This study used symbolic interactionism as a lens to identify, define and explore the ethnic identity and assimilation experiences of Albanian immigrants and the 1.5 and 2nd generation of ethnic Albanians growing up in the United States. In particular, this research investigated conceptions of white ethnic identity, assimilation, shared culture, and meaning among Albanians who live in Michigan. The meaning of ethnic identity, the focus of this research, is an important dimension of the experience of assimilation for immigrants and ethnic groups wherein I reexamine the meaning of ethnic distinction and ethnic categories in the everyday lives of one particular White immigrant and ethnic group. As well, there is an exploration of gender and family issues to address some of the common tensions that immigrants and their offspring face in adjusting to US society over time. I collected information from a variety of individuals and settings, using multiple data collection techniques to check my results, also best described as triangulation. I used in-depth interviews, participant observations, one focus group interview, and have designated a "greater-than-usual" weight to insight based on personal experiences (Glaser and Strauss 1968:351). Interviews investigated family relationships, generational tensions, and the construction (and perceptions) of community and identities among Albanians. I focused on asking questions about family relationships and experiences growing up in an Albanian family, probing into the gendered character of these relationships. The second key area I addressed related to race, ethnic and identity by attempting to capture the nature of belonging and membership in the Albanian community, as well as how participants view ethnic and racial identity. The third key aspect of the interview related to their perceptions of and experiences within the Albanian community itself. Participant observations were made at various places. I visited local establishments (e.g., restaurants, stores, coffee shops), attended organized activities (e.g., Albanian Flag Day, weddings, informal gatherings), and any meetings hosted by Albanians. My sample consisted of 25 1.5 and second generation individuals many of which are either born in the US or Albania, a smaller percentage were born in Montenegro, Kosovo or Macedonia, and 10 community leaders for a total of 35 individuals.Findings are framed by one central sociological concern- the ongoing problems of cultural continuity and change. It is common to study white ethnics as if their assimilation is already complete, inevitable, and desirable, which blocks out other possible ways in which to understand the experiences of white ethnic groups in the US. Instead of focusing on whether Albanians assimilate or not and assuming that optional ethnicity means the lack of ethnicity, I uncovered the struggles involved in maintaining and dealing with changes in ethnic meaning and affiliations and found out in what ways one can be ethnic and claim ethnic difference while still easily being ascribed by others to a white "American" category. Three main themes emerged: 1) Cultural continuity: The importance of being Albanian; 2) Problems of change: Struggling to define Albanian identity, and 3) Problems of continuity and change: "Costs" of being Albanian. The overall story told of white ethnic identity over the last few decades or so has been one in which ethnic distinctiveness and importance is declining. This dissertation is a counter-example to that story because the Albanians in my study seem to have a stronger identification with being ethnic than being only white.
Read
