CONSEQUENCES OF UKPLANNED ' COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: ' ” MINTO, ALASKA Dissertation fur the Degree of Ph. D; MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY IAMES BRADLEY HAYNES 1974 LI BRA R Y Midligan State Rivetsity ABSTRACT CONSEQUENCES OF UNPLANNED COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: MINTO, ALASKA BY James Bradley Haynes The Bureau of Indian Affairs, the Alaska State Housing Authority, Public Health Service, and others carried out a program of village rehabilitation and relocation between May, 1968 and July, 1972. Funding for the program was provided by various federal and state agencies which provided materials and technical assistance in organizing a mutual-help project for Minto, Alaska. This included the construction of thirty-eight new homes and complete utili- ties. The new community is a modern rural village in interior Alaska settled in 1972 by Athapascan Indians who had formerly lived at another site abandoned by choice. Reconstruction and analysis of the Minto relocation project offers an example of the problems, complications, and misunderstandings, that can be eXpected when there are poor communications, misconceptions, and an uncoordinated plan of action. The study also illustrates in a more subtle James Bradley Haynes way, how recipients of social aid become alert to taking full advantage of bureaucracies. Bureau of Indian Affairs attempted to delegate to the Village Council the authority to manage the project, but it became apparent that the Council was not equipped to handle the responsibility. As a result, various agencies found it necessary to exert their individual initiatives to accomplish the completion of the project. Village participants found it necessary to devote time to subsistence hunting and wage—paying jobs as a practical necessity during the construction process and organization, cooperation, and communication became a problem. The project seriously disrupted the lives of all of the villagers for a period of years. It continued to the point where all participants were discouraged; yet today New Minto village is considered a success. Certain steps could have been taken to prevent or ease some of the problems that were encountered. Conclu— sions and recommendations are offered as a result of this study which should be helpful in future village rehabili- tation or relocation projects. Most important would be the creation of an intergovernmental board to implement planning and coordination by state and federal agencies at the local level. CONSEQUENCES OF UNPLANNED COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: MINTO, ALASKA BY James Bradley Haynes A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Resource DevelOpment 1974 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Many people have had an impact upon the completion of this project. To single any for recognition is an injustice as each has had an input for which I am grateful. A special note of appreciation, however, is due Dr. Maurice E. McGaugh, professor and former chairman, Department of Geography, Central Michigan University. He started it nearly two decades ago. My wife deserves more than a special note; she lived with it to completion. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . LIST OF FIGURES. . . . . . . . . Part I. II. III. INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND . . Moving Plans by the Native Village Minto . . . . . The Problem . . . . The Hypothesis . . . Objectives of the Stud Review of the Relevant Literature. Research Methods . . . Fieldwork. . . . . . . Summary of Methods. . . . Presentation of Results . HISTORY OF NATIVE HOUSING ASSISTANCE Housing Programs . . . . . Program Administration . . . Federal Requirements . . . . BIA Housing Improvement Program The Farmer's Home Administration Related Agency Services . . . Housing Support Agencies. . . GEOGRAPHY AND ENTHNOLOGY . . . Location and Physical Setting Climatic Factors . . . . Ethnic Background . . . . Minto Village on the Tanana. Old Minto: 1967. . . . . iii of Page vi 51 51 54 57 69 75 Part IV. VILLAGE RELOCATION RECONSTRUCTED The Fairbanks Flood. . . . Initial Moving Plans . . . Changing Land Status . . . The Process of Site Selection Planning Processes . . . . Native Dissention . . . . New Minto Construction. . . New Minto Problems . . . . Agency Overview . . . . . V. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Need for Planning . . . . Possible Future Coordination. Specific Conclusions . . . Concluding Recommendations . The Need for Continued Study. APPENDICES Appendix A. Minto After Olson . . . . . B. New Minto Preplan . . . . . C. Public Health Service Village BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . iv Page 89 89 107 113 117 124 132 144 148 170 170 176 184 189 194 195 197 206 207 LIST OF TABLES Native Housing Assistance . . . . . . Grant-Loan Schedule; $6,628 Home. . . . Climatic Data for Minto Flats Area, Alaska Page 33 34 35 56 ‘v Figure LIST OF FIGURES Reference Map of Minto Flats, Alaska . . Tanana Chiefs, Group Portrait, circa. 1915 Old Minto, Alaska, 1971 . . . . . . Dwelling and Community Hall . . . . . School Complex . . . . . . . . . Boardwalk Bridge and Wellhouse . . . . Northern Broadwalk Bridge and Residences. Interior, Community Wellhouse . . . . "Overnight" Cabin, Old Minto, April, 1974 Typical Storage Cache . . . . . . . Vandalized Church . . . . . . . . Old Minto Home with Television . . . . Desecrated Grave. . . . . . . . . Community Cemetery, Old Minto . . . . Residences on Airport Trail . . . . . Coffee Shop on the Tanana River. . . . Typical Street Scene . . . . . . . Riverfront Complex, Upriver View . . . Riverfront Complex, Downriver View. . . vi Page 53 63 76 80 80 81 81 82 83 83 84 84 85 86 86 87 87 88 88 Figure Page 20. Native Land Claims and Final Settlement Pending Under the Alaska Native Land Claims Settlement Act . . . . . . . . 110 21. New Minto, Alaska, 1972 . . . . . . . . 145 22. Street Scene, New Minto, Alaska, May 1974 . . 149 23. New Minto the End Product . . . . . . . 149 24. Minto Store, Established August, 1973 . . . 150 25. Church Constructed With Old Minto Logs . . . 150 26. ASHA Grant-Loan Home . . . . . . . . . 151 27. Typical ASHA Residence . . . . . . . . 151 28. BIA Grant Home . . . . . . . . . . . 152 29. Typical BIA Residence. . . . . . . . . 152 30. Pre-fabricated School and Teacher. . . . . 153 31. Teacher Residence . . . . . . . . . . 153 32. Village Scene, New Minto. . . . . . . . 154 33. Residential Area, New Minto. . . . . . . 154 34. New Minto Street Scene . . . . . . . . 155 35. Impact of Roads on Native Villages . . . . 155 36. Residential Area . . . . . . . . . . 156 37. ASHA Residence #21. . . . . . . . . . 156 38. PHS Well House Containing AVEC Generator . . 157 39. Insulated Water Pipe and Fuel Tanks . . . . 157 40. Road Terminus; River Docking Facilities. . . 158 41. Displaced Airstrip and Rerouted Road. . . . 158 vii PART I INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND Movinnglans by the Native Village of Minto Recent government-sponsored reports indicate that of the 170 villages within the State of Alaska where the population is primarily Native,1 less than a dozen are on the roadways of the state. Two others are located on the route of the Alaska Railroad, leaving approximately 165 predominately Native places located within isolated rural areas of the state.2 Such villages are normally found along the coastal regions or at a river site, both of which afford some degree of transport as well as a base for subsistence items taken from the water itself. While accessibility to these villages is somewhat enhanced by their location near water, transportation and communication to and from these communities remains a problem. The severity of the climate over most portions of 1Native in this sense indicating persons who are Indian, Eskimo, or Aleut rather than whites who were "native-born." 2Federal Field Committee for Development Planning in Alaska, Alaska Natives and the Land (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1968T, pp. 39-41. ‘v . 'V the state are such that water routes are generally limited to less than three months each summer, leaving less desirable alternatives; snowmobile, dog-team, and air service, a condition which further inflates the cost of living in a region where the inhabitants are acknowledged to be "among the most disadvantaged citizens of the United States in terms of income, employment, educational attain- ment, life expectancy, health, nutrition, housing and every important indicator of social welfare."3 Problems of accessibility are compounded in forty- five villages where there are no air transport facilities of any form.4 During the fall and spring these villages may be totally isolated for a period of weeks. Freeze-up presents a situation where float planes cannot utilize the rivers and yet the ice may be too thin to support ski- equipped aircraft. Spring break-up reverses the process while further compOunding the problem by presenting an annual threat of inundation. Minto, Alaska was typical of such a remote village (although it did possess an airstrip of good quality). Prior to 1972 the villagers were located on the Tanana River forty miles west of Fairbanks, but have since 3U.S. Senate Report Number 92-405 to accompany S. 35, 1971, p. 72. 4Airstrips where they do exist are often gravel and of "bush" quality, limiting the size of aircraft which can service the settlement. 0!! av. ii TV: 4 Va .1 SJ. relocated to the upper Tolovana River some thirty air miles north of their previous location. The initial location, now referred to as Old Minto is abandoned with the exception of periodic sight-seers from Fairbanks and Nenana and possibly a few Natives who use the village during the summer salmon runs. This river-flat location subjected the village to periodic floodings--some severe, as the Tanana rose during each spring thaw. Extraordinary rains in the interior of the state during the summer of 1967 culminated in the so-called "Fairbanks Flood" which received national attention. Fairbanks and a number of downriver communities were inundated on August 14. For the village of Minto, the flooding presented a climax situation when 23 of the 38 homes in the village were damaged to a point where replace- ment was deemed advisable. In addition, the usual harvest of subsistence items was virtually eliminated; fish, moose, and berries were not available at a critical time of the year. Fur-bearing animals, a major subsistence item seasonally, were flooded out as well. It was at this point that the alternatives of rebuilding or relocating to a new site were considered in detail. The Problem Much has been written about the physical, social, and psychological considerations of community planning, development and relocation. However, few studies have been directed to these same aspects when the community in question was located in an arctic or subarctic environment, especially when the community was primarily Indian, Eskimo, or: Aleut. The unique nature, physical and cultural, of northern communities, Native or not, rules out the direct application of southern or "lower-48" concepts. The reasons for this will be discussed in Parts II, III, and IV. Settlement of the Alaska Native land claims in late 1971, with its overriding commitment to the economic development of the Alaskan Native people, will have a far- reaching effect on the political independence and economic well-being of its recipients.5 With the means at hand to increase self-sufficiency as well as to establish a base from which to compete in a white—dominated society there can be expected to be a rather rapid increase in attempts ¥ 5Public Law 92-203, Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act of 1971, 92 Congress, H.R. I033'7, DecemBer I8, 1971 (33 Stat. 388). Highlights of which provide four basic provisions: (1) a grant to Alaska Natives of unrestricted title to 40 million acres of federal public domain in Alaska that “‘08 tly surrounds Native villages. (2) to grant $962.5 million to Native groups: $4 6 2.5 million to come from the federal treasury over an eleven year period, and $500 million to come from a 2 per- cent royality on state and federal oil leases in Alaska. (3) creation of 12 Native regional profit corpo- rat ions to.receive and manage approximately half of the $9 6 2.5 million, some 18 million acres of land, and sub- sur face title to the entire 40 million acres. (4) creation of approximately 200 village corpo- ra”Zions to receive and manage the surface estate of approximately 22 million acres and approximately half of the $962.5 million. eat transition from the current semi-subsistence transfer gnayment economy to a cash-orientated technological economy. {Priis report is based upon the foundation of two important atssumptions: First, within a relatively short period of tszne, an increasing number of Native villages will consider and elect to relocate on more desireable sites. Prime reasons for interest in relocation will be to escape seeeasonal damage created by the annual high water at a great 6The Branch of Housing Development in 1966 (Juneau Area Office) reported that since 1959 the following villages had moved : Chaneliak to Kotlik Chenega to Tatitlek (due to 1964 earthquake) Holikachuk to Grayling Fort Yukon group to Birch Creek Fort Yukon group to Canyon Village \fi.JLlages in the process of moving (total population in SCInne, and in some only a portion of the people): Afognak to Port Lions (due to 1964 earthquake) Kolikanek to New Koliganek Nightmute to Toksook Bay Sleetmute to Village of Georgetown Vi—Jthages contemplating moves: Alakanuk King Island Quinhagak Beaver Koyukuk Rampart Chefornak Kwilgillingok Shageluk Circle Napakiak Shaktoolik Clarks Point Napaskiak Stevens Village Deering Pilot Station Tanacross Galena Perryville Togiak Huslia Nulato Venetie U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Appropriations, gederal Facilities for Indians, Tribal Relations with the :EEEZESrai Government by Mamie L. Mizen (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1966): pp. 629-30. number of the current villages, the probability of increased communication and ease of transportation to other locations, the definite need for an improvement in housing and sanitation facilities throughout almost all of the Native communities in the state,7’8'9 and an awareness that certain agencies now existing, and whose future may be in doubt as a result of the Settlement Act, may be planning certain improvements and/or programs that could best be directed toward new sites. Secondly, with increased opportunity, mobility, and assured contact with other groups made possible by the Act, it appears unlikely that continued pursuit of the traditional way of life, consisting pri- marily of subsistence methods, will be preferred for very long--especia11y among the youth who already present not only the traditional generation gap, but what might be termed an acculturation gap as well. It would be dangerous to predict the demise of the small Native village due to oll‘bruigration, however. The rural Alaskan village, in fact, appears to be growing. The rate of natural increase is 7United States Census of Housing, 1960, Alaska, §£i§£j§e, and Small Areas, Table 31, pp. 3-29, 3-30. 80.8., Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Pu11):].ic Health Service. Studies on Housing for Alaska N‘atives by Dennis R. Wik and others, PublIE HealEh Service Pu1311cation Number 999-AH-1 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1965). pp. 1-11. 90.8., Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Slaska Area Health Office, Water Supply and Waste Disposal Alaska Native Communitiesday K. C. Lauster (Anchorage, 1n mka: November 1, 1966Y. Iteeping pace with any developing outmigration pattern. :[t.is apparent too, that at the current time only a small rrumber of Native migrants to the white population centers are successful in adjustment. This is thought to be goalrtially due to racial discrimination as well as a general lxack of education and vocational knowledge required to <3c>mpete with the white-man. These factors in turn, eeiffectively block access into meaningful and active partici- E)£1tion in urban affairs. The pattern to evolve is generally c311e of movement to and from urban centers, such as Anchorage earad Fairbanks, with return to the village normally inevit- aak31e. It is these types of findings that should tend to Clj.scourage the notion that rural villages in Alaska are éij.sappearing and that further investment in them is unnecessary. Harrison and Morehouse have considered governmental efforts in the rural areas of the state and are critical of the administration of both state and f€2<fleral programs. In fact, they predict a dismal future, aSiaserting that rural development programs have been is3<:>1ated and short-term affairs rather than a unified \ 10Alaska Native and the Land, pp. 39-41. 1J‘Arthur E. Hippler, "Patterns of Migration, UI‘lbanization and Acculturation," in Alaska Public Policy, edi.. Gordon Scott Harrison, Institute of Social, Economic ar1<3.Government Research (College, Alaska: University of Alaska, 1971), pp. 307-14. “ 12Gordon S. Harrison and Thomas A. Morehouse, IiIaral Alaska's Development Program,“ Polar Record, XI 1970) , 291-99. 1‘! 1‘ 3 cohesive strategy. They further claim that there is no overriding development plan and that no state or federal agency is capable of providing it. Surely it is natural for development agencies to assume that their programs contribute significantly to achieve a blending of the above goals, but little evidence as yet supports this assumption when considering community development in rural Alaska. New Minto, as it exists today, is the result of over four years of construction, planning and frustration. The end result appears to be superior to Old Minto in most respects; however, avoidable problems were encountered throughout the planning/construction process and new Problems continue to arise even though advisers from numerous federal, state, and local agencies were involved in both planning and funding. Research and enquiry indi- Cate that at no time has there been a follow-up study on the results of Native relocation schemes. It is suggested that such a study could initiate a rudimentary beginning of a program that might be prepared for the purpose of Providing for the orderly relocation of communities similar to Minto, while avoiding problems that might be of a reQ urring nature . The Hypothesis Treatment of Minto and its problems in this paper 15‘ :not intended to be comprehensive; primarily because definitive answers are not yet available. Then too, many of the right questions have not yet been asked. It is hypothesized: In cross-cultural Native village rehabilita— tion and relocation schemes the end—result will be enhanced if the decision-making process is surrendered to one group or agency where expertise in community deve10pment and cross-cultural relations is the sole responsibility of that group. Throughout the study it will become apparent that duplication of effort and lack of communication between decision-maker/decision-maker and decision-maker/client played a significant role in the problems that developed and the length of time it took to complete the project. It Will also be shown that frustrations develop when one group tends to think in terms of appropriations and fiscal funds, wIiile the other tends to concentrate planning on seasonal activities determined by semi-subsistence living methods. An understanding of these differences is deemed desireable and necessary for meaningful interaction to take place. In this case, the situation chosen for investigation Ineets the minimal requirements for the existence of a p3'-‘<>l:>lem suitable to problem-focused research: (1) the Va3|:‘:i.ous federal, state, and local agencies, the decision— makers in this instance, should be aware that high ideals and reasonable objectives are not enough to justify the exE>ense of time and monies if there is disenchantment on the part of the villagers (clientele group) with the end res1.111;. (2) An outcome (objective or goal) is desired by 10 the decision-makers; namely a reduction of friction between agency and clientele groups, to hold dissatisfaction to a minimum in future projects of this nature (this outcome could also be stated as "satisfied villagers). A system to identify potential conflicts before they become full-blown might also be sought. (3) The decision-makers have at least two unequally efficient courses of action to choose from; the continuation of fragmented agency input, with eeeach accomplishing its phase of a non-comprehensive and \751gue plan of action--thereby justifying their singular zixaput, or the alternative of creating a Native Community [Deevelopment and Relocation Board with expertise and sensi- tivities not only to physical implementation but cross— cztiltural aspects as well. (4) A state of doubt, or some uncertainity can be assumed to exist as to where on this Scale of alternative extremes there is a position best Suited to meeting the problem. (5) An environment, or ‘30 :ntext, of the problem exists which consists of uncontrol- lable variables such as the actions of other decision— makers, reactions and counteractions, previous commitments 0f - - 13 available resources and clientele preferences. , 13As a result of the settlement of the land claims 13 sue, it is conceivable that the role of the decision- mé-ker may change hands. That is, the client group; Native v1 llages, may themselves become decision-makers who, in In t111m will rely upon the existing agencies for advice. is event the components of the problem remain the same, Owever, the actor roles may be manipulated to a degree. 11 Objective of the Study A primary objective is to use Minto and its problems as a model in an attempt to ward off problem situations before they arise in other community development or relo- cation schemes in the future. It is assumed that adminis- trators in the various decision-making groups have an interest in knowing how to provide the services expected from their particular group. That is, how to best cope with expressions of dissatisfactions that arise from clientele groups as a result of policy. More importantly, they have an interest in having guidelines to follow in an attempt to avoid problems which may have occurred in the past. The key questions are: (1) how can present agency policy be revised to create efficient planning for future strategies? (2 ) are administrative remedies available with the resources at; hand that can be geared to effectively meet the problems encountered in cross-cultural community development? Each agency has an objective-goal. The fulfillment of that goal in an efficient and orderly manner is its key to continued existence. Each agency attempts to meet at lea st one of the following objectives: to insure viable ecolnomic development, to fulfill the needs of the Native people, or to maintain ecological balance. As will be shOWn, the traditional thrust of bureaucratic objectives does not provide the degree of flexibility needed to meet the local requirement that all three of the broadly stated objectives be compatible. This is further complicated by 12 the fact that apparent national policy goals are directed toward all three--but without specific priority. Then too, iau Alaska there has been an obvious failure of agencies to zuealize (or admit) that there is a division between urban and rural, or less graciously, between Native and white. (Brie central purpose of this study is to review the spatial Eirld temporal factors which relate to the conditions of life, ()1: quality of living, in a Native relocated community in :izaterior Alaska. Review of the Relevant Literature To date, no comprehensive review of arctic or sub- aizrctic village relocation projects appears to exist. Iaj.terature on the subject has most often been presented concurrent with action. Post-mortem studies on the effectiveness of efficient planning and clientele satis- fElotion have not been attempted. Studies concerned with tiflee problems of Native relocation have been presented in Various forms by Ablon,14 the Alaska Rural Development 14J. I. Ablon, "American Indian Relocation: PI=‘<>b1ems of Dependency and Management in the City," Pylon, X><\71 (Winter, 1965), 362-71. 13 5 1 l6 H.E.W.,17 Iverson,18 Stevenson, and Board, DeWitt, mentioned in the Northern Affairs Bulletin.20 Studies of the relocation of the Canadian town of Aklavik to the new site of Inuvik on the East Channel of the Mackenzie River Delta offers the most comprehensive set <3f literature related to community planning and relocation 111 the high latitudes. It should be pointed out however, and now Inuvik, is a rather large (by tt1at Aklavik, 11c>rthern standards) mixed community of Indian, Eskimo, metis and white as well as a governmental administrative center. Tries documented problems are, in many cases, of a different However, naitrure than those of a village such as Minto. 15P. Gagnon, The Beaver Project (Juneau, Alaska: Alaska Rural Development Board, 1959) . "Resettlement or 16Robert DeWitt and Cato Wadel, Local Viability--Review of Sociological Issues--Notre Dame Bay Area," Preliminary Reports (unpublished), Institute of S<>Clial and Economic Research (St. Johns, Newfoundland: Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1967-8) . 17U.S., Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, see footnote 8, supra. "Report on Newfoundland 18Noel Iverson and others, REEsettlement Policies," Preliminary Reports (unpublished), nSStitute of Social and Economic Research (St. Johns, New- c311nd1and: Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1967-8). 19Stevenson, Problems of Eskimo Relocation for Industrial Employment, NSRG-Ka-l (Ottawa: Department of ‘1 ian Affairs and Northern Development, 1968). H 0"Housing Project at Fort Franklin," Northern f Indian égfairs Bulletin, Number 2 (Ottawa: Department 0 Affairs and Northern Development, n.d.)o PP. 7-8. 14 details of the decision to move and some of the resulting problems are applicable to the study situation. Writers to provide an incomplete but expanding list of the situation 23 Kettle,24 Lotz,25 28 are Brown,21 Ervin,22 Honigmann, 27 29,30 Mailot,26 Merrill, the Polar Record, Pritchard, and ‘ 21"A Compendium of Field Notes from Aklavik Town- sixte Studies, 1954," Report Number 64 (Ottawa: Division of Biiilding Research, October, 1965). 22A. M. Ervin, New Northern Townsmen at Inuvik, MHDIRP-S, Northern Science Research Group (Ottawa: Department cxf' Indian Affairs and Northern Development, May, 1968). 23John J. Honigmann, "Preliminary Report of Field- wcxrflc in Inuvik, N.W.T." (paper prepared for the 66th Annual Meeting of the American Anthropological Association, Washington, D.C., 1967). 24J. Kettle, "The Old and the New Aklavik," Calléidian Architect, I (November, 1956), 23-28. 25Jim Lotz, Inuvik, N.W.T., a Study of Community EVLEirinin Problems in a New Northern Town (unpublished), N1=t2hern Coordination and Research Centre (Ottawa: Depart— ment of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, 1962). 26J. Mailot, Inuvik Community Structure, Summer, léijiji, MDRP-4, Northern Science Research Group (Ottawa: Egpartment of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, May, 658). 27G. L. Merrill, "New Aklavik: Search for the Site," E-"&1ineering Journal (January, 1960). 28 "News Notes," Polar Record, VIII (1956) 53: 29Gordon B. Pritchard, "Inuvik-~Canada's Arctic fignfin," Canadian Geographical Journal, LXIV (June, 1962), 30 , "New Town in the Far North,"The 9gpgraphical Magazine (September, 1964), 344-57. 15 Robertson.31 Settlement planning schemes for Native and white communities and their associated problems have been 32 33,34 presented in publications by Ellis, Hippler, Honigmann,35 Marshall,36 Parker,37 Stanley,38 and Taylor.39 31R. G. Robertson, "Aklavik, a Problem and its Solution," Canadian Geoglraphical Journal, L (June, 1955) , 6': 196-205. 32J. B. Ellis, S. W. Wright, and C. Aasen, "A Component to Systems Construction for Settlement Planning," Ekistics, XXIV (December, 1967), 124:55-59. 33A. E. Hippler, "The Big Villages of Northwest Alaska, a Demension of Government Research" (unpublished) Institute of Social, Economic, and Government Research (College, Alaska: University of Alaska). 34 , "Unplanned Consequences of Planned Culture Change," in Higher Latitudes of North America: SOCio-Economic Studies in Re ionalifievelopment, Occasional Paper Nfifier 3, BoreaI Institute (Edmonton, Alberta: Uni- versity of Alberta, 1968). 35John J. Honigmann, "Community Organization and Patterns of Change Among Northern Canadian and Alaskan ggdians and Eskimos," Anthropologica, V (1963), 1:3-8 and ~34. , 36H. Marshall, "Problems of a Contemporary Arctic Vd-Jqlage," Arctic, XXIII (December, 1970), 286-87. 37V. J. Parker, The Planned Non-Permanent Community, NCRC-GB-S (Ottawa: Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, 1963) . 38D. R. Stanley, "Modern Communities in the North," WeStern Miner and Oil Review, XXXI (December, 1958) , 5-371 39T. G. Taylor, "A Mackenzie Doomsday: 1944. Arotic Survey 3," Canadian Journal of Economic and Politi- cal Science, x1 (May, 19457: 189-233. CAI? “VIA I '1’. uh ‘flé .I‘I .01 I‘4 liu' . ,. 3...:- 16 Reports relating to the conflicting ways of life in northern communities are numerous and present insights into what can be eXpected when a village such as Minto is presented with the opportunity for relatively easy access into a mixed community such as Fairbanks. Leading reporters (of this type of study dealing with the problems of accul- I O 0 O O 40 tniration and changing economic conditions are: Bucksar, ' 4].,42,43,44 45 46 Ervin, Fairfield, Fried,47 Honigmann,4 40R. G. Bucksar, "Moosonee and the Squatters," (karladian Welfare (September-October, 1968), 15-16. 41 , "The Problem of Squatters in the North- 1and," Habitat, XIII (January, 1969), 24-27. 42 , "Squatters in the North: An Appraisal," Northian, VI (Winter, 1970), 15-21. 43____y___ and Jim Lotz, "The Squatter on the Resource Frontier," Arctic, XXIII (September, 1970), 201. 44 , "Squatting in Canada: A Research Proposal" (unpuEIi' shed) , Canadian Research Centre for Anthropology (Ottawa: Saint Paul University, 1969) . 45A. M. Ervin, "Conflicting Style of Life in a NC”L‘thern Canadian Town," Arctic, XXII (June, 1969), 90-105. 46Robert C. Fairfield, "New Towns in the Far NOltth," Journal of Canadian Studies (May, 1967), 18-26. 47J. Fried, "Settlement Types and Community or“Janization in Northern Canada," Arctic, XVI (March, 1963) , 93-100. "‘—" 48Honigmann and others, Eskimo Townsmen, Canadian Rasearch Centre for Anthropology TOttawa: University of Ottawa). 17 Lotz, 9 Sessions,50 and University of Alaska,51 52 and VanStone. While the village is eXpected to remain primarily Native in composition of population, there will be increased contact with the dominant white society and it is reasonable to expect that the socio-economic structure within the commu- ni:ty itself will assume characteristics common to other com— uuiruties where contact has been of a regular nature. Excel— 1£311t studies of this process have been completed or are in triee process of being concluded at this time. Leading examples 49Jim Lotz, "The Squatters of Whitehorse: A Study off the Problems of New Northern Settlements," Arctic, xvIII (September, 1965), 173-88. """‘"" A. 50Frank Q. Sessions, Fairbanks Community Survey, I? rofile of Poverty, SEG Report Number 16 (College, iitEaska: University of Alaska, 1967). 51University of Alaska, The Barrow Community Study: §L_33eport to Aid in the Physical and Fiscal Development or .EEErow, Alaska, sponsored by the U.S. Department of the Ilterior, Bureau of Indian Affairs (College, Alaska: Uni- Versity of Alaska, 1964) . 52J. W. VanStone, The Economy of a Frontier Com- munity, NCRC-6l—4 (Ottawa: Department of Indian Affairs and Nort ern Development). 18 53 54 . ' Foote,55 Fried,56 Graburn,57'58 Hughes,59 64 are: Balikci, and Wilmott. Macgregor, Parker, 1 Usher,62 Vallee, 5 . . . . . Asen BalikCi, Development of BaSIC Scolo-Economic Units in Two Eskimo Communities, Bulletin 202 (Ottawa: National Museum of Canada, 1964). 54 , "Two Attempts at Community Organization .Among the Eastern Hudson Bay Eskimos," Anthropologica, I (1959), 122-35. 55Donald C. Foote and others, Saint Paul Community Si:udy: An Economic and Social Analysis of the Community of .Seaint Paui, Pribiiofflsiands, AIaska, prepared for the .Bizreau of Commercial Fisheries, U.S. Department of the Iriterior (College, Alaska: Institute of Social, Economic and Government Research, 1967) . S6J. Fried, "Urbanization and Ecology in the Caizuadian Northwest Territories," Arctic Anthropology, II (1964) , 56-60. 57Nelson H. H. Graburn, Eskimos Without Igloos: Sc>caia1 and Economic Development in Sugluk (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1969) . 58 , "The Social Organization of an Eskimo Community: Suquk, P.Q." (unpublished M.A. thesis, McGill Urljnversity, Montreal, 1960). 59C. C. Hughes, An Eskimo Village in the Modern 'wt>171d, Cornell Studies in Anfhropoiogy (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell university Press, 1960). 60C. Macgregor, "Community Development and Social ‘Atiéiption," Human Organization, XX (Winter, 1961-62), 238—42. _ 618. Parker, "Ethnic Identity and Acculturation 11‘» Two Eskimo Villages," American Anthropologist, LXVI (n -d.), 325-39. 62Peter J. Usher, The Bankslanders: Economy Ecology (3f? a Frontier Trapping Community, Vol. I: Histor , Vol. II: Econom and Ecolo , Vol. III: Conclusions and Recommenda- tLions, NSRG-7l-l, NSRG-7l-2, NSRG-71-3, Northern Science Eisearch Group (Ottawa: Department of Indian Affairs and: NOrthern DevelOpment, 1971). 63F. G. Vallee, Ponungnetuk and Its Cooperative: §_Case Study of Community Change, NCRC—67-2’(Ottawa: Depart- ment of Indian Affairs and—Northern Development, 1967). 64W. E. Wilmott, The Eskimo Community of Port Herrison, P.Q., NCRC-61-l, Northern Coordination and 19 The Alaska State Housing Authority and the Bureau of Indian Affairs (Juneau) have published Comprehensive Development Plans for a number of mixed communities through- out the state was well as several Community Fact Surveys, village studies, and Community DevelOpment Surveys. In addition, independent studies have been published by the I1: Development Plannidg ifi Alaska on Economic Development Planning in Alaska, Vol. I, II (Anchorage, Alaska—1965). 7?___r__y , Westward Alaska: The Native Economy and It:ss Resource Base, prepared by John D. Abrahamson (Ancho- ra9e,Aasa, 6m. 74H. P. Gazaway, National Program Inadquacies and Needs to Better Serve Rural‘and Native Alaska, prepared for tllee Federal Field Committee for Devélopment Planning in Aslaska and the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Juneau, Alaska, 1966 (unpublished). 75 , Needed: An Economic Development Program .Ssagp Rural Alaska, prepared for the Bureau of Indian Affairs, ‘J‘lldeau, Alaska, 1965 (unpublished). 7GGordon S. Harrison and Thomas A. Morehouse, f<><>tnote 13 , supra. 77Jim Lotz, Northern Realities (Toronto: New Press, 1970). 78Arthur E. Hippler, "Some Unplanned Consequences of Planned Culture Change," in Hi her Latituges of North Emerica: Socio—Economic Studies in Regional Development, Occasional Paper Number 6, Boreal Institute TEdmonton, Alberta: University of Alberta, 1968). 21 Congressional documents such as Hearings before the Senate Committee on Appropriations, the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs, the Committee on Public Works and the Committee on Commerce as well as Conference Reports, House and Senate Reports and insertions in the Congressional Record79 indicate that rapid changes in the development and economy of traditional Native villages can be expected. Iristitutes within United States and Canadian universities, vvriere northern studies programs are on-going, are developing programs to meet the anticipated problems. The Institute c>fF Social, Economic, and Government Research at the Uni- veazrsity of Alaska is directing attention in this direction aridi the Center for Settlement Studies at the University of Manitoba has three programs designed toward the improvement 0i? .1ife and community development in the north; Projects EEiIJitat, Work Force, and Native Peoples.80 The Boreal Irlsrtitute at the University of Alberta, the Institute for N<>13thern Studies; University of Saskatchewan, the Institute 015 Social and Economic Research; Memorial University of NEE»‘vvfoundland, the Northern Research Group; University of MC3'Iltrea1, the Committee on Northern Research; McGill Uni- 'VGEJ:sity, the Canadian Research Centre for Anthropology; Saint Paul University (Ottawa) and the Arctic Institute of \ 79See Bibliography, infra., for citations. 80Correspondence with L. B. Siemens, Director, Center for Settlement Studies, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, Manitoba, December 8, 1972. bl t. ‘0 22 North America (Montreal) all participate in research whose thrust is often directed toward northern community develop- ment.81 Periodic publications by the Arctic Institute of North America; Arctic, a series of Technical Papers, their Ngmvsletter and books of technical and general interest, together with Arctic and Alpine Research (University of (kilcorado), Musk—Ox (University of Saskatchewan), and ngEQ (Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development) su£>5>lemented by the Polar Record published by the Scott Polar Institute, Cambridge University are helpful in PITDXIiding an understanding of the current trend within the area of study. Research Methods This investigation combines the techniques of l1ji~=3torical review and documentation with those of corre- SE><>ndence and interviews directed to those known to be i‘l'l‘volved or interested, directly or indirectly. Discussions and correspondence with individuals involved on either side; tzlnlat.is, client and decision-maker was chosen as the most E"‘ll‘actical way to obtain the required data which would i~11dicate what areas, if any, might require concentration i~hthe future. As a result of the interviews, correspondence Eind materials received, light was shed on possible courses 81See Bibliography and text, infra., for citations. 23 of action--primari1y because the results of such a synthe- sized review make more information available to the investi- gator than was available to any of the participants at the time they arrived at their decisions and took action. On the basis of this evidence conclusions were drawn. They are intended only as guidelines designed to assist others in arvoiding similar problems in the advent of future village moves which are surely imminent. At the core of this investigation is the detailed reconstruction of the Minto relocation project. A history 0f 1:11e various relationships was developed and information Obtained (plus incoming information on public agency infi7c>lvement and conflict minimization used elsewhere) was Consolidated to serve as the basis for recommendations fc>\111d in the concluding section of this report, Part V. Initial procedure to develop the problem was to cc)l'l’cact the various federal, state, and local agencies in ar‘ attempt to learn the details of their specific role in the project as well as how their opinions of Native davelopment programs might influence the conditions of life \ t. 82Of the various agencies and individuals contacted, .firlse great majority were most gracious in supplying material ITcmn their files; normally at their own time and expense. ‘1‘3- some few cases, cooperation was not extended and infor- meition was withheld. In one case, scanty information was S\l'bsequently supplemented voluminously as the result of a Eénatorial directive and certain sensitivities developed ‘3Ver this project. Consequently, no attempt will be made to pin-point specific agency disenchantment or break-down 0f communication which did occur during the planning and construction phase of New Minto. 24 within a typical Native community. The purpose of this phase of the study was to explore and document the negative features that arose when such a great number of organi— zations and individuals became involved. Analysis included data-gathering by means of interviewing primary participants and acquiring copies of written documents related to the project. 83 Fieldwork During the summer of 1970 and at various times drizzing 1973 and 1974, the investigator visited Old and New 1Ulirito to observe first-hand and visit with the principals 111 'the relocation scheme, the residents of the community. ‘Vt: various times (between 1970 and 1974) personal communi— czéltdon was carried on between the investigator and various agency representatives in Juneau, Anchorage, and Fairbanks ‘“'Ilo were involved, to some degree, with some phase of the IEblanning and construction of New Minto. In addition, ‘V'iisits were directed to individuals residing within the \ 83Agencies with some degree of involvement in the I"‘Zinto relocation project included: Bureau of Indian Affairs; Ianeau Area Office and Fairbanks Agency, State Division of Lands, State Division of Aviation, State Division of Public eelfare, State Department of Fish and Game, State Depart- r"\ent of Highways, Bureau of Land Management, Farmers Home 1\dministration, Public Health Service; Alaska Native Health Eind Arctic Health Research, Local Affairs Agency, Water 1Pollution Control Administration, Alaska State Housing .Anthority, Office of the Governor, Neighborhood Youth (Corps, State Department of Education, the Attorney for the community of Minto, and the members of the Minto Townsite Committee. 25 community of Fairbanks who were somewhat knowledgeable and/or interested in Native lifestyle, acculturation, or community development. The goal was to gain additional information and insights, sift through available Minto files, obtain relevant documents, and photograph the existing situation at both sites. Detailed notes were taken during each phase of the information gathering process. Summary of Methods Techniques of the scientific method were applied to the study through the use of a plan which included: (1) impartial gathering of preliminary data, (2) making generalizations from that data by inductive reasoning, (3) teSting the validity of the generalizations and deductive aconclusions by making more observations, and (4) arriving alt: sound and reasonable conclusions. It is further reaeognized that the usefulness of the interview as a teaschnique was limited by the subjectivity of (a) the reports C>1E the interviewee and (b) the interpretations made by the iTr‘Nterviewer. It is recognized too, that probing by the ()1; server, in an attempt to further cooperation and moti- \riafition of the respondent, might have created a problem of 1biz-ls. With this in mind, more emphasis has been placed on {tine existing written documentation of the move rather than u~‘pon the interview technique whenever possible. On the <>ther hand, a considerable gap has always existed between the rhetoric of social change and action. Therefore, even 26 with the shortcomings of this study, it is felt that the possible social consequences of an objective review was worth the apparent problems. Presentation of Results Each of the succeeding Parts (II—V) will attempt to pcuint out areas of consideration or document problems that arc>se at various stages. The concluding portion offers alternatives, either from a different point of view, from art <>utside source, or from agency modification of stance siricze the problem situation was encountered. An attempt Wi.1fll be made to make explicit the implicit trade-offs where CC>rrtroversy seems to exist. Recommendations will be given irl the concluding remarks, considering the problem areas. BeaCause this report is a descriptive comparison and an airlalysis of a historical event, it presents a verbal research model; consequently, the literary cognitive style, S\litable for a qualitative model, and nominal scale of R‘Qasurement has been used.84 84Abraham Kaplan, The Conduct of Inguiry (San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1964), pp. 258—62. PART II HISTORY OF NATIVE HOUSING ASSISTANCE A variety of State and Federal agencies have been given the responsibility for the general improvement of rural or village Alaska. In many cases the role of the State remains primarily regulatory, however, the Alaska St:€tte Housing Authority has been active in promoting better 3h<>llsing for residents of the "bush" communities. Federal agencies provide loans or grants for a wide "Elrie¢y of improvements. This portion of the report offers an overview of Federal and State programs involving IlQusing, water supply, waste disposal and power as their IF’1:ograms affect Native communities. Housing Programs Three public housing programs are directed to serve 2xSlaska's smaller villages; the Village Housing Program (EHKH, the Alaska Remote Housing Program (State), and the‘ Eiousing Improvement Program (BIA). The Alaska (State) Housing Authority was created by the Territorial Legislature in 1945. It was then 27 28 instrumental in working with the Territory and its delegate to Congress in the passage of the Alaska Housing Act.1 This bill provided the incentive for conventional housing and mortgage funds and created a "Remote Dwelling Loan .Program" which allowed for loans up to $500 for housing ijnprovement in the rural villages of the state. The prwogram operated for three years, providing improved luoilsing (flooring, roofing, insulation) for many families—- nubsstly in the Yukon-Kuskokwim delta regions. Under this program the Alaska (State) Housing Authority acted as agent iri ‘the purchase and delivery of materials and the borrower axzczepted the responsibility of building or improving his dwelling. In 1963 they received a Federal grant of $180,000 t1<> conduct a "housing demonstration project" in Native "5Lllages. The program constructed houses in three ethnic Iregions: southeast Indian (Tlingit—Haida), interior Indian '(Jfithapascan), and coastal Eskimo. The most ambitious Igilt'oject undertaken under the program was the relocation of ‘eiln entire village. The community of Holikachuk was moved :3(3 miles to the new site of Grayling on the Yukon River. 'Iihe Authority administered the grant, provided the materials, Eind supplied technical assistance for the construction of ‘the homes. A mutual-help program was used and the owners 1Public Law 81-52, Alaska Housing Act, 81 Congress, H.R. 17150, April 23, 1949 (63 Stat. 59). 29 are now paying for the materials used in the construction of the buildings.2 Prior to 1965, these were the only housing programs available to rural Native Alaskans. At that time, Senator .Bartlett, introduced Senate Bill 1915, designed to attract lfiJnding for the construction of housing throughout the rixral areas of the State. Documentation for the housing needs of Alaska's Native people had been provided by Abrams axidi the reader is directed to that publication for an extensive and comprehensive review of housing conditions in rlixaal Alaska.3 The "Bartlett Bill" was revised and passed by Congress as Section 1004 of the "Demonstration Cities and Metropolitan Act: Sec. 1004 (a) The Secretary of Housing and Urban Development (hereinafter referred to as the "Secretary") is authorized to make loans and grants to the State of Alaska, or any duly authorized agency or instrumentality thereof, in accordance with a statewide program prepared by such State, agency, or instrumentality, and approved by the Secretary, to assist in the provision of housing and related facilities for Alaska Natives and other Alaska residents who are otherwise unable to finance such housing and related facilities upon terms and conditions which they can afford. The program shall (1) specify the minimum and maximum standards for such housing and related facilities (not to exceed an average of $7,500 per dwelling unit); (2) to the extent feasible, encourage the proposed users of such housing 2Alaska State Housing Authority, Low-Income Housing IDemonstration Program; Grayling, Metlakatla and Betfiely 2Klaska, Alaska State Housing Authority Remote Housing Report Number 2, December, 1968. 3Charles Abrams, Housing the Alaska Native, Alaska State Housing Authority Remote Housing Report Number 1, February, 1967. See also: Footnote 8, Part I, supra. 30 and related facilities to utilize mutual and self-help in the construction thereof; and (3) provide experience and encourage continued participation, in self- government and individual home ownership. (b) Grants under this section shall not exceed 75 per centum of the aggregate cost of the housing and related facilities to be constructed under an approved program. (c) There is authorized to be appropriated not to exceed $10,000,000 to carry out the purposes of this section. :It;:marked the real beginning of rural housing programs in Alaska. One million dollars was appropriated in 1968 which was used to build 159 new homes and repair 8 existing houses iri 1969 (of this, 20 units were authorized for the planned community of New Minto from the 1969 funds). A second $1,000,000 was appropriated in 1969 to be used in 1970. l:“1|=‘<>m those funds 176 new homes were constructed and two t:l'lat were existing were repaired. Some of the money appropriated was used for related ‘El<:tivities such as water and sewer, but agencies such as 'tilne Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Public Health Service VVere encouraged to provide these services in an effort to ‘<3<3nserve funds for the actual construction or repair of 1"tomes. This seemingly reasonable measure was to have ‘tlnexpected consequences during the construction phase of 1New Minto and will be commented upon later. In addition to federal legislation providing funds, the State of Alaska attempted to assist in the development 31 of rural housing by authorizing an additional $1,000,0004 to match the federal authorization of $10,000,000 (although 10% was later redirected for "administrative expenses”). In 1970 Congress did not make an appropriation to czcontinue funding the program and in an effort to continue, t:k)e State appropriated another $1,000,000 which resulted in title construction of another 131 new homes. To fill the treaxcuum left by the failure of Congress to fund the so-called "Bartlett Program," the Department of Housing and Urban DevelOpment initiated the Village Housing Program in 1970 in addition to the State's program. Under this program 200 houses were constructed in 10 villages at a cost in excess of $2,300,000. In 1971, the Alaska State Legislature Eipfibxoved a $3,000,000 bond issue for village housing. Recently the Federal government extended its Indian 171<>‘I.:J.sing program to Alaska. Plans, as they were initiated, were to provide housing funds that would eventually result 5.171 ‘1:he replacement of all substandard housing in Native vi 1 lages. the This program was to be administered jointly by Alaska Federation of Natives and the Alaska State I“loll-sing Authority, however, the two never came to terms c(bricerning roles and responsibilities and the program was 0 f f to a weak start.5 If and when this program becomes \ 4Alaska House Bill 414. 5 . . t] U.S. Department of the Interior, Hearin s before Irma Subcommittee on Appropriations, Department of the Earior and Related Agencies Appropriations, Fiscal 32 operational it is considered unlikely that Native com— munities would continue to participate in the ASHA program since the grant portion of the federally—administered program would be much greater. Program Administration as Administration of the current program rests with the Alaska State Housing Authority (ASHA). It is guided by - K—L-fi‘." . '- a Committee appointed by the Governor, with an Executive Board developing the criteria for the selection of villages, reviewing and approving plans, and selecting the villages to be served.6 Between 1969 and 1971, 663 homes were constructed throughout the State (Table 1). ASHA uses the money provided by the Federal government to issue loans and grants. Loans are made for terms to twenty years and inc Jude the cost of the non-labor portion of the house. Interest rates cannot exceed the same rate that ASHA pays to the Federal government. Grants to 75 percent of the l"(>Itltas are available when a family does not have enough income to qualify for, or to repay, a loan. Tables 2 and 3 \ iear 1973; 92nd Congress, Second Session, 79-80: and Fiscal Zea): 1974, 93rd Congress, First Session (HR 8917): PP. 197. 1; Z - 221 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 2-73). <2 6The administration of ASHA (and their choice of Q Qantractors) routinely faces rather severe criticism by . di or the other political party not currently charged Wlth lgrecting the destiny of the State. Currently (March, . s h 4) the Authority is operating under the barest p0351b1e aff and is in danger of being disbanded. Table 1.--Native Housing Assistance. 33 Location Start Completed Units New Construction Kiana 1969 1970 16 Kivalina 1969 1970 7 Noorvik 1969 1970 21 Point Hope 1970 1971 24 Selawik 1970 1971 26 .Buckland 1970 1971 12 lkmbler 1971 1972 16 (:halkyitsik 1971 1972 ll .Ddinto 1969 1971 20 .I(a1tag 1971 1972 19 Chevak 1970 1971 24 Scammon Bay 1970 1971 15 Hooper Bay 1970 1971 22 P :ilot Station 1970 1971 22 1H13 0.! can. .H madman >waz<2 O b 4 a o 54 throughout the region; however, they are normally less than a few hundred yards in diameter and less than 100 feet higher than the surrounding area. Vegetation of the flats follows a pattern; higher ground contains paper birch, quaking aspen, balsam poplar, alder, black spruce, and white spruce which is the dominate species. Lower ground contains willow, which is dominate, and bluejoint grass appearing in the more moist areas. Within the flood zone is swamp-grass; and on into the water is bur-reed and mare's tail, various sedges, water parsnip, slough grass, foxtail and again, swamp-grass. In the stagnant pools or in ponds with poor drainage is horsetail, bladderwort, buckbeam, wild calla, sweet flag, cinquefoil and clumps of leather leaf. In the lakes there is a mixture of water milfoil and pondweeds.1 Climatic Factors Minto (both Old and New) and the surrounding area lie in the northern portion of what has physiographically been termed the Nowitna Lowland which drains the Tanana River, a major tributary of the Yukon. The climate of the area is influenced most directly by the Alaska Range to the south. This range of mountains forms an effective barrier to the flow of warm moisture-bearing winds from the north 1David C. Hooper, "Waterfowl Nesting at Minto Lakes," in Second Alaska Science Conference, 1951, pub- lished 1953 (College, Alaska: University ofiAlaska), pp. 318-21. 55 Pacific Ocean. Because of a lack of a moderating influence, a wide variety of temperature extremes occur in the area and there is a definite continental climate (Table 4). Extremely low temperatures in winter are the result of polar air masses flowing in from the north as well as prolonged heat radiation during periods of extended winter darkness. Snow cover and low sun-angle contribute to heat loss by a high albedo. Winter temperatures are below zero regularly, with extremes exceeding -60°F. The White and Crazy Mountains to the north aid in the settling of cold air into the lowland and create conditions favorable for temperature inversions during periods of extremely cold weather. Under this condition the air temperature increases up to approximately 2,000 feet and then gradually decreases creating a situation favorable for the creation of extensive ice fog in lowland areas. In the summer temperatures decrease with elevation in the normal manner. During the summer months of June and July, the sun is above the horizon from 18 to 21 hours each day and average temperatures reach into the 703. Extremes of 90°F or more are common however. Between November and March sunshine decreases from 10 to less than four hours daily. The average annual temperature at Fairbanks is 26°F; the all-time low was recorded at -66°F, and the highest on record is 99°F. The growing season, considered to be the average number of days between the last frost of spring and the first of fall, runs approximately 100 days; from late 56 .N .02 .HHDm .cuwe mwocmwom annoyasoaumm mo ousuwumcH .oxmma< mo mufimuo>wco "cousow Hm.~H nm.0 m0.0 m0.0 0m.H vv.~ 0H.~ 0¢.H 00.0 v~.0 Nv.0 Hm.0 no.0 dance H0.0m 0.0 0.5 0.5 0.0 H.0 0.0 0.0 m.0 0.~ 0.0 0.b 0.0a Hamu3ocm 00.0 0.0 00.0 0m.0 mm.H mv.~ 0H.~ 0v.H mn.0 00.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Haoucflmm morocHaucowumuflmHomum 00: N0: om: mm: n as 0m 0w 0 mm: mm: mm: 00: 30a vacuum mm mm am >0 mm 00 00 mm 00 an 0m we we no“: ouoomm n.0a 0.0HI m.~| 0.0a 0.mm 0.mo 0.0v H.0v 0.mm 0.nH ~.H 0.0: 0.0a: Essacaz mason «.mm m.~ m.ma H.0m «.mm m.n0 n.mn h.ah «.00 n.~v 0.0m 0.NH h.H EsEaxmz >Hfloo m mmmummolaousumuomEma .c:< .ooo .>oz .uoo .ummm .ms< >H90 6:90 am: .mua .umz .nom .cmn .oxmmad .muu4 madam oucwz uOu sumo owumfiwaunu.e manna 57 May to the first freeze which is normally expected by the end of August. Ice formation on the river will normally support a man by late October and begin to break-up in early May. Since the flow of air is generally from the south, the Alaska Range receives most of the precipitation and carryover into the interior is light--between 10 and 12 inches each year (Table 4). Light showers in May build to an August maximum with a noticable decline in precipitation by December. Snowfall in the lowland can be expected during September and reaches a maximum in January. Average depths vary, but great extremes are not uncommon. Moisture in the snow comprises about 40 percent of the annual precipitation in the Chena River valley near Fairbanks2 and there is no reason to believe that nearby Minto Flats would be otherwise. Ethnic Background Native inhabitants of the Minto Flats area are of Athapascan linguistic stock known ethnically as the Tanana. The Tanana Indians represent a northern division of Athapascan who lived in small nomadic groups averaging between 30 to 80 persons. They are reported to have 2Paul J. Frey and others, The Chenalgiver: The Study of a Subarctic Stream, Federal Water Quality Adminis- tration, Department of the Interior, Alaska Water Labo- ratory Water Project Number 1610 (College, Alaska: Uni- versity of Alaska, October, 1970), p. 9. 58 ranged the area drained by the lower Tanana River below the Tok River, the region near the confluence of the Tanana and Yukon Rivers, a small region along the Yukon above the confluence, as well as having had a settlement at Lake Minchumina in the upper Kuskokwim drainage.3 Olson, in delineating their former area, stated: A line can be drawn starting on the Tanana River about six miles below Nenana going northward through the foothills to the present mining village of Liven- good. . . . PeOple went up the rivers and creeks such as the Chatanika, Tatalina, Goldstream and Tolovana. . . . They hunted in the hills north of Fairbanks . . ., and so the eastern boundary is somewhat uncer- tain, but from a point just south of Livengood, the line could be continued to the west and north towards Saw- tooth Mountain and the Tanana Hills at the base of the White Mountains. Following the curve of the hills southwesterly, the line would end up again on the Tanana River near the point known as Tolovana. South of the Tanana River from Tolovana eastwards toward Nenana, the line would make a large crescent swinging back to the point of origin.4 Existing literature on the background of the Tanana Indians is vague and in some cases conflicting. Only limited archeological work has been completed in the Minto area. Unfortunately, most of the possible previous sites are inaccessable for most of the year. For example, the known location on an old village, where the Chatanika River emerges from the hills onto the flats, can be reached only 3C. Osgood, The Distribution_of the Northern Athapascan Indians, Yale University PublICations in Anthropology, Number 7 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1936), p. 19. 4Wallace M. Olson, "Minto, Alaska: Cultural and Historic Influences on Group Identity" (unpublished Masters thesis, University of Alaska, May 20, 1969), p. 9; see Figure 20. 59 on foot or by a shallow draft boat.5 It is some 35 air miles from Fairbanks and 25 miles from the closest road. Rainey6 has summarized what anthropological work has been done in the area. Various groups located along the river have been reported by Swanton as Clatchotin, Huntlatin, Nukluktana, Tolwatin, Tutlut, and Weare.7 The problem of ethnic back- ground was further complicated by Kozely when he reported that "Mr. Peter John, the (then) present Minto chief . . . was empathic in saying that they were not Kutchin, but rather Teyokhotana." Kozely was not successful in tracing the origin of the term "Teyo," but points out that the word "Khotana" is a name applied to several Athapascan groups of the lower Yukon and Koyukuk Rivers.8 "We were unable to 51bid.’ p. 13. 6Froelich Rainey, "Archeology in Central Alaska," in Anthropological Papers of the Museum of Natural History, XXXVI, pp. 35 - 0 7John R. Swanton, The Indian Tribes of North America, Smithsonian Institute, Bureau of American EnthnoIogy, Bulletin Number 145 (Washington, D.C.: Govern- ment Printing Office, 1952), pp. 539-40. 8Native associates of the author have found it amusing when he was unable to distinguish between "upriver" and "downriver" (Yukon) Indians. For those knowledgeable, there is an apparent cultural division (i.e., style of footwear, method of cutting fish) located between upriver Fort Yukon and downriver Beaver. 60 locate any geographical name resembling Teyo or anything similar; was "Teyo" the name of a Khotana chief?"9 To pass over a matter better assigned to ethno— graphers, Dr. Kozely laconically concluded that the settle- ment of Minto was founded by nomadic Athapascan Indians who were previously living in the Minto Lakes area. Better history can be deve10ped and is important here because an understanding of divergent lifestyles can be a significant factor in understanding and working in cross-cultural groups. Kozely was apparently on the right track as he mentioned that the 11th Census Report of 1892 reported: The people inhabiting the banks of the Tanana River have variously been named the Tennan Khotanas, Tananatena, and Tennan Kutchin, the latter being probably the best known and significant. They live in small settlements generally away from the main river, in scattered portions, and are distinguished only by the name of the chief of each band (p. 126). This would lead one to believe that the people were, in fact, Kutchin; denied by the chief and informant of Dr. Kozely. Hodge reported that the Kutchin are "an Athapascan tribe in Alaska which hunts throughout the basin of the 9Lado A. Kozely, "A Community Development Survey, Native Village of Minto Flats, Alaska," in Resource Analysis of Minto Flats Area,_Alaska, I.B.E.G. Report Number 3 (College, Alaska: University of Alaska, 1965), p. 14. 61 Tanana River, but has its villages along the upper stream in Lat. 63°, Long. 142°."lo Since Old Minto is located 64°54'N-l49°10W (TlN- R8W, Fairbanks Meridian), Kozely was quite correct in noting that this would place the "habitat" of the Tenan- kutchin in the country far away from Minto. Indeed, it places them in the extreme eastern portion of the interior lowland, an area historically occupied by the Nabesna, a more eastern Athapascan group, and over 400 river miles from the site of Old Minto, almost to the Canadian border. Initial contact with the small groups of Tanana River people was with Russian traders, who in 1860 entered the area from the lower Yukon. Additional contact followed with trappers for the Hudson's Bay Company. The first recorded scientific expedition into the region was that of a river passage by Lieutenant Henry T. Allen in 1885,11 who recorded his arrival at the camp of Evan below present-day Old Minto. He reported that Evan had a population of 35 men, 20 women, and 20 children, and that other camps upriver contained between 40 and 70 persons. His report concluded that the entire number of people living along 10Frederick W. Hodge, The Handbook of Indians North of Mexico, Smithsonian Institute, Bureau 6? American Enthnology, Bulletin Number 30 (Washington, D.C.: Smith- sonian Institute, 1912). 11Henry T. Allen, Re ort on an Expedition to the Copper, Tanana, and Kgypku Rivers in the Territory_o Alaska, in the Year 1885 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1887). p. 451. 62 the Tanana numbered 232.12 McKennan has reported that the camps on the upper Tanana varied in size from 16 to 59 persons.13 Consequently it is safe to assume that the Minto people followed a similar pattern; living and travelling in scattered camps, loosely classified as "bands." Olson states that these bands existed into the early 19003 and were identified by their leader's names. Bands were reported at Coschacket on the lower Tanana, led by Evan; and at Tolovana further upstream, led by Alexander. A group called the Wood River-Nenana people were led by Thomas and John led an encampment located near the con- fluence of the Chena and Tanana Rivers. The leader at Mintu (Minto), whose location was not identified was not identified was Charlie (Figure 2). Similar leaders were located at other points along the river. Since contact times these bands have collapsed into a few important villages. The people of Coschacket have settled at Tanana, while those from Tolovana have moved to Minto. The Wood River-Nenana people have settled in Nenana and the people from Chena have generally settled in Fairbanks.14 13Robert A. McKennan, The Upper Tanana Indians, Yale University Publications in Anthropology, Numher 55 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1959), p. 18. 14Olson, Minto, Alaska, p. 17. 63 .mama .mouwu .ufimuuuom msouo mmwflso madame (1115.: L0 [(3.13 KNDZ(KHJ( Lw.xu .P<¥fl L833 .(2‘2U1 IO n‘IOZF LN.:U .N musmflm . <2<>OJ°P Lo KN§2