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thesis entitled

The Virgin g: the Rose Garden

 

 

By the Master of the Saint Lucy Legend

presented by

C. Jane Larson

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

 

 

M.A. Jegreein Art History

 

 

 

 

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THE VIRGIN 93 THE ROSE GARDEN

 

 

 

BY THE MASTER OF THE SAINT LUCY LEGEND

By
C. Jane Larson

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Art
1979

Abstract
THE VIRGIN QR THE ROSE GARDEN
BY THE MASTER OF THE SAINT LUCY LEGEND

 

 

 

BY
C. Jane Larson

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the

painting, The Virgin of the Rose Garden by the anony-

 

mous fifteenth century artist known as the Master of the
St. Lucy Legend. Since the artist has not been identi-

fied and it is not known for whom The Virgin gf_the Rose

 

Garden was commissioned, the original source must be the
painting itself.

This study shows that this painting is important
for three main reasons. The painting is a historical
document of Bruges in the last quarter of the fifteenth
century because of the artist's realistic depiction of
many buildings in that city. Secondly an iconographical
analysis enlightens the purpose for which this painting
was done as well as revealing religious thought of the

time. Last, an in-depth study of The Virgin of the Rose

 

 

Garden adds to the existing knowledge of the artist.

DEDICATION

To my husband, Richard J. Larson

ii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank the members of my committee;
Dr. Molly Teasdale Smith, Dr. Eldon VanLiere, and Dr.
Webster Smith for their help and guidance in the prepara-
tion of this thesis.

I would also like to thank Robert Turney, who is

responsible for the photographs contained in this thesis.

iii

Chapter
INTRODUCTION

I.

 

II.

III.

THE VIRGIN

 

TABLE OF CONTENTS

9; THE ROSE GARDEN AND
THE VIRGIN AND CHILD WITH SAINTS

 

THE ICONOGRAPHY

 

THE VIRGIN gg THE ROSE GARDEN .

 

IV.

V.

CONCLUSION .

APPENDIX:

BIBLIOGRAPHY

iv

THE BRUGES CITY-SCAPE

THE IDENTITY OF THE MASTER OF THE
LUCY LEGEND

PAINTINGS ATTRIBUTED TO THE MASTER
OF THE SAINT LUCY LEGEND

SAINT

Page

15

34

45

57

71

73

76

LI ST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Illustration Page

The Master of the St. Lucy Legend, The
Virgin of the Rose Garden. The Detroit
Institute of Arts . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80

 

 

The Master of the St. Lucy Legend, The
Virgin and Child With Saints. Musee
Royaux des Beaux-Arts, Brussels . . . . . . 81

 

The Master of the St. Ursula Legend, The
Tri t ch of the Nativity (detail). The
Detrort InstiEute of Arts . . . . . . . . . 82

 

Map of the City of Bruges . . . . . . . . . . 83

The Master of the St. Lucy Legend, Deposi-
tion (detail). Minneapolis Institute of
Arts 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 84

 

The Master of the St. Lucy Legend, The
Virgin of the Rose Garden (detail). . . . . 85

 

 

The Master of the St. Lucy Legend, St.
Catherine (detail). John G. Johnson
Collection, Philadelphia . . . . . . . . . 86

 

Hugo van der Goes The Mystic Marriage of
Catherine. Buckingham Palace . . . . . . 87

 

 

INTRODUCTION
One of the most charming works of the late fif—
teenth century Flemish artist known as the Master of

the St. Lucy Legend is The Virgin of the Rose Garden

 

 

(Ill. 1). The location of the painting before it was
owned by the Weber Collection prior to Detroit's pur-
chase of it in 1926, is unknown. A complete study of
this painting has never been attempted although Ver-
haegen's examination of the Master's depiction of the
Bruges belfry has placed it between 1480 and 1483.1 The
revised edition of Friedlander summarizes what is now
known about the Master and what paintings are attributed

to him.2 An analysis will be made of The Virgin of the

 

Rose Garden, as this painting is an important historical

 

document of Bruges at the end of the fifteenth century. A
study of the iconography helps to reveal the religious
thought of the time as well as suggesting possibili-

ties for the reason that the painting was commissioned.
Also an in depth study of a single painting of the

Master can help to enlighten our understanding of him.

The Virgin of the Rose Garden is characteristic

 

 

 

of fifteenth century Flemish art; and more exactly of
Flemish art of the last quarter of that century. There

are enough unique characteristics of this and other

paintings attributed to the Master of the St. Lucy

Legend (see Appendix) to indicate a personality distinct-
ly different from those of known artists of the period
such as Hans Memling or Gerard David. Even without
specific knowledge about this painting, one familiar

with the works of van der Goes, Van Eyck, and others

would readily identify The Virgin of the Rose Garden

 

 

as a fifteenth century Flemish work.

The Virgin of the Rose Garden is oil on panel, or

 

 

probably more correctly, tempera or oil underpainting
with oil glazes on t0p. While oil glazes were not in-
vented by Jan Van Eyck, he was one of the first artists
to exploit them to their full potential, creating ultra-
realistic textures and dazzling colors. Like Van Eyck
and other Flemish masters after him the Master of the
Saint Lucy Legend has utilized oil glazes to create

the lush velvets and furs, rich brocades and shining
metals of the saints costumes. Also in keeping with

Flemish tradition every item in The Virgin of the Rose

 

Garden is painted in minute detail, from the tiny
strawberries to the saint's necklaces, and the buildings
in the background. The depiction of everything in

exact detail rather than in diminishing clarity as the
eye actually sees it, is typical of Flemish painting

and helps to create the almost otherworldly quality
which is fitting for the holy subjects.

The popularity of the female saints and certain

religious events such as the Mystic Marriage of St.
Catherine were extremely common at the end of the fif-

teenth century. The Virgin of the Rose Garden is highly

 

 

decorative and is crowded with figures in a shallow
space, also typical of this time. While clearly falling
within the tradition of the late fifteenth century, it

is hoped that an in depth study of The Virgin of the

 

Rose Garden will help to define the style of the Master

 

of the St. Lucy Legend, even though at this point it is

impossible to determine the identity of the artist.

FOOTNOTES

INTRODUCTION

1Nicole Verhaegen, "Le Maitre de la Legende de
Sainte Lucie, Precisions sur son oevre." Bulletin d3
l'Institut Royal du_Patrimoine Artistique II (1959),
73-82.

2Max J. Friedlander, Early Netherlandish Painting.
trans. Heinz Norden, Comments and Notes by Nicole
Veronee-Verhaegen, Vol. VI, Parts I and II: Hans
Memling and Gerard David (Leyden: A.W. Sijthoff, 1971)
Part I. p. 44 and Part II pp. 123-124.

 

 

 

 

CHAPTER I

THE VIRGIN 9: THE ROSE GARDEN

 

 

Bruges can be said to be one of the shining achieve-
ments of the Middle Ages; rich,influential, powerful and
artistic. The cathedral of Notre-Dame in Bruges raised
its proud tower over placid canals and full storehouses.
Even today on a ride down Bruges' slow canals one can
sense something of the city's former power and beauty.
But the ride is now in motor boats instead of the pole
driven barges. Even the sea to the west has deserted
the once bustling docks. Notre-Dame's spire and the bel-
fry of the town hall still stand today -- twin sentinels
of the greatness that was.

By the late fifteenth century Bruges was in its
last flowering both economically and artistically.1
Nonetheless, it must have been a dynamic and exciting
place for an artist to work, not unlike Paris at the turn
of this century. Artist's were drawn to Bruges from all
over Europe and artistic production increased four-fold
during this period.2 Around the year 1483 one of these
artist's stood outside the city walls looking back at
the towers with the intention of painting them. We do
not know his name, but he is referred to today as the

Master of the St. Lucy Legend. We can imagine him looking

5

with pride at the greatness of Bruges. Back in his

studio the Master painted the tower of Notre-Dame and
the belfry of Bruges with his brush and imagination on
an oak panel as a background to Mary, the Christ Child

and four saints in his painting The Virgin of the Rose

 

Garden. The Master has given the modern viewer a thor-
oughly delightful conception of this time. In the work
one finds a charming walled garden containing delicate
ladies, and knights on horseback in the distance. The

total effect is one of an enchanted time. The Virgin

 

of the Rose Garden is also an important historical docu-

 

ment of Bruges at the end of the fifteenth century be-
cause of the factual depiction of the buildings of that
city.

The relatively small size (31 1/8 x 23 3/8 in.) and

the delicacy of The Virgin of the Rose Garden makes it

 

 

look almost like a page from an illuminated manuscript
although it is oil on panel. The central image of the
painting is the Madonna and Child. The artist has used

a number of compositional devices to bring the viewer's
attention to them. They are almost at the center of the
painting with the action and placement of the other fi-
gures pulling the viewer's attention toward Mary and
Christ. St. Catherine, to Mary's right, and St. Barbara

to her left, support her in almost heraldic fashion. These
three figures create a pyramidal composition with the

kneeling position and lowered heads of St. Catherine and

St. Barbara causing Mary's head to be at the t0p of the
triangle.

The horizontal band of the rose garden which inter-
sects the painting also seems to bring the viewer's
attention to the center of the work. This divides the
painting clearly into two separate oval sections. Arch-
ing trellises carrying grape vines Spring from the ex-
treme left and right limits of the hedge. The trellis
closes in toward the t0p center, where two angels are
found holding (in heraldic fashion again) a crown direct-
ly over Mary's head. St. Cecilia to St. Barbara's left,
and St. Ursula to St. Catherine's right, sit on the
grass at Mary's feet with their skirts almost touching
each other under Mary's robe. Thus a closed composition
with all the figures turned in toward the center is
created and even with a wealth of minute detail to in-
trigue the eye,the central image of the Madonna and Child,
is the ultimate and inevitable focus.

Mary wears the simple blue tunic which is tradi-
tional and is covered by a red cape. The entire ambience
is one of courtly elegance, even though the image is not
a strict iconographic representation of Mary Queen of
Heaven since she does not wear the crown.

The four female saints who attend Mary are easily
identified. They either bare standardized attributes

from the Golden Legend3 or their names or initials are

 

incorporated into their clothing or jewelry. To Mary's

right is St. Catherine of Alexandria, with a sword in
front of her signifying that her martydom was at the
hands of an executioner; more importantly she receives

a ring from the Christ Child. Together the two figures
represent the "Mystic Marriage of St. Catherine."4 Com-
peting with St. Catherine for the attention of the
Christ Child is St. Barbara, to Mary's left, who offers
the child a lily and reaches out to touch him. St.
Barbara can be identified by her necklace made of towers
pierced with small windows. The tower is her tradi-
tional attribute, and each tower has the tiny monogram
"b" underneath it. The two remaining saints sit in the
foreground facing inward. St. Cecilia, on our right is
easily identified for like a child on the first day of
kindergarden, she wears her name "S. Cecilia" on her
bodice. Instead of being pinned on we find it neatly
embroidered in gold. Across from St. Cecilia, St. Ursula
sits with arrows of martyrdom tucked under her skirt.
Due to the clearly visible attributes a viewer of the
time would have no difficulty recognizing the four
saints.

The female saints represented in the painting were
all early Christian martyrs, but in keeping with fifteen-
th century style, they are portrayed as elegant and
courtly ladies of the time of the artist. Huizinga
states:

Thus towards the end of the Middle Ages an

ultra-realistic conception of all that related

to the saints may be noticed in the popular

faith. The saints became so real and such

familiar characters of current religion that

they became bound up with all the superficial

religious impulses. While profound devotions

still centered on Christ and His mother, quite

a host of artless beliefs and fancies clustered

about the saints. Everything contributed to

make them familiar and lifelike. They were

even dressed like the peOple themselves.5

Contrary to Huizinga's statement these saints are
not dressed like the people themselves but are dressed
in the elaborate costumes of the upper classes. They
become almost symbolic reliquaries as the fine outer
clothing honors and deifies the saint. Nor does earthy
realism find its way into the features of these women.
Their faces are "beautiful" types, fittingly serene
jewels to be set in such elaborate and elegant costumes.

Of all the saints, St. Catherine's costume is per-
haps the most traditional, while certainly not being
from an earlier period. Her costume is a blue skirt
with a red blouse. She wears an ermine bodice with an
elaborate jeweled frontispiece and her cuffs and the
border of her skirt are trimmed in ermine also. She
wears a crown on her head rather than a contemporary

head piece. Her costume is very similar to another

version of St. Catherine from a Crucifixion with St.

 

Catherine and SE. Barbara c. 1400 by an anonymous Bruges

 

master, which was hung in St. Sauver in Bruges.6 The
Master of the St. Lucy Legend would have undoubtedly

been familiar with this painting as well as other

10

Flemish paintings and manuscripts which often showed
St. Catherine with an ermine trimmed gown and wearing
a crown over her long golden hair.

The other saints reflect contemporary fashion of
the late fifteenth century rather than wearing tradi-
tional clothes. St. Ursula wears a gown in gold and
black Venetian fabric. The cuffs, neckline, and border
of the gown are trimmed in brown fur and the yoke is
red. About her neck hangs an exquisite bejeweled gold
necklace. The most intriguing part of her costume is
the very odd head-dress which is red and gold and comes
to a triangular point. All of her hair is tucked under
it, exhibiting the very fashionable smooth round fore-
head. The head-dress is a variation of the forked type,7
which was one of the more extreme examples of female
head-gear of the time. The costume of St. Ursula, in-
cluding the head-piece, is almost identical to that of
the Queen of Richier de Monbendal, from the manuscript,
the Romance of Renaud g3 Montauban c. 1470, by the Flem-

ish artist Loyset Lyedet.8 Whether the Master of the

 

St. Lucy Legend was familiar with the manuscript is, of
course, not known but it is striking to note that both
costumes are the same, possibly being a common style of
the time for royalty or nobility.

St. Cecilia's costume shows a more simple elegance.
Her gown is of white fabric, perhaps an example of the

famous Bruges woolens, and the bodice is of black fabric.

11

The sleeves are tight, typical of late fifteenth century
fashion, but they are not fur trimmed like the other
saints' gowns: the trim is of red satin instead. St.
Cecilia also wears an elaborate head-dress which covers
all of her hair as St. Ursula's does. Her head-dress
is a variation of the steeple or "hennin" style, although
the top is curved rather than being pointed in the more
typical manner.9

St. Barbara's gown is a rich green velvet and is
trimmed in gray fur. She wears a beautiful metal belt
around her waist, and the unusual necklace of tower's
and "b's." She also wears a red hat which is termed
a rolled head-dress because of the resemblance to a

10 Like the other saints her costume re-

donut ring.
flects some of the endless variety of female clothing

at the end of the fifteenth century. The saints in
their beautiful accouterments are important historical
documents of the elaborate and ever changing fashions of
the nobility at the end of the fifteenth century.

These holy women are placed in an enclosed space
defined by the artistically controlled natural setting
of the rose garden and grape arbor. They are painted
with a faithfulness of detail which adds to the overall
effect of richness while at the same time, the carefully
depicted leaves create a rather flat background except

for the architecture which comes forward. The result

is that the rose garden and grape arbor serve as a

12

backdrop for the women and also serves as a "window"
frame around the distant city and landscape.

This "window" opens up to the town of Bruges as
it looked at the end of the fifteenth century. The
painting has been dated after 1480 and before 1483
partially on the basis of the belfry, which is the large
building to the right. The belfry is shown without the
addition of an octagonal stage which was constructed
after 1483.11 The large building to the left in the
painting is the church of Notre-Dame. Around the walled
city lies a moat with the peaceful and graceful swans
which were reserved for nobility. Departing from the
city gates are two horsemen. They almost seem to be dis-
tant guardians of the delicate and fragile women who
appear so vulnerable, as if in need of protection. Be-
yond the knights, painted quite small, a man and woman
go to work in the fields. While the city is realisti-
cally depicted, the distant background with the rolling
green hills and icy blue mountains is imaginary, as

the countryside around Bruges is flat.

The Virgin g: the Rose Garden fuses the three

 

 

 

modes of thought of the late Middle Ages; realism, sym-
bolism and personification.12 The costumes of the saints,
the city of Bruges and the flora and fauna are painted

in realistic detail. The saints, however, are more than
holy women, they personify such Christian virtues as;

virginity, piety, wisdom and charity. Almost every

13

other item in the painting from the beautiful plants
to the city of Bruges can be interpreted on a symbolic
level as well. To the modern viewer the painting is
also a trip into an enchanted time and when one rides
down the canals of Bruges it is easy to imagine the
city as the Master of the St. Lucy Legend painted it

in The Virgin 9f the Rose Garden.

 

 

FOOTNOTES

CHAPTER I

1Roy McMullen, "The Life and Death of Bruges,"
Horizon XI (Summer 1969), 75-90.

2Charles D. Cuttler, Northern Painting (New York:
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1968), p. 181.

 

3Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend, trans.
Granger Ryan and Helmut Rippeyer (London: Longman,
Green and Co., 1941).

 

41bid., pp. 708-716.

5J. Huizinga, The Waning gf the Middle Ages (New
York: Doubleday and Co., 1954), p. 167.

6William Gaunt, Flemish Cities Their History and
Art, (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1969), p. 30.

7Mary G. Houston, Medieval Costume in England and
France: The 13th, 14th, and 15th Centuries (London:
Adam and Charles Black, 1939, reprifit ed., 1950), p. 183.

8

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ibid.

91bid., p. 175.

lorbid.

llVerhaegen, "Le Maitre de la Legende de Sainte
Lucie, Precisions sur son oevre," p. 80.

12Huizinga, The Waning g: the Middle Ages, p. 205.

 

 

14

CHAPTER II

THE ICONOGRAPHY

The iconography and symbolism of The Virgin gf the

 

Rose Garden can be interpreted on several levels, just

 

as the painting itself is clearly divided into differ-
ent planes. The main theme is virginity. Within the
principle theme are others which overlap: martyrdom,
the Throne of Wisdom, the "Sacra Conversazione," and
the "Mystic Marriage." All are woven together like a
rich tapestry, both visually and symbolically.

An iconographical analysis of the painting can
serve two main purposes. The first of these is to en-
lighten the meaning of the painting, to help explain why
it was painted and possibly for who. The second pur-
pose that such a study can serve is to reveal religious
thought of the time. The realistic depiction of Bruges
and the saints costumes gives us information about the
physical world of the time while a study of the icono-
graphy tells us of the spiritual world.

The dominant theme of the painting is virginity for
everything focuses on the central image of Mary who
personifies this virtue. The idea was first stated at
the Council of Nicea in 325 when the doctrine stated;

"The Lord looked upon the whole of creation, and he saw

15

16

no one to equal Mary. Therefore, he chose her for his
mother. If, therefore, a girl wants to be called a
virgin, she should resemble Mary."1 Thus Mary,as the
most important virgin is encircled by virgin martyrs who
strove to be like her. Perhaps the painting was for a
convent where the nuns could view it and be inspired
by the example of Mary and the female saints.

This emphasis on the theme of virginity reflects
the importance that it held at the time. Almost all
of the female martyrs were virgins as all of the saints
in this painting were. The theme of virginity was also
one of the key elements of medieval chivalry and the
romances and poems written about it. According to
Huizinga, "This then, is the essential theme of chival—
rous love poetry: the young hero delivering the vir-
gin."2 A Swabian poem of c. 1170 states:

She told poor Heinrich that he was

A cowardly wretch, and all because

He was not brave enough to dare

Witness the death she chose to bear

Gladly, and of her own free will.

He waited patiently until

There was an end to this tirade.

And then he took the little maid

Into his charge. Her words of Spite

He, like a good and gentle knight,

Answered not.3
The painting could be seen as a religious parallel to
this secular idea; Christ is the hero who delivered these
young virgins and they are now with him and his

mother in paradise.

A more subtle allusion to the theme of virginity

17

is the enclosed rose garden. The enclosed garden was
a symbol of Mary's virginity and red roses were a sym-
bol of the martyrs, or more specifically the virgin
martyrs. The symbolism of red roses for the virgin
martyrs comes from several sources. According to Emile
Male:

Peter of Mora, Cardinal and bishop of Capua,

contemplates the roses in his garden. Their

natural beauty does not move him, for he is

intent on thoughts which are unfolding with-

in. "The rose," he says, "is the choir of

martyrs" or yet again the choir of virgins.

When red it is the blood of those who died

for the faith, when white it is spotless

purity. It opens among thorns as the martyr

grows up in the midst of heretics and per-

secutors, or as the virgin blooms radiant in

the midst of iniquity.4

This clearly seems to be the source for the rose
garden as a parallel to the virgin martyrs, in this
painting. Another source for the rose as a symbol for
the martyrs comes from the so-called "Key" of Melito, a
medieval encyclopedia of nature and their symbols. It
says; "Roses signify the blood of martyrs, and it is in
this sense that we must interpret the passage in
Ecclesiasticus, '. . . Bud forth as a rose growing by
the brook of the field'."5

The theme of martyrdom is closely interwoven with
that of virginity. The color red is the color of blood
and, therefore, of martyrdom while more specifically the

red rose is symbolic of the virgin martrys. While none

of the saints are dressed entirely in red, each has some

18

item of red in her costume to parallel the red of the
roses. St. Catherine's blouse is red as is the yoke of
St. Ursula's gown. St. Cecilia's dress and cuffs are
trimmed in red and St. Barbara wears a red head-dress.
Each of these touches of red in the garments emphasizes
the blood that each saint shed for Christ.

The theme of martyrdom is not confined to the
saints. The central image of the Madonna and Child sets
forth Christ as the most important martyr. Even though
he is shown here as an infant, rather than on the cross,
the grape arbor prOphesies his coming sacrifice. The
grape was symbolic of the Eucharistic wine,6 and, there-
fore, the blood that Christ shed to save the world from
its sins. As Christ's sacrifice was the greatest, the
grape arbor is higher than the rose garden which it
encircles.

The central emphasis of Mary as the paragon of
virginity is undoubtedly intended by the artist, but, be-
cause Mary holds the Christ child, the image also is re-
lated to that of the "Throne of Wisdom." The rose garden
acts as a throne for Mary and she is, in turn, a throne
for Christ. Christ is shown as the Incarnation: as
Solomon who possessed God's wisdom sat on his throne to
pronounce that wisdom, so Mary bears Christ, who embodies
God's wisdom and will reveal it for man in his life.7 As
previously mentioned Mary wears a simple blue tunic and

her red cape which is her traditional attire. She does

19

not yet wear the crown and because of the intimate set-
ting she does not yet seem like the queen of heaven.

Christ is shown as a naked infant. His wizened
face, and gesture of handing the ring to St. Catherine
make him look more like a miniature adult than a baby.
This is typical of medieval art: Christ is no ordinary
child and is, therefore, not depicted as one. His un-
childlike face symbolized the wisdom of the ages.8

Mary and Christ are necessary for theological rea-
sons, but the artist's real interest seems to be in the
female saints. The inclusion of the four saints has
already been mentioned in relation to the theme of vir-
ginity but there are other overlapping interpretations.
One of these is the "Sacra Conversazione" or holy con-
versation. In a "Sacra Conversazione" saints are shown
standing or kneeling in attendance to the enthroned
Madonna and Child.9 A saint may be included in a "Sacra
Conversazione" because he or she is the patron of the
church, city or monastic order for whom the painting was
commissioned.10

In Flemish paintings the two virgin saints who are
usually to the right and left of Mary in a "Sacra Con-
versazione" are St. Catherine of Alexandria and St. Barbara,
as they are in this painting.11 When St. Barbara and
St. Catherine are shown together they personify the se-

12

cular (military) and religious arms of the state. A

closer examination of the saints',their legends,

20

attributes and patronage may shed further light on the
iconography of the painting and perhaps more importantly,
may give a clue as to who may have commissioned it.

St. Catherine of Alexandria is to Christ and Mary's
right and she interacts directly with the Christ Child.
Christ places a ring on St. Catherine's finger, as a
depiction of the "Mystic Marriage of St. Catherine."

This tale is included in the Golden Legend as noted be-

 

fore, and was a very popular subject in Flemish painting
at the end of the fifteenth century, particularly as a
theme for convents. One of the most famous painted
examples is a painting on this subject by Hans Memling,
(c. 1479) for the Hospital of St. John in Bruges. In
Memling's work, the Madonna and Child are seated between
St. Catherine and St. Barbara while the Christ Child
places the ring on St. Catherine's finger, just as the
Master of the St. Lucy Legent has portrayed them in Th3

Virgin g: the Rose Garden.

 

The "Mystic Marriage," was, of course, only one in-
cident in St. Catherine's life, so the legend must be
examined in more detail for further enlightenment.

According to the Golden Legend the name Catherine

 

comes from Catha which means total and ruina which means
ruin. This is because the edifice of the devil was
totally destroyed by her humility, her virginity and her
contempt for worldly goods.

Catherine was the daughter of King Costus of

21

Alexandria and she was instructed in the liberal arts.
When Emperor Maxentius told everyone in the city, rich
and poor to sacrifice to idols, St. Catherine went be-
fore the door of the temple to dispute with him and to
explain why there was only one true God. Maxentius had
her imprisoned but was struck with her beauty and intel-
ligence. Ceasar came to the palace and saw that there
was no match for Catherine's wisdom so he sent for all
of the grammarians and rhetoriticians to argue with her.
Maxentius told Catherine that she could be second
only to the queen in the palace, but she replied that
Christ was her Spouse. Maxentius had her stripped,
beaten and thrown into a cell for twelve days without
food, but Christ sent a white dove with celestial food.
The emperor became angry when he sensed that someone had
brought her food. When Catherine said that Christ
had fed her through an angel, Maxentius told her to
sacrifice to idols or undergo horrible torture. The
emperor proceeded to have her tortured on four wheels,
but an angel struck down the wheels causing four thousand
pagans to be killed:
The King told her once more to sacrifice to idols
or die; and when She was led to the place of exe-
cution, she raised her eyes to Heaven and prayed,
saying" "0 hope and salvation of them that believe,
0 honour and glory of Virgins! Jesus, good King,
I implore thee that whosoever shall celebrate the
memory of my passion, or call upon me at the mo-
ment of death or in necessity, may obtain the bene-
fit of thy mercy!" and a voice answered her:

"Come, my beloved, my spouse, behold the door of
Heaven is opened to thee; and those that shall

22

celebrate the memory of thy passion with

devout minds, I promise the protection of

Heaven."1

St. Catherine is the patron saint of young girls,
philosophers, students, scholars, and ironically,

wheelrights; and she is often shown receiving the ring

from the Christ Child as she does in The Virgin gf the

 

Rose Garden.14 She is sometimes shown with the wheel,

 

her symbol of torture or with the sword, the weapon of
her execution. She was a princess and wears a crown to
signify this. As previously mentioned, the red of her
blouse is probably symbolic of her martyrdom. Blue,
the color of her skirt, sometimes stands for truth, one
of her virtues.15
St. Barbara, to Mary and Christ's left, also in-
teracts with the Christ Child. She is in the process
of giving Christ a lily, which was a symbol of purity
and is usually associated with the Virgin Mary.16 St.
Barbara, like St. Catherine, was a virgin and a martyr.
Her cult originated in the East in the fourth century,
but her popularity in the West dates only from the fif-
teenth century when she was included among the fourteen
intercessors.l7 These were the saints whose powers of
intervention were considered the strongest.

St. Barbara was the daughter of a rich pagan of

the third century. According to the Golden Legend, be-

 

cause of her great beauty her father built a high tower

and shut her in so that no one could see her. While in

23

the tower she heard of the theologian Origen of Alexan-
dria and wrote him a letter. Origen wrote back and sent
the letter with a messenger who taught Barbara about
Christ and baptised her.

While Barbara's father was gone, she came down and
instructed the workmen to build a third window in the
tower to represent the trinity and said that "three
windows illuminate the whole man." When her father
returned he did not appreciate his daughter's attempts
at remodeling, and being a rash fellow tried to kill
her. A divinely perpetrated earthquake ensued and de-
posited them on a mountain where two shepherds were
grazing their sheep. Barbara quickly hid and one of the
shepherds said nothing, but the other one told her
father where she was and according to some accounts (re-

jected by the Golden Legend), his sheep were turned

 

into locusts. Barbara's father soon found, caught and
beheaded her. God, better late than never, struck the
miscreant down with a lightening bolt. Like St. Cathe-
rine, St. Barbara asked God to look favorably on those
who remembered her martyrdom.18

St. Barbara was the patron of artilleurs, bell-
ringers, prisoners, and appropriately enough, archi-
tects and masons. Her name was invoked against thunder
and sudden death.19 She was almost always shown with

the tower pierced with three windows, but it is unusual

to have this attribute incorporated into her necklace

24

as it is in The Virgin 9f the Rose Garden. Green, the

 

color of her dress, was the color of vegetation and
spring, symbolizing the triumph of spring over winter

or life over death.20

This is fitting since her name
was invoked against death. The red of her cap, of
course, symbolized her martyrdom.

St. Ursula sits in the foreground to St. Cathe-
rine's right. Like the others she was a beautiful vir-

gin born of noble parents. While all the tales in the

Golden Legend strain the credulity of the modern reader,

 

St. Ursula's legend is particularly unusual if not pre-
postrous. St. Ursula was born of a Christian king from
Brittany. The king of England wished her for the bride
of his son. She agreed if her suitor would give her
ten virgins as companions and assign each of her com-
panions a thousand virgins. She also stated that the
King of England must allow her three years of virginity
and in this three years, the king's son would be bap-
tised and instructed in the faith.

The young prince consented to all of these unusual
demands, and St. Ursula converted all of the virgins
and departed with them on a pilgrimage to Rome. When
they arrived at Cologne, an angel told Urusla that she
and the virgins would receive the crown of martyrdom in
Cologne on their return trip. They set out for Rome
and were received by the Pope who resigned his position

to join the virgins. When they arrived back at Cologne,

25

it was besieged by the Huns who killed the virgins.
They left St. Ursula for the last because the prince of
the Huns wanted her for his wife. She, of course, re-
fused him so he shot an arrow into her breast. She is,
therefore, usually shown with an arrow21 as she is in

The Virgin 9f the Rose Garden.

 

 

St. Ursula was the patron saint of the religious
order of the Ursulines and the corporation of the drapers.
Also for some reason her name was invoked against head-
aches22 which is ironic since the outlandish head-dress
she wears in the painting would surely have caused a
Splitting headache if worn for any length of time.

Cologne was the most important place of Ursula's cult
because of her martyrdom there, but it spread to the low
countries and northern France in the monasteries of the
Benedictines and Cistercians. St. Ursula was also

23 The

significantly one of the patron saints of Bruges.
colors of her dress do not seem applicable in any sym-
bolic way except for the touch of red. She is shown
wearing a queen's costume, because, like St. Catherine,
she was of nobility.

St. Cecilia sits in the foreground across from St.
Ursula and to St. Barbara's left. She too was of nobility
and like St. Ursula had been raised in Christianity. She
was betrothed to a young man named Valerian, and on her

wedding night she wore a hair shirt under her gown and

prayed to God that her heart and body would remain pure.

26

When she was alone with her husband Valerian, she told
him that a guardian angel protected her and that Valer-
ian must love with a pure love. Valerian was baptised
by an angel who gave them a bridal coronet of roses and
lilies.

Valerian converted his brother Tiburtus and the two
of them began to bury the bodies of Christian martyrs.
They were arrested and beheaded. St. Cecilia was
arrested and placed in a pot of boiling oil for a day
and a night. When she did not die, the executioners
struck three blows to her head, but she was still alive
and the law did not allow a fourth blow. She lived
three more days after this and distributed her money
to the poor.24

St. Cecilia was the patron saint of music. This
was because of a misunderstanding of the legend; on her
wedding day she is said to have heard musical instru-
ments playing inwardly. The Latin word organa, or
musical instrument was sometimes translated as organ
and, therefore, she was often shown with one.25 Rather

than being shown with an organ or other musical instru-

ment in The Virgin g: the Rose Garden, St. Cecilia

 

 

appears to be holding the bridal coronet which the angel

26 In her left hand she holds

gave to her and Valerian.
a book, which is shut, in contrast to St. Ursula who
sits across from her reading intently from an open book

on her lap.

27

St. Cecilia's identity is made very clear because
of her name being embroidered in gold on her bodice. Her
name is in fact, almost overly prominent seeming to
single out St. Cecilia. The white of her dress symbo—
lizes innocence and purity.27 This could have a two-
fold meaning as she was particularly pure for keeping
her virginity after marriage and also because her name
Cecilia means lily, the symbol for purity. The Golden
Legend says of her: "Cecilia comes from colli lilia,
lily of heaven ... For Cecilia was a heavenly lily by
her virginity; or she is called a lily because of the
whiteness of her purity, the freshness of her conscience,

28 As with the

and the sweet odour of her good renown."
other saints the touches of red in her costume probably
symbolize martyrdom. St. Cecilia wears a flower in

her hair which appears to be carnation or a pink. This
was the symbol of marriage according to Flemish tradi-

tion,29

so it is apprOpriate that Cecilia, the virgin-
wife wears it.

While any four female saints could have symbolized
virginity or martyrdom as well as these, it is doubtful
that the choice of these particular saints was at ran-
dom, and knowing their legends and patronage can help
to reveal why and for whom the painting was done.
Whether the subject is primarily a "Sacra Conversazione"

or a "Mystic Marriage" the inclusion of both St. Catherine

and St. Barbara would be necessary even if they weren't

28

the patron saints. St. Ursula was one of the patron
saints of Bruges, and because of the realistic depic-
tion of that city, her inclusion may indicate that is
why she is there, as one of Bruge's protectors.

This leaves St. Cecilia as the remaining saint. By
process of elimination the most probable conclusion is
that St. Cecilia was the patron saint of the donor of

The Virgin 9f the Rose Garden. As previously mentioned,

 

 

St. Barbara and St. Catherine are very common in Flemish
paintings of the Madonna and Child, and St. Ursula was
the patron saint of Bruges. The fact that these three
saints are all in a larger version of the same subject
in a painting in Brussels attributed to the Master of
the Saint Lucy Legend, and St. Cecilia is not, further
supports the idea that she was the patron of the donor
of the Detroit painting. It is unlikely that the donor
would have been a musical society as St. Cecilia is not
portrayed with an organ or anything else to associate
her with music, but instead appears to hold a bridal
coronet. The other two possibilities are that the donor
could have been a religious order of nuns associated
with St. Cecilia, or an individual. It seems most
likely that the donor was an individual and that St.
Cecilia was her patron saint, perhaps the donor even
requested her name be incorporated into the costume.

Due to the double emphasis on the fact that St. Cecilia

was married, with the bridal coronet and the carnation

29

in her head-dress, the painting may have been a wedding
present, or might symbolize the marriage of this indi-
vidual's soul to Christ.

The artist chose to depict the saints in a peace-
ful garden setting with Mary and Christ, rather than
portraying any gruesome details relating to their martyr—
dom. The setting is, therefore, paradise with the back-
ground city of Bruges becoming the Heavenly Jerusalem.
The fact that Bruges was chosen as the Heavenly Jeru-
salem is characteristic of the pride that the people
felt in their city. While there are other identifiable
buildings, the cathedral of Notre-Dame and the Bruges
belfry are proportionately larger than the others.

This could be a parallel to St. Catherine and St. Bar-
bara representing the secular and religious branches of
the state. Notre-Dame above St. Catherine's head re-
presents the religious branch, and the belfry which is
to the right, as is St. Barbara, who was associated with
towers and bell-ringers, represents the secular branch.

Many other elements of the painting could be sym-
bolic or might simply be decorative. Numerous plants
are depicted in minute detail and some have significant
meanings. The dandelion is shown next to St. Ursula's
arrow and in the right above the wall. This bitter
herb was a common symbol of Christian grief and was
often included in paintings of the Crucifixion by Flem-

ish artists.3o Even though this is not a Crucifixion

30

scene the dandelion could be intended to show grief
(particularly Mary's) over Christ's death and the martyr-
dom of the virgins.

Another recognizable plant in the painting is the
strawberry underneath St. Cecilia's skirt. The straw-
berry was the symbol of perfect righteousness, an em-
blem of the righteous man whose fruits are good works.31
When accompanied by violets, which are also present in
the painting between St. Ursula and St. Catherine, it

32 This

means the truly spiritual are also humble.
could be a parallel to Mary, Christ, and the virgin
martyrs.

The daisy is another flower in the garden under-
neath St. Cecilia's skirt near St. Ursula. Toward the
end of the fifteenth century it was included in paint-
ings of the adoration as a symbol of the innocence of the
Christ Child. The simplicity of the daisy was thought
to be a better symbol of Christ's innocence than the lily
in St. Barbara's hand, which was associated more with
Mary.33

The plants, symbolic or not, create a paradise for
Mary, Christ and the saints; as they sit in contempla-
tion within the lovely garden. Bruges, with the promi-
nent landmarks of Notre-Dame and the belfry, seems a

very suitable choice as a representation of the Heavenly

Jerusalem, especially for a Bruges master.

FOOTNOTES

CHAPTER II

lMarina Warner, Alone of All Her Sex: The Myth
and Cult of the Virgin Mary (New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, 1976» p. 68.

2

 

 

J. Huizinga, The Waning g: the Middle Ages, p. 79.

 

 

3This is from the poem Poor Henry by the Swabian
poet Hartman von Aue, c. 1170. Angel Flores, ed.,
Medieval Age: Specimens of European Poetry from the
Ninth to the Fifteenth Century (London: Phoenix House,
1965), PP 403- 404.

 

 

 

 

4Emile Male, The Gothic Image Religious Art Ln
France of the Thirteenth Century, trans. Dora Nussey
(New York: Icon Editions, Harper and Row Publishers,
1958). P. 30.

5

 

 

Ibid.

6James Hall, Dictionagy of Subjects and Symbols Ln
Art, introduction by Kenneth Clark (London: John Murray
Ltd., 1974). P 142.

7The primary source for the study of the Throne
of Wisdom is: Ilene Forsyth, The Throne of Wisdom:
Wood Sculptures of the Madonna Ln Romanesque France
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972), pp. 1- 2.
For the application of this idea to Northern Renais-
sance painting see: Ann Hagopian van Buren, "The
Canonical Office in Renaissance Painting, Part II:
More About the Rolin Madonna," The Art Bulletin LX
(December 1978), 622. Dr. Molly Teasdale Smith has
helped to apply this complex theological idea to Th3
Virgin 93 the Rose Garden.

8

 

 

 

 

 

Ibid.

9Hall, Dictionary 2: Subjects and Symbols in Art,
p. 332.

10

 

Ibid.

31

32

11d'Hestroy de Gaiffier, R.P. Baudoin, "Récherches
sur l'iconographie de Sainte Barbe," Centre Interna-
tionale d'Etudes Romanes Bulletin Paris III (1960), p. 12.

12Hall, Dictionary 2E Subjects and Symbols 13
Art, p. 332.

13

 

 

 

 

 

Voragine, The Golden Legend, pp. 708-716.

 

14Louis Réau, Iconographie de l'Art Chretien
(Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1969):
III: 262-272.

15George Ferguson, Signs and Symbols in Christian
Art (New York: Oxford University Press, 1954), p. 272.

16

 

 

Ibid., p. 41.

l7Réau, Incogrgphie d3 l'Art Chrétien, III: 172.

 

 

18De Gaiffier, "Récherches sur l'iconographie de
Sainte Barbe," pp. 3-9.

19Réau, Iconogrgphie g3 l'Art Chrétien, III: 172.

 

 

0Ferguson, Signs and Symbols 3Q Christian Art,
p. 273

21

 

 

Voragine, The Golden Legend, pp. 627-633.

 

22
1300.
23

Réau, Iconographie 93,1'Art Chrétien, III: 1296-

 

 

Ibid.
24Voragine, The Golden Legend, pp. 627-633.

25Satia and Robert Bernen, Myth and Religion in
European Painting 1270—1700 (New York: George Brazil-
1er, 1973), p. 53.

26William R. Valentiner, "The Madonna of the Rose
Garden, by the Master of the Lucia Legend," Bulletin gf
the Detroit Institute 9: Arts gi Egg City 9: Detroit VIII
(January, 1927), 39.

 

 

 

 

7Ferguson, Signs and Symbols in Christian Art,
p. 274.

28Voragine, The Golden Legend, p. 687.

 

 

33

29
p. 34.

30
p. 90.

Ferguson, Signs and Symbols 12 Christian Art,

 

Hall, Dictionary 9: Subjects and Symbols in_Art,

 

31Ferguson, Signs and Symbols i3 Christian Art,
pp. 48-49.

32

 

Ibid.

33Ibid., p. 36.

CHAPTER III

THE VIRGIN 92 THE ROSE GARDEN

 

 

AND THE VIRGIN AND CHILD WITH SAINTS

 

In the Musée Royaux de Beaux Arts in Brussels,
there is another painting by the Master of the St. Lucy
Legend that bears a striking resemblance to the Detroit
panel. The main difference, instantly apparent, is
that the number of saints has been increased from four
to eleven. This adds greatly to the sc0pe and com-
plexity of the representation. Since the theme of the
"Mystic Marriage" is retained and the basic composi-
tional elements are also the same, the Brussels painting
can be seen essentially as a larger (the figures being
almost life size) and more elaborate version of the
Detroit painting (Ill. 2). The Brussels painting of

The Virgin and Child With Saints is much better document-

 

ed than the Detroit painting. Records on the commis-
sion and provenance were better kept and it is hoped
that because the two works are so similar, perhaps some

helpful light can be shed on The Virgin gf_the Rose

 

 

Garden from what is known of The Virgin and Child With

 

Saints as well as furthering our understanding of the
Master of the St. Lucy Legend.

It was on the basis of the Brussels painting and

34

35

 

the painting of The Legend g£_§t;_§ugy, in the church of
St. Jacques in Bruges, that Friedlahder first recognized
the distinct style of this artist. These two works

were exhibited separately as works by anonymous masters
in a Bruges exhibition of 1902. Due to many similari—
ties between the two paintings, Friedlahder recognized
that they were both by the same artist. In 1920 he

had identified twenty works, including the Detroit
painting, as being by the same artist whom he named the
Master of the Saint Lucy Legend.1

Upon comparing the Detroit and Brussels paintings
one readily agrees with Friedlahder that they must be by
the same artist. In both paintings the Madonna and
Child are in the center with St. Catherine to the right
and St. Barbara to their left. Both have other female
saints, although there are a total of eleven rather than
four in the Brussels painting. They also both have a
rose garden and a grape arbor which separate the fore-
ground from the distant background, with each contain-
ing a medieval city. Thus the problem of creating a
"middle ground" in the spatial setting has been eliminat-
ed.

The city in the background of the Brussels paint-
ing is not Bruges, and so does not show the belfry to
aid in the dating and provenance. The Brussels paint-
ing was, however, known to have been placed on the altar

of the "Drei Sanctinnen" or three saints, in Notre-Dame

36

of Bruges in 1489. The "Drei Sanctinnen" did not refer
to a guild, but rather to a room of rhetoric which was
founded in 1474.2 Therefore, because of the 1489 date,
it is known that this work was done after the one in
Detroit and probably inspired by it. The fact that
this painting was for a church in Bruges, gives more
than the circumstantial evidence of the Bruges city-

scape and the presence of St. Ursula in The Virgin of

 

the Rose Garden to verify that the artist did work in

 

Bruges.

Certain details in the two paintings are uncanny
in their similarities, but the artist has made many
overt changes. He also made a number of subtle changes
that alter the meaning of the work. A full icono-
graphical study of the Brussels panel will not be
made at this point: rather it will only be analyzed
in a manner so to enlighten the study of the Detroit
painting and tell us more about the Master of the St.
Lucy Legend.

Mary and Christ are the central image in the
Brussels painting as they are in the Detroit painting.
Mary wears a crown and has a rich brocaded tapestry
behind her, clearly marking the Virgin and Child as the
most important figures in the work. The figures of St.
Catherine and St. Barbara are in the same positions,
kneeling in homage. Some changes have been made in their

costumes. St. Catherine still wears a crown and has an

 

37

ermine trimmed gown with a scalloped armhole and jeweled
frontispiece. The rest of her costume is quite differ-
ent, however. Her gown is red with a gold brocade de—
sign in the shape of wheels, her symbol of torture.

The effect is reminiscent of heraldic imagery. St. Bar-

bara wears essentially the same costume as in The Virgin

 

of the Rose Garden, but her gown is now purple instead

 

of green and is trimmed in ermine rather than gray
fur. This change gives more of an emphasis to her
nobility. She still wears the necklace of towers and
"b's" but also has the tower incorporated as a design on
her cape like the wheels on St. Catherine.

At first glance St. Ursula seems to be identical
in both versions. A closer examination reveals a
number of subtle changes. Both wear the rich gold and
black brocaded dress trimmed in fur, but the pattern
is slightly different. The head-dresses have also been
slightly altered and it is pulled over her ears in the
Brussels painting. Both St. Ursulas wear necklaces,
but they are not the same ones and the cushions under
their books are also different. One other curious change
is that the arrows in the Brussels painting point in
the opposite direction as the arrows in the Detroit paint-
ing.

St. Catherine, St. Barbara and St. Ursula are the
only saints that appear in both the Detroit and Brussels

paintings. St. Cecilia is not included in the Brussels

 

38

painting as she was never shown together with saints of
healing such as Appolonia and Agatha who are in The
Virgin and Child With Saints.3 St. Margaret, who is
shown to St. Barbara's left is dressed in almost the
same costume as St. Cecilia, however. Both of the saints
wear white gowns with black yokes and a similar black
head-dress although St. Margaret's is not adorned with
the carnation..

The Master of the Saint Lucy Legend has shown each
saint in the Brussels painting prominently displaying

her attributes from the Golden Legend. Clockwise to

 

Mary's left is St. Barbara as discussed above and to her
right is St. Margaret of Antioch, often shown with either
a cross or a dragon. She holds the cross over a book

and the artist has rather ingeniously placed the dragon
in the background, between her and St. George who is
slaying it. To St. Margaret's left is St. Agatha,
prominently displaying one of her breasts in tongs, show-
ing the method of her torture. The identification of

the saint next to her is uncertain: she is possibly

St. Cunera, one of the virgins who accompanied St. Ur-
sula. In front of her sits St. Agnes, whose name meant
lamb, and she was, therefore, often portryed with one.
Continuing clockwise is Mary Magdalene shown with a

jar of ointment kneeling in front of the Virgin and
Child. Mary Magdalene's feet touch St. Ursula who sits

in front of St. Apollonia, holding her teeth in tongs,

39

representing the method of her martyrdom. To St. Apol-

lonia's left is St. Lucy, with eyes on a salver, as her

name meant light, and she was often associated with eyes.

To St. Lucy's left is an unidentified saint, and in

front of her is St. Catherine of Alexandria.4
Due to the large number of saints there seems no

doubt that the Brussel's painting is a "Sacra Conversa-

zione." According to de Gaiffier, the text for the work

seems to be a vision from the Dicta Origenis. Accord-

 

ing to the vision, Mary, as Mother of God sat between
St. Catherine and St. Barbara. St. Agnes sat near
St. Barbara and other saints who had suffered martyr-
dom for Christ sat nearby.5

Due to the number of saints and their various
groupings, the composition does not center the attention
quite as much on the central image of Mary and Christ
as it did in the Detroit painting. Instead, this focus
is achieved through the tapestry. St. Catherine, Mary
Magdalene, and St. Barbara clearly form a triangle around
Mary and Christ. These are the "Drei Sanctinnen" or
three saints.6 Since it was for the altar of these three
saints that this work was commissioned, it is not un-
usual that they form the central focus and are the only
ones that interact with Mary and Christ.

The three saints and Mary clearly form one group

of four female figures. The painting is divided into

three groups of four; the central four and four on either

40

side of them. Twelve was a highly symbolic number. Jesus
chose twelve apostles and for this reason, from the time
of Augustine on, twelve was the number of the univer—
sal church. Twelve is the product of three times four,
just as there are three groups of four in this painting.
The number three connotes all spiritual things and four
represents the elements of this world and the material
things. According to Emile Male; "To multiply three by
four is in the mystic sense to infuse matter with spirit,
to proclaim the truths of the faith to the world, to
establish the universal church of which the apostles
are the symbol."7
Due to the fact that St. Cecilia was included in
the Detroit painting, rather than one of the other vir-
gin martyrs that is in the Brussels painting, further

supports the idea that she is the patron saint of who-

ever commissioned The Virgin of the Rose Garden. The

 

 

Detroit painting is also much smaller than the Brus-

sels painting, suggesting that it was a private commis-
sion. In the Detroit painting, Mary is not yet crowned
and St. Barbara and St. Catherine wear less regal cos-
tumes without the heraldic design. This simpler approach
further substantiates the idea of a private commission.

A member of the family that commissioned the Detroit
painting may have been a member of "De Drei Santinnen"
guild and might have suggested the same artist do a

larger version of the same subject for their altar.

41

Whether or not this is the case, the artist clearly
seems to have relied on his earlier Virgin of the Rose

Garden as a source for the Virgin and Child With Saints.

 

The Brussels painting has been studied in more
detail than the Detroit painting. It also was cleaned
in 1955-56 and restored in 1965. For this reason other
facts have been revealed about the painting which may

enlighten the study of The Virgin of the Rose Garden.

 

 

According to Nicole Verhaegen in her study on the
Master of the Saint Lucy Legend, she stated that after
the cleaning of the Brussel's painting in 1955-56, the
colors seemed very clear and a little acid. She felt
that they seemed nearer to the school of Ghent and that
the range was really quite different from Memling.8 Un-
less the Detroit painting was cleaned and examined
directly next to the Brussels painting, it would be im-
possible to determine whether this was the case for The

Virgin of the Rose Garden.

 

When the Brussels painting was cleaned in 1955-56,
much overpainting was removed. This revealed some in-
teresting changes in several of the head-dresses. The
fanciful head-dresses of the unknown saint behind St.
Catherine, and St. Margaret had been overpainted with
crowns and diadems. This created a more symmetrical
composition but with less diversity among the costumes.
Whether this was an improvement on the part of the artist

or simply a change in the mode of feminine coiffures can

42

only be guessed at.9

Assuming that the Brussels painting is indeed by

the same artist who painted The Virgin gf the Rose Gar-

 

 

g§n_in Detroit, there are still some stylistic differ-
ences between the two. Due to the striking similarities
one must assume that they are by the same artist, but
simply reflect natural changes of style due to the fact
that the Brussels painting was done about six years af-
ter the Detroit painting. The larger size, more ela-
borate composition and costumes have already been dis-
cussed, but the figures themselves are also different.
The eyes are more prominent and slanted in the later work
and the features as a whole are more pronounced due to
harsher light and dark contrast. The faces in the De-
troit painting seem softer and more delicate and fra-
gile. Yet in both works the faces are all so generaliz-
ed that they appear very similar.

On the whole The Virgin g: the Rose Garden in

 

 

Detroit is a more successful painting than the larger

Virgin and Child With Saints in Brussels. The smaller

 

size, greater intimacy and close knit composition
creates a charming work, whereas the larger size and
increased number of saints in the Brussels painting pro-
duces an overcrowded and almost cluttered group portrait.

A comparison between the two paintings has reveal-
ed more than simply larger size and stylistic changes.

The absense of St. Cecilia in the Brussels painting

43

supports the fact that she was the patron of the donor

of the Detroit painting. Also the fact that The Virgin

 

and Child With Saints is a large work and is known to

 

have been commissioned for Notre-Dame reveals the ar-
tists prominence at the time. Verhaegen's suggestion
that the colors are closer to those of the school of
Ghent also begins to point to where the artist may

have studied.

FOOTNOTES
CHAPTER III

1Bruges, Exposition Organisée par la ville de
Bruges au Goenige musee, Primatifs Flamande Anonymes
Maitre Aux Noms D'Emprunt des Pays-Bas Meridonaux 93
g! 23 fig Debut g3 XVI ieme Siecle, 14 juin - 21
septembre, 1969, p. 47.

21bid., p. 54.

3Reau, Iconographie d3 l'Art Chrétien, III:
278—284.

4Primatifs Flamandes Anonymes, p. 53.

5de Gaiffier, "Récherches sur l'inconographie de
Sainte Barbe," pp. 12-13.

6Primatifs Flamandes Anonymes, p. 207.

7Male, The Gothic Image, p. 11.

8Verhaegen, "Le Maitre de la Legende de Sainte
Lucie, Precisions sur son oevre," p. 75.

91bid., p. 76.

44

CHAPTER IV

THE BRUGES CITY-SCAPE

The detailed and exact depiction of many of the
buildings of Bruges is one of the unique and most fas-
cinating characteristics of the Master of the St. Lucy
Legend and has helped to distinguish him from other
anonymous masters at the end of the fifteenth century.
The representation of specific cities or buildings as a
background was not without precedent, however, and
perhaps stemmed from the manuscript tradition. The

Limbourg Brothers in the Trés Riches Heures depicted

 

many of the Due de Berry's properties in the background
of the miniatures. Twice they depicted Paris, both
times from the Duc's Paris residence of the Hotel de
Nesle. In the month of June they portrayed the Tour
l'Horloge, the double nave of the Grand Salle, the Tour
Montgomery, and Ste. Chapelle. In December Paris is
meant to be the heavenly Jerusalem as a background to the
meeting of the Magi. These miniatures predate the
Master's use of this idea by about sixty-five years.1
Flemish cities were frequently used as the setting
for religious subjects, often to represent Bethlehem or
Jerusalem. Sometimes it was a real city such as Bruges

in the Master of the St. Lucy Legend's paintings and

45

46

other times as in Gerard David's Nativity (Cleveland) it
was not a specific Flemish town. As observed in one
study: "The city rising in the background is intended
to represent Bethlehem. However, it does not corre—
spond to any particular city, although the presence of
the round building relates it to representations of
Jerusalem."2

Most often the city in the background of Flemish
paintings, while identifiable as late Gothic, was not
any particular place. The two Flemish cities that seem
to be portrayed most often when a certain city was
used as a background were Bruges and Brussels. An
anonymous master at the end of the fifteenth century
(c. 1470-1490) known as the Master of the View of Sainte-
Gudule was given that name because views of Brussels
with the church of Sainte-Gudule and sometimes Notre-
Dame du Sablon were included in his paintings.3 Dirk
Bouts also used Brussels as the background for his

Crucifixion, 1464-67.4

 

An unknown Bruges artist in a Crucifixion, c. 1480

 

(John G. Johnson Collection) used Bruges as a setting.
Whether this artist or painting had an influence on the
Master of the Saint Lucy Legend is unknown, but it
seems likely that the Master of the Saint Lucy Legend's
views of Bruges may have been the source for the Master

of the St. Ursula Legend. Both the Nativity Triptych

 

(Ill. 3), c. 1495-1500 (Detroit), and a Portrait g£_a

47

Donor, c. 1490 (John G. Johnson Collection), by the Mas-
ter of the St. Ursula Legend use Bruges as a setting.
Oddly enough both the unknown artist and the Master of
the St. Ursula Legend depict Bruges from the Opposite
side of the city from that used by the Master of the St.
Lucy Legend. The anonymous master and the St. Ursula
Master confront the city from the west side just north
of the Porte Maréchale. The belfry is to be left of
the spire of Notre-Dame. The Master of the St. Lucy
Legend views the city near the Port de Gand thus making
the belfry to the right of the church. (see map Ill. 4).

While the Flemish often used specific cities or
buildings as a setting Durer is usually the one given
credit for using this device. Kenneth Clark calls
Durer's watercolor of Innsbruck, "the first portrait
of a town ..." as it is a sketch of the city by itself,
not as a background. Also in reference to Durer's use
of specific cities as a setting Molly Smith states:

It has been suggested that the setting for

the saint [Anthony] represents the city of

Nuremberg, Durer's home, with some altera-

tions. The portrayal of particular cities

became popular in geographical treatises

published at the end of the fifteenth and

beginning of the sixteenth century. Durer's

own uncle published the famous Nuremberg

Chronicle in the early 1490's with wood-

cuts of many cities. Durer himself about

1498, drew a city similar to the one in the

St. Anthony print as a background for mytho-

logical figures. Again and again throughout

his career he used the motif of a city on a

hilltOp as a background element. Sometimes

it portrays the city of Jerusalem as the
setting of Christ's life or passion or as

 

 

48

the heavenly Jerusalem, as in the Madonna
gf the Rose Garden.

 

In the Master of the Saint Lucy Legend's The YEEf
gin_gf the Rose Garden, as in Durer's Madonna gf the
Rose Garden the city-scape is symbolic of the heavenly
Jerusalem, the city of God on Mount Zion, to which
every Christian comes (see Psalms 48 and 87) as they
came to the Virgin and Christ. Of course, it is also
a symbol of the perfection of life to come (Revelation:
24).

The Master of the St. Lucy Legend's depictions of
Bruges as the heavenly city of God could certainly be

considered as a "portrait of a town." The Virgin of

 

the Rose Garden has been cited as having one of the

 

most accurate depictions of Bruges at the end of the
fifteenth century. A dozen monuments from Bruges are
identifiable in various paintings by the Master.7 At
least four known buildings in addition to the city gates

and walls, are depicted in The Virgin g: the Rose Garden.8

 

 

The belfry is the key monument in the Bruges city-
scapes by the Master of the St. Lucy Legend. A careful
study of the belfry in the works of the Master has been
made by Nicole Verhaegen for the dating of the artist's
works. The belfry underwent a number of changes over a
twenty-year period, and the artist carefully recorded
9

these changes in his paintings.

The belfry, which is part of the Halles (the market)

49

in the Grand Place was originally built of wood and was
burned down in 1280. It was rebuilt at the end of the
thirteenth century. From that time on the belfry under-
went numerous changes.10 Before 1483 the belfry had a
square tower with a small roof. This is the way it is

depicted in The Virgin g; the Rose Garden as well as in

 

 

the St. Catherine in Philadelphia, and the Legend 9:

 

gt. Lucy in the church of St. Jacques in Bruges, and his

Virgin Enthroned in a private collection in Paris. The

 

Legend 9: SE. ngy also has the date 1480 on it. There-

fore, these works are dated between 1480 and 1483.11
The construction of the octagon and crown of the

tower dates from 1483-1487. Although the belfry is not

depicted in the Virgin and Child With Saints, in Brussels,

 

this painting has been dated before 1489 due to docu-
ments in the city archives.12 Between 1487 and 1493
the belfry had the octagon and crown without the balus-
trade. This is the way it is depicted in the Master's

painting of St. Catherine in Pisa.13

 

In 1493 the crown of the belfry balustrade burned
and it remained without a crown until 1499. This is the

way the belfry is shown in the Deposition from Minnea-

 

polis (Ill. 5) and in the Virgin and Child with Two

 

Angels in the Sachs Collection in New York, two of the
later paintings of the Master. From 1499 to 1501 the
crown was constructed.

The fourth stage in the belfry was from 1501, until

50

it burned in 1741. During this period it had the octa-
gon, crown and balustrade. This is the way it was de-
picted in the Masters Retable 9f SE. Nicholas in Bruges,
the Virgin and Child in Munich, and the SE. Jerome in

Banbury.15

 

The belfry is, of course, not the only prominent
building in the Bruges city—scape. Notre-Dame is also
present in the Master's views of the city. Notre-Dame
is a collegiate church, built in 1101 and burned in 1116,
then reconstructed and completed in 1225 with additions
being done in 1344-60 and 1450-74. The tower fell
in 1163 and was reconstructed in 1297. The spire, which
dates from 1360, was struck by lightening in 1519,

16 The church

rebuilt in 1534 and repaired in 1654.
today looks much as it did at the end of the fifteenth
century when the Master of the St. Lucy Legend painted
it.

Several other buildings are also identifiable in

The Virgin g: the Rose Garden. Behind the choir of

 

 

Notre-Dame, drawn out of proportion to the neighboring
buildings, is the turret of the Gruuthuse.17 The smal-
ler tower to the left of Notre-Dame appears to be the

18

tower of the Tonlieu. The Tonlieu, which today

houses the municipal library, was the customs house,
having been built in 1477 and restored in 1877-88.19
The identifiable buildings are all very realisti-

cally depicted, but they are not correctly proportioned

51

or placed within the city. Notre-Dame and the belfry
are much too large in proportion to the rest of the
buildings and the turret of the Gruuthuse is also dis-
proportionate. The artist has painted Notre-Dame to

the left and the belfry to the right with the turret

of the Gruuthuse accurately placed near the choir of
Notre-Dame. Therefore, the point of view, as previous-
ly mentioned, seems to be near the Porte de Gande
looking north-west (see map, Ill. 4). The artist

has also accurately depicted the town gates and walls.20
The main discrepency seems to be the placement of the
Tonlieu. The Tonlieu is about four-hundred meters
straight north of the belfry, but the artist has placed
it south of Notre-Dame.

It is instructive to compare the depiction of

Bruges in The Virgin gf the Rose Garden (Ill. 6) in

 

 

Detroit to the Master's St. Catherine in Philadelphia

 

(Ill. 7). Both works are dated between 1480 and 1483
and show the tower at the same stage. In the Phila-
delphia panel Notre-Dame is again to the left and the
belfry to the right. St. Catherine's head and crown
come directly between Notre-Dame and the belfry, ob-
structing many of the other buildings. Rising directly
above her crown is a turret which once again appears to
be that of the Tonlieu, still incorrectly placed in re-
lation to the other buildings.

The depiction of Notre-Dame and the belfry are

52

almost identical in St. Catherine and The Virgin gf the

 

 

Rose Garden. Aside from that they could be two entire—

 

ly different cities. The city walls in the St. Cathe-

rine are not those of Bruges, as they are in The Virgin

 

g: the Rose Garden. In St. Catherine the city-scape

 

 

is filled with many spiky and onion domed towers that
are lacking in Bruges, and the depiction of it in The

Virgin g: the Rose Garden. They give almost an orient-

 

al or eastern feeling to the city in St. Catherine.

 

This raises a rather curious point -- why would the
artist depict Notre-Dame and the belfry with such in—
credible accuracy in both paintings, but change every—
thing else? There is, of course, no definite answer to
this question, but there are several possibilities. One
possibility is that except for the iconographically
important buildings of Notre-Dame and the belfry, the
artist felt no need to paint an accurate depiction of

Bruges in St. Catherine. If he could paint a background

 

of fantastic bluish mountains, why couldn't he paint
imaginary buildings? Another possibility is that except

for Notre-Dame and the belfry, the city in §E° Catherine

 

is not Bruges, perhaps not having been commissioned by
a Bruges patron. It could be a composite view of ar-
chitecture from other cities the artist had been to.
The Master has been speculated as to having visited

21

Spain, and known to have had works commissioned in

Estonia.22 Perhaps he was depicting minarets he had

53

seen in Spain and the onion domed churches of Russia,
thus creating a more eastern appearing city to suggest
Alexandria as the setting for St. Catherine or the
heavenly Jerusalem again.

A thorough examination of all the depictions of
Bruges in the works of the Master would be needed to
determine which of his views were most accurate and
where other buildings might be from. While all of the
Master's city-scapes cannot be scrutinized here, it is
beneficial to examine at least one more. The View of

Bruges in the Deposition in Minneapolis (Ill. 5) is

 

quite large and even extends slightly from the center
panel into the left panel. Once again, as in all the
depictions by the Master, Notre-Dame is to the left and
the belfry is to the right. As previously mentioned,
the belfry is depicted as it was between 1493 and 1499-
1501 after the octagonal stage was burned and before it
was rebuilt. A great many more buildings are shown in

the Deposition than in The Virgin gf the Rose Garden.

 

 

 

The two paintings show the same type of city wall with
rounded towers. However, the placement of the Tonlieu

is the way it was in St. Catherine emerging between

 

Notre-Dame and the belfry.

Due to the consistent prominence of Notre-Dame
and the belfry it can be assumed that this is to em-
phasize them. The belfry was a very important building:

The beautiful and historic belfry which

54

overshadows the Grand' Place was, in a sense,

the sign manual of Bruges' freedom. Permis-

sion to erect such a belfry, which was regard-

ed as evidence of independence, was one of the

first privileges which the German trading towns

always sought from their feudal lords in the

Middle Ages.23

The church of Notre-Dame was the largest church
in Bruges and a center of religious life. The dedica-
tion to Mary is significant considering the high esteem
in which Mary was held in the medieval period. These
towers would have been visible from a great distance
and would have dominated the city-scape like welcoming
beacons, a sight always appreciated in a port town.

We see in the painting a manifestation of civic
pride. Bruges with its wealth, beauty and religious
life was thought by the town burghers, an appropriate
representation of the new Jerusalem. The two towers
were symbols of this material and moral wealth and,

therefore, are so prominent in paintings by Bruges

masters. In the case of The Virgin gf the Rose Garden

 

 

the towers acquire added resonence as they echo St.
Catherine and St. Barbara as symbols of the religious
and secular life. The interplay of symbols between the
saints and their setting give ample justification for

an accurate representation of the city of Bruges.

FOOTNOTES

CHAPTER IV

’ 1The Tres Riches Heures of Jean, Duke of Berry:
Musee Conde, Chantilly, Introduction and Legends by Jean
Longon and Raymond Cazelles. Preface by Millard Meiss,
trans. Victoria Benedict (New York: George Braziller,
1969). pp. 7 and 48.

2Detroit Institute of Arts (and the City of Bruges),
Flanders $3 the Fifteenth Century: Art and Civilization
(October - December 1960), p. 186.

 

 

 

3Ibid., pp. 132-135.

4William Gaunt, Flemish Cities Their History and
Art (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1969), p. 42.

5Kenneth Clark, Landscape Into Art (London: John
Murray, 1952), p. 19.

6Molly Smith, "On the Significance of Albrecht
Dfirer's St. Anthony Before a City," Kresge Art Center
Bulletin XVI (December 1975), 5.

 

 

 

7Verhaegen, "Le Maitre de la Legende de Sainte
Lucie, Precisions sur son oevre," p. 79.

81bid.

9Verhaegen, "Le Maitre de la Legende de Sainte
Lucie, ...," p. 80.

10Malcolm Letts, Bruges and It's Past (Bruges:
Charles Beyaert, 1924), p. 148.

llVerhaegen, "Le Maitre de la Legende de Sainte
Lucie, ...," p. 80.

12

 

Ibid.

13Ibid.

14Ibid.

lsIbid.

55

56

16Letts, Bruges and It's Past, p. 145.

 

l7§l§g§g£§ lg the Fifteenth Century: Art and Civi—
lization, p. 168.

18A modern photograph of the Tonlieu is almost
identical to the tower which is to the left of Notre-
Dame in The Virgin g: the Rose Garden from Francois
Cali, Bruges, The Cradle 9: Flemish Painting (London:
George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1963), p. 93 and p. 63.

19

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ibid.

20Valentiner, "The Madonna in the Rose Garden, By
the Master of the Lucia Legend," p. 39.

21Verhaegen, "Le Maitre de la Legende de Sainte
Lucie, ...," p. 80.

22Nicole Verhaegen, "Un important’retable du Maitre
de la Legende de Sainte Lucie Conserve a Tallinn,"
Bulletin de l'Institut Royal gg Patrimoine Artistique

IV (1961)T—l42-151.

23Clive Holland, Things Seen i3 Bel ium (New York:
E.P. Button and Co., Publishers, 1930), pp. 72-73.

 

 

CHAPTER V

THE IDENTITY OF THE MASTER
OF THE SAINT LUCY LEGEND

Who was the artist we call the Master of the St.
Lucy Legend? His name is unknown but due to the unique
characteristics of his works and by process of elimina-
tion concerning places and dates, much can be determined
about him. First of all, as with many other anonymous
artists, stylistic characteristics are established,
and works are attributed to that artist. From that
point artists are delimited due to the locality of those
works, what artist the composition and forms are derived
from, what saints are represented and what cities they
are attached to. On the basis of this, the city in
which the artist worked and the half century in which he
worked can usually be determined.1 In the case of the
Master of the Saint Lucy Legend, the depictions of Bruges
and especially the careful depictions of the belfry
place the artist in Bruges, working from 1480-1505.2

The Master of the St. Lucy Legend and another anon-
ymous artist, the Master of the St. Ursula Legend, worked
alongside Hans Memling without being imitators. Both
artists did a number of large paintings for churches in

Bruges and portrayed the city in the background,

57

58

indicating that they did work in the city and were im-
portant artists of the time. Unfortunately, because
scholars do not know the names of these artists, one
tends to forget that these artists were indeed indivi-
duals. The Master of the St. Lucy Legend, in fact,
seems to have been one of the most important artists
working in Bruges at the end of the fifteenth century.
The number of large commissions, his influence on other
artists, and the fact that paintings attributed to him
were commissioned from as far away as Spain and Estonia
suggests that this was true.

Several characteristics of the Master of the St.
Lucy Legend have been mentioned previously; the depic-
tion of Bruges in the background, the rose garden and
grape arbor in the settings, the carefully painted flora,
and a predilection for depicting female saints dressed
exquisitely in the fashion of the time. There are a
number of other characteristics of the artist, most of
them suggested in Friedlahder's study. Friedlahder felt
that the artist had an ideal of womanhood which varied;
sometimes it closely resembled Memling, while occasion-
ally it turned to Jan Van Eyck. Of course, all of these
artists, The Master of the St. Lucy Legend included,
could simply have been observing the ideals and styles
of their own time. The women in the Master's paintings
usually have sparse hair, waved in individual light

lines and falling in strands to their shoulders. Their

59

arms are thin and often bent at right angles with the
fingers almost invariably bent slightly toward the tips.
FriedIEhder has also referred to the figures in The
Master of the St. Lucy Legend's works as being like
marionettes.3

While mentioning their sparse hair and the thin
arms of the female saints Friedlander has neglected
the most unique aspect of the Master of the St. Lucy
Legend's women -- their elegance and delicacy. This
is largely due to the very careful depiction of the
female saints' exquisite costumes and head-pieces.
The fondness for painting female saints in beautiful
costumes almost causes one to feel that the Master of
the St. Lucy Legend could have been a woman as there
were women artists and illuminators in the guilds of
Bruges at that time: "The faculty of effortlessly
assimilating the fashions of the day is, as experience
tells us, a typically feminine trait and the part played
in several ateliers by the wives and daughters has been

4 While it is doubtful that in fifteenth

remarked on."
century Bruges a woman artist would have had such im-
portant commissions, this possibility should not be
entirely dismissed.

There are a number of more subtle characteristics
of the Master that Dirk de Vos has pointed out. He

has noted that the artist often used a uniform band of

blue to separate the landscape from the sky. The actual

60

horizon was sometimes indicated by a line incised in
the ground, often passing through rocks or buildings
placed in front of it. Another characteristic that De
Vos points out is that the landscape goes back into

the distance by means of wooded strips which overlap
each other emerging from balloon like hills and running
out into spits of land on flat ground. De Vos has
observed also that in painting plants, groups of
flowers are arranged by means of dots in a curve on
grassy hillocks in the middle distance. The Master of
the St. Lucy Legend also frequently included the dande-
lion with one in flower and the other one going to
seed.5

Most of the characteristics listed by Frielender

and De Vos are applicable to The Virgin g: the Rose

 

 

Garden in Detroit. These qualities are unique to the
artist; but how much are composition, coloring and
additional elements of the painting in debt to other
artists -- and more importantly, which artists? Var-
ious scholars in dealing with specific works by the
Master have mentioned: Memling, Bouts, Van der Weyden,
Van Eyck, van der Goes and Spanish sources.

Due to the fact that the artist worked in Bruges
contemporary with Memling, the possible influences of
Memling is not ignored. Early scholars, mainly Fried-
thder, emphasized the influence of the style of Mem-

ling, and the compositions often derived from Van der

61

Weyden, when dealing with the Master of the St. Lucy
Legend. The first painting of Memling's to come to mind

in relation to The Virgin gf the Rose Garden is the

 

 

previously mentioned Mystic Marriagggf St. Catherine.

 

 

There are similarities in the facial types of the two
Madonnas, but Memling's Mary, St. Catherine and St.
Barbara are plainer in type than the Master of the St.
Lucy Legends. In general, Memling's features are less
prominent; the eyes are smaller, the eyebrows less
accentuated and the forehead not the fashionable round
"egg" of the Master of the St. Lucy Legend. The only
real similarities between Memling's painting and that
of the Master of the St. Lucy Legend seem to be based
on tradition; the placement of St. Catherine and St.
Barbara and the two angels hovering above Mary and
Christ holding a crown. This is more like Van der Wey-
den's Miraflorer Altarpiece.

More recent scholarship has pointed out the rela-
tion between the Master of the St. Lucy Legend and both
Dirk Bouts and Hugo van der Goes. There is also the
theory that he was a Spanish artist working in Bruges or
made a trip to Spain later in his career as there are
some Spanish influences in some of his later paintings.

Of these various influences the one that pertains

most directly to The Virgin g£_the Rose Garden is that

 

 

of Hugo van der Goes. In his work on van der goes, Wink-

ler has pointed out the similarities between van der Goes

 

62

Mystic Marriage gf SE. Catherine, c. 1477 (Ill. 8), and

 

 

The Virgin gf the Rose Garden and the Virgin and Child

 

 

with Saints by the Master of the St. Lucy Legend.6 The

 

setting is outdoors in all three works, although it is
a meadow rather than a rose garden in the van der Goes
painting. The composition and costumes are also very
much alike.

In van der Goes' work, Mary and Christ sit in the
center with angels above, holding a tapestry. St.
Catherine is to Christ's right receiving the ring and
St. Barbara is to his left. St. Ursula sits in the
foreground as she does in both paintings by the Master
of the St. Lucy Legend. Across from her sits another
female saint and between that saint and St. Barbara is
St. Margaret.

The real similarity is in the composition of the
figures and their costumes rather than in the background.
St. Catherine wears a scalloped bodice in van der Goes'
painting as she does in both works by the Master of the
St. Lucy Legend. Her hair is long and flowing under-
neath her crown in all three paintings. St. Barbara's
head-dress is identical in all three paintings and she
also wears the necklace of towers in van der Goes' paint-
ing. St. Margaret, in van der Goes' painting, wears the

same type of dress that she does in the Virgin and Child

 

with Saints. St. Ursula's costume in van der Goes painting

 

is almost like that of St. Cunera in the Brussels

63

painting, and she holds a book on her lap with the
arrow tucked under her skirt in all three paintings.
Across from her sits a female saint seated in the same
position as St. Cecilia in the Detroit painting and
dressed almost like St. Agnes in the Brussels painting.7
The comparison between The Master of the Saint Lucy

Legend's The Virgin g: the Rose Garden and van der Goes'

 

 

Mystic Marriage gf St. Catherine has aided in the know-

 

 

ledge of the Master as it reveals a clear connection
between the two artists.

As Winkler's study deals with van der Goes rather
than the Master of the St. Lucy Legend, he does not
go into other similarities between the two artists. To
look at a more well known van der Goes painting, the

Portinari Altarpiece, c. 1474-76, one can see a close

 

resemblance to the female faces of van der Goes and the
Master of the St. Lucy Legend. Both show a more ele-
gant and refined female type with no trace of earthi-
ness, particularly in their portrayals of the saints.
van der Goes' Mary Magdalene, shown in three quarter
view like the Master of the St. Lucy Legend's female
saints, has the rounded egg forehead, predominant eye-
brows, bulging chin and fashionable clothing and coif-
fure. When comparing these two paintings the Master of
the St. Lucy Legend's saints seem much closer to van
der Goes' than to Memlings.

On the basis of this and the comment of Verhaegen's

64

that the colors of the Brussels painting are close to
those of the school of Ghent, one is tempted to surmise
that the Master of the St. Lucy Legend studied with van
der Goes in Ghent before going to Bruges. This is
possible, but De Vos has pointed out similarities be-
tween the paintings of the Master of the St. Lucy Le-
gend and Dirk Bouts. On the basis of this, De Vos has
suggested that the Master studied with Bouts or someone
in his manner in Louvain before coming to Bruges. Cer—
tain works attributed to the Master of the St. Lucy
Legend are copies of Bouts' works (see Appendix). Char-

acteristics from Bouts that are present in The Virgin

 

g: the Rose Garden are the imaginative and colorful

 

costumes both artists use, the carefully observed plants
in the foreground, and the use of city-scapes in the

background.8 But on the basis of a study of The Virgin

 

g: the Rose Garden, the Master of the St. Lucy Legend

 

seems closer to van der Goes.

What about the Spanish connection? It is so fre-
quently cited that it cannot be ignored. The paintings
that seem to have a Spanish influence are later than the

Detroit painting. Verhaegen has noted that St. Catherine,

 

now in Pisa, fits into a Spanish style of retable. The
small predella scenes underneath imitate the style of
the Master, but seem to be of a Spanish hand, perhaps
being by a Spaniard in the Master's workshop. Several

other paintings by the Master of the St. Lucy Legend

65

were found in Spain, among them the Minneapolis Deposi-

tion and the Virgin and Infant now in Munich. This is

 

not unusual, however, because of the close ties be-
tween Spain and Flanders. Verhaegen also cites icono-
graphy of the Retable 9: St. Nicholas in Bruges and the
Assumption 9: the Virgin in Washington as being Spanish.
She feels that because of the frequent portrayals of the
Bruges belfry in its various stages the artist could not
have been absent from Bruges long.9 Another possibility
is suggested by Lassaigne: that the Master may have
never been to Spain, but instead worked with young ar-
tists who had been to Spain.10

A possible connection that could bring all these
influences together seems to be the artist Michael
Sittow. Sittow was born of Flemish parents in Reval
(now Tallinn) Estonia. Sittow studied in Bruges, then
went to Spain where he worked successfully, then return-
ed to Bruges and finally back to Tallinn. It has been
suggested that Sittow may have studied with the Master
of the St. Lucy Legend rather than with Memling:

This artist's [the Master of the St. Lucy

Legend] works were well known to the young

Sittow since two of his largest paintings

were ordered for a Dominican church of Reval,

possibly sent for by Sittow's uncle, a promi-

nent priest of that order. It may have been

the St. Lucy Master who was Sittow's teacher in

Bruges rather than Memling himself. His works

were very popular in Spain -- the Virgin i3

Glor coming from a convent near Burgos, the

capital of old Castille, where Sittow was also
active.

 

 

66

The Master of the St. Lucy Legend could have accompanied
Sittow to Spain, or, as Lassaigne has suggested, the
Master could have been influenced by an artist who had
been to Spain, quite possibly Sittow. Another likeli-
hood is that Sittow could have brought the Master of the
St. Lucy Legend's paintings to Spain, or they could have
gone there in the sixteenth century.

One last influence on the Master of the St. Lucy

Legend's The Virgin gf the Rose Garden seems to be manu-

 

 

script illuminations. It has been previously mentioned
that St. Ursula's costume is almost identical to the

queen in the Romance gf Renaud fig Montauban by Loyset

 

Lyédet. Lyédet was a miniaturist and illuminator who
was active in Bruges from 1445 to 1475. His works show
the influence of Simon Marmion to whom he was appren-

ticed.12

The almost courtly quality of the saints in

the Master of the St. Lucy Legend's paintings and the

use of the walled city in the background are common char-
acteristics of manuscript illumination. The hills in

the distance are very much like those of Marmion in the

Crucifixion in the Johnson Collection, Philadelphia.13

 

Marmion also painted the city in the background in gray-
ish tones with blue roofs like those of the Master of
the St. Lucy Legend.

Another element in The Virgin g: the Rose Garden

 

 

which could have arrived via manuscript illumination is

the use of the rose garden and grape arbor as a setting.

 

67

Rose gardens or bowers are more common in German paint-

ing: The Madonna 9f the Rose Bower by Martin Schongaur

 

 

and another by Stephan Lochner to name two of the most
notable examples.l4 While the use of a rose garden
may be a more German characteristic it is also used in

Jan Van Eyck's, The Virgin 33 the Fountain,15 and in

 

 

Italian miniatures. One Italian example from an early

fifteenth century manuscript is The Madonna and Child

ig the Rose Garden by Stefano da Zervio.l6 Therefore,

 

 

it is possible that the Master of the St. Lucy Legend may
not have been familiar with Lochner's or Schongauer's
paintings, as they are not similar in other ways, but
rather that he may have become familiar with the use of

a rose garden through manuscript illumination.l7 Manu-
scripts may also be his source for the grape arbor in

such works as The Virgin and Child £3 E Grape Arbor,
18

 

 

from The Hours 9: Catherine E: Cleves.

 

 

Perhaps the Master of the St. Lucy Legend was
trained as an illuminator with either Lyédet or Marmion
and was in the illuminators rather than the painter's
guild. There is also the possibility that due to his
obvious knowledge and interest in architecture he could
have been trained as an architect. If he were in
another guild, this could explain why no name that seems
likely to be his has been found in the lists of artists
active in Bruges at the end of the fifteenth century.

Despite the fact that there is no way of knowing

68

where or with whom he studied, certain facts can be
ascertained about the artist. He was active in Bruges
from 1480—1505, competing with the Master of the St.
Ursula Legend and Hans Memling. Even though the ar—
tist's name is not known, he should not be dismissed as
a minor master. He was clearly one of the most popular
Flemish artists at the end of the fifteenth century --
in Bruges and throughout Europe. In addition to
possibly having taught Sittow, he seems to have exerted
an influence on the Master of the St. Ursula Legend in
his use of Bruges as a background and Gerard David in
his detailed depictions of plants. David was, in fact,
a member of the guild of "De Drei Sanctinnen"19 therefore,
as with Sittow, we know that he was familiar with the
paintings of the Master of the St. Lucy Legend as well
as probably knowing him.

There is still the possibility that the artist's
identity could be made known. Documents, as yet undis-
covered could turn up in the Bruges archives. The most
helpful possibility at this point is that there may be
some documents pertaining to the painting done for the
corporation of the "Tetes-Noires" in Tallinn, as it was
only in 1961 that Verhaegen attributed this painting to
the Master of the St. Lucy Legend. If there are documents
remaining in the city archives they may provide the
missing link as to who the Master of the St. Lucy Legend

was. 20

FOOTNOTES

CHAPTER V

lPrimatifs Flamandes Anonymes, p. 17.

 

2Verhaegen, "Le Maitre de la Legende de Sainte
Lucie, Precisions sur son oevre," pp. 79-81.

3Primatifs Flamandes Anonymes, p. 47.

 

4Jacques Dupont and Cesare Gnudi, The Great Cen-

 

 

turies 9: Painting: Gothic Painting, trans. Stuart
Gilbert (Switzerland: Skira, n.d.): p. 157.
5

Dirk De Vos, "New Attributions to the Master of
the Legend of St. Lucy, Alias the Master of the Rotter-
dam, St. John on Patmos," Oud Holland 90 (1976), 159.

6Friedrich Winkler, Das Werk Des Hugo Van Der Goes
(Berlin: Walter De Gruyter and Co., 1964), pp. 155-159.

7

 

 

Ibid.

8De Vos, "New Attributions to the Master of the
Legend of Saint Lucy...," p. 160.

9Verhaegen, "Le Maitre de la Legende de Sainte
Lucie, Precisions sur son oevre...," p. 82.

10Jacques Lassaigne, "Les Primatifs Flamand a Bruges,"
l'Oeil, 69 (September 1960): 71-72.

11Colin T. Eisler, "The Sittow Assumption," Art
News 64 (September 1965), 37 and 52.

12E. Bénézit, Dictionnaire Critique gt Documentaire
des Peintres, Sculpteurs, Dessinateurs gt Gravures,
Nouvelle Edition (Paris: Grund, 1976), 6:657-658.

13John G. Johnson Collection, Catalogue gnglemish
and Dutch Paintings (Philadelphia: George H. Buchanan
Co., 1972), p. 52.

14

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Cuttler, Northern Painting, p. 264 and 281.

 

69

70

15Leo Van Puyvelde, Les Primatifs Flamandes
(Bruxelles: Meddens, 1973), p. 49.

16Dupont and Gnudi, The Great Centuries gf Painting:
Gothic Painting, p. 187.

17Dr. Molly Teasdale Smith has suggested the possi—
bility that manuscript illuminations might be an indi-
rect source for the Master of the St. Lucy Legend's
use of the rose garden and grape arbor.

18The Hours g: Catherine g: Cleves, reproduced from
the illuminated manuscript belonging to the Guenrol
Collection and the Pierpont Morgon Library, Introduction
and Commentaries by John Plummer (New York: George
Braziller, n.d.), p. 97.

19Valentenir, "The Madonna of the Rose Garden,
By the Master of the Lucia Legend," pp. 38-39.

20

 

 

 

Primatifs Flamandes Anonymes, p. 20.

 

CONCLUSION
This study of the Master of the St. Lucy Legend's,

The Virgin g: the Rose Garden enlightens our view of

 

 

late fifteenth century Bruges and the Master himself.

We cannot put a name to this artist but can perhaps ima-
gine something of his thought and life as it is reflect-
ed in this painting.

The love and care with which he depicted many
monuments of Bruges, rather than only Notre-Dame and the
belfry as other artists have done, shows not only a
clear knowledge of architecture, but also the deep
pride that the citizens of Bruges felt for their city.
The use of the city as a setting for that most holy of
subjects, the Madonna and Child, further emphasizes this
feeling. Therefore, a factual and historic document is
given of the city's monuments as well as an insight into
the thoughts of the artist as a reflection of his time.

The beautiful depiction of the female saints also
reveals several different levels of knowledge. Once
again, as in the city-scape, there is the factual por-
trayal, in this case of the female fashion of the late
fifteenth century nobility. The fact that the saints
are dressed in contemporary fashion reflects how close

and important they were to the peOple of the time. On

71

72

a more personal level it shows the artist's own inter-
est in clothing styles.
The Master of the St. Lucy Legend has created a

unified work in The Virgin gf the Rose Garden. The

 

 

harmonious composition and symbolic integration pro-
ject the feeling of compactness and completeness.

These blessed saints exist in an ideal and perfect
reality. Their elegant robes touch holy ground in a
divine sanctuary and the spectator is privileged to
view their sacred conversation. Thus, after all is
said and done, we can best see this work as a breath of
fresh air. It is a window of clarity overlooking a

pristine and moral land.

APPENDIX

139.

140.

141.

142.

143.

146.

147.

144.

150.

149.

148.

151.

152.

152A.

APPENDIX

PAINTINGS ATTRIBUTED TO

THE MASTER OF THE SAINT LUCY LEGENDl

The Legend of St. Lucy, Bruges, Church of St.
Jacques.

 

Altarpiece of the Virgin with Two Angels, St.
Peter Martyr and St. Jerome, Los Angeles, County
Museum of Art.

 

 

Altarpiece of the Lamentation, Minneapolis, In-
stitute of Arts.

 

Two Shutters: St. John the Baptist and St. Cathe-
rine, Banbury, Upton House, Bearsted Collection
(National Trust).

 

 

 

Two Shutters: St. Adrian and St. James and St.
Donatrix, present location unknown.

 

 

Virgin and Child, Baltimore, Museum of Art.

 

Virgin and Child, Brussels, J. Van der Veken
Collection.

 

Adoration of the Magi, San Diego, California,
Tinken Art Gallery, Putnam Foundation.

 

Virgin and Child, present location unknown.

 

Virgin and Child, Williamston, MaSS, Sterling and
Francine Clark Institute.

 

Virgin and Child, Amsterdam, Private Collection.

 

Virgin and Child, Genova, Marina di Stefano
Collection.

 

Virgin and Child with Two Angels, Geneva, Private
Collection.

 

Virgin and Child with Two Angels, San Francisco,
Palace of the Legion of Honor.

 

73

1528.

155.

153.

154.

157.

158.

Supp.
239

Supp.
240

Supp.
241

Supp.
242

Supp.
243

Add.
277

Add.
278

Add.
279

Add.
286

74

Virgin and Child with Two Angels, Pittsburgh,
Museum of Art, Carnegie Institute.

 

Virgin and Child with Saints, Brussels, Musées
Royaux des Beaux Arts.

 

Virgin and Child with Angels, Zurich, Von Schult-
hess Bodmer Collection.

 

Virgin and Child with Saints (Virgin of the Rose
Garden) Detroit, The Institute of Arts.

 

St. Catherine, Philadelphia, John G. Johnson
Collectibn.

 

St. Catherine, Pisa, Museo Nazionale di San
Matteo.

 

Altarpiece of the Lamentation, (after Dirk Bouts)
Castagnola, Thyssen Bornmisza Collection, Schloss
Rohoncy Foundation.

 

The Magdalene, London, Sold at Sotheby's in 1957.

 

St. Jerome, Banbury, Bearsted Collection, (Nation-
al Trust).

 

St. Jerome, Oslo, H. Lund Collection.

 

St. Jerome, The Hague, Cramer Gallery.

 

Mary Queen of Heaven, Washington, National Gallery
of Art, Samuel H. Kress Foundation.

 

Polyptych of the Virgin Enthroned, Tallinn, Es-
tonia, Museum of Fine Arts (Kadrwig).

Virgin Enthroned with Two Angels, Modena, Galleria
Estense.

Virgin Enthroned with Two Angels, Amsterdam, P. de
Boer Gallery.

75

Add.
287 Virgin Enthroned with Two Angels, Rome, Pietro
Monastro Collection.

Add.
285 Virgin Enthroned with Two Angels, Florence, Dr.
Paoletti Collection.

Add.
282 Virgin and Child, Lenigrad, The Hermitage.

 

Add.
281 St. Anthony of Padua, Amsterdam, Dr. and Mrs. H.
Wetzler Collection.

Add.
288 Nativity (workshOp?) present location unknown.

Add.
288 Lamentation, Amsterdam, Private Collection.

 

Add.
283 Lamentation, Messina, Museo Nazionale.

 

St. John on Patmos, Rotterdam, Museum Boyman-van-
Beunigan, (painting formerly attributed to the
Master of the Rotterdam St. John on Patmos).

 

Adoration of the King, Cincinnati, Museum of Art,
(formerly attributed to Dirk Bouts).

 

 

lPaintings 139 through Add. 283 are numbered
according to Friedlfihder's attributions and the last
two are new attributions by Dirk De Vos.: Max J.
Friedlfihder, Hans Memling and Gerard David, Vol. VI.
parts I and II, Comments and notes by Nicole Veronee-
Verhaegen (Leyden: A.W. Sijthoff, Brussels: La Con-
naissance, 1971): plates 150-159 and: 238-264: De
Vos, "New Attributions to the Master of the Legend of
St. Lucy ...," p. 159.

 

 

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Brooke, Iris A.R.C.A. Western European Costume Thirteen-
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Bruges, Exposition’Organisée par la ville de Bruges au
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Maitre Aux Noms D'Emprunt Des Pays-Bas Meridonaux
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septembre, 1969.

 

 

 

Bruges, Musée Communal. Lg Portrait Dans Les Anciens
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Buren, Ann Hagopian Van. "The Canonical Office in
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Cali, Francois. Bruges, The Cradle of Flemish Paint-

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Clark, Kenneth. Landscape Into Art. London: John
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Cuttler, Charles D. Northern Painting. New York:
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Detroit Institute of Arts (and the City of Bruges)
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De Vos, Dirk. "New Attributions to the Master of the
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76

77

Dupont, Jacques and Gnudi, Cesare. The Great Centuries
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Eeckhout, Paul. "Fleurs et jardins dans 1'art flamand,"
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Ferguson, George. Signs and Symbols in Christian Art.
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Flores, Angel. ed. Medieval Age: Specimens of European
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Forsyth, Ilene. The Throne of Wisdom: Wood Sculptures
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Frielehder, Max J. Early Netherlandish Painting.
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de Gaiffier, d'Hestroy, R.P. Baudoin. "Récherches sur
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Gaunt, William. Flemish Cities Their History and Art.
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Smith, Molly. "On the Significance of Albrecht Durer's
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3- 14.

 

The Trés Riches Heures 9: Jean, Duke 2: Berry: Musee
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Jean Longon and Raymond Cazalles. Preface by
Millard Meiss. Translated by Victoria Benedict.
New York: Goerge Braziller, 1969.

 

 

 

 

Valentenir, William R. "The Madonna of the Rose Garden,
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Detroit. VIII. (January 1927): 37- 39.

 

Verhaegen, Nicole. "Le Maitre de la Legende de Sainte
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1' Institut Royal du Patrimoine Artist1que. II
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. "Un important retable du Maitre de la
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Warner, Marina. Alone of All Her Sex The Myth and
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Winkler, Friedrich. Das Werk Des Hugo Van Der Goes.
Berlin: Walter de Gruyter and Co., 1964.

ILLUSTRATIONS

80

 

 

The Detroit Insti-

Rose Garden.

 

The Master of the St. Lucy Legend.

Illustratlon 1:
The Virgin of the

tute of Arts.

81

 

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83

    
 

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Illustration 4: Map of the City of Bruges

84

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86

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Illustration 8: Hugo van der Goes. The Mystic
Marriage of St. Catherine. Buckingham Palace.

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