THE HEARINGS OF MUSIC.
EN A NORTH INDIAN VILLAGE

Ihesis for the Degree of Ph. D.

MCHEGAN STATE UNEVERSH’Y
EDWARD OSBAR HENRY
1973

L . 3R 1% R Y
Michigan Stafc
University

    
   

This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

THE MEANINGS OF MUSIC
IN A NORTH INDIAN VILLAGE

presented by ‘
EDWARD OSCAR HENRY '

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph. D. degree in Anthrogology

 
    

Major pr 1‘ o

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'4', 2 ABSTRACT
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Edward Oscar Henry

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'e‘. 11:13 is a report of an anthropological investigation of village

Odin Eastern Uttar Pradesh in Northern India. The two general aims

the research were: the ethnography of musicuthe discovery of the

7 'shing formal characteristics, common song topics, concepts of
‘ o 3% attitudes towards music, and the social identities of musicians;

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{fin how it is related to other aspects of culture and social structure.
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present participate; and non-participatory, in which specialists

porn for a passive audience. In participatory music each singer
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Ritual song constitutes a major subdivision of participatory
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a part of their family roles. Music is an important element of

 
  

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Edward Oscar Henry

  

smallpox upon those who are 'too proud' to worship her and rewarding
the faithful with sons. The songs reflect a conflict between
Sanskritic (orthodox) and non—Sanskritic religious cults in the village.
The songs support the devotees (generally persons of lower castes) of
the smallpox goddess, who during smallpox "panics" are able to recruit
higher caste women (and a few men) to worship the goddess.

The women sing a special type of song at the birth of a son in the
family, a highly important event in this patrilineal society. These
songs are also sung on other sacred occasions, where they confer the
auspiciousness associated with the birth of a son. These songs express
a wide variety of vital religious concepts. All ritual music is
thought to be auspicious--to insure good fortune.

Another kind of participatory music is that of the devotional
meeting. Here groups of men attain religious ecstacy by singing
intensely rhythmic, repetitious songs naming their god and thereby
invoking his grace or unifying with him.

Outstanding among the many genres of recreational song are the
exuberant songs which groups of men sing during the five weeks

preceding holi (a rite of spring). On holi these and a type of

 

obscene song contribute to the drug-abetted ecstasy of a uniquely
communal and sensual holiday. The men's monsoon songs reflect the
mood of the rainy season, thought to be the most erotic season of the
year. The singing often accompanies a simple dance or swinging. Men
of all twice-born castes participate in both kinds of singing.

Men's devotional and recreational singing and the activities of

rheli are all 'anti-structural' states. Victor Turner posits that, in

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the dialectical processes of individual and group social life, such
rank-free states are functionally necessary antidotes to the

~ hierarchically structured relations of mundane life.

I Young women sing their monsoon songs in similar contexts. 0n
evenings before the wedding of a neighbor women sing to celebrate and
insure the success of the impending marriage. Women sing other kinds
of songs to ease the tedium of monotonous tasks.

Recreational songs often concern the deities Rama and Krishna,
referring to episodes contained in the Ram Charit Manas (the Hindi
Ramayana) and the Bhagavata Purana. Many of the themes have descended
from these texts via the vernacular poems of devotional poets such as
Surdas. Intra-family social relations are also common topics of
women's songs; the relations most often treated in the men's songs are
romantic. Some of the women's songs are nationalistic.

The least formal of the gggrparticipgtogy genres include the soles
of cowherders, who sing while tending their herds or for informal
gatherings. With a distinctive, elaborate form, the songs treat
mythological and devotional subjects. They are a hallmark of the caste.

Religious mendicants come to the village to sing devotional songs
in return for grain. Their didactic and reverent songs, often
expressing the precepts of the 'formless' devotional sects, provide a
moral setting conducive to charitable donations. Another kind of
mendicant is of a Muslim caste called Nat. He receives donations for
dinging long ballads about the heroic exploits of two eleventh century

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weddings and bride-removal rites are the contexts for all musical
entertainment in the village involving large audiences and professional
muSicians. The scale and formality of the entertainment symbolize the
wealth and prestige of the families involved. One type of formal group
sings kavvilis. These songs were formerly sung only by Muslims, using
Urdu and conventions of Urdu poetry. Now both Muslims and Hindus
perform them and Hindu mythology and Hindi vocabulary have been

introduced. Kavvalis and birhas, another type of entertainment music,

 

are highly forceful in style, and evaluated in part by their ability to
evoke strong emotional responses in the listeners. Entertainers songs
concern a wide range of topics——religious, romantic, topical and
patriotic.

Also a part of the wedding context is the 'English band', which
consists of Muslims who wear European-style band uniforms and play
European band instruments. The more splendid the band the greater
prestige it imparts to the nuptial families, and the more auspicious it
makes the wedding. The repertoire of the band includes village, urban,
classical Hindustani and Western genres; its musical style resembles
that of the géhgéi ('oboe') bands of North Indian cities.

The only general analysis of Indian folk song combining
anthropological and musicological approaches is that of Alan Lomax in

his monumental Folk Song Style Egg Culture, a statistically supported

 

discussion of the relationship between song style and social structure.
His analysis over-emphasizes the 'bardic style', (a solo dance with
information, precisely enunciated, with free rhythm), and the complex
and rigidly stratified social structure it is supposed to reflect.

 

 

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”tory' style documented in this dissertation is the
. the 'bardic style'--it is a group performance, highly
H, n and often rhythmic. It is more prevalent in the village
"“"-lé‘ol 'bardic style'. Cooperation and equivalence of role are basic
Istyle. If we accept Lomax's assumption that song style

5 : norms, it must be concluded that the participatory style
.ts modes of interaction in which ritual and political status are
in abeyance. In village life communal work parties, leisure time
farm activities such as holi are all contexts in which this type
' I: (Mk-free interaction occurs. Certain cultural complexes such as
"personality types and the pantheon also demonstrate the existance
’ -; W; palpation of 'anti—structural' categories.
‘6 "it ~{titlirrent anthropological theory of the operation of Indian society
~.- A? _: see hierarchical structure. This dissertation qualifies the
fields interpretation by recognizing cultural and institutional

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ACKNOWIEDGMENTS

This research was made possible through Public Health Service
Research Fellowships 1 F01 MH48987-01 and 5 F01 MM48987-02 from the
National Institute of Mental Health. I am grateful to those on the
staff of the National Institute of Mental Health for their
consideration and service.

It is not possible to list all of the people who contributed to
the coming into existence of this dissertation, but among those who

played key roles in the process are the following:

Professor Roger L. Welsch, who imparted an interest in folk music and
suggested Anthropology as an appropriate discipline for its study;

Dr. Ralph W. Nicholas, who through his support and encouragement
channeled my interests into Social Anthropology and Indian society;

Dr. William Ross, Director of the Asian Studies Center at Michigan
State University, whose friendship and assistance have been very
helpful;

Dr. Pram Leta Sharma, Head of the Department of Musicology at Banaras
Hindu University, who served as my official affiliate and donated
her time and knowledge of Hindustani classical music and Hindu
Wology; ‘

Shri R. K. Shringy, also of the Department of Musicology at Banaras

Hindu University, whose friendship was greatly appreciated during

a difficult period;

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Shrimati Subadhra Chaudhury, then a student in the Department of
Musicology at Banaras Hindu University, who augmented my
appreciation of Rajasthani folk music and Hindustani classical
music;

Shri M. Ramanathan, also a student in the Department of Musicology at
Banaras Hindu University, who was most generous and helpful.

Drs. Kenneth David and Charles Hughes, who as members of my Guidance
Committee read and constructively criticized my dissertation;

Dr. Herbert L. Whittier and Patricia Ruth Whittier, whose intellectual
stimulation and friendship have sustained me throughout my
graduate career;

Dr. Charles Morrison, the Chairman of my Guidance Committee.

Dr. Morrison's criticism helped to clarify my thinking about
problems dealt with in this dissertation; he has contributed much

to the dissertation and to my continuing education.

To those named above and to those unnamed (particularly the
residents of the village in which most of the research was carried out)

I give my thanks.

 

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NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION

  

The rules of transliteration used here are those used to Romanize
Sanskrit, Hindi, and other Indian languages. They are the same as
those set forth in Basham (l959:xxi and 506). In addition to those
rules stated by Basham, nasalization of a vowel is indicated by a
tilda.

There are two dipthongs in Bhojpuri which do not occur in Hindi
or Sanskrit. These are indicated by ai and au. The a is pronounced as
the short a of Hindi and Sanskrit; it blends into the second vowel
which varies freely from short to long. The umlaut over the first
vowel of these diphthongs must be used to denote pronunciations which
differ significantly from the ai and au of Hindi and Sanskrit.

The first time it is used in context the Indian word is underlined
and defined, and all necessary diacritics supplied. No diacritics or
underlining are used in subsequent occurences of the word except where
needed to prevent confusion. I have tried to include all Indian words
used more than once in the glossary, where all diacritics are supplied.

Familiar anglicized spellings are employed in the case of well
.knnun terms such as Krishna and purdah. Place names are usually given

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

        
  
 

Page
IIIST OF SON(B I o e e o e o o e o o I e o o e .......... ix
NOTE ON TRANSLITERATION ..... . . . . ........... . iv
Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION 0 O C O O IIIIIIIIIIII O O O O O U 1
Research Goals . . . ..... . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Research Sites . . . . . . . .............. 1
Behavioral Ethnomusicology. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Theoretical Approaches .............. . . 5
The State of Knowledge of Indian Village Music and the
Mhsic of the Bhojpuri-speaking PeOple . . . . . . . 7
Techniques and Problems of Data Gathering and
Processing . . . . . . . . . . . ......... 9
Order of Reporting . . ............ . . . . . 11

Note on Appendices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
’ II. SEWING OF THE PRINCIPIIE RESEARCH e o e o I o u e o .. e e 14

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
The Geographical Setting . . . . . ..... . . . . . 14
History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Physical Features of the Village . . . . . . . . . .>. . 20
The Settings of Music . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
The Yearly Agricultural Cycle . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Modernization and Social Change . . . . . . . . . . . . 2?
WOMEN'S MUSIC . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
Divisions of Women' 3 Songs . . . . . . . . . . 31
Songs of the Wedding . . . . . . 32

General Characteristics of Kinship and Marriage
Typology of wedding Music . . . . .
wedding Songs in their Ritual Contexts . .
Preliminary Rites and Tilak . . . . . . . .

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Pitra Nevatina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
Barat . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5i
Dvar Pfija . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
llficari . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
Ibdding Songs: Repertoire, Performance, and
Attitudes . ..... . . . . . . . . . . . 70
The Meanings of Wedding Songs . . . . . . . . . . . 73
The Texts of Gali . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
The Social Context of Gali . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
The Plight of the Bride . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
Conquest . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
Fitarship Songs of the Mother Goddess .. . . . . . . . . . 82
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82
The Mother Goddess . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
Communal Wership of Mata Mai . . . . . . . . . 86

When Complementary Complexes Become Competing

Complexes . . . . . 92
Performance of the Worship Songs of the Mother

Goddess . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94

S<>ngs of the Birth of a Son and Auspicious Inauguration. 95

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95
Other Contexts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
Music and Performance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
Smmnarylo3

Viewing Women's Ritual Music in Terms of Ritual
Symbolism . . . . . . . . 104
Applying Turner' 3 Methodology to Ritual Music . . , 107

WOInen's Recreational Songs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110
Recreation in the Monsoon Season . . . . . . . . . 110
Rice-Transplanting Songs . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112
Milling Songs . . . . . . . . . . . . 11¢

1Inaurzguage and Structure in Women' 5 Songs . . . . . . . . 115

_ Iv. m.S WSIC o c o e o o e e o o I e e O I I o e e O I o o 119

 

 

Izrtroduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
HoliandItsMJsic.. 119
Holika Garna: The Initial Rite of H011 . . . . . . 120
__ng§ Sessions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
The Music of H011 in Surinam . . . . . . . . . . . 12#
Holika Dahan: The Burning of Holika . . . . . . . 126
H01ooeoooooooooooooooo-ooo127

   

 

 

 

 

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Themes of Other Phaggés . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135
Interpretation of H011 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136
The Music of the Monsoon Season . . . . . . . . . . . . 142
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142
Ka'ali Texts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148
Harikirtan, the Music of Devotion . . . . . . . . . . . 150
Introduction . . . . . . ....... . . . . . . 150
The Rural Harikirtan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
The Process of Harikirtan . . . . . . . . . 155
Music Making Links the Individual and Society . . . 15?
Residual Meanings of Harikirtan . . . . . . . . . . 159

V. NCEi—PARTICIPATORY MUSIC: NON—PROFESSIONALS AND MENDICANTS 161

Introduction..... 161
Diusic of the Ahir and Carer. Castes: Khagi Birha . 162

Khari Birha: Part of a Larger Song? . . . . 166
Khi__s_,a—'_ the Story—song . . . . . . . ..... . 168
Religious Mendicants . . . . ...... . . . . 170

_, the Martial Ballad
Introduction . . .
The Alha . . . . .
The Martial Rajput Ethos
Notes on the Nat . . . . .
Musical Style . . . . . . .

 

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VI. ENERTAINIENT MIISIC e o e o o e I o I o o e e a a o e e e 182

 

 

Iratroduction . . . . . . . . .1. . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
Context of the Formal Performance . . . . . . . . . 183
S<3ngs and Styles of the Formal Groups . . . . . . . . . 184
Birha . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184
Structure and Types of Birha Texts . . . . . . . . 190
Social Identity of Birha Singers . . . . . . . . . 191
Regional Distribution and Language of the Birha . . 191
Instrumental Format . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
The Form of the Birha . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192
_The Ethos of Birha . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193
Ktavvali . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193
Spirit and Form of Kavvali . . . . . . . 197
Audience Evaluation_ of Birha and Kavvali . . . . . 199
S<>mg and Dance Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200
Form and Spirit of the Song and Dance Music . . . . 203
Dancing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204
1119 Informal Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204
Instrumental Format, Music Form and Performance . . 20?
Considerations in the Selection of Musical Entertainment 209
Ccumparisons of the Texts of Entertainment Music with

 

M1310 of the Village I I I I I I O I I I I I I I I I I 210

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VII. ENGLISH BANDS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213

Intrwuction I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 213
Social Composition of the Band . . . . . . . . . . . . . 214

Instrumental Composition of the Band . . . . . . . . . . 215
Instruction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215
Repertoire . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216
Comparison of Brass Band and Classical Ragas . . . . . . 216
Style and Performance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218
VIII. SONG THEMES FOUND IN LITERATURE: KRISHNA AND RELATED
ANOMALIES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220
The Krishna Themes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221
Krishna in the Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . 222
The Rama Motifs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Krishna: The Anti-structural Type . . . . . . . . . . . 228

IX. FOLK SONG STYLE AND CULTURE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233

Lomax's Assumptions, Methods, and Procedures . . . . . . 233

Testing Lomax's Generalizations with this Research . . . 237

X. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241
APPENDICES

Appendix

I. Transliterated Song Texts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251

II. Synopses of Two Elk; Segments . . . . . . . . . . . . . 282

III. Glossary of Hindi and Bhojpuri Terms . . . . . . . . . . 286

BBLImRAPI'IY . o o I n o o o c o o o o o o o o a a I u o I a a I 291

viii

 

 

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SONG INDEX
Song Translation Transliteration
Page Page
1 ............. 4O ........... 251
2 ............. 41 ........... 251
3 ............. 41 ........... 251
4 ............. 41 ........... 252
5 ............. 44 ........... 252
6 ............. 44 ........... 252
7 ............. 45 ........... 253
8 ............. L16 ........... 253
9 ............. 47 ........... 253
10 ............. 47 ........... 2
Il ............. 48 ........... 254
12 ............. 49 ........... 254
............. 49 . . . . . . . . . . . 255
14 ............. 5O ........... 255
15 ............. 55 ........... 255
16 ............. 55 ........... 255
17 ............. 55 ........... 255
18 ............. 56 ........... 255
19. ............. 56 ........... 256
20 ............. 57 ........... 256
21 ............. 58 ........... 256
22 ............. 58 ........... 256
23 ............. 59 ........... 256
24 ............. 59 ............ 256
25 . ......... 59 ........... 257
26 ............. 60 ........... 257
27 ............. 61 ........... 257
28 ............. 61 ........... 257
29 ............. 62 ........... 257
30 ............. 63 ........... 258
31 ............. 63 ........... 2
32 ............. 64 ........... 258
33 ............. 64 ........... 258
34 ............. 64 ........... 259
35 ............. 65 ........... 259
36 ............. 66 ........... 259
3? ............. 66 ........... 259
38. . ............ 67 ........... 259
390 O cccccccccccc 68 ooooooooooo 260
ix

 

 

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Translation Transliteration

Page Page
............ 68 . . . . . . . . . . . 260
.............. 69 . . . . . . . . . . . 260
.............. 89 . . . . . . . . . . . 261
............. 90 . . . . . . . . . . . 261
............. 90 . . . . . . . . . . . 261
........... 91 . . . . . . . . . . . 262
............. 92 . . . . . . . . . . . 262
........... 98 . . . . . . . . . . . 263
............. 99 . . . . . . . . . . . 263
........... 100 . . . . . . . . . . . 263
............ 101 . . . . . . . . . . . 264
............ 102 . . . . . . . . . . . 265
............. 112 . . . . . . . . . . . 265
............ 114 . . . . . . . . . . . 266
............. 128 . . . . . . . . . . . 266
..... 129 . . . . . . . . . . . 2
............. 130 . . . . . . . . . . . 267
.......... 131 . . . . . . . . . . . 267
....... 131 . . . . . . . . . . . 267
............. 132 . . . . . . . . . . . 268
............. 133 . . . . . . . . . . . 268
............ 134 . . . . . . . . . . . 268
........................ 269
........ 144 . . . . . . . . . . . 269
.......... 145 . . . . . . . . . . . 269
........ 145 . . . . . . . . . . . 270
............. 146 . . . . . . . . . . . 270
......... 147 . . . . . . . . . . . 271
.......... 164 . . . . . . . . . . . 2

..... 164 . . . . . . . . . . . 272

....... 165 . . . . . . . . . 272
........ 165 . . . . . . . . . . . 272
........... 165 . . . . . . . . . . . 272
............ 166 . . . . . . . . . . . 272
..... 166 . . . . . . . . . . . 272
........... 166 . . . . . . . . . . . 273
........ 173 . . . . . . . . . . . 273

..... 173 . . . . . . . . . . . 273

. 174 ........... 274

....... 175 . . . . . . . . . . . 274

. 184 ........... 275

. 189 ........... 276

. 194 .......... . 277

..... 195 . . . . . . . . . . 278

200 o o o o 278

..... 201 . . . . . . . 279

...... 205 . . . . . . . . . . 279

. 206 ........... 280

. 207 . . . . ...... 280

 

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CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

   
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
   
  
  
  
   
   
   
   
   
  
  

Research Goals

 

This is a report of an anthropological investigation of the music
of a village in Eastern Uttar Pradesh in Northern India. There were
two general aims of the research. One was the ethnography of music.
This included: (a) discovering the situations in which music occurred,
the social and cultural factors giving rise to the situations and the
primary components of the situations; (b) discovering the categories
of songs, recording their texts and distinguishing their formal
characteristics; (0) discovering concepts of and attitudes toward
music; (d) discovering how musicians are recruited and their roles and
statuses. The other general aims were to learn how music affected the
operation of the society, and how it was related to other aspects of
culture and social structure. These aims incorporated the idea of
using music as an entry into those overlapping areas of social life in

which it was embedded-—religion, caste, kinship, and economics.

Research Sites

 

 

Most of the data upon which this report is based was gathered in a
Village of about seven hundred people approximately thirty—five miles
from the city of Varanasi. Periods of residence in other locations and
envoy trips to other areas were also important. Before moving to the
village in April, 1972, I spent ten weeks in Varanasi. There I
observed and recorded musical activities in the city and adjacent

pillsgas and learned about the theory and practice of Hindustani

'. L I ',' 3135811381 music at Banaras Hindu University. During this period, in

 

 

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the process of searching for a feasible village site, I made a two week
collecting and survey tour through Ballia District and western Bihar,
where Bhojpuri1 culture is supposed to exist in its "purest" form. The
trip was beneficial in revealing musical and linguistic differences '
between that region and the region in which I eventually settled.

I finally selected a village satisfying these criteria: (a)
having a sufficient variety of castes to allow the exploration of
differences in caste musical style; (b) having a Muslim pepulation in
the event study of their music should prove feasible; (0) on or near
bus or train lines to facilitate trips to Varanasiz; (d) sufficiently
removed from a city to provide a genuinely rural setting. I spent a
total of thirteen months in this village, interrupted after eight

months to make a brief tour of Rajasthan for comparative purposes.

Behavioral Ethnomusicology

 

The aims and methods of this project combine those of social
anthropology and behaviorally oriented ethnomusicology. A brief
digression into the emergence of the latter sub—discipline is necessary
here to dispel common misconceptions of its nature.

Ethnomusicology began with the study of non-Western music by
classically trained western musicologists, who analyZed "exotic" music
with classical Western music terminology and notation. The products of

'umir studies were, in part, sets of attributes of a particular

society's music, expressed in terms of prescriptive, (as opposed to

 

l. BhOquri is the language spoken in Eastern Uttar Pradesh and
western Bihar.
2. occasional trips to Varanasi were necessary to confer with my
Official Indian adviser, to have film developed, buy supplies, and
191*7Vide a change of environment.

 

 

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descriptive) Western music notationl. This group of predominantly
German musicologists sometimes related their analyses of music as
systems of sound to the anthrOpological theories of the times. They
were thus concerned with determining the ultimate origins of music,
fitting musical style into unilinear evolutionary schemes according to
formal characteristics of the music, and tracing the diffusion of
melodic forms. (See for example, Nettl, 1964;28 & 31.)

In the United States ethnomusicology was one facet of the
ethnographic studies of North American Indians which were largely under
the leadership of Franz Boas. These ethnomusicological studies were
again focused on the sound characteristics, especially melodic form, of
a.particular society's music. They did, however, include detailed

descriptions of the ceremonial setting of the music as well as

 

k musicological analyses. The works of Frances Densmore, e.g. Yuman and

 

/ Igui Music, exemplify this stage of development of ethnomusicology.

  

The shift in the emphasis of anthropological objectives from
particularistic description to analytic generalization that followed
the ”Boas Era" of American Anthr0pology resulted in a new direction in
ethnomusicology and objectives and methods differing substantially from
the parent discipline. The basic axiom of this approach is that
mic-making is a universal human activity. It can therefore be
studied as a cultural, social and psychological phenomenon. ‘Ihe
subordination of musicology to social science by the exponents of this

type of ethnomusicology has gone unrecognized by most social scientists

 

1. Prescriptive notation provides a basis for the performance of
Jamie. Without numerous additions and modifications Western
notation is generally inadequate for the description of non-
Western music.

 

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outside the sub-discipline. Although the analyst should be able to
distinguish pitch and timbre, to remember sequences of different tones,
and to feel rhythm, these faculties are used more to identify, classify,
and describe music rather than to analyze it musicologically.

Given some sensitivity to music, there is inevitably appreciation
generated in the analyst for the logic of particular music forms, the
very cultural flavor with which they are imbued, and the skill and
imagination of individual performances. As Merriam (1964:25) has
concluded, and as the following pages Show, this humanistic element is
inherent in the sub-discipline. Here however, the role it plays is
confined to enthusiastic description.

Returning to the discussion of behavioral ethnomusicology, the

I complementary division of ethnographic and nomothetic studies found in

 

} ' anthropology is also found in ethnomusicology. Outstanding examples of
/ ethnomusicography, the study of one society's music, are Keil's M

Urban Blues (1966), McAllester's Enemy W_ay Music (1954), and Merriam's

 
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
    
   

Ethnmsicologz if; m Flathead Indians (1967). These works give some
indication of the range of theoretical approaches, even within
anthropology, which can be applied to the study of music. Keil's work
is the most eclectic and contemporary, with social anthropological and
social psychological interpretations prevailing. McAllester focuses on
music to illuminate the secularization of values among generally
ymnger Navahos. Merriam's work is taken up with the ideology of
Flathead music, e.g. the sources of music, ideas of music and
musicianship eto.; descriptions of the contexts of music performance;
and music and culture change. He also raises some difficult questions

finial! arise from the imposition of an anthropological frame of

 

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reference to the formal structure of music. Both Merriam's and
McAllester's works contain detailed notations and analyses of the music
itself. Neither scholar was able to relate structural features of the
music demonstrated in these analyses to any wider cultural patterns or
institutional complexes. The inclusion of these analyses seems to be
little other than a vestige of the older ethnomusicological tradition.
True comparative studies, in which the componential frameworks
necessary for comparison are formulated and applied, are as esteemed
and as uncommon in ethno—musicology as they are in anthropology. The
primary ethnomusicological works of this type are Merriam's Th2
Anthropglogy gf_yg§ig (1964) and Lomax's Eglk §gng §tylg and Culture

' (1968). Merriam's contribution contains a valuable survey and general

 

discussion of the field. It also sets forth basic categories of

    
  
  
  
  
   
  
  
   
 
  
 

inquiry for participant-observation ethnomusicography. Lacking are any
generalizations about patterns of music—making, music use or 'style'
(i.e. musical form) shared by mankind or by certain classes of
societies. These are the kinds of generalizations offered by Lomax.
His work, which involved the correlation of musical data with the data
of the Human Relations Area Files, is the most comprehensive and
ambitious yet to emerge in this sub-discipline. Chapter IX of this
dissertation contains a description of his methods and examines his
conclusions regarding the style of Indian folk music and the social

structure it is supposed to reflect.

Theoretical Approaches

 

Music can also be studied from a structural—functional
perspective. The objectives of this approach are to discover the

Jagfdharne which organize music behavior as well as the ways in which

 

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mueic as an institution affects and is affected by other institutions.
Both approaches are taken in this dissertation, with the latter
receiving primary emphasis. Where it seemed useful to do so, I have
elaborated upon the contribution made by music to the activity in which
it was performed, and conversely, cultural and social factors

informing the context and its music. The intimate and important
relationship of the women's obscene insult songs with affinal relations
(Chapter III) is an example of the fruitfulness of this approach.

One precept of behavioral ethnomusicology is an outstanding reason

 

for the study of a society's music: people express sentiments in music
that they express in no other mode of communication (of. Keil 1966:216,
[ Merriam 1964:46). As demonstrated in the following pages, song texts
provide unique insights into social relations and ethos. The emotional
trauma of the bride expressed in the wedding songs, the painful longing
of the young wife separated from her husband of the men's songs, and
the nationalistic fervor of the high; are but a few examples.

Another theoretical construct important in this dissertation is

 

i what Louis Dumont has called 'the hierarchical principle' in Indian

  
  
 
 
  
   
  

ideology and social structure. The principle is obviously manifest in
caste stratification, but it is equally important in kinship and other
social relations. As demonstrated in Chapters III and VI, the women's
insult song texts and the uses of other kinds of music (e.g. the hiring
of expensive bands to assert status) express and reinforce the
hierarchic pattern. Refinement of Dumont's propositions by identifying
areas in which the principle does not prevail seems inevitable.

lbdest attempts in this direction have been made in Chapters VIII and

 

 

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_ 1aflaator Turner has formulated useful frames of reference and

~iޤhndology for the analysis of ritual symbolism (1969, 1973). I have
utilized some of these in the analysis of the ppli rites (Chapter IV)
and in the analysis of women's music as an element of ritual (Chapter
III). vChapter VII contains an attempt to find order in disparate social
and cultural complexes by the discovery of fundamental categories and
the forms of relations (within each complex) between them——what some

scholars would call French Structuralism. In this case the fundamental

category is Turner's 'anti-structure' and the relation one of anomoly.

 

 

 

Bhojpppi—spgaking People
Many kinds of music are mentioned in passing in the Indian
ethnographic literature. There has been, however, only one monograph

in English which discusses in any detail the full range of a region's

    
  
   
  
   
 
  
 
  

 

music. This is, oddly, a collection of songs from Surinam. "A total
6! 34,30# Indians arrived in Surinam between 1873 and 1916. They spoke
mainly Avadhi and Bhojpuri dialects . . ." (Arya 1968). Many of the
categories of songs Arya discusses are found in the region in which
this research was carried out; some of the songs he presents are
similar and a few nearly identical to those presented here. Although
Arya does not offer a great deal of anthropological analysis, there is
much useful background information. Particularly interesting are the
similarities he has noticed between certain formal aspects of the song
buds and Sanskrit literature (1968:29—3n).

'. George A. Grierson also published two collections of Bhojpuri

.' ,‘séng§.(l88# and 1886). He performed meticulous linguistic analyses of

 

 

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the song texts, but there is little information about the situations in
which the songs were sung or the musical style.

K. D. Upadhyaya (1957) has written a brief survey of Bhojpuri songs
and their subjects. No texts are offered and the explanations are
cursory, but the article does convey an idea of the wide variety of
folksong genres in the area. Upadhyaya has also published a two volume
collection of Bhojpuri songs (1954 and 1966). The song texts are in
Bhojpuri (in Devanagari script) and commentaries and capsule summaries
of the songs in Hindi. Translation of the songs and commentaries of
this comprehensive work would contribute a great deal to our 'emic'
understanding of the regional and encompassing culture and society.

Two particular types of Indian folk music have been discussed from
an anthropological perspective. One is the ppgjgp ('devotional song'),
which is treated in this dissertation under the name harikirtan).
Singer (1968) and Venkateswaran (1968) have provided detailed analyses
of the ideology and social framework of bhajan singing.

The other type of Indian folk music which has been studied from an
anthropological perspective is village women's song. The wealth of
insight into family relations provided by the women's ceremonial and
recreational songs has been recognized by both Karve (1965:130-1 and
205-210) and Lewis (1958: Chapters 5 and 6 pggpip). Karve presents an

appropriate and well-explicated collection of women's milling songs
from Maharashtra. Lewis (1958) is careful to mention women's singing
in describing wedding and bride-departure rites. He includes a
substantial number of translated texts and relates their themes to the

rituals in which they are sung.

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Tegppigues gpg Problems pf_§gp§ Gathering gpd Processing

The functional approach basic to this research requires the
identification of those institutions which affect and are affected by
music. Some of these institutions, of course, are those co—present in
the performance of music. The technique used to collect music data
therefore consisted largely of tape recording music in the contexts in
which it naturally occurred and taking notes on the accompanying
activities. The acoustic results of tape recordings made in such
situations are no doubt inferior to those made in laboratory conditions.1
Children scream, dogs bark, crows caw, and already slurred or
unfamiliar words are even more difficult to identify when the tape is
played back for transcription.

But more importantly the performance of music is observed and
recorded as it is synchronized with and constrained by other activities
in the immediate context. Identification of the situational components
of music performance is alSo important because part of the meaning of
music (for the native as well as the analyst) is the association it
carries with contexts in which it is performed (the gphgp, associated
with the birth of a son but sung in other contexts, is a good example.
See p. 96)

One limitation of this approach is the change in performance
resulting from the presence of the tape recorder. The effects were

mfly problematic in the women's informal sessions, where the absence of

ceremonial activity allowed the singers to focus their attention on the

 

l. I did attempt to delimit background noise by recording in an empty_
schoolroom on one occasion. This was done because the genre, khari
birha, has a particularly intricate form which is impressive when

well executed. I had previously recorded it in its natural context.

 

 

 

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tape recorder. They sang with less concentration and unity in such
situations and tended to become preoccupied with hearing the results.
(I always played back at least a few of the resultant recordings for

singers--it was one way in which I could compensate them for the

-.,_

service they were doing me, and it delighted them.)

The first step in processing the musical data was the correlation
of my notes regarding the ritual activities with the music recorded.
After a wedding, for example, it was sometimes necessary to play the

recording to informants to ascertain at which of the many stages of

' rites a certain song was sung. The next step was the transcription of

, song texts, in which Devanagari script (the script in which Hindi is
written) was used to write the songs. Ideally this should have been

I done with the musicians themselves. The language of all music differs
somewhat from speech and is more difficult to understand. In this case

' the problem was compounded by the use of words from other regional

dialects. The words were often known only by the singers; many

  
   
   
  
   
    
 
 

listeners had only a general understanding of the song texts and could
not be relied upon in transcribing the songs.

I was not aware of the transcription problem until I had a
considerable backlog of unprocessed songs. I had arrived in the village
as the wedding season began and was kept fully occupied observing and
recording for about six weeks. When time permitted I began the task of
transcription and translation.

I Because it was not possible to hire a field assistant, I relied
upon the voluntary help of friendly school teachers who were natives of
the village. They were especially helpful in identifying the sources

af the mythological references. I played the tape recorded songs for

 

 

  
 

11

then and they dictated the words, which I wrote out. When we could not
understand one of the women's songs we attempted to locate the singers,
who generally lived in the village. This procedure was not possible
with the entertainment music, for these groups came from other villages.
In these cases, where a phrase could not be understood, I played the
songs for other singers and teachers, who were generally the best
informants in this regard. Someone was usually able to make out the
troublesome phrase.

The song texts were often in Bhojpuri, the regional language,
which differs considerably from the standard Hindi which I had learned.
Assistance of the teachers, who spoke Bhojpuri, Hindi, and a little

English, was also invaluable in translation.

M 2; Reporting
The first chapter of this dissertation conveys background

information pertinent to the discussion of village music, including
physical features of the village, settlement patterns, caste
composition, economy, communications, history and language. In the
following five chapters the order of reporting is intended to reflect
two polarities in the nature and function of the genres of village
music: inner/outer and participatory/non-participatory. I begin with
the women's ceremonial and recreational music. This is the "innermost"
music of the village in two senses: it is largely sung in the home,
and it is the only class of music which deals with kinship and family
rituals. It is also participatory music--music performed by a group of
non-specialists which, by requiring the coordination of individual
activities resulting in a collective unity, is a unique social

agpcuflience. Social solidarity of the singing group is reinforced in

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12

the singing. The men's music, topic of the following chapter, does not
depict aspects of home life or family relations (except the
heterosexual love relationship, a frequent topic); it is performed by
groups of village men in the village but outside the home. In Chapter
V we move to non-participatory genres--the songs performed by
specialists for the diversion of their audiences. The first of these
discussed are performed by residents of the village; those discussed in
the latter part of the chapter reflect another outward movement--the
singers are mendicants who do not reside in the village. The
entertainment music genres discussed in Chapters VI and VII are all
performed by outsiders and are additionally reflective of distance from
the village in their complexity and refinement.

Chapter VIII deals with depictions of the gods Rama and Krishna,
important motifs found in most types of music performed in the village,
their relationship with Sanskrit and vernacular literature, and the
tanti-structural' component of certain social and cultural complexes.
In Chapter IX I bring the data of this research to bear against Lomax's

analysis of Indian folk music.

Egtg‘gp.Agpgndices

Appendix I contains transliterated song texts. The number of
each song corresponds with the translation of that song appearing in
the body of the dissertation. Each line of the song text is numbered
to correspond with the numbered lines of the translation. The Song
Index, page viii, gives page locations of both the translation and
transliteration.

 

 

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13

Appendix II contains prose synopses of two filhé segments which I
recorded. They are included to supplement and illustrate the
subsection of Chapter V regarding the Alha.

The third appendix contains a glossary of the recurrent Hindi and
Bhojpuri terms appearing in translated song texts and the text of the

dissertation.

 

 

 

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CHAPTER II

SETTING OF THE PRINCIPLE RESEARCH

 

Introduction

 

There have been a number of substantial ethnographies of North
Indian societies (e.g. Lewis 1958, Mayer 1966, and Wiser and Wiser
1967). The smaller region containing the principle research site,
Eastern Uttar Pradesh, has also been studied. Planalp's dissertation
(1956) documents the religious and ceremonial life of the region and
provides a wide range of other ethnographic information. Cohn's work
(cited below) provides an account of the social history of Eastern
Uttar Pradesh.

The availability of these studies obviates the need for a complete
village ethnography. Accordingly, the general ethnographic information
presented here is only that necessary to provide a context for the
StUdy of village music and convey an idea of the general cultural and

structural contours of the region.

1h; Geografl' cal Setting

The major part of this research was carried out in Indrapur, an
agricultural village of approximately seven hundred peOple in the
eastern part of the state of Uttar Pradesh in Northern India.
(Indrapur is a pseudonym used to conceal the identity of the village
and thereby protect the human rights of the residents. Apart from such
Obvious names as Varanasi, Calcutta, Uttar Pradesh etc., all proper
names used herein are pseudonyms.) The area is on the one hundred and
fifty to two hundred mile wide alluvial plain which borders the Ganges

_ .4?!”er Western Uttar Pradesh to the Ganges-Bralmaputra delta in

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Bangle Dash. Eastern Uttar Pradesh is just inside the western boundary
of the area in which rainfall is sufficient to allow rice cultivation.
Wheat, barley, and sugar cane are other major crops.

The village is several miles from Kamalpur, the nearest bazaar
town. The road from Kamalpur to Indrapur crosses a river which is
hmmssable by motor vehicles from the latter part of June through
October due to the heavy monsoon rains. Pedestrians cross the river via
a dangerous one-track railway bridge in this season, and by stepping
stones when the monsoon torrents have receded. Kamalpur is the site of
a Block DevelOpment Office, the lowest level of state government and an
agricultural extension service and village development agency.
Villagers must travel to the bazaar town for a wide range of goods and
services not available in the village. Among them are the 'English
r bands' and other musical groups which lead processions and entertain in
r itddings. The men comprising these groups are often artisans and
shopkeepers in bazaar towns.

From Kamalpur one can travel by train or bus to the tghgil

(headquarters of the next higher level of state government) or to the

W-V~ v v

district capital, twelve and sixteen miles distant respectively.

‘

Eunlpur is about thirty-five miles from Varanasi, the largest nearby
city and the largest city in Eastern Uttar Pradesh (1961 population

573,558).1 Located on the sacred Ganges (Ganga) river, Veranasi has

WWW

 
  
 
  
  
 
 

 

 

1- Viranasi is the Devanagari (the script used to write Hindi and
Sanskrit) transliteration and indicative of the correct formal
pronunciation. The city is also called Benares, a name used in the
British and Mogul periods. (Banaras is the Devanagari
transliteration and reflects the common pronunciation). Kasi
(Kashi is an alternate spelling) is the name used in the era of the
conqueror Harsha (circa 6h0 A.D.) and before and is also used in

a sane formal contexts.

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16

been a place of pilgrimage and an important religious center for
several thousand years. Just as villagers must go to the bazaar for
the purchase of goods not available in the village, there are
specialized purchases which must be made in Varanasi, particularly in
connection with the wedding. Higher quality, more prestigious
entertainment is also hired in Varanasi by the more affluent families.

As yet Indrapur has neither telephone nor telegraph service,
although telegraph service is available in Kamalpur. A postal
substation was established in Indrapur in 1971, providing daily mail
delivery.

People in both Eastern and Western Uttar Pradesh often speak of
the eastern part of the state as being technologically "backward" and
culturally ”conservative." The nascent stage of industrialization and
modetl'nization is no doubt partially responsible for the persistence of

f°1k music and other oral traditions in the area.

%i
The Rajput and Brahman castes are politically dominant and
c3°l3llpzl'ise two of the largest caste blocs in the villages of this region.
B°rnard S. Cohn, an historian and social anthropologist who has studied
the fifteenth to nineteenth century history of the region, has provided
an account of the Rajput immigration and rise to power. In this
8“Ft-ion I summarize Cohn's findings as they bear on the present study
and substantiate them with the findings of my own limited inquiries.
Cohn describes the general process of Rajput migration into the
area:
. "In the fifteenth century a new element, the Rajputs, locally

termed ‘Ihakurs--Lords, began to affect the internal structure of
the region. ’lhe Rajputs gradually filtered into the region from

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17

the west. At first they came as individuals or families of

adventurers who took service with local Chieftains; but as more of
I their kin Were attracted, they were gradually able to supplant the

semi-tribal or Muslim local leaders, controllers of the land.
These Rajputs grew in number and strength until at the time of
Akbar (1556-1605) out of sixty—two parganas listed in Ain-i-Akbari
of the Banaras region, over fifty were in the hands of Rajputs,
and only eight were in Muslim control" (1962:314).

Subsequent political developments of the Mughal period (1700—1775)
resulted in a structure consisting of four levels: the imperial, which

Was the Mughal empire; the secondary, which in the Varanasi region was

1m=rr .~~__

the Mughal state of Oudh; the regional, which in this case was the Raja
of Banaras; and the local level, which was a lineage, a successful
adventurer, a local tax official turned political leader, or indigenous

chief (Cohn 19623313614)-

~'=—".

The ideas of Brahmans and Thakurs in Indrapur about the history of
the vicinity confirm Cohn's general statements as they apply to the

1003.]. level. They say that Rajputs from Rajputana:L migrated to the

  
   
  
  
   
    
   

area now occupied by Radhapur, a large village three miles from
Indrapur, where they settled after having conquered the local rulers.
They then called Brahmans to come and serve as their ritual Specialists.
As their clan expanded and the land immediately surrounding Radhapur
was occupied, factions of the Rajputs moved short distances away to
as"-Zablish new homesteads, one of which was at Indrapur. They again
c‘lled Brahmans to live nearby. The heads of the lineage resided in a
late moated fortress in Radhapur. It is still occupied by descendants
°f the lineage.

\_———

1° Rajputana literally means '1and of the Rajputs'. Marwar designates
e same area. Rajputana is sometimes used by the villagers to
denote what is today Rajasthan. Cohn reports that the ancestors of
the Rajputs in the village he studied were thought to have come
from what is today Central Uttar Pradesh (Cohn l96l:3).

 

 

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18

Informants also said that before the advent of Rajputs and Muslims
the area was occupied by Soeris or Siuris, the semi-tribal leaders
mentioned by Cohn, as well as other castes including Ahir, G6'r, Camé'r,
Bari, and Musahar castes.

'L‘ne historical information presented above accounts for the
hegemony of 'Ihakurs and Brahmans which persists in somewhat diminished
form today. 'Ihe significance of the Rajput immigration to the music of
the village is manifest in linguistic and thematic elements. Some of
the women's songs employ a language which is commonly attributed to the
area from which the Rajputs emigrated. Some of the women's wedding

songs and the 11115, an epic ballad, refer to Rajput institutions of the

 

twelfth century, e.g. the warring over brides (see p. 80). Several
cOl'ltemporary institutions allude in a vague way to Rajput origins. The
b°3t example is the seemingly martial @ ('the groom's party'). Its
imperious arrival at the bride's home suggests the legendary military
c"Wurllests of Rajputana.

Elements of the music which have descended from groups which
o‘3<='I:I.pied the land before the infiltration of Rajputs and Muslims are
2h"130saible to isolate. The contemporary music of some of the non-
“.3811“, non-Rajprut groups mentioned above is distinctive and may contain
°1°ments descended from the ancient music of these groups (see p. 20?).

1110 subjects of their songs, however, are common to several other
Genres of village music.

In the latter half of the nineteenth century there was an increase
in emigration from this area which resulted in the spread of the local
mic to such far—flung places as Surinam (see p. 7) and Mauritius.

. ffin number of men leaving the village to take employment in the port

 

 

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19

cities of Bombay and Calcutta also began to increase at this time.

Today Bhojpuri—speaking neighborhoods exist in both Calcutta and Bombay.
In the "off season," i.e. after the wedding season, professional
musicians travel to these cities to entertain the Bhojpuri-speaking
inhabitants. The movement of laborers and musicians between the major
cities outside the region and the rural homeland has no doubt
contributed to the adoption of alien genres by the semi-professional
and professional musicians of the region (e.g. the kavvali, which came
from the west, and the M11, which came from the east. See Chapter
VI.)

The most commonly recalled incident of Indrapur's recent past is
the uprising against the British administration which took place in
1942. British soldiers reportedly killed a man of the Ahir
(coflherding) caste who lived about two miles north of Indrapur. In a
v10lent reprisal, men from the vicinity tore up railroad tracks and
telegraph wires and set fire to the district police station. It is
Said that although most of the women and children had been sent out of
the area by their menfolk, the British raped two women. One Indrapur
Man was killed, and at least seven from Indrapur were among the eighty.
tiVe reportedly arrested. Today there are seven men in the village who
“Ore imprisoned by the British. They now receive from the government
‘51 India "Political Sufferer" pensions of from fifty to sixty rupees
I"“‘ll‘l‘ohly. Another man owns land given to him by the government of India
‘3 compensation for the death of his father at the hands of the British.

The anti-British sentiment finds expression in village music in

"use championing Gandhi and the Congress Party (see Chapter III). 'lhe

   

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20

Congress Party was highly active in the promotion of anti—British

demonstrations and resistance in this region.

Mical Features o_f _th_e Village
Except where the monsoon-swollen creeks have left the land rugged

and eroded, it is flat country. The seemingly endless fields are
reticulated by elevated footpaths, and cut by irrigation ditches and an
occasional road or railroad track. All that protrudes above the
horizon are an occasional grove, and, in every direction, clusters of
mid-walled, tree-shaded buildings. (The population density of the
region is approximately nine hundred per square mile).

The smaller clusters of buildings, the 'hamlets', generally
contain people of only one caste. The untouchable castes always live
in such hamlets, but others contain people of Ahir (cowherd), Nunia
(house-building) and other castes. Hamlets are scattered randomly
AarOImd the larger settlements, the multi—caste villages. Each village
is Separated from the surrounding fields by "tanks"--man-made ponds
v"hit-ch catch the water from monsoon rains and village gutters, and by
bare patches which serve as thrashing grounds after the two main
harvests“. Religious shrines--small brick or cement cubicles housing
me or more icons, often overlook tanks and thrashing floors. The
In081: distinctive structure of the village, the .school, is usually
lQGeted by one of the thrashing grounds. It consists of one or more
1°“! buildings with full length verandas, at the edge of a large
Mground. ConiCal stacks of cowd‘umg fuel chips stand at the edges of
“19 reads and paths entering the village.

, 4: Two or more major lanes or roads cross-cut the village; these are

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mils and clusters of dwellings. Water buffalo, 'cows and bullocks

[aghtiedby their feeding stations at the edges of lanes and yards,
often in the shade of the large and sacred @, ital, and banyan trees.
nearly a dozen wells, many with wide cement platforms, are distributed
throughout the village.

The most obtrusive of the village dwellings are the pike: ('first—
class') houses-“two story plaster—or brick-walled structures which
stand out among the Mid—walled, tile-roofed homes of the less affluent.
But even the pakka homes rarely stand alone. They usually share one or
more walls with other homes (an economic measure facilitated by the
absence of a concept of privacy, or at least a low valuation of it).

In these clusters or rows of adjoining dwellings may live families of
different castes or even different religions-_ten of Indrapur's ninety-
nihe households are Muslim.

Most homes are divided among several nearby buildings. (In
crowded areas one building may contain rooms belonging to two families).
“13 main building, the primary domain of the women, is built around an
Open courtyard in which they cook and carry out their many other tasks.
M of the main houses have verandas where members of the family and
heIlghbors can sit and chat. One of the secondary buildings is the
l“era's sleeping and lounging quarters. It also at times houses stock,

_ “81h, fodder etc. These structures are generally thatch-roofed, and
0:902: on one side. Their openness contrasts with the somewhat
indelible (to male neighbors) main houses.

H Neighborhoods, concentrations of much of the daily interaction

Bit-513‘s! villagers, are not demarcated by any particular physical

(keenly becomes aware of them after living in the village.

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In a larger village, residents of widely separated neighborhoods,
particularly women, may meet infrequently. Brahman and Thakur
neighborhoods lie at either end of Indrapur (separated by a distance of
approximately three-fourths of a mile). Between them are many
neighborhoods of mixed caste composition e.g. a Gar—Koh'ar (grain
parcher—potter) area, a Nai-Kahgr (barber—water carrier) area, and a
Teli—KEnfi—Set area. (These are now all merchant castes; the front
rooms of their dwellings are small shops.) The neighborhood in which
men's recreational music generally occurred included Brahman ('priest'),
Lohir ('carpenter and blacksmith'), Kalvar ('merchant'), Dhobi
('washerman') and Ahir homes. The men of the neighborhood occasionally
combine in cooperative work parties such as sugar cane planting and
harvesting, and during lulls in the day's activities may be found
talking together in a neighborhood sitting-place. The women convene to
Sing at various rituals, and visit each other's homes to gossip. Not
all of the interaction is ameliorative, of course. Disputes
°°<=asionally arise, often over the use of land considered common
Property and over drainage. (Some of the open drains have to cross
°°Illmon ground or ground owed by others to reach nearby tanks, creating

a Considerable nuisance. )

9% Settings 31; Lite—is
Music in the village occurs at the school, in the yards, and in
“10 main houses. During the wedding season barats are housed and
°ntertained at the school (if the bride's family has influence with the
8“heel board). The entertainment always includes music (See Chapter
VI). it smaller weddings the entertainers perform in yards in the

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also performed in yards within the village or at the school. The
women's music, discussed in the next chapter, is performed in the
privacy of their homes, courtyards, or, in the monsoon season, in the

private "back" yards of neighbors where they can swing as they sing.

’ Th9 Yearly Agricultural Cycle

In a village in which the economy is primarily agricultural, many
of the activities of the residents are determined by the annual cycle
of cultivation tasks. Ceremonial life and festivals are geared to the
agricultural cycle, and these and the seasons themselves i.e. the cycle
of natural changes, determine to a great extent when certain types of

. music are performed in the village. The following paragraphs describe
the agricultural cycle and the music associated with its various phases.
The first of the twelve months in the Hindu calendrical year is
Cait, which usually begins in March. Cait is the beginning of the hot

season in Indrapur and the rest bf Northern India. Temperatures
generally range from the low fifties at night to the mid-eighties in

the afternoon. About nine o'clock in the morning the dry west wind

    
  
   
   
    
 
 

(gfi) becomes noticeable, and picks up force as the day progresses until
it begins to diminish about four o'clock in the afternoon. A
distinctive genre of recreational music, called géitg, is sung by
groups of men throughout the month. This genre is more vital in the
area east of Indrapur (Ballia District and Western Bihar). I heard
caita only on the first day of the month in Indrapur.

In April both the wind and the heat become more intense. The
villagers try to remain indoors from about eleven in the morning until
ftnir in the afternoon. The agricultural chores of this period,

harvesting, thrashing, and winnowing of the rabi crop (infra), are

 

 

 

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1:sdheduled for the evening, moonlit nights, or early morning to avoid
the severe heat and wind.

There are occasionally days when the wind blows from the east,
bringing a slight reduction in the high temperature and an increase in
humidity. Temperatures reach their peak (over one hundred degrees in
the shade and one hundred and fifteen to one hundred and twenty in the
sun) in the last half of May and early in June before the monsoon
clouds arrive to obstruct the burning rays of the sun.

There are two groups of crops in the agricultural year in Northern
India. The one called 332i, in which the major crops are wheat and
barley, is planted in October and November. The other group of crops,
called kégigh, is planted in June after the first monsoon rains, and
harvested in October and November. In Eastern Uttar Pradesh, where the
rainfall (forty inches per year) is much higher than Western Uttar
Pradesh, the main crop of this group is rice.

Generally the planting of sugar cane follows the processing of the

’ rabi crops. Unlike tasks connected with the other crops, which are

P dispatched by the farmer and paid lowscaste field labor, the planting
y and harvesting of sugar cane are often undertaken by cooperative labor
} parties consisting of men from one neighborhood, including Muslims.

The period following the winnowing of the rabi crop and planting
of sugar cane is one in which the fields require less attention. This
r agricultural period usually coincides with the month of BaisEkh (from
the last of April to the last of May). This is the most popular time

ifixr weddings, and consequently, the most musical period of the year.

 

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25

craps. Daytime temperatures are slightly lower due to the cloud cover.
Rain falls an average of four or five days a week, rendering the narrow
lanes of the village slippery and discouraging inter-village travel as
well. One type of song sung in the monsoon season is called m.
There are both men's and women's varieties. The season is generally
considered the most erotic of the year, which is reflected in the
prevalence of erotic themes in the men's songs.

Another kind of song sung in this season is called M. It is
a hymn sung to the smallpox goddess during her worship ceremonies. The
worship of the smallpox goddess probably occurs in monsoon season
because in the recent past epidemics of the diseases with which she is
associated were most frequent in this season. (This was probably due
in part to pollution of the wells by the heavy rainfall.)

The harvesting of the khariph crap and the planting of the ravi
crop are usually finished by the end of November. From December through
February, night time temperatures descend to near freezing, and most of
the people are forced to wear their blankets or shawls throughout the
day. Warming the hands over fires of dry weeds, twigs etc. becomes an
evening and early morning necessity. One of the campfire pastimes in
the evening is the M, a half sung, half recited epic. Harvesting
sugar cane and the manufacture of raw cane sugar are the chief
agricultural activities of this season.

The 223592.? season, the period culminating with the hfl festival
on the first day of Cait, begins late in January. People are generally
in high spirits at this time of year due to the onset of warmer weather
and the sight of the craps maturing in the fields. The phagua songs

are appropriately exuberant.

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Language
The language spoken by the uneducated residents of Indrapur is a

variety of Bhojpuri. According to the linguists S. K. Chatterji and

S. M. Katri (1970), Bhojpuri is the primary language in the Western
Magadhan group, the other member of this group being a dialect of
Bhojpuri spoken in the Chota Nagpur area. Chatterji and Katri estimate
that western.Magadhan is spoken by more than 20 million peOple in
Eastern Uttar Pradesh, western Bihar, and Northwest Madhya Pradesh.

The Magadhan family of languages also includes Central Magadhan, which
encompasses Maithili of North Bihar and Magahi of South Bihar; and
Eastern Magadhan, which encompasses Bengali, Assamese, and Oriya.

The businessmen, schoolteachers, other educated peOple, and those
with urban experience are also conversant in "Standard High Hindi," the
present medium of education in all schools in Uttar Pradesh. There are
extensive differences between Bhojpuri and Standard High Hindi. Phones,
phonemes, verb conjugations, noun declensions, pronouns, and lexicons
differ radically. However, many of the verb roots are the same, and
the characteristic post position of Hindi is also a feature of
Bhojpuri.

The residents of Indrapur say that "pure" Bhojpuri is not spoken
there, but is found in Ballia District, east of Ghazipur District, and
in western Bihar (the state adjoining Uttar Pradesh to the east). The
(extent of differences between dialects spoken in localities separated
Ixy'as little as twenty to thirty miles is notable. The natives have an
a;fluuism.to the effect that ”The water changes every four miles, the
language every eight." One of my informants from the village
cummplained about the difficulty he had experienced understanding the

27

local language in Ballia District where he had gone to buy an ox (a
distance of about 75 kilometers).

The languages most commonly used in song include Standard High
Hindi, Urdu, Marvari (the language of Rajputana) and Bhojpuri. Braj
Bhasha and Avadhi are found in some of the mendicants' devotional songs.
(Braj Bhasha is the language of the Mathura-Agra area and Avadhi of the
Lucknow area). Songs also demonstrate the local caste dialects, e.g.
the songs of the Camar women are said to use a dialect which differs

from that of the main settlement.

Medernization and Social Change

A detailed discussion of the effects of modernization on the
village society is not called for by the objectives of this
dissertation, but a brief sketch of the more obtrusive changes is
helpful in understanding the contexts of contemporary village music.

Technological improvements are responsible for a variety of
changes in work activities and social organization. Most of the more
substantial families have installed hand pumps inside their homes.
Some of these families have accordingly discontinued the employment of
one of their parjunias ('service castes'L the Kahgr ('water carrier'),
however, many now employ the Kahar and his wife for other purposes--
scouring pots, carrying dung to the midden, or delivering trunks to the
railway station. '

A flour mill powered by an electric motor now stands about one-
fknuih mile northwest of the village. Its services are not utilized
‘by'all, due to the inconvenient location, but now the small stone
ggrinding wheels in the homes are used much less frequently. This year

(1972) one of the larger and more progressive agriculturalists,

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28

situated one mile north of the village, installed a machine for the
thrashing of wheat, rice and barley stalks. The owners of the flour
mill installed another such machine at their mill. The use of both
machines was available to other farmers for a portion of the thrashed
grain, but the difficulty of transporting sheaves to the thrasher
discouraged most farmers from utilizing these labor-saving facilities.
(Those that did make use of the machine had to carry the sheaves there
on their heads.) There are now three tube wells around the village
used for irrigation which also save much time and labor.

The traditional village occupations of the goldsmith and the
tailor have been vitiated by mass production. Both machine-made
clothes and jewelry are now widely available. Some of these artisans,
however, continue to pursue their traditional occupations in the
bazaars. Readybmade western-style clothes are popular with young men,
and those mothers that can afford to, dress their young children in
western clothes. The advent of laundry detergent has cut into the
dhobi's work, and the razor the barber's, but both of these services
remain vital in the villages.

Communications have also improved. There are at least ten
battery-powered radios in the village. A daily newspaper published in
Varanasi is avidly read at the school by teachers and others. (The
literacy rate for Uttar Pradesh is about 34 percent; it is probably
lower in this area).

Many persons in the village, especially the teachers, have
txieyoles, facillitating travel to work in nearby villages. Fairly
convenient travel to Varanasi from Kamalpur, three and a half miles

from Indrapur, has been available via the railway for 50-60 years.

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Trips to Varanasi for religious, commercial, or recreational purposes
also allow the peOple to keep appraised of new developments--I was
asked innumerable times to eXplain the hippies now occupying houseboats
on the Ganges.

Urban migration has caused a mild scarcity of field labor and
increased wages in the area. Population pressure on the land is
intense. India's population increased by 25% from 1961 to 1971,
according to the Census Commissioner. The population density in
Ghazipur District is approximately 900 per square mile. .Many men have
no land, either because it has been previously parcelled out to other
men in the lineage or because their families did not acquire land at
the time of Zamindar Abolition. Those who are unable to find work in
or near the village, must go to the cities to earn money to support
their families and themselves. This is true fer members of all castes--
from 80 to 100 men in Indrapur.

The urban situation, where the social sanctions supplied by wives
and the older people of the village are absent, presses for the
ad0ption of modern institutions. The villagers themselves cite the
example of the modern urban hgtgl ('restaurant') in which men of higher
(as well as lower) ritual status take food without inquiring the caste
of the cook or waiter. But those who live in cities bow to the
conventions of caste discrimination when they return to the village--
at least in public life.

Thus, due in part to urban influences, rural life is becoming more
secular. Certain sacred ceremonies including the wedding are
atfinaviated; others are omitted altogether. The divine status of the

Brahman is more often disregarded. The Brahmans themselves, with

 

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exceptions, are more dependent on their fields than their ritual
services for their livelihoods. Few of the younger Brahmans are fully
trained as ritual Specialists. In private life Brahmans take kaccha
('uncooked, raw') food from persons of low ritual status, which is quite
contrary to traditional practice. The Brahman's exclusive ritual award
of the twice-born string (M) to Brahman boys at puberty (the ritual
second birth, the birth of the divine human) is observed much less
frequently than before. (It occurred once in the thirteen months I

spent in the village).

 

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CHAPTER III

WOMEN' S MUS IC

Introduction

As indicated in Chapter I, the order in which music genres are
discussed herein reflects movement on two parameters: inside to outside
and participatory to non-participatory. Women's song is the innermost
music in several respects: (a) it is sung in the home; (b) some of the
songs deal with internal, i.e. kinship relations; and (c) some of the
songs are integral parts of family rituals.

Women's song is also one of the genres of participatory music. I
emphasize the difference between participatory and non-participatory
music because of the essentially different functions they perform. In
participatory music most of the people present sing. The mutual
coordination of their individual efforts to sing together results in a
feeling of unity; it eXpresses and simultaneously builds group
SOIidarity. The separation of authoritative music specialists and a
passive audience in non-participatory music does not have this effect.

Men and women do not sing together in the village. The separate
Performance of men's and women's participatory music reflects the

general separation of male and female domains in village life.

DiViSions of Women's Songs
Several divisions of women's songs can be distinguished. One of
the most important is the songs of the wedding. In addition to
illuminating structural features, these songs constitute distinctive
Symbolic contributions to the field of wedding ritual, i.e. the songs

3a
p p 13’ constellations of meanings not evoked by other ritual actions.

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32

Certain of the songs also contribute to the maintenance of affinal and
jéjmgnapurohit ('patron-priest') relations.

After presenting songs of the wedding and showing their
relationships with the social processes in which they are embedded, I
move on to the two other kinds of women's music which have distinctive
ritual significance--songs of the mother goddess and songs sung at the
birth of a son. Ritual song as a distinct type of symbolic ritual
element is discussed at the end of this sub-section. Nemen also have
their own kinds of recreational songs which provide insights into
family relations. Following their discussion I conclude the chapter

with comments regarding the language and verbal organization of women's

songs.

Songs gf the wedding

Introduction

A number of anthropological monographs and articles discuss
marriage and kinship in North India. Description of marriage rites in
Eastern Uttar Pradesh is available in Planalp (1956). Accordingly,
only a brief outline is given here as a basis for discussion of the
wedding music. This will be followed by a classification of all music
occuring in the wedding according to musical format and ritual context.
The texts of collected wedding songs will then be presented in
mnmelation with brief descriptions of the ritual in process as they
are sung. Finally I offer a few comments on primary themes illuminated

by the songs.

 

 

 

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33

General Characteristics of Kinship and Marriage

Much of Indian social behavior can be explained with reference to
the operation of a ”hierarchic principle" (Dumont 1970). This is
manifest not only in the ranking of castes according to beliefs of
purity and pollution of their traditional occupations, and ritual
ranking of clans within the castes, but in marriage and kinship
institutions as well. It is seen in the superordination of males to
females (in contexts of kinship and marriage), bride-receivers to
bride-donors, senior to junior generations, and seniors to juniors
within generations. One of the principle themes of this section is how
the women's songs simultaneously reflect and reinforce hierarchic themes
found in affinal relations, and in life within the extended family. The
following sketch of the structure of kinship and marriage will serve as
a basis for this discussion. This is an "ideal" model, based on
practices and attitudes found most commonly among a majority of castes
in the northern zone. (The last sentence paraphrases one of Karve's,
1965. This discussion draws from Karve's at several points as well as
from vatuk, 1971.)

The basic social unit in the village, the extended family,
consists of a group of agnates, their wives, children, and often other
relatives, usually unmarried or widowed. Descent and inheritance are
patrilineal. Fission of extended families is not uncommon, but when it
occurs land generally remains undivided until the death of the father,
and separated families reside in adjoining or nearby dwellings.
Authority patterns among male agnates are correlated first with
generation, e.g. sons defer to their fathers and agnates or other

kindred of his generation. 'Within one generation authority is a matter

 

 

 

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of relative age, e.g. younger brothers must defer to their older
brothers and to older cousins related through the male line.

Marriage is endogamous within the caste and exogamous to the clan.
A girl's husband should be of a clan of higher ritual ranking and a
family which is preferably slightly wealthier than her own. A
substantial dowry commensurate with the economic status of the families
is paid to the husband's family. A man is generally two or three years
older than his wife, whose age can vary from pre—pubescent to early
twenties, depending upon caste practices and economic status.
(Wealthier girls may be sent to high school or college, in which cases
marriage or subsequent cohabitation is delayed.) Residence after
marriage is patrilocal, often with cohabitation delayed three or five
years. A distance of ten or more miles usually separates the two
families and effectively prevents casual contacts between their members.

Marriage therefore involves the introduction of a young, alien
female of a subordinate family into a superordinate household of
strangers. Her roles in all but one relationship in the family are
deferential. In the company of her husband's father, father's brothers
and father's brothers' sons she must speak only when spoken to and keep
her sari, which is worn in such a way that the end covers her head,
Imlled well down over her face. She should speak to her husband only
in private. She is not allowed out of the house and inner courtyard in
daylight hours. She must defer to the older women of the household,
ikfllow their commands, and perform personal services for them. Soon
afler her arrival she will be expected to perform a large share of the
liousehold tasks. Only with her husband's younger brother does she have

an informal, symmetrical relationship.

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There is often enmity between a woman and her husband's sisters.
Her husband's sisters are critical of the behavior of the affinal
newcomer (Karve 1965:137) and may foist their work on her.

There is extreme psychological pressure on a wife to produce a
son. His birth perpetuates the agnatic line and he performs essential
rites at the death of his father. (There is a genre of songs for
celebration of the birth of a son. Cf p. 95) A woman's status in her
conjugal home remains low until she gives birth to a son. Failure to do
so traditionally resulted in a man's taking a co—wife, but this is
infrequent today. The birth of a daughter is not joyously celebrated.
Daughters always leave their natal homes; their dowry is a burden to
their families. They are treated with affection but this is tempered
with the idea that the daughter is an impermanent member of the family.

Enmity also exists between a wife and her husband's mother. The
mother has nearly unlimited authority to exact services from the new
bride. (The overebearing mother-in—law is a theme in many women's songs.
Cf p. llh) But after a wife bears sons and matures, she increasingly
assumes not only'the mother's authority in the household, but some of
the mother's affection and support roles towards her (the young wife's)
husband.

A young girl's status in her conjugal family contrasts with her
status in her natal family. In her natal home she has freedom of
movement in the village and, if there are brothers' wives in the family,
fewer chores. After marriage, in addition to assuming a lower status
and heavier work load, she is expected to shift her loyalty to her
husband's family and to accept the companionship of the women in the

house. The distance separating the two households and the bride's

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36

young age facilitate her socialization in her new family. Several four
to six month visits in her natal home during the first years of marriage
serve to ease the adjustment. Divorce is very infrequent among all but
untouchable castes.

Marriage also creates an important relationship between two
families. This relationship is asymmetrical: Members of the bride's
family must play the role of giver and ritual subordinate and the
groom's family that of receiver and superordinate. For example, when a
man visits his wife's natal home (usually only to return with her to
his home), her father must present him with cash, jewelry or clothing,
and the best of hospitality. A woman's father avoids her husband's
village if possible, but if it is necessary that he go there he must
take gifts for her husband, and will not accept hospitality of any sort
from his family. But the bond between the two families augments the
prestige of both and serves as the medium of reciprocal loans.

The difficulties which arise as a result of a woman's changing
family membership, the nature of the relationship between affinally
related families, and the marriage ceremony itself constitute important
themes in women's songs.

Typology of Wedding Music

Women's songs are only one division of the total body of wedding
music. In the following typology, all types of wedding music are
correlated with the rites they accompany. Informants do not
conceptualize the music of the wedding in this systemetized fashion,
but the scheme is largely reflected in the indigenous terminology of
local music.

1. Women's songs. The women of the nuptial families sing at the
wedding rites which occur at their own homes. It is also

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customary for the women of the bridal purohit's family to sing
in the weddings which he performs, if their home is not too
distant. women' 5 wedding songs can be subdivided into: (a)
songs which are sung only at the specific rite, e. g. the songs
of haldi and vivah; (b) sa un, which are sung for recreation
in the evenings prior to the vivah. Sagun are also sung in
the rites, ideally after such songs as are sung only in
connection with that rite; (c) all, which are generally
obscene insult songs sung in the Vivah and other rites in and
outside the wedding.

2. Entertainment. There are several kinds of music which may be
used to entertain the wedding guests, e.g. kavvali and birha
(see Chapter VI).

3. Agrezi bald ('English band'). A band leads the barat ('the
groom's party' ) to the home of the bride and sometimes
entertains there, often accompanying performances by a female—
impersonating dancer.

4. Daphala. This is a band composed of from three to five persons
of the Camar or other lower caste playing a large, shallow
single-headed drum (daphala) and other percussion_ instruments.

It is used to lead women's processions in pre-vivah rites and
in place of English bands by poorer families.

Wedding Songs in their Ritual Contexts

The wedding is the paramount social event of the Hindu family.
Not only does it mark the establishment of useful and important
relations between the two families, but it is a prime occasion for the
assertion of the prestige of both families by means of the
opportunities for display of wealth it provides, e.g. the quality of
food served, band and entertainment hired, and accommodations provided.
The wedding also provides the occasions for payments to parjunia

('clients') which constitute an eXpected part of their income from

jajmans ('patrons').l

 

1” A jajman is a landholder who "employs" various parjunia: usually a
Brahman--' priest'; Dhobi--'clotheswasher'; Lohar--' carpenter—
blacksmith'; Nau--'barber'; and Kahar--' water carrier'.

Compensation includes shares of harvests, and cooked food, cash,
and clothing on major festivals and certain ceremonial occasions
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The series of wedding rites constitutes the most comprehensive
occurrence of symbolic activity in the rural scene. 'Wedding songs are
cme division of this symbolic activity. In order to examine the social
and cultural implications of the wedding songs, the relationship between
the songs and their social and ritual contexts must be shown. The
relationship in some cases is rather general, but in many of the rites
it is Specific. Song texts are therefore integrated, in the following
paragraphs, with brief descriptions of the salient aspects of rites in
process as the songs are sung. (The rites and phases within the rites
are presented in the order in which they occurred in Indrapur.) A
discussion of social and cultural themes demonstrated by the songs and

their singing follows the presentation of songs and ritual.

Preliminary Rites and li_1_ak
It is the sacred duty of a Hindu father to arrange for the
marriage of his daughters. 'With the help of kinsmen in his biradari
('the body of caste-members within an area who through a caste assembly
cn'informal organization constrain the behavior of members'), he must
first locate a young man of suitable education and financial prospects.
A."good personality” is also important. His family should be of
:flightly higher ritual and economic standing than the family of the
girl. The potential groom's family is approached and if they find the
tnide's family satisfactory and the amount of the dowry offered
acceptable, the mohits ('family priests') then set an auspicious date
1' or the marriage.
After these preliminaries a number of rites are held in the homes
of the bride and groom. The first of these is M ('dowry')’. This

is also the first of the wedding rites which includes music. The

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39

bride's father goes to the home of the groom with a party consisting of
selected biradari and his barber. They must be accorded the best
hospitality the groom's father can muster, including sweetmeats, tea,
pan, cigarettes, and bhégg} if desired. The groom's purohit performs a
ritual in which the dowry payment is made, and composes the laganpatrika
('the marriage contract document stating the names of the bride and
groom and their fathers, and when and where the wedding is to take
place'). The bride's father must give the groom and his brothers small
amounts of cash, and the groom's father a jgggfi ('loop of string worn
to symbolize twice-born status'). The groom's father gives the bride's
father cash for the compensation of the accompanying parjunia. The men
also negotiate expenditures for band and entertainment, and articles of
jewelry which the groom's family will give the bride.

At the end of the meal served to the bride's father and party, the
women of the groom's family, concealed behind a 233g; ('curtain'), sing
the songs called gél:, Gali generally means either verbal abuse or a
song of abuse, but some of the songs called gali are not abusive-_they
are given that name because the social context in which they are sung,
is, by the usual metonymic practice,2 called gali. Gali, which is
found at many of those points in the wedding where men from outside and
women of the family are participants, will be discussed at the end of
‘Ufis sub-section.

Reactions of the men to the abuse songs are generally good-

rmtured. A member of the barat wittier than the rest may attempt a

_l

l. The chief ingredient of bhang is Cannabis indica, the South Asian
variety of marijuana.

.2. As is the case with many of the rites, the name of one central item
in the rite is used to refer to the entire rite. This is a kind of

Inetonymy.

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humorous retort to the hidden women. Here are four songs recorded at a
post—tilak gali session:
1. Tilak
l. Arise, citizens of India, arise!
Touch the feet of Gandhi!
2. How long will you sleep, how long will you sleep?
From now on be attentive.

3. What of the thread of the spinning wheel, what of the thread of the

spinning wheel
concentrate on the homeSpun cotton
#. Leave the study of English, leave the study of English
Concentrate on Hindi,
5. Munificent Siv Sakar munificent Siv Sakar
the trident installed in his hand

6. In his hand the beautifully adorned damaru,l in his hand the
beautifully adorned damarfi

his forehead adorned with the sandlewood paste

7. He eats little balls of bhang. he eats little balls of bhang

he sits on the back of the ox

8. Around his throat a necklace of skulls, around his threat a necklace

of skulls

the trident installed in his hand

Cbmmentary: This song was clearly a bhajan adapted to accommodate

(mndhi as a new deity. It is an example of the similarity in cognative
status given to both royalty and divinity which makes possible the more
general substitution of nationalism for religion (see Chapter VI). The
Spinning wheel symbolizes the anti—British movement. In the nineteen—

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41

twenties Gandhi indicted the British for extracting raw cotton at cheap
rates from India and selling British-made cloth back to India at a high
profit. Gandhi promoted the use of the spinning wheel and the
establishment of c00peratives where homespun cotton thread could be
exchanged for cloth and garments manufactured from such thread.

2. Tilak
1. Time after time I forbad you, Ram Dharah Singh
2. I Kept forbidding you not to buy the red jhinaval
3. She wears jhinava, that where Murat's sister
4. Her pubic hair shows through
Commentary: The name in line 1 is that of a member of the bride's
family. The name in line 3 is that of a member of the groom's father's
party. In repetitions of the song the names of other men of the
apprOpriate families are substituted.

3. Tilak
l. The green ninu'a2 planted on the bank of the river are colorful

3

2. The sister of Sacata has to go on her gauna and there is no one to
take her

3. A libertine like our RAm Nath came to take her

4. Standing on a fine cot she begs him to kiss her and ram it in hard

Commentary: This song is typical of the abusive gali. On this
particular occasion about half of the gali sung were abusive. The
names are introduced as in the previous song.

4. Tilak
1" When I learned before, when I learned before

2. I made very fine food, sir

1» A translucent material.

2. 'Zukini squash.' The possible sexual symbolism was not mentioned
by informants.

3- 'The departure of the bride to her husband's home for her first
'period of residence there.’

 

 

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42

. When Krishna Kanhaiya when Krishna Kanhaiya

3
4. I kept fanning him with a wonderful fan
5. When I learned before sir, when I learned before
6

. I kept the water vessel full

Commentary: This song enumerates customary forms of hospitality,
perhaps to remind the guests that they were receiving the kind of
hospitality accorded to the most royal of guests.

Urdi Chuna

The next rite in the series is observed at both the bride's and
the groom's homes on dates fixed by their purohits. At each home five
sadhava women ('women whose husbands are alive') gather to sing for the
first time, in connection with that particular wedding, the songs
called sagun. As they sing they winnow some ugdi. ('horse bean'--
.Elgiéuiéhlé5.2§§£§r"t° jiggle or shake'). This is the chief among a
number of ritual activities. The women must all face in the direction
deemed auspicious by the purohit as they sing and shake the winnowing
basket. After they have sung five saguns the women of the host family
rub oil into the hair of the sadhava women and apply vermillion to their
foreheads. (vermillion so applied symbolizes that the woman is
sadhava; a woman wears it from the time she is married until she or her
husband dies.)

The gathering of these neighboring women to confer their blessings
upon the bride or groom by rite and song serves to call to the
attention of the neighborhood the approaching rite of passage, a rite
which brings a change in the status of the family as well as the bride

or groom.

 

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43

There is no apparent relationship between the ritual of urdi chuna
and the topics of the saguns, although about two—thirds of the saguns
pertain to some aspect of marriage. Ideally women sing saguns every
night after this until the vivah. The context of the evening sessions
is informal. In both the bride's and groom's villages, the women of
the neighborhood gather at the apprOpriate house after the evening meal.
This is an inter—caste affair, then-—if there are neighbors of other
castes. I never observed Muslim women at these sessions; I don't know
whether they are specifically prohibited. (Untouchable castes do not
live in the main settlement of the village.)

The several sagun sessions I attended were held at the home of a
Lohar groom. Most of the songs were led by a Brahman woman about fifty
years of age who knew and could sing an extraordinary number of songs
without pauses due to forgotten words. There were sometimes pauses in
the procedings as the women tried to remember what other songs there
were to sing. Literacy was advantageous in such a situation: one
educated girl in another neighborhood kept a notebook containing the
titles and some of the texts of the songs she knew.

The other women there--from Lohar, Kalvar,IlnfiIi,and other Brahman
families, would join the singing when they knew the songs. Songs were
terminated if no one joined in. Some songs were sung by only the
younger girls. I was told that these were songs learned from the cheap
newsprint booklets sold at fairs. Such songs are set to common folk
tunes or the tunes of film music.

As mentioned above, saguns are also sung in other of the wedding
rites, ideally after such songs as are sung only in connection with

that rite.

 

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Here are selected saguns:

5. Sagun
Krishna came to the engagement, girls, everyone came to dance
The wedding pole made of wretched 525331}
The wedding canopy made of pan leaves, girls, everyone came to dance
The groom made of a wretched banana
The bride made of an orange, girls, everyone came to dance
The léhlé? made of a pumpkin
The sahnai3 made of a wretched ninua, girls, everyone came to dance
The groom's party goes, (they are) wretched potatoes
Fanned with wretched radishes, girls, everyone came to dance
The bed covered with wretched greens

A pillow of laukiu lay on it.

Commentary: This is the only nonsense song among all of the songs I
collected. It is probably a parody. Four of the objects named could
be considered phallic symbols, but such an interpretation was never
made by singers or other informants.

6. Sagun

In the middle of the bank of the Januma my L515 snatched the
The women of Vraj go towards the bank of the Jamuna to fill water

In the middle of this Krishna appears and forcefully snatched the

 

A long, slender, light green cucumber.

A kind of drum commonly used in Hindustani classical music.

A double read wind instrument sounding somewhat like an oboe.

A large green squash, about 5 inches in diameter and 16 inches long.

1.

ornaments
2.

vessels
3.

ornaments from me
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.

Lil is a term of endearment which a mother uses to address her son.
It is also an epithet of Krishna.

 

 

 

 

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45

He ate my curds, broke the vessel that was on my head, and floated

the carrying ring in the Jamuna

He took the clothes (of the women) and climbed and sat in the kadam1

tree
We were naked in the water, my Lal snatched the ornaments

In exchange for the clothes we gave a yellow silk cloth when we

came from the water
You then are Lal, Nanda Baba's,
I am the daughter of Brsbhan
Whenever you meet Krishna in the lane, he pinches your cheeks
Wearing a lotus leaf, Radha came out
Krishna clapped, my Lal snatched the ornaments
Restrain your child, Mother Jasoda
He roughs me up, my Lal snatched the ornaments
Just now Lal plays in the lane
When did he abuse you, you don't admonish him

He shouts from the direction of the brush, my Lal snatched the

ornaments.

Commentary: These episodes from Krishna's life were originally told in
the Bhagavata Purana. They probably filtered into folksong via the
vernacular bhakti poets such as Surdas.

7. Sagun

What a mistake have I made, husband, that you are giving me so much
trouble?

Have I spoiled the food, husband, did I put in too little salt?

Have I spoiled the food, husband, did I put in too little bay leaf?

 

The tree Neculea cadamba.

 

 

 

 

 

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46

4. Did I use too little perfume, husband, that you are giving me so

much trouble?
. Have I spoiled the pan, husband?

5
6. Have I spoiled the catechu, husband?
7. Have I spoiled the bed, husband?

8

. Did you sleep too little?

Commentary: The language of this song was not the language of this
region, Bhojpuri, in which most of the songs are sung. An informant
said it was a dialect from Western Uttar Pradesh or Rajasthan. He also
said that songs such as this actually have a didactic function in
warning the bride of marital situations she might face.
8. Sagun

1. Order me a lime colored sari, dear

Without wearing one my heart can't be satisfied
2. Have a room built, have an ataril built

Have them cut a little window in it, dear
3. Without peeping out my heart can't be satisfied
4. ‘Without seeing my heart can't be satisfied
5. Order me a lime colored sari, dear

Without wearing one my heart can't be satisfied
6. Have a grove planted, have a garden planted
7. Have a little lemon tree planted
8. Without plucking (them) my heart can't be satisfied
Commentary: None of my informants seemed to think the last line was a
sexual allusion. The "acquisitive wife" theme is not uncommon (cf.

Majumdar 1958: 310-312). Lime-colored saris were in vogue about twenty
years ago, according to informants.

 

1. Meaning unknown.

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47

9. Sagun

1. My husband having become a member of Congress party, I will not

stay alive
2. I will not live; he will not eat the carefully prepared food
. Without self rule he will not come to the door

. I will not live, he will not drink from the water pot

3
4
5. ‘Without self rule, he will not come into the courtyard
6. ‘Without self rule, he will not eat pan

7

. Without self rule, he will not sleep on the bed.

Commentary: This song dates from the early l9fi05, when to be a member
of the Congress party was to be a revolutionary. At that time the
Congress Party was leading an often violent anti-British independence
movement. Surajavi in line 3 is the Bhojpuri corruption of the Hindi
svaraj--'self rule'. The structure of the song is much like that of
Song 7--each line is a repetition of a basic theme with one or two
words changed. The song was probably adapted from an older form.

10. Sagun
1. Such a wondrous boy has come, of a rich family

2. Your crown is worth lakhs, the fringe of the crown is worth

thousands
3. Your wedding trousers are worth lakhs, your robe worth thousands
#. Your shoes worth lakhs, your socks worth thousands

5. The bride worth lakhs, the veil thousands

Commentary: This song in praise of the groom shows the concern of the
women with the high quality of his dress and ornaments. The hyperbole
is reminiscent of that used to describe the wedding of Sita and Rama
in the Ram Charit Mamas (the Hindi Ramayana). Arya also collected a
version of this song in Surinam (1968:80).

_

1" Many of the 34,000 Indian emigrants to Surinam were from this (the
Bhojpuri—speaking) region. Arya's work, Ritual Songs and Folksongs
2£H§hg'Hindus of Surinam (1968) includes texts (primarily of
Bhojpuri songsy: some description of the ritual contexts in which
they are sung, and discussion of the continuities between certain
formal aspects of the song texts and Sanskrit literature. I discuss
Arya's interpretation of the ritual importance of song on p. 105.

 

 

 

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48

ll. Sagun

1. It has become a habit, father, it has become a habit (this is the

refrain)
2. He chants the name of Ram, father

3. The fine food make in the golden thalil, Prahalad will not eat the
fine food, father (refrain)

#. Burn him in the fire, press him down in water, tie him to a post

5. I have put water from the Himalya mountains in the vessel

he will not drink the water, father (refrain)

6. I fasten his pan leaf with cloves
Prahalad will not chew the pan leaf, father (refrain)

V

I put flowers on his bed
Prahalad will not sleep on the bed (refrain)

Commentary: The story upon which this song is built is that of
Hirankascyp and Prahalad, one of the myths which rationalize the Holi
celebration (cf;Marriott 1968 and Dawson 1972). An informant from
Punjab said that she had heard the song many times and thought that it
is found in most of North India.

Haldi

The ceremony'called.hgldi or hardi(dturmeric')is performed in the
bride's and groom's homes on a date fixed by the purohits. Women from
the neighborhood are again involved. In addition to rubbing the body
of the bride or groom with a turmeric-mustard seed oil mixture (thought
to render the skin smooth and lustrous), they perform cumavan, in which
each takes a stem of gfib grass in each hand and touches the bride's or
gmxmfls feet, knees, chest and shoulders, ending by making a circle
ammmd his or her head. Cumavan is considered a personal blessing of

the nuptial person (paraphrased from Planalp in Lewis 1958:173).

k

l. A large circular brass tray in which food is served.

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49

The bride and groom enter what Turner and Van Gennep would call a
”liminal condition." They are not allowed to bathe, to work, or to
approach well or fire. Van Gennup calls this condition the first phase
in a rite of passage--the phase of separation. This

”comprises symbolic behavior signifying the detachment of the

individual or group either from an earlier fixed point in the

social structure or a set of cultural conditions . . . during

the intervening liminal period, the state of the ritual

subject . . . is ambiguous; he passes through a realm that

has few or none of the attributes of the past or coming

state . . ." (Turner 1969:94).

During the turmeric rubbing the women sing the following two songs:
12. Haldi
l. Koirin koirinl, you are a great queen

From where have you produced the turmeric today?

2. RW'Radhika Devi2 so tender cannot bear the harshness of the turmeric
3. Telin telinB, you are a great queen

From where have you produced the mustard seed oil today?

4. IMy Radhika Devi so tender cannot bear the harshness of the mustard
seed oil

Commentary: I thought this song had an unusually pretty tune. This
may explain why even some of my'male informants could sing it, and why
it was one of the few songs in Planalp's (1956) text which, although
detailed in many other respects, includes few songs. Sympathy for the
bride expressed in referring to her 'tenderness' is also found in

Song 31.

13. Haldi
la The girl I saw playing, mother, I see seated on the flour design
2. I see a beautiful flour design, mother (2X)

k

1" ‘Wife of a Koiri ('vegetable cultivator caste')
2. Name of the bride
3. 'Wife of a Teli ("Oil presser caste')

 

 

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3. 0h mother, I don't know when the barber's wife plasteredl

I don't know 2

. I see a pretty pot, I see a pretty pot

4
5. Oh mother, I don't know when the potter made it, I don't know
6. I see a pretty plow shaft, I see a pretty plow shaft

7

. 0h mother, I don't know when the Lohar made it or when he cut it
8. I see a pretty bride, I see a pretty bride

9. Oh mother, I don't know when the god made her or when she was born

Commentary: This song acknowledges the liminal condition of the bride—
to-be by contrasting the image of her as a girl playing with the
ritually detached figure seated on the flour design, who seems to have
lost her identity i.e. her "state" has become ambiguous. (I don't know
when the god made her or when she was born').

Arya maintains that songs such as these which are sung in rites
not officiated by purohits constitute ”ritual formulae” comparable with
the mantras of purohits (1968:12). This concept was never expressed by
native informants, nor did I observe any action indicating that the
songs were attributed any efficacy, which is themost important
attribute of mantra.

14. Haldi
1. I didn't get a husband as rasili as I
2. His hair is not as pretty as mine

3. I didn't get a tilakl+ as pretty as my forehead

4. His complexion is not as good as mine

Commentary: Unlike the two preceding songs, this is a sagun and is not
associated specifically with this rite. This is another of those songs
that warn the bride of possible disappointments.

 

1. This refers to the process of purifying an area of ground or floor
by sweeping it with cow dung plaster, which picks up the dust and
ritually purifies the area.

2. ‘My regular informants could not comprehend these utterances which
I inadvertantly failed to check with the original singers.

3. Literally, 'juicy‘. According to the native esthetic it might be
crudely translated 'healthyelooking and vibrant.‘

4. Forehead ornament worn by women.

 

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There are a number of other important rites on the day when the
turmeric is first applied including: preparation and consecration, at
the bride's home, of the EEQEE. ('the canOpy under which major wedding
rites are held') and the kohabar, the ritually designated room in which
wedding items are stored and some of the wedding rites are performed;
erection of a ceremonial pole at the groom's home; and rites performed
by the neighborhood women and the mother of the nuptial person which
secure the blessings of various aspects of the mother goddess (explained
below). The last activity involves processions to a well and a tank
which, as with all women's processions, are occasions for singing. The

songs sung are saguns.

§it£g_Nevatin§

On the day of the vivah at the bride's home, and on the evening
before the departure of the barat at the groom's home, there is a rite
called 21333 nevatina ('invitation of ancestors'). The women of the
household invoke the ancestors into a clay dish on a stove built from
clay brought from the tank in the urdi chuna rite. The invocation is a
song which the women of the family sing in which the names of three
generations of ancestors are enumerated.l

In the rite called kohara ki_p§ti ('leaves of the sweet pumpkin'),
which follows the rite described above, the groom and other unmarried
boys and the bride and other unmarried girls eat from leaves of the
kohara in their respective homes. Rites are performed which again

symbolize the changing statuses of the bride and groom (cf.Planalp

 

1" Song is also used to invoke supernatural entities by the jha
('shaman') in the curing and divining rites he performs. In this
case the spirit invoked is an aspect of the mother goddess. (See p.89)

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52

1956:488). After the groom eats, the rest of the biradari is served
rice. ‘Wealthier families or those wishing to give the impression of

wealth may invite all those men who will comprise the barat.

132‘s}.

On the morning of the departure of the barat the 'English band'
hired by the groom's father for the occasion comes to the home of the
groom. As with many other material aspects of the marriage rites, e.g.
entertainment, food served, and accommodations, the quality of the band
used depends on the wealth of the nuptial families and their desire to
assert their prestige. The 'English band' is the most prestigious kind
of musical group used in this context. There are also the daphala band
mentioned by Planalp in his 1956 account; the ééhg§i_band of the
Banaras area (géhgéi,is a simple double reed horn with a sound like
that of an oboe); and various motley amalgamations of drums, woodwinds,
bagpipes, bagpipe chanters, and miscellaneous EurOpean wind instruments.

Led by the band, the women of the family and their neighbors,
singing saguns, proceed through the village to the grain-parching ovens
of the family's'§§£. (Gor is the name of the caste whose traditional
occupation is grain parching,) (The women's singing and the band's
playing are often simultaneous.) Here one or several of the women
dance to the music of the band, and the Gor gives them the léyé.
('parched rice') made from grain which had been brought to her on the
day of haldi. The group returns to the home of the groom, where the
lava andypigh§.('the board seat upon which the groom sits during the
wedding rites') are consecrated in a brief puja. The barat will take
these items, along with a pot containing water from the groom's bath

of that morning, to the wedding ceremony. Cumavan is again performed,

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53

with the appropriate songs, and the groom is fed curds (an auspicious
food) and raw cane sugar.

‘Wearing a special costume for the wedding, the groom rides in a
palanquin with a younger brother. Several men eXplained this with
reference to the Ramayana, in which Ram is accompanied on his journey
and in his wedding by Laksman, his younger brother. The groom carries
a white onion in his pocket to protect him from the ;§ ('a seasonal hot
west wind'). Kahars generally carry the palanquin. Led by the band
and followed by the women, they carry the groom to the edge of the
village, where the mother of the groom performs a pggggg_('a kind of
worship') by revolving a pestle over his head.

This is another occasion in which one or two of the women dance,
encouraged by the others, to the music of the band. As with the
gathering at the ovens of the Gor, there are, in accordance with purdah
restrictions, no men present, except those in the band. (The
institutional correlate of this is the female impersonator who fills
the role of "dancing woman" in most public performances). The dancer
moves in a circle. There are many stylistic idiosyncracies, but V
generally the torso is upright and relaxed, the hips oscillating grace-
fully as the feet perfOrm tight, almost mincing steps. The more
sophisticated dancers learn to use their hands, eyes, and head
expressively, in a manner reminiscent of classical Indian dance styles,
seeming to mime a woman coyly communicating with her lover.

After the dancing the groom's mother showers the collected women
and children with coins, for which there is a mad scramble. The women
return to their homes and the Kahars carry the palanquin off towards
the village of the bride.

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The barat members may ride their bicycles or take public
transportation or a chartered bus if the distance is great. The groom
generally travels by palanquin, although wealthy families hire a taxi

for the transportation of the groom and his brother and father.

The barat, band, and members of the bride's family await the
arrival of the groom on the edge of the village. If the families
involved are wealthy there may be what I interpreted as a mock charge
after the groom has arrived. In the one such event I observed, the
groom's party formed a line facing the line of the bride's party, which
was about thirty yards away, facing away from the village. Esteemed
members of the groom's party were, on this occasion, mounted on
elephants (according to informants, the auspicious symbols of Ganesh,
the elephant-headed son of Siva and the deity who ensures the success
of new endeavor, but here also symbolic of the role of conqueror, which
surfaces at several points in the wedding rites). These baratis fired
their shotguns, at which the elephants charged at full tilt towards the
bridal line. The barat then followed the band to the bride's home. In
most cases upon the arrival of the groom the band merely leads the
procession to the bridal home. As they approach, the women of the
house sing from the veranda. The singing usually coincides with the
playing of the band and is thus heard only intermittently by anyone but
the women themselves. The scene is one of great excitement and chaos,
both augmented by the scores of screaming children who converge to see
the spectacle and hear the band,

The following songs were recorded at an actual wedding. Their

fragmentary nature is due in part to the noisy conditions and in part

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55

to the fact that the women occasionally forget words and run songs

together.
15. Dvar Puja

1. What group gets down under the mango and tamarind trees,
the shade as cool as that of the kadam1

2. Because of your sacrifice, grandfather, we searched out a groom
like Raja Bali2

3. A crown installed upon the head of the groom

He comes to the door like Raja Bali

Commentary: The royal status given to the groom in this song is
expressed in song and ritual throughout the wedding rites. It shows
that the women are culturally expected to revere the groom. They may
also resent him, as expressed in later songs. This song stands alone
in the wedding as an expression of gratitude. The sacrifice of the
grandfather (and thus the extended family of which he is the nominal
head) in searching out a groom i.e. in arranging for the girl's
marriage, is recognized.

16. Dvar Puja

1. Lo 16 10 la he comes to the home of the bride's father

2. The handsome groom comes to the home of the bride's father

17. Dvar Puja
1. Hey groom, grow a good mustache
2. Apply the color of the bhagara3

3. , (11 people of Mardapur, shine the lights, the thieves of Dudhaura

come

4. Thieves of mothers, thieves of sisters, the thieves of Dudhaura

come

 

1. The tree flgculea cadamba.

2. ”A good and virtuous Daitya king,” who among other things defeated
Indra. He was the son of Prahalad (Dowson 1972:42). 7

3. A kind of plant unknown by informants.

 

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56

Commentary: This is another of the several references to conquest and
bride seizure which occur in the wedding. The theme is discussed at
the end of this section.

18. Dvar Puja

1. You shouted that you would bring elephants; you didn't bring
elephants!

2. Fuck your sister; you didn't bring elephants!
3. You come to ravish the bride!
4. You shouted that you would bring a band; you didn't bring a band!
Commentary: This song insults the groom's family by calling them
miserly liars. The presence of elephants or horses and band are signs
to the bride's village and other observors and participants of the
economic status of the groom's family and thereby the bride's family.
Their absence is an affront to the bride's family and robs it of
prestige.

19. Dvar Puja
1. When the barat forms a crowd at the door

2. Hit! Hit the target!
Commentary: This is another reference to the conquest theme.

After the bride's mother perfbrms a parcan and she and the bride's
sisters give ritualized blessings, the 923$.EEJE ('worship at the
door') is performed. On a small area which has been ritually purified
by sweeping with cow dung and water, a design (gggk) has been drawn
with flour.1 Here the purohit leads the bride's father and groom
through a puja. The barat is then led to the area in which lines of

cots have been placed for lounging and sleeping, where they receive the

 

l. A cauk sanctifies the ground, converting it into a sacred place for
the duration of the ceremony (Arya 1968:14).

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57

best refreshments the bride's family can manage and are entertained by
a musical group. Later in the evening a meal is served to the barat.

Then, at about midnight, the vivah is performed.

Mara

Before the vivah the barber's wife, who is the bride's chief
attendant, washes the bride using some of the water from the groom's
bath (brought by the barat). This ”symbolizes the first intimate
contact between the couple" (Planalp 1956:504). The bride's Eéflé.
('classificatory'mother's brother') presents gifts to the bride's
mother and her parjunia. The women may address a few gali to him.

The women of the bride's family and neighborhood always sing in
the vivah. If the bridal purohit lives nearby, women from his family
may also attend and sing. The groups do not often sing together. The
gali is generally, but not always, the product of the bride's female
relatives. The presence of the Brahman women is considered auspicious.
They are rewarded with token payments (called daksina, the same term
given to the payments made to a Brahman priest) by the bride's family.
The groom's father must make a token payment to the bride's female
relatives and party who sing.

After the barat is seated in the mandap, a purohit performs the
puja of the presiding deities. The groom's side presents ornaments and
clothing to the bride as the women sing:

20. Vivah

1. You have brought borrowed ornaments and are causing them to

glitter in my mandap

2. Elder brother of the groom, you fuck your sister

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58
(Scannuentary: Here we again see the accusations of miserliness and deceit.

21. Vivah
3.. 'The groom took the box of ornaments and came into the mandap

23. lie came, the groom came, the groom took the box of vermillion and

came into the mandap

:3. He came, the groom came, the groom took the gold and silver and

came into the mandap

Lt. He came, the groom came, the groom came into the mandap with great

pomp and show.

CCummentary: This is one of the songs which contains only description
of'the ritual activity, suggesting that the occasion is a momentous one
for the women.

After the ornaments are consecrated by the purohit, everyone
Scrutinizes them and the purohit enumerates each item aloud. Attention
t1Jen shifts to the groom's older brother (referred to by the bride as
Eflagggg). The women sing:

22. Vivah
. The bhasur has a nose like a cilam
- He stares at my daughter in the mandap

1.
2
3- The bhasur has long, long legs
4. These legs stride into my mandap
5

. The teeth of the bhasur split big chunks of wood

The bhasur then performs a particularized worship of the bride
involving many ritual offerings. Informants always said that this is
the only time he touches the bride (their relationship is normatively

one of avoidance). As the groom and his father sit near the purohit,

the women are singing:

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23. Vivah
1. Mother asks Supher, the groom: "Why are you smeared looking?"
2. Your mother slept under a palm tree; you are that very color
3. Your mother slept with a dog; you are black like that
4. Mother asks Supher, the groom: "Why do you bark like that?"
5

. Your mother slept with a wolf; you bark just like that

24. Vivah
1. In the upper room the groom adjusts the crown
2. There the groom's mother supplicates the sun deity
. Don't let anyone put the evil eye on my groom
. Today don't let anyone put the evil eye on the groom and bride

. In the upper room the groom adjusts the ornaments

3
h
5
6. There the groom's father's sister supplicates the sun deity
7. In the upper room the groom adjusts the wedding garment

8. There the groom's sister supplicates the sun deity

9. In the upper room the groom adjusts his dhotil

10. There the groom's father's brother's wife supplicates the sun deity
Commentary: This is a sagun. It is indicative of the mothers' fears
of mishap on this important occasion and the usual mode of response to
such fears--worship of a deity considered capable of providing
protection.

25. Vivah

1. Look at the crown. Don't forget, mister, that the crown is

borrowed

2. The groom is of a whore; the bride is of a faithful woman

 

l. A men's skirt-like garment, part of which is passed between the
thighs and tucked in behind.

 

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60

3. Look at the bracelet. Don't forget, mister, that the bracelet is

borrowed

Commentary: Here the accusation of deceit is coupled with one of
immorality, a common strategy in gali. Informants said that a
dishonorable family might give the bride ornaments belonging to women
of the family which would be taken back from the bride when she came to
live with the groom.

The groom takes sgkalp ('resolve'), declaring to the gods his
intention of marrying. The bride's father seats the groom and worships
him with ritual offerings. Informants pointed out that this treatment
is worthy of a raja. It symbolizes the ascendency of the groom's
family to the bride's in all relations. The groom dons the new yellow
dhoti given to him by the bride's father. The women sing:

26. Vivah
1. Put on the lower and upper garments sewn by your Muslim father
2. Put on the dhoti spun by a concubine, son of a whore
3. Put on the dhoti spun by a concubine, son of a rich man
Commentary: Here we see how a sung eXpression may contradict a
simultaneous ritual expression in another medium. The contradicting
eXpressions of groomaworship and groom-abuse reflect the ambiguity with
which the affinal relationship is regarded. There followed a gali

ridiculing the appearance of the groom in a manner much like that of
Song 22.

The purohits start the havan fire and release the ancestral
spirits from the captivity of the clay dishes. This is called ggfigg_
£§£ ('the calling of the clan'). The bride re-enters and she and the
groom again worship the gods. Because of the importance of the themes
of the next three songs, they are discussed together at the end of this

section.

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27. Vivah
1. God Ram has brought them together
2. The barber found the groom, the Brahman reckoned the day
3. Burn the barber's beard! Burn the Brahman's books!
h. Oh, father has taken great advantage of me, Mother

5. Oh, how can I curse him enough, Mother?

28. Vivah
1. What kind of grahan} obtains from evening to morning?
2. What kind of grahan obtains when half the night is passed?
. What kind of grahan obtains in the mandap?
. When will the sun come?

3
4
5. What kind of grahan obtains at four in the morning?
6. Oh, the grahan of the sun obtains from evening to morning
7

. The grahan of the moon daughter obtains in the mandap when half the
night is passed

8. In the morning the sun will come

The next stage is called kanyadan ('the gift of the virgin
daughter'). The father announces to the gods that he is giving his
daughter. The purohit places the bride's hands together palms up on
the similarly held hands of her father, and the groom's hands likewise
upon hers. Then the purohit places various ritual items in the groom's
hands, and the bride's brother pours water over the layers of hands and

ritual objects. The women are singing:

 

1. Grahan (the Hindi word for the Bhojpuri garahanava) refers to the
eclipse of sun or moon which is, according to mythology (the Vishnu
Purana and perhaps elsewhere), the seizure and swallowing of the
sun or moon by the demon-god Rahu (Dowson pp. 114:252-3). IMy
informant suggested that kast ('distress') was the gloss needed in
this context.

62

29. Vivah
1. Oh brother Dasarat Ram, don't stop the flow of water
2. If the flow is broken your sister will become angry
3. Brother Dasarat Ram, don the bow and arrow

#. Oh brother, your sister's husband will surely come, he will fight
with you on the battlefield

5. My brother fought all day but he lost in the evening

6. Oh he loses Tila Devi, his sister; Supher the groom has won

7. Ho brother Dasarat Ram, what thoughts have you forgotten

8. Brother you have not lost cows or oxen, you have lost your sister
9. Oh it is good to forget about sister Tila Devi

lO. Cows and oxen are our wealth, brother; sisters that of another
Commentary: The themes of family conquest and bride seizure are again
manifest in this song. Knrakhet is the vernacular form of kgggksetr,
the mythical battlefield upon which the Kurus and the Panchalas fought
in the epic Mahabharata. The term may be used here in a generic sense.

After the purohits declare to the gods and spirits of the
ancestors that the bride's family is donating the bride, the groom's
father is made to say by the purohit that he is giving the groom his
daughter for him to protect, support, and master. He places his
daughter's hands palms down in those of the groom to signify that she
is given.

The rite called krisnarpan ('presentation of gifts') follows. The
bride's father gives daksina to the pandits, gives the vow of ggggg
('the gift of cows to a Brahman'), and token payments to the purohits
and parjunia. The bride stands by the groom and her father blesses
them: "May you live as long as there is water in the Ganges and Jamuna

rivers.” 'With his arms crossed, he throws rice at them. The groom

 

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63

gives the purohits daksina and his own purohit the godan vow. As the
purohits perform another havan the women are singing:
30. Vivah

l. The barat's pandit, pretending to call for water, calls for his

sister
2. "Slam the door! I will die of shame before my father" (she says)
3. "my brother is honorable" (says the narrator of the song)
4. All the members of the barat call for their sisters!
Commentary: This song shows that even the Brahman purohit, whose
divinity demands that he be treated "as a god on earth," is the object
of gali.
31. Vivah

l. The Brahman's mother is like the midden covered with greens1
2. Listen, Brahman, quickly perform my daughter's fire sacrifice

. The smoke has spread to the young and tender girl

. The Brahman is a half mind, like a clod from the tank

3
4
5. Listen, Brahman, quickly perform my daughter's fire sacrifice
6. The Brahman's scrotum is like the shOpkeeper's balance

7

. The Brahman's sister is like the bamboo cane

Commentary: Here sympathy for the bride is again demonstrated, in the
context of insulting the purohit. The shopkeeper's balance always
hangs unevenly; bamboo cane tends to lean and catch the clothes of
passers—by.

In the following stage the groom stands behind the bride, his arms
around her and a basket in his hands. Her brother pours the lava from
both the bride's and the groom's sides into the basket. The women are

singing:

 

l. amaranthus polygamus

6k

32. Vivah
1. Mix your lava and our lava together
2. Have our father and your mother sleep together

3. Have our father's brother and your father's brother's wife sleep

together

Commentary: This song expresses the new social union which has been
established, not only of bride and groom, but of all members of their
families. (This song was also collected by Arya in Surinam. Cf.Arya

1968:78).

The groom then pours the lava onto the mandap floor, a purohit
divides it into seven small piles, and the groom walks on them. (A
purohit said that this symbolizes the seven circumambulations of the
marriage pole and sacrificial fire by the bride and groom.) This is
followed by the proclamation by the presiding purohit of the rules of
marriage incumbent upon husband and wife. The bride and groom
circumambulate the fire and ritual items three times and sit, the bride
to the left of the groom.

m g_a_n_ (the gift of vermillion) is the title of the subsequent
and apical stage of the vivah. The groom applies the consecrated
vermillion to the bride's forehead. The women sing:

33. Vivah
l. I am shamed before my grandfather, my longhaired grandfather

2. I am shamed before my father's brother, my longhaired father's
brother

3. I am shamed before my brother, my long-haired brother

34. Vivah
1. Oh I call grandfather himself; he does not speak

2. Oh, grandfather forces the groom to apply vermillion

 

 

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65

3. Oh, father's brother forces the groom to apply vermillion

#. Oh, my brother forces the groom to apply vermillion

Commentary: Both this and the prior song depict the stereotypical
emotions of the bride: she feels humiliated and betrayed at her
abandonment by the males of her family. This song also points out the

position of the women born of thelineage: they are helpless in the
face of its rights over their disposal.

Informants say the application of vermillion is the climax of the
wedding, the point at which the bride becomes 'the groom's'. The
bride's sisters come forward and touch up the vermillion; the groom's
father gives them saris and money. Then the groom gets up and sits
down on the left of the bride, which is also supposed to symbolize that
she is his.

After finalizing rites conducted by the purohits, who again
receive cash payments, everyone leaves the mandap but the bride and her
friends. They perform cumavan, singing among others the following song:

35. Vivah

1. With rice and green grass, let us go to the cumavan of Chotu Ram's

daughter
2. Touch her head, give the blessing
3. Live, bride and groom, 100,000 years
#. Live as long as the earth and sky
5. Enjoy as the night enjoys the moon
Commentary: The 'night/moon' simile is found in classical Sanskrit
poetry.
The women of the bride's family (but not the bride) proceed to the
kohabar, where there are informal rites involving the groom. The women

sing songs such as the following:

 

(”-A. me". A.

“‘13

66

36. Vivah
1. This new kohabar, of gold and brass
2. With great commotion goes the groom, born of a plowman

3. Slowly, slowly goes my daughter, born of an emperor

37. Vivah
l. Whose mother comes in to awaken, Tila Devi?
2. ”Get up, son, it's dawn"

3. Give that kind of a mother into the hands of the Turks, into the
hands of the Moghuls, into the hands of the Pathans

4. Who says, when half the night has passed, that it's morning
Commentary: This song hints at the ways in which a mother-in-law can

make life miserable for a woman; the stereotypical mother—in-law is
jealous of her son's wife and resents their intimacy.

I did not have the opportunity to attend the activities at the
home of the groom during the evening of the vivah, but according to
Planalp:

"While the marriage rites are taking place at the bride's house,
the women of the groom's family, and their friends, sing and
dance throughout the evening. This occasion is referred to as
Nakata. At the time when they estimate the ancestral spirits are
being invoked in the bride's village, they too release the pitris
(ancestral spirits) confined in the clay cup on the miniature

stove near the marriage pole. It is believed that the ancestral
spirits are instantly transported to the place of the wedding”

(19563513)-

Khicari

Khicari is the name given to ggi ('a kind of lentil') mixed with
rice, the food customarily eaten by the bride and groom on the second
day'of the wedding. One more educated informant told.me that khicari
symbolizes the new couple, the rice being conceived as masculine and

the dal (which is semi-liquid in form) feminine.

f7

 

67

Khicari is held in the forenoon or afternoon of the second day.
All of the dowry items are displayed on a table in the home of the
bride (these often include wristwatches, pens, stainless steel dishes,
transistor radios etc.). The groom is expected to object to the quality
of the items given or to demand other items. After the haggling over
what else he will receive, the groom and younger boys from his party
are seated for the eating of khicari. The groom may refuse to eat until
he extracts a commitment for some other desired item. As the party is
eating, the women, from behind a curtain or a semi-concealed location,
sing gali. For this "service" they must be compensated by a small
payment from the groom's father.

The gali presented below were recorded at a session which followed
a M ('a kind of sacrificial ceremony'). The songs were sung for my
benefit as well as the entertainment of the visiting (cognate) family
members. The visitors and I were the targets of the gali. Although
sung in a rather anomalous situation, these gali are quite typical. I
Specifically recall having heard the final one at tilak and khicari

rites. Commentary is largely reserved for the explanatory section on

gali .

38. Khicari
Brother, Patna is a pleasant city, brother, Patna is a pleasant city

corrupted in childhood, Henari Ram and Ram Sagar Mishra are the sons
or whores

3' heir sister was corrupted by Ram Chandra
They eat from their sister's earnings; tears come into her eyes

Henari and Ram Sagar eat from the earnings of their sisters

 

t. -

‘ .44
i
(

68

6. They submit themselves to sodomy, brother, Patna is a pleasant city

Commentary: Informants could not explain the refrain 'Patna is a
pleasant city'; perhaps the song is an adaptation of another song with
that refrain.

39. Khicari

1. At the low'bathing place of the high pond there is a pleasant

bungalow
2. There Henari's sister takes a bath
. Daya Sakar's sister takes a bath
. Our KesauREmwent there to look (at them) suggestively

. Our Laukai Ram went there to look (at them) suggestively

3
4
5
6. Open the ggghat}, they will look at her cheeks
7. Her cheeks are like a red wave
8. Open the ggli?, look at the goods
9. The goods are like limes and pomegranites
10. Open the u ati3, they will look at the pubic hair
11. Open the petticoat, they will look at the moon
12. It is just like lightning
Commentary: Moon symbolizes vagina. Perhaps Line 12 means 'it gives
great light (like a large moon)'.

40. Khicari

l. The rain starts, the clouds are dense and black, every lane is pure

water

2. She starts to come out, wearing golden clogs; she slips in the

middle of the courtyard

 

1. The part of the sari used to cover the head and face.

2. The blouse-like garment worn underneath the sari which covers the
breasts and leaves the midriff bare.

3. The lower part of the sari.

m 'upliéi
- .,.

.‘::lm

69

I ask you, Mister Henari, is your sister running away?

I ask you, Mister RamChandI-a, is your sister being lured away?
Will judgement be given nowhere but at the door of Indra Ram?
You must feed five or ten Brahmans, Henari

You must feed five or ten Brahmans, Ram Chandra

The sin will be expiated

You must bathe at Kasi Visasar G'a'jl, Henari

Myself, I keep my father's daughters and grandfather's grand-
daughters under my control

Who will pass judgement?

lentary: The meaning of line 5 is unclear; it probably means that
'a Ram is the man with whom their sisters are consorting.

41. Khicari
Flee, son of a whore, flee on to Delhi
{enari'ssister copulates in a field on the plains of Delhi

Hindu, Muslim, that cumin seed, that coriander seed, one climbs on
behind, one before

There is saliva in your father's mouth, in your father's mouth

there is water

Srive the price of my gali, Henari Ram, give, relatives!

fiy Kamala fucks your sisters. Give, relatives!

Intary: The last two lines refer to the practice of demanding
=nt for the "service" of gali—singing from the attending affines.

In most cases the vidai ('formal farewell') is held after khicari

6 second day of the wedding. At that time the purohits are

'—

bathing ghat on the Ganges in Varanasi.

7O

nted with payments of cash and clothing. The fathers of the
weds ritually embrace and shake hands prior to the departure of
room's party.

Arrangements for the bride's departure vary according to

nstances too complicated to discuss here. In some cases she
>anies the groom to his home after the vidai to stay a few days
r returning to her father's home. In other cases she remains in
me until the gauna.

lanalp (1956:531) and Lewis (1958:183) report songs which are

a the occasion of the bride's departure, indicative of the

as and fright which she feels at the prospect of leaving her
and friends to assume a low status in an alien family and the
' wife to a man she does not know. I did not have the opportunity

rd such songs .

Songs: Repertoire, Performance, and Attitudes
this sub-section I deal briefly with leadership in the
ane of the women's songs, the relationship between repertoire

.al structure, and attitudes towards the functions of women's

mentioned above, in addition to the women of the bride's family
hborhood, women of the bridal purohit's family may sing in the
The two groups may sit next to one another or they may be
1 different sides of the mandap, but in either case there is no
;0 coordinate their singing. At times they may even sing
. songs simultaneously. In both groups, the leader is usually
of the head of the household. This is due in part to her

the authority figure among the women, but her knowledge of

 

71

:ongs, gained from long experience, is also a factor. To the best
'knowledge, those songs tied to particular rites are never

read. Therefore, unless the songs are similar to those sung in
natal homes, the young wives have not had sufficient exposure to
ongs to have learned them. Younger women may know some of the
5 better than the older women, because some of them are recent
sitions, and saguns can be sung on any occasion. Although
1porary songs have been adOpted into the body of recreational

the songs associated with particular rituals, as demonstrated by
occasionally archaic references, appear to be very conservative.
he women of the purohit families seemed to be generally more
ient singers than the women of other castes (by no great margin),
the experience they get in singing for the weddings of other
as. There is a wide range in the proficiency of singing even
;he purohit women--some families and individuals simply take more
it in singing than others, and there are of course differing

of ability.
e repertoires of different neighborhood groups vary considerably.
nt groups sing different songs and different versions of the same
This is due in part to the differing local origins, of the women.
aarn some songs in their natal homes which they may later teach
I in their conjugal families and neighborhood singing groupsl.
return to the subject of performance, one aspect of the women's

which is surprising to a Western observer is that in many of

 

e is a great variety of songs and melodic and textual variants

within a small area, e.g. a block (the smallest governmental
nistrative unit) and a fortiori an amazing abundance of songs
variants within a district.

72

rites, especially in the dvar puja and the vivah, it competes with
'iety of other sounds and activities. In the dvar puja the songs
:ung at the same time the English band is playing. In the vivah
inging at times coincides with the chanting of mantras by purohits
scussions between them and other participants. This seemingly
arable context of music, in which it is not awarded primary
tion, prompts two questions: (a) Are the words of the songs
stood? and (b) What are the attitudes towards women's songs
support this type of usage?
he answer to the first question is a qualified "yes." Not only
songs have to compete with other sound, but the language of the
differs somewhat from the language of ordinary discourse. One
, however, overrides these--what Alan Lomax has called the "multi-
i redundancy" of singing. This comprehensive term includes such
: as textual repetition (of which there is a great deal in these
.a song of four lines may last as many minutes); the unique
stance" of singing (i.e. its distinctive sound quality); and
ious meter and melody, all of which make song more penetrating
eech (Lomax 1968:1h-15). Lapses in competing sound also allow
the song or whole songs to be heard unimpeded. Although most
>resent (other than the singers) probably do not comprehend each
the texts of the songs, they know the tepics and have general
out how they are developed in the songs.
attitudes of men and women towards women's song differ.
he vivah men do not often listen attentively to the songs.
more interested in the ritual proceedings, in which there are

sputes over procedures and payments. But men do value the

 

 

 

 

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73

saying that they are mZgal ('auspiciousness'). As such the songs
mafiflsto augment the glory of the wedding and insure its success
E’success of the marriage. Thus their mere presence is enough to
y'the men's expectations. The women's attitude is that music is
fbr by a particular context or ritual, and has its value as a

E that context. Enjoyment of the "beauty" of the songs is there—
at a reason for their performance--formal aspects of the songs

t judged as to whether they'are pretty or beautiful, nor is vocal
r criticized. This was brought out in conversations I had with
men. ‘When the subject turned to music I would ask if they had
Lvorite" songs, or if they thought any songs were especially

'." These concepts were alien to them. Mest said only that they
II the songs. But one young woman, who had had some education

k a greater interest in explanations, said:

its own place, every song is pretty. On its occasion, each
retty. If a wedding song was sung now, it wbuldn't be liked.
will it be considered pretty? When there will be a wedding,

. So at every time, the (appropriate) song is felt to be

tiful. When it is its time, then it is felt to be good.

if the time is passed it doesn't have a good effect."

an, then, the primary value of a song is as a part of a valuable

, which is often a ritual context.l

wings of Wedding Songs
?ore discussing the meanings of the performance and texts of
songs, two preliminary points should be noted regarding the

relationship of music and village social organization, i.e. how

I_

: 'instrumental' esthetic is similar to that reported by
.lester for older, unacculturated Navaho Indians. Additional
arxfli is needed to determine the cultural and social structural
eljrtes of this type of musical esthetic. (Cf. McAllester l95fi:

71-73 ) -

 

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74

flmpescmrtain social processes. First, singing constitutes one

znfisznles in the society. It is an eXpected item of women's

u'in RD family rites, and (b) public rites in which the women

pate. women sing whenever they appear collectively in public.

pmmarances are always in connection with a sacred rite of some
Secondly, women's song is c00perative group expression. As

is not only the medium of shared cognitions, sentiments,

my and beliefs, but unifies in a common endeavor the members of

1p who must COOperate to perform them.

a unification of women in the wedding by their collective role

ers opposes them to men, the non-singers. The opposition is

manifestation of the general Opposition of the roles of men and
.g. superordinate/subordinate; insiders (agnates)/outsiders

); sons/daughters; public figures/secluded (household) figures.

addition to the effects on the social organization of the

rites which singing has, wedding songs contain meanings which

:ases are not evoked by other forms of symbolic action within

L15. The meanings of the songs derive not only from the

‘i.e. texts) of the songs, but from the social context and the

"tivities in which the singing occurs.

(discussion of the meanings of wedding songs below is divided
in) the themes of primary importance in the songs: insult,

t of the bride, and conquest. In each case the social

ans cxf the texts of the songs and its broadcast by and to

)cial parties will be explained.

 

75

Texts of Gali

The most common basic strategy of insult in gali is the assertion
moral sexual behavior--adultery, incest, sodomy, and pederasty.

L56 of sexual simile, with its raw, rude imagery is appropriate in
xpression of hostility. But underlying this, as well as other
egies employed in gali, is the insinuation of lowness, which is

er manifestation of the hierarchical principle pervading Indian
re. Immoral peOple are inferior to ourselves. This insinuation
1e more explicit in gali used only in addressing affines (at least
I weddings in which these gali were recorded), which assert that
[en screw your women" (Songs 3, 38, and 39). One implication is
he men of one's own family take what they want from the women of
final family; takers are superordinate, therefore their own

is superior to the affinal family. Not only do they take, but
agrade the women in the process. The degradation of a woman is a
on her family's character, as well as her own. This is clearly
. out in Song 40, where someone's sister is running or being
way, and her brother is instructed to feed Brahmans and bathe in
ges to ex'piate the sin of his sister. In one song the

tion is not put in sexual terms, but is made even more explicit:
am is born of a plowman and the daughter an emperor.

another strategy, employed in three of the gali, the affines
.ed deceivers and misers, e.g. "You promised you would bring

.s and you didn't," and "Don't forget: the bracelets are

. " As mentioned above, the prestige gained by the bride's

rom an impressive barat (with brightly uniformed band and

s or horses etc.) is one of the expected benefits of the

=-r_¢, ' J
"\

 

76

'iageuit is as important as many of the tangible items involved.

social context of gali
In discussing the relationship between gali and the social context
hich it is sung, it must be remembered that gali is sung by women
re affinal men and purohits in the homes of both bride and groom.
it is not only the groom's family that is abused, as one would
:t given its acquisition of bride, dowry, and superordinate status
e expense of the bride's family. Rather it is whenever affinals
ne that the women of one family insult the males of the other, and
a wedding rites, the attending purohits as well.
\ consideration of the nature of the affinal and purohit-jajman
.onships, particularly with respect to the wedding, is helpful in
(ning the occurence of gali. In each of the meetings of members
two families there are exchanges, and negotiated commitments
ing expenditures, some of which are highly particularized. For
3, the tilak involves payment of the dowry, gifts of cash to the
md his brothers, payment of the bride's father's parjunia by the
: father, settling the quality of entertainment which will be
and the Jewelry which the bride will receive from the groom's
Although there are ranges of expectations governing each
there are no "fixed prices," and bitterness is not an uncommon
Disappointments also arise for both parties when hospitality,
lations, and "pomp and show" do not meet with expectations.
. and competition are inherent in the relationship, with both
attempting to maximize gain and prestige, and minimize

are c

 

77

[hecxmflict is intensified by the concept of Egg; ('honor') which
tumacompounded by the public knowledge of all wedding

;mmnfis and events--everyone in the village has expectations
fing‘flmascale and quality of hospitality, entertainment, etc.1
sunderstanding, deception, or scrimping resulting in the

ointment of the other family is liable to be interpreted by it as
s the rest of the village as an intentional affront to the family.
here is also a basic conflict between the bridal purohit, who

es in the vivah, and his jajman. The purohit's role is such that
threaten to withhold consecration of the rites, which would

iize the marriage by offending the gods, if he is not remunerated
sees fit. In the course of the wedding there are many points at
1e can demand payment. Some of these situations are legitimated
lition, but some are not as clear—cut. The term lélgi ('greedy')
en heard at these times. His demands are tempered, however, by
essity of maintaining his long—term relationship with his jajman,
fear of general censure.

e groom's purohit is insulted in the vivah (Song 30) as a member
groom's party rather than as a purohit.

e natives themselves explained gali by saying that it is a kind
a” (one of those I asked actually used the English word) which
time guests and promotes harmony. Given the conflict-endowed

If the affinal and purohit—jajman relationships, this

:ion is persuasive.

 

hyperbole with which these subjects are treated in the wedding
iiixa and Rama, as depicted in Tulsi Das' Ramayana, are

.caixrve of their importance in the folk mind. The Ramayana is
most well known epic in India.

 

 

..... a-..» ~ .

 

 

 

78

nlfls discussions of the joking relationship, Radcliffe-Browne
:hathe following points: Joking relationships tend to arise in
mnsin which there are strong conjunctive and disjunctive forces,
3 relationships in which it is in the interests of both parties
atain the relationship in spite of the many conflicts inherent in
acondly,

rserious hostility is prevented by the playful antagonism of
sing, and this in its regular repetition is a constant

ession or reminder of that social disjunction which is one of
essential components of the relation, while the social

iunction is maintained by the friendliness that takes no

rnce at insult” (1952:90—95).

irability of establishing and maintaining affinal relations,

e conjunctive forces in the relationship, include the necessity
ying offspring, the prestige gained by the wedding, and alliance
family of comparable or greater prestige, as well as economic
hening. The conflicts inherent in the affinal relationship and
junctive and disjunctive components of the purohit-jajman

uship have been brought out above. The theory also accounts for
arant reactions of those being insulted, who, as mentioned above,
:press any hostility.

: obsceneness of the songs is also an important factor in their
I. Evans-Pritchard has noted that:

The withdrawal by society of its normal prohibitions (of the use
uf obscenity) gives special emphasis to the social value of the
ctivity.

t alsovcanalizes human emotion into prescribed channels of
:xpression (1965:101, quoted in Turner 1969:92).

aixi'to the first point, the villagers themselves recognize the
ive effects of gali, as noted above. The second point is also

le here. There is obviously a great deal of tension inherent

adding. Apparently the songs not only deter socially

 

 

 

 

 

79

ctional chanelling of energy, but they also provide catharsis to

ngers.

ight of the Bride

iroughout the vivah, the bride assumes a flexed, stooped posture.
1e moves to and from the mandap, she must be assisted by the

’5 wife. Her sari is pulled so far down over her face that it is
.ely hidden to onlookers. These factors all symbolize the new
rhich the bride is assuming, roles in which, as Karve has said,
nearly a non-entity. As explained in the introductory sketch of
organization, the passage of a girl from daughter to wife

5 exchanging independence and affection for strictly delimited

, deference, and rivalry. The bride stereotypically resents
nposed changes and feels humiliated at having been manipulated.
an I asked people why the bride assumed the flexed posture, they
11; .k_i'_ 3.4.1.513. a ('because of humilation'). The songs sung as the
: being given away by her father enunciate these feelings. Her
d sense of betrayal, for example, are revealed in Song 27: "Oh
as taken great advantage of me, Mother . . .. Oh how can I curse
gh, Mother?" and by Song 31+:

I call grandfather himself; he does not speak

grandfather forces the groom to apply vermillion

father's brother forces the groom to apply vermillion

) brother forces the groom to apply vermillion

3's humiliation is also expressed in Song 33:

1 shamed before my grandfather, my longhaired grandfather

1 shamed before my father's brother, my longhaired father's
>rother

l shamed before my brother, my long-haired brother

ndicates that the women felt the "seizure" of the bride as

the eclipse of the moon. The open acknowledgement of the

"I ‘ :3

 

 

"al '1 ‘ <

 

 

 

80

.ions of the bride by the singing of these songs mobilizes sympathy
her and thereby facilitates her adjustment.

Song 29 states that the bride's brother loses his sister to the
rm and then:

What teachings have you forgotten?

You have not lost cows or oxen, you have lost your sister

Oh it is good to forget about sister Tila Devi

Cows and oxen are our wealth, brother; sisters that of another

A woman has affectionate relationships in her natal home; the most
ctionate are with her brothers. These are severed by her marriage,
pt for occasional visits in the first years of marriage. This song
gnizes the sadness of the brother at the "loss" of his sister, then
nds him and the others present that (in accordance with the rules

he society) sisters belong not to the family into which they are

, but to that into which they marry.

uest

Song 29 also states that the brother must surrender his sister
158 of his loss on the battlefield. This refers to the time when
it kings feuded over the marriage of their daughters.

In the twelfth century . . . the country (Rajputana, the area
rom which there were mass migrations to Eastern Uttar Pradesh)
as ruled by hundreds of small independent Rajput kings or lords,
10 fought among themselves constantly and over the most trifling
atters. Whenever a beautiful daughter of one of these kings or
1ieftains became nubile, his rivals would often attack him in
rder to force him to marry his daughter to one of their number.
i the girl's side was defeated, the marriage preparations were
ide. However, her supporters usually sought to surprise the
Lctorious groom's side with an attack while they were busy with
1e marriage rites. Thus, there grew up a tradition of fighting

Jder the mandap" (Planalp 1956:522).
The theme of conquest is alluded to by a number of other elements
1e wedding: the descent of the groom and his "forces" upon the

2's village and home is an instance. The band playing its brassy

 

 

 

 

..
IE

 

81

as,the formidable elephants or aristocratic horses (which are
”firmS'used in mock attacks on the bride's home) and the use of
sums are highly appreciated ostentation. But they also allude to
ena.when a raja's army marched into the village to forcefully take

ide, and embody the martial ethos of that situation. The reference

ars between the feudal rajas is found in other of the women's songs:

31, in which the barat is depicted as thieves of mothers and
hters, and Song 33, containing the call to shoot at the barat as it
is beneath the mandap.

The identification of the groom's party as the conquerors in these
a, and the singing of the songs before the groom and his party in
landap emphasize the role of the groom's family as dominant in the

.ng, and the ascendant position in the marriage alliance.

£1;
The wedding is the most important event in Hindu social life. In
section I have shown how women's songs are integral parts of the
ng rites, how they provide unduplicated meanings to the rites, and
iey reflect social structure and shape social organization in
singing.

Jedding song texts have been presented which reveal a wide variety
nnes including: (a) descriptions of the ritual activities them-
3; (b) descriptions of marital situations; (c) political concerns;
'tknilogical persons and events; (e) obscene insults; (f) reactions
xlxride and her family members to her transfer to the home and
'(If the groom; and (g) concern with Rajput origins and the Rajput

l ethos.

 

 

 

 

82

The hierarchical principle which eXplains much behavior in this
society pervades music as well, and is often an underlying theme in
wedding song texts, alluding in some cases to the asymmetry of the
affinal relationship.

The singing of the songs in the rites performs several important
functions: it contributes to the control of inherent conflicts in
affinal and purohit-jajman relations by symbolically recognizing
oppositional and unifying forces in the relations; channels what might
otherwise be dysfunctional emotion; and articulates stereotyped
emotional reactions to the rituals themselves and social changes
resulting from marriage, thereby easing the adjustment of all involved

to the new situation.

Worship Songs gf_th§ Mether Goddess
Introduction

In the previous section it was shown how songs provide meanings to
wedding ritual and play a part in maintaining social relations. This
section will discuss major themes and forces in village religion as
they are reflected in the ritual and worship songs of the mother
goddess. Brief overviews of village religion and the mother goddess
are presented in the opening paragraphs.

The beliefs and practices of village Hinduism are divisible into
Sanskritic and non—Sanskritic complexes which can be differentiated
according to deities, mediation in worship, and function. Sanskritic
deities are those whose history and attributes are contained in sacred
Sanskrit texts. This group includes Vishnu (and his incarnations as
Ranu1.and Krishna), Siva, their consorts and auxilliaries, two aspects

of 'the mother goddess--Durga and Kali, and numerous lesser figures.

Op

 

 

a .5".- .-

  

 

83

Babb has pointed out that Sanskritic deities tend to be more remote from
the world of human affairs, their relevance is more general, they are
more powerful, and intrinsically purer. The mother goddess, who exists
in different aspects in both the Sanskritic and non-Sanskritic spheres,
is an exception to this generalization (Babb 1969:220-221). The
Sanskritic deities are endowed with even greater authority by the
endorsement of the state supported local schools. Some of the more
staid stories about them are contained in primary readers (cf. Marriott
1955:211).

Non-Sanskritic deities worshipped in the village include Mata Mai
and other aspects of the mother goddess; Dih Baba, the auxiliary
(Sahaiyak) of Mata Mai and protector of the village, and sayad Baba, a
Muslim saint worshipped by both Muslims and Hindus. These deities are
thought to have direct and tangible influence in human affairs.

Sanskritic rites are by definition those performed by Brahman
priests. There are several reasons why Sanskritic rites are more
auspicious and prestigious than the non-Sanskritic ones. These include:
(a) the divine status of the texts which rationalize the rites and the
ritual language used (Sanskrit); (b) the purity of the Brahman himself
(the only category with sufficient purity to make offerings to the
Sanskritic deities); (c) the ritual, which is persuasive in its sheer
complexity as well as its connection with the Sanskritic deities and
its symbolization; and (d) the expense involved.

Both Sanskritic and non—Sanskritic deities can be worshipped on a
jpersonal.basis with offerings to and ablutions of the icons. Large

scalxa non-Sanskritic rites, like Sanskritic rites, involve the

 

 

 

84

mediation of a priest; he is almost always of a caste other than those
of the twice-born status.

The functions of the two complexes tend to be complementary, with
the Sanskritic complex occupying the religious end of the magico—
religious continuum, and the non-Sanskritic complex a middle ground
which overlaps with witchcraft at the other end (Cf Babb 1969:2h5).
Mandelbaum has written that the Sanskritic complex, which he calls the
"transcendental complex", "is used to ensure the long-term welfare of
society, to explain and help maintain village institutions, to
guarantee the proper transition of individuals from stage to stage
within the institutions. It is concerned with the ultimate purposes of
man!‘ What he calls the ”pragmatic" complex ". . . is used for local
exigencies, for personal benefit, for individual welfare" (1966:1175,
quoted in Babb 1969:189). The apellation 'transcendental' and the
inclusion in the model of the Sanskritic complex of "concern with the
ultimate purposes of man" are, as Babb indicates, reflective of a
philosophical component which is not a part of popular Hinduism (Babb
1969:220. See the next section for further qualifications of the model).

Sanskritic deities play a larger part in the devotions of members
of the Brahman caste and generally in the bloc of the high castes than
they'do in the devotions of the lower castes (Marriott 1955:209 and
.Planalp 1956:720). But this principle is cross-cut by another: non-
Sanskritic worship in the upper castes is performed by more women than
men (Planalp 1956:720-1). This is in part because women hold
'Uhemselves responsible for insuring the welfare of the household and
family'through varied and frequent devotions and austerities.

Household calamaties are often blamed on women, particularly young

 

 

 

   

85

brides (Karve 1965:136). Their respect in the family is a function of
their status as wives, and mothers of sons. These are matters in the
domain of 'pragmatic,' non—Sanskritic religion, particularly that of
the mother goddess.

The Sanskritic-biased formal education is also a factor. Although
the prOportion of lower caste boys receiving at least a primary

education is much greater than in the past, few girls of any caste are

formally educated.

The Mother Goddess

'Mother goddess' is used here to refer collectively to different
female deities (here called 'aspects') distinguished by a fierce
malevolence. Although she also has a mild aspect, as Parvati, the
consort of Siva, it is in her fierce aspects that she is most often
worshipped and which concerns us here. According to one Sanskrit text,
the fierce aspect first took form in the convergence of the anger
emanating as blinding light from the faces of Siva, Visnu, and Brahma
when they needed a superior force to defeat a race of demons
threatening their supremacy (Babb 1969:227). This story of her genesis
explains one of her common names--駧ti_('power'). Her most common
aspects at the Sanskritic level are Kali ('the black'), as which "she
is represented with a black skin, a hideous and terrible countenance,
dripping with blood, encircled with snakes, hung round with skulls and
Innnan heads . . . ; as Durga "she is a beautiful yellow woman, riding
on a tiger in a fierce and menacing attitude" (Dowson 1972:86).

The malignant character of the goddess is manifest at the non-
Sanskritic level in the association of the goddess with smallpox and

other diseases. Sitala is the most common North Indian name given to

86

this aspect; in Eastern Uttar Pradesh she is also Mata Mai ('Mbther
Mhta'). Sitala, like Kali, is thought to prefer offerings of meat,
which opposes the mother goddess to the pure deities who accept only
vegetarian offerings. Smallpox, chicken pox, and cholera are conceived
as visitations (i.e. manifestations) of Mata Mai, who is thought to
afflict people when she is enraged at not having been sufficiently
worshipped. It is due in part to the attribution to her of the
affliction of smallpox and cholera that her worship is still important
in village life. Epidemics of these diseases were common even fifteen
or twenty years ago, although now vaccination campaigns have nearly
eradicated them.1 One important trait of the non-Sanskritic mother
goddess, expressed in the songs below, is inconsistant with her

generally malevolent image—-the ability to grant the boon of a son.

Communal WOrship of Mata Mai

Communal worship of Mata Mai occurs on nine days in the bright
half of the monsoon month of Savan.2 On seven successive evenings
women and men at a ratio of about three to one collected at the shrine
of Dih. Usually fourty to fifty people, of all castes in the village,
attended. None of the votaries were under about 35 years of age--one
informant explained that it was the duty of the female heads of the
household to perform the worship to insure that it was done correctly,
but a younger informant said that younger people do not attend because
they do not give as much attention to Mata Mai as their parents_do. As

they reached the site each votary drew a lota of water from a well, dropped

 

1. See Planalp (1956:738-7h5) for a description of the traditional

treatment of'smallpox.
2. 1.6. the lunar fortnight during which the moon is waxing.

87

into it a mixture of sweets and spices, and offered it to Mata Mai by
pouring it at the base of the shrine of Dih Bab; (her auxilliary) and
another shrine ten feet away. The other shrine is thought by some to
be Siyad Bibi, a Muslim deity; others think it is a £51 ('servant-
apprentice') of Dih. This is an example of a pervasive phenomenon in
village religion--the competing meanings of ritual elements and entire
rituals held by different people.

After enough women had collected they sang p_aC_ar_'§ ('songs about
Mata Mai and her worship'). These songs are a form of worship which
the peOple hope will deter her from afflicting those present or their
relatives. When most of the votaries had arrived, all proceeded to the
Kali shrine, where each again made the same kind of offering. A
Brahman (of a lower gotra than the rest of the Brahmans in the village)
performed a havan while the women sang pacaras. He was assisted by an
Ahir, who was said to be an aspiring 9M ('an exorcist and priest of
non-Sanskritic deities ' ) .

The entire rite, from the personal offering to a non-Sanskritic
deity at the shrine of a related non-Sanskritic deity, culminating in
the Brahman offering at the shrine of Kali, demonstrates a movement
from the 'pragmatic' to the 'transcendental' (using the word as
qualified above). The Kali shrine itself has a dual status (as does
Kali). Although it is nominally for the worship of the Sanskritic Kali,
women also make their unmediated personal offerings there. The Brahman-
performed havan is apparently an accretion which has the complementary
function of the Sanskritic complex, symbolized by its purer and more
auspicious ritual, in supplicating deities more remote, purer, and

more powerful, with a less specific relevance than Mata Mai.

88

It seems that the Brahman adaptation has always consisted in part
in an ability to "dress up” the non-Sanskritic system (in belief and in
ritual) and to imbue it with greater authority; in some cases to make
it more attractive and suitable to those that wish to differentiate
themselves from the low and crude. But in doing so, as Marriott states
(1955:191-218), the symbolic persuasiveness of the fundamental rites,
their relevance to specific problems, is lost. The Sanskritic complex
is never completely able to supplant the non—Sanskritic, but must co-
exist with it.

On the eighth evening men, women, and children gathered at the
center of the village. There is supposed to be one adult representative
from each household in attendance. Among them was a group of Gor
musicians who sang generally unrelated songs, and played cymbals and a
_h__’ur_u_k_ ('drum with two variable tension heads which produces a gulping
sound'). The same Brahman performed a havan. The people then made a
wide arc around the village in a clockwise direction, stopping at the
Kali mandir, at the Dih shrine, at a point southwest of the village,
and then at the Siva shrine in the‘center of the village. During the
procession there was singing by the Gors and the women (not of the same
songs, but at times silmltaneously). The men erected at each stop a
bamboo pole on which was tied a red flag and a miniature cot. These
are thought to divert Mata Mai, who, as the songs show, likes to sleep,
and prevent her entrance into the village.

The next day the votaries convened at the Kali shrine for a final
offering and puja essentially the same as those of the seven evenings.
The series of comunal worship rites constitutes a unique expression of

village solidarity. All families are united vis-a-vis the mother goddess.

 

‘s-

89

Pacara also designates the songs sung by an ojha to invoke and
address the aspect of the mother goddess by which he divines and cures.
The songs of the ojha, however, are generally different from those of
the women in content, and melodic and rhythmic structure. The lyrics
of the songs are largely improvised and set to a standard tune. (The
songs I was able to record were performed is a session in which the
ojha made deprecatory remarks about other persons in the village. I
was not able to transcribe the sessions because I could not risk
starting a dispute by playing the tapes for my regular informants, who

were relatives of those demeaned.)

Song 42. Mata Mai

l. I picked and picked the flowers and fashioned them into a garland
2. I took them to the court of Sitala, my mother
3. I took them to the court of Kalil, 1w mother
4. Are you asleep or awake, Kali2 mother
‘5. The Mali stands at the door, my mother
6. Ask, ask, Malin, I will give what you ask, whatever is in your heart
'7. .Are the seven sisters inside or outside?
8. How long does the Malin stand at the door?
9. .Ask, ask, Malin, I will give what you ask, whatever is in your heart
10. 'You give me riches and sons, mother
11. Iflill you give immortality to the Mali, my mother
12. IEven if’the moon of the east goes to the west, the Mali will not be

immortal , Malin

 

1,. The deities Atabhuji and Dih are substituted in subsequent

repititions .
2. {fine deity Dih is substituted in the repetition of this line.

9o

Commentary: In this song the names Kali, Sitala, and others are used
interchangeably, indicating the identity or near identity of their
referents in the folk mind. The Mali and Malin ('gardiner-flower vendor

and his wife') are commonly the pgjéris ('keepers of the shrine and
earnest devotees') of the mother goddess. People say this is due to the
goddess' liking of sweet things including scented flowers. The Mali is
a sudra caste. The importance of a son was explained in the previous
section. The ability of the mother goddess to award male offspring is
an indication of her importance to the women.

Song 43. Mata Mai

1. What is the potanaharl made of, what is the potan2 made of?

2. Maiya Mari, the skin of my hands is worn smooth from cleaning your

shrine, you don't understand pain (this is the refrain)

3. The potanahar is of gold and the potan is of something very

expensive (refrain)
1+. The leper cries, the blind cries (refrain)
5. Eyes will come to the blind, I will restore the body of the leper

6. Maiya Mbri, I will put a son in the arms of the barren woman, I
understand pain.

Commentary: In this and subsequent songs Mata Mai is addressed as

IMaiya.Mbri. This song refers to compassion which is clearly out of

Ikeeping with her malevolent nature, and an interest in mundane problems.
Song 44. Mata Mai

21. Riding a lion Sitala comes roaring, villagers

2. ‘You.don't recognize (worship) Mbther, villagers (refrain)

:3. The son of the Mali does recognize her, he takes a garland

1%. IHe takes a garland to the goddess, standing in the doorway

JRiding a lion Kali comes roaring, villagers (refrain)

The son of the devotee does recognize her, he takes an offering

 

IL. .A vessel containing the substance with which the shrine is cleansed.
2. The cloth used to cleanse the shrine.

91

7. He takes an offering to the goddess, standing in the door
8. Riding a lion Darga comes roaring, villagers (refrain)

9. The son of the shepherd does recognize her, he takes a young male

goat
10. He takes a young male goat to the goddess, standing in the doorway
11. Riding a lion Amaliya comes roaring, villagers (refrain)
12. The son of the potter does recognize her, he takes a pct
13. He takes a pot to the goddess, standing in the doorway
Commentary: Here we see the terrifying character of the mother goddess,
as portrayed in the Sanskrit texts. Also apparent is the opposition of

worshippers to those who refuse to worship. The worshippers are all of
sudra castes. Each offers an item associated with his traditional caste

occupation.
Song 45. Mata Mai
l. Maiya Mbri so thin is stuck in Bengal
2. To whom do you give, Sitala?
. To whom do you give, Kali?
. Ten or five sons

. 'Whom do you make childless?

3
h
5
6. I give to the religious devotees
7. Ten or five sons

8. I make the proud childless

9. To whom do you give, mother?

10. Maiya Mbri so thin is stuck in Bengal
11. Ten or five pox

12. On whose back do you rub hot coals?

13. To the religious devotees, ten or five pox

14. I rub hot coals on the backs of the proud

- J'Ai

.- g‘-.. «_—-

92
15. iMaiya Mori so thin is stuck in Bengal

Commentary: To rub hot coals on the back (lines 12 and.14)is to afflict
severely. This song also alludes to the reluctance of high caste
persons to worship the goddess and their consequent punishment, opposing
them to the devotees, who are awarded with sons.

Song 46. Mata Mai
l. The little girls pick flowers and bamboo branches
2. The Mali's garden is his temple
. The Mali calls, "Whose daughters are you, people?"
. He treads in the garden. "Whose daughters, people?"

"We are neither daughters nor son's wives."

"We are the seven sisters of Sitala."

VOW-Pk.)

"We are Vindhyacal, Bhagavati, Kali, Bhavani."

Commentary: There are two implications of the line "We are neither
daughters nor son's wives." This is a way of stating the alien and
therefore somewhat frightening nature of the goddesses, because
ordinarily all young women in the village are either daughters or son's
‘wives (or their daughters). It also refers to a unique attribute of
the mother goddess--her status as a woman without a consort. In Hindu
society this would correspond to an unmarried woman, which is a rare
occurence, with pejorative implications. That this status is directly
linked with her malevolent character is demonstrated when we look at
the mildness of her married aspect, Parvati (Babb 1969:23o-231 ). But
the problem for the analyst then becomes: by virtue of what beliefs
should this status be correlated with malevolence? Sexual abstinence
results in power, in this world and that above, but other deities are
abstinent without being malevolent (e.g. Hanuman and in some
depictions, Parvati). All one can conclude is that her anomalous
status is consistant with her anomalous (malevolent) character.

When Complementary Complexes Become Competing Complexes

The pacara songs offer insight into the dynamics of the relation-
ship between caste, gender, and the Sanskritic/non-Sanskritic.
dichotomy. I have noted that non-Sanskritic devotion predominates in

the lower castes but can be found among upper caste women as well. The

93

mother goddess is identified with the impure lower castes, as brought
out below. Brahman and Thakur males (and upwardly mobile sudras)
therefore scorn her worship in favor of the worship of Sanskritic
deities. Their female relatives do not share their scorn, although at
times the men may by ridicule persuade them not to worship her. The
priestly Brahman in particular is threatened by higher caste worship of
the mother goddess, which undermines his prestige, religious authority,
and livelihood.

The prevalence and frequency of the worship of the mother goddess
and the social identity of her votaries are also to some extent
influenced by the immanency of her affliction--i.e. fear of illness or
death of someone in the family. Planalp reports a fright epidemic in
the Senapur area in 1954 which was initiated by reports of the
possession by the goddess of devotees in nearby Azamgar District. The
reports were transmitted through Camars and other devotees. Local
devotees began to be possessed by the goddess, who told them she was
coming to afflict those who did not worship her in a special way. The
special worship involved placing offerings of grain and a coin in the
river; untouchables have scavenging rights over such offerings. All
Camar families began to make the required offerings. Thakur men and
some of the women scoffed and said the movement was a Camar machination.

"But soon the clean Shudra and some of the Thakur women, out of
fear of Bhagavati Mai, joined the throng ofworshippers. Finally,
nearly every family took part, not wishing to tempt the goddess'
wrath by standing alone. At the height of the movement, a
traveler between Senapur and Kerakat on any morning would have
met hundreds of women from the villages of the area going to or
coming from the Gomati River to make their peace with the great
goddess. In some families a man went, while in the leading,
better-educated Thakur families of Senapur half-heartedness was
demonstrated by the fact that only a Kahar or other servant was

sent to take the offerings. A few brave persons considered the
offerings a waste of money and grain, and failed to heed the

94

demand . . . But in most cases, when Bhagavati Mai appears in
their immediate midst, even these skeptical persons fervently seek
the propitiation of the goddess by any means " (Planalp 1956:730).

The untouchable castes, by mobilizing fear in the community, thus
became ritual influentials (in addition to acquiring some of the
harvest surplus), and the normally minimal competition between the two
complexes was augmented.

This minor movement followed a pattern quite like that of the
growth of the cult of the snake-goddess Manasha in Bengal. There the
worship of the goddess was begun by cowherds, spread from them upward
in the social hierarchy to farmers and fishermen, then to upper caste
women, and finally to upper caste men (Maity 1966:169-185). Such
movements as these are common in the history of North India.

Fundamental concepts of such movements are expressed in and
promoted by the pacara songs. Song 58 clearly opposes the faithful,
humble devotees, all of sudra castes, to the rest of the village, who
refuse to worship her. Song 59 voices beliefs which are no doubt prime
movers in attracting devotees——the mother goddess painfully afflicts

those too proud to worship her,i.e. upper caste persons; she rewards

those who do worship with male offspring.

Performance of the Worship Songs of the Mother Goddess

The quality of the singing in Mata Mai worship is no doubt
:maintained at a high level to avoid offending the goddess. No more
than eight or ten women sang at any one time in any part of the rite,
and those that did sing achieved a fairly precise unison.

The melodies, which vary from song to song, are not as grave as
the §_<_>lr_1_a_£ (described in the following section) or those of the wedding

songs which are tied to particular rites. As with most of the women's

95

songs, the singers are divided into two groups. One group begins
singing a new line just as the other group finishes its line. There is

no time gap between the lines, in fact there is occasionally a brief

overlapping of lines.

$295.5. 2;; 212 m o_f. g B231 £29 Auspicious Inauguration
Introduction

As pointed out in a previous section, a son is an economic and
social asset and a daughter a liability because of the dowry
institution and hypergamous marriage. A son is of great ritual
importance as well because it is he who must administer the blow to the
skull of his deceased father in order that the jiy_('soul') can begin
its journey to Yam Lok, the land of the dead (according to one commonly
held view). Sons are of course necessary to perpetuate the lineage.

Girls are usually treated with affection by their parents, but due
to the financial burden and social disadvantage they impose, they are
sometimes neglected as infants, particularly in families where there
are already several daughters. And ultimately they leave the household,
to become the property of another.1

For these reasons there are many pressures upon a woman to bear a
son. Women make pilgrimmages, fast, visit gidghi'phakirs ('men thought
to have special powers') and perform a variety of devotions in order to
conceive sons. Often a woman is paid no respect in her husband's home
unless she gives birth to a son.

‘When a woman does deliver a son the women of the extended family

immediately express their gladness, give thanks to the deities, and

 

ll. ‘Upadhyaya (1968:84) states that this sentiment is expressed in
Shakuntala, the drama by Kali Das c. 400 A.D. Also see Vivah.

96

provide a favorable omen for the life of the son by singing the songs
called gghgg,

All bodily emanations are considered polluting; childbirth is
especially so, rendering not only the mother, but members of the
extended family and the house itself polluted. A Camar woman stays with
the mother for six days after birth. She cuts and ties the umbilical
cord and performs other tasks too polluting to be undertaken by anyone
of a higher caste.

Sometime within the first 24 hours after birth the women of the
neighborhood come to rub the mother and child with mustard seed oil,
which is considered a kind of personal blessing, like cumavan. If the
newborn is a male they sing sohar then and for the next five successive

nights (eleven nights if the family is particularly traditional).

Other Contexts

Villagers define sohar as a song sung at the birth of a son. On
that occasion it expresses gladness, and, by pleasing the gods which it
often mentions, insures the welfare of the son and the family to which
it is so important. Like the other types of women's ritual song, it is
auspicious (mgggl). In the occurence of sohar in other rites, the glad
and auspicious occasion of the birth of a son is thus an implicit
reference, i.e. singing sohar is a way of making an inauguration
auspicious by staging it like the birth of a son.1 Like the birth of a
son, each rite in which sohar is sung marks the beginning of a new
period in the lives of family members:

IL. In the mgpg§g_sanskar ('the tonsure ceremony of a boy'), the

family's barber shaves the infant's head, and the women offer the hair

 

IL. This was called to my attention by Professor Charles Morrison.

97

to Sitala. (This kind of offering again distinguishes the mother
goddess from the rest of the pantheon, because the hair is regarded as
polluted residue of birth.) This is a culturally recognized rite of
passage, in which the child moves from polluted to unpolluted condition,
and, generally, into the "toddler" stage of life.
2. {Mglflégpti,(mul is the name of the 19th lunar mansion, considered
the most inauspicious; santi--'peace') is performed to prevent
misfortune from coming to the parents of a child born during an
inauSpicious lunar mansion. It marks the end of the inauspicious
period and thus the beginning of an auspicious period.
3. Janamasthami is the holiday commemorating the birth of the deity
Krishna. The occurence of sohar in Janamasthami rites, where it is
sung by women during Brahmans' performance of a havan, is reflective of
the primary occurence of sohar (at the birth of a son). Here its
singing alludes to the nativity of Krishna.
4. The inauguration of a house or well marks the initial use of
facilities which affect the daily activities of the entire family.
.5. The kgthé, the recitation of a moral parable and performance of a
havan by a Brahman priest, is an occasional, minor rite of passage. It
is usually performed when a member of the family is beginning or has
completed some endeavor (see p. 153 for examples). It thus recognizes
the beginning of a new condition in the constellation of factors
affecting the family.

There are two recognized types of sohar. One is devotional, of
‘whixfli the first three songs presented here are examples. These were
recorded at a katha. The other type, represented by the last two songs

here, pertains to childbirth. These two songs were recorded in the

98

actual context of the celebration of the birth of a male.

18.

47. Sohar
From where does Kali Mai come, from where Bhavani Mai?
From where does Siv Sakar come, from where Satya Narayan?
Kali Mai comes from the east and Bhavani Mai comes from the west.
Oh Satya Narayan comes from the south and Siv from the north
Where do you seat Kali Mai, where Bhavani Mai?
Where do you seat Siv Sakar, where Satya Narayan?
We seat Kali Mai and Bhavani Mai in the grove
We seat Siv Sakar in the onil, Satya Narayan on the cauk

What do you offer Kali Mai, what Bhavani Mai?

(Now‘what do you offer Siv Sakar, what Satya Narayan?

We offer Kali Mai dharz, Bhavani Mai flowers
We offer Siv Sakar rice, Satya Narayan meva‘3
What does Kali Mai give me, what Bhavani Mai?
What does Siv Sakar give, what Satya Narayan?
Kali Mai and Bhavani Mai give offspring
Siv Sakar gives wealth; Satya Narayan moksa
.__,__
The person who sings and Spreads this song

hfill.go to heaven and eat sad§5

Commentary: This song indicates that both Sanskritic and non-
Sanskritic deities are accommodated in certain major respects by one
componential framework comprising categories of directional

 

l.
2.

3.
4.

5.

Symbol of the female organ; complement of the lingam.

A mixture of cane sugar, flower petals, other 'sweet' things, and
'water.

A.nfixture of raisins, coconut, and other dried fruit.

Release from the wheel of rebirth

IMy informant said that sad: is the fruit of the kg; (or kalpa) tree
‘which grows in heaven.

99

proveniences (their implications are unclear); location for their
worship; favored offerings; and domains of human welfare. With respect
to the last category, mother goddesses are attributed the power of
awarding offspring; Satya Narayan (an aspect of Vishnu) release from
the wheel of rebirth--clearly a remote, Sanskritic function; and Siva
wealth, a more tangible benefit than that of Satya Narayan indicative
of a less remote relationship with the human realm. Line 18 of this
song is garbled. I think the last line of Arya's Sohar I (1968:39),
which is preceded by a line nearly identical to line 17 of this song,
is more feasible: ". . . (there is) a good hope that (she) attains the
fruit of immortality." Lines 17 and 18 thus express a common
rationalization of the singing of devotional songs which is a facet of
the bhakti persuasion of Hinduism (which holds that singing and other
devotions are a path to salvation).

48. Sohar

1. Ram bathes on the sandalwood cauk

2. All her girlfriends ask Sita, "What austerities did you do to get

a groom such as Ram?"

3. I bathed in the month of Magh (January-February) and did not warm
myself by the fire

4. Every day I arose and worshipped Siva; I got the groom Ram

5. In Jet (AprilaMmy) I fasted on the eleventh and twelfth days of the
lunar fortnight

6. I ate the prescribed foods every Sunday; I got the groom Ram
7. I feasted the Brahmans; I picked up the food they left

8. I gave them the crust of the curds, girls, and thus got the groom
Ram

Commentary: This song reflects the belief in austerity as a means to
attaining highly valued, tangible and intangible items. In this song

a husband like the ideal Ram is the goal, but the kinds of austerities
depicted are also used by women to insure the longevity of the husband
and other family members and to obtain male offspring. Feasting
Brahmans to gain boons (and religious merit) is quite commonly
practiced. Food left on another's plate has been polluted by the
possibility of its contact with his saliva; to eat such food is a
gesture of extreme deference, symbolically attributing divine status to
the person. The crust of curds (line 8) is considered a delicacy.

100

49. Sohar
1. Make and decorate the pedestal in the courtyard

2. Sister, install Satya Narayan upon it and cover it with the cloth
of yellow silk

3. Knowing that Satya Narayan is on it, I would cover it with the
cloth of yellow silk

4. Sister, I would squat, touch and wash his feet, and drink the water

5. I would request a father-in-law like Dasarath and a mother-in-law

like Kausiliya
6. Sister, a husband's older brother that reads books

7. I would ask for only one husband's brother's wife, and a man like
Ram

8. Sister, a husband's younger brother like Laksman, a daughter like a

clove, a son like a lotus

9. I got a father-in-law like Raja Dasarath, a mother—in-law like

Kausillya

10. I got only one husband's brother's wife, a man like Ram, a husband's

younger brother like Laksman
11. Sister, a daughter like a clove, a son like a lotus.

12. RW'request was fulfilled; I obtained residence in Ayodhya

Commentary: In matters of marriage, as Ram and Sita are the ideal
couple, the other members of their families are also upheld as the
ideals for the corresponding statuses in the marital alliance. In Song
61 Siva is said to be worshipped to gain wealth. In Song 62 he is said
to have been worshipped to get the ideal husband (Ram). In Song 63
Satya Narayan (an aspect of Vishnu) is said to be worshipped to get the
ideal husband and affines (Ram and his natal family). According to
these songs, then, Sanskritic deities as well as non-Sanskritic deities
are attributed specific relevance and domains immediate to human needs
and desires. These expressions contradict the Sanskritic/non-
Sanskritic or transcendental/pragmatic model as it applies to folk
conceptualization of the traits and domains of the pantheon (although
the association between Vishnu and moksa of Song 61 supports it).

This song and Song 62 are combined in a sohar collected in four
versions by Arya in Surinam, where, he states, it is the most popular
sohar (1968:38-40). The deity supplicated in the version he presents

 

101

is Brahma, who is often spoken of as the writer of personal destiny.
(He is a Sanskritic deity--"the supreme spirit manifested as the active
creator of the universe " [Dowson 1972:567).

50. Sohar
l. Raja (husband), call and bring your mother, the pain is becoming
intense
2. If you humble yourself I will think you great
3. The women will take the narrow path and, walking gracefully, come
to the house
4. The old woman will take the narrow path and, walking gracefully,
come to the house.
5. Then the old woman will climb and sit on the doorstep
6. You, old woman, will eat the left—over food and fix my hair
7. Raja, call your brother's wife, the pain is becoming intense
8. If you humble yourself I will think you great
9. The old woman will take the narrow path and, walking gracefully,
come to the house.
10. When the women come they will sit on the bed
11. Hey women, call my thin husband, then comb my hair
12. Raja, call and bring your sister, the pain is becoming intense
13. If you are too proud I will think you small
14. The husband will take the narrow path and, walking gracefully, come
to the house
15. Now the husband's sister will come and sit on the bed
16. Hey nanad ('husband's sister), clear out the refuse, then comb my
hair.
Commentary: This song suggests the opposition of the husband and wife

against the rest of the family, at the same time showing the privilege
of attention awarded to the child-bearing wife. Although sisters-in-
law cooperate in many day-to-day tasks and come to each other's aid in
time of distress, competition and conflict is also common.

 

102

51. Sohar
1. As all were seated the queen said to the king:

2. "All of your offspring have died; I will become an ascetic." (The
king says:) "If the queen will be an ascetic, I too will be an

ascetic?

3. The king will rub ashes on himself and the queen and they will beg
for alms in the forest

4. Twelve years have passed and Brahma has not come into the forest
5. Brahma has given boys to everyone without exception

6. "Go to your dwelling, barren woman, your turn has not yet come."

(says the king)

7. 'Tt's only due to a shortage of ink that Brahma has not written that
you should bear children?

Commentary: Here Brahma is again spoken of as responsible for
conception and birth of a son, again reflecting the immediate relevance,
in belief, of Sanskrit deities. To the best of my knowledge, Brahma
was not worshipped in the village. Babb (1969) also mentions his
absence from religious life in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh.

Music and Performance

As in the singing of most of their songs, the women divide into
two groups to sing sohar. Older women take the lead in the singing;
the younger women sing the ”echo" described below. All sohars are
variations, controlled by the lyrics, on one melodic pattern. In this
respect the sohar is like a simplified classical raga. The relatively
low vocal range and somber melody distinguish sohar from other women's
songs. There seems to be an absence of "beat" or rhythmic pulse, but
this could be merely my inability to perceive the structure of accents.
In certain Hindustani ragas the meters are built by the additive use of

two and three beat units, as contrasted with most Western rhythms,

 

103

which are based on multiples of two and three beat units.l After an
initial leap the sohar melody hovers in a higher range for two phrases,
then comes tumbling down to the starting pitch. This final curve is
repeated by the second group of singers to complete the line. The
effect is one of sustained tension emphatically resolved by the repeated
downward motion of the melody. As vocables vowels are often extended.
Melisma (an ornamental phrase of several notes sung to one syllable of
text) and pulsation are frequent. Meaningless syllables (e.g. Q§_hg_in
line 1 of 62) are inserted as needed to fill out the melodic and metric

patterns of the sohar (as is true in most of the women's songs).

Summary

The singing of the sohars, like the texts of the worship songs of
the mother goddess, reveals an obsession with the birth of sons which
is not surprising given their importance in the society. The texts of
the devotional sohars also indicate: (a) the attributes of both
Sanskritic and non-Sanskritic deities and a variety of beliefs
supporting religious activities: e.g. the benefits of austerities and
singing devotional songs. (b) Equally important, they reflect
structures of ideas relative to the pantheon which are basic to ritual
practices. Such beliefs and structures as are disclosed in the songs
analyzed here indicate a more homologous conceptualization of both
Sanskritic and non-Sanskritic deities and their functions than is
consistant with a Sanskritic/non-Sanskritic model of popular Hinduism.

Babb states that, "The Sanskritic complex seems to be as pragmatic in

 

1. There is no doubt some similarity between the metric structures of
Hindustani classical and folk music-_this remains to be
investigated.

- m rr£\

104

its general orientation as the non-Sanskritic complex, but its sphere
of relevance in human affairs is very general, covering as it does, the
entire spectrum of worldly affairs, and even the almost peripheral
matter of salvation " (1969:221). The songs at hand bear this out.
They also show, however, that Sanskritic deities as well as non-

Sanskritic deities are thought to govern matters of personal benefit.

Viewinngomen's Ritual Music in_T§£m§_gf_Ritual Symbolism

The women's songs described in the foregoing sections are clearly
integral parts of the rituals in which they are sung. In this
subsection I use some of Turner's and Geertz' ideas to elucidate the
place of music in ritual.

In his most recent exposition of African ritual symbolism, Turner
(1973) argues that ritual symbols are experienced not only as condensed
references—-"messages about norms and values," but also as 'powers'.
For Turner, the power or 'efficacy' of symbols refers to qualities
thought to be inherent in the objects, persons, and relationships
represented by ritual symbols.

Some rural Indian ritual music (e.g. sohars and Mata Mai songs)
may be thought to have this kind of efficacy. According to scholarly
Hindu concepts, at least, songs are efficacious when they utter the
names of deities. Venkatesvaran refers to the concept as 'the
efficacy of the Name'. It is understood in various ways, but he sees
three as primary:

(a) ". . . the belief that the Name, by itself, as Word, is
efficacious, and that by the very uttering of the sounds
comprising the Name one obtains the results. The Name has even
greater power and efficacy than the person who possesses the
Name (i.e., Bhagvan, or God)." (b) "At the other end lies the

philosophy of idea or meaning as the ultimate. According to this
approach, the one meaning of all names, i.e., God, the Person who

105

possesses the Name, is the source of efficacy, the grantor of the
results. By singing the name, God's grace is invoked by the
devotees." (c) "Between these poles is the belief, widely
prevalent, that each Name is marked by one distinctive quality or
one act of God and, as such, calls for meditation on that
particular glory, act, or gift when the Name is recited or sung"

(1966:179).
When a song uses the Name, it is an agent of a power or is itself a
power thought to be instrumental in attaining the goals of the ritual.
I do not know, however, how prevalent this interpretation is among
women and other less educated persons in the village--it was, of course,
never expressed by them in this sophisticated fashion.

Another scholar, Arya, argues that the efficacy of the Name is
solely responsible for the auspicious quality of ritual music. He
further asserts that this power effectively equates music with mantras
('chanted pseudo-morphemic phrases thought to have efficacy') as
"ritual formulae" (1968:13). But informants ianndrapur (including
priests) simply explained the ritual importance of all music (with or
without texts) with the term mgggl ('auspiciousness'). They did not
indicate that songs were auspicious because of the efficacy of the
Name, nor did they indicate that the ritual songs were conceived to be
as effective and necessary as mantras. They only indicated that all
music in ritual contexts (with or without texts) was magal.

My impression is that music in general is thought to be auspicious
because it is believed to enhance the prospects of attaining the goals
of the ritual by glorifying and pleasing the gods. In this way music
is like other ritual acts that affect the senses—_the burning of
incense and ghi, the garlanding with flowers etc.l Although women's

song is, like mantra, a verbal element of ritual, in the minds of

 

1. This was called to my attention by Professor Charles Morrison.

_.__.____...__.— .—...-.——.—.-_

106

villagers it does not have a status identical with mantra or a similar
function.

Part of the underlying strategy of the sacrifice which is basic to
every rite is to symbolically extend to the gods the kind of
hospitality one would bestow upon a royal guest (atithi): each deity 1
invoked in the puja is then symbolically bathed, perfumed, garlanded,
clothed and fed the purest and finest of foods and pan. In the same
anthropomorphic mode, the gods are provided with the diversion of music.
Music that lauds the gods is of course doubly effective in inducing
their benevolence.

The priest accompanies each ritual act directed towards the gods
with a mantra which communicates to the god what is desired--that he or
she come into the designated vessel, sanction an action, receive an
offering etc. The mantras, in the Sanskrit of the Vedas, are
unintelligible to listeners, which opposes them to song. The absence
of mantras would render the ritual acts ineffective--they are
'performative utterances' which are thought to bring about the desired
effect. WOuld the absence of song have a similar effect? Song
accompanies no Specific act directed towards a god. Few of the songs
directly address the gods. Song could therefore seemingly be omitted
without rendering the ritual ineffective.

Kathas were sometimes performed in which there was no singing.
People never indicated that such a katha was not effective. On the
other hand, song constitutes the rite held at the birth of a son;
'without the song there would be no rite. And song was never absent
from Mata Mai worship or the wedding rites. My impression is that

'women consider song imperative in these last three situations, and men

107

certainly expect women to sing then.

Most villagers (including many pandits) explain ritual only with
regard to its instrumental aspect e.g. "We are making an offering to
the god in order that she will . . ." and "We do this so the soul will
go to . . ." If asked the meaning of a particular act within a rite,
they often respond with a statement like parapara hi_h§ir-'because it
is the custom'. Except for the more astute pandits, villagers do not
have internally coherent conceptual systems which rationalize ritual as
a system.of symbolic expressions. Some peOple, however, do have ideas
about what certain ritual acts symbolize. I do not know if, on this
abstract level, peOple consider songs essential for Mata Mai worship

and the wedding rites to be effective. The question merits further

investigation.

Applying Turner's Methodology to Ritual Music

Turner posits three "semantic dimensions" of ritual symbols which
are useful in extricating the meanings of song within ritual: the
exegetic, the Operational, and the Oppositional. These categories are
quite useful in ordering the symbolic analysis of ritual song. Turner
defines the exegetic dimension as consisting of "the explanations given
the investigator by actors in the ritual" (1973:1103). Song texts
differ from other actions and symbolic objects of ritual in that at the
surface level their meanings are specific and explicit. On this level
songs, like spoken phrases, mean what they say. Their verbal phrases
function as signs-_they convey specific messages. There is also,
however, some submerged or symbolic meaning in song texts. The

exegesis of these meanings yields the data subsumed by Turner's first

dimension (e.g. Song 28).

108

The two other parameters used by TUrner are also useful in the
ordered analysis of the meaning of song in ritual. The operational
dimension consists in the social identities of ritual actors, what they
do with symbols and what emotions they display. A clear example of
song which has a disparate operational aspect is the gali. In the
context of the wedding part of the meaning of galis derives from the
affinal identities of singers and recipients. In some cases they are
delivered with vehemence or laughter, which adds to their meaning.

The positional parameter consists in a symbol's relations with
other symbols in the ritual. One example of a song having positional
meaning is the gali insulting the groom which is sung at the same time
the bride's father is worshipping the groom. The ambivalence of the
affinal relationship is mirrored by the simultaneous opposing
expressions.

Song provides meanings and sentiments which orient ritual
participants to the social changes implemented by the ritual and inform
their experience of the ritual. For example, the wedding songs
explicitly identify the new social states or positions of the nuptial
families and particularly persons within them. In doing so they aid in
forming the orientations of actors to each other and to the present and
future situations. This can be considered cognitive structuring. In
the bride's haldi ceremony she is depicted in Song 13 as liminal--her
separation from the former role of daughter is here enunciated in song
as it is ritually enacted with the application of turmeric to her body.
Throughout the wedding the women's obscene abuse songs and the
tolerance with which they are accepted express to the priest and both

families the conflict- and competition-endowed nature of the social

 

109

bonds which join them. In the case of the affinally joined families
they actually rehearse the families in the ambivalence of the
relationship they have entered. The newly established integration of
the two families is also programmed into participants' minds with two
apt metaphors--the mixing of rice and the congress of persons of the
two families (in Song 32).

Songs also aid the ritual participants in defining their own
emotions. "Daughters are the property of others," one song states, and
"And lo, the daughter is alien." The songs tell participants how to
feel about the loss of their daughter and sister—-it is to be accepted
as an inevitable feature of their social system (cf.Geertz 1966).

The songs also infix an attitude of sympathy towards the bride's
new position, instructing all that her exchange of roles is not made
without emotional trauma. She is depicted as consumed as the demons
consume the moon in its eclipse. Perhaps the implication is that her
identity is merged with and lost in that of her husband's family.

The other genres of women's ritual songs (sohar and Mata Mai
worship songs) express basic religious concepts and beliefs e.g. the
benefits of austerities and the two-faced nature of the mother goddess.
Their singing acculturates the younger persons present, and reinforces
these beliefs in the minds of the older women: the songs implant or
revitalize fundamental notions of and attitudes towards the gods.
Operationally, the performances of all these songs enact the solidarity
of the singing groups-_the women related to the lineage and the women
of the neighborhood in one case, and, uniquely, the women of the

village in the other.

110

Women's Recreational §ggg§_
Introduction

In the foregoing pages I have written about the women's songs
which in their ritual contexts seem most important--the wedding songs,
songs about the Mether Goddess, and songs sung at the birth of a son or
at auspicious occasions such as the katha. The women also occasionally
sing for recreation or to help pass the time and ease the tedium of
monotonous tasks. These occasions include the following, which shall
be discussed in order in this section: (a) recreation in the monsoon
season; (b) rice-transplanting songs; (c) milling songs; and (d)

recreation in seasons other than the monsoon season.

Recreation in the Monsoon Season

As mentioned in Chapter III, the girls of the village occasionally
convene in the evening to swing and sing kajali. They also sing kajali
when they dance dhunmunia. The form of the girl's dhunmunia differed
from that of the men's (see p.2UED. The girls stand in two lines about
eight feet apart, facing each other. One line begins to sing and
advances towards the other line. When they step, approximately at the
end of the stanza, the girls in the two lines are face to face. The
girls of the second line begin to sing and advance, the girls in the
first line having to walk backwards. Reaching the starting position of
line one, both lines stop, and with a new stanza the girls of line two
walk backwards to their position. On the next stanza the cycle begins

anew. The girls' postures are those of normal standing or walking.
I observed the women's dance on the afternoon of a holiday called

téj (on August 24 in 1971), when married women fast in supplication for

lll

their husband's longevity. Those younger women that have been living
at their husband's homes for only several years receive gifts of saris
and food from their fathers and brothers. The younger women of the
southern part of the main settlement (Brahman, Lohar, Kalvar, and Dhobi
castes) had gone together to the river south of the village to perform
the ritual ablutions of the day, and to don their new apparel. They
performed the dance upon returning to a flat, cpen place on the path to
the river.

Due to the low quality of the recordings, I did not fully
transcribe the women's songs, however, I did determine the general
topics of the songs, which I will list here.

1. About Krishna's removal from Brindaban-—the gopis subsequently

heard nothing about him.

2. About Krishna and Draupadi (the wife of Arjuna and his four brothers
in the Mahabharata).

3. A woman, travelling, states that she has no friends 'between here

and Varanasi.‘

4. Radha and the gopis are lamenting that Krishna has abandoned them;

rain drops are falling.

5. About the exploits of Hanuman in Lanka (Ceylon): an episode in the
Ramayana.

6. Ram breaks the bow at Janakpur and Sita garlands him; another
segment in the Ramayana.

7. One should get up in the morning, work, and praise Ram.

112

8. A woman says that on the first night after the wedding,
conversation is not pleasing.

9. A man sees his wife playing with her girlfriends, feels desire for
her, and takes her home. They embrace and she complains that her

sari is damp and asks him to cpen the door.

This group of songs reflects scenes and concerns familiar in other
songs of both men and women: episodes of Krishna (1, 2, and 4);
episodes in the Ramayana (5 and 6); the importance of devotion (7); and
sexual relations between a woman and her husband (8 and 9). Only 3 is

anomalous.

Rice-transplanting Songs

At the time of transplanting the rice plants in September women,
generally of the Camar caste, sing ggpgpi_ki_git ('songs of rice-
transplanting'). The content of these songs is not directly related to
the tranSplanting of rice.

The task is a back-breaking one. The women stand in six to eight
inches of water and bend at the waist to insert the bundles of rice
plants in the mud. Due to problems with wind noise, I was able to

record and translate only one such song, which is offered here.
52. Ropani

l. I ask you Maina, my nanad1
2. How is it that your cheeks are yellow, my nanad, sweetheart2

3. I went to father's grove to grind turmeric and it splashed on my

face and made it yellow

4. How is it that your stomach has become swollen, nanad?

 

1. husband's sister
2. literally, 'juicy heart'

100

ll.
12.

13.

14.

113

I went to father's grove to grind satuval; I ate the satuva and my

stomach became swollen
How did your breasts get blackened, sweetheart?

I went to father's grove, Bhav'iz, to scrub pots; the pots stained

my breasts black

The honorable mother-in-law sat on the stool; set the date for

Maina's gauna, sweetheart!

But now, my Maina, the boy is just a brat; he must still play with
toys

Have your husband's younger brother take a letter, Bhavji, set (a

date for) Maina's departure
When the barat took position near the village, Maina got a headache
When the barat came into the courtyard, to Maina was born Nanda Lal3

Hearing the sound of the crying, Maina's brother beat his head;
shall we celebrate biyahal or sudevas?)+

Heed me, oh brother who beats his head, play both kinds of music!5

Commentary: A girl who is married but has not yet moved to her
husband's home makes ludicrous excuses for certain changes in her
anatomy noticed by her brother's wife--she is pregnant. Arrangements
are hastily made for her gauna (removal to her husband's home) even
though he is quite young. She gives birth just as he and his party
arrive to take her away. She says to her brother, who is pounding his
head in humiliation--"Don't worry, we'll just celebrate both occasions
at oncd' (the rite of departure of the bride and the rite of the
departure of the mother and new-born son).

Arya collected a song in Surinam which is a variant of that part

of this song contained in the first seven lines. He states that the

song is one sung during the milling of flour; the song is obviously one

 

kn {thump—s

Flour of roasted peas or gram and barley

Older brother's wife

An affectionate term for a male infant

i.e. shall we stage the rite of departure of the bride, or the rite
of departure of mother and new-born son.

i.e. celebrate both occasions.

 

114

which could be sung on any informal occasion.

Milling Songs

Women formerly spent much time converting grain into flour on
‘ggkki.('small hand-turned millstones'). Today much of this work is
done at nearby motorized.mills owned by village entrepreneurs. I did
not attempt to elicit milling songs from the women in Indrapur. The
interesting milling song presented here was recorded in a women's song
session convened for me by my Brahman host in a village I visited in

Ballia District. The singers were all Brahman women.
53. Milling
1. ‘With a golden broom, oh Rama, she sweeps out the courtyard

2. She goes out of the courtyard, oh Rama, the goal1 of her sari comes
open
3. Sitting on a stool, oh Rama, the honorable father-in-law

4. I will kill your brother, the wife of your elder brother, and your
brother's daughter2

Your father-in-law gives, oh Rama, the golden pitcher

5
6. She takes in her hand, oh Rama, the silken draw-rope
7. To fill the pitcher, to fill the pitcher at the bank
8

. She drowns herself, oh Rama, she goes to the middle of the Jamuna

Arya (1968:134) collected a Bhojpuri song in Surinam which
contains the theme of the provocation of a son's wife's suicide by his
mgthgg. The same conventions are used in describing the events of the
suicide-_taking the pitcher to fill, the girl drowns herself. In the

song he gives, sasu is used for 'mother—in-law'. This appears to be a

 

l. The front portion of the sari which covers the breasts
2. This line is apparently a curse.

115

lengthening of the standard §§§_in order to satisfy the requirements of
the melodic and metric structure. In the song presented here, géggg
('father-in-law') has been substituted for gégg, but 'mother-in-law'
seems the more logical gloss.

The mother-son's wife relationship is recognized by the natives as
a difficult one. One of the suicides which occurred in Indrapur during
my period of residence was a case in which the mother was said to have
thrown herself in front of a train. In addition to problems with her
son's wife, her hearing and general health had deteriorated with old

age, and the family's position in the village was not what it once was.

Langggge §Qg_Structure 12 women's Sggg§_

The language of the women's songs differs in many ways from the
language of ordinary village speech. One of the most notable
characteristics of the language of the songs is the addition of
meaningless vowels and syllables which fit the words to the melody e.g.
the addition of §_between §§b_and néggg in line 1 of‘5 Sagun; the
addition of £g_in lines 1, 3, and 5 of 12.Haldi,‘§£g to dvar in 15.
Dvar Puja, and addition of hg at the ends of all stanzas of 18. Dvar
Puja. The addition of the potentially confusing pg as a meaningless
syllable e.g. in 29. Vivah line 4, is not uncommon (pg,in the spoken
language is a negative marker). Also, Arya notes that "vowels are
elided and sometimes a stOp substituted with almost an inaudible
remnant of the elided vowel, e.g. jamunau> jam°na " (l968:6). .My
transliterations have not taken this into account as frequently as it
occurs, as my informants tended to ignore it when dictating the line to

me. (See comments on technique, p. 9.) Arya notes too that, "Short

116

vowels are (sometimes) lengthened; long vowels are (sometimes)
shortened. Two short vowels may share a single mora to keep up with
the . . . boat. Even the traditionally long phonemes like e, ai, 0,
an are often pronounced as 6, ai, c, an " (Ibid).

Another interesting linguistic phenomenon occuring in singing is
the confusion of inflectional markers. In 47. Sohar, for example,
éygli in line 1 is gig in line 2. This is a change made to meet metric
and melodic requirements. But gghgli in line 15 is dihalai in line 16,
a change which cannot be given the same explanation. Not only did
different singers use different inflectional markers, but one singer
might use different inflectional markers in identical contexts. In
many cases, translation of the songs revealed that the singers them-
selves did not agree on the tense of verbs--only the basic actions and
relationships had consensual meaning. My transliterations reflect a
standardization that does not occur; again I relied on informants in
the determination of the appropriate or consensual marker in each
instance.

One factor which explains the confusion of inflectional markers is
the mixture of dialects encompassed by the body of women's songs. A
majority of the songs are in sub—dialects of Bhojpuri, but dialects
from western areas are also represented. For example, the words of
11. Sohar are largely Khariboli Hindi (the Delhi-Meerut dialect); the
words of 7. Sohar were said by one informant to be Mewari, a dialect
spoken in Rajasthan.(This may not be precisely true but at least the
dialect is one located to the west of Eastern Uttar Pradesh). Several
songs not presented herein were said to be in the dialect of the

Jaunpur, Uttar Pradesh area. The dialect distribution of the songs

117‘

indicates the commonality of the phenomena they describe in the Indo-
Gangetic area of India.

Although the texts do not demonstrate it, another singing practice
in which the language is used in a manner different from speech is the
division of a word so that the first part of it ends one melodic line

and the last part begins another line.

Structure

In the longer songs, i.e. those containing more than three or four
lines, there are three primary types of organizational structure. One
type is the description of.a series of actions in time e.g. Song 6.
Each line relates a disparate element in the story. A paradigm of this
structure would be A B C D etc. The most prevalent type of
organization, however, is that which may be called "variations on a
theme”. The first line of this type, part or all of which is often the
burden, i.e. a line that is repeated at more or less regular intervals
throughout the song, describes the general setting, theme, or image.
This line may be called A. The following lines are comments on the
general theme or substitute details of the central image. Each of
these lines is composed of an identical base, which we can call B,
containing ”slots" into which different members of a class of items or
actions is plugged in repetitions of the base. A paradigm of this type

1

would be A B A 132 A B3 etc. An example is 10. Sohar.

1

. Your crown is worth lakhs, the fringe worth thousands

A. Such a wondrous boy has come, of a rich family
B
A

. Such a wondrous boy has come, of a rich family

2

B. ‘Your trousers are worth lakhs, your socks worth thousands (etc.)

118

In a variation of this type of structure line A is also varied--
A1 B1 A2 B2 etc.

A third type of structure is the list of questions A1 A2 A3
followed by a list or corresponding answers B1 B2 B3 e.g. 29. Vivah;
and 47. Sohar. A variant of this type is that having the paradigm
A1 B1 A2 B2 etc. e.g. 43. Mata Mai. These three types of structure

account for most of the structures of the longer women's songs.

 

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CHAPTER IV

MEN'S MUSIC

Introduction

In the last chapter I examined women's songs. I showed that the
ritual songs are integral parts of certain rites and the recreational
songs contain themes describing family relations, as well as
mythological references. This chapter will show the outward shift in
the use (i.e. the situation in which it occurs), function, and tOpics
of men's music. Men's music is performed outside the home. It does
not refer directly to the rituals in which it is performed. It cannot
be considered to treat kinship relations (unless the heterosexual love
relationship is considered to be identical with the husband/wife

relationship).

101—1 and lis. mag

The first kind of song I will discuss is called phgggé. This is
the music sung, usually by groups of men, but sometimes by groups of
women, on occasional evenings in the festive period of heli. This is a
period of about five weeks beginning around the end of January.
According to the Hindu calendar, it extends from Vasant Panchmi (the
fifteenth of Sudi-Phalgun) through the day also called a; which is
the first day of the month called Cait (March—April).

The cold season in this part of India is a time of suffering,
particularly for those without warm clothing and bedding. The
temperature descends to around thirty—two degrees Fahrenheit. The
weather begins to turn warmer at the beginning of the holi season, which

contributes to the good mood which usually prevails during the season.

119

 

3:11 is, for t3.
anticipated and

Te origir
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end with an ir.

unscathed 1

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120

Holi is, for this and other reasons brought out below, the most eagerly
anticipated and enjoyed of the Hindu festivals.

The origin of holi is pOpularly attributed to the §§g£§_yg£g§
(these terms are defined in the glossary) the lowest level of castes in
the classical (Vedic) hierarchy. I would speculate that this
attribution is a statement about the nature of the festival which
reflects a Eggpg stereotype: holi has the spontaneity, absence of
inhibition, and earthiness associated by many with the égggg level as
opposed to, for example, the formality, asceticism, and earnestness
that characterize the uppermost of the classical varnas. In the
following paragraphs I will briefly describe the rites of holi and the
style of the music, and present representative texts. The section will

end with an interpretation of holi and its music.

Holika Garna: The Initial Rite of Holi

In Indrapur the story of Prahalad is recited to explain the
customs of M M and my}; 9393;. As told to me by one woman
and one male informant, Prahalad was the devout son of Hans, an evil
man. The woman said he was a ggkggg ('demon,' 'monster'). Prahalad
spend all of his time performing pfljég (”worship ceremonies') to the
god Rama. His father, irritated that he himself was not receiving
proper obeisance, forbade Prahalad to worship. When Prahalad persisted
in his devotions, his father tried in various ways to have him killed.
Finally he had his sister Holika, whom fire could not harm, hold
Prahalad in her lap while a pyre was built around her and ignited. But
Rama intervened, Holika was burned to death and Prahalad emerged

unscathed.l

—_

1. This myth is found in the Puranas as well as folklore from.most of
North India. For references see Marriott 1968 and Lewis 1958.

 

121

The female informant told me that in the holi festive period the
father's sister is often the target for teasing insults because of the
identity of her social position and that of Holika, but I found that it
was the older brother's wife (or, by the customary projection of
kinship terminology to non-related persons, wife of any male older than
ego) that was most often teased. The ego/older brother's wife
relationship is considered to be an informal one. Although I never
observed it, I was told that when the women transplant rice in the
monsoon season, if their husbands' younger brothers come around, they
will be splashed with water and jokingly insulted by their older
brothers' wives.

I observed the rite of Holika gérgi ('to pitch, to erect a pole or
stick by planting it in a hole in the ground') in Indrapur on the
evening of January 23, 1972. The rite was led by several of the
younger men who regularly took an interest in music and manoranjan
('fun', 'recreation'). Most of the group were of one neighborhood, but
it was an inter-caste association including Brahmans, DhObis, Lohars,
Kalvars, and a Nai.

The rite began at the veranda of one of the Brahman members. This
veranda was the location of many of the social activities connected
with holi.l One of the men there had a dhglgk ('a double-headed, wood-
bodied drum played with both hands.‘ This is the most common type of
drum,in this area). Several others had jhél.('a set of cymbals from
three to five inches in diameter'). After ten or fifteen men and boys

arrived the group proceeded towards the western edge of the village.

 

1. Families differ in the frequency and scale of observance of
traditionally designated ceremonies. This Brahman family was the
most diligent of the village.

 

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122

The group sang phagua and cheered as it went, alerting others
interested in celebrating, who joined the group. The cheers, e.g. jéya
EEEQEE kl jg} ('Hail to Lord Rama') occur in most public gatherings in
the village which are characterized by joyfulness and exuberance.

Upon arrival at the ceremonial site, a special branch was erected
with auSpicious symbols buried at its base. PeOple packed fuel chips
(made from cow dung and straw) they had brought around the branch.
Singing phagua and clapping to the rhythm, the entire crowd then
circled the branch five times.

In returning to the starting point the group stopped at the home
of a young.Muslim to shout §§.3§.r§.r§_kabir. Informants were unable
to provide even a satisfactory Hindi translation of this apparently
obscene epithet. One man said it means 'you are like Holika', but this
meaning seems too mild to provoke the laughter and extended cheering
which always resulted from its utterance. At the next home, that of a
Brahman, I was repeatedly urged to shout this epithet followed by the
name of the man who lived there. I conformed to the will of the
majority and there was much whooping and clamor. The crowd then
returned to sing phagua at the veranda from whence it started.

I observed the final stage of another Holika garna rite of some—
what greater scale at a nearby bazaar town. There were garlands of
flowers on the ceremonial branch, a haygg ('fire sacrifice') had been
perfOrmed, a four-piece Egrggi ('English') band played, and a female
impersonator was dancing with the sexual pelvic and hand gestures
typical of this style of dancing. This indicates how such rites are

amplified given the interest and economic means of the celebrants.

Imi‘ap‘x for '23
had a harmonic
‘mscheduled.

fitting the day
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123

Phagua Sessions

The phagua sessions which occurred once or twice a week in
Indrapur for the next five weeks were held at the home of a Brahman who
had a harmonium, which is a small hand-pumped organ. The sessions were
unscheduled. A few of the regular participants would meet by chance
during the day and decide whether they would like to sing that evening.
After the singing began more people would inevitably drop in to join
the singing or listen and comment. There were usually ten to twenty
people there after the session had begun.

The leaders of the singing are those that take an interest in
music, like to sing, and know the songs--several Brahmans, Dhobis,
Lehars, and a Kahar. All the participants were from the south and
central sectors of the village. To the best of my knowledge, the
Thakurs, in the northern part of the village, did not hold such phagua
sessions, nor did they attend any of the sessions I witnessed except
the culminating one on the day of holi.

All of the musicians sat on straw or a blanket on the floor.

Three or four of the men accompanied the music with jhal, and some of
the others clapped their hands in time to the music. The jhal were
owned by the Brahman host and his next-door neighbor.

The singing of phagua, with the exception oijggi;§_and.k§bi£
(igfga), is generally antiphonal--first one half of the group sings a
line, then the other half repeats that line. The line is sometimes
repeated two or more times by each side. At the beginning the tempo is
slow and the volume of voice and jhal restrained. Through the course
of the song the tempo and volume of voice and jhal are increased, and

there is cheering at the ends of some of the stanzas. By the end of

124

the song the tempo is fast, the clashing of jhal is so loud as to
obscure the raised voices, and many of the singers have risen to their
knees. At the end there is a cheer and arms are thrown into the air.
In each song this pattern--from a restrained beginning to a frenzied
climax--is repeated. The style of gahgkg, the most popular type of
phagua, is like that of the harikirtan (see the last section of this
chapter) in its rhythm, some of its melodies, and particularly its use
of the repeated climax.

I also attended phagua sessions in Sir, a village near Varanasi,
and a village in Ballia District. The sessions of the former village
differed in that they were always initiated with one harikirtan
('devotional song') and occasionally included appropriate songs of the
bighglgenre (see Chapter VI). The session in Ballia District, which
was held the night before the burning of Holika, was a larger
aggregation of men who stood in two rows eight to ten feet apart while
a female impersonator from a nearby village danced between them to the

driving rhythms of phagua.

The music of Holi in Surinam
The Hindus of Surinam are largely descendants of Bhojpuri and

Avadhi speaking people. (Avadhi is the dialect spoken in the area to
west of the Bhojpuri speaking area.) The immigration took place from
1873 to 1916. Their contemporary musical traditions (as described in
Arya 1968) have much in common with those of the villages I observed.
The subject matter of the songs is largely the same; in some cases the
songs which I collected differ only slightly from those collected by
Arya in Surinam. The brief comparison of the holi musical traditions

which follows demonstrates the stability of the music and ritual which

125

it accompanies in the two locales. It also indicates the general
prevalence of my findings in the Bhojpuri—speaking region.

In both Surinam and the region in which I worked phagua are sung
primarily by men (but sometimes, separately, by women). The period of
the holi season in Surinam coincides with that in India. The music
production and social context in Surinam, as Arya describes them, are
similar to those I observed in Ballia—-the singing takes place at any
convenient home or shrine in the evening, the men dividing into two
lines facing each other, with dholak and jhal used as accompaniment.
The stanzas of the songs are repeated by each group several times, and
"the singing is full of great gusto" (Arya 1968, p. 22).

In Surinam, however, the singing is referred to collectively as
gagt§1;, because there the cautal is the most prominent of the songs in
the phagua festival. In Indrapur the gahaki, a less complex, shorter,
and simpler type of phagua, was much more pOpular than the longer
cautal. In Indrapur the singing of cautal seemed much more difficult
for most of the men and consequently less successful--good unison
’ singing was rarely attained and fewer men participated. The jhfimag and
El§£§ which Arya state are concomitant forms of the cautal in Surinam,
were not sung in Indrapur or Sir, though they may have been in Ballia.
The géité songs sung in Surinam at the time of holi are sung only on
the day of holi (the first day of the month Chaita) and afterwords in
Ballia and Indrapur. (They were sung only once in Indrapur, to the best
of my knowledge.) The belvara form found in Surinam is probably the
belvaria form which I heard rarely in Sir and did not hear in Indrapur

or Ballia. Some of the forms obviously have regional distributions.

 

l. Cautal is the name of a meter used in Indian classical and folk
music. Cf Fox-Strangways 1965:216-217.

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126

The accompanied chants called kabir and jogigé are both found in
Surinam, though those presented in Arya's collection are not obscene as
were those I collected in Indrapur. Arya points out that kabir and
jogira have the same form but are introduced differently: the kabir
with §2g§_lg,mgré_k§§ig ('listen to my kabir') and the jogira with
jggiji ii {i a; (which is apparently merely a jubilation--informants
said it has no meaning). This also holds true for Indrapur. Many of
the jogira and kabir recorded in Indrapur seemed to be somewhat
incoherent collationSIQfeuphonious sometimes nonsensical lines-_the
pleasure of their performance derived from their articulation rather
that their sentiment or literary merit. Arya states that kabir and
jogira may be performed at any time in the holi season in Surinam, but
are performed primarily after the burning of Holika and on the day of

holi. I heard them only on the last occasion in Indrapur.

Holika Dahan: The Burning of Holika

The burning of Holika took place on February 29, 1972, at the
bonfire site mentioned above. After the evening meal people began
congregating near the ceremonial branch, which had become surrounded by
a variety of other tinder. Each person who hadn't previously
contributed something to the pile brought fuel chips. A Brahman
arrived and performed a brief hayan, This is a consecrating rite
performed by Brahman priests in their sacerdotal capacities, but which
can be performed by anyone. Basically it consists of offering'géi
('clarified butter'--a highly valued, ritually pure food) to the gods
by pouring it on a burning fire while reciting appropriate mantras

('ritual formulae'). The bonfire was ignited as the havan ended.

The dhol;
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127

The dholak player began to beat his drum and everyone sang and
circled the burning pyre. Between songs peOple shouted sa ra ra ra
kabir and other epithets. At the insistant request of the milling
crowd, I shouted insults directed towards two older men known to be my
friends. (This is an example of the licensed role inversion noted by
Marriott £19687). Everyone cheered loudly at these and other insults.
When the blazing fire began to recede, young boys ignited torches from
it and ran towards the river south of the village. Many then proceded

to the Brahman's veranda to sing phagua.

Holi

On the morning of holi peOple dressed in their old clothes to
'play colors' (£§g_ khglng). Using squeeze bottles and huge syringes
they Sprayed each other with dye, and tried to get close enough to rub
colored powder on each other's faces. It is a time when everyone is
permitted to be aggressive, in conventionalized modes. Most of the
activities were carried out within neighborhoods, generally by the men
and children. At noon everyone bathed and threw their dye-stained
clothes away or set them aside to give to parjunia or untouchables.

In the afternoon men began gathering at the Brahman's veranda.
One of his biradari had prepared bhan , which consists of leaves from
the Cannabis indiga_(the Latin name) plant ground together with black
pepper. Some of this had been rolled into little balls for eating and
some mixed with water, milk, and crude cane sugar to make a drink
called thandai. In the quantities consumed by most men the preparations
are mildly intoxicating.

Each arriving guest approached each man present and applied red

powder in a vertical line in the center of his forehead. The other man

 

 

128

returned the gesture and they embraced.

Our Brahman host recited a jogira and for half an hour jogira and
kabir were interspersed with phagua. The men encouraged me to shout
insults at the wives of my older friends and at my servant, who was
also present. An old man, once a resident of the village, played the
part of the léfidg, ('a female-impersonating dancer, usually a boy or
young man'). The younger men painted his lips and wrapped a shawl
around him to serve as a sari. (Ordinarily, I was told, a more
legitimate landa from one of the nearby Camar hamlets was hired to
come and dance on this day.)

The whole party began its rounds of the village. The second stOp
it made was at the veranda of the leader of the village.council. After
a few phagua and kabir thandai was served to all but the younger boys.
Then the party wandered on to visit the verandas of other families
known to be offering refreshments-—some of the more prestigious
families in the village.

Eventually the group dissipated. Shortly thereafter some of the
Brahman women of one neighborhood also sang phagua, but in the privacy
of their own courtyard.

Presented below are chahaka, one cautal, one kabir, and one jogira.
Discussion of phaguas and their relationship to the ritual of holi

follows the songs .

Sh. Cahaka
1. Listen, listen to the story of Janak sakhiya
listen to the story of Janak
2. Raja Janak made this promise

3. He placed a bow at his door

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6. Bara Sur and Ravan came
7. They fled when half the night was gone, sakhiya
listen to the story of Janak
8. Two boys came with a holy man
9. One grasped and broke the bow, sakhiya
listen to the story of Janak
Commentary: This song relates an episode from the Ramayana (outlined

129

The sovereigns of many countries came

 

The bow was neither moved nor removed, sakhiya

listen to the story of Janak

on p. and cf. Dutt 196933-5). Raja Janak held a bow-breaking

contest for the hand of his daughter.
of the "two boys" mentioned in line 8.

It was won by the god Rama, one
Sakhiya in line 1 is the

Bhojpuri form of the Hindi sakhi—-'a girl's female companions'.

55. Cahaka

Buy curds, Nanda Lal,

dear boy buy my curds
Where are you from‘ggpi?
What is your name?

dear boy, buy my curds
I am agval gopi of Mathura
Radha is my name

dear boy, buy'my curds
My mother-in-law made these curds
I came to sell today

dear boy, buy my curds
When was the milk taken from the cow?

When did you add it to the lentils?

When did it thicken?

dear bc;
'. ”he hernitl
dear tel

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10.

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12.

13.

19.
15.

130

dear boy, buy my curds
The morning's milking, it was thickened that very evening
dear boy, buy my curds
It was added to the lentils in the evening
dear boy, buy my curds
Ram Nath Pande sang this cahaka
Today Henari sits with us
dear boy, buy my curds
Today he is a guest

Today is the holi festival

dear boy, buy my curds

Commentary: This is a song about Krishna when he was a cowherd in the
area near Mathura (approximately fifty kilometers north-west of Agra in
Uttar Pradesh). Nanda Lal--'dear son of Nanda'. Nanda was Krishna's
social father. Gopi--'a girl or young woman that tends cows'. The
gopis were amorous admirers of Krishna. Radha (line 5) was Krishna's
favorite, according to the vernacular literature (See Chapter VIII).
Gval--'the caste name of the cowherds'.

56. Cahaka

Hari celebrates holi in Vrij
Radha gives tranquillity to her sakhis
Group by group all the little ones come

Hari celebrates holi in Vrij
MOhan, who took your flute and beads?
we will wear nose ornaments

Hari celebrates holi in Vrij
Where did your Nanda go?

Hari celebrates holi in Vrij

Where did Mbther Dasomat go

131

Hari celebrates holi in Vrij

8. Turning his head this way and that, Krishna asks

9. Where did they go, clever one?

Commentary: This song indicates the close association of Krishna with
the holi festival. Hari and Mohan are epithets of Krishna. Vrij is
the area around Mathura. Radha's sakhis took pleasure in hearing about

her affair with Krishna (line 2). "Clever one" probably refers to
Radha.

57. Cahaka
My sweetheart‘s eyes are a dagger
Since then there has been no rest in my heart
Darkness came and there arose a flame

My sweetheart's eyes are a dagger

Inside there has arisen a flame

My sweetheart's eyes are a dagger

l.

2.

.3.

4.

:3. Food and such doesn't mean anything to me
6.

7.
E3.

Siv Prasad is struck Speechless

$9.. As though he had been struck dead

10- My sweetheart's eyes are a dagger

C:Ommentary: The textual style of this song is similar to that of a

Egiéagggl, a kind of Urdu poem (see Chapter VI).

Siv Prasad is the name of

the ostensible author--see note p. .

N r

‘F'W

58. Cahaka
For what offense has the police inspector arrested my husband?
My husband is neither a very short nor a very thin man

Intoxicated by bhang, my husband went to sleep on the street

I will have to give five rupees to the officer, ten to the inspector

132

5. I will have to surrender my charms to the white man, ten to the

InSpector
6. I will have to steal my husband
Commentary: As this song shows, police officials in the past were often
English, and their treatment of the natives not generally noted for its
fairness. In the rural area of this region today some people still
react with fear and suspicion to white—skinned people, who are
automatically assumed to be some kind of 'inSpectors'.
59. Cautal
l. Sakhi, what have we done to cause Banvari to abandon us?
2. In the month of Jet the body becomes hot
the sari does not feel good on it
.3. In the month of Asarh the sorrow of separation increases
the sixth lunar mansion antagonizes
l+. The month of Savan has a pleasant effect

15. .Avadh Bihari went to swing under the branch of the mango tree

(5. In Bhado the sky is heavy and the pain of separation is great in
the heart

7’. Krishna promised to come in Kvar
he became involved with my savatsag
8 - In Kartik Man Mohan plays joyfully

539-. The cuckoo begins to call from the mango branch

Commentary: Banvari, Avadh Bihari, and Man Mohan are all epithets of
Jrfiishna. Savatsang--'co-wife'. After all of the gopis had fallen in
'<>\re with Krishna, he left them. This episode (originally in the
ifleigavata Purana) is combined here, as it is in much vernacular and

€§§i§Lrlskrit poetry, with other themes called virah§--'the emotion arising
21.1:. separated lovers', and barahmasa ('twelve months'). Viraha is the
th eme underlying most barahmasa--the natural phenomena of the seasons
are thought to augment the pain of separated lovers.

 

133

60. Cahaka
1. All are captivated by the new fashions, brother
2. Everyone abandons the old ways
3. Oh, they want boots on their feet
4. They wear multicolored lfigig
5. Heavy dhgti§_are not considered attractive
6. Bengali style hair cuts
Everyone abandons the old ways
7. The boys happily smoke bigis
8. They apply fragrant oil and soap
9. They chew great wads of pin at work
113. They have abandoned the dhg£_méti
Everyone abandons the old ways
$13.. High prices have come
.123. Homemade ghi has become but a dream
13 . The stomach is filled with chutney and potato salad
3L£+. Hearts are ensnared in romantic love, brother
Everyone abandons the old ways
1=fi5.. Before, the young men advanced the name of Sir
1—<ES., Bacau dropped the tiger
L7 - Madhu earned a name in wrestling
SL£E3to Nagau says: "Please explain it, brother,
everyone abandons the old ways.”
gglmmntary: This .song was composed by the patriarch of an Ahir clan in
1?, a Village adjacent to VaranaSl. A-QQQEl is a men's skirt-like
Eggnent generally of white cloth,~pa_rt of which is'passed between the
butghs andttucked in behind. .A lug; 15 also a men s skirt-like garment,
conSls s only of a long piece of patterned cloth wrapped around and

t;:i‘f§><i at the waist. A biri is a cheap, small cigarette. Pan is a
ZJLImulant masticatory, containing lime, catechu, and pieces of areca

134

nut wrapped in betel leaf. Qhug_méti is the dirt which wrestlers rub
on their bodies before fighting. Bacau and Madhu were both famous
residents of Sir.
61. Jogira
1. The instruments play in the grove
who are the players?
2. Mether Earth has gone to sleep
who will wake her?
Here people will mix and dance
4. Let's go, let's go to the grove
I will serve you fruit
_5. When the fruit branch breaks
I will spread the spread
65. If the corner of the spread tears
I will call the tailor
77. If the tailor's needle breaks
I will make the horse run
53.. If the horse's leg breaks
I will apply turmeric
9 - If the turmeric leaves a yellow stain
the yellow color doesn't come out
1‘:>.. If the old man doesn't let go of the old woman

bugger the old man!

62. Kabir
Listen to my kabir, Henari, I say

Henari's sister's vagina expands until it is as big as the tank at

Ujaini

In one he

\A"
0

Both tee:

9 V
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i y
H .9 Wag ‘

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tale}? f: 1:

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135

In one half Henari kneads satfia, in the other Oscar bathes

Both teeth grind the penis

Ouch! The clitoris will cut, the vagina is lined with the thorns

of the magoica
The vagina pounds like the collar of the hoe blade

Hai hai holi! Your vagina climbs up the penis.

Commentary: Satua is a dough made from roasted pea or gram flour,
barley flour, and water. Oscar is the name of Henari's father. The
magoica is obviously a thorny bush. Its exact reference is unknown.

Themes of Other Phagués

In order to give some idea of the topical area covered by phagua

yand.to provide in the most condensed form what I consider to be the

<3rux of the data, below are listed titles which encapsulate the themes

cxf other phagua I collected, and for comparative purposes, those

(mollected by Arya in Surinam. The first ten songs are from Indrapur.

IL.

2.

Sita and Ram provide for all.

Henari (the name of any friendly visitor is put in the slot) is
selling the sexual services of his sisters.

Krishna and the g0pis celebrate holi.

MU'husband, who lives far away, is coming to see me.

MW'husband's younger brother will take the thorns from my fingers;
my husband will drive away the pain.

The seasonal feelings of a woman separated from her husband.
Krishna is pushing Radha in the swing.

The wondrous features of Radha.

A woman eXpresses to her husband her desire to sew.

(\\

EH
3
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fl!
(3

77

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LA,

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or &V
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9
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136

10. The attributes of famous river—banks (e.g. that of Banaras is

justice-dispensing).

From Sir, a village near Varanasi:

l. The intoxicating season of Phalgun has come, my youth is waning,
my husband lives far away.

2. Bacau killed the lion that came into the village.

3. The wants of the modern rural wife——speciflc types of clothing,
ornaments, and to be taken to the cinema.

9. The intoxicating season of holi has come; Krishna plays with the

alluring gOpis.

From Surinam:

l. Krishna teases a gopi and commits lawless behavior with her.

2. Beloved Krishna, do not leave me in this lovely spring season; my
body aches for you (a gOpi's request).

3. Why do you manhandle me, Krishna? You will not get what you want.

4. Where has my lover taken me? We passed the whole day in strange
hills and forests; we mixed with the rustics.

5. Where has my king (loven)gone? The signs of youth (breasts) are

swollen. Remember me, master, only you can console me.

Interpretation of Holi

The social activities of the two hgli celebrations in which I
participated in Eastern Uttar Pradesh do not seem as extreme as those
of the village in Western Uttar Pradesh which Marriott so lucidly
describes (1968). An informant from Western Uttar Pradesh said that
holi is not celebrated in Eastern Uttar Pradesh with the zeal it is in

Western Uttar Pradesh. Although there was less of the role inversion

finish me close
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137

which he observed, the experiences of the people in Indrapur seemed to
be quite similar to that to which Marriott alludes. What did happen
socially in Indrapur and Ballia was that people interacted who do not
ordinarily do so, in a unique style. On Hgliké. arna, in the singing
sessions, the burning of Holika, and the afternoon of holi, people from
all sectors of the caste hierarchy and all neighborhoods of the village
collected to participate in the customary rites. These gatherings were
more or less free of hierarchical structure.1 The members of the group
were united in a highly valued common eXperience, called.ma§ti. It is
difficult to identify precisely the qualities of this experience, but
the symbols of the rites, the statements and the songs of the
participants allow speculation with some degree of faith.

First, in talking about holi, three kinds of explanations were

offered:

1. my Brahman host during the Ballia holi festivities explained
holi with reference to the weather and agricultural stage. He
said that holi music and activities are expressions of joy
stimulated by the fields of nearly ripened wheat and barley,
and the warming weather. This explanation of holi validates
the appellation 'rite of Spring' used by other interpreters
(e.g. Marriott, Arya). In Indrapur people explained the
absence of a true géfigg from the holi celebrations by saying
that this year's cold weather dampened everyone's enthusiasm.

2. A secondary school principal in Ballia explained that holi is

 

1. This is manifest in the ritual smearing of red powder and embracing,
which symbolize a negation of status difference (Babb 1969:183).
It is also manifest in collective singing and cheering. See p. .

 

J.
U
ar’

\lru

 

 

l38

a scheduled time for the expression of suppressed feelings——it
licenses verbal abuse, obscenity, and aggression prohibited at
most other times.

3. Several young male informants, in eXpressing their pleasureful
anticipation of holi said it was a very mast time. The
dictionary meanings of magt are: 'intoxicated, drunk, proud,
wanton, lustful, happy, overjoyed, careless' (read 'carefreo'
Pathak 1969:859). Several phagua mention Phalgun, the month
contained in the holi festival, as a mast mahina (the latter
word means 'month'. See the songs from Sir, numbers one and
four).

Explanations l and 3 indicate that there is a culturally

recognized mood associated with holi. This is the basis for the

discussion which follows.

The Stages of holi and their Salient Features
1. Holika garna: singing, cheering, abusive epithets
2. Phagua sessions: singing, cheering
3. The burning of Holika: singing, abusive epithets, fire and torches
4. Playing colors: squirting and throwing dye, rubbing colored powders
5. Finale: singing, obscene songs, abusive epithets, applying abir,

female-impersonating dancer, drug use.

Inspection of the salient features of the five stages of holi
listed above show that in three of the five stages the shouting,
chanting, and/or singing of normally prohibited expressions are
primary elements. One apparent effect of this ritual element is to

augment the already effusive affect. Everyone becomes more excited and

139

clamorous--m§§t in the vernacular, by shouting these normally
unutterable expressions.

Secondly, men's group singing in phagua, in kajali, the music of
the monsoon season, and in other genres always infuses affect. The
pulse-quickening synchrony of voices, clashing cymbals, and drums in
phagua, the repeated crescendo and accelerando of the songs, combined
with the unified expression of common sentiments, often sensual,
establish a noisy, fervid gaiety which is called mggti.

Thirdly, the prevalent theme of the songs is sexual. Six of the
21 songs I collected were concerned with Krishna; three of Arya's five
phagua share that concern. In these songs the references to Krishna
are to that aspect in which he consorts with Radha and the gopis in
Gokula.1

The episodes of this aSpect of Krishna are transmitted on the folk
level in stories and in the ubiquitous oleograph calendars which are
used in daily personal devotions, as well as in song. Krishna is
depicted as "the youthful, desireable lover of the Gopis " (Dimock,
l967:xiv). In one of the songs under consideration Krishna is seen
being exhorted by Radha, his chief gmgg, to take dag; ('yogurt') from
her. Her beauty is the subject of another of the songs. In others he

is described playing colors with the alluring gOpis, the sexually

 

1. According to the chronology of the texts in which they appear,
there are three distinguishable Krishnas, though their attributes
occasionally overlap. The oldest is "Krishna the chief of the
Yadavas," who served as Arjun's charioteer in the Bharata epic.
There is "Krishna the god incarnate," the instructor of Arjuna and
through him of all mankind, who appears not in the older Bharata,
but in the larger religious work, the Mahabharata, into which it
was expanded. Then there is "Krishna of Gokula," the god brought
up among cowherds, the mischievous child, the endearing lover, the
eternal paradox of flesh and spirit. (Ingalls l968:v).

140

suggestive act imitated in holi ritual in the village; pushing Radha in
the swing, an erotic allusion; and coercing a gopi to comply with his
sexual desires. The g0pis' longing for Krishna is another theme in
these songs.

In a devotional context, e.g. in the Vaisnava cult of Bengal
(Dimock, in Singer 1968) and the devotional cults of Madras City
(Singer, ibid), the interpretation of the involvement of Krishna and
the g0pis focuses on the g0pis' adoration of Krishna, which is taken as
a model for the votaries' submissive worship of the deity. Embedded in
the context of holi, however, the sentiments eXpressed in the songs
seem more secular than sacred, more sensual than devotional.

Another six songs not concerned with Krishna employ erotic imagery
e.g. those concerned with the emotions of a woman separated from her
husband. (See the songs from Indrapur #3 iv, 2, 6; Sir #1; Surinam #s
4 and 5.) One truncated song merely states that a woman's husband is
coming to see her (Indrapur #4); in another two the primary reference
in to the husband-wife relationship, with one of these inviting a
Freudian interpretation. (Indrapur #s 5 and 9. In #9 a woman
expresses to her husband her desire to sew.) Thus, out of the twenty-
six songs under consideration, fifteen are concerned with some aspect
of the heterosexual relationship, with twelve of these more or less
sexual in import.

To return to the original argument, we see that the word mag},
with its sexual references, is quite appropriate as a qualifier of
holi. A dictionary definition for the noun m, derived from the
adjective magi, emphasizes the sexual aspect even more: 'intoxication,

drunkenness, lust, ardent passion, rut, wantonness' (Pathak 1969:859).

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141

The reference to intoxication is realized not only from the bhang, but
as a kind of effusion of affect.

The element of sexuality is also manifest in the dancing of the
léfidé. Ordinarily, his demeanor is that of a coquettish, provocative
woman, sometimes describing a phallus with hand gestures, and coition
with "bump and grind" pelvic movements (cf.Marriott 1968:204).

Another pattern visible in the rites of holi which must contribute
to the vibrantly affective sexual experience of the participants is the
occurrence of vivid sensory symbols.l In three of the five stages
bright objects, bright colors, and sexual metaphor are present. In the
burning of Holika all of the activity is centered around a huge
bonfire, with people partaking of its brightness and heat with their
torches. In the playing of colors, everyone ultimately wears rainbow
combinations of bright colors--a vivid departure from the standard
prevalence of offawhite garments. The squirting of dye from plastic
squeeze bottles (some in the form of Krishna) and giant, phallic
syringes is blatantly sexual.

0n the afternoon of the day of hell, the wearing of the blood-red
ghi; powder on the forehead (which is thought to make the brain hot) by
all men is another occurence of a bright-hot symbol. This stage, it
should be pointed out, combines all of the exciting elements--the use
of normally prohibited language, sensory symbolism, group singing, and

female-impersonating dancing, under the amplifying effect of bhang. If

I. A symbol has both ideological and sensory meanings. The former is
an arrangement of norms and values that guide and control persons
as members of social groups and categories. The sensory meanings
are ”closely related to the outward form of the symbol" and are
usually ”natural and physiological phenomena and processes "
(Turner 1967, PP. 27-30).

142

my experience is typical, external perception is heightened by the
bhag (in this context, at any rate) and self consciousness is
diminished so that one becomes merely a particle in a colorful,
phantasmagoric swirl of music, cheering, and liminal cameraderie.

To conclude this section, I have argued that phagua, the music of
holi, is an important agent in the infusion of magti, which is the
valued sensual, intoxicating eXperience of the participants in the

rites of holi.

The Music of the Monsoon Season
Introduction

Kajali or kgjggi} is the name given to songs associated with and/
or sung in the monsoon season. Along with phagua, they are the most
popular kind of seasonal song. The appellation kajali to a song is
made with reference to the content, to the context in which the song is
sung, or to the tune of the song. In this section I discuss the songs
of the monsoon season and some of the ritual and recreational
activities associated with them.

The larger context of kajali is the monsoon season, which begins
in June and ends early in October. (This is the period of Asarh, Savan
and Bhado of the Indian calendar.) It is a time of frequent, heavy
rains, sometimes lasting for two or three days. The winds are moderate
and easterly, thought to be laden with disease-causing micro-organisms
(32g). Cholera and smallpox epidemics (less common now than in the
past) occur during this season. Pujas to Kali, Sitala, and Mata Mai,

the last two associated particularly with smallpox and cholera, are

 

l. Intervocalic ls and rs are interchangeable in the Speech of many in
this area.

143

accordingly common. High humidity seems to accompany the east wind in
all seasons in Eastern Uttar Pradesh. Except in the cold season, the
east wind is thought to induce Elagi ('laziness, lethargy'). The
evenings, when it is not raining, are soft and sensuous.

Young people, in sexually segregated groups, like to swing and
sing in the evenings. A bamboo harrow is suspended by rOpe at each end
from a strong tree branch. Several people sit or stand on the harrow
to swing. It is possible that swinging has some symbolic significance,
but it was never mentioned by informants.

The same group of men who most often sang phagua, sometimes with
one or two older men who occasionally indicated that they felt out of
place, would gather at a well once every four or five days to sing
kajali. On Nag Panchmi ('Snake Fifth'——on July 27 in 1971) and on
several other occasions when they were in the mood and the weather
permitted, they gathered at the school playground or at some other
open, flat Space to sing kajali as they performed a simple dance called
dhunmunia.

According to several informants, the dance evolved in Mirzapur
District, seventy or eighty miles south of Indrapur, and Spread over
most of Eastern Uttar Pradesh. Several etymological explanations of
the dance name were offered by informants. A musician from Western
Bihar said that the word derives from dhunmun--'the uneven gait of a
child'. Two of the teachers in Indrapur said that the root ghgg in
dhunmunia means 'to search, to wander'. (There is a Hindi verb
dhurhna which means 'to search, investigate'). They said that the
dance was originally performed by young women, and symbolized their

search for husbands.

144

Seen from above, the dance resembles the revolving of a spoked
wheel. Each "spoke" is composed of two or three men. Side by side,
each has one arm about the other's waist. The units of two or three
trace the paths of spokes as they step and snap their fingers in time
with the music. Their postures somewhat stylized, knees bent, they
glide around smoothly and gracefully. The music is antiphonal. When
one or more couples are singing they stand in one place as the other
couples move around to come up behind them. At the completion of the
stanza the nowasilent unit begins to move around the arc, and the
couple(s) that had come up behind them initiate.a new stanza. There is
no instrumental accompaniment.

The girls of the village also sing kajali and dance dhunmunia, but
both their songs and their dance differ from those of the men, as
described in Chapter III.

The following five songs were all sung at the time of the

dhunmunia dancing by the men on Nag Panchmi.

63. Kajali

?‘

The women of Vrij stand and make a request

Give me my sari, Krishna

He took the clothes and climbed the kadam tree

we are naked in the middle of the water

My companions are naked in the middle of the water

I will give you.your clothes when

0

You leave the water

All the girls make the request together

\0 CDV O\U'\ {TU N

Keep our honor

I-’
O

Companions, keep our honor

1.1.

12.

13.

145

Radha donned a lotus leaf and came out
Krishna clapped his hands

Krishna clapped his hands

Commentary: This episode of Krishna's adolescence was the subject of
several kajalis I recorded. The scene is also one of those depicted on
the ubiquitous oleograph calendars used in devotions. The story was
told in the Bhagavata Purana (Archer 1958:37). Neculea cadamba is the
Latin name for the kadam tree.

11.
12.

13.

64. Kajali
‘Woman, be patient for twelve months
In Asarh give up your lover, my woman
In Savan mix with the girls of the village and sing with them
Stay in the house all Bhado; don't go to your father's house
It won't be easy for you in Kvar: don't cry.
In Kartik send one letter c.o.d.
In Agahan go to your father's with all your girlfriends
In Pus I will send you a parrot to play with
In Magh go to Allahabad and bathe on Makar Sakranti

In Phalgun you won't be able to play holi and get colors on your

sari
In Cait I will worry and send a messenger
In Baisakh I will come home and fulfill your desire

In Jeth we will meet: there will certainly be a meeting

Commentary: This is another example of the barahmasa theme occuring in
phaguas and other genres.

l.

2.

65. Kajali
Mind what I say: don't go without looking at the path, dear

Bengal is a bad country

10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.

146

You will go there and your face will turn black
The water will get to your heart and it will become riddled
it will become riddled, dear
Whoever eats too many coconuts and bananas becomes ill
He eats them and becomes more ill
They are always sold cheaply; there are bazaars in every direction
They are always sold cheaply; there are cities in every direction
The Bengali woman is a clever one
The Bengali woman is a clever one
They all caste spells
They have long hair and thin waists, dear
‘You won't be able to understand their zig—zag language
She will caste her spell and turn you into a ram

She will bring you under her control and keep you on her bed, dear

Commentary: A number of men from the village (approximately twenty-
five) presently work in Bengal and Assam. This is not a recent
development--many of the older men in the village have worked in Bombay,
Calcutta, or Rangoon.

66. Kajali
Take this letter and go, Babhan1
Savan passes

Take my letter, the clouds in the sky are thundering

 

Uneducated infermants called Brahmans Babhan. In discussing the
castes of Northern India Hutton states: "Apart from Rajputs, the
castes which probably stand next to Brahmans in social position and
are in some ways allied to them.are the Babhan and the Bhat. The
Babhan are land-holders particularly associated with Bihar and
claim to be Brahmans who have given up the priestly function for a
life of agriculture. Their social divisions, however suggest
affinities with Rajputs rather than Brahmans (1969:33).

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147

4. In Savan the gauna blossomed, Savaliya, the gauna blossomed
5. The way can't be seen in Bhado

6. The rain drOps pitter patter in the courtyard

7. In Kuar the heavenly moonlight shines daily

8. In Kartik the lamps burn, Savaliya, the lamps burn

9. Agahan is not a bit pleasant

10. All my sakhis go to their gaunas
11. In Pus the cold hurts
12. In Mag I am waiting in the courtyard
13. In Phagun with whom will I play colors?
14. Hari has gone to the Madhu forest
15. In Cait the scent of the pélés tree in the forest blows,

Savaliya, the scent of the palas blows

16. In Jait beautiful Syam does not come
1?. Twelve months have passed

Commentary: This is a barahmasa which eXpresseS some of the popular
concepts about the erotic effects of the monsoon season. Savan, one of

the months of the monsoon season, is considered to be a time when
sexual desire, particularly that of the-woman, reaches a peak, hence
the "blossoming" of the gauna and the desired consumation of the
marriage. Savaliya, Hari, and Syam are all epithets of Krishna used
here as metaphors for husband. The burning of lamps in Kartik alludes
to the Dipavali festival. The Madhu forest is that in which Krishna
slew the monster Mbdhu.(Dowson 1972:182). The scent of the palas tree
is thought to be an aphrodisiac. The Latin name for the tree is butea
frondosa.

67. Kajali
1. The bride fills the water jugs of the babfi log
2. The eye makeup of the fair lady is excruciatingly lovely

3. In both of her eyes are blossoms

4. 'Wearing a blue petticoat; her waist thin

12.

13.
14.

148

The fair lady's 921; like that of a Multani woman

Light green bangles on her wrists

A dhakava print Shawl covers the pretty woman

On the fair woman's waist a chain of gold

On her feet anklets

The woman walks on the path, casting her glance from side to side
Chaube Master Sings

A brand new kajali is prepared

His home in Indrapur in District Varanasi

The bride fills the water jugs of the babfi log

Commentary: Legs-'people'. Babfi is a term used to refer to or to
address a clerk or fairly well-to-do literate person. Mm1tani is a
city'in Afghanistan noted for its well-built women. Coli is the
abbreviated blouse worn under the sari. Dhakava print garments are
highly valued.

Kajali texts

Given the identities of the singers (mostly young men) and the

conventional belief regarding the sensual nature of the monsoon

season,1 it is not surprising that the songs dwell on the appearance,

sensuality, and sexual arousal of young women, and that many of the

central images of the songs are erotic. Outstanding examples are Radha

and the other g0pis standing naked before Krishna; the long-haired,

thin-waisted Bengali women who put Spells on men and keep them on their

1')

beds, and the meeting of husband and wife after a year's separation.“

 

1.

Dimock states, and my observations confirm, that for North Indians,
"The rainy season is the time for lovers, the time when the earth
is lush and green again, when the wind is filled with the scent of
sandalwood. It is poignant, when lovers are apart . . .” (1967:18).
The Brahman gentleman that aided with the translation of these
songs dismissed them as rasadar—-'juicy, sensual'.

149

The kajalis share several themes with phaguas: Krishna in Vrij is
the general setting of Kajalis 63 and Cahakas 55 and 56, Indrapur 3 and
7, Sir 4, and Surinam 1, 2, and 3. The barahmasa theme found in Kajalis
64 and 66 is found in Cautal 59 and Indrapur 6. Cautal 59 combines the
theme of the barahmasa with the theme of the separation of the gopis
from Krishna.

Songs about the desire of a woman separated from her lover in
which the lover is identified as Krishna are an important part of
Vaishnavite devotion. The devotee of Krishna is often depicted as the
wife separated from her husband (or the woman separated from her lover-—
cf.Dimock 1967). But songs incorporating this theme are not confined
to Vaishnava worship and doctrine; they are common in the corpus of
North Indian folk song.

Why is the theme of the woman separated from her husband or lover
so popular? The answer lies partly in the number of men for whom,
because of experience and/or sensitivity, separation of lovers or
spouses are vivid and comprehensible situations. AS pointed out in the
introduction, many of the men of the village are employed elsewhere for
the greater part of the year. Their wives rarely live with them in the
locales of their employment. Moreover, young newly-wedded women spend
only about half of their time with their husbands during the first two
or three years after their gaunas. Often the month of Savan in
particular is spent at their father's homes. Several young men of the
village whose wives were living in their natal homes confided to me
that they longed for their return.

In addition, the erotic nature of the songs seems to render them

inherently enjoyable, particularly in the monsoon season. The composer

150

of’Kajali 67 told me that the monsoon season was a very mggt time, and
therefore his favorite kind of song was the kajali. When asked to
explain, he referred to natural characteristics of the season,
particularly to the call of the £221 ('cuckoo') and the movement of the
dark clouds in the Sky, both images found widely in Hindi and Sanskrit
poetry and song, and both of which occurences are thought to augment
desire. For him.there was obviously a direct connection between the
sensuality of the season and the seasonal song, and he found the song
enjoyable because of its natural context, as well as for its lyrical
and musical content.

When I played back to villagers kajalis and other songs that had
been recorded earlier, they often made humorous and sometimes lewd
comments as erotic situations and images were expressed in the songs.
Many of their responses in this vein were stimulated by indirect
references in the songs to the woman's breasts. The usual conventions
refer to the woman's straining coli or the gag: ('pomegranites')

beneath the covering of the sari.

Harikirtan, the M o_f_ Devotion
Introduction

This section is about the music most often referred to in Eastern
Uttar Pradesh as harikirtan. Harikirtan is a sub—division of the class
of music called bha'an, the general term for religious song that can
also mean 'any sort of audible worship' (Bharati 1961:277). Another
member of the bhajan class is the genre of Hindustani classical vocal

music which utilizes Short expressions of devotion as vehicles for the

151

eXploitation of the ragg.l The term bhajan is also applied to the
"residual" category of village women's songs which describe various
deities or the benefits of devotion-—songs which don't fall into any
other of their marked categories.

Those that sing harikirtan believe that, as an expression of
bhakti ('devotion') harikirtan is one way in which salvation--release
from the cycle of rebirth and/or union with the absolute can be
obtained. Harikirtan is really a special kind of kirtan, ('singing in
loud tone in praise of God' (Pathak 1969:218). The prefix hag; can be
an epithet of Vishnu, Siva, Ram, Krishna, or Indra. Several factors
indicate that it refers to Vishnu here. First, kirtan in this area are
usually addressed to Ram and Krishna, incarnations of Vishnu (although
I did record one addressed to Hanuman, a deity currently very popular
in the Varanasi region). Secondly, the definition of harikirtan given
in a dictionary published in the region ('a song of praise of Vishnu's
incarnation', Pathak 1969:1140), though unclear, does refer to Vishnu.
Thirdly, kirtan-style Singing was a part of the Vishnu bhakti movement
which, under Chaitanya, Spread from Bengal throughout Eastern North
India around 1500 A.D. (Popley 1966:16, 93-94). The vocal and
instrumental format used by Bengali Vaishnavas today is the same as
that of the harikirtan in Eastern Uttar Pradesh (cf. Dimock & Levertov
l967:xi-xiii).

Harikirtans are antiphonal in form, with short, Simple stanzas
continuously repeated, e.g. hg£i_krishna hggi,krishna, krishna krishna

hari hari, one of the most common, and ngSEa ram jg jg Sia ram.-

 

1. A raga, to over-simplify, is a specific melodic pattern which is
thought to have a distinctive emotional flavor. See Chapter VII.

152

'Hail Sita-Ram, hail hail Sita Ram!‘ Each harikirtan lasts from ten to
fifteen minutes. Dholak, jhal and hand clapping accompany the singing,
and there is occasionally a harmonium.

The singing group usually consists of a core of men from one
neighborhood, apparently without caste restriction. I say apparently,
because although the Singers of harikirtan which I observed were always
from a wide range of castes from Brahman through some of the sudra
castes, I never actually identified an untouchable among any of the
groups. In addition to the neighborhood core, there are usually a few
outsiderS--friends and relatives of regular members.

The location of harikirtan singing is often a temple, but can also
be a shop, veranda of someone's home, or any convenient place where
there is enough space to accommodate fifteen to thirty pe0p1e. I
witnessed harikirtan sung on the ghgtg ('bathing places along the river'T
in Varanasi as well as in many Shops there. In Asi and other
neighborhoods in Varanasi the often electrically amplified harikirtan
is inescapable on Saturday nights. I also observed and recorded a group
of men singing harikirtan in Sundarpur, a village near the campus of
Banaras Hindu University, and in a ShOp in the bazaar near Indrapur,
where there were regular harikirtan sessions on Tuesday and Saturday
nights. In all of these contexts the harikirtan is an autonomous
institution. In other situations, e.g. the pujas described below,
harikirtan singing is ancillary to the ritual activities which it
accompanies, and, for the katha at least, optional.

Singer's study of the bhajana of Madras offers several insights
into the significance of this kind of religious institution,

particularly in the urban context. (The bhajana has several forms.

153

Among them, the weekly form corresponds most closely with the
harikirtan session). Singer saw that the bhajana links domestic and
temple cults and performs several functions: "(1) providing an easier
path to salvation in an age when the paths of strict ritual Observances,
religious knowledge, and ascetic withdrawal have become difficult or
inaccessible, and (2) reducing the consciousness of caste, sect, and
regional differences and the tensions generated by this consciousness"
(1966:121). The latter function varies regionally. In Madras there
are particular linguistic, caste and regional conflicts not present in
the North. Bhajanas also satisfy needs for sociability, intimacy, and

affiliation in the impersonal urban context (ibid:123).

The Rural Harikirtan

In Indrapur devout families of some means had pfijég ('religious
offerings') performed to recognize and advertise some event important
to the family. Harikirtan was a concomitant of some of these pujas.
The most common type of puja is the Kélhéa which refers to the moral
parables recited by a Brahman pundit as well as the puja in which the
story telling is contained. I was told by a Brahman pundit that the
type of katha performed in this area, the satyanarayanvratakatha'
(gétygr-'tguth', nara an--'an epithet of Vishnu', Eggtgr-'vow', Eélflér'
'story') derives from the Reva Khand portion of the Skanda Purana.
According to the pundit, the name Satyanarayan means 'the lord, who is
truth', and the emphasis of the stories is on the importance of honesty.
The katha is sometimes a manauti ('a vow to offer something to a deity
or to worship it after the fulfillment of one's wishes'), but
informants said that the katha can also be performed when there is any

desire on the part of a householder to express his devotion, or when a

154

member of the family is beginning or completing some endeavor. For
example, one man of the Kanfi caste (Vaishya varna) had a katha performed
before he left the village to return to Bombay to run his Shop there for
another year; several Brahman families and one Lohar family had kathas
performed when one of their members obtained bachelor's degrees. The
katha is thus seen to be a family rite of transition. Usually all the
joint family, to whom the rites are of primary importance, are in
attendance. Neighbors and biradari may also attend.

If the family perfOrming the katha wishes to stress the
significance of the occasion, it may Sponsor harikirtan singing
beginning the day before the katha and running continuously, with
changes in personnel, until the katha is completed. Otherwise, the
harikirtan singing can begin any time on the day the katha is performed,
the Sooner the better. The householder invites the Singers in advance.
They come with their instruments and Sit in the baithak ('the men's
lounging and sleeping quarters') or wherever the daily household ritual
offerings are performed. They are remunerated with the pgggég ('the
food offered to deities in the course of a ritual and Subsequently
distributed to participants, family and friends') and evening meal, to
which family and friends are optionally invited.

The yagya is 'a religious offering, an oblation' (Pathak 1969:909).
As with katha, in actual use the term is extended to include the series
of ritual activities of which the 'offering' is the most important.
From.my limited experience, yagya seems to be essentially a series of
pujas (cf.Planalp 1956:171), performed for the benefit of all the
residents of a small area as well as the prestige of the sponsor(s).

In the only yagya I attended the salient activities were the puja,

dish included
the banqueting
was held at t‘r
who is also a
performed anm
i-"ie area, a fa
vi1151385 near
on one day, l'

The hari:
batter-En!) ONE} 1‘

155

which included a large scale havan and was performed by Brahman pundits,
the banqueting of all who attended, and harikirtan singing. This yagya
was held at the ashram ('residence') of a.§§dh§ ('religious ascetic')
who is also a curer and diviner. He told me that he had the yagya
performed annually. It was attended by all of the resident sadhus in
the area, a few itinerant sadhus, and many people from the bazaar and
villages near the ashram. Although I was only able to attend the affair
on one day, it was supposed to have lasted for three days.

The harikirtan at this yagya was broadcast on an automobile
battery-powered, derelict amplifier that emitted a constant high
pitched shriek, apparently noticed only by me, as well as the distorted
tones of the singers and their instruments. During the five or Six
hours I was there the singing (and shrieking) never stopped for more
than a few minutes. The Singing was eXpected to go on, with changes in
personnel, until the yagya ended. There were usually from ten to
fifteen singers, many playing jhal, and feur of them taking turns
playing the dholak. The singers as well as most of the sadhus and some

of the spectators smoked ganja (Cannabis indica).

The Process of harikirtan

Like phagua, harikirtan consists of a series of cycles, each
beginning at a Slow tempo and moderate volume and accelerating to the
verge of frenzy, when, under the leadership of the man who initiated
that particular harikirtan, coordinating with the dholak player if he
himself is not playing the dholak, the climax is abruptly terminated
and the Singing and playing resumed at a slower tempo and lower volume,
to begin the cycle anew. Leadership of the group shifts among those

who know the songs. Each leader seems to have one or more favorite

156

melodic modes which serve as bases for variation. There are many ways
in which a creative leader can elaborate the Singing to keep it
interesting without detracting from the building climax. On the lowest
level, he can introduce variations in melody and phrasing, which the
"choir” attempts to reproduce exactly. Another game that the leader
initiates is to sing the last half of the first stanza and the first
half of the last Stanza; the "choir" must then Sing the last half of
the last stanza and the first half of the first stanza. Control of the
tempo and intensity of the singing is also shared by the dholak player,
the master time—keeper. He and the lead Singer and other singers
Signal each other by nods or shouts when they want to increase the
tempo, or the dholak player may do so independently.

Most of the participants smoke ganja prior to the singing, in fact
the smoking seems to be a regular part of the ritual. The M
('stemless clay pipe') is passed from person to person, each smoker
invoking Kali or Siva and touching the gilgm to his forehead in
reverent salute prior to inhaling. As with the ingestion of bhang, the
smoking of ganja no doubt augments the intensity of the singing
experience.

AS they sing the players clap the cymbals together in hypnotic
rhythms, which vary in complexity according to the Skill of the player
and the tempo. The force with which the cymbals are hammered together
increases through the course of each cycle. The dholak player beats
out not only the basic synchronizing pulses, but a complex, varying set
of complementary accents. The better dholak players are artists of no
mean Skill. Those who do not play instruments clap, and all wag their

heads in a vigorous lateral movement in synchrony with the basic beat.

grit brows, bul
weaving ‘50 and

experience . A?

harikirtan one

Ethic-making Li
Radcliffe-
experience and

individual wi ti

contributes to
particularly a
,. .

.ollowmg disc
eXposition, ir

7‘,
.4
it

'dCliffe

157

Knit brows, bulging neck muscles, closed eyes, and heads and bodies
weaving to and fro in time to the music testify to the intensity of the
experience. An informant in Indrapur told me that when one sings

harikirtan one forgets everything else (c£,Venkateswaran 1968:135).

Music-making Links the Individual and Society

Radcliffe-Brown had considerable insight into the individual music
experience and the process by which group music performance links the
individual with society. His discussion of the subject, in Thg_Andaman
Islanders (1964:246-252, 326) relies on behavioral evidence (and a few
strong impressions) of individual experience to explain how ritual
contributes to the maintenance of society. His remarks are
particularly applicable to harikirtan, phagua, and kajali. The
following discussion of group music-making is based on Radcliffe-Brown's
exposition, incorporating a few of my own observations.

Radcliffe—Brown uses the word 'dance' to denote dancing, singing,
clapping, and stomping--"all parts of the one common action in which
all join." For the word dance I substitute the term music-making. To
focus on the individual, he notes that music-making gives pleasure to
the individual in several ways: firstly, it is a form of play.
Secondly, muscular activity of the variety required to make music,
prOpelled by the pulse of rhythm, as it were, is transformed into a
pleasureful exertion. It gives the performer a feeling of heightened
energy, which is reinforced by the excitement produced by the movements
and sounds of the group, "and intensified, as all collective states of
emotion are intensified, by reason of being collective . . ."

Now focusing on the relationship of individual to group, we first

see that the group provides a platform for the individual to

158

demonstrate his skill at singing, dancing, or whatever, invoking the
admiration of the others and a feeling of self—worth, which stimulates
in return a sense of good will toward his fellows.

The phenomena of rhythm and the mutual coordination of voices are
the keys to the process of the individual-group relationship. ". .
through the effect of rhythm the dance affords an eXperience of a
constraint or force of a peculiar kind acting upon the individual and
inducing in him when he yields himself to it a pleasure of self-
surrender. The peculiarity of the force in question is that it seems
to act upon the individual both from without (since it is the sight of
his friends dancing and the sound of the singing and marking time that
occasions it), and also from within (since the impulse to yield himself
to the constraining rhythm comes from his own organism)" (Ibid:249)-
This same rhythm allows all the members of the group to join in the
same actions and perform them as one body. The participant must direct
his Senses to the sounds and movements of the others to enable him to
keep time to the music and to coordinate his voice with the others--he
is in a condition "in which all bodily and mental activities are
harmoniously directed to one end" (Ibid:248. This explains my
infol‘mant's comment that one forgets everything else when one sings
harikirtan).

I would add that the experience of joining one's voice with others
proVides a unique and exciting sense of union, and the articulation of
coItltllonly felt sentiments in song increases the individual's sense of
unity with the group.

Radcliffe-Brown concludes that "Dancing (i.e. music-making) is a

means of uniting individuals into a harmonious whole and at the same

159

time making them actually and intensely eXperience their relation to

that unity of which they are members." The individual feels the society

acting upon him, constraining him to join in the common activity and
regulate his actions to conform with those of others, and, when he so

acts in harmony with them, it gives him the experience of a great

increase of his own personal energy.

Residual Meanings of Harikirtan

Another way in which harikirtan has meaning to the villager is as
ragga]. ('auspiciousness'). A village pundit explained that music is
GODS idered to lend auspiciousness to its physical and social context.
He Cited as an example the use of the conch shell ($1111) in pujas. (It
is blown like a bugle and produces a comparable sound.) Another
inf C>35'Ir1ant told me that this was one rationalization for the employment
or W ensembles on the gates of princely estates. (The sahnai is a

double reed horn like a primitive oboe.) The auspiciousness of music

is enhanced when the text includes the names of deities: according to

venl(ateswaran, even hearing the Name is considered beneficial (1966:
168) - This would account for the tolerance with which endless
electrically amplified harikirtans are received by non-participants.
There is also an apparent connection between the repititions
Singing of harikirtan and the continuous repitition of m phrases
to attain salvation (lag-yoga). While both practices are considered
means of attaining salvation, concepts vary (even among one group or
deVotees) as to how this is accomplished. Some think that it is
t'hit'ough the glorification of God and invocation of his grace (cf.
Venkateswaran 1968:169); others think that it is through the

E“Simulation of the god or state of sanctity (Eliade 1969:216).

160

Whatever the ideology, chanting or singing results in a changed state

of consciousness which practicioners value.

CHAPTER V

NON-PARTICIPATORY MUSIC: NON-PROFESSIONALS AND MENDICANTS

I_ntroduction

The songs set forth in the preceding chapters are all of the type
I call participatory. I have distinguished them from non-participatory
Songs and music, which will be presented in this and following sections,
because their social use differs from that of non-participatory songs.
Their performance constitutes a unique kind of commune: a song of this
type is a framework for a cooperative social process which joins
individuals in immediate, tangible relations with one another (see p.
157 ) -

In non-participatory music the social situation is not one of
unity, but of the dichotomy of authoritative performer and responsive
audience; the cooperation necessary for a group performance is absent.
Another difference is that participatory music is produced by a wider
variety of performers than is the other type. Non-participatory songs
are performed only by certain persons e.g. k_h_a_ii_ M is performed
only by persons of the Ahir and Garer castes. With the exception of
the relatively infrequent performances of the Natin, a female tatooist,
all hon-participatory music is performed by males. This reflects the
domihant role the male plays in public life in the village.

The categories in the taxonomy below are listed in order of the
°°St involved in a performance (except for D.’+. The Informal Groups,
which is the least costly of the entertainment category). The first

two categories are non-remunerative, the mendicants receive small

donations of grain, old clothing etc., and the entertainers are paid in

161

162

cash. These categories are discussed in this order in this and the

following two chapters .

 

A. Music of the Ahir and Garer castes: khari birha
B. Khisa, the story—song
C. Music of Mendicants

N
l. Gosai and other bhajan-singers
2. Nat and Natin

I). Entertainment
1. Birha
2. Kavvéli
3. Song and Dance Groups
4. The Informal Groups

IE. 'English Bands'

irhe genre which is the topic of this sub—section, khggi.bigh§, is
performed only by a few members of the Ahir and Garer castes, the cow
herding and sheep and goat herding castes of the locality. I observed
OnIQY' three people in Indrapur that could sing themp-two Ahir men and
one Garer boy. I did not have an opportunity to record the Garer, who
lived several miles away. One Ahir, however, lived nearby and I
discovered that he had been learning the art of khari birha singing for
thIWBEB years from an affine who visited Indrapur occasionally. I
recorded both the Eli ('master') and his g3]; ('disciple').

There are two occasions in which the songs are sung: most
connnonlya man sings them when he is alone tending his stock, or he
Sings to entertain informal gatherings of caste fellows and neighbors.
Ineither case, however, many people hear the songs because they are

Sung very loudly. At informal gatherings members of the group join

163

their voices in a unison cheer on the last syllable of the song and
interject cheers at other points in the course of the song. The cheer,
like the climactic melodic line of the song, starts at a high pitch and
descends.

One of the Ahir singers said that there were two ideal times for
singing khari birha--before sunrise and just after sundown, but I never
heard any sung before sunrise. The posture for singing khari birha is
also used by'bi£h§_singers and gjh§_. The singer always plugs one or
both ears with his fingers. Singers say that this technique improves
their own hearing of the sounds they are making.1

The mmsical structure of khari birha is unique in village music.
Impressionistically it is reminiscent of the cry of the muezzin in the
Muslim.call to daily prayers, but it is more impassioned. In the
common form, the first one or two lines are each begun with an upward
swoop on a vowel, maintained at one pitch at a moderately high level of
vocal tension, with variations of not more than a semi-tone, then
terminated with a downward swoop. This part is similar to a priest's
incantation of a mantra. But in the climactic lines the voice swoops
up to a level of very high tension, an octave above the starting pitch,
where after one or two ululations, it makes its way down in very small
dissonant intervals (some less than a semi-tone). The downward curve
flattens out into a steady pitch and the singer constricts his throat
slightly, then turns on a pronounced, electrifying vibrato before
ending the line with a melismatic downward swoop, an instantaneous

levelling, and the brief use of an entirely different, coarse vocal

 

1. This technique is also used by Scottish ballad singers.

164

tone. Subsequent lines are built of the same structural elements
contained in the climactic line, repeating the descending motion. The
vocal ornamentations used--ululation, heavy vibrato, changes of vocal
tone quality, and the over—riding passion of the singing are arresting
even to one who is unfamiliar with the scale and does not understand
the verbal content. The songs are sung so loudly that they can be
heard for miles across the quiet countryside.

Here are representative examples of the khari birhas I collected:

68. Khari Birha
l. I say that I was going to Badri Narayan when Brahma delayed me
2. I used to count my tulsi beads; in maxa I forgot
3. Oh, in mw'mZyE I forgot
Commentary: The narrator is saying that he started to make a
pilgrimage (Badri Narayan is a pilgrimage place in the Himalayas) but
it wasn't in his destiny to arrive; he used to count his rosary beads
(which are made from tulsi—-'a type of basil'), but maxi caused him to
forget. N515 is usually translated 'illusion'. As I understand it,
the vernacular use refers more to the web (jalé) of invisible
constraints imposed on an individual by social relations, desires, and
emotions, constraints which militate against the individual's salvation
(cf.Dimock 1968:50). This song expresses a fundamental devotional
concept--that if one becomes overly occupied with the mundane, he will
neglect the devotions necessary for salvation.
69. Khari Birha

1. Oh I say Ram, brother, Ram has become a yogi, Laksman an ascetic
2. Both brothers have become fakirs
3. 0h, in this very lane they wear their rosaries of tulsi
4. They wander in the cities begging alms
Commentary: This refers to an early episode in the Ramayana. When
Rama was exiled from his father's kingdom, he and his wife Sita (not

mentioned here) and his half—brother Laksman went to live the life of
ascetics in the forest. The composer has apparently introduced the

165

urban image to increase sympathy for the exiled Ram and his party—-in
the epic they Spend most of their time in the forests.
70. Khari Birha
1. Oh, Brother Laksman has been hit by the poison arrow
2. Ram was crying, having taken him on his lap
3. In the dawn Laksman will die

4. Then who will I take to Ayodhya?
Commentary: This is another vignette from the Ramayana.

71. Khari Birha
l. I say, at which time was the earth quaking?
2. At which time was the sky shifting?
3. At which time was Sita kidnapped?

4. Where had Ram gone?
Commentary: This is a riddle which is answered by the next song.

72. Khari Birha
l. The earth was quaking at the time of the Kali Yuga
2. The sky was shifting at the time of the Sat Yuga
3. Sita was kidnapped in the Treta Yuga
4. Where to kill the deer, my people

5. Oh, Ram.had gone to kill the deer

Commentary: This is also a condensation of a dramatic episode of the
Ramayana, the kidnapping of Sita by the demon Ravan (see the Ramayana
summary on p. 227). According to some interpretations there are four
yugag, or epochs. The first was a time of perfect comfort, peace, and
morality; the condition and morality of man deteriorates further with
each successive yuga (Dawson 1972:381). A Brahman informant said that
Sita was not kidnapped in the Treta Yuga. According to him.and my
references, there is no Sat Yuga.

166

73. Khari Birha
1. In the forest of Brindaban there were ripe plums
2. Radha bowed the branch, but she couldn't pluck even one
3. Krishna was playing his flute
Commentary: Radha was so entranced by Krishna's f1ute_p1aying she
could not even pick the ripe plums. Radha was the goEi (girl of the
cow—herding caste) that became Krishna's lover.

74. Khari Birha
l. The women of Gokula lament: Kubariya, your fate is rich
2. All have gotton cripples and paralytics
3. And Kubari got Krishna
Commentary: Several songs I collected in Indrapur refer to the
marriage of Krishna with Kubari after he had left the gopis and Gokula.
In the Bhagavata Purana she is called Kubja. She was a misshapen girl
whom Krishna miraculously restored to beauty. Although Krishna
initially accepted her insistantly offered love, he left her, according
to the scriptures, because of her low and worldly attitude to him
(Archer 1968:53).

75. Khari Birha

l. I say, brother, I came to know that parrot, I fed it milk; the

parrot turns on me

2. Oh, brother, had I known the parrot would turn on me I would have

hurt the wee bird's wing
3. Oh, I would have torn the little bird's wing
Commentary: 'Parrot' apparently symbolizes a person to whom the
narrator gave succor, only to be spurned. This song is vaguely
reminiscent of some of Kabir's poetry, discussed below.
Khari Birha: Part of a Larger Song?

U. Arya and G. A. Grierson, the eminent linguist, both collected

birhas, and comparison of their collections with mine give some idea of

167

the SCOpe of the topics dealt with in birha as well as its evolution in
Surinam.(Arya 1968:29, Grierson 1883). The birhas I collected are all
religious in nature. They deal with Krishna, who is considered by

Ahirs to have himself been an Ahir, with Ram, and with other more
general religious topics. The songs about Krishna and Ram.are based on
well known episodes in the Ramayan and Bhagavata Purana. The devotional
theme of Song 68 has been taken from a bhajan (see p.]jHD.

Grierson's collection, made in Shahabad District in Bihar
(adjacent to Ballia and Gazipur Districts in Uttar Pradesh), contains
many secular songs as well. Nest of the latter deal with heterosexual
relationships in the same modes as do phagua and kajali. Seven of
Grierson's forty-two birhas deal with Ram. Several others deal with
aspects of the mother goddess. Some of the birhas in Grierson's
collection seem to express more individualistic views than those I
collected. Arya's collection also contains both secular and sacred
songs.

The birhas of Grierson's collection have the same brief form as
the khari birhas I recorded. Arya calls songs of this type sumirans.

A sumiran (also called gghé) is a short verse which may express a moral
precept or ask the blessing of a guru or deity (often Sarasvati, the
goddess of speech and learning). Arya states that "In reciting a long
chain of birahas, or in a competition, the sumiran comes only right at
the beginning . . ." (29-30).

The term sumiran was never used in referring to the khari birhas
which I collected. (It is sometimes used to denote the introductory
portions of Algae, bi;h§§, and kavvelis). Nor does Grierson mention

the term.

168

It appears that the type of Khari birha which Grierson and I
collected may have disappeared in Surinam, except for its employment as
a sumdran, or that Arya simply did not recognize that the sumirans he
collected were also sung independently.

One important function birha singing serves in Eastern Uttar
Pradesh is to contribute to the unique caste image of the Ahirs (and
possibly the Garers--I didn't have sufficient Opportunities to observe
their interaction in the village). Although the villagers' ranking of
Ahirs varies from clean sudra to vaisya, their generally robust
physiques and virility evoke respect even from Brahmans and Thakurs.
Many of them exercise daily; their prowess at wrestling and gymnastics
is part of their stereotyped image. Their music is a hallmark of their

caste, and seems to be an eXpression of pride in caste identity.

Khisa, thg_8tory-song

A style between the non-participatory and participatory music is
the khigé ('story-song'). In the winter months in the North Indian
plains days are short and nights are long and chilly. The young men in
one neighborhood of Indrapur-—Dhobis, Lohars, Brahmans, and Kalvars,
liked to gather on the large veranda of one of the Brahman's houses to
talk and joke. Here one of the Dhobis, accompanied by a Lohar, related
the khisa of Puran Mal.

The story is an odyssey of classical structure. Puran is unjustly
evicted from his home and becomes an ascetic mendicant. In his
wandering he meets but is prevented from marrying a lovely woman. In
the end, by virtue of his noble character, he is happily united with

both his parents and his lover (see Oman 1889:197—198 for a more

169

complete version of the story). At least one other epic, called Bijai
Nell, is recited in a similar manner and context in Indrapur.

A folklorist would call the total performance a cante fable-—it
consists of spoken narration interspersed with verses sung by the
narrator and one other man. A few of the other men took part in the
performance by interjecting humorous remarks, exclamations, or
questions, or when the narrator would pause before the verb at the end
of a sentence, by supplying the appropriate word. Thus there was
COOperative interaction between the performers and a few members of the
audience, with the narrator leading and providing the basis for the
contributions of the others.

The Dhobi that performed Puran Mal learned it from his father, who
was reknowned for his repertoire of stories. Such men are said to be
rare nowdays. The role seems to be disappearing as the world depicted
in such epics becomes further and further removed from present-day
reality.

When I toured Rajasthan I discovered that Puran M31 is performed
there, sometimes as a staged drama. The story in song-form is
available in Rajasthan in a cheap newsprint booklet, and is probably
known throughout Northern India.

The melodic line of this style begins a fourth above the tonic to
which it slowly descends, using a scale somewhat like that of the khari
birha--not at all diatonic. The use of the flattened mediant or third

gives it a minor feeling. A notable aspect of the singing was the

 

l. Grierson mentions the existence of this epic ballad in Western
Bihar (1883:210).

170

precise unison with which the two men executed the highly ornamented
melody. Like the khari birha, the singing is rubato, or free of strong
rhythm. The sung portions of the epic, each four or six lines long,
occur every three to five minutes in the telling of the story, which

requires four or five evenings to complete.

Religious Mendicants

Mendicants of'many kinds visit the village. Of these, a type
called the jog; is relevant here. It was very difficult to get any
information from the jogis about themselves, as they were quite afraid
of the gipéhi ('police'). Many said that they had come from Azamgar
Districtl, some from a city there called Dohrighat, and that they were
Gosgis. Gosais are members of a religious sect initiated by certain
followers of Chaitanya, the Bengali saint (1486-1533 A.D.). One said,
when I asked his name, that he had given up his family name when he
entered the math ('monastary'). Some of the jogis were not Gosais, but
were (they said) Brahmans from Varanasi and other adjacent districts.

They usually arrived in the village in the morning, always
travelling alone. Their method was to walk into the main settlement of
the village singing, then to proceed to the nearest doorway where they
would sing a bhajan or two until they were either given a donation or
it was apparent that they were being ignored. Then they would move
from door to door in the same fashion, until they had been to most of
the relatively well-to-do homes in the village. The women of the
homes would usually give them small baskets of wheat, barley, or

whatever was in most abundant supply. Sometimes they also gave worn-

 

l. The district adjoining Gazipur District to the north.

171

out clothing and.metal pots. Their relations with the women generally
seemed relaxed, and they were usually well laden when they exited from
the village. They often spent the night at a dharms51§ ('a guest house
supported by charity used by ascetics and pilgrims') in the nearby
bazaar.

The mendicants accompanied their songs with either a sarangi or
jhgjh. The sarangi is an instrument which in refined fonm is used to
accompany classical vocalists. It is a fretless, bowed stringed
instrument, about twenty—one inches long, with two or more main strings,
which are bowed, situated above seven or more unbowed sympathetic
strings. The main strings are tuned to the tonic pitch of the song and
to a fourth below the tonic. The strings are noded with the broad side
of the fingernail. The singer usually plays a melody on the sarangi
which is in unison with his vocal. In between vocal lines he plays a
short refrain on the sarangi, usually the last part of the sung melody.
The tunes are generally built on diatonic scales. Some were said to be
the tunes of harikirtans. The rhythms are duple and compelling in
their regularity and strength.

ghgjh, called kartél in Hindi, are ideophones, i.e. percussion
instruments not depending on a stretched membrane or string for sound
production. Jhajh consists of a pair of eight to ten inch long sticks,
one with a hole which accomodates the thumb, one with a hole which
accomodates the other fingers of the hand. Each stick contains two
sets of small brass discs which slide up and down on pins, like those
of a tambourine, producing noise when they strike the wood on either
end of the shafts. The sticks themselves are clapped together by the

thumb and fingers of the hand.

172

Giving alms to the poor is a way of gaining religious merit. Part
of the success of the mendicants was due to the songs they played and
sang, which established a moral atmosphere conducive to charitable
donations. Although few women eXpressed preferences for certain genres
of song, bhajans were endorsed by all because of their sacred content.
Some of the songs embodied p0pular mythological tales e.g. Gautam and
Harishchandra (see Dowson 1972:111 & 118). But about half of the
mendicants' songs are of a type called nirgun ('formless') bhajans.

The name Kabir was usually included in the bisarjan or closing
stanza of these songs. As with Sanskrit and Hindi poetry, this is more
of a tribute to a famed composer of that style of song than a reliable
indication of authorship. Kabir was a famous mystic poet who lived
from 1440-1518 A.D. His poetry, as translated into English by
Rabindranath Tagorel, shows both Sufi and Vedanta influences, embracing
a theistic, devotional approach which eschewed ritualism, asceticism,
idolatry, and temple-worship, as well as caste and religious
discrimination. Appreciation of his poetry is widespread in North
India and not limited to the cult that carries his name (Kabirpanthis).
I observed several philosophical-theological discussions stimulated by
the singing of jogis, and would agree withIkaBary's statement that
"Numerous couplets and didactic sayings are attributed to Kabir and
constitute much of the folk-wisdom of the average Hindu" (1958:355).

Here are some examples of the songs of the religious mendicants:

 

l. Dimock notes that these translations "are not made from.the Hindi
text, but from a Ben ali version of it, and are sometimes
inaccurate" (l968:27§.

13.

173

76. Nirgun Bhajan

Oh today I will chant the name of Hari; leave, mind, today I will

chant the name of Hari

Childhood was spent reading and learning the knowledge of the

masters

In youth, maddened by sensual pleasures, I forgot to chant the name

of Bari
Leave, mind, today I will chant the name of Hari

I forgot to chant the name of Bari; today I will chant the name of

Hari

This man sat on the cot lamenting, making a beckoning gesture with

his finger
Leave, mind, today I will chant the name of Bari.

Making a beckoning gesture with his finger; leave, mind, today I

will chant the name of Hari
From the cot to the ground; the god of death had left his sign
Oh, the god of death had left his sign
Kabir says: listen brother ascetic, attend to your devotions

'Without devotion how can there be moksa? Your birth will have
become futile

Leave, mind, today I will chant the name of Hari

Commentary: The theme of this song is the same as that of 68. Khari
Birha: a man laments his failure to perform daily devotions, for
without doing so one does not attain salvation (moksa). The mind is
commanded to ”leave" so that the devotee will not be distracted by
memories, desires, and self-centered thoughts. The reference to the
maddening sensual pleasures of youth is a common one in this kind of
bhajan. The implications of 'beckoning gesture' are unclear.

l.

2.

77. Nirgun Bhajan
Oh, Ocean of Mercy, your works are inscrutable (this is the refrain)

Guru vasist, the pandit, reckoned the date of the wedding

174

3. Then the kidnapping of Sita, the death of Dasarath-—calamity befell

house and forest (refrain)

. Why the deceit, why the demon-deer, why was the deer grazing?

4
5. Sita was kidnapped; Ravan burned the golden city of Lanka
6. Oh he burned the golden city of Lanka; refrain

7

. Through underhanded dealing Harischandra was made to sell Hirali
and go to the underground realm

8. Raja Nrig donated hundreds of thousands of cows, but God was still
angry (refrain)

9. You were the charioteer of the Pandav clan; calamity befell them
10. The pride of Durayodhan destroyed the Yadukul clan
11. Oh, it destroyed the Yadukul clan
12. Brahma allowed calamity to befall the sun and moon

13. Kabir says: listen, brother sadhu, whatever is to happen will

surely happen

14. Oh, whatever is to happen will surely happen.

Commentary: This poem denies the interference of the creator with the
laws of the universe, an aspect of what some authorities call deism.
This song is similar in many respects to a poem of Surdas' presented in
Keay‘s work (1960:70). 'Ocean of Mercy' is here used facetiously, as
the author uses various tragic scenes from mythology to disprove the
notion of a merciful and omnipotent god. The song is, in the village
context, blasphemous indeed. I heard no other like it. Lines 2-6
refer to elements of the Ramayana. Line 7 refers to the popular myth
of Hariscandra (see p. 120). The reference of line 8 was unknown to
informants, nor have I found anything pertinent in the literature.
Lines 9 and 10 refer to the Mahabharata. Line 12 refers to the
mythical eating of the moon by the demons Rahu and Ketu (see p. 61).

78. Nirgun Bhajan

1. One squanders the diamond; one has to leave the world, brother

2. Today some undisciplined ascetic will take the precious diamond
from the world

3. The parrot sees the red flower on the tree

 

11.

175

When he peeks it with his beak, the downy flower flies away

The parrot regrets it from his innermost heart; one has to leave the

world, brother
The fly lands on the moist molasses and his wings get stuck
He does not have the power to get free
Confused, confused he will die; one must leave the world, brother
Kabir says; Listen brother sadhu,
Attend to your devotions; without devotion there is no moksa

Selfishness is futile; one has to leave the world

Commentary: This is another song based on the concept of devotion as a
means to salvation. Here, however, the exhortation is to avoid desires,
with their evanescent rewards and entangling consequences, for they
prevent salvation.

79. Sagun Bhajan
In the world, the bond of love is supreme this is the refrain)
He denied himself the fruit served at the home of Durayodhan;
he ate the greens served at the home of Vidur

He ate much fruit with the low caste woman: Brahma told the taste

(refrain)

Under the spell of love you made yourself into a Nai and served

King Nrig

Denying yourself’your kingship, you ate the left-over food of
Yhdhisthir (refrain)
You ate the left-over food (refrain)

Under the spell of love you drove the chariot of Arjun and forgot
that you were the Master

So much love augered in Brindaban that the gopis danced

Kapi Sugriv was distressed, fearing for his brother; you freed him

from the whirlpool

176

10. Surdas, Krishna, is not worthy of this. How can I praise you

enough?

Commentary: The recurrent theme of this song is actually Krishna's
humility. This is not a usual theme for Surdas, the poet whose name
appears in the bisarjan. Surdas emphasizes the supremacy, power,
divinity, and godhead of Krishna, (according to Pandey and Zide 1968:
178). Most of the references of this song are to the warrior Krishna F‘
of the Mahabharata, not the mischievous infant or erotic adult Krishna 1
of the Bhagavata Purana (the basis of many of Surdas' poems). The use
of Surdas' name in the bisarjan may be local interpolation. The song
has several references to Rama (Lines 3 and 9). Other references:
Line 2 refers to the Mahabharata (see Dowson 1972:100). Vidhur was a
person of low caste, said an informant. The identity of King Nrig is .~
unknown. Yudhisthir (see Dowson 1972:378; 163-164) was the eldest and l
Arjuna (Ibid:21) the third of the five Pandu brothers of the V
Mahabharata.

This song is of a type called saggn ('endowed with qualities,
possessed of attributes' Pathak 1969:1051). This denotes a theology
opposite in precepts to that of nirgun. The poet Surdas, who epoused
Krishna (and Ram to a much lesser degree), and Tulsi Das (author of the
Than Charit Manas, the Hindi Ramayana), who espoused Ram, are the most
commonly named exponents of the sagun approach.

 

The songs of the mendicants refer to a kind of religion which
differs from ecstatic devotionalism (discussed in Chapter III) and from
the essentially ritualistic religion which pervades village life. The
songs presented here do not fully elaborate the belief systems to which
they'refer. It seems clear, however, that they derive from the Sufi-
influenced North Indian bhakti movements led by Kabir, Chaitanya, and
others. No doubt the mendicants who ply the villages today transmit
this variety of religion in the same way it has been transmitted for
four or five hundred years.

It is difficult to assess the extent of the influence of the
ideas expressed in the songs. Their accommodation in village culture
and co-existence there with the other traditions mentioned, is

characteristic of popular Hinduism.

177

Alha, the Martial Ballad

Introduction

During the spring harvest a man of the Nat caste came into village.

In the morning and late afternoon he went from field to field, stopping
wherever he found a man cutting grain to play his drum and sing bits of
a song called £lhé- If his performance was enjoyed and the harvester
generous, he received a sheaf of grain. He stored his collected
sheaves at the Camar hamlet, where he and his wife ate and slept. At
night, after everyone had eaten and the marijuana pipe had gone around,
he sang for several hours to an entranced audience, which sometimes
included higher caste boys from the main settlement.

Alha singers also entertain at weddings (cf.Planalp 1956:522) and
at other occasional gatherings of men. Informants said that they often
came to perform in the monsoon season, when peOple were kept indoors by
the rain.1

During the 1971 war in Bangla Desh, Alhas in the traditional style
were played frequently on All-India radio stations in this part of

India.

The Alha

The Alha is an epic ballad sung in Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar,

and adjacent areas in Northern India. It relates the exploits of Alha
and his younger brother, Udal (called Rudal in Eastern Uttar Pradesh
and Western Bihar). They were legendary Rajput generals of the army of

Raj Parmar of Mahoba2 in the twelfth century.

 

1. This is confirmed by Majumdar 1958:302, who also mentions
competitions between Alha singers, and Vatuk 1969:2, reporting for
Central and Western Uttar Pradesh respectively.

2. Raj Mahoba was the rival of Prithvi Raj Chauhan, the ruler of Ajmer
and Delhi.

.m— secs smug-1w
4
.IH
.'

‘ETIII‘

178

"They belonged to an inferior clan of Rajputs, to whom no other
clan would voluntarily give their daughters in marriage.
Therefore, the two heroes found it necessary to resort to
constant fierce fighting in order to secure the marriages of their
sons and relatives" (Planalp 1956:522-3. I have discussed how
this complex is symbolized in the present-day wedding. See
Chapter III.)

The Alha is serialized into one to two hour segments, which often end
at a point of suspense to insure listeners for the next performance.
The stories are full of scheming, fighting, torture, romance, splendor,
and above all, bravery. (See the synOpses of two segments contained in

Appendix II.)

 

The Alhas sung today are said to derive from an epic poem written
by Jagnik or Jagnayak, who was the royal bard of the court of Raj
Parmar (or Paramardi) of Mahoba. The poem has survived only in oral
versions which were later printed, unless the Mohoba Khand of Chand
Bardais' epic, Prithvi Raj Raga is, as some critics have alleged, a
spurious canto actually written by Jagnikl (Keay 1920:14). According
to Keay, these epic poems from which the Alha is descended are the
"earliest modern vernacular literature of Hindustan" (Ibid). The
period is designated, in the history of Hindi literature, as that of

bir (or vir) ras--'the heroic emotion'.

The Martial Rajput Ethos

Hitchcock says that the 'martial idea of the Rajput', i.e. the
martial Rajput ethos reaches the village through the medium of
professional entertainers, as well as through folk tales, historical

tales, and the martial epics, the Mahabharata and the Ramayana.

 

l. Chand Bardais was the most famous bard of this era. He served in
the court of Prithvi Raj Chauhan, eulogizing his master with the
100,000 stanza epic mentioned above.

179

"Traveling singers recite the deeds of the Rajput heroes, and

episodes in which they appear are acted out by traveling players.

The singers and players adapt their offerings to the tastes of

their patrons; and in a Rajput dominated village they realize

that it is tales of Rajput glory which are most likely to please

their listeners and bring them the highest rewards" (1959:16).
It is obviously not only Rajputs who appreciate the "tales of Rajput
glory"--the songs appeal to most village men. Certain aspects of 'the
martial idea of the Rajput', which the songs reflect and reinforce,
constitute part of a more encompassing North Indian ethos. "The idea
is reflected more fully in the behavior of some men than it is in the
behavior of others; it also may be reflected in the behavior of the
same man at one time and not at another" (Ibid, p. 10). Courage,
personal pride, pride in physical strength and political power, a stern
and unsmiling demeanor, swagger, the use of swords, guns, horses,
elephants, and military—style bands; and quickness to perceive personal
slight—-these traits seem as common among Brahmans, Ahirs and members
of other castes as among Thakurs, the local holders of the Ksatriya
status.

The martial ethos is as strong in Eastern Uttar Pradesh and
‘Western Bihar as it is anywhere in Northern India. The fighting that
took place in the area during the 1857 mutiny as well as the violent
anti-British uprising of 1942 are evidence for this assertion.

Grierson has said, in commenting on the prevalence of khari birha about
Rama in Western Bihar:
”. . . it deals much of ner with the warrior god Rama, than with

the cowherd god Krishna. This is the consequence of the singers'
surroundings. Shahabad, the district in which they dwell, (now

 

1. In my collection of khari birha those concerning Krishna outnumber
those about Rama, but that does not detract from Grierson's point.

 

180

known as Arrah District, adjacent to Ballia and Gazipur Districts
of Uttar Pradesh), might almost be called a second Rajputana in
its heroic legends and songs. It is the land made holy by the
blood of Bhag'bati the Raj'putin, who drowned herself to save her
brother from the hands of the Musalmans, and it is the birth-land
of Alha and Rudal, the heroes of Mahoba. In later times, too,
tough-hearted old Kuar Singh led the Shahabad Rajputs against the
English in the mutiny. It is a country of fighting-men, and as
such Rama of Ayodhya and not Krishna of Mathura is the god of the
land" (1883:211).
The martial ethos has been an aspect of North Indian culture since the
era of the Rajputs. The focus of its antagonism has shifted through
time from local enemies to Muslim.invaders to the British, and, as will
3e brought out in the section on entertainment music, to Pakistan and

its "allies."

Totes on the Nat

Hutton states that Nat is "A caste of singers, dancers, acrobats,
and professional crimdnals . . . who generally move about without a
Jermanent territorial location" (1969:290). Majumdar shows a wide
listribution of the caste, over an area stretching from Punjab and
lajasthan to Bengal on his map of "Ex-Criminal Tribes of India" (1961:

)pp. 374).

Two of the Nat singers interviewed indicated that selling cattle
«as their primary occupation; singing Alhas was limited to certain
seasons. They returned whenever possible from their work-related
;ravel to their permanently located families (three and fifteen miles
Trom Indrapur). Each of these singers had exclusive singing rights
>ver a certain territory. Although the caste is Muslim, it is not made

)btrusive. The singers did not wear the lungi, the patterned shirt—

 

.. Neither informants nor other literature indicate the birthplace of
Alha and Rudal to be in Shahabad District.

 

181

Like lower garment often worn by Muslims in this area.

One Nat, who travelled alone, said he would not take food or water

from the sub-caste of the Nat who sang in Indrapur. He said that the
sub-caste to which he belonged was higher than that of the other Nat
partly because they could keep their women at home.

The wife of the Nat who sang around the village was a tattoist.

She sometimes sang songs similar to the sagun on p. 8 as she worked.

iusical Style

The Alha has a strOphic form--two lines of text are sung in one
lelodic cycle. The range of the melody is seven notes, and the scale
-s quite close to the western diatonic scale.1 The vocal style is
;hroaty and fairly relaxed.

The drumming is highly developed. The drum is the ubiquitous
lholak. It is used as rhythmic accompaniment and to punctuate and
lramatize the narrative. As the story becomes exciting, the drumming
>ecomes more fervent. 'When the singer wants to cover some less
.nteresting but necessary material in the text he stops drumming
.ltogether and half-talks-half—sings the narrative very rapidly. He
.ccasionally uses interjections like hg_§§b§ j: ('Hey, sir') to regain

.he attention of the audience.

 

n. The tunes to which Alhas are sung vary regionally. The tune of an
Alha recorded by Professor Nazir Jairazbhoy in a village north of
Allahabad (eighty'miles west of Banaras) differs substantially
from the tune which Alha singers around Indrapur used.

‘HE:T“““"‘“”EMT:::7

CHAPTER VI

ENTERTAINMENT MUSIC

Introduction

In the last chapter I discussed kinds of non-participatory music
found in the village in which the performers were largely soloists.
They were either uncompensated for their efforts, or had to beg for
compensation. Their audiences were generally small.

In this chapter I will examine kinds of non—participatory music
which in three respects rank a step above the types discussed in the

previous chapter--

1. The size of the performing group is larger--from two to eleven.

2. The cost of a performance is higher.

3. The audience attracted is greater. These performances usually
accompany weddings and gaunas, and may be heard by from fifty
to several hundred people.

We are concerned here with two kinds of performance: the singing
groups and the instrumental bands. The band's primary function is to
lead various processions involved in the wedding. The primary function
of the singing groups is to entertain the wedding guests. I deal with
the latter type of performance first.

The structures of these musical performances range from formal to
informal. In the formal performances the musical group sits before the
seated audience. The physical separation of the group from the
audience supports its distinct role and the respect it is accorded in
the situation-_the musical group dominates while the audience remains
more or less passively attentive. The formal performances usually

occur at the functions of wealthier, upper caste families and symbolize

their wealth and prestige. The songs sung in the formal situation are

182

 

183

generally more refined and their performance more skilled than those of
the informal situation.

In the informal situation the musical groups, which are less

esteemed than those who play in the formal situations, perform standing.

They play only percussion instruments, and often dance simultaneously.

There is much less physical and social separation of the group from the

audience, which at times may be clustered around the group on all sides.

Many of the groups that play in the informal situations are biradari of

the nuptial parties.

Context of the Formal Performance

During the wedding and at the gauna, the groom's party is
accommodated at some distance from the bride's house, preferably at the
edge of the village. They are provided with cots, and served
refreshments, cigarettes, and pan. In the wedding, if the families are
wealthy, a tent (like a small circus tent) is erected to accommodate

the musicians and their audience. Otherwise, the musicians find an

appropriate location near the groom's party where the guests can collect

to listen to them. The immediate audience is composed only of males,
but women often watch and listen from semi-concealed locations nearby.
There is no master of ceremonies and the musicians are rarely
introduced. As they arrange themselves and tune their instruments for
the performance, people begin collecting in front of them. Each style
of song has a wordless introductioh which signals those that are
interested so they can prepare toalisten when the singer begins singing
the text. The audience is rarely quiet. If pe0ple don't find a song
interesting, they talk with one another and come and go as they please.

Children are usually about making noise. But if the performance is

— —~ ‘1]
_,
I

 

 

184

appreciated, members of the audience communicate their pleasure with

conventional interjections and by offering gratuities at the completion

of the song.

Songs and Styles 2£_the Formal Groups

Each of the following three sections (birha, kavvali, and Song and

Dance Groups) will include the texts of representative songs as well as

comments regarding the social identities of the performers, features of

the form and style of performance, and the range of themes generally

found in the songs.

Birha

12.

80. Birha

Sikadar (Alexander the Great) had slept one day in his palace,
awakened and looked at the map of the world

He made a vow in his heart to raise his flag throughout the world

I take in hand a full cup of blood; not even in dreams do I know
defeat

(Unintelligible)

The world conqueror Sikadar went into India for victory

He raised his flag on the banks of the Jhelam river

He had conquered western Asia, Egypt, and Persia

Wanting India too, he crossed the Sind river

At Udammadi he dispersed the forces of the Sind and Punjabi kingdoms
There the terrible felon met the Raja of Taxila

Between the Jhelum and the Cinab rivers there was a very brave man,

Raja Poras

When he planted the enemy flag on the banks of the Jhelam, the

sandy plains cried out for the pride and joy of Poras

 

13.

14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.

22.

23.
24.

25.
26.

27.
28.

29.

30.

31.

32.
33-

185

Save the honor of the motherland, brother, protect the dignity of
the country with all your might (this is the refrain)

Sikadar planted the flag on the bank of the river Jhelam
The river Jhelam also raised a shout at the billowing ea:c_all
At my border, son, the foe has raised a challenge

Save your birthland from any stain

Drive any enemy from our border

The foe has come and taken his seat; listen to my story

I ' M A“? ' u" ' 0‘ ' v't‘::ny
I

 

The bugle blew a signal, the sandy plain raised a shout

tie“-
.e
Z-

The motherland shed a flow Of tears; Sikandar planted his flag

The forces of Sikadar increased when he met the stalwart Ambi

Naresh of our homeland; the secrets of the interior were obtained
Then Poras challenged the Greeks
Brave one, stOp this flowing stream of blood
(Unintelligible)

Bind the shroud of blood, pick out your biggest soldiers, go and
stOp Sikadar

The strike was on the border; Sikadar planted his flag
The clouds were rent with incessant torrents of water

Sons of the motherland, save our dignity; in the battlefield the
flag of the lion began to shimmer

Save the honor of the motherland, brothers, protect the country
with all your might

Sons of the motherland, save our dignity; in the battlefield the
flag of the lion began to shimmer

Oh go, young lions, while they are strutting at the border

Then take the naked sword in your hands

 

The front part of the sari which covers the breasts.

34.
35-
36.
37.
38.
39-
40.
41.
42.
43.

45.
46.
47.

49.
50.
51.
52.
53-
54.
55-
56.
57.

186

The Greek soldiers saw this great man and fled
There seemed to be darkness in all directions
Having seen his fleeing troops, Sikandar called:
"Where are you fleeing, jackals?"

The soldiers clash, sir, look to the border

The swords fell from both directions P]

The elephant troop of Poras bolted

 

The huge army scattered

tree

The support troops of the elephant group fell
Then they captured Poras

"I will either give up the kingdom or take the noose; I'm not

afraid of you."
The foreigners cried
Come, Sikandar, take weapons in hand
The acal of the motherland was soaked with blood
(Unintelligible)
"Blessings upon you, son," said the Jhelam river
Boys, you have saved the honor of our countrymen
Celebrate the beautiful motherland that you have kept undaunted
Guru Bihari, from Guru Ganesh (unintelligible) brave Sikadar
The poet from Majui village in Gazipur District
Protect the dignity of the country with all your might
Says Ram Laksman, touching the feet of Sarasvatil
Protect the dignity of the country with all your might

Save the honor of the motherland, brother, protect the dignity of
the country with all your might

 

The goddess of learning and patroness of the arts and sciences

187

Commentary: This song is a contemporary interpretation of the defeat of
Poras by Alexander the Great (here called Sikgdar).

"(Alexander) passed the Indus in 327 B.C., and formed an alliance
with Taxiles, under whose guidance he reached the Hydaspes (modern
Jhelum). This river he crossed after a severe struggle with Porus,
in whom he met an Opponent very superior to the Persian satraps
who had hitherto confronted him . . . He then moved farther east
and crossed the Acesines (Chenub) and theliyroates (Ravi), and H
reached the Hyphasis (Beas), which now joins the last river of the .1
Punjab, the Sutlej, but which then flowed in a different channel.
He never reached the Sutlej" (Encyclopedia Americana p. 370).

The nationalistic fervor which permeates this song has its basis

 

in the martial ethos discussed in the section on the Alha. The key *
concepts of lgjr-'honor', and paniy§--'respect', are the moral concepts
which determine the course of action followed by the hero of the Alha.
The same two words are dominant in the song above.

The invasion of Alexander is interpreted by contemporary audiences
as a threat to the motherland, i.e. India, which did not exist in its
present form at that time. The song shows the extent to which the
nationalistic interpretation (verging at times on xenophobic paranoia)
is taken in viewing even such peripherally related matters as a two-
thousand-year-old invasion.

The use of the nationalistic sentiment in song is indicative of
its current prevalence. Again it is useful to think of songs as
reflecting agg_molding or reinforcing sentiment. Significantly, All-
India Radio broadcasts tape recorded performances of patriotic songs
such as this, which are called des bhakti git--'songs of devotion to
the nation'. The songs are performed by the best of the rural singing
groups of the types described here. The possibility of having one's
songs broadcast on the radio is a strong incentive to compose songs in

the acceptable mode. The prestige resulting from employment by All—

188

India Radio is great, and of considerable economic importance to a
. l
mu51cal group.

The strategy which underlies the broadcast of such songs is one of
union in opposition, an approach which is evident in the national news
coverage of international affairs. Attention is diverted from divisive
internal issues to external affairs, interpreted as threats to the F!
nation.

The use of effective symbolism in this song is impressive. One

‘Eu.

 

word I have translated as 'motherland' is dfigh, literally 'milk'. The
other word here translated as 'motherland' is 323;, which literally
means the part of the sari which covers the breasts. Thus we see the
patriotic relationship between citizen and nation modeled upon the
primary social relationship; the nation is identified with the warmth
and succor of the mother's breast.

The bisarjan ('concluding stanza') in this song not only salutes
the composer's guru and patron deities, but leaves the listener with
the primary refrain of the song: "Save the honor of the motherland,
brother, protect the dignity of the country with all your might."

I recorded one birha (too long to include here) which used the
story of a soldier from the area killed in the 1965 war with Pakistan
to extol the glory of dying for the motherland. The song employed some
of the same catch-phrases used in the above song, e.g. "Save the honor
of the motherland." One of the soldier's heroic feats was the

destruction of Pakistani tanks, which he 'lit like a holi fire' (cf.

 

l. All-India Radio at Sarnath (about 10 miles north of Banaras)
broadcasts a fifteen minute program of rural music three times a
‘week. The music is also used for interludes in the evening program
for farmers and in several other daily programs.

Chapter IV).

189

depicted in the song as a blow to America. Since the 1965 war and

particularly during the Bangla Desh confrontation, America has been

regarded by many (both educated and uneducated) as an ally of Pakistan

and therefore more an enemy than a friend.

10.

12.

81. Birha

Oh the marching soldier takes the gun in his hands from morning to
night at the border

The farmer puts the plow on his shoulders and takes the ox to the
field

The homes of both are in one village
In childhood they played at the same door

There the soldier safeguards the country; here the farmer
cultivates the fields

The soldier protects the honor of the country, holding his life in
his hand

The farmer mixes his blood and sweat in the soil and sustains the

country.

There the soldier destroys tanks and planes; here the farmer

destroys the alkaline crust of the soil

There the soldier in his iron hat; here the farmer with cow dung

and fertilizer

There the guns fire in salute and the bugle plays the signal; here
the ankle bracelets jingle as the woman brings refreshments to
the field

While the soldier marches at the border, the farmer walks to and
from his home with the plow on his shoulders and takes the ox to
the field

There the soldier protects the country; here he makes the soil into
gold

The tanks were called 'Pattons' and their destruction was

11:“! um on... anon-anger:
. ‘ I

190

13. There the soldier drives out the enemy; here the farmer eradicates

poverty

14. The farmer gives succor to the country; taking his life in his hands

the soldier protects the country

15. Ram Sevak says both are the pride of India; both are the glory of

the country

Commentary: Most birhas use a standard form and tune which is specific
to the genre. Some such as this one use melodies from film songs;
kavvali tunes are also adOpted. All types of formal groups increasingly
resort to film songs for tunes and repertoire.

The man who helped transcribe the song said that Prime Minister
Lal Bahadur Shastri (who succeeded Nehru) coined the slogan Jaye javan
jaya kisan ('Hail to the soldiers, hail to the farmers'), which is the
essence of the above song. Songs stressing the hmportance of the labor

of farmers and wage earners to India's development and ascendance are

also heard frequently on All—India Radio.

Structure and Types of Birha Texts

Birha texts are usually narrational in form, a structure shared by
the Alha. The less common structure of Song 81. is similar to the
'variations on a theme' style of some of the women's songs. A few
birhas are heard which concern mythological subjects, but most birhas
are tOpical. The following themes (from songs I recorded) are typical:
(a) indictment of the dowry institution using as a basis a story
involving multiple murders, suicides, etc; (b) the Apollo 11 space
mission; (0) a terrible train wreck in which many were killed; (d) the
assassination of Gandhi.

A birha singer performs songs composed both by himself and by

other birha singers. Booklets containing the texts of contemporary

 

191

birhas are sold at bazaars, fairs, and train stations.

Social Identity of Birha Singers
The singers of birhas are primarily Ahirs, although persons of
other castes of equal or lower rank are also members of such groups,

e.g. Nunias and Bhars. 1:1

Regional Distribution and Language of the Birha
As indicated by Arya (1968:30), the homeland of birha is the

Bhojpuri-speaking area; it occurs much less frequently in Western Uttar

 

Pradesh. How far it extends into Bihar and other surrounding states is 9’
not known. The language of birha is a mixture of standard Hindi and
Bhojpuri.
In regions where birha is not found, other musical genres are used
as vehicles for tOpical subjects. Vatuk (l969:2) mentions the use of
devotional songs and "modern" Alhas in this capacity in Western Uttar

Pradesh and Punjab.

Instrumental Format

The distinctive instrument in the musical format of the birha
group is one of the class called.k§£§§l ('percussion instrument not
employing a stretched membrane to produce sound'). This particular
kind of kartal consists of two sets of two iron bars. They are about
one foot long, an inch in diameter at the center, and tapered at each
end. The player holds two loosely in each hand and strikes one with
the other by rapidly curling his fingers, producing a clang of
indeterminate pitch. Of the four to seven members in a group, one or
two play kartal. There is always one dholak player, who can produce a

'wide variety of tekas ('rhythmic cycles with Specific patterns of

192

accents') and other effects. The dholak is a barrel-shaped, double-
headed, wood-bodied drum, over two feet long and a foot in diameter.
It produces a sound comparable to the classical Hindustani tabla and
baya. On the higher pitched right head the player taps out sharply
defined, busier patterns, punctuating and accenting them with the less

frequent and deeper gulping sounds of the left head.

The Form of the Birha

Here is a brief sketch of one common form of birha. The song
begins with an E132 by the leader. This is a brief prelude, sung on a
vowel, usually with a good deal of melodic motion.l It ends on the
tonic (the main note of the scale). The support singers raise their
voices in unison to the tonic and sustain the tones for a few seconds,
adjusting their voices to obtain a perfect unison. The soloist then
begins his narrative unaccompanied. At the end of each stanza the
chorus joins their voices with his, again sustaining on the tonic. The
rhythm section enters at the last line of the verse, and the leader and
chorus join together in singing the last line as a repeated refrain
over the driving duple rhythms of kartal and dholak. There are many
ways this form can be varied. For example, in one verse the chorus may
repeat each line sung by the leader.

The scale of birha is generally fairly close to the diatonic
‘Western scale. The general form and the melodies are said to be a
synthesis of Alha, kavvali, phagua, and other genres. There is no

sinfilerity between the tune of birha and that of khari birha.

 

1. This term is also used in Hindustani classical music to denote the
prelude.

 

193

The Ethos of Birha

The spirit of the birha performance is one of intense emotion
coupled with an authoritative forcefulness. The leader, usually
dressed in ghggi, the handspun cotton which symbolizes Indian
nationalism,l employs a variety of gestures and facial expressions to
convey his deep feelings. At a dramatic point, he may cover his ears
with his hands, throw his head back and, singing at a high pitch,

really "belt it out."

"1
E

The structure of the song itself reflects its rhetorical nature.
The end of each verse is made into a refrain, sung repeatedly by the
chorus, symbolizing an authoritative leader/supportive follower
principle. 'With the song providing this "follow-the-leader" model, the
birha group, styling themselves in an approved authoritative mode,
convince their audiences of the validity of the composer's reactions to
and sentiments about serious matters of social concern and national
pride.

Birha groups sometimes sell their services to campaigning
politicians, composing special songs to suit the platform of their

patron. The style of birha is well—suited to this use.

Kavvéli
One of the common subjects of kavvali is unrequited love, always
from the male perspective. This is generally formulated in terms of

the narrator's desire for a certain woman, the devastating effects her

 

1. In the nineteen-twenties, Gandhi indicted the British for
extracting raw cotton at cheap rates from India and selling British
manufactured cloth to the Indian people at a high profit. Gandhi
and his followers promoted cottage—industry-made cloth--kh§di, as
an alternative.

194

appearance and behavior have on him, and his despair when he cannot
possess her. Here is a typical kavvali:
82. Kavvali
1. Yes, I'm troubled by love
2. But the trouble will not go away
. I am ruined unless she realizes what she is doing
. Oh, in her eyes are everything but (repeated 3X)

There isn't any passion

 

3

£4.

5

6. Don't play with my life

7. Life isn't that cheap

8. A flower has the right to smile

9. But why does the sprouting bud smile?

10. The coquettish look is wrong

11. She cries; she doesn't laugh

12. He sits on the bank of the river

13. He throws the net wide

14. How clever are the fish!

15. Not even one fish is caught

16. Oh will the not catch me?

17. On his hook there is no bait

(Only the essential repetition has been indicated; most of the lines
are repeated two or three times.)

Commentary: The form and content of this type of kavvali derive from
the ghgggl, a type of Urdu court poetry in couplets or short lyrics,
'written in the eighteenth century by Mir and other Muslim poets. A

simile of this song, the smiling flower, is found in one of Mir's
ghazals:
I asked how long the rose would bloom
The rosebud heard my words and smiled (Russel & Islam
1968:179)

195

In the above song the narrator uses the simile to assert that a mature
woman has the right to use her beauty to arouse and attract him, but
this girl doesn't realize the effect her charms have on him. Lines
twelve through seventeen are somewhat startling in their disjuncture
with the prior lines. This disunity of content is characteristic of
the ghazal, in which ". . . every couplet is an independent entity, not
necessarily related even in mood to its neighbors" (Russell 1969:108).
Another kavvali theme heard occasionally is also descended from
the ghazal. This type is based on the concept of a personal
relationship with God which is modeled upon the relationship between a
man and his mistress (a concept adOpted from Persian poetry). Again
there is the element of unrequited love. The ambiguity of reference
(to God or to mistress) is basic to the poem. The conceptual basis is
the inverse of the Vaisnava devotional songs, in which Radha's love for
Krishna is interpreted as an allegory expressing the soul's desire for

unity with God.1

83. Kavvali
1. In this great expanse, the holy place Brij is best of all.2
2. Nandagav is the best of all places
. In Lanka the name of Ram was made very famous

. Hanuman said, ”My Ram is so good."

. He said, "Is there a brave man here who can lift my foot?"

3
L;
5. In Lanka when Angad put his foot down
6
7. When every brave man had lost, then Ravan came forward to the foot.
8

. Angad said, "Why did you come and grasp my foot?"

 

1. The examples I was able to collect were in a-highly literary form
of Urdu which infermants were unable to translate with assurance,
hence their absence. See p. 9-

2. Brij is the area around Mathura, usually associated with Krishna,
and thus seems out of place in a song about Ram, as does Nandagav,
where Krishna was born.

1 .' "I 'vrhriiflir.’ ?‘Z'OT
.. .____-

. ‘fl

!

J

9.
10.
ll.
12.
13.
l4.
l5.
16.
17.
l8.

19.

196

If you have to touch, then go and touch the foot of Rama

Rama, whoever was touched by your gaze of mercy

His sin was removed, his spoiled fate corrected

By your mercy even he who was ruined from the beginning was saved
Ahilya also received mercy from the feet of Gautam Rishi

When Rama came forward and put his foot on the stone block

How did Hanuman and the other monkeys meet on the sea coast?

Not knowing where Sita was, he searched here and there

Hanuman crossed the sea and arrived at the mountains

All the mountains were depressed below the underworld

When Hanuman angrily put his foot down

Commentary: This song refers to several episodes in the Ram Charit
Manas (Tulsi Das' Hindi version of the Ramayana. See the summary on
p. 227). Angad Was the son of Bali, the king of the monkeys who served
Rama in the battle with Ravan. He was sent to Ravan to obtain the
release of Sita. After arguing with Ravan and his aides, Angad wagered
(to demonstrate that they would be foolish to do battle with Rama's
forces) that no one could budge his foot. All of the aides tried and
failed; when Ravan grasped his foot Angad admonished that he would be
wiser to touch the feet of Ram (and thus admit his inferiority and
signal his surrender) (Growse 1966:401). This episode is not one
celebrated in most of the songs landing Rama.

Rishi Gautam (mentioned in Line 13) turned his beautiful wife

Ahilya into a block of stone as punishment for her sleeping with the

god Indra. The Ramayana relates how Rama, while in the Dandaka forest,

accidentally touched the stone block with his foot and revived the

'woman (Walker 1968:403).

The story also refers to the conference of monkeys prior to

Hanuman's departure for Lanka (Ceylon). The last three lines of this

song seem to confuse an element of Tulsi Das' story. According to

Growse's translation, Hanuman depressed the mountains on the southern

 

‘) ' '
L. ‘
Lu

197

tip of the peninsula when he sprang from them to fly to Lanka.

This song is an example of the use of Hindu mythological episodes
in kavvali. Informants said that thirty or forty years ago kavvalis
were sung only by Muslims. Today a kavvali group may consist of
Muslims, Hindus, or a mixture of both. Apparently the use of Hindu
mythological subjects as song t0pics has resulted both from the P]
adoption of the kavvali genre by Hindu musicians and the desire of I

Muslim.entertainers to accommodate Hindu audiences. Kavvali and its

 

performance thus represent a convergence of Muslim and Hindu sub... u
cultures as well as a point of articulation between the two segments of
the society.

In addition to the divisions of kavvali subjects mentioned above,
I heard kavvalis about such tOpics as the exploits and glories of
Krishna, Ram's journey in the forest, the foibles of a villager in the
city, and 'devotion to the nation'. A kavvali group heard in the
spring of 1972 performed one enthusiastically received song landing
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's strength and determination throughout
the war in Bangla Desh. The air was full of hands waving rupee notes
as the song finished. (Such gratuities are proof of a song's positive

reception; they also have a prestige value for the donor.)

Spirit and Form of Kavvali

Like the birha, the kavvali is forceful, sometimes to the point of
overstatement, in its delivery. Its authoritativeness, however, is
used more to convey intense emotion than to impress a social outlook.
The kavvali is more refined and SOphisticated in style and content. It
shares some of the following elements with the birha: the alap, the

alternation of verses sung by the leader with refrains consisting of

198

the last line of the verse sung by the chorus, and the use of the
dholak to play complex patterns of accents with a prOpulsive beat. But
kavvali has many distinguishing features. Kavvali melodies are more
elaborate than the standard birha tune. The vocal line in kavvali
employs more frequent and more intricate ornaments; their precise .
execution is one mark of the skilled performer. Like birha, which in '1
some ways seems to be a less refined adaptation of it, the kavvali

employs many passages in a high vocal range. These, sung with a

 

constricted throat, give kavvali an even more anguished, strained. I;
feeling than birha. This feeling is reinforced by the physical

appearance of the singer, with his lined brow and tense neck muscles.

He often sits so that he can rise on his knees at dramatic moments, and

may resort to throwing off his cap and pretending to tear out his hair.1

Urdu predominates in the non-Hindu and even in some of the Hindu
material. With its velar consonants and more phonetically articulated
nature, it imparts a flavor quite distinct from the more mellifluous,
less constricted Bhojpuri. Uneducated villagers, however, understand
little of the pure Urdu songs and accept the fact as part of the
performance.

The harmonium is the mainstay of the kavvali vocalist. It is a
‘portable hand-pumped organ, approximately two and a half by two by one
feet in size, with a piano-type keyboard. The scale is diatonic, and
spans three or three and a half octaves——from C to C or C to F. The
player pumps a spring-loaded bellows with his left hand, pressing the

keys with the fingers of his right hand.

 

1. In discussing Mbslim.singers Fox-Strangways states that the less
able singer ”is apt to tear a passion to pieces" rather than not
challenge the admiration of the audience (1965:89).

 

199

First imported from EurOpe by missionaries in the nineteenth
century, the harmonium is widely used in North India. It is disdained
by musicologists because, due to its diatonic scale, its use is thought
to have a homogenizing influence on the diverse indigenous scales, each
of which has a different intervalic structure with its own "flavor " 1K
(Cf.Fox-Strangways 1965:16). Its bland, accordian-like timbre seems 7]
incongruousvmth.lndian music, and it is incapable of producing many of

the gamakas (embellishments) so basic to Indian melodies. The price of

 

a reasonably good harmonium ranges from two hundred to three hundred b
rupees; the cheapest start.at about ninety rupees.
The vocalist accompanies himself with the harmonium by playing a
melodic line which is roughly in unison with his vocal line. He also
uses it to play short introductory sections which precede the alap,
brief instrumental interludes, and to play filler phrases between vocal

lines.

Audience Evaluation of Birha and Kavvali

Men's comments regarding birha and kavvali performances indicated
that the forcefulness and intensity of the genres were essential to a
successful, well-received performance. Laudatory remarks about
‘performance usually referred to the ability of the singer to generate
strong emotional responses in the listener. A typical comment was
Mg lt_an_i Egg; 193’ k_a_ l_a_ha_r laggayal ('this large a wave of force
‘ZIemotioni7 hit me). The term m§§t_('intoxicating') was also used
frequently in affirmative comments e.g. pg;i_mg§t_b§j§.hgi ('that's
very intoxicating playing'). Their comments indicated that both

'strong' and 'sweet' voices were valued. As in our own society, 'a

good voice' often refers to both quality of the voice and the skill

 

200

with which the voice is used. I was not able to determine what aspects
of vocal performance other than the quality of the voice were
recognized and evaluated, e.g. vocal trills and ornaments. In this
area of inquiry (musical esthetics) language fluency is essential
because much of the most reliable data is in spontaneous comments like
the above, and difficult to elicit in other contexts. l was only able
to scratch the surface due to my limited fluency in Bhojpuri.

The lyrics or story of a song are generally more important to the
majority of the listeners than any refinement in singing or instrument
playing. Vocal execution, which at times seemed marvelous to me, was
ignored if it was not coupled with an arresting verbal phrase. The
high valuation of lyrics is a characteristic of the ghaZal tradition.
Birha and kavvali competitions similar to those in which ghazals are
(or were) recited (of. Russell 1969:121—124) are still held

occasionally in both rural and urban areas.

Song and Dance Groups

In another type of 'formal' performance one or more female-
impersonating singer-dancers are accompanied by a harmonium-dholak-
chorus ensemble like that of kavvali. This type of group is called
gégné ('dancing') or nauthaki. The following two songs are typical of

this type.

84. Purvi
1. You can leave the country, but my eye make-up does not leave
2. The myrtle stain does not leave my feet
3.&4. When I heard you were coming I made thousands of preparations

5. You have taken my heart and fled, you have deceived me and fled

 

201

6. I swear, sakhi, he deceived me and left

7. If you were just going to deceive me, why did you go through with

the gauna?
8. The night was pleasant; why were you in my dream?
9. The bed was empty the whole night; I was afraid
10. I am unfortunate; he brought me here and left
11. Oh God, I got an ill-starred husband
12.&l3. The era is evil; there are evil men

14. To whom did I make a promise? Why have peOple started looking at
me suggestively?

15. They say, "Sweetheart, just come and embrace me!"

16. The pitcher sometimes bursts and spills

17. Hey Sia Ram, I will not get to be with you
18. Oh, if you are going to come, come in my youth
19. This empty bed is not at all pleasant

Commentary: This is a sympathetic description of a situation which is
contemporary but not new. A man, after having brought his bride home,
left and did not return when expected. In the first line, which is a
pun on chfite which means, in different contexts, both 'abandon' and
'fade away', the female narrator is saying: you are free to do as you
'please, but I have changed my life irrevocably for you. In lines 14
and.15 she is saying that the men of the village, knowing her husband
is away, try to take advantage of her. In line 16 she signals that she
may suffer a nervous collapse.
85. Purvi
11. At midnight the cuckoo calls
2. The pretty woman starts, gets up and stands near the bed

3. The mango has blossomed, the mahual has flowered

1+. The sleep of the lady separated from her lover has been broken

 

l. The tree Bassia latifolia

 

10.
11.
12.
13.
14.

202

The breeze blows over her body

The door to memories begins to Open

The flowers have blossomed; the bee has become attracted
Why has her husband not come home?

She wrote her sorrows in a letter, posted it, and darkness began to

descend
Tears flow in her eyes
Birds began to fly and the sky became pleasing
The parrot began calling from the cage of her heart
The hard-hearted one does not remember the love he gave to me

God knows when he will remove this sorrow

Commentary: The theme of this song and the conventionalized images
used to depict it are found in classical Sanskrit poetry as well as the
later Sanskrit poem, the Gita Govinda. The call of the cuckoo, the
scents of trees and flowers, the blossoms surrounded by bees, and the
motion of the breeze are all thought to increase the desire of
separated lovers (men and women alike). The theme is called
virahahdukh, "the pain Of separation in love" (Keyt l940:9). The theme
recurs frequently in the men's kajalis. Here are some examples from
the Sanskrit:

The lotus pond is bristling with pink buds:

the nights grow shorter while the empyrean's gem,

its cloak of frost unloosed, grows bold.

Now come the days resounding with the cuckoo

and sweet with mango scent

to cut the hearts of ladies separated from their lovers.

(Samghasri)
The wind that blows
from the sandal trees of Malabar,
the sweet sound of cuckoos, and the bower vines
raise waves within the hearts Of men, , _
raise yearning (Srikantha)

(Ingalls 1968:90)

and from the Gita Govinda:

When breezes blow'from the Malayan mountain, longing grows and increases
When clusters of flowers Open in bloom, torn are the hearts that are

parted.

203

He dr00ps, separated from you, 0 friend, the wearer of garlands! . . .

When he hears the noise of the swarms of bees, he covers his ears from
their humming;

Pain he feels, night after night, of a heart in love that is parted.

He drOOpS, se arated from you, 0 friend, the wearer of garlands!

(Keyt l947:51§,

The contemporary songs incorporating these images and themes show
that the sentiments of romantic love have persevered in Indian culture
despite institutions which would seem to discourage them—-purdah,
arranged marriages, and the absense of courtship. Archer (1958:73)
explains this by positing a prOpensity for romance which can only be
expressed in romantic poetry and song.1 This may or may not be true.
we do know that North Indian men and women experience romantic love.

As Mrs. Karve once stated, "In India we get married and then fall in
love " (And cf. Russell 1969:1171 Pervasive feelings of romantic love
are not generated in all marriages, to be sure, but several informants

in Indrapur confided that they held romantic feelings towards their

wives.

Form and Spirit of Song and Dance Music

The harmonium and dholak are also used to accompany this kind of
music. The primary difference is in the repertoire of the singer, which
in addition to kavvali and film songs includes song types called 2331i
('easterly'), chaparahiya ('of Chapara'-—a district in Western Bihar)
and Bhojpuri (a residual category of songs not qualifying for the other

appellations).2

 

1. Russell explains the kind of love expressed in the ghazal in a
similar fashion: it is release in socially approved fantasy of
impulses which if enacted would bring drastic penalties (1969:120).

2. Purvi and chaparahiya are names given to melodies which to me
seemed very similar. This awaits musicological analysis. Marta
Nicholas states that these tunes are similar to the music of
Bengali drama troups, called jatra (1972:personal communication).

204

Purvi and chaparahiya are less strident than kavvali, with less

angular melodies. Their themes are generally romantic.

Dancing

Dancing is found in conjunction both with the song and dance groups
and with most of the informal groups (described below)-—but never with
the performance of birha or the group which sings only kavvalis. The
dancer is called a léfigé, He is generally a young man--from twelve to
twenty-one years old, who has learned how to look and move like a woman.
His coiffured hair has been allowed to grow to a suitable length (or he
may wear a hair piece). He wears a padded brassiere and all the garments
and jewelry worn by a well dressed village woman, including ear and
nose rings, hair ornaments, necklets, bangles, anklets, toe rings, and
the ggli ('brief blouse'), sari, and underskirt. He also has learned
how to beautify his eyes, lips, finger- and toe-nails, and feet. He
sings with a peculiar timbre, a falsetto which is intended to represent
a woman's voice. His dancing style is much like that of the village
women (see p. 53). The results, given grace, a good face, and careful
attention to accoutrements, movement and gesture, can be quite
convincing-—I sometimes forgot I was watching a male. As mentioned in
a previous chapter, the female-impersonating dancer is an institutional

correlate of purdah.

The Informal Groups

The performances of the informal groups contrast markedly with
those of the formal groups, in both their music and their delivery.
There is less physical and social distance between the informal
musicians and the "audience", which is rarely grouped in front of

the performers. This is partly due to the fact that the musicians are

205

often caste brothers of the families involved in the wedding; they are

not total strangers. It is also due in part to the somewhat diminished

importance they have in the situation. They are there to provide

diversion and amusement--neither art nor profundities are expected.

Here are songs representative of the reportoires of the informal groups.

12.
13.
14.
15.

86. Kahgrava
Brij has become deserted
Without you, Krishna, Brij has become deserted

'Without sustenance the soul becomes saddened, friend, like a fish

out of water
Listen, dear, the woman is sad, the woman is sad
She is wilting day by day
She sits on the decorated bed, and a sensual feeling comes over her
Her coli string snaps
Wipe off the sweat that has come on me, dear
The fine orange bedspread on the red bed
Carefully place your feet on the bed
The lingam grows erect
From one side comes the young Radha, from the other Krishna
In the narrow lanes of Brindaban I got this precious lover
I bathed in Kartik and the eight months before; I worshipped Siv

What damage you have done, Brahma, to have written a young husband

into my destiny

Commentary: This is a disjointed collation of themes and lines from
different genres. First we have the desperate longing of the g0pis for
Krishna, which occurs as a refrain throughout the song. This is used
to introduce the plight of the lonely woman, who is wilting without her
husband. Unexpectedly, he is there and they satisfy their desires in
the images of Krishna and Radha. Line 14 is from a sohar and Line 15,

206

a non sequitur here, is found in songs such as those sung by the Natin-—
the more recently composed women's recreational songs.

87. Koharava Nirgun Bhajan

l. I used to play at my father's house until my husband sent the order
that the day of the gauna had come

2. This is the way it is, friend, my heart became worried. This is the
way it is

3. When the barat came to father's house there was a dark green curtain
on the red palanquin

4. The band played once; I am worried, friend

5. Let us mix together, companions, today I leave my father's fine

house
6. What precious babe or who else can I take to play with?

7. In the house my mother cries, father at the head of the palanquin,
my brother grabs the palanquin and cries. This is the way it is,
friend

8. I left my home; love pained me, friend
9. The rain drip-dropped all night; how can I say, friend, that which
is in my heart

10. This is the way it is, friend, my eye make—up has dried, my lungs

have withered

Commentary: Informants were quick to recognize this as a nirgun bhajan.
This particular song was recorded from a group of Kohars. Another with
the same theme was recorded from a grou of Gors. The theme is found
in one of Kabir's poems (Tagore 1970:75 . Why these groups have
adopted nirgun bhajans remains to be investigated.

In this song the gauna is a symbol of death. The red palanquin
refers to the red shroud in which the corpse is traditionally wrapped.

Other song subjects in this style included: a song in which
Krishna is depicted as a bully (cf.Arya 1968:102), coercing the g0pis

to comply with his wishes; the story of Udho's unsuccessful mission to

207

Gokula to pacify the bereaved g0pis after Krishna had left them (from
the Bhagavata Purana); a devotional song to Rama employing episodes from
the Ramayana, and a sohar, which, like the women's nation-devotion song
(1.) had been adapted to express nationalistic sentiments. Its first
lines:

88. Dhobi Nac
l. Grasp Gandhi's feet
2. Do Nehru's devotion and never forget God's name
3. Ram and Allah are the same; only the names are different
h. Hindu and Muslim are brothers; fighting is useless
5. Father went to worship at the temple of Siv
(The balance of the song is in the mode of a women's devotional song

such as l. and 9.)

Instrumental Format, Music Form, and Performance

The instruments used are all percussive. They include: (a) the
h_u1;u_£ (see p. 288 for description). This type of drum is found through-
out India. In this area it is generally associated with the Gor and
Kahar castes; (b) small and large clay-bowled kettle drums (nagggé)
played with sticks, usually by Camars; (c) daphala (see description on
p. 37), which is generally associated with Camars; (d) the gong, a
dished disk about eight inches in diameter, suspended from a string
held in one hand and struck with a wooden mallet; (e) cymbals,
generally larger in diameter by several inches than those used in
harikirtan.

In these styles the alap is rarely more than a three or four
second intoning of the tonic. The melodies are homogeneous with a

narrow range. Some of the tunes are quite similar to those of the

208

men's kajali, and like kajali, are antiphonal. The scales of the tunes
are not of the diatonic variety, and most are of very narrow range.
They are usually referred to as Kaharava, or Koharava, indicating their
direct connections with the Kahar and Kohar castes. Several songs
resembled the birha in melody and in the leader/chorus format. There
is a noticeable lack of vocal technique; vocals are generally less
authoritative and of a less precise unison than those of the formal
groups.

The performances of these groups show a different focus than those
of the stage groups. The playing of percussion instruments is
coordinated to produce cross rhythms, and is emphasized at the expense
of the vocals, which are heard with great difficulty.

All of the performers play standing up, and most of them dance
while they play. These groups generally employ a female impersonator
who dances opposite a male dancer playing the male role. The style of
their dancing has been lucidly described by Marriott:

There was one great throng of villagers watching an uplifted male

dancer with padded crotch writhe in solitary states of fevered

passion and then onanism; then join in a remote pas g9.g93§. with

a veiled female impersonator in a parody of pederasty, and

finally in telephathic copulation-—all this to a frenzied

accompaniment of many drums (Marriott in Singer 1968:20h).
(Those I observed were neither uplifted nor wore the padding he
mentions). The spirit of the informal style is earthier and more
uninhibited than the other entertainment music. The music constitutes
a vital, separate tradition which is apparently descended from an
indigenous (non—Aryan) style. The informal style is best compared with
the other styles discussed here by conceiving the styles on a continuum.

On one end are the refined, artistic, melodic and technically more

demanding styles--kavva1i and purvi. On the other end is the music of

the informal
birha occupie
percussive 91

styles, and S

'h'ealthif
arrangements
expenditure
members, and
long a group
the number c
or may not t
with dancerql

The moi
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(four to fl

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0n

 

 

209

the informal groups--more primitive, utilitarian, and percussive. The
birha occupies a middle range, taking elements from both traditions-—
percussive elements and undeveloped melodic forms from the standing

styles, and structure and refinement from the kavvali and purvi.

Considerations in_the Selection QEDMusical Entertainment

Wealthier families are expected to spend more for all wedding
arrangements, including musical entertainment and bands. A greater
expenditure hires a group which is probably more skilled, has more
members, and a more prominent reputation. The last depends upon how
long a group has been established, how widely known the leader is, and
the number of radio performances to their credit. The type of band may
or may not be a consideration; uneducated men seemed to prefer groups
with dancers and educated men seemed to prefer kavvali groups.

The most expensive group that was hired during my residence in the
village was a well known kavvali-cum-song and dance group which had
recently performed on All-India Radio programs. It was also the
largest, most flexible group, with two harmoniums and several other
instruments as well as a dancer. The group was paid eight hundred
rupees for three shows.1 Most birha, kavvali and song and dance groups
(four to five men) working for wealthier, upper caste families,
received from one hundred fifty to two hundred fifty rupees for three
shows. On the other hand, one eleven man Gor-Camar group was paid

fifty rupees for one performance.

 

l. The dowry involved in this Thakur wedding was reportedly Rs. 15,000-—
the groom's father had the most extensive land holdings in the
village and the groom was a student in an engineering college i.e.
his potential income was assumed to be great.

210

Lower caste and poorer families have different strategies for
obtaining musical entertainment. Ahirs employ only Ahir groups, which
are commonly relatives. Gors, Kohars, Kahars, and Camars also employ
groups in which one or more of their biradari, often relatives, are
members. These are generally groups of the informal type. They expect
to receive less from biradari than they would from wealthier families;
their performance may represent the fulfillment or incurrence of an
obligation. Other socio-economic connections may also be exploited,
e.g. money lenders may persuade one of their poorer clients to perform

or have a relative perform.

Comparisons 2£_th§_T§xt§_g£ Entertainment Music with Music 9£_thg
Village

The textual themes found in the music of entertainment groups but
not in village music are confined to: (a) Unrequited male love and its
use in eXpressing a personal relationship with God (in kavvali). This
is obviously an admixture of Muslim cultural concepts. (b) The topical
themes of birha--narration of exciting events and protest of social
problems.

There are many textual continuities between entertainment music
and those genres widely performed in the village: (a) the use of
mythological themes drawn primarily from the Bhagavata Purana and the
Ram Charit Manas (and probably filtered through a chain of vernacular
poets). These are found in phagua, kajali, women's recreational songs,
and khari birha in the village genres, and in all varieties of
entertainment music. (b) virahahdukh and the related eroticism are
themes of purvi and, among the village genres, of the men's kajali.

(c) One theme found in both entertainment music and the music of the

211

village deserves special attention. Songs regarding national leaders,
a concern with development, and the honor of the nation constitute the
intrusion of a new element into the corpus of music. Nationalistic
tOpics are found in all types of entertainment music and penetrate to
the very core of village music, the women's songs: it was in a song
sung at a wedding rite that we first observed this concern (Song 1).

Two cultural themes, the devotional and the martial, provide
important bases for nationalistic sentiment. Let us first consider the
extension of divinity to national leaders. The apotheosis of Gandhi
and Nehru is expressed in the substitution of their names for those of
deities in devotional songs (Songs 1 and 88). The songs tell listeners
to treat the men as gods—-to touch their feet and perform devotional
rites to them. Given the enormous popularity and apical status of
these two men this was no doubt a spontaneous folk transvaluation
facilitated by the similar ways in which peOple regard the royal and
the divine.

The near equivalence of these categories is apparent in myths,
rites, and beliefs. The deities of mythology are inevitably princes or
kings of earthly or heavenly domains. Even the mother goddesses are
addressed as queens in their worship songs. The treatment icons
receive in worship ceremonies is symbolic of that accorded to royalty:
they are bathed, garlanded, and bestowed with the best and purest foods
and pan.

The divinization of the nation is suggested by the emergence of a
new category of songs, the ggé.bhakti_('nation-devotion') songs. The

rubric and the songs to which it refers inform the attitudes of the

peeple towarc
are the gods

In the I
to the marti."
birha. In '1
attached to
toward the m
identity and
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212

peOple towards the nation: the nation is to be revered and served as
are the gods.

In the discussion of birha it was pointed out that attitudes basic
to the martial ethos contained in the Alha were also present in the
birha. In the Alha the attitudes of pride, honor and reSpect were
attached to person and clan. In the birha these attitudes are directed
toward the motherland. This marks an important change in personal
identity and at the same time provides a model for the relationship
between individual and nation. The nation as "mother" is to be
conceived as providing material succor and support; the individual is
to have pride in the nation, respect it, and guard its honor at all
times.

Music is only one of the means used to promote a sense of national
identity. All-India Radio and newspapers have also been instrumental
in this achievement, and the conflicts with China and Pakistan have
provided an abundance of suitable text.

State-supported schools are also important in inculcating national
awareness. The raising of the flag and national anthem are part of
daily opening exercises. The schools also hold special assemblies on
Independence and Republic Days, in which the same kind of group cheers
found in holi and mother goddess village ceremonies are used to praise
the country and its past and present leaders. The children then march
through the village singing national songs and shouting national
slogans.

Thus we see that the nationalistic sentiments and attitudes
reflected in music are now as much a part of village culture as the

other topics of village song.

 

Introduction

 

entertainme:
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hands, COr

CHAPTER VII

ENGLISH BANDS

Introduction

Mention has been made in foregoing chapters of the 'English Bands'
(§g3251_béig) which lead processions and provide some of the
entertainment at weddings. This is a non—participatory, professional
genre consisting of groups of lower caste Muslim men and boys who play
songs from the entire spectrum of North Indian music on wind and
percussion instruments. The bands are called 'English' because they
wear uniforms and play musical instruments associated with and adopted
from the English military.

The English band is a remarkable synthesis of diverse elements of
Indian culture. Combined with the European costume and instruments
are the Islamic identity of the bandsmen, and music deriving from
western, NMghal court, Hindu folk, and modern Indian film traditions.

The English band is used primarily to lead processions, and
processions are always connected with sacred activities. In the
wedding, bands are first used to lead women of the groom's family and
neighborhood to the ovens of the Gor for the parching of rice and then
to the edge of the village for the final blessing of the groom and
dancing by the women. At the bride's village the barat follows the
band to the home of the bride for the dvar puja. The next day it again
leads the barat to the khicari ceremony. It also plays special songs
(based on Raga Bhairavi) at dawn and other songs occasionally
throughout the day for the entertainment of the guests. The larger
bands, consisting of ten to fifteen members, received from one hundred

and fifty to two hundred rupees for these services.
213

21A

Affluent families also hire bands to perform at rites other than
the wedding, including the gauna, m ('sacred thread') and fluid);
('first hair-cutting') rites. Bands often play in auspicious public
ceremonies as well, such as the grand parade of sadhus on Sava Ratra in
Banaras. I did not observe bands playing in connection with funerary
rites, but informants said that a family might employ a band to play
on such an occasion if the deceased had lived a full and prosperous
life and the death was not attended by great remorse.

The English band in these contexts was explained by informants with
the word.m§gal, It will be recalled that this word was also used in
explaining the importance of women's songs and other music in the
wedding, and the desirability of broadcasting devotional music on public
address systems. It was also the explanation of the blowing of the
conch shell (éékh) in pujas. figggl is derived from the Sanskrit mangala.
The word has two primary senses. One is 'happiness, felicity, welfare,
bliss . . .' (Mbnier4Williams 196#:772). The other is 'anything
auspicious or tending to a lucky issue (e.g. a good omen, a prayer,
benediction . . .)' (Ibid). The band and its music is thus thought to
contribute both to the present and to the future good. At the same
time, of course, it symbolizes the economic condition of the nuptial
families. In summary, the larger and more gaudily outfitted the band,
the happier the proceedings, the greater the chances for the success of

the marriage, and the more prestige brought to the nuptial families.

Social Composition 2; thg Band

 

An English band is composed of related men and boys (from about

eight to over sixty years old) from a Muslim caste—_the Jolaha

('weaver' ) ,
caste') Cur:

a seasonal,

 

as much as

performance .

instrumental
“

Pei‘cussion
Play fit t
played Wit
(a larger

hand) play
freqllent,

Wishing 5

may 81713310:J

Instru

w

 

215

('weaver'), Darzi ('tailor'), Nat, Sah (or Sii 'the Muslim priestly
caste') Curihara ('bangle seller') or other caste. Performing is only
a seasonal, secondary occupation. The leader tries to employ kinsmen
as much as possible, which sometimes militates against the quality of

performance.

Instrumental Composition 9f Egg BEQQ_

English bands range in size from three members to over thirty (in
urban areas). Trumpets, Cornets and Clarinets usually take the
leading melodic roles and alto horns, valve trombones, and an occasional
saxophone provide support with adumbrate unison or octave lines. The
percussion instruments constitute a "rhythm choir" i.e. the lines they
play fit together in a complementary way. The snare drum (t§m§23.dhgl),
played with two sticks, plays higher pitched, busier patterns, the ghgl}
(a larger double headed drum played with a shert stick and one open
hand) plays lower pitched, less dense patterns, the bass drum even less
frequent, basic accents. Maracas or cymbals or both add a regular
swishing sound on t0p. (This is assuming a larger band. Small bands

may employ only the snare and one of the other drums.)

Instruction

The leader of the band is usually a trumpet or cornet player and
teacher of some or all of the wind instruments. Instruction is carried
out in a traditional guru-cela relationship. The guru plays a phrase
and the cela attempts to repeat it until he can replicate it
satisfactorily.

One of the older drummers in the band usually teaches the

percussion players their parts. Often one or two of the drummers in a

 

1. This drum is known as a Scottish bass drum in the West.

216

band are young boys, who play with impressive fierceness and dexterity.
They learn by feeling the rhythm-_the student holds the sticks in his
hands and his teacher holds the student's hands in his own. The
teacher then plays the rhythmic cycle on the drum, through the hands of
the student, until the child can reproduce it unassisted. There are
also bglgr—Spoken phrases which imitate the sounds of a cycle, to help
the student learn and remember the cycle. These are also used in the

teaching of drumming in classical music.

Repertoire

The bands play four classes of music: film songs; marches; folk
tunes such as kajali, phagua, purvi, and kaharava; and ragas. The
ragas are similar to those played by contemporary, formally trained
classical musicians. As in the orthodox classical tradition, each raga
is played only during a certain period in the day. In the morning the
bands play different tunes based on the Bhairavi raga. Classical tunes
played in the afternoon are based on the Pilu raga. In the evening,
they said, the classical tunes played are based on Raga Sham Kalyani.
(I did not hear any songs of this raga played.) The other genres in the

repertoire can be played at any time of day.

Comparison g£_Brass Band and Classical Ragas
There are interesting similarities and differences between the
ragas these bands play and those of the same names which formally

trained classical musicians play. In both systems a ragal is the basis

 

l. "A raga is a group of tones from which a melody is formed . . .
(but) the character of a raga . . . (is also determined) by the
emphasis placed on certain tones, by certain characteristic turns
in the direction of the melody (in descending, especially), by
certain deflections from normal pitch, and even by graces or
ornamental notes used with certain tones" (Boatwright 1963:#).

217

of many songs. Each song is identified by the first phrase or other
salient phrase of its text, or by a mukgg ('face'), a distinguishing
melodic phrase (often that which leads to the gag, the beginning of the
rhythmic cycle). In both systems the melody of the song and
improvisational passages also contain brief melodic bits or other
characteristics of the subsuming raga. These characteristics are, to
a considerable degree, common to the two systems: a formally trained
musician would generally recognize a song played by a brass band under
the appelation Raga Bhairavi as such, because it employs the
characteristics which he also identifies with that raga.

In some cases, however, the song which a brass band considers to
be based on a certain raga includes melodic phrases which a formally
trained classical musician identifies with a different raga, or which
do not manifest the characteristics of the raga by which it is called.
For example, one song had an introduction which was identified by a
classically trained performer and musicologistl as based on Raga
Malkosh. The subsequent phrase was characteristic of Raga Pilu, but
the rest of the song did not manifest the characteristics of Pilu. The
leader of the band said the song was in Raga Pilu. Such synthesis is
no doubt facilitated by the "free" nature of the two ragas (Bhairavi
and Pilu) most commonly played by the brass bands of this area. A
"free" raga is one in which there are fewer conventional melodic shapes
or other rules which must be observed. There is thus a good deal of
latitude in their formulation and elaboration even by classical

musicians.

 

l. I am indebted to Professor Nazir Jairazbhoy for his assistance in
comparing brass band and classical ragas, and for much of the
information in this sub-section. I assume responsibility, however,
for the accuracy of the above statements.

218

The alap (introductory section, usually free of rhythm) of the
brass band raga is generally quite brief, consisting of only a few
phrases. The trumpets or other high register horns play melodic lines
over the tonic pedal (sustained tone) of the low register horns.
Classical alaps are generally much longer, as are the complete
performances of classical ragas.

The ragas of the brass bands often use rhythmic cycles of the same
length i.e. number of beats, as classical ragas. ‘Within these cycles,
however, the brass bands use patterns of accents which are not used in
classical performances. This is partially due, no doubt, to the
differences in instrumentation.

The repertoire and structure of ragas performed in this area are
determined both by relations between these "hinterland" musicians and
those of the cities, and by the continuation of local traditions
through the guru-cela tradition. Some of the features of each song are
also no doubt due to individual variation. More investigation is needed

to distinguish general from idiosyncratic features.

M fl Performance

The higher register instruments--trumpets, cornets and clarinets,
generally play the "lead" roles. These consist in playing the melody
in unison or heter0phony. (In heter0phony each player plays a slightly
different version of the melody.) Alternately, during improvisational
passages the solo role may be passed from player to player among the
better leads. The non-soloing lead horns generally fill in the gaps
when the soloist of the moment stops to breathe. This may involve
imitating in brief form lines he has just played, or taking up a melody

where he dr0pped it (often quite surprisingly in the middle of a

6,.
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219

phrase). Support horns may play the melody in unison or heter0phony
with the leads, but an octave lower. They also sometimes play a
continuous tone (with brief gaps for breathing) on the tonic. The
general organization of the horn parts taken as a whole is similar to
that of the sahnai bands of Banaras. (The sahnai bands, however, use a
more traditional kind of percussion accompaniment, similar to the tablé
and b§y§,drums used in classical music.)

These bands play with much snap and verve, and the performances of
some of the larger bands display considerable refinement. Particularly
interesting is the alternation of "cooler", moderate passages with
"hotter", more exciting ones. The effect is achieved through the
alternation of solos and restrained percussion with the dramatic
resumption of ensemble blowing and more intense percussion. One band
leader said that a good band was one that could generate such

"climaxes".

CHAPTER VIII

SONG THEMES FOUND IN LITERATURE: KRISHNA AND RELATED ANOMALIES

Introduction

In previous chapters I have discussed the relationship between the
songs of the mendicants and the devotional poetny of Kabir and
hortatory style of Surdas (pp. 173.5; I have also showed that the Alha
was descended from the earliest North Indian vernacular literature, the
bardic chronicles. The use of ghazal themes in kavvali was pointed out
in Chapter V. Here I will examine several other important motifs of
village song which are shared with literature: the motifs pertaining
to Krishna and Rama, and some of the conventions of love poetry and
song. Later in the chapter I focus on the 'anti-structural' Krishna
and similarly anomalous members of other classes of social and logical
phenomena.

In order to put the topic of song themes dealing with Rama and
Krishna into perspective, here is a summarizing typology of the themes
of village songs:

1. Themes shared with literature. This includes the Alha, mendicant's
devotional songs, romantic songs, and the songs pertaining to Rama
and Krishna.

2. Themes reflecting current or recent events (topical themes). This
includes Song 58, Song 60, and some of the birhas.

3. Themes dealing with social relations and family life (this excludes
the romantic songs, almost all of which share motifs with literate
traditions). This includes songs 7, 8 and 53.

4. Themes related to ritual proceedings and worship. These are the
songs associated only with certain rituals e.g. the turmeric

220

221

rubbing songs (12 and 13); some galis e.g. 17, 18, and 29, and
other songs associated with specific wedding rites; the songs for
the worship of the mother goddess, the sohars; and the obscene kabir
and jogira of holi.

5. Residual themes including satirical and humorous songs (songs 5 and

52) and the nondescript syntheses like Song 67.

The Krishna lhgmgs

Of the ninety songs in this dissertation, thirty—three have motifs
found in Sanskrit and vernacular literature. Of these, sixteen are
concerned with Krishna and eight with Rama. The numbers do not,
accurately reflect the proportions of village songs concerned with
these subjects. In selecting the songs to be included I have tried to
represent the SCOpe of subjects extant in the village rather than to
present the songs in numbers which would indicate their actual
prOportion in the corpus of village song. In actuality, songs
regarding Krishna and Rama are even more predominant than their numbers
here indicate.

Their prevalence is largely a result of the bhakti_('devotional')
movements which began in the north around 1400 A.D. In essence these
movements represented a reaction against the formal ceremony of
Brahmanic worship, its monOpolization by the Brahmans, and the
exclusion of the sudra and untouchable castes from worship ceremonies.
In the North, three heterodox movements can be discerned: (a) the
nirgun approach, whose adherents worshipped the 'formless' deity called
Rama, shunning icons and temples (see p. 172). The literature
resulting from this movement is typefied by the poetry of Kabir. (b)

the Rama votaries of sagug ('having form') persuasion, who worshipped

222

the anthrOpomorphic Rama. The primary sacred literature of this group
was the Ram Charit Manas written by Tulsi Das (infra). (c) the Krishna
votaries, whose sacred literature is discussed below. This division
was given by an informant; it is also used by Keay (1960:29). Keay
adds that,
In each group during this period Hindi literature came to be used

and was one of the great factors which helped to spread the

various movements, while they, on the other hand, helped to

stimulate the growth of Hindi literature. Almost the whole of

subsequent Hindi literature is impressed with one or another of
these forms of Vaishnava doctrine.

Krishna in the Literature

The deity Krishna was first given substantial depiction in the epic
the Mahabharata, between 400 B.C. and 400 A.D. (Archer 1958:17). In
this epic ". . . it is Krishna the feudal hero who throughout the story
takes, by far, the leading part" (Ibid:24). Except for two occasions
Krishna is not recognized as God by others and does not himself claim
this status. On one of these occasions Krishna speaks as the
incarnation of Vishnu, asserting that devotion to himself is the means
to release from the cycle of rebirth. This brief passage foreshadowed
the subsequent rise of the devotional movement.

Of the songs I heard in the village, only two utilized elements
from the Mahabharata--the women's kajali mentioned on p.]JJ,and the
song attributed to Surdas p. 175. These episodes are probably retold
in the Bhagavata Purana and elsewhere so that ascribing a source for
the village version is not possible. Subsequent scholarly texts filled
out the role of Krishna as the incarnation of Vishnu, but it was not
until the emergence of the Bhagavata Purana that Krishna became a god

who was the object of impassioned personal devotion.

223

After reviewing the Opinions of a number of scholars who have
studied the matter, HOpkins (1968:5-6) concludes that the Bhagavata
Purana was composed in the Tamil speaking area of South India about 850
A.D. The bhakti poets generally used the episodes of the first two
phases of Krishna's life (childhood and early adulthood) in their
depiction of the divine Krishna and the promotion of his devotion.1
There were many such poets, but in seeking the possible correspondences
with the song themes included here I will focus on only two.

The first was Jayadeva, a Bengali who wrote the Sanskrit love poem,
the Gita Govinda ('Song of the Cowherd') around 1150 A.D. (Keyt 1947:9).
This poem "quickly achieved reknown in Northern and Western India and
from the early thirteenth century became a leading model for all poets
who were enthralled by Krishna as God and lover" (Archer 1958:84).
Relative to the themes of rural songs, this poem is significant in a
number of respects. The poem is the lyrical narration of the love of
Krishna and one of the gopis, Radha (who was married to another,
unnamed man). Introductory verses refer to their first tryst (which is
very briefly depicted in the Bhagavata Purana, although the gopi is
unnamed). The poem then dwells on their painful longing for each other
in the subsequent period of separation, and concludes with their
passionate reunion. Radha's longing for Krishna became the conceptual

model for ecstatic devotion to Krishna; it is thought to symbolize the

 

1. One exception worth noting here is an episode from the princely, or
third episode of Krishna's life. Sudama, an old friend of
Krishna's, goes to visit the prince with nothing to offer him.but
a few grains of rice. Krishna is overwhelmed by his humility and
rewards him.by transforming his broken-down hut into a palace. The
story is told in primary texts and sung as an "occasional" song in
the village. It was the tOpic of a poem by the bhakti poet
Narottam Das (Keay 1960:32).

224

soul's intense longing for union with God. Radha's willingness to
commit adultery was thought to express the ultimate priority which must
be accorded to love for God (Archer 1958:75).

In emphasizing their separation with its attendant longing, the
poem employs the virahAhdukh ('pain of separation in love') motif which
is found in earlier Sanskrit court poetry (see p. 202 for examples).
The older Sanskrit poems also contain two other conventions used in the
Gita Govinda-_the sexually arousing effects of the breeze, flower
scents and other natural phenomena; and the ubiquitous convention of
the darting glances of the woman which pierce the heart of her lover
like arrows.

Natural beauty's enhancement of desire and the pain of separation
are themes combined in Hindi poetry and village song which depict
season by season their effects on a woman separated from her lover or
husband. The combined theme is called barahmasa ('twelve months').

All of these themes, both with and without reference to Krishna, are
found in Songs 59. p. 132, 64. p. 145, 66. p. 146, and Songs 1. and 4.
from Sir, p. 136.

The next phase in the development of Krishna motifs is the
emergence of vernacular bhakti poetry. The most common subjects of
this poetry are Krishna's dalliance and love-making with the g0pis,
especially Radha. Of these poets Surdas was one of the most popular.
He was one of the school called the Astchaps ('eight seals'). The
founder of this school, Vallabhacarya, introduced Surdas to the tenth
chapter of the Bhagavata Purana (Pandey and Zide 1968:174).
Vallabhacarya and his son each had four disciples (hence the name of

the sect (Keay 1960:68). All resided near Mathura, the mythical home

 

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225

of Krishna, and wrote in the language of that area, called Braj Bhasa
(a dialect of Western Hindi). Pandey and Zide point out that their
poetry was less sensual than that of the Bengali writers-_they treated
Radha as the lawful wife of Krishna and were "less addicted to the
extremes of physical passion" (1968:184). (Radha's marital status is
never made explicit in village song). But Radha remained a woman
separated from her lover.

Although the work of Surdas was based on the tenth chapter of the
Bhagavata Purana, he adds and omits episodes from it. Many of the
episodes of the songs presented here are subjects which, according to
Zide and Pandey (1968:179-192), were admixed by Surdas. These include
descriptions of the activities of Krishna as a child, including playing
with the gopis (referred to in Songs 55. p. 129, 56. p. 130, 63. p. 144,
and 6. p. 44); descriptions of Radha (a subject of the phagua
mentioned on p. 135); the hypnotic effect of his flute on Radha and
the other gopis (Song 73. p. 166); and Udhava's mission to Gokula to
attempt to conciliate the g0pis with the abstract nirgun phiIOSOphy, a
subject of several songs recorded but not presented—-see p. 166). The
last theme has persisted into twentieth century Hindi poetry (Ibid:l93).
Although Surdas sometimes conceptualizes Radha and the g0pis as
manifestations of Krishna himself which he created for his own joy and
amusement, this concept is not found in any of the songs I recorded.

There is one more development in the vernacular poetry dealing
with Krishna and Radha which is pertinent to the tracing of rural song
'themes sharing the motif. This is the diffusion from Sanskrit poetry
into vernacular poetry of the critical study of the depiction of

i¢:iealized lovers (nayaka-nayika) and the adOption of Krishna as the

226

ideal lover. Manifesting the brahmanic pr0pensity for classification,
these studies posited cross-cutting categories of the traits of both
male and female lovers, various phases arising in the course of romance,
and the results of the coincidence of traits, phases and situations with
respect to passion. In adopting this framework the vernacular poets
supplied both poems and commentary, and beginning with the work of
Keshav Das, the poet of Orchha in Bundelkhand, the idealized lover was
Krishna himself. "As a girl waits at the tryst it is not for an
ordinary lover but for Krishna that Keshav Das depicts her as longing"
(Archer 1958:91). Archer contends that Krishna is here "regarded as
resuming in himself all possible romantic eXperience . . . He is love
itself" (1958:92). The themes of Songs 13 and 86, set in village
contexts, identify the male lover or husband as Krishna. It seems
doubtful that the villager conceives Krishna in this context in the
metaphysical sense ascribed by Archer. In these songs it seems that
Krishna, because of his outstanding traits, simply symbolizes 'male
lover'.

To summarize, the depictions of Krishna found in rural song in
this area are primarily those in which he is a lover. The romantic
depictions can be traced to the less important (in this connection)
nayaka-nayika works, to the poems of Surdas and other vernacular
Krishna-bhakti poets, and to the Gita Govinda, where they were first
connected with the pervasive virahahdukh and erotic natural beauty
themes.

The Krishna motifs of rural song are generally the simplest

c:oncepts and activities of Krishna, rarely the philosophical

a: lastractions used to rationalize his unique and somewhat randy traits

227

by the scholars. In Eastern Uttar Pradesh the contexts in which the
songs are sung are, oddly, never those of ecstatic devotion (although
in holi celebrations they contribute to the generation of ecstasy).
Rather they are sung in ritual, recreational or occasional settings.
Nor is Krishna really glorified by song as, for example, the mother
goddess. He is instead merely the sensual protagonist of narrative

fragments.

Mihflém
The motifs regarding Rama are also derived from bhakti literature,
but in this case there is one source to which most of the rural song
motifs can be traced. This is the RmnCharithnas ('Lake of the Deeds
of Rama'),composed by Tulsi Das 22333 1575-1600 A.D. (Keay 1960:50).
It is not a translation of the much earlier Sanskrit Ramayana
attributed to valmiki, but is similar to it only in the broad outline
of the story. Many episodes not found in the Ramayana have been added.
Composed in Avadhi, a dialect of Eastern Hindi, it uses words from
other dialects as well. Another work of Tulsi Das', which relates the
story of Ram entirely in hymns, the Ram Gitavali, was used by a group
of village singers I recorded in Ballia District. Such hymn singing
was formerly widespread in this region but has now largely disappeared.
The story of Ram is an odyssey which is told by Tulsi Das with

much panegyric. Here is a very brief summary of the story, including
the episodes depicted in the songs contained in this dissertation:

Ram (called Rama in formal Hindi and Sanskrit contexts) was the

elder son of a king of Oudh (the modern Ayodhya in East-central

Uttar Pradesh is said to have been the site of the royal court).

In the court of a Bihari king Ram competed in a bow—breaking

contest for the hand of Sita, the king's daughter. He won, they
were married in the most glorious of ceremonies, and returned to

228

Ayodhya. In accordance with unwitting vows made by his father,
Ram was passed over in the succession to the monarchy in favor of
the son of a younger wife, and banished for fourteen years. Ram
went into exile with Sita and Laksman, his half brother, refusing
to return at the death of his bereaved father. While dwelling in
their forest abode Sita was kidnapped by Ravan, an evil god of
Lanka (Ceylon). In searching for her Ram and Laksman became
allied with an army of monkeys (and bears) including Angad and
Hanuman. When Laksman was struck by the poison arrow of one of
Ravan's henchmen, he was saved by Hanuman's bringing from the
Himalayas an entire mountain containing the required antidotal
herb. After Angad had failed to negotiate Sita's release with
Ravan, Ram and his allies attacked and defeated them and rescued
Sita. Ram, Sita, Laksman, and all the valiant monkey—chiefs then
flew to Ayodhya in an aerial car, where they received a glorious
welcome and lived happily ever after.

The story emphasizes the moral qualities of the courageous Ram; Sita,
the faithful wife; their honorable fathers; Hanuman, the ideal devotee;
and Laksman, the ever-loyal brother.

The songs pertaining to Ram included in this dissertation are
concerned with: (a) devotion to the formless God called Rama (these
include the mendicants' bhajans (e.g. 76) and some of the khari birha
(e.g. 68); (b) fragmentary episodes in the odyssey such as the
kidnapping of Sita, the battle at Lanka, and the bow—breaking (e.g. the
Khari birhas 69-72); and (c) Ram and his family members as ideal
husband and affines. This last topic is distinguished by its
appearance in the sohars (Songs 48 and 49. pp. 99-100) which are sung
in auspicious sacred contexts such as the katha. This demonstrates the

importance to the women of this aspect of the story of Rama.

Krishna: Eh§_Anti-structural Type

The deities Rama and Krishna are not of the same order in the
village pantheon. Rama is generally identified by villagers as
Bhagvan (the theistic concept in which the deity is both transcendent

and immanent, the omnipotent overseer of the mundane world--'God').

229

He is the apical figure in the pantheon-—he presides over the
katha, the most auspicious of the pujas not connected with rites of
passage (although his identity here is merged, in the minds of some,
with Vishnu). Krishna is worshipped only on Janamasthami, the holiday
commemorating his birth; he is not invoked in other pujas or in
personal devotions.

Not only are the deities of different levels in the pantheon, but
in their anthrOpomorphic depictions they constitute Opposing ideal
types. The character of Ram is moral and serious as opposed to the
lusty, spirited and captivating Krishna. Most of the songs about
Krishna describe his pranksterish activities as a child (stealing
butter and harassing the gopis) or his amorous activities as a youth
(dancing and making love with the g0pis). His amorous pastimes are
quite contrary to Brahmanical morality, and his lilé ('sport') the
opposite of the martial Rajput ethos. (Krishna was an Ahir, a caste
whose ranking is beneath Brahman and Rajput and assumed by many in the
village to be sudra). Krishna is more mundane and human, and less an
ethereal ideal than Rama.

Krishna is juxtaposed to Rama and the rest of the pantheon by
certain contrasting traits. Juxtapositions of the same type recur in
other classes of phenomena, three of which will be explored here.

In each case there is a type antithetical to the structured and
mora1-_a type characterized by the flaunting of structure, and Opposed

to the establishmentarianism of the dominant Brahman and Ksatriya

230

varnas. 'Anti-structure'l, Victor Turner's term denoting social
relations characterized by the absence or inversion of structure, is an
apt term for this anomalous type (Turner 1969 passim).

Like Rama, Krishna is really a deified ideal man. The ideal to
which he conforms is that of the bari mast admi('a very high spirited
man'). In the village the phrase is used to compliment a man. Here,
as with the terms 'martial Rajput' and 'devout Brahman', I use mast
éfifli as an ideal construct, a model of comportment and behavior which
". . . is reflected more fully in the behavior Of some men than it is
in the behavior of others: it also may be reflected in the behavior of
the same man at one time and not at another" (Hitchcock 1959:16). The
mast admi is a man with whom time passes easily and enjoyably because
of his witty, unpreoccupied nature. He is one who maintains a flow of
jokes and puns, and contributes thereby to a mood of relaxed and
spirited gaity (referred to as masti?) which allows spontaneous,
unstructured interaction in which all present can participate. This is
a highly valued form of interaction among North Indians (if not all
peOpIe) and a principal pastime.

The Brahman and Rajput ethos are manifest in the conformance to
traditional roles which are defined by reference to the past; the

insouciant mast admi Operates totally in the present in conformance

 

l. 'Anti—structure', which Turner also calls 'communitas', is the
Opposite of structure. It is that type of social relation in which
individuals interact on equal, human terms without reference to
roles or other structural features. This state may be
institutionalized in rites or marginal groups. Turner calls this
'normative anti-structure'.

23. As indicated in Chapter IV, masti is conceived as a kind of
intoxication. Intoxication is antithetical to Hindu morality,
although exception is made in religious contexts (e.g. the use of
marijuana products by ascetics and devotees) and on festive
occasions such as holi and Sira Ratra.

231

with a model of normative anti—structure. (A man's identity as a
Brahman or Rajput does not necessarily prevent his entrance into the
structureless masti--it is a subjective choice or prOpensity.) This
type, the 'high-spirited man', contrasts with the high minded
asceticism that is commonly portrayed as typically Indian.

The 'anti—structural' holi festival (associated with the sudra
varna; see p. 119) can similarly be juxtaposed against other major
festivals. Holi is a festival of licensed pollution, aggression,
intoxication, and obscenity--all forms of behavior prohibited by the
Brahman code. Although there are designated sacred rituals in holi,
the emphasis is on playing-_the Spraying of color, the communal music-
making, and the obscene word play. Rank and role are temporarily
abandoned or inverted. It is the anti-structural ritual par_excell§nce,
as Turner has demonstrated (1969).

The class of village music also has its anti-structural members.
These are the men's and women's recreational songs, the khari birha,
and khisa. The traits which contrast them with the balance of village
music are their voluntary participation and performance. Within a
season or extended period of time they are sung by whoever in the
neighborhood group wants to sing them, when they want to sing them.
The sessions are fun for participants. The men's songs are inter-
spersed with boisterous cheers; both men and women laugh and joke with
one another between songs. Again there is emphasis on spontaneous,
playful interaction as Opposed to the ritual and role required delivery
of ritual, entertainment, and mendicants' songs. The social state of

:recreational song sessions is also rank free.

232

The women's ritual songs, required by the contexts in which they
are sung, and Specified by the roles ascribed to women, are mostly
structural. But within this category there is a genre which has
elements of normative anti-structure-—the obscene insult song. In one
performance situation (the wedding) their singing violates the
deferential norm of behavior directed towards the ascendant groom's
family, actually expressing an inversion of roles by stating that "our
men screw your women." Even when sung by the women of the groom's
family at the payment of the dowry these obscene expressions are
contrary to normatively respectful relations.

In these four areas, then--the pantheon, ideal personality types,
festivals and music, there is a category which is juxtaposed to other
members of its class by virtue of salient "anti-structural" features--
spontaneous behavior unconstrained by reference to rank in which play
and pleasure are dominant goals. This suggests that on the level of
'unconscious mental processes' (as Opposed to 'pre—conscious process'
c£.Levi—Strauss 19673199) the hierarchical propensity is neither all-
encompassing nor all-powerful. There is a self;contained antithetical
force which delimits anti-structural sanctuaries in mental and social

systems.

CHAPTER IX

FOLK SONG STYLE AND CULTURE

Introduction

As mentioned in the introductory chapter, Alan Lomax's book, Eglk’
gopg'§tylg_agg_Culture (1968), is the only comprehensive treatment of
Indian folk song combining both anthropological and musicological
approaches. In this chapter I briefly compare the findings of my
research with Lomax's conclusions regarding Indian folk music and the

relationship between song style and social structure.

Lomax's Assumptions, Methods, and Procedures

One of the assumptions basic to Lomax's study is that song
reflects basic norms. "Song and dance style then symbolize and
summarize attitudes and ways of handling situations upon which there is
the highest level of community consensus" (15). "The principle
discovery in cantometrics (the term he coined to denote his method) is
that a culture's favored song style reflects and reinforces the kind
of behavior essential to its main subsistence efforts and to its
central and controlling social institutions" (133). The purpose of
this chapter is to test Lomax's conclusions regarding India's folk
music with the data marshalled in previous chapters.

In the cantometric method, a sample of music from each of two
hundred and thirtyuthree cultures in fifty-six culture areas was coded
according to thirty-seven music style parameters. The coding was
performed by Operators who first learned to discern the musical
parameters and their degrees, then listened to the music samples from

each culture area and rated them according to the parameters. Examples

233

234

of the parameters and their degrees are: "melodic shape," with the
degrees of "arched, terraced, undulating, and descending," and
"nasalization," which can be rated "extreme, marked, intermittent,
occasional, and little or no." Coded ratings were then sorted according
to predominating characteristics, and the societies sharing similar sets
of predominant traits, or "styles" were studied to determine what
geographical, techno—environmental, and social features they shared
that resulted in the similarities of their music styles.

One of Lomax's principal general theories connecting song style
with norms is that the complexity, information density, and specificity
(these terms are explained below) of song style are directly correlated
with the complexity and productivity of subsistence activities. "The
presumption was that, at any one production level, the song team and
the work team Operated at a similar level of complexity in
communication . . . the norms regulating the activity of work teams
provide part of the formal structure for the output of the song team .
. ." (122-3) Lomax measures the complexity of subsistence types with
the following five-point scale of evolutionary development ". . . in
which each higher term in the scale includes the ecological and
technological resources of the term below, plus one more:" (Ibid)

1. Extractors: major dependence on gathering, hunting, and/or
fishing.

2. Incipient Producers: simple agriculture without animal
husbandry prior to European contact.

3. Animal Husbandry: cultures depending on animal husbandry
(involving pigs, sheep, or cattle, prior to European contact)
and often agriculture, but without the plow or large irrigation

4. :TEESAgriculture: cultures combining plow agriculture with
animal husbandry.

5. Irrigation: agriculture, animal husbandry, the plow, and
sizable irrigation works. (122)

235

Village India is subsumed by the "irrigation" category.

He then demonstrates that the above production scale is also a
measure of general social complexity, including: size of the largest
community per culture; increase in the number of extra-local levels of
political controls; eXploitation (compulsory participation in the
principal work activity and preemption by owners or managers of the
land or the goods produced by labor), and task complexity.

The complexity, information density, and Specificity of a song
style are measured by the following cantometric parameters:

1. Information density: varies from text-heavy to completely
repetitious (or nonsense—filled) with three intermediate
degrees. "This is the most potent indicator of complexity on
the cantometric coding sheet . . . " (129).

2. Precision of enunciation: varies from precise enunciation of
consonants to completely indistinguishable syllables, with
three intermediate degrees (74 & 131).

3. Moderate delivery: this is a composite of volume and stress,
both of which are measured on a five-point scale relative to
the volume and accent of normal speech (132).

#. Embellishment: ". . . the degree to which small, passing,
decorative notes are added to the main melody" (150).

5. Free rhythm: ". . . when no regularly recurring beat can be
distinguished . . ." (150).

6. Prominent intervals: rated on a five point scale from.monotone
to very wide, in which intervals of a fourth and a fifth or
larger predominate (64 & 136).

The most complex and productive of the subsistence types, irrigation,
is shown to have the greatest prevalence of each of these parameters,
and songs combining all of the traits are found only in the upper
ranges of the productivity scale, i.e. plow agriculture and irrigation.

Lomax has three modes of explanation for the correlation of these
parameters with the upper range productive types. Information density
and precise enunciation are called for in a society where "action plans

are more complicated and full of alternatives; group members need

lengthy briefing and extremely explicit indoctrination in order to

236

bring about effective joint interaction" (138). Moderate delivery is
attributed to the "instructive or didactic" strategy of leadership
associated with complex cultures. This is manifest in song in the
maintenance of volume and stress at speech levels. These three
parameters Lomax subsumes under the term "specific" which is a composite
trait. He emphasizes that this trait characterizes the "bardic style"
i.e. solo male performance, which is confined to the complex cultures

of EurOpe and the "Old High Culture", an area which reaches "from
Marrakesh to Manila" (95—96) and includes village India. The prominence
of narrow intervals "turns up in cultures whose members are confined
spatially or restricted by a system of rigid status differentiation

." (136) Embellishment and free rhythm are combined in another
composite trait called "elaborate," which is also explained in terms of
stratification. Elaboration, we are told, is musical deference. It is
equivalent to special forms of address, names, postures, forms of
speech, accents, innovations, gifts, flattery, "and a thousand other
devices (which) have been used by the lower orders of stratified
societies to protect them in their dangerous approach to their powerful
social superiors" (153).

The number of types of musical instruments used in a society is
also a rough measure of the level of social stratification in that
culture (139).

In summary, village India as an example of a socially and
politically complex, irrigation culture Should have a song style
characterized by wordiness, precise enunciation, moderate delivery,
embellishment, free rhythm, prominence of narrow intervals, and many

types of instruments.

237

Testing Lomax's Generalizations with this Research

In comparing this model with the genres of song described in the
foregoing chapters, we find that only several of the genres exhibit a
majority of the traits. The khisa song style (p. 168) accommodates the
model in every trait but one——it is sung by two men. The only other
genres that exhibit a significant number of these traits are the Alha
and the khari birha (pp. 177 and 168). The Alha is wordy, fairly
precisely enunciated, and moderately delivered, but it is not highly
embellished, it contains more sections of measured than of free
rhythms, and rarely uses narrow intervals. The khari birha is dense
with information (but it is so brief that little is conveyed). It is
fairly precisely enunciated, highly embellished, narrow intervals are
prominent, and the rhythm is free. The delivery, however, is anything
but moderate (it can be heard for several miles).

There is a wide variety of instruments present in the area.

The participatory genres (Chapters III and IV) which constitute
the music 2£_the village and the prevalent style according to its
incidence in the village, has few of the traits of Lomax's model. The
style of these genres is uniformly repetitious, neither precisely
enunciated nor highly embellished, and without prominence of narrow
intervals. The men's songs, phagua and kajali, and some of the women's
songs, have compelling rhythms. Harikirtan is nearly the antithesis of
Lomax's model: it is extremely repetitious, imprecisely articulated,
unembellished and heavily rhythmic.

Chapter # of the book, called "The World Song Style Map" reveals

that participatory music is considered by Lomax to be of only minor

238

importance in the Old High Culture (the area containing village Indial).

"The cantometric profile for Old High Culture shows a widely
shared and a highly distinctive pattern. Probably the most
important theme is "exclusive and elaborated dominance" where a
solo perfo er accompanied by an orchestra (frequently playing in
heter0phony , sings a precisely enunciated, long, and complex
text. The length, wordiness, and precision of the text is
combined with a complex, multiphrased melodic structure, extreme
ornamentation, frequent use of rubato, and a constricted vocal
style, all of which effectively prevent participation by others.
Such, apparently, has been the style long employed by plowmen in
harvest songs, and by priests and bards for the praise of gods,
great beauties, and princes . . ." (97)

Lomax's claim for the dominance of the bardic style is consonant with
his over-emphasis of dominance/submission patterns in the social
structure it is supposed to represent, which is even more evident in
the following quotation:
As society grew more complex and leadership more exclusive, the
solo bard began to hold the center of the stage. He preempted the
communication space as the priests and kings seized and held the
wealth and power of the human community. The bard, exercising
exclusive dominance and enforcing passive attention through long
songs, represented the dominant leaders and helped to train the
audience to listen for long periods without replying. Mere than
that, the bard, whether sacred or secular, addressed himself to
the powerful leaders who more and more directed the life of ever
larger social units . . . (134)
One of the problems of this analysis is a basic contradiction:
song styles are said to reflect the organizational structure of basic
subsistence tasks, yet they are also said to reflect the macro-

structure of social organization which comprehends, for example, the

number of extra-local levels of political controls. One cannot assume

 

l. The cantometric sample for village India consisted of music from
Bengal, Kerala, and "The Central Provinces." (He neither specifies
the areas to which the last term refers nor gives the sizes of the
samples.)

2. HeterOphony is the use of slightly differing versions of the same
melody by two (or more) performers, e.g. a singer and an
instrumentalist adding a few tones (ornamentations) to the singer's
melody (Apel 1968:330).

239

that these highly different orders of structure must Share the same

organizational principles. Furthermore, Lomax has failed to take into

account that, particularly in the lower orders of social structure (e.g.

intra-village relations), there are certain classes of interaction in

which ritual and political status are ignored or held in abeyance. In

Indrapur there are communal work parties in which members of all castes

from Dhobis to Brahmans participate on an equal basis (e.g. canal

building, sugar cane planting and harvesting, and roof—raising). WOmen
often COOperate in dispatching menial food processing tasks in their
own and neighbors' homes. And as mentioned in earlier chapters,
village participatory song is a leaderless, inter-caste affair.

The discrepancy between Lomax's model and the data presented here
can be explained in the following ways:

1. Northern India differs in song style from the rest of the thirty-
seven societies in the Old High Culture.

2. The sample of music analyzed by'Iomax was inadvertently biased in
favor of the bardic style. Entertainment music, which is closer in
style to Lomax's model, is more readily available in the bazaar
towns and cities. 'Women's participatory music is generally
performed in the privacy of home or courtyard, except for
processions. Men's participatory music, except the harikirtan, is
performed less in towns and urban areas than in the village.

Unless a person lives in the village he will rarely be confronted

with the participatory types.

To conclude: the "bardic" and "participatory" song styles which
coexist in India reflect the coexistence of equivalent and hierarchic

structural principles in the operation of India's complex societies.

240

Hierarchic ranking of statuses may serve as the basis of much
interaction, but there are classes of interaction in which the
differing ritual or political statuses of the actors do not constrain
behavior. Identifying classes of "equivalent" interaction other than

those mentioned here is a problem for future investigation.

CHAPTER X

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

To orient the reader, the outline below presents in brief form the

types of music discussed in this dissertation and the situations in

which each type is found. The discussion which follows the outline

explains briefly the social and cultural significance of each category

in the outline.

I. Participatory songs: i.e. songs in which a majority of the people

present participate.

A.

Ceremonial songs: i.e. songs sung by groups of women in ritual

contexts requiring their performance.

1. wedding songs: sung in specific wedding rites.

2. obscene insult songs sung to visiting affines and, in
wedding rites, to pundits.

3. songs sung to worship and prOpitiate the mother goddess.

4. songs sung to celebrate the birth of a son.

Songs Of'men's devotional meetings: these songs are the medium

for the generation of religious ecstasy. In the village

meetings are Often held in conjunction with rites marking

transitions in the lives of family members; in larger

communities they are held at bi—weekly or longer intervals.

Recreational songs: sung by groups of men or women

1. songs sung at leisure primarily by groups of men in the
pre-holi season.

2. obscene songs sung by groups of men on the day of holi.

241

242

3. songs sung at leisure by groups of men or women in the
monsoon season.

4. songs sung by women on informal occasions prior to the
wedding of a child of the neighborhood.

5. songs sung by women to ease the monotony of menial tasks.

II. Non-participatory songs: i.e. music performed in the dichotomized

context of performer and audience

A.

Songs sung to a small, informal audience

1. songs of the cowherd

2. the neighborhood story-song

3. religious mendicants

4. the epic ballad singer

Songs sung by professional musicians to entertain large

audiences at wedding and bride-removal rites

l. in formal contexts by better paid semi- or full
professionals

2. in less formal contexts by less specialized musicians

English Bands--the auspicious and prestige—endowing leaders of

ceremonial processions

The music performed in the village was of two general types: the

participatory, in which most of the people present at the event

participated in the performance; and non-participatory, in which most

people watched and listened while specialists performed. It is

important to differentiate the two because participatory music is a

unique social experience for the singer in which the coordination of

his voice with those of others results in a sense of unity with the

group which is affective and tangible. The experience is basically

243

different from the passive listening of non—participatory music, which
in formal contexts suggests domination by the viewpoint and mode of
expression of the specialized singers.

A major subdivision of participatory music is that music which is
required by certain ritual contexts. With one exception this music is
always sung by women; it is a part of their role in the family. Many
of the wedding rites employ songs which provide meanings unduplicated
by other ritual elements. Songs 41 and.48, for example, illuminate the
bride's stereotypical anger and sense of betrayal at being forsaken by
her family. Another important type of women's song sung in weddings,
the obscene insult song, is the medium.of expression of a joking
relationship which functions to maintain affinal and pundit-patron
relations.

‘Women from each household in the village convene to worship and
prOpitiate the smallpox goddess with special songs. These songs
express their conceptions of the deity, who has both benevolent and
malevolent qualities. She afflicts smallpox upon those who refuse to
worship her but She rewards those who do worship her with sons. The
songs also reflect the conflict between Sanskritic and non—Sanskritic
religious cults in the village. For example, in Songs 58 and 59 the
humble, faithful devotees (all of lower castes) are contrasted with the
upper castes who are 'too proud' to worship the goddess. During small-
pox "panics" untouchable devotees of the smallpox goddess are often
able to persuade higher caste women (and a few men) to worship the
goddess, thus accruing ritual influence in the village as well as the

offerings made to the goddess.

244

A son is important in this patrilineal society not only to
perpetuate the lineage, but to perform essential rites at the time of a
man's death. The songs sung at the birth of a son are also sung on
other sacred occasions, where they confer the auspiciousness associated
with the birth of a son. These songs express a wide variety of vital
religious concepts such as the benefits of austerities and the
attributes of the gods. All of the women's ceremonial music is thought
to be auspicious—_to glorify the occasion and please the attending
deities.

Each of the varieties of women's ritual song is an integral part
of the ritual in which the women sing it. Victor Turner's three
semantic dimensions of ritual symbols (exegetic, operational, and
positional) constitute a comprehensive framework which facilitates
systematic observation as well as the ordered analysis of the meanings
of ritual song.

A wholly different kind of participatory music is that of the
ecstatic devotional meeting. Here groups of men of all castes but the
untouchable attain a state of religious ecstasy by singing intensely
rhythmic, repetitious verses naming their god and thereby invoking his
grace or unifying with him.

In the contexts described above, music is a ritual requirement.
There are also many genres of songs for recreational use. During the
pre-holi festival season in the Spring men occasionally convene to Sing
the exuberant songs associated with that season. On the day of holi
these and a genre of obscene song contribute to the drug-abetted
ecstasy of a uniquely communal, vivid and sensual holiday. The men's

monsoon songs reflect in text and style of performance the mood of the

245

rainy season, thought to be the most erotic season of the year. Again
the men gather on random occasions to Sing them, but the singing often
accompanies either a simple, graceful dance or swinging in groups on
harrows suspended from tree branches. an of all castes from Dhobi to
Brahman participate in both kinds of recreational singing.

Young women sing other kinds of monsoon songs in similar contexts.
On evenings before the wedding of a young person in the neighborhood,
women gather at the home to Sing special songs to celebrate and bless
the impending rite. Women sing other kinds of songs to ease the tedium
of monotonous tasks such as flour milling.

Recreational songs are a primary'mode of transmission of
mythological subjects, which account for over one third of their themes.
Rama and Krishna are the deities most commonly mentioned. The episodes
depicted are generally those of the Ram Charit Manas (the Hindi
Ramayana) and the Bhagavata Purana. Many of the themes have descended
from these texts via the vernacular poems of Surdas and other
devotional poets. Intra-family social relations are also common tOpics
of women's songs; the social relations treated by the men's songs are
romantic heterosexual relationships. A few of the women's songs
express nationalistic sentiments.

Of the non-participatory genres, the least formal include the solo
performances of the Ahirs (the cow-herding caste). The Ahir sings
while tending his herd, or for casual gatherings of friends and
relatives. With an elaborate form.which is musically distinct from
other village song, his songs treat mythological and devotional

subjects. Their performance is a hallmark of the caste.

246

In the winter neighborhood men gather to hear the half-sung, half-
recited epic ballads performed by a Dhobi ('washerman') and a Lohar
('carpenter'). The highly ornamented musical portions of the
performance are sung in near perfect unison.

Many religious mendicants come to the village, moving from door to
door to sing their devotional songs and beg for grain. These didactic
and reverent songs, often expressing the precepts of the 'formless'
devotional sects, provide a moral setting conducive to charitable
donations. Another kind of mendicant is of a Muslim caste called Nat.
He receives donations of grain for singing long and complex ballads
depicting the glorious and heroic exploits of two eleventh century
Rajputs. The ballads reflect and reinforce the proud, martial facet of
the North Indian ethos.

'Weddings and bride-removal rites are the contexts for all musical
entertainment in the village involving large audiences and more or less
professional musicians. Particularly in the wedding rites the scale
and grandeur of the entertainment signify the economic status of the
families involved. The more esteemed groups perform seated, facing
their audience in more formal fashion. There are three kinds of these
groups, which are called by the names of the primary song genres they
sing: birhé, whose repertoire is largely topical and historical and
uses Hindi and Bhojpuri languages; and kavvali. This genre was
formerly sung only by Muslims. It employed the Urdu language and
themes and conventions from Urdu poetry. Now it is performed by
Muslims and Hindus and has added Hindu mythological subjects and more
Hindi vocabulary. The style of birha and kavvali is highly forceful,

alternating exhortative solos with hard-driving choral refrains. These

247

groups are evaluated in part by their ability to generate strong
emotional responses in their listeners. The third type of "seated"
group performs a Bhojpuri genre called purvi. The themes are usually
romantic, and the more lyrical singing often accompanied by the dancing
of a female impersonator. All of these groups use the most common drum
of the area, the dholak, and kavvali and song and dance groups use the
harmonium. Patriotic songs are now frequently performed by all of these
types, and film songs are increasingly used both as repertoire items and
as sources of tunes for compositions. Musicians in these groups are
almost always of Hindu castes other than Brahman and Thakur or of
Muslim castes.

The less esteemed groups, which perform standing, are often of the
same caste as the nuptial families (one of the éfidra or untouchable
castes). Their performance is much less formal and their repertoire
more similar to the participatory types of song.

The English band leads various processions involved in the wedding
and sometimes provides entertainment. The band consists of related
members of.Muslim.families, playing EurOpean wind instruments and drums,
and dressed in European-style band uniforms. The bigger and more
splendidly outfitted the band, the greater the prestige it confers upon
the nuptial families, and the more auspiciousness it adds to the
occasion. The repertoire of the band, like the band itself, is a
synthesis of village, urban, classical Hindustani and Western genres.

Crosscutting participatory and non-participatory classes of
village music is another set of opposing typeS--that of structural and
anti-structural. Victor Turner has asserted that "for individuals and

groups, social life is a type of dialectical process that involves

24.8

successive eXperience of high and low, communitas and structure,
homogeneity and differentiation, equality and inequality" (1969:97).
He maintains that society cannot function adequately without this
dialectic: "Exaggeration of structure may well lead to pathological
manifestations of communitas outside or against "the law" . . . (but)
Communitas cannot stand alone if the material and organizational needs
of human beings are to be adequately met (129)." The swing from
structural to anti-structural is manifest in the corpus of village
music. Its unstructured types are important occurrences of the anti-
structural states which provide respite from structured activity.

The anti-structure is represented in music by the men's and
women's recreational songs.l Individual participation is voluntary, as
is the scheduling of singing sessions. The gatherings are obviously
"fun" for the participants--the women banter and laugh between songs
and the men interject boisterous cheers in their performance. This
style of'humor and relaxed interaction in which there is no rank
differentiation among participants is also found in the performance of
the khisa and the khari birha, which can also be termed anti-structural.

The only comprehensive analysis of Indian folk song combining
anthrOpological and musicological approaches is that of Alan Lomax in
his monumental Eglk_§ggg.§tylg,gpd_Culture. The work is essentially a
statistically supported discussion of the relationship between song
style and norms. His analysis of Indian folk music over-emphasizes the

importance of the "bardic style" and the complex and rigidly stratified

 

1. There is also a kind of unstructured non-participatory usage of
music, most often occurring when two or more young men are 'joking
around'. The young men usually sing lines (rarely even whole
verses) from film.songs in this context.

249

social structure it is supposed to reflect. The style is characterized
by Lomax as a solo male vocal (in some cases accompanied by an
orchestra) which is dense with information, precisely enunciated, of
free rhythm etc.--all traits whose prevalence is statistically
correlated with complex, stratified societies. The data presented in
this dissertation demonstrates the importance of what I have called the
participatory song style, which is in many respects the opposite of the
bardic style--it is a group performance, highly repetitious, and often
rhythmic. Coordination, cooperation, and equivalence of role are thus
essential to this style. If we accept Lomax's assumption that style
reflects norms, it must be concluded that the participatory style
reflects classes of patterned interaction in which ritual and political
status are held in abeyance. In village life various kinds of communal
work parties, leisure time and ritual activities such as holi are all
contexts in which this type of rank-free interaction occurs. Certain
cultural complexes such as ideal personality types and the pantheon
also demonstrate the existence and valuation of 'anti-Structural'
categories. Current anthrOpological theory of the Operation of Indian
society and Indian ideology over—emphasizes hierarchy. This
dissertation qualifies the hierarchic interpretation by recognizing
cultural and institutional complexes which are not hierarchically
structured.

Indian village music and its contexts have until now been more or
less neglected by anthrOpologists. This dissertation demonStrates the
abundance of music on the rural scene and the wealth of information it
can provide about social and cultural systems. The limitations of the

dissertation suggest the continuation of certain lines of investigation

250

and the initiation of others. Two of the more interesting problems
broached herein which warrant further consideration are the efficacy
and auSpiciousness of music (topics which have considerable relevance
in non-Indian cultures as well). As a survey even of music of the
Bhojpuri area, the dissertation is incomplete—_there are many song
genres in the region whose Study was not possible in this project.
More research is needed to learn the actual mechanics of transmission
of different musical genres. The perennial unity/diversity problem
also suggests numerous investigations: musicological analysis may
reveal caste/music form.correlations within a region; some of the uses
of music e.g. women's wedding songs, may be found throughout the sub-
continent, while others are regionally distributed; the uses of music
among Nbslim.groups in India should reveal interesting similarities and

differences.

APPENDICES

l.

1.
2.
3.

l.
2.

APPENDIX I
TRANSLITERATED SONG TEXTS

l. Tilak

fitho bharat basi, utho bharat basi
ggdiji ka caran dharo re dharo

kab ke tum soyo, kab ke soyo
abahi se khyal karo re karo

kg to carake k; suta, k; to carake ka sUta
kaddar par dhyan dharo re dharo

choro vidhya Egrezi, choro vidhyg'agrezi
hidi par khyal dharo re dharo

Siv sakar dani, éiv Sakar dani
kar m3 tirasul biraji rabi

hath sobhaila damarfi, hath sobhaila damarfi
lilara par cadan biraji rahi

khaiéi bfifig Re 3013, khaléi this ka gola
baithe bailava ke pith m3

gale mud ka mala, gale mad ka male

hath tirasul biraji rahi

2. Tilak
beriya ki beriyE ham baraji ho ramdharah Sih
jhinava mat e besa ho 151 mgi to baraji rahfi'
jhinavi pahirefg chinaro e murat ka bahina

jhalkai unke medani ka bar

3. Tilak
nadi kinare ninua boi hariar rag ragayo ji
sacata kl bahan gavane jake koi n5 mile cahfipave Re

251

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.

252

hamare kapil mun aise rasiya 5i gaile cahfipave ke
£3 ..
kare phalag par cuma mage aur khare khare hirakane k0

4. Tilak
fl. - o o ”a — c
jab mal age se janato jab mal age se janato
raci raci jevana banait ji
jabai krsna kanhaiya jabai krsna kanhaiya
rase rase biniya dolai raha
jab mai age 5e janato jab mgi age se janato

garna bharai rakhyo

5. Sagun
krsna ki 25 sagai sakhina sab a nacan ko ai
kakari becari ka kambha gara hai (2x)
panan a maro cavai sakhina sab a nacan ko 5i
kela becaré ka dulaha bana hai (2x)
navarangl kl dulahin banayi sakhina sab a nacan ko 3i
kohara becara ka tabla bani hai (2x)
ninua ki bani sahnai sakhina sab a nacan ko El
315 becara cale hai barati (2x)
murai ka cavar dolai sakhina sab a nacan ko 2E
palaki becari k5 seja laga hai (2x)

lauki ki takia lagai sakhina sab a nacan ko a1

6. begun

madha jamuna ji ke tir 131 mor abharan lute;
brij k1 banita cale ho jalbharane jamuna tat xi ori
yahi bic mohan ai pare ho ham se karai balajoni

mor éyam abharan lutai
dahi mor khailai matuk ki sir phoralai gerfiri jamung bahai
1eke cir kadam charhi baithéi 1ekar cir kadam chanhi baithéi
ham jalamajh ughari, 151 mor abharan lutai
cir ka badala pitambar debai ho jaibu jalava se nyari
tu to 131 hav, nada babe kay

mai brsbhan dulari

kabahfike lal bhetaiba mil galiyan mé'lebai dine galavE nimoni

10.
ll.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.

253

purain pat pahiri radhe niklal (2x)

krsna bajavat tall, 151 mor abharan lutai

baraja jasoda maiya apan kanhaiya

ham se karat balajori, 151 mor abharan lutal

abahi ta 131 khelat galiyan mg

kab tfise ki e balajori, tu ta jasoda maiya lal;m1khfijhe

bolat kfij ki ori, 151 mor abharan lutai

7. Sagun
kiya khata mujh kin; balam itani dukh dina
kiya mai r535 re jevana bigaralg'kiya namak kam kin;
kiya mai raja re jevana bigaralg’kiya taj kam kin;
kiya atar kam kin; balam itani dukh dina
kiya tor raj; re birava bigaralO'
kiya tor raja re khair bigarala'
kiya tor raja re sej bigaralg

kiya sulan kam kiya

8. Sagun

hamg dhani rag sari magada pia
bina pahane na mane mora jiara
katha uthai d'a' atari uth'é‘ida

ek the chota ea jagala katai d3 pia
bina jhgke na mane hamar jiara
bina take na mane hamar jiara
hame’dhani rag sari magada pia

bina pahane na mane mora jiara
bago lagaida bageica lagaida

ek the Chota ea nib; la lagaida

bin tore na mane hamar jiara

9. Sagun
raja kggaresiya bhailai jiabai ta haiye na
jiab ta haiye nahi, jevana ta jei hai nail
binu re surajava lehalg duare ta El hai na

jiab ta haiye nahi, garna ta pi hai nahi

5.
6.

7.

l.

3.
4.

5.

l.
2.
3.

Z.

3.

254

binu re surajava 1eha13, agane ta ai hai nahi
. . - M “.- " -? ".’
binu re surajava lehale, blrava ta khal hai na

. . - av .. -— 'r‘ N.
binu re surajava 1ehale, sejlya par $01 hai na

10. Sagun
koi aisa gajab se ii a re larika amirg'ka
maurfi jetero lakh k5; jhalar hajeTz-s’ k5
jora jetero lakh ka‘ jama najarS’ ka
jfitz jetero lakh k5, moja‘ hajar’e’ k5

dulahin jetero lakh k5, parada hajarO kg

11. Sagun

adat par gal hai pita ji, adat par gal hai (this is refrain)

ram ham japane ko pita ji (refrain)

sone ki thali mg jevana banal, jevana na jebai prahalad
pita ji (refrain)

agi mG'jala do cahe pani mg'dfiba do, cahg’kambha me’bghh
pita ji

jhajhar jhari himalaya ka pafii paniya na pie prahalad
pita ji (refrain)

lavag khili khili bira joraiyo birava na kficai prahalad
pita ji (refrain)

phula hajari ka sej lagayg’sejiya na soe prahalad (refrain)

12. Haldi
koirin koirin t: barl rani re
kahavg ke haradi upar kailu aj are
hamari radhika dei as sukuvar re sahahi na janeli haradiya
ka jhgkare
telin telin ti’bari rani re
kahavg ka telava upar kailu 53 are
hamari radhika dei as sukuvar re sahahi na janeli karuva

ka jhakare

l.
2.
3.

1.
2.
3.

l.

l.
2.

3.
g.

255

13. Haldi

jinare dei ko khel to na dekho se mai re dekhalO cauk carbi-

cauka dekhailO’bara sfidar cauka dekhailO'bara sfidar (2x)
are mai nah? jaho nauni ke potalai nah? jano

kalaé dekhailg barE Sfidar kalaé.dekhai13 bara SEdar

are mai nah? jino kohara ke garhalai nah? jano

hariSi dekhailg bapi sfidar hariSi dekhails bari sfidar
are mai nahl jano lohér ke garhalai nah: jano katale
dulahin dekhailg bari sfidar dulahin dekhailS’bari efiaar

~ = ~ - d #’ .
are mai nahi jano dalva ke garhalal nahl re janamole

14. Haldi
.. 3’ — — .. - _.
jaisan hamahu rasili valsan sajan na mile
jaisan barava hamar valsan barava n5 mile
jaisan lilara hamar valsan tika n5 mile

N .. — av .. ,
jalsan ragava hamar valsan rag na mlle

15. Dvar Puja
kehi dal utar are ama imili tar jinareikadam jur chgh
tohar balihariya baba ho markade ram jehare khojaila’

bar ke mathe sir chat birajaila avela raja dvarare ball

16. Dvar Puja
10 1e 10 1e sasurari mg'ailai

'.- M . "4
sughare bar sasurarl me allal

17. Dvar Puja
pakali mochiya muraighala e bar
lava bhggareya ka rag
mardapur ka log are karahfi ajorare ailai dudhaura ka cor

u _ 00 ~ -
mai ka cor bahiniya ka corare allai dudhaura ka cor

18. Dvar Puja
hathi hathi éor kaila hathi né liaila ho
tori bahan ka gapada maro hathi n5 liaila ho

mor gaura lutai ail ho

1.
2.
3o

2.

3.
4.

5.

l.
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5.

l.
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256
baja bag; Sor kaila baja na liaila ho

19. Dvar kuja
jab baratiya duare bhiri lagaile

. .’--..-r
hanl hanl maralla nlsanl 31

20. Vivah
magani ka gahana liake marava mor jhamakavala ho

tohari bahin ke bhasur maro mor bigaral ho

21. Vivah
dal mauni leke bar marave 5e
aire bar ai senur sinhora leke bar marave as
aire bar 3i sonahula rupahula leke bar marave 5e

aire bar ai dhumadharakka leke bar marave 5e

22. Vivah
ehire bhasurava ka cilam aisan nakare
yahi maro takayala gaura hamarire
bhasurava ka lgbi lgbi tggare
vahi tggi napayalaya marava hamarire

vahi bhasurava ka 13b; 15b; dante cirela calla hamarare

23. Vivah
mai tose puchailfi supher dularu marané kahg gfina
mai tohar sutell khajfir tare marana vahi gfina
mai tohar sutelY kukur tare kariya vahi gfina
mai tose puchailfi eupher dularfi bhgkna kahe gfina

. _ du— 1?... 3' ..
mai tohar suteli hurar tare bhakna vahi guna

24. Vivah
kotha upar dula maurfi savarayalayg
vahg'dula ka maiya surujfi'manaveli
hamare dula ke ko najaro na lave koi
aj dul barake najaro na lave koi

katha upar dulE sonava savarayalaya'

6.
7.
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257

vahg dula ka phi; suruju manaveli
kotha upar dul§ jamava'savarayalaya'
vahi dula ka bahini'surujfi manaveli
kotha upar dula dhotiya savarayalaya

vahg dula ka kaki surujfi manaveli

25. Vivah
mauru dekh jin bhuli ha e baba maurfi hav mggan kg
dulah'a hav chinar ka', dulahin hav phacibarata—

Ragana dekh jin bhuli h§ e baba Ragana hav magani RE

26. Vivah
caranz‘i pahiro uparanajulaha bape ka binal hav
pahira chinari pat; i dhotia ranivase ka katali hav

pahira hajari pita i dhotiya ranivas ka katali hav

27. Vivah
bidhi bidhi ram milai
naua khojala bar babhana' socaila din
are baba bahut dur mor chalava bichaire hai
naua ka darhi jaro babhana ka phothi jaro

are baba ke kavan aar'éip re mai-

28. Vivah
kavan garahanava lags sgjhe se bihanava
kavan garahanava lage adhi rat
kavan garahanava lags majhe marava
kab jai ugrah hoi
kavan garahanavi lage bhinusar
are suruj garahanava lage nghe as bihanava
dhia cadre garahanava adhi rat lage majhe marava

bhore me ugrah hoi

29. Vivah

are bhaiya dasarat ram dhariya na tute ho
dhariya ta tuti jai hai bahiniya se rusit jaiba ho

5.
6.
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8.
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258

bhéiya dasarat ram tir dhanahi banhi ghala ho

are bhaiya avat ta hoi hai bahanoié ta kurakhet lar jai na
ho

din bhar mere bhaiya larelay ta sgjhi ber bani gallai ho

are haralai tila dei bahiniya ta supher dularu jit gallai be

are bhaiya dasarat ram kavane mati bhuli gaila ho

bhaiya gaiyé bhéiei nah? harala bahini hari gaila n5 ho

are are bahini tila dei bhale mati bhuli gaili ho

bhaiya gaiya bhale hamari laksmi bahini paraye baa ho

30. Vivah
baratihavan kaya padit paniya bahane apan bahini bolava
hane bajar kevari ho baba ke lajiya mai mard’
mor bhaiya amala dhari ho

kul baratihavi apan bahini bolavan

31. Vivah
jaise ghurva par caurai vaisan babhana ka mai
suno babhan babhan hall hall a huti de hu dhiya mori
bari cal ta sukuvari ta dhuava biyaya gallai ho
jaise pokhari ka cakka valsan babhana'ucakka'
suno babhan babhan hali 5511 a huti de hu dhiya mori
jaisan baniya ki dari vaisan babhana ka arhi

jaisan has kaya kainiya valsan padit ka behiniya

32. Vivah
mor lava tor lei; ekaya mg milai d5
mor babfi tor mai ekaya me sutai d5

mor caca tor caei sutai da’

33 e V ivah
mal babake 1ajiy§ mai marfi mor babe jatadhari ho
mai cEcE ke lajiya'mai marfi mor c565 jatadhari ho

méi bhaiya ke lajiya ma; marfi mor bhaiya jatadhari ho

1.
2.
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2.

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259

34. Vivah
are babe hi babe pukare13'b5ba na bolai
are babe ki bariaiya senur bar dalelaho
are caea ki bariaiya senur bar dalelaho

bhaiya bhaiya ki bariaiya senur bar dalelaho

35. Vivah
sathi ka caur halari dubire cumahin calaill chotfi a ram
dhiari're
mathava cumi cumi dihalf asisari
jiyasi mor dulahin dulaha lakh barlsare
jasare jiyasu jas dharati hi dhanare vasare

bhugut vas raini ka canare

36. Vivah
kaci pitariya ka 1 hai nava'kohabar
halabal halabal bar cale haravahe ka janamal ho

dhire dhire mori dhia cala patiSah ka janamale he

37. Vivah

” _ _ a n _ _ -— _ _
paithi jagaveli maire kavani dei bahini ho tila dei

“uthu pita bhailal bhinusararare

(V
aisan mai turuk bathe beco, pathan bathe becatfi msgal
bathe beco

adhi rati bole bihanare

38. Khicari
bhai patna Sahar gulajérare bhai patna Sahar gulajar
bacapan ke bigare bharfie henari ram ramsagar miéra
unki bahina bigar gal mahtar ram se cada chip gai
unkar bahina bigar gal ram nath 3e
apane bahin ke sagai'khalai gko me'ave rulaire
apane bahin ke henari ramsagar sagai khalai

apane marave gari re bhai patna Sahar gulajar

10.
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3.

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260

39. Khicari
’u’ca talab ka nica ghat bggala man bhaveli
vahi me henari ka bahin racai nahan
daya sakar ka bahin racai nahan
tahg kesauram mar gaila San bagala man bhavela
tab? laukai ram mar gaila San bagala man bhfivela
khola gughat dekhab gal
gal ta haue jaise igur ka dhar
khola coli dekho mal
mal haue jaise nibfi anar
khola pupati dekhab cid
khola lahaga dekhab cad

ihai ta hai jaiee bijali ka cad

40. Khicari

barasan lagal megh badariya galiya ki galiya nirarmal

nisaran lagal sone ka kharauava bice Egan thaharai ji

mai tose puchailg babfi ho henari ram bahina tohar nisaral
jai ji

mai tose puchailg babfi ho ram Sager ram bahina udanal jali
ji

i hai niahaya re katahu na tutele tfite indra jit ram dvare
ji

das pic babhana khiava ho henari ram

das pgc babhana khiava ho ram sagar ram

pap katit hoi jai ji

kEShi viSasar gaj nahvava ho henari ram

ham to rakhi apane bap ka bitiyava apani 53; natiniya

ekar kaun niaiya ji

41. Khicari
bhage bharua bhage jae age age dili jae
dili pare ret m3 henari ka bahin marave khet m3'
hinuvana turkéna vah jira vah dhania vah 5g vah pac c6353
tohare bap ke muh me lar tohare bap ke muh mg’pani

mare gariya ka dam dei da ho henari ram dei natava

7o
8.

9.

10.
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261

tohare bahinin ke mor kamala lei ho bahin 03d, dei natava

42. Mata Mai

phulava mai lorhi lorhi harava gachavalU

1e gailé éital darabar maiya mori

le gaili kali darabar maiya mori

autali barfi ki jagali kaliya maiya

duare maliyava bare thanh maiya mori

mggo mggo malini je kichu mgg dehula je tohare hirde
samai, malini

bhitar barfi ki bahare sEtS’bahini

kablqiduare maliniya bare tharh maiya mori

ngo migo malini je kichfi mig dehula je tohare hirde samai,
malini

dhan se putra maiya tohare dihal bare

maliya amar kai dehglmaiya mori

puruv ka can pachim cali jai hafii tabo maliya amar nah?

hoi malini

43. Mata Mai
kethua ke hai potanahar, kethua ka potan haue ho
maiyi mori hathave khiailai devaghar potat daradiya nah?
bfijhat barn (this is the refrain)
sonava ka haue potanahar e rupava ka potan haue ho (refrain)
korhiya ta rovelai anhar ta rove (refrain)
anhara ta nayan 5i hai, dei korhiya ka kaya dehaff
maiya mori'bajhini ke mai dehali godiya balak, daradiya

mai bfijhat baro

44. Mata Mai
sigh; carhalf Sitala garajati ave ho gavaiya logava
mai ke cinhabo na karai ho gavaiya logavana (this is the
refrain) p
cinhi hai ta cinhi hai Sitala mall ka chokarava harava
devi ke tharhi darajava harava 1eha1en5 (repeated many

times)

5.
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7.
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13.

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262

sigha carhall kali garajati ave ho gavaiya logava (refrain)

cinhi hai ta cinhi kali seva ke chokarava ahutiya lekena

devi ke tharhi darajava ahutiya lehalena (repeated)

sigha carhalg.durg§ garajati ave ho gavaiya logava

cinhi hai ta cinhi hai durga gareria ka putava kasiyava
lehalena

devi ke tharhi darajava kasiya 1ehalen§ (repeated)

sigha carhali amaliya garajati ave ho avaiya logava
(refrain)

cinhi hai ta cinhi hai amaliya kohara ka chokarava ho
kalaéava lehalena

maiya ke tharhi darajava kalaéava lehalena (repeated)

45. Mata hai
maiya mori patari patari kamarua deSava arujhe ho
kekara ke dehale éitala (repeated)
kekara ke dehale kali
das pgc putava ho (repeated)
kekara ke kainfi nirasataniya ho
dharami ke dehalu sev k3
das pic putava ho
garabhi ke kaila nirasfitaniya
kekara ke dehale maiyi
maiya mori patari patari kamarua deéava arujhe ho
das pgc gotiyE'
kekara ke pithiya Egarava daro ho n5
dharami ka dehalo sev ka, das pic gotiya
garabhi ka pithiya daro agarava ho

”. - T - ? '- 1. - ’ — _. .
malya morl patarl patarl kamarua desava arujhe ho

46. Mata Mai
choti choti bitiya bSSe ka dalava ho phulava lorhai e devi
maliya phulavariya ho apani madil hoi ke
maliya pukare ho kekare bitiya e logS’
dhagailai phulavariya ho kekar bitiya logs

nah? ham bitiyfi nah? ham patchiya

1.
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265

ham ta hai e malin Sitala ka satavg bahiniya

vidhyacal bhagavati ho ham ta hall ku bhavani ho

47. Sohar
kahavg se avail kali maiya kahavg se bhavani maiya ho
kahavg se ave Siv sakar kab: se satya narayan baba ho
purval le §ve kali maiya pachim bhavani maiya
are dakhiné 1e ave satya narayan utar Siv sakar
kahg baisave.kali maiya'kahavg’bhavani maiya
kahg baisave Siv sakar kahg re satya narayan
bagiya baithave kali mai auru bhavani mai
araghi baithai Siv sakar caukiya satya narayan
kare carhaila kali maiya kare bhavani maiya
ab kare carhave Siv sakar hare satya narayan
dhariya carhaile kali maiya phulava bhavani maiya
aksat carhae Siv sakar mevatiya satya narayan
k5 mob? dehalf’Siv sakar kare satya narayan
satat dehali’kali maiya auru bhavani maiya
sapat dihalai Siv sakar mukut Satya narayan
je yahi magal gavela gay ke sunavela

se haikute ha jai sada phal khai

48. Sohar
cadan keri caukiya ta ram nahalai na ho
bahini Sita se puche sab sakhiya Ravan tapa kailu ta
ram bar pavelu ho
mag mahinava nahaill agi nahi tape
sakhi niti uthi pujila Siv sgkar mo ram bar paile
jetrahile ekadasiya auru duadasiya
bidhi ka rahila atavar ta ram bar pails
nevati ke bamhana javaila juthava uthavalo

sakhi sir rakhi dahiya parosalg ta ram bar pavalg

49. Sohar
Egan bedi patila o patatharila

bahini bah par bails Satya narayan orhale pitabar

1*.
5.

9.
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ll.
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15.

264

..0 n: . . — .AI
jaumal janltg satya narayan orhale pltabar
bahini nihuri nihur gorava lagatu caran dhoike piatu
N . 6!. Nb! —." ---- ..—
magan k1 cumaglt sasuru me magu raja dasarat sasu kau81llya
rah?
. .- d e.’
bahini potlya bacat mago bhasur
.. -=- 2' -' . 9! I
nanada akell magu ram lsan magu purus
..._. 2’ — .-
laksman aisan devar bahin dhiava magolo lavag yas putava
keval yas
N _- _— o ."‘o
sasuru mal pavalu raja dasarat sasu kauSlllya aisan
nanad akeli pav ram aisan pavalo purus laksman aisan devar
. .- - av
hflnn.dhlava pavalo lavag yas putav keval yaa
N

hamari buruki suphal hoi gaili avadapur ke baaale

50. Sohar
r535 apane maiya re bulai lei avata ho
daradiya hole bhari ho daradiya hole bhari (refrain)
chotan hoi raja jaiha ta barahoi manaiha ta barahoi manaiha
tfi ho
gotan dhaili hai patari dagariya thumukat gharava El hai
burha dhaili hai patari dagariya thumukat gharava ai hai
jabatfi'e bunha caukathavg’carhi'baithalfi caukathavg'
carhi baithalfi'
tu burha laikan ka kaleva jab khaibyu ta jhota jhotiyaiba
ho
raja apani bhauji bulavta daradiya bhari hole (2x)
chotan hoi raj; jaiha ta barahoi manaiha ta barahoi
manaiha tu ho '
burha dhaili hai patari dagariya thumukat gharava El hai
ailfi ta ho gotin dhailfi palagiya'carhi baithahfi ho
e gotin pater piyava mor bhoraibyu ta jhotfi jhotiyaib ho
raja apane bahini re bulai 1e avata ho
daradiya hole bhari ho daradiya hole bhari
baran hoi raj; jai ha ta chot hoi manaiha hg'
raja dhaili hai patari dagariya thumukat gharava 31 hi;
ab ta ailu e nanado pelagiya carhi baithalfi'palggiya carpi
baithalfi'

l6.

3.
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6.
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l.
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10.

11.

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13.

265

ho nanado khudiya ka kurava jab tu kholabfi ta jhota
jhotiyaib ho

51. Sohar

‘7’ 0-. QJ . — . g - w
sabavahr balsala rajava ta ranlyare araj kare ho

raja ekare basare kulava hani hamahfi hobai jogin

jab rani hobfi joginiyi ta ham hobe jogi (2x)
raja dono jani bhahhfitire ramaihai jggal bhiksa magabai
barah baris biti gaila ta baramha ke ban me as ho
baramha sabke ta balaka re urehala'ulati nah? citavela'
jaho tu bajhinire apane gharava tohakere hukum hai? ho

bajhin baramha ke hathe masi haniya ta kikhale're narEyan

52. ROpani

mil tose pfichailO’maina mori nanadiyare

kaise tora gal piyarailai mor nanadiyare dilava rasiyEre

haha ki hagiya pieai gailf'haradiya haradi citikiya muhavi
piyar dilava raaiyire

kaisan tohari petava phulal ave mor nanadiyare

baba kl bagiya pisai gaill satuvavEre are khaill'satuvava
petava phulal dilava rasiyare

kaisan tohari chatiya savaraili dilavi rasiyare

baba hi bagiya bhavji majai gaili'batuliyare hatuli karikhiya
chatiyE.s§varl’di1ava rasiyare.

maciya hi baithalgi sasuru barhaitare maina ka uvadava
dhai d5 ho dilava rasiyare

abahi ta maina mor larika gadelavare khelti hoi hai suyali
mauniya dilava rasiyare

devara ki coriyg’bhavji bhejaili citthiyavare maina ka
badua lei ja dilava rasiyare

jabare baratiya goirava dhai ail: maina ka bathe kapar
dilavi'rasiyire

jabare baratiya aganava he Hill’maina ke janamai nada 131
dilava rasiyire

bacce ke rone ki avaj suni bhaiya dhunaila’kapatiya biyahal

bajai ki sudevas dilava rasiyare

14.

l.
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266

bati mori mini bhiiyi jin dhuni kapatiyire duno rig lakari

bajaihi dilavi rasiyire

53. Milling
sonavi ke kfichiyi e rimi'igani'bahiri 1e
igana bahirat e rimi chutele ho icalavi
maciyi baithali e rimi sasur tuhi'barhiitin (2x)
bhaiya khii bhivji ho khii aura ho batijavi
sisur tohare ihali ho rimi sone ke ho garilavi
hathavi ke lihali ho rama resam ke doriyi
garili ke bhari ho bhari diili ho araravi’

apane dubeli e rimi jii jamuni'bica (2x)

54. Cahaka
suno suno janak ki batiyi sakhii, suno janak ki batiyi
riji'janak ji paran ek thine
duare par dhaile pinakiyi
deé deé ke bhupati ie
tire na tire pinakiyi sakhiyi} suno janak ki batiyi
biri sur ravan cali ii
uho bhigai idhi ratiyi sakhiyi suno janak ki batiyi
muni ke Sig dui balak ie

u dhii tori pinakiyi'sakhiyi, suno janak ki batiyi

55. Cahaka
1e 10 dahi nida lil, 131 dahiyi mori 1e 10
kahavi ki tfi gop gvali
ki'tumiro nim lil dahiyi mori 1e 15
mathuri ki ham gOp gavale
ridhi hamira nim lil dahiyi mori 1e li
i dahiyi mori Siau jamoli
becan cali ham ij lil dahiyi mori 1e ii
kab kar dihal, kab kar jamival
kab kar jaranav dil lil dahiyi mori 1e ii
bhoravi ka dihal, sijh hi ka jumaval

sijhavi joran dia dil lil dahiyi mori 1e 15

12.
13.
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267

i he cahakava kalp nith pide give
henari baithale ij lil dahiyi mori 1e 1i
ij ka dinavi hiue mehamanavi'

holi ka haue tyohir lil dahiyi mori 1e li'

56. Cahaka
vrij mi hari hori macii, lali (this is the refrain)
ridhi ji ciyni diyi sakhiyan ke
jhida jhfida sab ii 1ale (refrain)
kisne lie mohan mili muraliyi'
ham nakabesar pahirii (refrain)
kahi gaiyi tir nida haba 3i
kahavi dasomat mil (refrain)
krsna kahai mukh mori ke

kahi gai caturii

57. Cahaka
miri dil jini nayan bhili'
tab se ciyni parat na dil m3,
vah timas lagai uthe joili
miri dil jini nayan bhili
khin pin kuch dil nahi na bhive
bhitar me ho gae ho joili
miri dil jani'nayan bhili
Siv paréid bolie na bolai
mini ho miri gae kili

miri dil jini nayan bhili

58. Cahaka
bibfi darogi ji kavane gfinahiyi'banhali piyavi mor bibi
darogi ji
ni piavi mor atar patar ni piavi mor chot
bhigiyi'ka mital mor matavalavi gaila sarakiyi par soe
pich rupayi sipiyi'ke debai das debai kotvil
bili jobanavi’phirigiyi ke debai das debai kotvil

siiyi’ke lebai choréya.

l.
2.
3.
4.
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1.
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3.
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268

59. Cautal
sakhi ki ho takasir hamari tajeho banaviri
jet mis tan tapai ig bhive ni siri
birhe birahi asirh nakhat idra 1a1akiri
Sivan mia sohivan ligat
jhulai giili amavi ki diri ho ivadh bihiri
bhidO gagan gamhir pir ati hirade majhiri
karigai kvir karir savatasig pasai muriri
kartik ris racat man mohan

koel bole lagali amavi ki dari ho ivadh bihiri

60. Cahaka
nayi phaiéan mi'sabahi lubhie, bhaiyi
sab cal purini bhulie, bhiiyi (this is the refrain)
are gore mi'juti butadir cihi
rige birigi ki lfigi lag gai
motiyi dhoti mane nahi bhii
biro mi bagali katae bhaiyi
laraka biri piyi'harkhii
tel aur sibun sugidh lagii
hams par jite khnb pino ghulii
dhur miti kiye bisarie bhaiyi (refrain)
ek to i gai mahigii
ghare ki ghi.sapni hoi jii
catani caukhi se pet bharii
iékabani mi man khib lagie, bhaiya (refrain)
pahale ka javin sir ki nim barhai
bacau Ser ke miri girii
madhu kuiti mi nim kar jai'

kahe nigau samjhie, bhaiya (refrain)

61. Jogira
biji bije big mi’bajivanvili kaun
dharati maiyi so gai jagivanvili kaun
yahi par mil ke nico

cali caliji'big n3 mevi khilafiga

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269

mevi ki dir tut gai cadar bichiigi

cadar ki koni phat gaya darji bulaigi
darji ki suiyi tut gai ghauri dauriigi
ghaura ki tig tut gai hardi'lagiigi
hardi ni chorhe jardi, jardi ni chor rig

burhavi ni chorhe burhiyi, burho ki mari garh

62. habir
sunili mori kabir henari, kahat ji
henari ke bahin ka buriyi barhaile jaise ujaini ka til
idhe mi henari satui sanii ki idhe iskar nahii
dono diti darerat jii larhavi
bhfisaraibfi ta tigi kiti leb buri'rfinaho magoici ke kite se
buri kfico kudiri ke pise se

hii hii horiyi laurhe par carhai tohir buriyi

63. Kajali
khari hoke araj karii ho brajanari
dedi kidha cir hamiri ni
leke cir kadam carhi baithii
ham jil mijh ughiri ni
savaliyi.mijh ughini ni
tohire cir jabai ham debe
hoi jiibfi jalavi Se niri ni
sab sakhiyi mil araj karat hii
rakhi lij hamiri na
savaliyi lij hamiri ni
pfirain pat pahir radha nikalii
krsna bajive tili ni

savaliyi bajive tili ni

64. Kajali
gujarii dhiraj dhari biraho mahinavi (this is the refrain)
asarh yiri chori hamiri dhiraj dhari manavi
dhiraj dhari manavi ho pyiri dhiraj dhari manavi

Sivan mi dhulamil ke givi sakhiyan Big mi ganavi

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270

bhidi bhar tu rahi bhavan mi mat jai hii niiharavi

kal kuir kare ni pai hii mat kari rudhanavi (refrain)
kirtik mi ek pati bhejab citthi bairanavi

agahan mi sab Sig kae sakhiyi caleli gavanavi (refrain)
pus mi tohike khelai bade bhejab ek suganavi

migh mi makar nahiyi jike prayigarij sthinavi

phigun phig tarai ni phi hii cunarin par raginavi

cait mi citi karaka.pyiri bhejab ek dhavanavi (refrain)
biiéik mi as pujiibe tohari jab iibe bhavanavi

jaith mi bhit karab ham tohise hoi jai hii milanavi (refrain)

65. Kajali
kahani mini mat ji bin dekhal dagariyi ho balami
arabar dei Sahar bigili
jitai hoi hii suratiyi kili
paniyi lagii karejavi papi jai hii jhajhariya ho balamfi
ab jhajhariyi ho balamfi
nariyar keli kay adhikiri
jekare khiile hoke bimiri
okare khaile barhe bimiri
sasti bikai baribar cari aur bajariyi ho balamfi
sasti bikai baribar cari aur iahariyi ho balamfi
ek the nari catur bigili
ah the nari catur bigili
o sab jyidfi karaneyili
Iibi kes suhavan patari kamariyi ho balamfi
batiyi samajh na piiba tenhi
jyadfii mir banai hii bheri

baa mi'kiike rakhi hii apani sejariyi ho balami

66. Kajali
piti i lehale jai ha bibhanavi
bital jili savanavi na (2x)
piti hamir 1ihale jii hi pir gagan dhan garajani
Sivan phfile gavanavi na, savaliyi phfile gavanavi

bhidi'riin pith nahi sujhe

6.
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271

tapatap cue iganavin
kuir mis nit sarag cidani
kirtik jare diyanavin, savaliyi jare diyanavin
agahan nik tanik nahi laga
sakhi sab caleli gavanavin
pus mis muhi sit satave
maghavi tharhi iganavin savaliyi tharhi iganavin
phigun phag kekari sag khelab
hari mur madhubanavin gaeliia hari madhubanavin gaeliia
cait mis banatesur banapfile bahi pavanavin, savaliyi bahe
pavanavin
a
jaitavi mi Syam sidar nahi iilaia

biti gieliia baraho mahinavin

67. Kajali
gurahin pini bharaji bibfi log khariyin
goriki kajari hai katili
fike dfino nayan mi khiri
nili lahigi pahine patari kamariina
gorika colii hav mulatiii
bih mi curii dhini
dhakavi chip cunarii Odaile gujarii na ho
gori ke kibar mi'karadhanii
pair mi kari chari paijanii'
gorii calat ka rahiyi pheraile najariyi na
gati'caubeji ostid
kajari nayi nayi taiyir
jili gizipur indrapur makanavi ho balami

gurahin pan; bharaji bibfi log khariyin

68. Khari Birha
kahii ki jie ke rahali badri niriyan ki baramhi ji lehalii
belhamii
pherii ke rahali tulasi ka malavi giili'miyivi mi bhfilii

are miyivi mi apane giile bhfilii

 

a

 

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272

69. Khari Birha
are kahii rim bhiiyi rim bhiilii jogiyi lakhan bairagiyi
lekin dfino bhiiyi ho giilii phakir
are i hai garavi mi nivat hiue tulasi ka malavi lekin

ghumke migat hire nagariyi mi bhikh

70. Khari Birha
are sakati banavi ta ho giilii rahal lakhan ke bhii lekin
rimji ta rovat rahe lekar jhigiyi par bilakhii
hot bhoravi lakhan mari jii hii

ki keke leke avadhpur jai

71. Khari Birha
kahii kavani samiiyi mi’dharati ta hilal rahali ki
kavani'samiiyi mi doli gayal rahal asamin
kavani samaiyi mi'sitaji hari gill rahii

kahavi gayal rahala bhagavin

72. Khari Birha
are kahii kalau aamiiyi mi ta dharati dolal rahali bhie
lekin satajug samiiyi mi'dol gayal rahal asamin
treta jugavi mi mii jinaki har giili
jahi miragi mirii mere logavi

. - - av r2 —
are mlraga maral gayal rahal bhagavan

73. Khari Birha
hidari banavi mi'rahai pakali biiriyi lekin
radhiki onhavalerahai dar ta ekahu bairiya radhe torahi na
pavali

ta kanhaii dahalire basiyi bajie kinhi

74. Khari Birha
jhikay niri gokulavi ka dhani re kubariyi tori biri bhig
sab ke ta mil‘giili ligar a lfijavi

a kubari ke kesun murari

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273

75. Khari Birha
kahai e bhi sugavi hi jin hami’dudhavi piyavali sugavi
mudiii bare
are jab bhi janati sugavi hoi hii mudaiya are nanhave
dayanavi bare re pajiyi

are nanhavi dayanavi are hiravi tor

76. Nirgun Bhajan
are ij bhajab hari nim, cali man, aj bhajab hari nim
bilipan bilak mi bital sikhat parhat guru gyin (2x)
juvi bhae bikhayan ras mital bisari jit hari nim
cali man ij bhajab hari nim
bisari jit hari nim cali man aj bhajab hari'nim
e nar khit par baithal jhikhai iguri bfijhivaila San
cali man ij bhajab hari nim
Egur‘i' bfijhivaila éan cali man ij bhajab hari nim
khatiyi se nar bhuiyi bhiilii jamji ka garalii niiin (2x)
are jamji ka garalii niéin cali man ij bhajab hari nim
kahat kabir suni bhii sidho bhajan kari man iii
bini bhajan kiy mukti na hoi hii janam akirath jii

caIi man.ij bhajab hari aim (2x)

77. Nirgun Bhajan
are gati teri lakhi na pari re dayinidhi (2x)
(This is the refrain)
gurfi vaéisth pidit as jini sodhi ke lagan dhari (2x)
Sita haran maran dasarath ko ghar ban vipat pani e dayinidhi
(refrain)
kihivah phid kahi mrig miric kihava mrig cari (2x)
Sita ko hari 1e gaye ravan suvarn lik jari e dayinidhi
(refrain)
are suvarn lik jari e dayinidhi (refrain)
nic hith hanicid bikine hali patai dhari
koti giu riji nrig dinhe to ghar k0p pari e dayinidhi
(refrain)

pidav dal ke ip sirathi tin par vipat pari

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274

duryodhan ke garab mitiyo yadukul niS kari e dayinidhi
(refrain)

are yadukul nié kari e dayinidhi (refrain)

rahu ketu aru bhinu cidrami bidhi sanyog pari (2x)

kahat kabir suni bhii sadho honi hoke rahi e dayinidhi
(refrain)

are honi hoke rahi e dayinidhi (refrain)

78. Nirgun Bhajan
hiri ratan givike jagat se jini na ho bhii
ij he koi jo sit 1ahariyi jo hiri mahig le jii jagat se
jini na ho bhii
semar kith lile phulavi sugani dekhi lo bhii
mirat can ghui udhi jai hai
to sugani man hi man pachatai, jagat se jini na ho bhii
a gil guy par michi baithe ho pik gae lapatii
dolan ki jo sakati nahi hii
bharam bharam mari jii, jagat se jini na ho bhii
kahe kabir suni bhii sidho
bhajan karo cit Iii, bin bhajan ki mukati na bani hii

svirath birath gavike, jagat se jini na ho bhii

79. Bhajan
ici prem sagii jagat mi'ici prem sagii (this is the refrain)
durayodhan ghar mevi tyige Sig vidur ghar khii (2x)
mithe phal sevari kor khayo bahu, bidhi svid batii (refrain)
prem he has nrig sevi kinhe ip bane hari nii
raj ka tyig yudhisthir kinhi time juth uthii (refrain)
time juth uthii (refrain)
prem ke bas pirath rath hikyo bhfili gii thakurii (2x)
esiy prem barhal brndiban gOpi nic nacii (refrain)
kapi sugriv bidhu bhay vyikul tehi ja cakra churii (refrain)

sur iyim yahi liyak nahi, kahi tak karau barii (refrain)

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275

80. Birha

soyi thi ek din mahal mi eikadar~uthahedekh§ dunii ka khiki

dil mi tamanni sikalp sidhi sire jamin mi uri di patiki

kar ma lekar khuni ke pyile labibab sapani'mE’nasikha jhida
jhukini

hilte sikari se jarre mahi ka pair utale matu ka ki jamini

visva vijeta bir sikidar vijii cali hid ke idar

jhida gar dii jhelam nadi kinir

kabje mi paschami esii kii misar irin 6ahar

kidahid ki basi najar gayi Sid nadi ko gaya utar

udamidi mi aid aur pijib rij ko titar bitar

ghor pataki takacasili ki riji ibi mili udhar

jhelam aur cinib ke bic thi ek riji poras vahi ka bali
bahidur ek

jhida dusamin ka gari jhelam nadi kinir poras ke purusirth
ko reti utvhi pukir

dfidh ka lij hacai hi bhiiyi bhar javaniyi vatan ka rakhihi
jida piniyi

nadi jhelam kinir jHida sikidar ne giri

nadi jhelam jhilmil 35.1 bhi phukir uthi

meri sima par bati bairi to lalakir uthi

lage na dig janibhumi bacii koi

hamire sime se dusaman hatio koi

ikarake bairi biriji ho suno batiyi hamir

biji bigul hai bajiyi uthi reti phnkar

roti hai mats mahiki bahe asii ki dhir jhida sikidar ne gir

bali ibi nareS hii hamare ghar ke mili barhi jiti sikidar
bhed thi idar ki mili

tabhi poras ne lalakira yuninvili ko

bahidur rok lo bahate lahuke nile ko

miti ka poras duliri ho gale gajari ke dil

bidhe 1ahuki kaphaniyi lie sena biSil nikil.jikar aikahar
ko roki

hui simi par mir jhida sikidar ne gir

cical cali gagan se pini meghaiyi ko phir

vatan ka beti rakhihi pihiyi ran mi lagi jhumane nihar

30.
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32.
33.
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35.
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#7.
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#9.
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5h.
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57.

276

ka nisaniyg

dudh 153 baceya bhéiya bhar javaniyi

vatan ka beta rakhihE paniya ran mg lagf jhumane nahar
ka nisaniy§

are calalbé baghelavé jab jhumat ho simavg par

hathavé mg'jab lehale naéi ho talavar

bhégelg sipahi ho yunani dekhi ke biravg

‘zkiya se bébfi caumukh lEge guhiyér

dekh ke sipahi bhagi bolela sikadar

kahgmg bhagi jilfi ban ke gidar ho SIyar

javanavé bébfi dekha simava par

dong oriyg se cale lagal talav§r

bhayakfi hai gajadal r555 poras ka

bthE sang-3a? ho chitaréi

bhuiya javanav§ giral ba gajadal ke

bghh 115 unko us bar

cahe de d5 raj cahe 1e la phgsiya tohase darabai na

videéiyé bahéibe asiyE

Ejé ho Sikadar bathe lelg'hathiyarava

khunavfi 8e bhig géilfi'méta ka acaravE

kahalfi sobariyi banEVeIE siyar tohase darabe na

jio jio beta bolal jhelamvala paniya

layake bacavalE hamare hghvfile saniya'

baje 1a acaravE’sohEle basiyE tohse @araba na

guru bihafi guru ganeé bir Sikadar

gram majui bhail Ravi gajipur ke fidar

kahate rim lakhan dhar sErad ka caraniya

vatan ka beya rakhiha jgaa paniyE

dudh ka 1E3 bacai ha‘bhaiya bhar javaniya vatan ka rakhiha

v - _ -
jida paniya

81. Birha
are ta hathavfi mg'gan lehale ho sajhava bihanavé simav§ par

jhume javan ho

Kahavfi par halava bayalavé ke dharale khetavE m3'j515

kisan ho

3.
4.

5.

10.

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12.

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13.

277

bare ek gang ms'dfing'ka gharava

khelale larakapan mg eke duarava

oharo javan deé ke rakhavarava eharo kisanava banal kheti
harav§

deéava ka 1aji§ javanava bacavaila rakh ke hatheli par jan ho

mapia mg khunava pasinava milake deéava bacave k155n ho

ohar javan torai Pagk ho jahajiag iharo kiaan tore usar
paratiya

oharo javan sir lahava ka fioPiya, iharo kisan ke gobara
aur khadiya

vahfi'ta dggele popiya salami bajela'bigul niéan ho, iharo ta
upumuk tpumuk nice payalia goriya 11 Eve jalpén ho

gharava m3 taharaile sajhava bihanava simava par jhumg'javah
ho kghava par halava bayalfa ke dharale khetava mg 3515
kisan ho

oharo javanava'deéava bacave,iharo ta matiya ke sonava
banave

oharo javanavé dusaman bh'éga’ve, iharo kisanava garab-i. mité’ve

deéava ka palan kisanava karailfi, rakhi ke hateli par jan
ho rakga karaila javah ho

_ N _ v A,’ ’ - I...
ram sevak dono bharat kay gaurav dono ha1 desava ka san ho

82. Kavvali
h: pareéén h: mohabbat se
magar paresini nahi jEtI
ki ma} barabad hi ki unkI nadanf nafii jaya
are uskf ikho m3 sab u kuch hai lekin (repeated three times)
davatg'kaiph mast; nah? hai
mere jgdagi se na khele
jidagi’itanfi east? nafig hai
phui ko mussa Erane ka hak hai
phir kali kislae musakaraf
bgki bika najariya galat hai
vo roti hai hast}: nahi hai
vo to baithé hai dariya kinare

jal gale hue khub macherE

14.

16.
17.
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19.

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A.
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7.

278

machaliyg hag ye kitani sayin?
ek bhi machali pgati nahi hai
are kya pasaegi 3515 v0 mujhko
uske ka§ihe mé'cara nahg'hai
uski ikho m5 sab kuch hai lekin

_ ~ - c!
davate kaiph masti nahi ha

83. Kavvali
is caurasa mg vrjdham bahut accha hai
sari isthang se nadaggv bahut accha hai
ram ke an ka laka.m3’baj5ya qaka'
bole hanumah merE ram bahut acchE hai
laka mé’jab se rakh d3; agad uphake pg;
bole jo bir hone hapa de ake pgv
jab sab bir hare tab calE raVan baqhake p§%
agad j; bole dhartE hai kyfi’mera gke pgv
agar china hai to chi bhagvén ka fake pg;
bhagvan jidhar tumhabi dayfi ki najar gaf
pap inka pap ka; gag bigayi Samar gai-
tumhafi kypa 6e dubfi? nayE ubhar gai
gautam {a} ke pave ahalya bhi tar gaI'
jis dam éili par rakh diE raghubar baqhake pgm
kaise Ray 538 kapi kapiS se milkar
site Ki sudhi na'pai ke gfiiha idhar udhar
hanumat samudra lgéh ke pahuka pahar par
ears pahar dfizaegaya patal ke Ehar

- - _ .r .2
are rakha pavanakumar 30 gusse me ake pav

8%. Purvi
deg chute kajarfi na chute
mehadi na chfiye mere pavan k3
kotin koyin upay kar?
haliyg jo sun? Evan ki
dil leke bhaga'daga deke bhaga
kasam goiyg saiyg dag; deke bhaga

daga dena hi tha to 1§ye gavanavfi kahg

8.

9.
10.
11.
12.
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19.

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11.
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4.

5.

279

sohani rat mg tu bhaila sapanava'kahg
sejariya sun? sari rat bhayavan lage
mohf abhagin piya lake gavanava'gaila
are he he gpsaiyg saiyg are mila mor abhéga'
jamana bura hai isasan bure hote hai
javanf joé m3 iman bure hote baa

karar kese kailu log lagave jhakiyi
kahéi dil 3551 jara ake lagfi 10 chatiya
phut jaegf’kabhi chalak jie gagariya

e 815 ram tere sath nahi paggi

are an; ho to javanf mz'aja'

.— '2" u o _ ". -— '1‘ N — _—
mor1 sun1 segarlya salya are nlko na laga

85. Purvi
adhi adhf ratiya ke bole koilariya
cihfiki ut_hi goriy'a' sejariya se tgha'rp
amava mojarf gailaya mahuva kocai gailaya
mor birahiniyi ke niniya bhoiaf gailaya
rahi rahi dehiyg se bahaili bayariya
khulan lage sudhiya ke dehalo Reva;
phulava-phulai gailai bhguara lobfiai gailai
kavane kasurava ee piya ghar nahi 51153
likh likh patiya pagpavali vipatiya'bahan lage ratija
nayan jaladhaf
pachi uyan lEge gagan magan like
manava ke pijaya se sugani’bolan lage
hamare sanehiya'na gune niramohiya
daiv ho jine kahiya 1e kayihani gamh

adhE adhi'ratiyi ke bole koilariya

86. Kaharava
birij bhailéi sfifiE birij bhéi1£3 sad; birij buailaa sin;
tohai binu éyam ho birij bhailai sunE
an bina pran dukhi ta.bhail§3 sajafii jalabin tarapat min;
sun balam nae} dukhi ta hai nari dukhi ta hai

din din hole malini tohai binu éyam ho biraji bheilai sine

9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.

10.

280

kari ke sigar palag carhi baithai romarom ras bhina bhina

cole ka bad dhar§ dhar puye

pSEha balam hamare cfiela pasena tohai binu éyam birij
bheiléi sfina

181 palgg par jarad bichauna tapar kapar jhina

dhire se pEv dharo palage par

lfga Izga lave carnina

idhar se avelE naval radhika udhar se kuvar kanhai

éri brndabanaba ke kfijagalin mg'mil gailai piava nagina

‘Etp mas nav katik nahaili éiv bar pfijan kina

he vidhana tohare kare bigarali chop balam likh dina

87. hoharava Nirgun

khelat rahala ma: baba ke bhavanava tab 1e piya ho mor
bheje paravanava

ki a ho sajanz pari gailai gavane k5 din 335 ghabaraf
8311; ho na kiya'ho sajanI

jab 511i ho baratiya'ho baba ka bhavanava 1515'1515 goliya
par sabaj oharqu

bajale ek bar ho bajanava ke dil ghabarai 35118 ho sajanf

mil; 1e hfi'mili 1e ha sakhiya saheliya Ej chuyaile more
baba k5 habailiyE7

choye jale ggai ka naginaVE ki keke leke 1a khelaib

ghar mgfmorf'mata rove bah; sirahanava goliya pakarke rovg'
bhaiya mor biranava

naiharava choravalaa ta mohiya satavelz hona sajana

rim jhim buniya’paraile sari ratiya kaise kahS re sakni
dilavE ka batiya

ki a ho sajani kajar gailai jhurai kavallummfi:la{ gaili hona

88. Dhobi Nac
e j; ggdhi j; ke caran gaha
javahar ke sir nam bhajan karg’parameévar ka kabnf na bhule
nEm
ram khuda ekahi héi sab alag alag he: nam

hfdfi musalim bhai hai larate ho bekar

281

5. baba to pujan gaili éiv ki madirava

APPENDIX II

SYNOPSES OF TWO ALBA SEGMENTS

Part I

Accompanied by a heavily armed and highly decorated barat,
Rudal Singh, the chief of the clan, Debha Tivari, his advisor,
and Malkha, the prospective groom, proceeded to a grove outside
the village of the Raja of Jhunagarh. There they set up camp
and imported dancing girls to entertain them while they waited
for amicable gestures from the Raja of Jhunagarh which would
indicate he was willing to marry his daughter to halkha. But
the Raja did not welcome them with the dvar puja, or parcan,
nor did he send provisions. After several days Rudal had his
men fire continuous volleys to communicate his displeasune.

The Raja's advisor, Cura (apparently after arguing with
the Raja), took the dowry goods to Rudal's camp. Rudal refused
them, and sent Cura away as he pretended to go hunting with
several other men. Instead they descended on Cura, but without
harming him, and snatched the dowry, which they gave to Malkha.
Rudal's party then moved their camp to a tank near the Raja's
fortress and began to prepare for the wedding.

The Raja argued with Gura that if he married his daughter
to Malkha the family honor would be stained and "the water pipe
would be finished," i.e. they would be excommunicated from the
caste (because of the low ranking of Rudal's clan). They
finally agreed that if Cura could deliver Malkha to the Baja,
the Raja would give Cure half his kingdom. Cura went to Rudal's
camp where they angrily asked why the preliminary ceremonies
had not been performed. Cura told them that all preparations.
had been made but requested that Malkha come alone with him.
Rudal, fooled by Cura, told Malkha to go with him. As Malkha

282

283

departed there were unfavorable omens--someone sneezed, a one-
eyed Teli ('oil presser') appeared, and a dead man's skull spoke,
saying that he too had gone to Jhunagarh to marry. Malkha
returned to camp crying but Rudal and the rest of the family

were unsympathetic and ordered him to Jhunagarh.

Part II

Malkha, carried in a palanquin by habars, arrived at
Jhunagarh. Cura deceived him into giving up his sword, and sent
the Kahars to prepare a meal in a room where dry peppers were
stored. The peppers were ignited and the hahars.locked in the
room to suffocate. Cura locked Malkha in the courtyard and went
to the Raja for his reward. The Raja said Malkha first had to
be bound up with rcpe.

Cura recruited nine hundred men in the village, telling
them to disguise themselves as women and bring their long
wooden pestles. They entered the courtyard singing the appro-
priate songs. Cura told halkha that the Kahars were busy and
the women would carry him in the palanquin to the mandap. The
men hoisted the palanquin to their shoulders, then drapped it
at Cura's order. The men fell on halkha, tied his hands behind
his back, beat him with the pestles, drove bamboo splinters
under his fingernails and stakes in his sides, and left him in
a hole in the ground.

Cura went to the king and threatened to hang himself if
the king didn't make good his promise. (The soul of a Brahman
who dies in negative circumstances is thought to bring cala—
maties down upon those responsible for the death.)

Meanwhile, the bride hotina, all ready for the wedding,
was told by her maidservant of the location of her devastated
groom. hotina went to look at him and became hysterical. At
midnight she returned to pull out all the stakes and splinters
and take him to her room, where she dressed his wounds. They
healed before many weeks had passed and he began exercising,
in the secrecy of her room, to regain his strength. She asked

him to forget the past and take her to his home. but being a

284

brave Rajput, he refused. One day as he finished exercising
he slapped his thighs, as do wrestlers when they begin the
match. The report was heard throughout the village. The Raja
asked his astrologer what it was; the astrologer told him and
advised that he should arrange for the two to be married. The
Raja instead called Cura and threatened to take back the reward
if he didn't subdue Malkha. Cura called the troops.

hotina begged Malkha to flee, but the brave Malkha
refused, saying that to do so would be to lose respect. As a
thousand soldiers filled the courtyard, halkha invoked Durga,
who said she would give them all cholera if he wanted. he
asked only for a sword. She gave him instead a strong staff
(the most common weapon in the countryside). The tr00ps attacked,
but twenty men fell with each swing of Malkha's.staff. When
only ninety remained, Cura ordered the soldiers to cover the
floor with dried peas so halkha would fall. (Part 11 ends. at

this suspenceful point.)

barahmasa

barat

bhajan

bhakti

bhgg
biradari

birha

bisarjan

Brahman

APLENDIX III

GLObbAkY OF HINDI AND BhbJL‘Uh’I ‘l‘b‘Rl‘io‘

The caste whose traditional occupation is cow-
herding.

The introductory portion of a song, usually a
brief solo sung on a vocable such as ah.

A martial ballad consisting of many lengthy
segments about the exploits of two legendary
Rajput generals, Alha and Udal (or Rudal). See
Chapter V.

'Twelve months'. The song theme depicting the
effects of the seasons on a woman separated from
her husband or lover. See Chapter VIII.

The group consisting of the groom and his agnates
and friends which travels to the home of the
bride for the wedding and bride-removal rites.

The general term for religious song. It can also
mean 'any sort of audible worship' (Bharati 1961:

277).

'Devotion' or 'devotional'.

An intoxicating preparation consisting of

cannabis indica (Indian marijuana) and other
ingredients. (Bhang is the anglicization used here.)
The local caste grouping.

A genre of entertainment song. See Chapter VI.

The closing lines of a song containing the
ostensible author's name and a salute to the
author's guru or inspirational deities. Also

spelled visarjan.

The priest caste and the uppermost of the varnas.

285

cauk

cela

cumavan

daksina

dapha1a

Dhobi

dholak

dhoti

dvar pfijé

ghazal

ghi

286

An area consecrated by plastering with cow dung
and a design drawn drawn on it with flower.
Important rites such as the vivah are staged on
it.

'Student-disciple'. The complementary role of
guru.

The rite of personal blessing and conference of
good fortune in which women of the family or
neighborhood touch the feet, knees, chest and
shoulders of the bride or groom with a blade of
grass. See Chapter III.

A payment made to a Brahman priest for services
rendered.

The name of a particular type of frame drum (a
large, shallow, single-headed drum) and the name

of the type of band in which the drum predominates.

See Chapter III.

The caste whose traditional occupation is washing
clothes.

A double-headed, wood-bodied drum played with
both hands.

A man's skirt-like garment generally of white

cotton, part of which is passed between the thighs.

and tucked in behind.

Literally, 'the sacrificial ceremony at the door'.

It is one of the wedding rites.

'Verbal abuse' or 'a song of abuse, generally
obscene'. See Chapter III.

The caste whose traditional occupation is herding
sheep and goats.

The departure of the bride to her husband's home

for her first period of extended residence there.
Also the name of the rite occuring at the time of
departure.

A type of Urdu court poetry in couplets or short
lyrics, written in the eighteenth century by Mir
and other Muslim poets. See Chapter VI.

'Clarified butter'. A.highly valued, ritually
pure food.

 

ETTfl‘H‘. g

g0pi

Gar
gurfi-cela
haldi
harikirtan
havan

holi

huruk

jajman

janefi

Kahar

khari birha

kohabar

287

A female of the cowherding caste; one of Krishna's
many lovers.

The caste in Eastern Uttar Pradesh whose tradi-
tional occupation is parching grain.

'Master-disciple'.

'Turmeric'; the name of one of the wedding rites
in which the bride or groom is rubbed with tur-
meric.

The class of devotional music sung by Vaishnavites.
See Chapter IV.

The offering of ghi and other items to the gods
by burning.

A rite of spring; one of the primary Hindu calen—
drical rites. See Chapter IV.

A double headed drum with variable tension heads.
It is used primarily by Gor and Kahar caste
musicians in the Bhojpuri language region.

A 'patron' whose 'clients' (parjunias),include
men of such service castes as the Brahman, Dhobi,
Lohar, Nau, and Kahar. Compensation for services
includes shares of harvests and cooked food, cash
and clothing on major festivals and certain
ceremonial occasions such as the wedding.

A loop of string worn over one shoulder and under
the other arm to symbolize 'twice-born' status.
Now worn by men of all Hindu castes except
untouchables and "moderns".

The caste whose traditional occupations include
carrying water and delivering food and other gifts
to relatives living in another village.

A type of song sung (only as a solo) by Ahirs and
Carers. See Chapter V.

A room designated by the pundit for use in certain
of the wedding rites.

A set of cymbals from three to five inches in
diameter.

A-type of song sung in the monsoon season. See
Chapters III and IV.

Kalvar

katha

kavvali

khisa

khicari

Kohar

krishna

Ksatriya

lands

magal
mandap
mantra
Mata Mai

moksa

288

A business caste whose traditional occupation,
some say, was manufacturing liquor.

The family rite which includes the recitation of
moral parables and performance of a havan by a
Brahman priest.

A genre of entertainment music formerly sung only
by Muslims. bee Chapter VI.

Literally 'story' but also used to denote a
cante fable, or narrated story interspersed with
sung verses.

A food whose primary ingredients are rice and
lentils; also the name of a wedding rite at which
this food is to be eaten.

The caste whose traditional occupation is making
clay pots and roof tiles.

A primary hindu deity, usually depicted playing a
flute. He is the subject of many folk songs.
See Chapter VIII.

The warrior varna.

A female impersonating dancer; an attractive boy
or young man.

The parched rice used in the wedding rites.

The caste whose traditional occupation is making
clay pots and roof tiles.

The hot, forceful west wind that blows in the hot
season.

'Auspiciousness'. See Chapter III and especially
Chapter VIII.

The canopy under which major wedding rites are
held.

Chanted pseudo-morphemic phrases thought to have
efficacy.

A 'mother goddess' who is associated with cholera
and smallpox. See Chapter III.

'Salvation', either unification with the absolute
or oversoul, or release from the cycle of rebirth.

 

Nau

Nat

nim

Nunia

pacara

pan

parcan

purdah

parjunia
phagua

prasad

puja

purohit
purvi

Rama

sédhfi

sagun

289

The local term for a man of the barber caste.
Nai is the Hindi term.

A caste whose traditional occupations include
different kinds of entertainment--singing,

comedy and acrobatics. The groups around Indrapur
were Muslim; some groups in other areas are Hindu.

The margosa tree.

The caste whose traditional occupation is con-
struction of buildings.

The class of songs about the mother goddess

sung by women, and the songs sung by the gjhi
('shaman') to invoke and manipulate the particular
mother goddess who is his tutelary deity. See
Chapter III.

A stimulant masticatory, containing lime,catechu,
and pieces of areca nut wrapped in betel leaf.

A rite in which one person worships and blesses
another by revolving an object such as a pestle
over his or her head.

(Pardéz. Literally, 'veil, screen, or curtain'.
The institutional complex based on the seclusion
of women from public life.

'client'. bee jajman.

The types of songs sung in the holi season.

The food offered to deities in the course of a
ritual and subsequently distributed among par—

ticipants, family, and neighbors.

A rite of worship, usually involving a fire
sacrifice.

A Brahman serving in the capacity of family priest.
A type of entertainment song.

(Ram). 'God'; and one of the primary anthro—
pomorphic deities. See Chapter VII.

A religious ascetic.

A type of women's song sung in the wedding and
preceding rites.

sakhi

sahnai

4 .
biva

/.
sudra

Teli

Thakur

tilak

varna

, I
vaisya

vivah

290

A girl's female companion.

A simple, conical double reed horn which sounds
somewhat like an oboe.

(Hiva Sakar). One of the primary Hindu deities.
He is an awesome ascetic who is associated with
marijuana smoking and usually depicted in medi-
tation.

The lowest of the 'twice-born' varna.

The business caste whose traditional occupations
included oil-pressing.

The landholding caste of the Ksatriya varna,
descended from the Rajputs of Northwestern India.

The ornamental dot a Hindu woman wears on her
forehead and the name of the marriage rite in
which the dowry is paid.

According to authoritative scriptures (the Vedas),
Hindu society is divided into four great varnas

or classes—-priest (Brahman); warrior (Ksatriya);
peasant (Vaisya); and serf (sudra) in descending
order. These categories are often used as refer—
ents by natives when ranking local caste groupings,
and provide a means of comparing the ranks of
castes from different areas.

The peasant varna, which today is thought to
include most merchant castes.

The culminating rite in the series of wedding
rites-

 

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