angels answer his

350

"Quis est iste rex gloriae" and vernacular rendition with the time-

honored phrase,"Dominus virtutum, ipse est rem gloriae," and attendant
German paraphrase.351 Adam magnifies the sacred and traditional tone

of the section by singing the well-known 'Advenisti, desiderabilis',
supervened by a rather close expression in the vernacular.352

Occasions which might lend themselves to dramatic exploitation appear

of little significance for this author. His entrance into this arena

of darkness plays no theatrical role for the story, except as it

injects official doctrine into the presentation. This may be sensed

by observing the lack of identifiable transition with which the sequences
of guard-setting, harrowing, and appearance of the Maries are structured.
After the milites take their posts and are struck with heavenly swords,353
they simply cease to function; no indication of their exit from stage
exists. This fact lends credance to the thought that their partici-
pation in the drama is purely text-mandated. The bridge between the
three Maries and the harrowing is filled only with a triple repetition

354

of the Silete by angels. The dramatically fecund territory which

makes up the purchase of spices by the women is completely ignored

by StG, and Mary Magdalene indicates a lacuna of some unknown size with
355

her report: "Ich han eine salbe gut. ." Her declaration befits

the circumstances if we know the story, but its application is not

as dramatic as other contemporary illustrations.

248

Scant question can be raised concerning the availability of per-
tinent material dealing with the events posterior to the (descensus ad
crucem; we have the witness of the Easter play of Muri from ca. 1250,
wherein the time surrounding the placing of guards and a spice merchant
episode are extensively and 'realistically' portrayed.356 We can further
expound the long tradition of merchant scenes which was in circulation
from at least the latter part of the twelfth century,357 whose applica-
tion to BenP has alreadybeenobserved.358 I can formulate only con-
clusion: the author of StG not only followed an accumstomed convention
which operated with a liturgical and festive tone, he also chose to
structure his dramatic offering in a particular way. Specifically,
the artist excluded several possible episodes to concentrate his message
in the period from Christ's death to the preparation for the visit to
the sepulchre by the three Maries, thus focusing audience attention on
the Resurrection. We have here a pertinent example of the tendency of
the German Passions of the fourteenth century to embellish with
liturgical material.

When the time between the Harrowing of Hell and Christ's appearance
to Mary Magdalene in the French plays is investigated, the reader is
rewarded with an experience owing its intensity to increased attention
to dramatic detail on the part of the author, and the related manipu-
lation of the flow of time. Though all accounts of thetmudod tradition-
ally believed to encompass three days of natural time are necessarily
sketchy, of the five texts under consideration, Palat presents the most
significant allotment of staged time for these hours in represented time.
Again, by a pronounced attention to detail, character portrayal, and to

a realization of how events in Hell might unfold (both according to

249
accepted doctrine and in terms of the human intellect allied with
emotional response), this stagewright leisurely lingers over the release
of souls from torment, and in so doing, not only slows the acceleration
of represented time, but also presentifies into concrete terms and
images the mythical realm of the underworld.

Satan gleefully calls his devils together to announce the defeat

H
of the ”Traitour de Galilee/Qui se faisoit apeler Christ,"359 this

alleged son of God,

Entre deus larrons crucefiez,

Et par les mains et par les piez,

plus vilment que nul autre lerrez.
(Palat 1245-47)

A recapitulation of Judas' treachery, the likes of which no devil ever

60 . .
deludes Satan into a false sense of security, as he boasts:

. 3
achieved,
Fort est, si se redrece;
N'en a pooir, noen avons deute,
Mbrt est li lierres, ne voit goute,

Jamais ne nous fera moleste.
(Palat 1265-68)

Tlurfears of Enfers, when he remembers Christ, are brushed aside by
Satan, who vaunts his "grant talent et grant envie," 361 as he heaps

ridicule upon the lower devil and declares the continued ascendency of

Hell so long as their malicious vices suffice:

Je te ferai les iex sallir!

Fil a putain, je te deffie.

Nous ne verrons ja avenir

Qu'enfer perde sa seigneurie

Tant com nous porrons maintenir

Orgueil, barat et tricherie.
(Palat 1306-11)

Enfers lists the worldly princes of power who bow to his authority,
among them several religious men.362 Each new addition to Hades will

further strengthen the defenses of Hell, should anyone seek to overthrow

250

their kingdom.363 But despite his triumphs of the past, Enfers still

harbors doubts concerning a possible encounter with the Lord of Hosts.
He notes that souls do not come to Hell prepared for battle in iron,
armedwdth hauberk,nor with swords of steel.364 His reflections
prompt this spirit to ponder the outcome of a confrontation with the
God-Man:

Dites, deables, que ferons?
Et fuirons nous ou atendrons,
Ou irons nous sauver nos vies
Chacun en diverses parties?
(Palat 1341-44)

Satan curses his confrere a second time for his doubt, tumidly promis-

ing that he will make Jesus Christ his own.365 An idle boast, indeed,

for Enfers sees the impending destruction of infernal Hell approaching,

"Plus blanc que nule fleur de lie,"366 and conveying their death in His

67

3 . . . .
hand. Even in the face of desertion by his compatriots, Satan

vows to deal harshly with Christ:
Se Jesucrist vert dire mot,
Je li brulerai le toupot.

0r viegne, se il cuide bien faire!
(Palat 1383-85)

A prayer of praise for the intervening redemption by one of the waiting
spirits puts Enfers to flight, and Satan is left to confront his heavenly

adversary alone.

The scene, which continues with the anticipated command by Jesus,

368

"Ovrez les portes infernaus," includes a rather comical lament by

Satan about the loss of his hostages and intention to enjoy his life in
other more hospitable climes:

0r m’en irai en Lumbardie

A tous jours mais user ma vie,

En despit du roy Jesucrist.
(Palat 1418-20)

251

It concludes with yet another hymn of praise to the Savior of human
kind. The most striking portions, however, deal with the rationalization
and humanization of Christ's adversaries. 152 verses are spent creating
near-human personalities for the two devils, Satan and Enfers. Pre-
sentational time is weighed heavily in favor of non-benign beings: the
devils deliver 170 lines of text compared with twenty for the Christ
and twenty-five for the redeemed souls. Palat is the first of the Pas-
sions investigated thus far to take such pains to explore infernal
entities and to afford them so great a place in the story. No real
character development takes place in the Lord's personality; indeed, it
is not necessary. His nature evolves into its French form from previous
plays and religious teachings. Included, however, is at least a hint of
the Redeemer's humanity, as he responds to the acclamation of the
saved souls:

.Mi ami, mi cousin, mi frere.

Je vieng de la destre mon pere.

Pour vous sauver a mort soffert.

(Palat 1431-33)

Though His sacrifice was dictated by His own Father, this God feels
a close kinship with humanity; He responds, not as a God-Father, one
distant, jealous, wrathful, but as a fellow traveller in human society.
By means of this speech and later reinforcement of the idea that Christ
follows God's will alone,369 contrasted with the detailed and strongly-
articulated responsibility of Satan for Judas' crime,370 modern readers
may observe one of the theological cornerstones which circumscribe
medieval drama, that of heavenly causality.371 Since all events in
sacred history are generally motivated by divine or evil forces and

not by the will of man, the final task left to medieval dramatizers

252
was to make this motivation comprehensible.372 Thus the interest of
Palat for devils. Their elongated speeches place them squarely in op-
position to the benevolent Christ, as few Passions have done before.
Through retardation of temporal succession their guilt is made clear.
They have also been 'Ietionalized' into beings far removed from the
world of symbol; devils are seen to actually meddle in human affairs,
becoming real and concrete threats to the very spiritual substance of
medieval man.

Matthew's record of the setting of the guards around the tomb373
is greatly augmented with concentration in represented time and dra-
matic detail, both of which combine to create a picture we perceive
as more nearly like the manner in which true, historical, or living

persons might conduct themselves. Palat is by no means the originator

of this episode; the first play to contain a fully-developed appointment

4 though other

of guards is the Easter play of Klosterneuburg (1204)}7
Easter plays like Benediktbeuern (ca. 1250)375 and Tours (thirteenth
century)376 contain all or part of the sequence of events. The Passion
fragment from Sulmona likewise investigates much of the activity,377 but
none devotes as much time, space, or realizing energy to this sub-
section as does Palat. One is aware of the changing demands of staged
presentation; a more naturalistic portrait of the possible historical
situation is demanded-- and produced.

Instead of receiving epic treatment, the few minutes of central
importance to the play are fleshed out with a dramatization of the
entire attempt to keep the Savior in His borrowed tomb. Annas, Caia-

phas, and a new personality, Evramin, a servant, set the activity in

motionudth an arrestingly natural sequence by their urgent consultations

253
on how best to prevent the Dead Man's prophecy of a return to life
from becoming reality. The exchange between two of the antagonists
uncovers a certain inquietitude, suggestive of human doubt, which calls
for an immediate solution:

[Annas]
Evramin, Evramin!
[Evramin]

Sire! Sire!

[Annas]

0r tost, va a mon jenrre dire
Que tantost a may parler viegne,
Que tant num besoing ne le tiegne.

[Evramin]
Biax sire, je irai maintenant
Et si li dirai bonement.
(Palat 1553-59)

After Annas has welcomed Caiaphas and reminded him of the Truant's
promise to come to life after three days, reinforcing the negative
results of such an event for them,378 the newcomer agrees that they must
collectively undertake to interdict even the possibility of a Resur-
rection.379 He councils approaching Pilate with the problem, a sug-
gestion to which Annas readily assents. Matthew's account ("Altera
autem die, quae est post Parasceven, convenerunt Sacerdotum et Phar-

80 which placed the initial remembrances of prophecy

isaei ad Pilatum")?
before Pilate, has been expanded backwards in time to include what

appears certainly a most logical, indeed, necessary meeting of the minds
of the principes sacerdbtum et Pharisaei anterior to their solicitation
before the governor of Judea. A few more lines of text result, but more

importantly, a point of historical significance which prepares the way

for the Savior's triumph over His adversaries is highlighted by

254
concentration of presentational time. The request for soldiers from
Pilate is likewise expanded in detail and flows naturally into the
calling up and setting of the guards. I perceive a well-integrated
dramatic tactic involving the boisterous, but nevertheless ironic
speeches of the four soldiers and the succeeding Resurrection of Jesus.
These men-of-arms, fanciful, would-be masters of their world, boast
of their abilities and make vain threats through some forty-nine
verses. Their bold words of intent lend a comical, utterly human
element of bravado to the text, which is effectively turned into sheer

helplesness before the power of the Divine King:

[LI PREMIERS CHEVALIERS]

Se nus vient des larrons provez,
Gardez que vous ne les espargniez,
Mais de espees les trenchiés

En tel maniere qu'il i pere.

[LI SECONZ CHEVALIERS]

Il dit bien, par l'ame mon pere.

[LI TIERS CHEVALIERS]

Par MahOn, se je truis saint P0,
Je li estuierai tel cop,
Qui en soit la parte ne li gaaing.

[LI QUARZ CHEVALIERS]

Et se je puis tenir as mains

son compaignon, le truant Pierre,
se il n'est plus dur que pierre,
Je li fendrai sans nul arreste
De m'espee en deus pars la teste.

[LI PREMIERS CHEVALIERS]

Se symon peut cheoir en mes laz,
Et il chiee entre mes braz,

Se larme du cors ne li tray,

Ja la moie arme pardon n'ait!

[LI SECONZ CHEVALIERS]

Certes, honiz sont li glouton,
Se Berthelemi vient ou Matheum.

255

[LI TIERZ CHEVALIERS]

Se je Matheu, le pautonier,
Avoie ocis a ceste espee,
Bien seroit faite ma journee.

[LI QUARZ CHEVALIERS]

Se ci venoit Andrui ou Marc,
Je ne leroie pour cent marrs
Ne ferisse le quel que soit.

[LI PREMIERS CHEVALIERS]

Se truis Phelippe ne Jhean,

Je n'isse ja hors de cest an,
Se je n’essaie comment entre
M"espee en bouel ou en ventre.

[LI SECONZ CHEVALIERS]

Et de marie que ferons,
Se nous illueques la trovons?

[LI TIERZ CHEVALIERS]

Si soit trestoute detranchiee
Pour ce qu'ele est de sa mainniee.
(Palat 1683-1715)

Several disciples, mentioned by name, are singled out for formidable
punishment should they attempt to steal Christ's remains; the pun on
the French form of Peter and the word for stone (Pierre=pierre) brings
a smile to our faces, for the fourth soldier boasts that if Peter is
not more obdurate than stone, his head will be split; Matthew will be
killed by the third soldier's sword; Phillip and John will receive a
stroke from the first soldier; a punishment is even in store for Mary,
should she venture near. The Palat playwright is certainly not the
first to project such mannerisms upon these four hapless and boister-
ous individuals.381 He does, however, increase the impact of the Lord's
escape from their grasp by allowing each at least two occasions to

swagger. Their flaunted manliness is indeed ironic, for, despite

their blithe threats, their readiness to crush the disciples, all

256

their vaunted rhetoric is completely invalidated by the four-line
call of an angel for Christ to rise,382 and His four-line reply:

Biaus pere, je me lief puis que voy que il teplait,

Ce que j'ai fait, si soit a ta volenté fait.

J'ai este en enfer, si l'ai brisie et frait;

Par covant tes amis a fbison en ai trait. . . .

(Palat 1720-23)

The driving forces behind the Resurrection, implementing the Father's
wilL and release of the prisoners from Hell, originate in a context
beyond the power of mere mortal men. Yet the act itself is so simple.
Man's vanity and foolishness is painfully evident; the surprised sol-
diers can only paraphrase the heavenly words they have heard, contemplate

383

their meaning, and attempt to relate to them. Their decision to

quickly evacuate the area is voiced by the forth soldier: "0r tost,

384 The lightening speed with which events

or tost, fuions, fuions!"
have evaded the control of those sent to hinder the inevitable is
brilliantly contrasted with the ironic threats of the guards and their
sixty-two line analysis of the event they have just witnessed; it
opposes vain human behavior and frailties with the consummation of the
Resurrection. The author's investigation of the moments surrounding
the reappearance from the grave of the Prince of Peace, from the initial
apprehension of Annas to the guards' flight, creates yet another high-
point within the play by exploitation of concentration and retardation
of succession.

Palat caps its most significant reductions of successional tempo
by observing the merchant and his encounter with the holy women, the
first of the Group II Passions to do so in detail. To be sure, a long

tradition of unguentarius, mercator, and specionarius episodes existed

before the commitment of this play to written form. Since he is the

257

first purely secular figure to be subjoined to religious drama,385 ‘

the appearance of the merchant in Palat has numerous predecessors, like

the Easter plays of Origny-Sainte-Benoite (late thirteenth-early

86 Klosterneuburg, and especially Tours, to which

87

fourteenth century),3
both the Easter and Passion plays of Benediktbeuern are indebted.3
The spice merchant scene is in the direct line of deve10pment from
the third stage of the Visitatio, which also includes the interlude of
the guards, the descensus ad infernos, Christ's appearance to Mary Mag-
dalene, and the race of Peter and John to the sepulchre.388 An example
of the primitive use of the merchant in the German tradition is contained
in a thirteenth-century play from the nun's cloister of St. George in
Prague.389 Even though the merchant is an earLy amendment to the
cast of characters, his dramatic freedom is severely restricted in
German plays. In Klosterneuburg, for instance, de Boor attributes the
assimilation of the unguentarius into a play of a profoundly sacred

390

character to “der rein sakrale Tenor des (mercator) Textes," one which

permitted its non-detractive integration into a strictly liturgical
relationship with the Resurrection: "Die Frauen begeben sich hier
wirklich zu einer als ungentarius bezeichneten Person pro accipiendis
ungentis, und von dort zum Grabe."391 French plays allow greater free-
dom for realization of the merchant as a character. Here we may have
a possible solution to the puzzle of StG, which entirely lacks a
mercator episode.

It is in keeping with the tendency of French dramatists to interest
themselves for character development earlier than their German analogs,

as I noted for sections like the Crucifixion and Harrowing of Hell in

Palat. That they should allow the merchant a greater part in the drama

258
is not surprising. We have before us yet another manifestation of the
manner in which intention defines structure, this time a negative one.
Concentration demands a decidedly lesser accent on things of purely
secondary importance, or even their complete disregard. The festive
Resurrection of StG and its liturgical understandings of scenes like the
Harrowing of Hell may well abrogate the merchant's appearance.

Another fact bears on the question: the unguentarius scene may well
have originated in France, possibly in Spain,392 thus be more accessible
to French writers during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries in its
variant forms expressing the active participation of the mercator.

This portion of the story originally consisted of two core act-
ivities, the lament of the holy women as they sought the tomb of their

93 The play of Ripoll from the

Lord and the ointment purchase itself.3
twelfth century is the first preserved text to evolve the second act
into a believable transaction.394 The Palat story organizes both sections
into a near-to-life picture of three sorrowing women who urgently de-
sire to accomplish one last act of worship towards their lost Savior.
The poet lingers over the mournful women by dramatizing one final
time the heart-felt loss suffered by the three Maries, as they place
blame on the Jewish instigators.395 All information indicates that
the early stages of this encounter were expressed in terms not unlike
those found in a Norman service book, which contained the three
simple cries:
Prima:
Heu, misere, cur contigit
uidere mortem Saluatoris?
Secunda:

Heu! redemptio Israhel,
ut quid taliter agere uoluit?

259
Tertia:

Heu! consolatio nostra
utquid.mortem sustinuit.

396
The situation of anguish has been elongated into eighty verses, plumbing
the depths of a human response to incalculable loss. There fellows the
introduction of the spice merchant, who is now almost indistinguishable
from his medieval brother; for the first time in Passions thus far in-
vestigated the merchant has assumed a certain degree of the demeanor
of a medieval businessman and a host of other related characteristics,
all of which help to presentify him. The figure which, upon its
introduction into religious dramas, was treated earnestly and with a
high degree of propriety, is now a true medieval man of the market.
To be sure, his personality has not yet reached the heights of
questionable realism often found in the Passions of the late fifteenth
and early sixteenth centuries. Although he already does a magnificent
job of hawking his wares, among them miracle herbs capable of rejuvinat-
ing old women397 and foretelling the exact hour of death,398 he is
courteous to the grieving women, offering them his most prized ointment,
while being certain that he receives just recompense in the amount of
"trente livres".399

However, this author appears to have paid a price for his lavish
detail and character development. It is strange that he fails to
present the Risen Christ in conversation with the Magdalene, chosing
instead to duplicate the scriptural account of ensuing events contained
in Matthew xxviii, one which does not mention the meeting.

Highpoints of structural intensity in Autun B deceive somewhat as

to their actual concentration. When one investigates the section con-

taining preparations for the Passover and the Last Supper, a series of

260
events consuming 245 verses in presentational time, the discovery is
made that many individual episodes occur in temporal parallel,and the
stress upon the religious contents of the institution of Communion
receives no more exposure than it did in Palat. Of the 245 lines,
seventy deal with the procurement of a suitable room for the feast,
Christ's apprisal by the disciples of their completed preparations, and
. , . 400
the journey to the host 5 accommodation. Seventy-two verses are
allocated to the narrative lament and journey of Mary Magdalene to the
. . 401
Upper Room,seemingly contemporary to some portion of the Passover meal.
The remaining 102 verses deal with Christ's prophecy of impending be-
trayal, the sharing of the bread and wine, Mary's reception and Judas'
denouncement of the Lord's anointment, and finally Peter's oath of eter-

02 The incident of Mary Magdalene is

nal fidelity, echoed by John.4
elongated in time when compared with her short twenty—four line
presence in Palat.

Commencing with the Messiah's arrest in Autun B,the distinction
between retarded tempo and concentration is solely a matter of quantity,
not of innovative dramatics. Autun B builds upon similar, and in several
instances identical foundations as Rabat injecting even more life into
characters and fleshing out their surroundings with increased specifi-
city. Let us investigate a few scenes from this time block.

In both Palat and Autun B Judas seeks to undo his crime. Palat
depicts the attempt in a rather straightforward and unembellished
manner. The misguided disciple displays accepted motivations of repen-
tence, but his character lacks definition. Autun B provides the needed

emotional edge by integrating all the basic remonstrations of error

and treachery found in Pilat, but lending more stress to the human

261
parameters of Judas' remorse. The ultimate crime is couched in terms
which instill the feeling that the betrayer was also of our kind. A
few seconds of represented time suggest a complete change of heart by
Judas. These presentational moments also insinuate that a correspond-
ing weighing of the consequences and a human decision to act have taken
place outside the confines of presentational time, acts which were

previously offered in formalized terms which ran the danger of congeal-

ing into quasi-mythical reflections:403

Bonnes gens, laisses vostre noyse,
Quar il n'y a que baret et trayson.
Je suis Judas et sen rayson
Trayson j'ay faictes trop grand
Peur la somme d'ung petit argend.
Bien le vous este apercefiz!
Lgs, ie_me_suis bien deceuz!
Qe_que j'ay fait mg_demuera:
Ill y a trucherie et barat.
Helas, desus tous les marchant
J'ensuis le_plus meschant,
Quar j'ay vanduz trante denier
Men seigneur qui estoit droicturier.
Helas, que j'ay faicte grant offende!
Pour guoy ie_me_veul aller pandrg,
Quar panduz seray sen mantir,
§t_tart sera lg_repantir.
Je le donna pour petit prist,
Men doulz maistre Jhesucrist.
Le myen jugement en est venuz:
Partout saray par feul tenuz,
Quar mon seigneur ay trahis.
Teutes gens me doyve hays.
J'ay pechier trop apertement,
Jamais n'yrait g_saulvement.

(Autun B 613-637)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Judas repeatedly cries out the magnitude of his offense, its unfor-
giveable immensity, while justifying his hanging and hinting at his
loathful position among men of days to come.

A further humanization of Judas results from his direct address

to the audience, a suspension of dramatic time. wherein he not only

262

despairs of receiving forgiveness for his trespass, but also announces
his intention to destroy himself:

Entendés tous qu'estes yci.

Et sen esperance dc misericorde

Je me pandray a un corde,

Et pour fere mon testament

A tous les dyables je me rand.

(Autun B 641-645)
Only a humanized character can address his audience in such a manner.
Judas' personality has developed into one which is no longer a mere
cog in the wheel of human redemption, but one which depicts a feeling,
intensely repentant person, whose unpardonable sin is not the betrayal
of his Master, but his utter despair.404
The flagellation takes on a substantially different character in

Autun B than it had in Palat. Instigated by Pilate in a vain attempt
to dissuadethe Jews from their demands for the death penalty, the beat-
ing begins immediately and without the dramatic articulation of person-
ality and situation found in Palat. Two sergeants fulfill their master's
desires with alacrity, but it is impossible to ascertain its actual
presentational duration. Contrary to the previous account, Autun B does
not allude to an extended time of beating, for a soldier states only:

Bien fraperay de ma courgie,

saches que ne l'esparnieray mye!

(Autun B 758-759)

To this declaration are appended the urgings of the torturer upon his
companion: "Frapont, compain, apertement,/Ja n'y aura arestement."405
The flagellation itself occupies only ten lines of text, although this
most certainly is not indicative of its duration in actuality. Lacking

in this play is the emerging sadism of the torturers which defines

their final character traits in most later renditions.

263

The most momentous incident affixed to French Passions is the
episode of the forging of the nails, one uncovered in legend.406
A spectacle of profound dramatic and presentational influence, the nail
forging appears in none of the other national Passion traditions,
with the single exception of the English narrative poem, The Northern
Passion, composed early in the fourteenth century.407 The Northern
Passion relies heavily upon an earlier French Passion composed in
octasyllables from the end of the twelfth or beginning of the thirteenth
century.408

This French poem marks the first appearance of the smith and his
wife in European Passion literature. Francis Foster surmises that a
now-forgotten or lost tradition preceded its introduction.409 Although
a product of uncertain origin, the forging of the nails doubtless owes
its integration into Passion literature to a development other than a
stroke of presentational genius by some literary personality. F.P.
Pickering attributes the figure of the smith to medieval exegetic
attempts to explain the presence of nails and hammers at the Crucifixion,
and from whence they came. He points to a personality from the Old
Testament, Tubalcain, whose image as a blacksmith eminently qualified
him as a prime candidate for inclusion as a type,410 but not as a
correspondance for the one who ultimately created the nails, there being
no "New Testament type for him to prefigure".411 Thus his role seemed
to destine him to passivity: his main function was not to act at all.412
Aetiological considerations prohibited this figure from functioning as a
smith to the evil Jews,413 so exegetes invented a wife ex nihilo who

would comply with their demands.414 According to this theory, medieval

theologians, in their attempt to come to grips with Christ's instructions

264
that all information pertaining to Him should be sought in the Old
Testament,415 forced into being a previously unknown and unreported
activity to surround the Crucifixion. The integration of the nail
forging into the medieval religious tradition is proven by the words of
Pierre Bercheur (1290-1362), when he wrote concerning the Passion
of Christ:

Christum . . . nudum super crucem extenderunt, e§_ibi cum

clauis grossis e§_male fbrmatis §t_non per fatrum sed per

quendam ribaldum factis conclauauerunt. Die si vis de clauis

quomodo fuerunt facti et_sic cum cruce sursum erexerunt.

The exact moment of inception of the episode remains a mystery, as does
theieeson forits placement in French religious literature and its
absence in German as well as the majority of English writings. It is

not inconceivable that the gravitation of French medieval theater towards
vividness and detail may be at least partly responsible.

A Jew's journey to the smith for the purpose of commissioning him
to forge the nails, wherewith the Condemned will be pinioned hand and
foot to His death vehicle, shows neatly the means by which many
scenes in Autun B are elongated in presentational time by the gradual

accrual of minor syntactical or descriptive elements, a process which

separates it from Palat:

[Marques au fevre] 0r parle Ung Juifz au fevre.
0r sus, fevre, isnelement! 0r sus, fevre, ligierement,
Trois clos me ferges maintenant Troys cloux forges apertement
Pour maitre Jhesu clofichier Pour Jhesu de Nazarath crucifier
Et en la croys bien estachier. Bt en la croix bien estachier.

(Palat 787-790) 0r sus tantost et vous levés,

Le fert et vous marteaulx prenes!
(Autun 8 873-877)

After the smith pleads his incapacity to accomplish the task, the

messenger demands to see his crippled hands, threatening bodily harm if

the smith's protestations of infirmity prove false:

26S

Adonc respongy Le Larre et disit

[Marques] a celuy fevre:
Naini, par Dieu omnipotent! Certes, en toy a grant confer!
azns mais ne vi en mon vivant, Je t'ay bien blasmer a tort,
e a I e/ a
Home ne vi si mal mene. . Je voys que fere ne povies rien.

0r voi bien qu'aillerus m'en irai.. Je t'excuserait tres bien.
(Palat 809-812) 0r m'an convient arier aler
A un aultre fevre parler.
(Autun B 900-905)
The additions accomplished by Autunllprovide small hints of a human
situation, but do not significantly alter the earlier account.

The most eloquent amendations made by Autun B to the Palatine ren-
dition of the forging involves the figure of the smith's wife. Palat
has already provided her with a decidedly disturbing and distasteful
personality. She forcefully undertakes to complete that which her
infirm husband cannot.417 Her adversary relationship to Christ is
evident:

Ja de fbrgier ne serai couarde

Peur le fauz truant clofichier.
(Autun B 848-849)

Et sachiez bien que Jhesucrist
Sera mout fert si se deserre.
(Autun B 852-853)
This text repeats much of the tone of the wife's participation from
Palat, but attaches to it a biting sarcasm,ziloathing of the Savior, and
a zeal to be a part of His coming execution. All these attributes are

new to the Passion story.

Instead of attributing the miracle of her husband's infirmity to God,

418 Nothing will dissuade the smith's

she ascribes it to the Devil.
wife from forging the nails. Her expressed pleasure is a touch of

malevolence difficult to forget:

266
Et je veulx tantost mes marteaulx prandre,
Men poinsson et mes tenailles,
Et se je il faul, que j'ae la raige;
Bien scay ouvrer de mon mestier,
Le fert bien tramper et fergier.
Le mal feu d'enfer mes mains ardes,
8e de les fbrgier suis courroussade!
(Autun B 935-941)
This person of truly malefic proportions even rejoices in song at the
impending execution:
saichés que bien est advenus!
.Memes grand feste, june et chanus,
car maintenent est pris celuy
Qui la loy vouloit anully,
Mais en la croix sera crucifier
De ses troys clous, piez et main percier.
(Autun B 944-949)
Such is the figure which possesses all the reality, loathsomeness,
bombastic speech, and stage effectiveness of the most worldly of
characters. She is an excellent example of the tendency mentioned by

. . . . . . . 419
Brinkmann to investigate secular personalities in detail.

When the Crucifixion is approached in the French Passions, the
strict reliance upon verse numbers to completely describe the perimeter
and significance of scenes occasionally leads to questionable results.
Were one to compare the 209 verses of the Palatine Crucifixion with
the apparently more extensive 341 lines of Autun B, without taking into
account the unusual appearances of many epic narratives, its true dra-
matic situation would be greatly distorted. When the epic portions are
discounted, the numerical extent of the Autun B Crucifixion shows itself
to be about forty-seven lines longer than Palat. Most of the verses
serve to increase the humanity and participation of Longinus and to lend
greater vitality to a number of Jews who crowd around the Cross, cast-

ing dispersions both before and during the administration of punishment.

267
As I noted in past paragraphs, Autun B gives great attention to
the exchanges of Joseph of Arimathea and Pilate, essentially absolving

20 Seen from the

the latter of responsibility for Christ's death.4
standpoint of retardation, this event must be viewed as significant.
None of the German Passions nor the English cycles are so categorical
in their excusing of the Roman governor. This by no means makes Pilate
a virtuous or forceful character, for immediately after his absolution
from blame he must bend to the will of the Jewish princes a second

time and summon guards for the tomb. There is little doubt that the
interlude of Joseph, particularly the novel approach to his part in

the events of Good Friday, is designed to show Pilate as something
more than just a figure from Christian mythology and to further iso-
late the Jews of the story in the minds of spectators.

We need not occupy ourselves extensively with Autun B at this
point, for its writer contributes little of value not found elsewhere
in Group II French Passions. Most of the individual scenes are pared
down from identical scenes in Palat or Autun B. I can observe no par-

ticular virtue nor any useful dramatic concentration to emanate from

their abbreviated perspectives.

By any means of comparison it is certain that disparate intentions
underlie the scenic composition of StG and the French Passions,
especially that of the Crucifixion. Even accepting the background of
shared origins, several distinguishing factors can be identified. Few
digressions from the Gospel accounts are admitted by StG. Its plot
qualities are shared with Scripture and with the liturgy; little

character development is discerned. The French accounts, in contrast,

268
disclose in abundance the importance of individual dramatic types;
devils are 'humanized', servants, not unlike the image we still have
of them,often occupy center stage (Evramin, Huitacelin, Cayn, Mossé);
Roman soldiers become comically more true-to-life; the smith's wife
projects a chilling antagonism and dark delight in her task; even Pilate
assumes a heightened degree of humanity with his attempts to explain
his judgment. Clearly, increased emphasis on psychological motivation
and portrayal of 'emotional reflexes' define the French accounts.421
Goodman considers this preoccupation of French authors with 'presentified'

character portrayal as the dominating motivation in their Passions and

a distinguishing mark which separates them from contemporary German

dramas.422

a) Temporal Parallelism

The impact and psychological depth of many passages in Group II
are enhanced by presentation in parallel. Thus the scope of product-
ion is widened as events of ancillary importance are linked in time to
primary happenings.

I have investigated the most salient incidence of parallel activity
in StG in another context where the trespasses of Mary Magdalene are
symbolically extended in represented time by their association with the
calling of the disciples.423 This illustration represents probably the
single-most effective application of the tool in texts of the fourteenth
century. Particularly concerning the parallel of the Magdalene's con-
tinued worldly life,while her Savior waits in her immediate vicinity
with Simon?24 Hartl notes: "Nun erst, nachdem das zeitliche Nebeneinander
auch zur dramatischen Gleichzeitigkeit gestaltet ist, gewinnt die

Bekehrung der Magdalena an innerem Leben."425

269

Aside from its fertuitous investigation of Mary Magdalene's sin,
the sequence provides us with an aesthetic experience of the structure
of time; the artist is seen to shape sacred history, adding dramatic
strength and dynamics in a most commendable manner. He proves his
mastery over the material by forming it to more realistically portray
how the tale might have happened in reality. The time structure of StG
is drawn as a complex of simultaneous activities, all related to the
didactic theme of repentance, but elevated by artistic manipulation to
literary proportions far exceeding the mere perfbrmance of accepted
truths. Other instances may be discovered with a careful reading of
the texts. I shall present only a few examples from each play.

One of the rare occasions in StC where the author fails to appre-
ciably sustain the depth inherent in a series of related events hap-
pens when he follows Judas on two occasions to the residence of the
religious leaders of Jerusalem. The initial parallel is a simple drama-
tization of Scripture, when Judas seeks out Caiaphas, after being told
by the Good Shepard of his impending crime. While Jesus institutes
Holy Communion, Judas reports to the high priest. An extremely short,
but pointed exchange results, during which the bargain is struck:

Post hoc Iudas vadat ad Iudaeas dicens:

e . O O
was wollent ir mzr zu gende dun,
. . o
ich geben uch Ihesum Marten sun?

Respondet Cayphas:

Als werlich maze ich leben
wir wollen dir drizig pennige geben.

Respondet Iudas:

Er ist werliche wolveil,
dbch geben ich in uch an ur seil!

Quo dicto recedat ad Christum
(StG BA 752-BA 758)

270
The’"Past hoc" of the preliminary directions do not in this instance
rule out parallel activity, as is evident from the final rubric.
Judas' treason leads him away from the Last Supper, but he returns to
it in time to hear the 'Mandatum novum'sung by his Master, and to par-
ticipate in the foot-washing. At some unspecified place Judas absents
himself a second time, now prepared to lead the Jews to Jesus, a de-
cision evident from stage directions:

Tunc Ihesus vadat ad montem Oliveti.

Interim IUDAS vadat ad Iudaeos et dicat (ut supra):

wuz wollent ir mir zfi gude dfin,
ich verkeufen uch Ihesum, Marien sun?
(StG BA 817-818)

The length of stay during each of Judas' movements is not long enough
nor presented in enough detail to accomplish any true dramatization.
Their simple character suggests that they were either thought necessary
to the tale or that the latter journey might have only been designed
to make Christ's travel to Gethsemane less static by showing a grave
development in the Jews' quarter. In his investigation of StG, Hartl
identifies the role played by parallelism as it creates animation for
the play. However, I must disagree with his conclusion that Judas'
bargaining for the release of his Master played contemporary with His
appearance before Pilate426 and the dream of Pilate's wife, also staged
in correspondence with her husband's negotiations,427 necessarily, or to
any appreciable degree, "zeugt von der Erfahrung und dem BUhnengeschick
des Bearbeiters."428 These instances have been seen in both BenP and

Montecassino. There are, however, other illustrations of the author's

ability to meaningfully structure his tale.

271

A much more judicious application of parallelism can be found at
the juncture supervenient to the arrest. It involves Mary's apprisal
by John of her Son's misfortune:

Maria, mutter reine,

igh kom nu alleine

un sagen dir ubel mere,

die uns sint alzu swere:

die Juden hant den meister min.

(StG 936-940)

To extract a character who has witnessed the seizure and dramatize his
report to the mother of Christ, while He is being led towards Annas'
domicile, not only fills travel time with a meaningful occasion from
another quarter, it also effectively rationalizes the later entrance
of Mary into the Crucifixion. This structuring binds two events into
a broadened, humanized form, the second a necessary and logical outcome
of the first. As a result of this brief report, Mary's presence and
participation in her Son's death is amplified to more closely coincide
with the real world of which she is now a part.

Perhaps the poorly preserved form of Wien is responsible fer the
almost complete absence of parallel activities. The sole incidence
repeats a situation we have seen before: the moment of enlightenment for
the woman of Magdala overlaps to some degree the time her Savior spends
with Simon the Pharisee. In its general form, the Wien occurrence
differs little from BenP. Both report Christ's invitation to dine with
Simon, then interrupt this scene to concentrate on Mary. Wien, of
course, has gone a long way towards rationalizing the character of
Mary through an elongation of her story backwards from this moment of
decision. Wien likewise adds the personality of the nuncius symonis,

who, while attempting to turn the sinner from her path of self-destruc-

tion, provides an unmistakeable signal of a parallel time scheme.

272
His disclosure to Mary offers us a definite clarification of the time
sequence of Wien:
0 Maria Magdalena,
nova tibi nuncio:
symonis hospicio
hic sedens/convivatur
Ihesus ille Nazarenus,
.gratia virtute plenus,
qui relaxat peccata populi.
(Wien 374-380)
Parallelism in the French plays shows no strengths peculiar to
them alone. All three manuscripts recapitulate represented time to a
small extent with theintroductionof’Mary Magdalene into the mainstream
activity of the Passover meal,429 none of which approaches the effect-
iveness of StG. All equate Judas' betrayal with the time Jesus spends

on Olivet,430 and overlay the Master's appearance before Pilate with

Judas' remorse or Peter's denial.431 In the instance of Palat, both

events are treated in parallel.432 This Passion diverges from Mante-
cassino in detail only, where the triangular reflection of a single
block of represented time was first viewed. Each image is now invested
with a more realistic likeness instead of the symbolic form reflected by
the older work.

What temporal effect the forging of the nails might have for
parallelism is difficult to discern. Rather than revealing situations
which enlighten an event in another location, in this instance pre-
parations for the coming execution, the French authors momentarily aban-
don the main activity (the way to Golgotha), restricting further forward
motion until the return of a messenger with the three implements of

death. Initiating and returning statements clearly indicate the absence

of any expressive development in the main theme until this interlude

is accomplished.433

273

b) Interruption and Suspension

The investigation of the tempo of succession,as altered by inter-
ruption and suspension, must be approached in Group II with extreme
care. It will be recalled that interruption dealt with the pause of
temporal succession accomplished by a stage character acting as a
dramatic entity, caused primarily by lyrical intrusions like the Marian
laments. Suspension was defined as the complete abrogation by a figure
of his assumed role and the concomitant momentary unification of spec-
tator and speaker within the historical time of the audience. Since
suspension forms the most elementary' dramatic: level of StG, I shall
consider this phenomenon first.

The most critical distinction between suspension and interruption
in StG must be made with the figure of Augustinus. Fundamental to his
entire dramatic function is one question: Is Augustinus a personality
from within the play or does he exist at some point outside the struc-
ture of represented time? A careful reading suggests to me that this
apparition has no interaction with any other character from the world
of sacred history. He deals with the audience and with the readers.
Hartl corroborates my findings when he concludes: "Er ist mehr tech-
nische Notwendigkeit als handelnde Person."434 Therefore, when
Augustinus occupies center stage, represented time is not interrupted,
but eliminated altogether! His position in presented time finds an
analogy in the ,Ausrufer' of Brecht's Dreigroschen Oper, but without
the latter's occasional integration into the plot. Augustinus' inter-
vention into the mainstream of representation is complex, enlightening,
and innovative. At times he resembles the perceptive abilities of an

audience, sifting parts of the drama, making comparisons, drawing

274
contrasts, identifying the significance of sacred history for medieval
man. On other occasions he inaugurates impending episodes, in effect
previewing them in their quintessence. Here Augustinus renders complet-
ely superfluous the notion of suspense through surprise. I will have
more to say about these passages later.

In yet other circumstances, Augustinus closely resembles a med-
ieval preacher, moralizing, teaching, warning, reminding. His appear-
ances, often punctuated by the Silete of an angelic chorus (see Table
5), serve to introduce new scenes which bear upon the main theme of
Christ's sacrifice, or take up anew the central message after invest-
igation of a secondary theme. Augustinus in effect interrupts one
dramatized event and commences another, leaving the first incomplete,
to be reinvestigated at a later junction. Brinkmann christens this
phenomenon HZwischenrede" or "interlocutoire".435 There results an
impressive broadening of represented time and the opportunity to con-
trast one action with another, separated in space, but not in time, or,
contrarily, to unite them thematically. Suspension by Augustinus
compliments and intensifies spatial parallelism by supplying the
audience with spiritual keys by which they may unlock a structural and
thematic relationship. An excellent illustration of such rhetorical
scenic binding is seen in one of Augustinus' speeches which precede
two related episodes, the first dealing with Mary Magdalene's erring

ways,436 and the second with the introduction of Jesus and the

adulteress:43

Herent mit zohten vorbaz:

man wil uch irzugen daz,

wie die Juden sprachen

un eine frauwen vor unsern herren brahten.
die was des ane gesprochen,

275
sie hede ir e gebrochen.
sie dadens nit wan umbe daz,
sit sie gein Ihesum drugen haz.
do det er ir helpe irkant,
dez warden die Juden wol geschant.
(StG 255-264)

Upon completion of theadulteressinterlude, the audience rejoins
Mary in all her glory, but an analogy of outcome has been established:
tflwaadulteressis saved from the pitiable death of stoning through the
intervention of the Lord. An identical joy can be bestowed upon Mary
if she will only repent.

Occasionally Augustinus suspends represented time to project the
consequences of an event upon his listeners, thus, in effect, teaching
bystanders with compelling and lively sermons. This didactic function
stands behind Augustinus' intervention into the questioning of the man
born blind. Caiaphas, not convinced that some manner of skqllduggery
does not lay behind the miracle of returned sight, calls for the father
of Caecus to confirm his son's congenital anopsia. Augustinus takes
issue with the disbelief evidenced by Caiaphas, and, in so doing,
simultaneously casts light upon its true motivation:

Wuszent daz dorch anders nit

dirre man zwiueliche gith,

wanne dorch der grozen vohte not,

die ime der Iuden drauwen gebot:

er hede sie es wol bescheiden baz,

wan daz sie Christo drugen haz.

(StG 477-482)

The inquiry continues with a specific verification by Annas of August-
inus' observations ("wir wfizen daz Ihesus ein sunder ist!").438

In addition to all these services rendered by Augustinus, the author

439

makes use of him to structurally highlight his Passion section. In

this function Augustinus not only suspends represented time, but also

276
gives witness to the presence of the author behind the work, busily
and actively scoring the dramatic presentation, offering, as it were,
a prolog to every meaningful subsection, and especially underscoring
three separate incidents. Augustinus signals the inception of a
weighty theme prior to the convention of pontiffs and pharisees, who
meet to plot Jesus' downfall. His words must have carried with it a
definite omen that the reason for the play was now at hand, for it speaks
to the Redeemer's impending troubles in a manner not seen previously:
N; horeng, vrauwen uh man,
es wil nu an denoernest gan:
die Judenogent zu rade,
wie sie nu vil gedrade
Ihesum geben in den dot.
ein christenmensche bedrahte die not,
die durch uns hat geliden got!
(StG 642-648)
Jesus' ordeal before the congregation of priests, the second step
leading to His ignominious death, elicits a more pointed reference to
a suggested and anticipated reaction of the audience:
lant uch gen z; herzen
unseres herren smerzen,
den er bit willen geliden hat
vor unser aller missedat.
(StG 926-929)
Not only has a topic of cardinal import been broached, its dramatization
of Christ's sorrows should touch the hearts of all in attendance, fer it
is caused by their own misdaeds! Editorial comment, far removed from
the time of representation, is the hallmark of Augustinus' participation.
This personality is again called upon to stress the lamentation

of Mary shortly before the Christ is led to His place of execution.

The interlocutor appeals to the compassion of his spectators to identify

with the Virgin, who suffered a pain equal to that of her Son:

 

277
0
Nu merket iegliche vgauwe gude,
wie Marien were zu mude,
db sie horte un sach
irs lieben kindes ungemach:
sie Zeit bit ime, er Zeit bit ir.
ir sollent des gleuben mire,
daz ime det wirs ir herzeleit
danne sin selbes arbeit!
(StG 1258-65)
What Augustinus seeks to awaken is not only the physical Passion of
our Lord, but an active spectator sympathy, a "Mit-Leiden" with the
Lamb of God.440 His calls for audience identification originate in
presentified history, for it is not some random accident of chronology
which guides Augustinus, but the redemption of mankind, as vital to
medieval man as if it had taken place within his own lifetime. The
quotations bespeak a timeless truth of religious belief, that the
sacrifice of the True Vine was accomplished for the sins of men yet
unborn. Presentification is accomplished in a manner which has not
been seen previously; Augustinus' reality, existing outside represented
time, affords him immense dramatic power to bring sacred history up to
date. His ability to span countless generations with simple, non-
historical truths is evident from his comment on the institution of
Holy Communion:
daz er segente brot un auch den win,
als es von gotlicher art
in sinen lip un sin blut verwandelt wart,
als in der menscheide noch geschith.
(StG 712-715)
The same circumstances which allow, even demand, the presence of much
liturgical song enables Augustinus to turn to his public, addressing
them as if nothing separated actor and spectator. Celebration of

spiritual life through Christ's sacrifice is attended by each person

individually, whether role-player or not. In fact, the actor himself

278

is first a liturgist; the play stands in close proximity to the cele-
bration of the Mass.441 By means of the character Augustinus the
writer of StG testifies to the eternal qualities of the play in which
the distance separating the world of sacred history from the world of
medieval religious man becomes insignificant. Here audience and actor
alike participate in a religious festival, "in der Mitwirkende und
Anwesende als eine Gemeinschaft der Glgubigen die Erhebung zu Gott
begeben."442 The speeches of Augustinus constitute a type of
dramatic indicator by which the populace can measure what it has
seen. Wolff comments:

Die Anrede der Zuschauer (bringt) . . . eine unfibersehbare

Festlegung auf die besondere Lage des Augenblicks und macht

dadurch den Uebergang von der vorgefflhrten Welt zur Gegen-

wart der versammelten Gemeinde weit merklicher, um so starker,

je weniger diese Gegenwart im Voraufgehenden fUhlbar mit-

geschwungen und je entschiedener die Aufffihrung den Charakter

der Wirklichkeitswiedergabe angenommen . . . hat.
In all his remonstrances Augustinus seeks to project Christ's life
into the physical reality of his public through "zeichen," "heiliger

444 The extra-dramatic quality of this med-

lere," and "grozer sere".
ieval interlocutor provides a concrete indication in fourteenth-century
German Passions of the importance of audience integration into religious
drama. They cannot be separated from the realization on stage; their
participation, as in a religious service, is expected. Augustinus
continually reminds them of this by his interruptions.

Structurally speaking, Augustinus'presence at every important
juncture of the story has the function of intimating the future by
the integration of events yet to come. His being is solely dramatist-

inspired, an indication of one of several techniques which rely upon

the author for their structure and impact on the farm and aesthetic

279
level of the final text.

Another facet of Augustinus' character can be discerned, one
perhaps more readily accessible to modern investigators than to med-
ieval audiences. It deals with his structural function of binding
together many varied time strata into a unity which transcends any
of them individually. Through this personality three separate and
distinct time modi become interwoven, resulting in the aesthetic
intensification of the play. This figure, modeled on the Church father
of the same name, who stands outside the actual dramatization of his-
torical chronology, lends credibility to the performance on stage by
virtue of his position in Church history as teacher and exegete.
Augustinus, who speaks to the audience with all the power of a recog-
nized authority on matters of religious faith, bridges in the play two
widely separate times, much as he did within his own lifetime of
thought and writing. The historical facts of Christ's life, first
detailed by the exegesis of St. Augustine, are presentified in drama
for a later audience, thus forming an intimate link between sacred
history and contemporary medieval affairs. But beyond this didactic
function so readily identifiable in his appearances, Augustinus par-
ticipates in a synthesis of the three time levels in the play, of the
historical facts surrounding Christ's life, of Augustine's explanation
of the same, and of the time of presentation on stage, providing us
with an opportunity to experience a diversity of dramatic structure
far exceeding the implications of any one of the time modi which make
up dramatic material. Not only does he speak to medieval man, August-
inus' integration into the presentation aesthetically elevates the

writer's accomplishments above both the time of presentation and

280
historical time. Our experience may vary, as do our religious beliefs,
from that of medieval audiences, but it is not necessarily inferior or

less satisfying.

Music may bring audience and representation into closer proximity.
Depending on the degree of integration of the individual into the
religious community, he may identify with some or virtually all sung
passages of the drama. But for the study of suspension I limit my
discussion to those instances where liturgical material finds pro-
minence on stage. My primary interest is to prove the theoretical
potential for audience participation. If these liturgical remnants
support this suggestion, the question as to the existence of a lesser
or greater quantity of popular participation :hi any play is largely
academic.

A probable source of greatest spectator integration through the
device of sung texts, reminiscent of the liturgy or directly borrowed
from it, may be most readily identified in the sections dealing with
the Visitatio. One may attribute this observation to the dominance
assumed by this series of events in liturgical services; it is the
central truth which imparts joy to the weekly feast of gladness.
Among several sequences which provide an opportunity for spectator
identification is that of the Victimae paschali of the eleventh
century,445 specifically its second part: "Dic nobis, Maria, quid
vidisti in via?"446 None other than Peter raises the question to
Mary Magdalene in StG, who joyfully responds: "Sepulcrum Christi
viventis et gloriam vidi resurgentis."447

The resultant witness, filled with Mary's fervor and conviction, offers

281

us a statement of faith transcending the ages as well as the apostles
who deliver it:

Seimus Christum surrexxise

a mortuis vere,

tu nobis, victor rex, miserere!

(StG 1619-21)
Without doubt this religious creed draws the audience into the action
at hand. More significantly, such an unquestioned registration of
belief leaves the play with an open ending, indicative of the absolute
truth of dramatized events and of the celebrative tone of the play.
This view of Christian redemption closes on a timeless note; the truths
presented in lively form, punctuated on various occasions by Augustinus,
transcend time, conveying to modern religious man the same beliefs
valid for medieval man, overshadowing represented time and its public
as well. The past of Christ's life has been presentified; religious
belief and conviction, already established by the liturgy, are rekindled
in the minds of spectators from those days long ago, and for us, too.
The dramatic presentation is seen to be subservient to a religious
value, conveying several artistic qualities, but always intended to
teach and confirm. Ludwig Wolff affirms my conclusions about StC when
he writes: "Weil sie Gottesdienst ist, klingt die Feier aus in ein
Gesang, der die Bedeutung des Tages far die Andgchtigen zusammenfaszt."448
A liturgical association traditionally finding voice in the

French Passions in particular is the'Te Deumfi a form drawing matins to
a close and customarily integrated into the Visitatio as a joyous
ending.449 At the conclusion of the Palatine Visitatio Sepulchri,

when Mary Magdalene announces the Resurrection to Peter, she utters the

familiar words:

282

Te Deum laudamus,
7e dbminum confitemur.
(Palat 1987-88)

Three centuries of stable theatrical tradition proceed Mary's con-
firmation, a hymn of gratitude for the many accomplishments God has
supplied.450 Once Mary has interrupted the sequence of events, she
continues her hymn, calling upon the spectators, not as a biblical
or dramatic personality, but as one celebrating the Resurrection
through action:

0r deprions a Jhesucrist,

Qui pour nous se leissa mourir,

Que il nous doint tele choze faire

Qui a son douz cors puisse plaire,

Et en tiex euvres maintenir

Par quoy nous puissons touz venir

Laissus en paradis tout droit!

Dites amen, que Diex l'ottroit!
(Palat 1989-96)

 

This interpretation of the presentation contains a definite signal
that Mary Magdalene as a stage personality has at this point become
redundant. The message is couched in forms addressing plurality;
instead of communicating her individual gratitude as an actress with
the 'je' pronoun, a sure indicator of interruption, the more-encompas-
sing 'nous' forms are employed. Considering the presence of the
festive’Te Deumfl I am inclined to dismiss the possibility that Mary's
speeches were intended for the edification of her fellow actors.

What could be more fitting than to conclude the celebration of the
Servant's redemption of mankind by His Passion than to invest the play
with a quality of gratitude, expressed by all persons surrounding the
proceedings? Their combined voices, raised in praise to the God of the
Resurrection, presentifies the drama and insures a meaningful par-

ticipation by spectators; sacred history lives for them in their own

283

time and the Christian mythology which defines medieval religious
thought becomes one with its adherents. The original unity of stage
and audience which defines the most ancient dramas of medieval Europe
is reintroduced.‘ Now, as then, staged activity does not symbolize a
unique chronological happening, but speaks instead to the present
institution of redemption,452 a living festival of ongoing spiritual
conviction. The joy of redemption is repeated in every heart, as Mary
Magdalene, the epitomy of sinful human kind, drops all pretense of
role-playing to lead the congregation in praise of the Savior. The
familiar events of Christ's sacred Passion, not intended to be seen or
heard alone,453 become an intense experience of eternal proportions,
similar to the most profound reactions to the liturgy itself. For
investigators from another century such as we, spiritual integration
of the populace into the performance is a certain sign of the author's
intention to present living truths in which the congregation may
participate, while affording an intense personal experience of God's love.

These incidents of suspension call into question the contention
by Hardin Craig that medieval drama did not build on any perceivable
theory of dramatization. The personality of Augustinus points to a
definite and all-pervasive theory on the application of dramatic
endeavor, namely to teach and edify. The several suspensions just
detailed in French plays of Group II further attest to attitudes which
convey the dimensions of an active dramatic theory, that audiences were
meant to become integrated in festive remembrance into what they saw
and experienced on stage. Although his investigations focus on the
Corpus Christi plays of a later date, V.A. Kolve has uncovered many

facts which are valid for these Passions of the fourteenth century.

284
He, too, takes issue with Craig's erroneous conclusions:

. . I think we must dissent from the judgment of Hardin
Craig that this drama had no 'theory',no self-awareness
as a genre. The aim of the (Corpus Christi) drama was to
celebrate and elucidate, never, not even temporarily, to
deceive. It played action in 'game'-- not in 'ernest'--
within a world set apart, established by convention, and

obeying rules of its own. A lie designed to tell the truth
about reality, the drama was understood as significant

play.454
Attention to the phenomenon of suspension has shown us one method by
which medieval artist do, indeed, operate on a dramatic theory, one
not standing for itself, but supportive of a general intent to edify

and celebrate.

As we consider the technique known as interruption, other areas
of dramatic skill become visible. During the planctus Mariae an oppor-
tunity for identification with Mary's dolorous misery is made possible
by her realistic portrayal of human emotional response to a critical
situation. As she approaches her Son with questions about her own
future455 and attempts to understand the reasons behind the macabre
sight of her Offspring,wounded and bleeding, publically shamed and
ridiculed by on-lookersvile with scorn, her words assume an air of
lyricism in Palat; the laments are not only applied to Mary's suffering,
they could easily have been uttered by any earthly mother, including
medieval women. Her laments are dissimilar from the obvious suspensions
I have mentioned before inasmuch as the actress never relinquishes her
role as a fictitious Mary; the dialogs with her Son and with John are
surely inner-directed, striving to impart life to the emotional storms
raging within her, but the actress still impersonates. In her speeches
found in Autun BenwiAutun R, Mary never steps out of her staged role

to become a speaker of simple truths; the pronominal forms do not

285
relate to the person behind the mask of Mary, but to the represented
mother of Christ:

ig_ne puis aydier a mon seigneur.
(Autun B 1949)

Or soit mon ame de mon corps departie!
(Autun B 1963)

Tue mQy que suis en terre
Marrie et mon Marie.
(Autun R 737-738)

Dy, mes treschier filz, que feray?
(Autun R 753)

Nevertheless, there results a tone of delivery and a selection of

words which lyrically lift the dialogs out of the sphere of mere play-
acting into one transcending the time of representation. Since the
laments lose their bonds of history through Mary's personal outpourings,
opportunity for momentary unification of audience and message is
possible.

Participating in the closing moments of the StG execution Mary
Magdalene airs her grief with words whose lyrical qualities elevate
them from represented and presentational time into the realm of faith,
conviction, and eternal truth:

Owe der iemerlichen not!

mir ist min lieber meister dot,

der mich von sunden banden

un von der werlete schanden

bit gnaden hat inbunden.

(StG 1440-44)

These final verses provide a broadened statement, wherein all believers
may unite; though Mary Magdalene speaks them their implication calls
modern religious men to remember Jesus' sacrifice of His earthly life.

The author of Autun B draws his story to a close with the inter-

ruption of time as well, but in a more direct and didactic manner.

286
When the Magdalene, upon recognizing her lost Savior, rushes to embrace
Him, He cautions against her natural urge.456 There ensues a curious
monolog wherein the flux of time becomes a non-entity; the cause and
effect relationship between Old Testament sin and New Testament redemp-
tion is established. The personification of Jesus Christ, God Incar-
nate, delivers a benediction indicative of interruption:
La grace du saint Eeperit,
Qui procede du pere et du filz,
Tantost en vous je envoyra,
Qui tous vous pechiés lavera,
AfTin que vous soyés tous nez I
Pour plus tost en paradis monte.
(Autun B 2012-17)
The pronoun 'je' supports interruption, and the sentence, "Affin que
vous soyés tous nez", shows the timelessness of Christ's sacrifice.
Ensuing speeches not only presentify sacred history, thereby imparting
a thoroughly-developed heavenly response to earthly evils emanating
from Adam's original sin, but also succeed in identifying the specific
interest for persons at hand for what has been staged. Christ's monolog
includes the phrase, "Bonus pastor ponit animan suam, etc."457
Not content to leave this witness in Latin, the stagewright carefully
updates it and adds an interpretation, linking its intention to his
audiences:
Les paroles que j'ay ici proposee
son en l'euvangile trovee.
En francays vaul autant a dire
comme: 'Le bon pasteur et le bon syre
Livra a martire son corps

Et pour vous soufifrit cruelles mors.
(Autun B 2040-45)

The imitated Christ, having dropped pretense of communicating with the
Magdalene, addresses the audience directly, still veiled in the fiction

of the stage, but freely identifying the dominion of sacred history and

287
the promise of heavenly reward:
Entendés moy, dames et seigneur,
Panses trestuit de bien faire,
S'ares de paradis la gloyre.
(Autun B 2054-56)

Autun B concludes with what seems to be a recapitulation of pre-
vious circumstances during the Crucifixion, offered not by a character
asking the audience to look upon the Man of Sorrows, but by the
Christ Himself. This contemplative device makes several contemporary
lyrics "more striking and emotive",458 as it injects them with un-
accustomed dramatic power. Christ's supreme monolog, an extension and
intensification of the familiar'O vos omnes'complaint from Lamentations
i: 12, reviews the heart-rending details of His protracted labors on
the Tree, continually reiterating by the device of interruption the
indebtedness of medieval man to God. Each spectator is addressed indi-
vidually, and in so forming his message, the artist creates moments of
lyrical flight which interrupt time, delineating the meaning of the play
for on-lookers, while presenting ageless truths that relate to modern
men of all stations as well. Seldom in Group II Passions does lyricism
combine with didacticism to build such a fitting and convincing lesson
(or invest the necessity of Christ's death with such grace and compul-
sion) as in this monolog:

Regard en pitie ce martyre:

Vuille [le] en ton cueur escripre,

de ma passion te remembre.

Tu voys que je n'ay sur moy membre
Qui ne soy percier en tous lyeux.
{e_meurs pour toy, gue suis ton Dieu,
ge_meurs pour toy le_chiefz enclin.
Pour moy que faiz? Pense en la fin!
Tu voys comme je meurs ici;

Bien doit avoir le cueur nerci,

5e tu panse en la doleur
Que ie_souffre pour tgy, pecheur,

 

288
Pour toy hoster hors de prison
Et amander la mesprison
Que Eve [et] Adam firent premier.
(Autun B 2082-96)
Obvious overtones of an Imago Pietatis can be perceived in this speech.
Time is interrupted, the Man of Sorrows is "isolated from the historical
sequence of the Passion,"459 becoming a figure of meditation entirely
external to any temporal context.460 In no other Passion of the
period can so successful an interruption be found; nowhere else in con-
temporary drama does the staged character of the Lord and Savior of
mankind take on such earthly proportions, again and again witnessing
His love for His wayward creation. His willingness to forgive is the
focus of His compassion, conditioned by only one demand:
Le pechier que tu as commys,
Je te sera pere et amys,
Et se tu as contriction,
Je te feray remission.
(Autun B 2106-9)
In other plays Christ's readiness to forgive is dramatized by Magdalene
episodes, affirmed by Augustinus, conveyed by the entire audience. In
Autun B the Lord Himself confirms sacred history. Inherent lyrical
power of the Word creates a situation whereby these chronological
events of times long past achieve an eternal quality; the message of
Christ's redemption soars to heights beyond the limits of time and space.
Autun B provides one of the best cases for the contention that medieval
writers were capable of effective, meaningful, and artistic application
of religious material to stage productions. Theirs was not always a
static art, devoid of aesthetic merit. When seen before the backdrop .

of the literary rules of the time, the various factors which may be

exploited to interfere with the straighthrward unrolling of time show

If
_

 

289
perhaps an unconscious, but nevertheless effective and eloquent usage
of tempo-altering literary devices. Neither the plays nor the dramatists

. . U
are 'ineVitably naive'.461

INTEGRATION OF THE FUTURE
Proclaimed Occurrences Originating in the Text.

StG and Autun B give evidence of the inconsequence of dramatic
surprise, for they are structured around an external expositor. Autun
B , which would appear to contain a great potential because of its
extra-representative inclusions of a narrative nature, differs sub-
stantially from StG, in that the external voice, which from time to
time occupies an important structural position, speaks almost always
in narrative modes and not in ways indicative of the future.

By virtue of their increased length, Group 11 plays evidence all
the techniques of anticipating the future found in Group I with one
exception. The reason is obvious:all Passions build upon the same con-
textual foundation. The degree of application is the most important
variation.

a) Announced Arrivals

Little time need be spent with announced arrivals, for, with mar-
ginal exceptions, this technique of verifying the future has no place
in Group II. It might be possible to analyze the introductory speeches
of Augustinus in StG in this way, but the dramatic and futuristic
thrust of the technique is not really employed to define the Christ's
entry, rather to identify the reason for dramatization of His Passion.
None of the Group II texts reveals the potential to accommodate the

future before the fact like we saw in Mbntecassino.

290
b) Prophecy
I stressed.earlierthe notability of prophecy in Scripture, as

well as the somewhat surprising lack of its utilization in Group I.
I attributed the situation to the scope of the texts, preservation, or
possibly to authorial intent.462 Christ delivers all prophecies
mentioned by the Gospels in StG,463 except for His warning to the women
of Jerusalem. I find no intensification of the play by their pre-
sence, as they are surely traditional and almost mandatory. Palat,
while less inclusive of prophecy, precipitates more life and verve into
its intimations of the future, combining poignant, sensitive intuition
with human emotion. This can best be seen by the Lord's revelation
of the betrayal. The Savior does not simply offer His prophecy as a
single massive illumination, but instead repeats essential qualities
of it, making the final statement more forceful. Jesus initially men-
tions His approaching death while eating the Passover meal with His
disciples:

Jamais o vous mengerai

Devant que de mort resusciterai.

Pour vous sofferrai passion

Que n'alez a perdition.

(Palat 77-80)
This paraphrase of Luke xxii: 15 precedes the more traditional pro-
phecy of disloyalty, where Scripture is quoted to stress the validity
of the statement. There follows a series of remarks, extended beyond
any known biblical origin, wherein the relationship between the coming
sacrifice, eternal bliss, and the disciples'place in the Last Judgment
is established:
Et sai bien qu'en croiz sere penduz.

Vous estes tuit li mien ami,
Et grant paine avez pour mi.

291
Je vous en rendrai guerrdeon
En paradis, en ma maison.
Sus les dbuze sieges serez
Au Judgment et je i serai
Qui desus touz les jugerai.
(Palat 163-170)

Autun B offers a similar set of prophecies by the Master, including
Peter's denial,464 a like response to John,465 and a verification of His
extra-terrestrial kingdom for sinners who heed the call to repentance.
Autun R includes the prophecy of doom to the women of Jerusalem,467
while Wien reveals only one prophecy, that of the betrayal,468 a sit-
uation certainly resulting from incomplete textual preservation than
from willful exclusion. A comparison of all five texts discloses that,
with the exception of the additions to Autun B, prophecy has little to
do with any significant structuring of the story. Their absence does
not materially disadvantage any play; their appearances have limited
dramatic value. In only one account does any meaningful recollection
of Christ's prophecies occur. When John recalls his Lord's premonition
that all would desert Him in Autun B, the event, seen first in fore-
sight, then in hindsight, places the prophecy into dramatic perspective,
adding life and causality to the tale. Here, as with no other example
of the phenomenon, has the artist erected what I consider to be a sen-
sitive and compelling association of present, past, and future events,
building upon the scriptural records by inserting extra-biblical, but
perfectly logical, responses to the Lord's vision of happenings not
yet realized. The author's amendments to the strict prophecy show his
skill and mastery of his subject matter and allows us as an audience
apart to derive a satisfying experience; we can applaud not only his

dramatic sensibilities, but also his talents of extending the presence

of prophecy beyond mere source repetition. They are integrated into

292
the very fabric of the drama, lending it increased body, perception,
and humanity. The figures created by the judicious application of
prophecy, Christ and John, are not abstract symbols of good, but images
of living men.

One innovative use of prophecy which lies beyond the normal Christ-
centered visions is found in Autun B. In this instance it is Pilate's
wife who envisions the future Crucifixion while warning her governor-
husband to avoid an unjust decision in Jesus' case. In her prophecy
the wife, with the aid of sight and wisdom far exceeding that of a mere
mortal, succeeds in throwing the Resurrection into sharper focus by
warning of the misfortunes which will historically befall the Jews
in the years following Jesus' death:

Quar tous vous serés degecter

De Jherusalem la citer,

Quar l'empereur de Ramme

Et tous ses saiges homme

Cuyderont que la loy soit perdue,

Anchillee et confendue.

Couroucier en seront monlt fert

De ce que l'aiés tuer a grant tort.

Luy et sa grand chevalerie

Viendront et aussy grand compaignie.

Quant il seront lla veriter,

Trestous serés desireter.

Saiches que tous vous octiront,

Petit ne grand n'eschapperont.

Juife ne seront pas adonc chier. .

(Autun B 573-587)

A nod of spectator understanding or religious "Schadenfreude" may well
have accompanied these lines, for it explained in no uncertain terms

the cause and effect association between the Jewish rejection of Jesus

Christ as Lord and Savior and the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus

in 70 A.D.

293
c) Oaths
The potential for preparing the future established by oaths finds
greater expression in Group 11 than was observed in previous texts.
Palat and Autun B deliver them most consistently, augmenting the oaths
of Judas469 and Peter470 by repetition. The disciple John in Autun B
expresses his eternal fidelity to his Master, strengthening the second
promise of Peter, and setting the stage for his extra-scriptural re-
iteration of Jesus' prophecy in succeeding moments. The promise by
Mary Magdalene to live a future free from sin471 describes circumstances
laying outside or beyond the play, and offer minimal opportunity for
the creation of suspense. Huitacelin swears a strong oath to initiate
the flagellation. Its coming ferocity is betrayed when he storms:
La male passion l'abate,
8e je, pour ce que j'ai perdu,

Ne fais plus de mal a Jhesu!
(Palat 462-464)

Satan's promise to accost Jesus, the aggressor of Hell,472 provides

by its sheer boldness an oath of action diametrically opposed to the
true outcome of the encounter. With this device the author lends life
to his Satan, while underscoring the devil's stupidity. The Roman
guards of the Sepulchre, with whom I have previously dealt in the
section on succession of tempo,473 are made to appear most ridiculous

in their oath-making. The foolish promises they swear with abandon,
punctuated by calling up 'Mahon',474 combined with the amount of stage
time during which they puff themselves up, casts ridicule upon their
weakness; not one of their oaths moves near completion, for, when Christ

rises, He leaves them in the dust of their own impudence. Of cburse,

the medieval audience knew the ultimate outcome, and these Romans may

294
have been cause for a moment of laughter. Our reaction is not unlike
that; smiles are almost inevitable for us, because the fantastic vows
are such a contrast with the absolute inability of the soldiers to
accomplish them. I believe we have an almost exclusively dramatic
and aesthetic development of this scene, which, to be sure, rests on
several plays posterior to Palat, but which nonetheless goes far beyond
them in its presentification and creative antithesis between human
and divine reality. The integration of oaths casts these four knights
in typically human molds, deepens our interest in them, and structures

that period of time after the Crucifixion in a most persuasive manner.

Perms of'Proclamation EManating from Structure

Of the specific practices which may be brought to bear on artistic
structure in Group II Passions, only two find a place in plays of the
fourteenth century. The pr010g, and analogously treated, the intro-
duction of major sections within the drama, receive attention. It
will be recalled that I altered the position of a second form, that of
direct address to spectators, to enhance the analysis of interruption

and suspension.

Perhaps the single most meaningful excrescence to the many inci-
dences of the future witnessed by Group II texts is that of the prolog,
a form of anticipation supplied by the dramatist, not by his material,
whereby parts of the drama are introduced and forseen: meaningful in
that their presence as well as the method of their delivery assumes a
novel approach to the material, accentuating a note of didacticism
and independent structuring ability beside an older commemorative

attitude. With the appearance of the prolog the artist behind the play

295
takes on an increasingly important and visible role, for we see the
introduction of a technique completely determined by the author himself)
a means of structuring a play which is in his hands alone.

The prolog of StG delivered by Augustinus, aided by his abundant
disclosures of impending performance, underscores once again the relative
unimportance of surprise for the drama.475 When Augustinus directs
attention towards the imminent miracle of water made wine at the Wedding
in Cana and Christ's sanctification by John the Baptist in the River
Jordan,476 the stage has been set for forthcoming events and the neces-
sity of the entire series of sacred facts which follow abstractly
established. The Savior was martyred fer the sins of each person in
attendance.477 The audience thus has before its eyes the compulsion
for the Passion and a preview of its first scenes. There may appear
little work remaining for the dramaturge to accomplish, but he must
still sketch in detail the specifics of each event, a task which is
the essence of theater! The audience may not be surprised at forth-
coming happenings, but it may react spiritually and emotionally to the
manner in which the artist draws his characters and the specific words
and understandings he projects through them. Augustinus introduces the
action, but not the particular dramatization and interrelationships
between characters and events. We know that Christ will be baptized
by Saint John from the prolog, but exactly how John will distinguish
himself from his Messiah, how he will draw the parallels between Old
Testament history and New Testament reality remains within the pro-
venance of the writer alone. Each speech delivered by Augustinus
reiterates the authority maintained by the dramatist over his work, for

be continually provides the vague outline of plot for each significant

296
subsection. By this technique the playwright establishes links to the
tradition from which he drew his account and identifies himself as
a continuator of the same. Nevertheless, his mark will be made and
the dramatization will be his own creation.
In his opening remarks, the unknown proclamator of Autun B fur-

nishes us with a cerresponding program of production, stressing
the Mediator's indispendable response to Adam's original transgression
and the participation of medieval man in the redemptive process.
On only one other occasion does his presence extend into the realm of
unrealized events. At the point of the Redeemer's expiration this
curious voice informs readers:

Et puis tout droit il descenda

Es enfers et la trova

Adam et toute sa lignie,

Aussy grande compaignie

De prophete et de christien,

Qui sa venue la actendien.

(Autun B 1308-13)
The event to which the narrative refers lies several hundred verses into
the future, although the verb tense remains the simple past. A steady,
consistent sketching of coming performance cannot be found in Autun B,
contrary to the formal circumstances of Sta. 1, therefore, assume the
presence of these two interruptors to be determined by distinctive
authorial style and intent. With this single exception, I find no
homologous and a limited analogous relationship between the textual
structures.
A second adjunct of dramatist-inspired forms of anticipation

seemingly original with StG, an analogy to the close of acts and intimat-

ely related to the prolog, makes a strong impact on the organization of

this feurteenth-century play. While not a prolog in the strictest

297
sense and actually at the opposite end of acts, the introduction of
sections of particular importance by Augustinus serves notice on readers
that the author is once again at work, structuring and defining his
product by techniques over which he has complete control. Indeed,
the circumstances I described for three weighty events480 even out-
strips in formal substance the prolog which commences StG. I need not
reiterate the comments made earlier, except to point out once again
that these strictly author-initiated devices, so conspicuously absent
in the two Passions of Group I, presage a gradual transformation of
traditionally symbolic and commemorative presentations into greatly

expanded and diversified productions of increased dramatic potential.

Intimated Occurrences Originating in the Material

Attention is now directed towards infered or hinted events lying
in the future which originate in the story to be told, i.e. phenomena
whose inclusion is necessary for a faithful iteration of a tale bound to
Scripture, but whose ultimate advantage depends upon a keen oversight

exercised by a conscientious redactor.

a) Time consciousness,

Among the concepts which may presume the future is that of a
character evincing a temporal consciousness. In the first Passion
grouping I analyzed the recognition by a figure of the passage of time
and the immutability which was imparted to events once they were set
in motion. As an example I chose the Montecassino account of Judas'
betrayal481 and affirmed that the incident arose from biblical records.
Group 11 presents similar circumstances. Our search for specifically

original elements which hint temporal cognizance by a character will

298
inevitably fail, the direct result of medieval literary conventions.
If, on the other hand, attention is directed toward circumstances
whose appearance is necessary to Passion plays, but whose basic qual-
ities are extended beyond their original structure of time recognition,
like the prophecies, successful intimations of the motion of time can
be discovered. The dramatic techtonics may well be directed towards
other, less esoteric qualities of the work, but their presence cannot

be denied.

Of the five fields of time consciousness identified by Piitz,482
that of the incessant approach of a future incident seems to uncon-
sciously underlie the continual references of Jesus to His impending
trials and death. In the Palatine text prophecies originating in
Scripture form the bases around which the Galilean's comments are made.
The playwright, however, is not content to merely repeat biblical
auguries; rather, he places in the mouths of characters suggestions
which evince not only Christ's acceptance of the necessity of the
Passion, but a recognition that the passage of time brings it inevitably
closer. This reality is created by increasingly specific language.

The first hint of events to come is offered by the host, who, with
the conviction of a true believer, affirms:

Bien sai, sire, que estes rois,
Cil qui le monde sauverois.
(Palat 65-66)
The future is yet couched in fairly unspecific terms; we know what is
coming, but the form it will take is still undefined. There follows
another prophecy derived from Scripture.483 This brief vision from

the Gospels, one which pinpoints the shortness of time remaining to

the Master and His students, is well-integrated into the scene

299
in which Mary blesses her Savior with oil and is reproached by Judas.
This time Jesus Himself reveals the approaching separation:
Bien leur ferez, se vous volez.

Loignement ne m'arez vous mie.
(Palat 114-115)

 

At this point Judas leaves the room to meet theliigh Priests.

What follows must be interpreted in light of the simultaneous
stage setting which any perfbrmance of Palat would probably have
assumed. We know from several contemporary and anterior plays that
the institution of Holy Communion was viewed in time as accompanying
Judas' bargain.484 This probability of performance lends a note of
urgency to the words of Christ as He details His approaching travail:

Batus ggggi_et laidengiez,

Et despecie et detrenchiez.

(Palat 177-178)

The nearness of the climax to His earthly life elicits a more vivid
insight from Jesus. If Judas is understood as actively commencing the
sequence of events which will bring the Prophet's vision to reality,
within the same time frame and in a locus observable by the audience,
then the words take on a greater degree of significance, for time is,
indeed, graphically slipping from Him. Jesus' specific details of
coming events are no longer intended to hint at some far distant,
uncritical time, but at the very future time Judas is initiating!

The scene in Gethsemane, though not particularly successful as
a dramatic study in itself, does represent a natural turning point for
Jesus, as mirrored by His speeches. To this point He has alluded to
the Crucifixion and supporting events with.a gradual semantic inten-
sification of the trials which await Him. With the angel's appearance

. . . . . . 4
to Him and his assurances from above that it is His Father's W111, 85

300
Jesus, not oblivious, but acceptive of the sacrifice, meets it in the
form of arrest, resigned to its descent upon Him:

De mon gre veil en la croiz pendre
(Palat 264)

La mort sofferai sans orgeuil.
(Palat 268)

Language which may appear fortuitous at first glance assumes greater
structural significance when viewed in light of temporal consciousness.

I do not believe that the author of the Palatine Passion is actively
and consciously pursuing a program founded upon the knowledge of time.
Such a position lacks proof and is doubtless untenable. What I am
suggesting is that a technical means of invoking the future, of inte-
grating it into the present time of the stage, by knowing what it holds
for Christ and the continual diminishing of time which separates a
premonition from its acutality, is the final result of several textual
supplements quite beyond Scripture. Whether borrowed from other sources
or originated by this author, the ultimate structure of the play still
makes use of one method whereby distant events assume an ever-increasing
degree of urgency. Christ's vision immediately prior to His confrontation

by the angel serves as the logical and tectonic culmination of His

prophecies.

b) Mood

Accompanying the extention of scenic length and the initiation of
broader, more 'real' character portrayal comes a greater capacity for
an author to introduce pathos,486 to investigate portraits within the
drama which increase spectator sensitivity and awareness. Future events
are 'felt' or 'deduced', not so much by direct knowledge of things to

come, but by an uneasiness which follows in the wake of a character's

301

487

evolving mood. The onset of a pathetic eruption is already felt with

the successive elevation of strong emotions. Where it may lead is
yet unclear.488

While it is still inaccurate to speak of an eruption of emotion
in StG, an embryonic image of what emotional heights will be sealed in
Passions of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries may be found. When
John shares his disconcerting tidings with the Anointed's mother
("die Juden hant den meister min"),489 her response contains all the
fear and chagrin necessary to markedly darken her mood, casting her
into a state of insecurity and apprehension. Mary's words, "owe, waz
wollent sie ime dam”,490 evinces a fear which, though still of shadowy
and undefined substance, arrogates a response laying down the future
road of temporal experience. Her command to those about her, "ir vrau-
wen, get bit mir z; stunt",491 assures Mary's appearance in later scenes.
Exactly when Mary will reappear and how she will react in specific terms
to her Son's tribulations is left unanswered for the moment. With the
alteration of mood has come a hint provided by the author of the increas-
ing gravity of affairs. We spectators know the final outcome to which
this section alludes; yet there is still a quickening of pulse as we
momentarily subordinate the Savior's as yet unrealized death to Mary's
anxiety. Her apprehension, still expressed in general terms of an
expanding malaise, lacks the enumerative detail of a hope to avoid
future pain for her Son, but the scene does reveal the effect of mood
upon the integration of future events into 'present' time and a

resultant suspense. The dramatist has prepared Mary's laments of a

later time exceedingly well.

302
The mood of the Magdalene in the same play is yet another example
of how a future event is made ineluctable. We have observed Mary in
all her vanity, dancing and carousing with young men, oblivious of the
danger in which her mortal soul stands. Her ridicule of older sister
Martha places Mary outside the realm of those who merit forgiveness.
When Martha succeeds in breaking through her reluctant sister's worldly
defenses with warnings of doom,492 Mary's demeanor changes, her self-
confidence is shaken; she stands before the future, unsure and pain-
fully aware of her shortcomings. Mary turns to the sister she so
recently dismissed to voice her fear and doubt:
wer ir wil lange walten,
der wirt von gode geschalten.
awe der leiden mere,
die sint mir alzu swere!
(StG 300-303)
Technically and dramatically, Mary's altered mood, with its vast
uncertainty at the fore, cannot be left in its present state. The
stagewright has brought Mary to the crossroads; she must follow one
path leading to eternal damnation, or find her way to Jesus' loving
presence. In either instance the occurrence of a future event is made
both desirable and unavoidable. The author does not need to state

such a position at all; he has hinted the same by skillfully manipulating

mood, one of the methods whereby he may structure his play beyond his

493
sources.

c) Dreams

A third category of hinted occurrences, that of dreams, finds
expression in StG, Autun B, and Autun B. These three Passions report
the dream of Pilate's wife, though none with the welding of hope to

fear noted for Montecassino. To be sure, the dream hints at consequences

303
yet to come, but none significantly alters the original situation of
the wife's almost desperate bidding of her husband not to become involved
with Jesus. StG depicts the Devil himself insinuating his message to

494

the sleeping Umor Pilati, the only one to do so. Both Autun manu-

scripts, while updating Uxor's message to enhance medieval understanding,”S

involve no evil spirit, Autun R being the only text to mention a vision.496
This latter version is less effective in its placement of the entire
encounter, for it reports the dream after the nails have already been
forged and after Pilate has divested himself of all responsibility for
the imminent execution.497 While the devil's appearance in StG is in
keeping with the continued symbolic representation of evil, the French
texts, so ready to exploit the personification of evil in the Harrowing

of Hell, seem to have disregarded a perfect moment for useful invest~

igation of motivation.

Forms of Intimation EManating from Structure

a) Silence

In previous paragraphs the capacity of a character's willful

silence to generate suspense and integrate future developments was

98

discussed.4 At that point I stressed the attitude of Christ's ready

sacrifice for His followers, and His recognition that the time for

499
meaningful communication with His enemies was past. Group II plays
continue Jesus' silence, as continue it they must, if they are to

remain faithful to Scripture. The circumstances I described for

Mbntecassino remain in effect for all Passions of the fourteenth century,

Wien excepted.500

304

b) Music

All five plays eschew the use of the chorus and its capacity to
hint at forthcoming events. In StG this function is assumed by
Augustinus, whose directives, when aimed into the future, contain a
note of ‘historic' truth, effectively eliminating any possibility of
a hinted occurrence. The function of the angels in the same play may
seem to fit the demands of a chorus, but its messages are simply too
narrowly conceived to cast audience awareness into the future. The
narrative voice of Autun B, the only other entity related to the chorus,
does not function to hint the future at all. His point of departure
is invaribly the past; he stands too distant from immediate dramatization

to be of value here.

0) Reflection and Contrast

Two strategies for intimating as yet unaccomplished facts which
first appear in Group II are reflection and contrast. Though each
may focus attention on the future and cause suspense, both occupy
opposite ends of the structural spectrum. Reflection, the repetition

of likenesses, may be found in all art forms.501 In literature repe-

tition may function to more clearly define character traits.502 It

may further cause specific relationships to become understandable; lines
of communion between individual figures may thus be drawn. Most import-
antly, even though the dramatist may remember or recall previous circum-
stances through reflection, his preoccupation with the future causes the
eventual structure of his tale to look fbrward, to intimate that WhiCh

lies ahead, for as Putz notes: "Bereits aufgrund der einmaligen Er-

scheinung . . . steigt im Zuschauer die Ahnung mgglicher Wiederholung

auf."503

305
Of the several methods whereby reflection may be subsumed into drama,
that of reflective character is most often employed in Passion plays.
The situation is a natural consequence of the central significance of
the Passion. Secondary figures and events may enliven the dramatization,
but they will rarely receive inordinate stress; they will always remain
adjuncts to the main concern—- Christ's Passion.

Character reflection may assume either a positive or a negative
form. Persons may resemble one another in good deeds, or their evil
ways may create the shared bond. The Towneley cycle of Group III is
an impressive illustration of this type of reflection. Indeed, as we
shall see, it is one of the recurring elements which binds the whole
cycle together: Pharoh, Herod the king, Annas, Caiaphas. and Pilate all
share an evil nature, one reflective of the other, the appearance of
each not only recalling its predecessor, but also looking forward to
the next apparition of evil as Christ's Passion nears. Later I will
have more to say about the simulacrum of evil in Towneley. What remains
in Group II is the return of benevolent persons. Of particular interest
is the manner in which the StG dramaturge incorporates John the Baptist

into his story, that prefiguration of Christ par excellence.

According to the account of St. Luke, even before the birth of
either John or the Messiah, an intimate bond existed between the two.
Mary's visit to Elizabeth, the mother of John who had been barren for
many years, caused him to move in his mother's womb. Even as an unborn
child some unseen power of recognition existed within John and caused
him to symbolically pay homage to his Master through Mary. John's

relationship to the coming Savior was expressed in explicit terms:

306

Et tu puer! Et propheta Altissimi vocaberis; praeibis

enim ante faciem Domini parare vias ejus; ad dandam scien-

tiam salutis plebi ejus, in remissionem peccatorum eorum;

per viscera misericordiae Dei nostri; in quibus visitavit

nos Oriens ex alto; illuminare his, qui in tenebris, et in

umbra mortis sedent; ad dirigendos pedes nostros in viam

pacis.504
These words of joyous revelation, uttered by the inspired father—
priest, Zechariah, placed John the Baptist at the apex of all prophets.
As the last of the Old Testament visionaries, John's task in life was
clear: he was to prepare the way of the Lord, as testified before him
by Isaiah and Jeremiah. His role as pathfinder was identified by many
medieval preachers as well and maintained by the dramatists of the
Middle Ages:

Johannis precursor et amicus, humillimus et fidelissimus

serous, testis fidelis idoneus effectus, tanto maior inter

natos mulierem quanto existimabatur esse quod non erat.5
John is given his meaning, not by his heroic life, but by that which
he augurs-- the coming of the Lord of Hosts.506 The function of this
wandering prophet is to prepare for the New Order by giving voice to
portions of the Old Record which testify to the nascient Savior: John
constitutes one final bridge between Old Testament hope and New Testa-
ment reality. Honorius of Autun addressed himself to the fateful and
timely appearance of John by metaphorically equating him to an arrow:

Hic erat sagitta electa, quam Dominus abscondit in sua

pharetra. sagittas mittentes solent aliquem prae aliis re-

servare, per quam possint oportuno tempore certum ictum dare;

sic Deus sanctum Johannem in pharetra sui secreti consilii

abscondens reservavit, et cum oportuno tempore extrahens in

Judaeam sagittavit, dum sibi viam ad homines veniendi prae-

sarare mandavit. Ipse enim primus homines ad poenitentiam

informavit, ipse primus regem coelorum in mundo praedicavit. 07

The interest with which this transitional personality was viewed

in patristic and medieval times created an entire body of theater

devoted to John, his ministry, and particularly his death. Passions

307

of the late Middle Ages often contain a whole play devoted to the
Baptist. StG is the only dramatization thus far to investigate John
and relate him to Christ, a probable function of its extended scope,
not of ignorance or indifference by the other four writers of the group.

As with so many other techniques, the application of reflection in
StG is but a foretaste of later developments in Passions whose pre-
sentational time encompasses three or more days. The ultimate analogy
and preview of Christ's suffering and death foretoldtnf John's own
trials is lacking. Nonetheless, we, accompanied by the author and his
medieval audience, recognize shared qualities between John and Jesus
which are introduced by the former. A man of eminent faith and spiritual
power wanders the landscape, attending to the religious needs of the
people. Equally important is the understanding manner in which John
identifies his inferior position relative to the approaching Messiah.508
Audiences could be counted upon to register John's affiliation with the
Lord as he preached Christ's coming, and to see many characteristics
of the Christ in John. However, despite the reflection of several
shared qualities, John was first a faithful servant.

In terms of dramatic activity, not enough space is yet afforded
by this author to thoroughly investigate John's relationship to Christ.
His words, "Ecce, agnus dei/ecce, qui tollit peccatum mundil", hints
prophetically at the sacrificial character of the Lamb's death on
Calvary,509 but the reflective quality of his own death, investigated
at length by Alsféld, is incomplete. We perceive only a small degree
of the intimative potential of reflection. Nevertheless, it is a

beginning, modest though it be, of the application of peculiarly dramatic

tool to create interest and suspense. In the instance of StG, the

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integration of John hints at a literary potential of biblical material
rather than a conscious authorial interest in the creation of dramatic

theater.

Contrast, that entity found on the reverse side of reflection,
employs antithesis to create suspenseful intimation.51 Its futuristic
intention finds its most productive exploitation when a contrast (per—
haps between two forces or figures) already exists, for our attention
is then focused upon the coming resolution of the inherent conflict;
we do not perceive the contrast as the final outcome of activity.511

One of the most effective methods of employing contrast is to
append to staged activity an opposing set of circumstances which may
stress incompatible moral values or life styles. Such a usage can be
found in StG, when the Savior's triumphs over His arch-enemy, Satan,
arecontrastedudth the worldly life of Mary Magdalene.512 Such a
dramatization, wherein the second Adam defeats sin and the second Eve
perpetuates it,513 juxtaposes two opposites that must be reconciled.
Their propitiation lies beyond the present moment, and gives rise to
as yet undefined events which ultimately lead to the final resolution.
That they will occur is intimated by the staged contrast itself; we
are, however, still uncertain as to the exact manner in which it will
be accomplished. What lies between the introduction of the contrast
and its necessary resolution comprises the artist's domain, how he
brings it to pass, his artistry.

Much of the contrast seen in Group II plays results from the
scriptural record, which makes the friction and tension between the

forces of good and evil 3 central theme of the Passion. The writer of

Wien, who still operates within a typed and god-centered universe,

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offers a particularly severe contrast of the two forces which vie for
man's soul. For him there is no gray area of human activity. Instead,
the warring factions are pictured in stark black tones for the Devil
and his entourage and white images for God and His believers.

The dramatis personae of Wien are cast as types, not as individuals.514
Human persons have no influence upon the development of the play; the
ultimate 'reality' of Wien is defined by god-induced causality.515
From its inception Bien relates the tale of Christ's Passion in con-
trastive terms: Lucifer seeks to usurp the power of God, thereby
placing himself in direct oppostion to the Creator. For his presumption
the Devil is banished from the presence of God into Hell, where, ac-
companied by his cronies, he continues his evil attempts to undo mankind.
God's own image in mortal guise. Their success in peopling Hell with
all manner of evil doers, their increased domination of the Lord's
creation,516 elicits the Passion. A classic example of the thesis-
antithesis=synthesis equation underlies the dramatic strategy of Wien.
Two forces which vie for supremacy, each by its very nature unrecon-
cilable to the other, cause future events to happen. Satan's advances
into godly territory must be countered: we see a massive indication of
man's doom if the status quo of the influence of evil is allowed to
longer defy God. Christ's Passion was seen as the event lying in the
future when evil was first introduced into the world. Wien incorporates
the Passion into a view of sacred history which owes its pursuasiveness
to an initial contrast necessitating a final arbitration. The arbitrator
is the God-Man of Galilee. This Christ of Bien does not hide His origin.

Not as a teacher or healer, but as an envoy of God does the Savior walk

among men; not as an equal to man, but as his Lord:

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Er ist der Gesandte des Himmels, der Vermittler der gott-

lichen Gnade. Das Christusbild des Wiener Fragments zeigt

die zweite Person der Trinitgt, den Gottmenschen, der vom

Himmel ausgegangen ist, um fbr kurze Zeit Menschennatur anzu-

nehmen. Die Passionsgeschichte tragt noch nicht das ent-

schiedene Schwergewicht. Leiden und Tod Christi sind mehr

eine gottliche Notwendigkeit des Heilsglanes als eine

irdische Erfahrung des Menschensohnes. 17

The picture of contrasting ferces would be incomplete without
a look at the French Passions of the period. We might expect a slight
variation of application of the technique in plays which already tend
towards increased character individuality, and, indeed, this is the case.

Along with the interest in depicting scenes more 'realistically'
and a concentration upon the personification of individuals not yet
found in German Passions arrive the initial stages of character contrast
noted by Maria MUller for much later plays.$18 Instead of contrasting
two forces of the God-Devil magnitude, French plays, in their efforts to
concretize and humanize the Christ of tradition, turn to the inherent
conflict between the established Jewish authority and the Intruder from
Nazareth. The situation Muller sees working in later plays from the
Tirol, namely misguided and weak men organizing their opposition against

. . 5 .

a con51derably more equal and 'humanized' Jesus, 19 can be found In
all three French Passions. Although the development is not yet complete,
a thematic change which transfers dramatic emphasis from Devil-God to
human Jew-more human Jesus is apparently at work in the second half of
the fourteenth century. In Autun B, for instance, an inflamed Jew is

heard to express an uncompromising contrast between the Son of Man and

the remainder of the religious community:

311

Nbus avons droit et il a tort,

Pour quoy ill a deservir mort.

Il est plain de desloyaulter,

Pour quoy le t'avons cy punter.

(Autun B 774-777)

There appears no Satan to misdirect or confuse; the Jewish priests
and their followers act as individuals, not as types. But the theatrical
and structural result is similar to Wien: the contrast of wills, of
belief, of comprehension, approaches an impass which cannot endure.
One of the participants will be eliminated by a future decision. We all
realize who the sacrifice will be and how it will be accomplished. The
importance of the contrast is not so much that it signals Christ's
apparent defeat, but that His demise is registered in new, more com—
pelling terms; not an evil, typed character, but human beings create
the contrast, thus lending a greater feeling of immediacy, of shared
responsibility to the play. To be sure, the author has drawn his scene
from Gospel tradition, but he has far exceeded the mere recapitulation
of recognized truths. He has at once vitalized New Testament records
and created a certain structural integrity and forcefulness for his
play. Later events are not simply reported as they were alleged to
have happened, they are propelled, are motivated by an inner structure,

a dramatic form which elevates the aesthetic level of the work far

beyond its biblical origins.

INTEGRATION OF THE PAST

As has been indicated on numerous occasions, the accretion of
textual material provides authors of the fourteenth century with new
and original opportunities for incorporating epic expansion thrOugh
narrative elements not found in BenP or Montecassino. Commencing with

Group II plays the value of essentially literary and formal strategies

312
of presentation assume increased importance. The differences observed
between the two groups suggests an evolution of religious emphasis
towards realistic, concrete, and contemporary theatrical investigation
of Christ's Passion. Ancient cult rituals which constituted early
religious plays had changed their massive objective-liturgical modes
of presentation and experience for a form which from the twelfth century
onward no longer equated the play to a presentation before God, but
considered it a more human expression of sacred history for the edi-
fication of a congregation of individuals.520 Though the vestiges of
liturgical values from an earlier era linked Passion plays to their
liturgical ancestors, a fact which greatly influences their present-
ational form, spectators of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries
seem to have substituted a spiritual deportment of subjective-psycholo-
gical tendencies for one of austere objective-sacred leanings.521
Though the psychological aspect of the observer's behavior does not
overshadow more ancient religious orientations, we can discern an
altered spiritual behavior which resembles that of egocentric rather

522 The didactic tendencies so prevalent

than theocentric activity.
in the Passions of Group II respond to the strong demand for more
'representative' and 'real' description befitting the renewed interest
in the Lord's humanity. Along with these spiritual modifications comes
the increased application of dramatic structures to make the staged
tale more compelling. In Group II texts, therefore, we can expect to
find as yet unseen or previously underdeveloped techniques wherein the

past is integrated into the staged reality, aided by a commensurate

increase in their dramatic intensity, quantity, and quality.

313

Events Previous to the Onset of'Dramatization

Several alternatives for embracing individual events which lie
within a period not enveloped by represented time may be drawn into
the structure of a play. Two possibilities of investing dramatized
scenes with life, meaning, and intensity were active in Group 1,
those of remembrance and the trial. We saw that the latter entity owed
its participation not to authorial originality or ingenuity, but to
traditional sources”:5 Whereas the dramatists once again deal with
obligatory biblical outlines in Group II, they are able to present
individual renditions of the judgment which may investigate old facts
with new insights. Let us first, however, return to epic remembrances

to ascertain their effect upon the plays in which they occur.

a) Remembrance

While remembrance was applied primarily to acts of the Great
Teacher in both Montecassino and BenP, Group II plays, by virtue of
their attention to supporting characters, employ a greatly expanded
form of remembrance. To be sure, numerous recollections deal with
Jesus, such as John the Baptist's calling to mind of Isaiah's prophecy
in StG,'Ego vox clamatisi and its association with the Lord,524 the
recollection of the destruction of the temple by Jesus, shared by StG,
Palat, Autun B, and Autun R,525 the miracles of marvelous healing in
Palat, Autun B, and Autun R,526 which are found in the trial contexts.
French Passions in particular incline towards increased reliance upon
epic techniques to fill gaps left by their concentration on the time
in Jerusalem. One finds no direct witness of the Resurrection prophecy,

but,~in keeping with scriptural records, we are informed in the usual

manner by Annas.527 But the French dramatists go well beyond these bits

314
of traditional data to investigate in epic fashion Christ's relation-
ship to God.

The speech of Adam in Autun B, a response to the Savior's release
of prisoners from Hell, reviews the progenitor's own fall through Eve,528
In so doing Adam recalls the original impetus for the Passion, the ori—
ginal sin of disobedience, laying far beyond the confines of dramatic
activity, but so much a part of its motivation. Here the artist suc-
cessfully interjects the ultimate reason for Christ's life among men
without recourse to an entire scene concerning the Fall. He notes its
ahistoric importance, existing beyond recorded time, with a few sentences
containing the essence of religious thought on the sacrifice of Jesus.
In His direct address to bystanders at the conclusion of Autun B, the
Crucified also has occasion to epically remember Adam's fall,529
wherein He identifies His position as God the Father in Old Testament
times:

Quant il ly fit mangier du fruit
Que je luy avoes mon deffendus.
(Autun B 2022-23)
The observation is immediately subsumed into His Passion with succeeding
words:
Pour vous ai ge este tout deffait
Pour vous pechiés et pour vous meffoit.
(Autun B 2037-38)
Such a monolog lends a heightened sense of urgency to the story and
identifies in epic terms relevant information bearing on presented
action.
In Palat the laments of the Virgin bear a mark of humanity enhanced

by recollections of John concerning the Nativity.530 Events of thirty

years previous serve to amplify the emotion of the moment by calling to

315
mind the peculiar circumstances of His birth, Mary's joy in it, and
its contrast with the painful sight of her Son on Calvary. All these
illustrations function to extend the tale beyond the confines of the

stage into a statement of profound religious proportions.

b) Trials

When the interrogations of the Lamb begin in the second Passion
group, one may discern two Opposing investigative techniques. We
recall that Group I plays, especially StG , approached the judgment in
a stylized and symbolic manner. StG, the Group II representative which
builds its religious expression from a less dramatic understanding
than do the others, contains little information from Christ's past
which might expand its rather narrow horizons. Pilate makes few at-
tempts to learn more from the Nazarene beyond conducting a private
audience. One bit of history bearing on Jesus' judgment is the twisted
report of His teaching to render unto Caesar what is his and unto
God His rightful portion:

Er hat verboden uber al,
daz nieman dem keyser sal
vorbaz sine sture geben:
dar umme hat er verwirket sin leben!
er nimmet sich auch des riches an,
den keyser also smehen kan!531

(StG 1049-54)

With the exception of this newly-introduced information and the
extensive application of vernacular speech to the trial sequence,
little dramatic endeavor can be found which might alter the basic
liturgical and stylized climate of StG .

Of far greater interest are the epic inclusions made by contemporary

French writers, for they provide an aesthetically more sophisticated

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incorporation of Christ's immediate background and render more trans-
parent the potential inherent in a trial situation for uncovering
relevant facts. By means of the recollections of Uns Juis and Herode.
another Hebrew, the precarious circumstances in which the Lord now
finds Himself are rationalized in light of previous unstaged events.
Of like interest for readers and spectators is the quality of
justice dispensed at the trial. More than any other Passion of the
group, Autun B specifies through Pilate the great travesty against
truth over which he presided. In all judgment sections the Roman
governor attempts txrdissuadethe Jews from their chosen course, but
his reluctance is made most profound in Autun 3. Not only does Pilate
recognize the weakness of the adversaries' case against the Son of Man,
he also seeks to convince them with his own words, when he identifies
Christ's true nature:
seigneurs, tous grant tort avés
Quant Jhesus vous randus m'avés
comme larront en mes prisons.
Prophete est en saint home.
(Autun B 778-781)
Voules vous que je faice octire
Celuy qui sur tout est maistre et syre?
saches que vostre roy tuons,
Se nous Jhesus crucifons.
(Autun B 843-846)
It is, therefore, not surprising that this Pilate should feel most
keenly his role as accomplice in an unjust act, and seek more than any
other Pilate to excuse himself from guilt to Joseph of Arimathea.
By way of Pilate's reflection on the trial, the author has height-
ened spectator outrage at such a legal miscarriage. We have before us

not a symbolic trial, but a painfully human one, a condition which even

calls forth fretful memories by a foreign administrator.

317

In Autun B we find an early indication of the multi-leveled
structure of time, for the past is not only reactivated and.invest-
igated in light of known facts, there evolves a fascination with the
trial procedure itself, which directs attention into the future, wherein
lies the final arbitration of the case. Even though its outcome is
both known and unavoidable, the attempts of the head magistrate to
influence Christ's accusers, coupled with his own conviction of the
Man's innocence, fosters hope in our minds that Jesus may somehow
escape death: surely in light of the weak evidence and recognition of
the Lord's supernatural nature, Pilate will set Him free; surely his
position of authority will insulate Pilate from the unreasonable
demands to sacrifice the person standing mute before him, offering only
prophecy in His own defense. Despite overwhelming sentiment to the
contrary, Pilate gives the Prisoner over to death, though it is evident
from his exchange with Joseph that the official will long remember

his folly.

Expositional Forms of'Remembrance

Methods of exposition by the five writers of these fourteenth-
century Passions are as diverse as the writers themselves. The manner
in which these five men address themselves to causative factors which
precede the Lord's sacrifice provides convincing evidence that Passions
as a group are not homogenous products derived from one common source,
but varied endeavors constructed by men of dissimilar gifts and
dramatic competence. Nor are they dull or witless imitations of Gos-
pel truths. Group II plays vary from the absence of any expreSsive
incorporation of pre-history through exposition in StG and Ralat to one

of the most significant and impressive uses of pre-history found in the

111:1 i,lldl'lnlll

 

 

318

whole corpus of religious drama by the artist of Wien.

a) Narrated Pre-history
Narrated pre-history finds an introductory position in the two
Autun manuscripts. The necessity of succeeding dramatization of the
Master's sacrifice is identified by an unknown expositor with Adam's
original disobedience. It is the single most relevant fact from pre—
history which causes Christ to assume the guise of a man, one which
places the Passion into cosmic dimensions far exceeding the hours and
minutes of staged representation
Quar nous veullons monstret l'ystoyre
De la passion Jhesucrist,
Si comme nous trouvons en escripst.
Pour le pechier du premier homme,
De Adam qui mangea la pomme,
Fust le monde lyvrer a mort,
Mais ly [sire] pour donner confbrt
Naisqui de la Vierge Marie
Peur nous tourner de mort a vie.
(Autun B 6-14)
This example of narrated pre-history defines the past, relating it to

the onset of dramatization, the presentation of which is initiated in

both Autun plays upon a concluding request for silence.

b) Pre-history as a Present Circumstance

Another instance of employing pre-history to elucidate the present,
this time to add individuality to a character, may be seen in Palat,
where bits of information derived from an unidentified past time
combine to presentify the portrayal of the spice merchant.532 He does
not simply spring from the necessities of the Maries to buy ointment,
nor does he merely happen along. This vendor has a unique history, a

portion of which is introduced by him, lending credibility to his

represented personality. This merchant is a widely-travelled soul, a

319
native of Salerno, that most august center of medical learning during
the Middle Ages. He has traversed the Auvergne and found many herbs
which he has brought with him. These few facts, meager though they
seem, admirably place the merchant in a realistic milieu, wherein he
may advise the Maries with some degree of authority. The playwright
includes valuable knowledge about the vendor and his trade from these
few words of epic narration without unnecessarily diluting the pre-

sentation..533

c) Actualized Pre-history
The most dramatic use of pre-history, one which throws anticipation
and interest far beyond its narration into the future is found in
Wien, where causative factors which bear on the Passion are introduced
by a prepatory play in Heaven and where the interjacence of evil into
the world is not talked about, as is the general rule for medieval
theater,534 but actually presented on stage. The dramatized conflict
between God and Lucifer, the banishment of the latter from Heaven,
the inception of evil into the world via the first human parents, and
the extention of Lucifer's kingdom on earth,535 force attention upon
these elements of pre-history by their impelling and lively form: not
an event narrated by a regens ludi or a proclamator, but a staged
reality establishes the importance of the Passion for mankind.
Lucifer recalls:
wan ich do ze himele
waz ein engel scth unt clar,
nu bin ich verschaffen gar!
(Wien 41-43)

His precipatory command to other workers of evil to recruit candidates

for his kingdom prove all the more convincing because of previous

320
dramatization. Christ's appearance among men is made more significant
to the motivational structure of the play because of actualized pre-
history. We have in Wien a remarkable illustration of an obviously
superior artistic mind who stays within dictated boundaries of trad—
ition, but who molds and forms the tale into a representation of history
far surpassing the original story itself. The effective introduction
of anticipatory forms into the Passion both focuses attention on act-
ivities yet to come and provides us with an aesthetic experience of
artistic formulation which surpasses the confines of medieval theater.
We can approve and appreciate the poet's accomplishments, though we
do not share his cultural heritage nor his religious background. The
rare structure he provides the Passion exceeds all limitations of time,

speaking to us with lucidity and power.

Retrieved Events Within Dramatized Time

Concentration, the watchword of dramatic structure, may be inten-
sified when an author reaches back into some period of represented time
to epically recall circumstances which cast an illuminatory light on
the predicaments of his characters. By means of this technique the
playwright expands the scope of even the most restricted plays, drawing
his figures in intensified and explanatory fashion, but still pre-
serving a necessary core of dramatic activity.

Epic narration in Wien which is employed to investigate the tres-
passes of the four souls received into the underworld can be called, by
reason of the scope of the presentation, examples of screened occur-
rences, falling within represented time, but not dramatized. Each soul

relates salient events from his past which caused his downfall. The

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usurer has engaged in evil deeds in abundance, has profiteered in all
manner of goods from grains to fat,536 and has kept company with Jews:537
the monk has committed a good many immoral acts with young nuns and
women during confession,538 succumbing to the temptations of "der eilfte
vinger min";539 the sorceress has brought lay women to desert their mates
in favor of priests;540 the thief has belabored widows and orphans,
stolen livestock from farmers, committed arson and murder for gain.541
These facts, which enlighten us about the individual 'accomplishments'
of the four types, depict the unharmonious situation in the world created
O

by Adam's fall. The "sprunghaftes Vorgehen" identified by Froning,542
whereby vast amounts of represented time are overleaped to concentrate
attention on the gravest scenes before Christ's Passion, is an effective
dramatic and structural strategy, well served by screened occurrences.S43

bien projects other circumstances where an unseen happening broadens
mental horizons of the play without diluting it. In the process of her
conversion, the Magdalene is informed by Martha that her Savior is now
in the vicinity:

genk hin z; dem heilant,
der do ist kumen in deu lant.
(Wien 339-340)

This report is the only evidence we have that Jesus is indeed nearby.
The dramatic import of the statement is to introduce the character of
Jesus into the action without resorting to a marginally useful or un-
necessary scene. That Jesus' entrance into the dramatic arena is not
significant of’itself can be felt by the hints contained in the message

of Martha. We do not need an extra scene to account for His presence;

this fact is admirably conveyed without a break in dramatization and

322
without the loss of structural concentration on the chain of events
leading to the Passion. Through the technique of screened occurrence
the relevant ideas expand the implied scope of presentation; we witness
a satisfying and sophisticated method of reporting relevant, but
decidedly secondary developments.

In contrast to other Passions which contain the dream of Pilate's
wife, notably Montecassino and BenP, where the Devil's visit is con-
sidered dramatized in parallel with the interrogation of Jesus, Autun
B and Autun R deal with it strictly as a screened occurrence. The
more lengthy Autun B manuscript calls upon Pilate's wife herself to
approach the governor with the news of her strange vision:

Quar j'ay veuz une vision

Qui me vient a turbacion,

De quoy j'ay este toute espentee.

(Autun B 569-571)

There follows the warning to Pilate, narrating the forthcoming de-
struction of Jerusalem. Autun R employs the wife's servant to admonish
Pilate of similar evil days which await an unjust decision, as did the
two previously-mentioned texts. In both cases the result is the same:
epic narration sheds light upon secondary circumstances without recourse
to additional dramatization. These Autun plays exploit epic tech-
niques of expanding the mental horizons of spectators, a tendency which
will become more pronounced in Group III plays, as interest in mar-
ginal developments of the story increases.

Through the application of these several methods of expansion by
narration, an altered arena of activity can be glimpsed, Plays of the
fourteenth century appear more attuned to artistic stimuli. The develop-

ment towards qualities of adroitness in theatrical presentations is by

no means measured and steady. But the understanding we gain by studying

323
the structure of each play of Group 11 indicates a greater degree of
aesthetic mastery of the means of presentation as well as the material.
Most notably the play of Wien evidences a newly-discovered potential
of several techniques whereby time may be manipulated. It stands as a
clear beacon of changing modes of production, of increased importance

for structural phenomena in support of the message of redemption.

My inquiry into the temporal and dramatic formulation of medieval
Passion plays has now reached its second plateau. In the last several
pages I have advanced much textual evidence indicative of a renewed
interest in the Passion of Jesus Christ, of a desire to experience and
visually see the sacrifice of the Lamb of God in all its emotional
ramifications. The origins of this movement to concretize the human
side of God Incarnate were seen to comprehend a large corpus of
theological investigations from centuries preceding these five plays.
Those found most significant for the emerging Christocentric piety of
the twelfth and thirteenth centuries were St. Bernard's Liber de Passione
Domini, St. Anselm's Dialogue beatae Mbriae et Anselmi de Passione
Domini, two works which dominated the European religious thought of the
time, augmented and proliferated by the preaching of the Franciscan
monks under St. Francis, culminating in the Meditationes Vitae Christi
of John of Caulibus. The latter work was seen to be one of the corner-
stones of influence for drama and plastic arts of later centuries.544
The ever-increasing absorbtion with the humanity of a suffering Savior
differed substantially with the concept of a triumphant Victor, the
image which dominated earlier centuries. The tendency to dwell upon

Jesus' mortality deeply affected both the method and tone of presentation

of Group II dramas. A review of Appendix B,Tables S-9, will reinforce

324

the increased emphasis upon Jesus the Man by revealing which scenes have
undergone extensive elongation and specification. As one would expect,
they are the episodes commencing with the Lord's arrest and interrogation
by the priests of Judaism.

Instead of an all-pervasive commemorative nature like that found
in Group I texts, one witnessed in Group II a capacity for extending
traditional scenes and roles to accommodate the expanding horizon of
edification. The long developing movement towards an insistent official
attitude that the Master's sacrifice occurred on a human as well as a
divine level led both theologians and dramatists to organize their
materials into more 'realistic', more compelling representations. In
Group II we observed the first substantial responses to altered religious
attitudes in Passion form: each play evidenced an increased structural-
formal sophistication which accompanied time-honored and sacred story
lines. Maria Muller explains: "In schwachen Ansgtzen zeigt sich neben
den religigsen-inhaltlichen eine selbstgndige Bedeutung der fermalen
Gesichtspunkte."545 The truth of this perception was found in numerous
temporal quantities from all five plays. But perhaps the single most
important indication of such a formalized quantity was the character
Augustinus of StG. His presence at each critical juncture of the play
was shown to formally divide this Passion into specific units of dramatic
investigation. His introductions of the most momentous circumstances
of the Passion were seen to be consistent, a new perspective for structural
organization of these dramas. Through him we were again reminded that
surprise does not constitute an indispensable variable of effective

drama, for he consciously telegraphed each and every meaningful event

before it was dramatized.

325

In StG and Wien a symbolized duration of the Magdalene's sinful
life by the coordination with various events separated in time during
Christ's own life was seen to be a useful method of innovatively
presenting essentially traditional material.

The monumental capacities of anachronism to update ancient truths
and catch spectator awareness were documented by attention to the role
of the Jews in the plot surrounding the Crucifixion, the application of
linguistic signals originating in medieval life, and an overall anachro-
nism of action. That concept of sacred history, which was found at the
core of comprehension in earlier centuries, continued through the plays
of the fourteenth. Theyoccupieda.position analogous to the liturgy,
wherein events of times past were articulated "until the end of time".546
The process of updating was present notably in the German renditions of
Mary Magdalene, but especially in Wien, where her entire personality
assumed the trappings of a courtly medieval woman. Sacred history, the
interpretation of the past by the present,547 was also underscored by
the phenomenon of suspension, wherein the curtain of separation dividing
spectator from actor was occasionally lifted to accommodate a strategic
unity into a worshipful congregation. The speeches of Augustinugwere
found to didactically update biblical truths in terms designed to
elicit active spectator empathy for its Lord, the One who suffered for
the sins of original man along with his medieval co-defendents. The
integration of music, of well-known and immediately recognized portions
of the liturgy, especially the'Te Deuml such as that found upon the con-
c1usion of Palat, pointed to the power of anachronism to bring deep-
seated convictions to bear on the moment, to make it a period of sincere

expression of religious belief. In view of the numerous instances of

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anachronism in all five plays, one can but concur with Hartl's
expression of its potential: uVergangenheit und Gegenwart flieszen
ineinander, Fremdes wird eingedeutet, und so wird das Dargestellte far
das wissende Publikum zum Ur-Erlebnis."S48 These plays indeed do not
deal with isolated facts from the past; all evidence suggests that they
continued to look upon the events of the Savior's Passion as a portion
of their own present reality. This fact represents one of the dramatic
theories consciously sustained by medieval playwrights, one not recog-
nized by Hardin Craig and his disciples.

As the list of dramatis personae was elongated to investigate Christ's
human Passion in greater depth, the opportunity to travel beyond the
confines of traditional play acting and writing became possible. The
three French textsvunxaparticularly revealing in their methods and
degrees of emendation. Choosing to ignore the literary and dramatic
potential of the prostitute from Magdala, a character so well-developed
and integrated into the very fiber of StG and Wien, they dwelled instead
on servants of the Ffigh Priests, cavalier soldiers at the Sepulchre,
who promised such calamity, but could deliver none, the smith and his
wife, devils, and various courtly functionaries from the flagellation
and crucifixion sequences. All reflected an emerging tendency by French
authors to thorougly develop character and motivational aspects of their
material. To quote Goodman, this perception involves

the ability to seize on the picturesque and purely human as-

pect of reality (which) is a characteristic expression of

French genius in the middle ages, while German literature of

the same period is distinguished by a trend toward the crystal-

lization of thought and substance in symbolic form.549

The symbolic form was particularly apparent in StG, the most liturgical

in tone of all five texts. These forms were punctuated by the retention

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of many Latin phrases from religious services, words taken from responses,
antiphons, psalms, and the like. We also saw this sort of divergent
approach in several incidents in French plays, especially in the laments
of the Virgin beneath the Cross, as she sought to come to terms with
her Son's tragic passing and in the Palatine scene of the spice merchant.
That personnage, it is recalled, enjoyed the distinction of being the
first purely secular addition to liturgical material. It was not the
intention of early authors to individualize him,550 nor for the French
artists of the fourteenth century to cause laughter by his presence.551
His dramatic growth evolved from the natural potential inherent in

52 The early mercator of Group I became, nonetheless,

the scene itself.5
a full-fledged member of medieval urban society, a representative of
a French interest in personality, a figure "d'une part a une atmosphere
de familiarité qui nous eloigne singulierement de l'austerité de
l'Ecriture. . . ."553 Despite a surge of interest in secondary characters
and their motivations, the French Passions share with their German
analogs, as they do with purely liturgical drama, the intent to teach,
to edify.554
The authors of Group II plays have, however, gone far beyond the
mere recapitulation of sacred history; they have breeched many barriers,
extending the aesthetic and literary qualities of their products to
heretofore unknown heights. Palat has foStered temporal succession by
three independent views of the Crucifixion, each adding a new insight
into the tragedy; Autun B has investigated the circumstance from the
views of the Virgin and Joseph of Arimathea. A previously unwitnessed

technique of temporal management, that of referring to duration or to

the time of day, has been documented for StG and Palat. The tempo of

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succession of each play is distinct, the most creative being the succes-
sion of Wien, wherein the simple non-observance of vast quantities of
historical time separating the fall of Adam from the reception into Hell
of four medieval sinners structurally highlighted the necessity of the
Passion. It is in this play that many of the potentials of creative
drama have been realized. Although Wien still maintains a tradition-
approved character typing, which admits few of the individualizing
qualities found in the three French plays, the structuring of the
dramatic process is particularly effective. Muller correctly emphasizes
the humanization of Christ as the driving ferce behind the story,555
but extends her observation to note the extreme latitude within this
general orientation:
Der Kampf zwischen Gott und Satan uberschreitet menschliche
Dimensionen. Er erlaubt es, die 'Handlung' an verschiedenen
Punkten von Raum und Zeit aufleuchten zu lassen und gestatet
zugleich, wichtige Kapitel der historischen Fabel zu fiber-
gehen, wahrend eschichtlich weniger bedeutende Teile aus-
ffihrlich vorgefuhrt werden. Nicht die Darstellung der
historischen Heilsgeschichte ist das Primflre sondern die
bildhafte Formgebung des ideellen Prozesses.g
It is precisely these areas of secondary theological importance
which lend Wien its flavor and immediacy. The contrast between the
Magdalene and Christ, magnified by presentation in parallel, marked
one useful method of aesthetically revealing the redemptive process.
The genius of Wien was also experienced in the analysis of actualized
pre-history, the only text of Group II to employ such exposition,
in which the primitive drives culminating in Jesus' Passion were
dramatized. These instances revealed a competent author busily
organizing his religious statement at levels transcending his Sources,

making absolutely clear a series of events widely separated in natural

time which convinced the Father to cause His only Son to suffer mortality.

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Most significantly, the ascendency of devilish madness and domination
of human kind did not cease with the advent of the time of the spectators,
but continued through their own existence, symbolized by the four
typed medieval sinners. Their own failings continued to impede the
spread of God's earthly kingdom and bolster the power of Satan.

Along with the increased relevance of the mortal Christ in Group II
came an awakening of pathos inherent in the sufferings of His mother.
Through a review of Mary's position in the laments during and surround-
ing the Crucifixion, I traced traditional elements of her sorrows and
indicated by a study of the Palatine Passion possible areas of
emotional and dramatic character augmentation. The conclusion seems
inescapable that Mary's speeches have been enhanced with sorrowful
overtones designed to draw attention to her own form of martyrdom.

Consistent with an intensified desire to flesh out traditional
understandings of how the Passion may have unfolded in actuality there
evolved a more or less unconscious direction of dramatic and organiza-
tional skill towards phenomena solely within the manipulative domain
of the author. Consideration of areas such as Forms of Proclamation and
Intimation emanating from Structure were seen to assume greater impor-
tance for fourteenth-century Passion plays. I presented under the
title of prologs evidence for proclamatory forms in StG and Autun B,
wherein interlocutory personalities delivered what in essence were
short, pointed sermons on the necessity of the Passion. In this con-
text I must stress again that sermonizing prior to dramatization was
hardly a completely novel or unexpected happening, for the origin of
these mysteries of the medieval Church in holy sacraments, the role of

theclergyin their presentation from earliest times, their place of

330
performance,557 all suggest an intentional tone conducive to the place-
ment of a demi-sermon upon the outset of dramatization; What is of much
greater importance is the fact that an individual writer deliberately
chooses whether to preface his drama with such enlightening warnings
or to disregard them. It is his own decision; what he introduces and
how he linguistically structures the message bespeaks at least in
part his intention. It is another manner of formally organizing his
material independent of sources.

Under the rubric,Fbrms of'Intimation, I introduced the twin con-
cepts of reflection and contrast, noting their futuristic implications.
It was reported that the dramatic eQuation of John the Baptist to
Christ might be seen in StG in embryonic form. Reference to the
medieval theologian Honorius of Autun made the relationship more ob-
vious from a doctrinal standpoint. I also stated that French plays,
probably because of their penchant for character individualization,
made little use of either phenomenon to intimate the future. Wien, it
was found, offered also in an essentially primitive state of develop-
ment some incidences of contrast, particularly that of the God-Devil
magnitude, that is,:1contrast of wills, not of personalities.

With the close of the analysis for Group II, virtually all dra-
matic techniques have been introduced whereby time may structure the
drama or itself be structured. Of the remaining forms which find no
place in either Groups I or II, the number is exceedingly small.

That is to say, medieval drama partakes of most theoretically possible
methods of temporal organization. The scant few not in evidence are
either not discernible from the texts alone, or simply have no validity

for a religious production depicting known opinions and beliefs.

331
This is the place to once again reiterate that medieval drama is neither
naive, particularly simplistic, nor devoid of significant artistry.
The presented evidence overwhelmingly confirms the opinion that a
substantial degree of latitude exists for authors to engage in artist-
ically elevated dramatics within the conventional boundaries of
medieval theater. Evidence further suggests that attention to the
process of dramatic organization, to the structuring in time of this
basic system of beliefs, can direct the investigator beyond the con-
fining categories of subjective response into a truly objective and
meaningful confrontation with each work at its own level. The rewards
such an exercise holds for the patient and reasonable reader are worthy
of pursuit, for, at their most challenging, they will offer suggestions
intimative of the intent behind the printed words and at least a

partial picture of the society whose values they reflect.

 

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