BRITISH CONTINUT” IN ONE AREA OF EARLY ANGLO SAXON WOW Thais for the Degree of Ph. D. MOT-MAN STATE W FLOYD A. PAM 1972 LIBRARY Michigan State University This is to certify that the thesis entitled British Continuity in One Area of Early Anglo-Saxon Worcestershire presented by Floyd A. Patterson has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for ' ¢~ /” . 3-K, .4; (“ )CWA'IL—x ,7 ’ ' Major professor Date June 2, 1972 ____._.‘_..__ —-_ ._... ‘ ... _‘_ _.¥_ W . fiH_%__-f ABSTRACT BRITISH CONTINUITY IN ONE AREA OF EARLY ANGLO SAXON’UORCESTERSBIRE By Floyd A. Patterson During the course of the fifth and sixth centuries, Britain passed out of the Celtic world and into the German. This much is accepted. when one asks, however, how this was accomplished, and what was the degree and effect of British survival on the new German institutions, differing views emerge. The long accepted theory that the German invasion.marks a complete break with the past, and the previous British society was swept away has come under increasing attack from scholars who draw on nore than written historical sources. This study argues the thesis of British continuity. No attempt is made to argue this thesis for all of England, for there is not yet sufficient detailed information to support such a study. Instead, draw- ing on the disciplines of history, archaeology, and topographic and settle- Ient studies, this study examines one portion of fiercestershire for signs of British continuity. General conclusions are formulated which are tested on one specific site; the village of Fladbury. While there is no conclusive evidence, there is'a body of evidence which taken as a whole strongly suggests that a British papulation remained on the land at Pladbury following the German settlement. The possibility of British survival at Fladbury has important implications for larger problems. It is a mistake to see this period as Floyd A. Patterson a struggle between the Celtic and Teutonic races. Instead, the dominant figures were individual chieftains. There is no evidence that the British papulation‘was destroyed in the course of the German settlement. There is instead evidence which suggests a significant degree of German- British co-existence and merging. BRITISH COMMIT! IN 018 AREA OF EARLY ARGID SAXON WORCESMHIRB 37 Floyd A. Patterson A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of nocron OF PHILOSOPHY Department of History 1972 lgfii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My sincere thanks go to the following individuals and institutions: the Bodelian Library, Oxford University and Mr. E.H. Sargeant, county archivist Worcester, for supplying me with manuscript material; to Mr. Hallace Burinski, Inter Library Loan Librarian at Michigan State Uni- versity, without whose assistance in securing materials this study would never have been completed; the reference librarians at Michigan State University, and especially Mrs. Florence Hickok, and Mr. Robert Williams, for their endless patience and assistance; Professor Marjorie Gesner, whose comments helped more than she may have believed; my wife who wages a continuing battle to unscramble my syntax; Mr. and Mrs. Peter Long who read and commented on an earlier draft of this study; Mr. Marc van Wormer who, besides reading and commenting on an earlier version of this study, patiently listened while some of the ideas herein were hammered out. My special thanks go to Dean Richard Sullivan who supervised this dissertation. He saw where I wanted to go with this study, perhaps at times more clearly than I did, and constantly insisted that I clarify both my arguments and solutions. I came to'Michigan State University in large part because I was told that he was one of the finest teachers at any university. After four years I can see no reason to disagree with that recommendation. Despite all assistance, the responsibility for the conclusions herein is strictly the author's. ii LIST OF FIGURES Figure l. Worcestershire Ca. 1086 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 FigureZ. TheAreaAroundPladbury. . . . .. . . ... .. .. . . 49 iii CHAPTER I . CHAPTER II CHAPTER III CHAPTERIV TABLE 0.. 0.. 0.. OF CONTENTS iv 18 39 64 CHAPTER I During the course of the fifth and sixth centuries A.D., Britain was conquered by the Germans. This nmch is accepted. However, when the nature of that invasion and in particular the extent of British survival as well as the effects of such survival on.Anglo Saxon institutions is considered, differing views begin to appear. Yet a solution to these problems is necessary if ever the process which formed many of the Anglo Saxon institutions -- e.g. the manorial structure -- is to be understood.1 The question of British survival has been and is still the sub- ject of intense debate. In general, the arguments can be grouped into two categories: the traditional interpretation which stresses the destruc- tion of the British and views the Anglo Saxon period as a break with the past, and the more recent contrary view drawing from disciplines other than history to argue for the survival of British institutions. The traditional view originated with that generation of histor- ians active in the late nineteenth century who based their work on written historical sources such as the Agglg Saxon Chronicle and Bede's Ecclesiastical History. This group, typified by B.A. Freeman,2 laid down the guidelines which are on the whole still followed today. 1The problems of the origin of the manor and the meaning of lordship have been recently re-opened. See T. H.:Aston, "The Origins of the Manor in England, " Transactions of then __yal Historical Society, 5th ser., VIII (1958), pp. 59-83; Eric John, Land Tenure in Early England ([Leicester]: Leicester University Press, 1960), Chapter I. 2ILA. Freeman, Thg_nistogy'gf the Norman Conquest 2f England, Vol. I of the rev..American ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1873), pp. 12-13. 1 2 Similar views have been expressed by Thomas Hodgkin,3 R. H. Hodgkinf‘ and J.H.L. Myres.5 This thesis is also accepted by Prank Stanton. In the latest revision of his monumental Agglg S_a_xg_n_ En land, while noting the survival of a British population in western Britain, the author writes that "...this British strain has left no significant impression on English society." In support of his views he points to the "...funda- msntal technicalities of the law and the organisation by which they were administered..." as being obviously Germanic in origin.6 By using aerial photography over the Wiltshire Downs, O.G.S. Crawford7 appeared to demonstrate that there was indeed a definite break between the earlier "Celtic f ields" and the long curved lynchets8 which are generally accepted to have originated with the Germans. This, he argued, was evidence for a complete break with the past, but in so doing he touched off a debate that still rages.9 3T_h_g Histog g_f_ Eggland (London: Longmans Green and Co. , 1920), pp. 110-111. , 4; Histog g_f_ 5113 Agglo Saxons, Vol. 1, 3rd ed. (London: Oxford University Press, 1952), pp. 161-178. 52.G. Collingwood and J.H.L. Myres, Roman Britain _a_n_<_l_ _t_1_n_e_ English Settlements, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1937), pp. 440-444. 63rd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), p. 315. 79;; gyrvey £92 Archaeolo , Ordinance Survey Professional Papers, new sar. lo. 7 (2nd ed.) , (London: H.M. Stationer's Office, 1928.) ‘ 8The regular shaped square anc losed fields are cor-only supposed to have originated in pre-German Britain and are called "Celtic f ields". A lynchet is a scarp of arable land formed by the movement of soil caused by the action of any type of cultivation and aided by gravity and the elements. 9Crawford's conclusions are not challenged for the areas that he examined, but it is by no means certain that his conclusions should be applied as generalizations for all of Hiltshire, much less all of England. Por an excellent su-ary of the problem of plough marks and lynchets, see P.J. Fowler and J.G. Evans, "Plough Marks, Lynchets and Early Fields," gtiguitz, ELI (1967), pp. 289-301. 3 With the exception of Frederic Seebohm,1° whose views were counter- ed by the formidable Msitland,]'1 until recently, those scholars who argued for a survival of British institutions were admirers of all things Celtic. The early works drew on what little was available in written historical sources, and expanded it with large parts of the author's imagination. Typical of such "scholarship" are the uncritical essays of E. Guest.12 The author saw nothing wrong with citing eleventh century place names as found in Domesday B291; as evidence for the presence of British in the fifth and sixth centuries. Much of the same type of "scholarship", although to a lesser degree, is found in J.R. Green's f1_‘_h_e_ M_a_k1.gg 2; England.13 The book is characterized by an injudicious use of sources, as wall as a tendency for vivid description of events when adequate sources are “CH-08- The result of these books, and others like them, was the creation of a general aura of suspicion which clung to anyone who believed in British survival.14 There are a few works based primarily on historical sources that still merit serious consideration, despite their author's Celtic bias. 10933 English Villagg Cormaunity, 4th ed (London: Longmans Green and Co. , 1915), Chapter VIII. 11PM. Maitland, Domesday Egok a_n_<_l_ Beyond (Cambridge: University Press, 1897. Reprinted New York: W.W. Norton and Company“ Inc. , 1966). l~20rigenes Celticae, 2 vols. (London: Macmillan Co., 1883); also see the destructive article by W.H. Stevenson, "Dr. Guest and the English Conquest of South Britain," Eaglish Historical _R____eview, XVII (1902), pp. 625-642. This journal hereafter EHR. 13(New York: Harper and Bros. , 1882). 14There is a long tradition of excellence in the fields of Celtic art and/or literature, but this has not carried over to large scale his- torical works. Unfortunately Celtic pride too often replaces historical objectivity. See Peter Calling, Review of The Celtic Realms, by 11.x. Chadwick and Myles Dillon, LEE, mm (1969), pp. 336-338. 4 John Rhys's Celtic Britain, 15 despite its age, is still the best short survey of this period in Britain from a British viewpoint. J.B. Lloyd's 5 History of £11215 is a masterful synthesis, notable for the author's co-and of the Welsh historical sources, and his overall objectivity. The beginning of the twentieth century saw the maturation of place name studies, an event marked by the organization of the English Place Name Society and the initiation of its survey of English place names on a county by county basis.17 At the same time, two books appeared which accepted the general thesis of a widespread British survival. R.B. Zachrisson18 and Bilert Blcuall19 both saw a continued British influence in western Bngland during and after the German invasion. Both based their arguments on the distribution of British place names. They were pioneers and much of what they produced is today more valuable for the raw data, than for the conclusions which they drew. These views were taken up and explored in detail by Kenneth Jackson in his important Language and History _i_g Early Britain.20 The 152nd ed. rev. (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1884). 16Vol. I, 3rd ed. (London: Longmans, 1939). l'7The following volumes of place name studies will be used: A. H. Smith, The Place Names of Gloucestershire, 4 vols. (Cawridge: Univer- sity Press, 1964), hereafter 33. Glouc. volume and page; A. Newer and LN. Stanton, The Place Names 93 Worcestershire (Cambridge: University Press, 1927), hereafter fl. Wore. and page. Unless otherwise stated, all place names will be cited in the modern form currently being used by the Ordinance Survey. Exceptions will be identified as to the date which the place name form cited occurred. University of Uppsela, 1927). 19English River Names (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1928). The theme of widespread British survival underlies most of Bkwall's work. For this reason, he is a useful balance against other place name specialists of his time who showed a strong pro-German bias in the origin of names. 20(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1953). 5 author, who is primarily a linguist, points to such things as "... British names which are plural are also plural in the Anglo Saxon..." as evidence for a period of bi-lingualism when the British survivors of the invasion learned and spoke Saxon.” Going further, Jackson construct- ed distribution maps of British place names for all of England. Based on this, he concluded that enough of the British pepulation survived the invasion period to leave a discernible imprint on their German conquerors. This was true for all areas of England, and especially so in the west.22 The importance of this book can not be ignored. It is as much of a landmark in its field as Stenton's m Sam England is in Anglo Saxon studies. For the first time, a scholar had used a codination of written evidence, linguistics, archaeology, and place name studies to support his thesis of widespread British survival, and by implication both continuity on the land and in social institutions. Serious archaeological research on the period of the German invasion began at the beginning of the twentieth century. In 1913, LT. Leeds published his landmark g5 Archaeolog 2f the _A_t_:g_l_c_> M Settle- £953,” in which he demonstrated for the first time, that the sequence of events preserved in such accounts as the Anglo Saxon Chronicle, which had been so emphasized by the nineteenth century historians, was not necessarily accurate. In so doing, he demonstrated that the period of the German invasions is much more complex than had been realized. Leeds was primarily interested in other topics than that of British survival, but in the course of his work he touched on this subject. ZIIbid., pp. 243-246. 221bid., pp. 234-241. 23(oxford: Clarendon Press, 1913). 6 In both his 5551; .333 £252 .35 fig Archaeolo ,24 and the "Distribution of the‘Anglas and Saxons Archaeologically Considered,"25 he described jewelry whose decorations indicated a Celtic/British substratum.of design that can be identified well into the Saxon period. The best.means of dealing with the problem of British survival is an approach which combines archaeology, place name studies, and detailed topographical knowledge of the area under investigation. This was the technique employed by H.P.R. Pinberg in "Roman and SaxonWithington."26 The purpose of that study was to recreate the shape and division of the landholdings at Withington (Glos.), beginning with the Roman period when there was a villa on the site and continuing up through the Middle Ages. Professor Pinberg concluded that the persistent division of the land into two unequal portions was the continuation of an infield-outfield27 agri- cultural system which‘dated back to the time when both British and Germans occupied the same land. Whether or not one accepts Pinberg's views in their entirety, he does make a very strong case for continuity on the local level. 24(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1936), pp. 3-19. 25Archaeolo ia, XCI (1946), pp. 1-106 and especially pp. 44-49. 26The paper is published, in a revised version, in Lucerna (London: Macmillan and Co. Ltd. , 1964), pp. 21-65. 27Infie1d-outfie1d agriculture can no longer be accepted as a purely British custom. It is now recognized to be the product of a long evolution in field structure, and is found over much of northern Europe including Germany. On the other hand, as will be discussed in detail in Chapter II, there is no doubt that it was being practiced by the Britons in Wales before the coming of the Germans, and probably before the advent of the Romans as well. 7 Over a period of several years, G.R.J. Jones published a series of papers which dealt with the general topic of Welsh field structure during the earlyZNiddleAges.28 Overall, these papers demonstrate that the basic unit of Welsh society was the nucleated hamlet grouped into large discrete dispersed estates. The land was held in common and divided among the peasants each year.29 Jones later turned to western England, and suggested that this agricultural system was present during the early Anglo Saxon period.30 In so doing, he has made a strong case for the survival of British in- stitutions following the German invasion. :As might be expected, he has not won total acceptance,31 and the matter is still under debate.32 It should be evident from the above discussion that the best approach to the problem.of British continuity is one which involves a combination of disciplines: archaeology, topographical studies, a group which includes place name analysis, and historical research into relevant documents such as land charters etc. Bach discipline has its own special problem, however, a fact which is sometimes overlooked. To the amateur, archaeological evidence might seem conclusive, based as it is on artifacts which can be handled. Yet such is not the 28e.g. "Medieval Open Fields and.Associated Settlement Pattern in.Northwest Wales," Annales de 1' estiMemoire, No. 21 (1957), pp. 313- 328; ”Rural Settlement: Wales," Advancement‘gr Science, No. 60 (1959), pp. 338-342; "The Pattern of Settlement on the Welsh Border," Agricultural History Review, VIII (1960), pp. 66-81. ‘ 29This thesis will be discussed in detail in Chapter II. 30"Settlement Patterns inwAnglo Saxon England, " Ant1QUiEI, XXXV (1961), pp. 221- 232. 31Perhaps thermost severe critic has been Leslie Alcock.who has returned to this in several of his writings. His objections are best set out in "Settlement Patterns in Celtic Britain," Anti uit , XXXVI (1962) pp. 51-54. Also see Jones' reply, ibid., pp. 54-55. 321n a personal communication, Professor Finberg indicated that 8 case. In reality, archaeology is a discipline based on inferences which arise from.the association of artifacts on any particular site. What is important are the inferences, and not the artifacts themselves. To cite an example: the presence of early Saxon pottery on the site of the Roman villa located at Shakenoak Perm near Wilcote (Oxon.) by itself is not significant. Yet the fact that the pottery was found in direct association ‘with both villa buildings and late Roman period pottery is extremely important. Such an association suggests that when the villa was taken over by the Germans it was an active economic unit, the first such dis- covery made anywhere in England.33 Another problem*with archaeological evidence is the matter of chronology. In history, the date of events, when it is known at all, is absolute since it is fixed by documentst Unfortunately, such sources are usually lacking in archaeology. As a result, the chronology can only be relative and therefore not nearly so precise as a historian.might like. Such vagueness creates problems for archaeologists. One such is whether ‘Welsh hill forts3‘ were re-occupied during the post Roman period. The in the exchange of views referred to above (n. 31) that he feels Jones came off best. 33The significance of such a conclusion, and references to the excavation reports, are discussed in Chapter III. 34A hillfort is a fortification whose wall or walls were built out of stone, dirt, timber, or a combination of all three. The fort was situated on a hilltop or other naturally defensible site. They first appear in the Bronze.Age, and develop steadily in size and scope through- out the Iron Age all over northern Europe, including England and Wales. The largest one impeded the Roman advance. For a general discuss ion of the development of hill forts see Stuart Piggott, Ancient Europe (Chicago: Aldine Press, 1965), pp. 201-207. For a summary of Julius Caesar's oper- ations against hill forts in the Gallic wars see A.L.P. Rivet, "Hill Ports in Action," in 1hr; Iron M2 and its gill Ports, edited by Hargaret Jesson and David Hill (Southampton: University of Southampton, 1971), pp. 189-202. 9 only chronological indicators are certain types'of pottery found on the sites of hill forts. It is universally accepted that these types were imported into Britain from the eastern Hediterranean, but the question is when. The latest study has concluded that it is impossible to say, except to note that these particular types of pottery were in use through- out the fourth to sixth centuries A.D. As chronological indicators they can only indicate that the hillforts were occupied sometime during the fourth to sixth centuries A.D.35 The evidence permits no more specific dates. Tepographical studies, as the term is used here, include what can be gleaned from the study of maps as well as research aimed at recovering the ancient topography. 35 Yet ultimately all this rests on place name studies, and it is because of that fact, that problems emerge. Above all, there must be preservation of large numbers of early forms of place names. Otherwise, analysis of a particular name is little more than guesswork. Yet we can never be certain of the accuracy of the place name forms which have survived. A case in point is Rochester in Kent. The original Latin name was "Durobrivae". Bede, from presmsably Latin sources, knew it as "Dorubrevis civitas" but adds that the English call it "Hrofaescaestrae". Such a name can be analyzed as "Hrof's-" (a personal name) "-caestrae" (a word meaning fort). If we only had the variants of "Hrofaeacaestrae," the modern name of Rochester could be considered purely 35Leslie Alcock, "Pattern and Settlement in Wales and the March A.D. 400-700," in Culture grad _Enviroment, edited by I. LL. Poster and Leslie Alcock (London: Routledge and Regan Paul, 1963), pp. 281-302. 36An excellent example of this type of study attempts to trace the network of paths radiating out from Droitwich along which salt was transported. P.T.S. Houghton, "Saltways," _Transactions _o_f_ Lbs Birmiggham Archaeological Societ , LIV (1929-30), pp. 1-17. This journal hereafter TBAS.‘ 10 English on perfectly good philogical grounds. Yet because the Latin name survived, the origin of the modern name was as follows: between the Roman period and Bede's day, the name was clipped to "D'robriw". The Anglo Saxons heard this as "Hrofri" which was assimilated to "Hrof" meaning roof. To this was added "-caestre" referring to the city's walls. At a still later date, a mythical chieftan named "Hrof" was invented to explain the first element.37 The origin of the name Roches tar demonstrates that the "lack" of British names, for towns and villages may be an illusion. The earliest German forms may, in some cases, be clmssy attempts to record British names wich in turn developed from the Latin. Yet if the Latin name was not recorded, which was often the case, we may never know for certain that it existed. Therefore, both topographical and place name studies must always be used with great caution. The last type of evidence is historical, and comprises what little that can be gathered from written sources which are, unfortunately,38 German. Bede's famous Ecclesiastical Histog,39 the equally famous Agglg Saxon Chronicle,40 and beginning in the last quarter of the seventh 37Leslie Alcock, Arthur's Britain (London: Allen Lane The Penguin Press, 1971), pp. 186-188. ”There is no British source which deals directly from a British view of life under German rule. 39There are numerous editions of this work, but the standard is still Bede, giatorig Ecclesiastica, edited by Charles Plulmaar, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1896), hereafter cited as Bede, _H_._§. All citations will be to this edition. References to Pluuar's notes will be in the following form: Bede, §._E_. (II), and page. A new edition, entitled Bede's Ecclesiastical History 9_f_ _t_lrg English People, edited and translated by B. Colgrave and R.A.B. Hynors (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), is based on all the variant namuscripts. Because of a poor set of notes, it does not replace the Plunmer edition, and will not be used. edited by Charles Plunmer, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1899). The 11 century the great corpus of German land charters,“- and make up the largest share of the German evidence. Each has its own problems, a fact which must always be kept in mind in assessing the value and importance of the information they contain. The primary difficulty in dealing with Bede's Ecclesiastical Histog is that it is an ecclesiastical history. Because of that, a great many political deve10pments which were incidental to Bede's theme -- assuming of course that he knew of them which is not always certain -- my, at best, receive only a passing reference. The result is , at times, a distorted view, something which has not always been recognized. More- over, despite his undeniable virtues as a scholar and historian, Bede possessed his own prejudices and was dependent on his sources which were by no means complete. Most of the Ecclesiastical History is based on oral tradition which, outside of Northumbria, varied from the sketchy to the almost non-existent. In particular, Bede knew very little about events in western Britain. 42 text is in Vol. I; the notes in Vol. II. This will be cited as fig” ed. Plum-er, followed by Vol. and page. There is an excellent translation by Dorothy Whitelock _e__t a1. entitled The Agglo_____ Saxon Chronicle (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, [1961]), which collates all the variant manuscripts. This will be cited as A__SC. , ed. Whitelock, followed by the page. If no designation of the edition is used, the reference refers to an entry in the text and either edition may be used. “The new standard guide to the charter material is P.H. Sawyer, _‘ghg Agglo Saxon Charters (London: Offices of the Royal Historical Society, 1968), which gives a complete bibliography of all charters in both manu- script and published form. There are several published editions of the charters. The one used here is C tularium Saxonicum, edited by W. deGray Birch, 3 vols. (London: Whiting, 1885-93. Reprinted New York: Johnson and Co., 1964), hereafter §§_§_ followed by the charter number. Unless otherwise noted, the charter cited may be assumed to have at least an authentic basis. The dates, unless otherwise noted, will be those given in H.P. R. Pinbarg, TheEa rly Charters gr r:_1_1_e_ West Midlands ([Leices- ter]; Leicester University Press, 1961), hereafter cited as Pinberg (1961) , No. and/or page. For the Worcestershire charters see below n. 44. 42An excellent study of Bede's sources is D.P. Kirby, "Bede's 12 The 5313 Sara Chronicle is generally recognized to be a compos- ite document which preserves only those selected traditions which were of interest to the German.“3 Many of the entries are nothing more than crabbed annals which exist in a very confused state. Most of this confusion crept in during the ninth century when two separate and distinct historical traditions were reconciled into one. As a result, the Chronicle, especially for the earliest period, must be treated with extreme caution. The major obstacle in utilizing the German charters is that of establishing their authenticity. Most of the charters exist only in later copies, and there was a long tradition of altering and forging charters during the Anglo Saxon period. Fortunately, there are many guides and handbooks which deal with this problem.“ These charters which are au- thentic contain invaluable information concerning history, place names, topography, and social customs. These fragmentary and sometimes conflicting sources are all the written evidence that exists for the early Anglo Saxon period. Despite their problems, they -- and especially the land charters -- are the basis for any study of local history. It will become frequently evident below Native Sources for the Historis Ecclesiastica," Bulletin 2; £133 John Rylands Library, XLVIII (1965) , pp. 341-371. See especially pp. 368- 370 for Bede's knowledge of Mercia and the Bishopric of Worcester. 43Por the origins see the discussion in A§§., ed. Plul-er, II, pp. cii-cxxvii, although the attribution toAlfred's court has been questioned. P.M. Stanton, "The Southwestern Element in the Old English Chronicle," reprinted in Preparatory 1:3 Agglo Saxon England, edited by Doris Stanton (Oxford: Clarendon Press, c1970), pp. 106-115. “‘There is an excellent guide to the Worcestershire charters inich not only calendars all that exist or are known to have existed, but includes discussions of various problems arising from the documents. This is H.P.R. Pinberg (1961). B.G. Grundy's Saxon Charters _o_f_ Worcester- shire (Birmingham: reprinted from TEAS, 1931), is useful for its discussion of boundaries, but does not include all the Worcestershire charters. 13 that the real prOblem with such sources is not what they say -- for they say little that bears directly on the subject of this study -- but the conclusions that can be drawn from what the sources do say. This study proposes to argue the thesis that the German invasion and subsequent settlement in the course of the sixth and seventh centuries did not totally destroy British45 society. It will be argued that a sig- nificant rural pepulation, relatively untouched by the Romans, survived the Anglo Saxon settlement and remained on the land. No attempt will be made to apply this thesis to all of England. Instead, taking up a suggestion.made by H.P.R. Pinbarg,45 attention‘will be concentrated in southern Worcestershire, in particular that area which is bounded by Worcester, the Severn.River, the Avon River, the village of Pladbury, and Droitwich. .Archaeology, topographical studies, as well as written historical sources will be employed to deal with the problem of British survival in this region. This area has been deliberately chosen, despite the possibility that the British.may have survived in large numbers in‘western Worcester- shire. The border between the Welsh47 and the Germans remained fluid for 45The term Romano-British will be avoided, for this gives a false impression of the nature of society during the Roman period. With the possible exception of the southeastern lowlands region, and perhaps the northern frontier, for most of Britain the Roman period was only a minor intrusion into what was and remained an Iron Age society. 46"Roman and Saxon Withington," p. 65. 47The evolutionary development of the Brittonic tongue -- i.e. the language spoken in Britain before and during the Roman period -- into related languages e.g. Welsh, Cornish, Breton etc. is dealt with in detail by Jackson, Language and History, Chapter I. For our purposes, it is sufficient to note that Welsh did not begin to emerge from the Brittonic until the late sixth and early seventh centuries. Thus 'Welsh' will be used to designate those people speaking Welsh, and 'British"will desig- nate those earlier peoples speaking Brittonic. 14 centuries, with a continual mixing of Welsh into German areas of occupa- tion where British place names might be expected to have survived, and vice versa."8 As a result, it can not be assumed that those names origi- nating insofar as can be determined from the Welsh, evolved on that site from an earlier Brittonic form and were not brought in by later Welsh speaking migrants."9 At present, there appears to be no way to prove that those place names are evidence for British continuity. Unlike the southeastern part of the county, there is no early charter material for was tern Worcester- shire that could bridge the gap and provide the necessary confirmation. For this reason, attention will be concentrated on southeastern Worcester- shire where such charter material does exist. In addition to the Worcestershire charters, one of the most com- plete collections to survive from the Anglo Saxon period,50 there are other important sources which bear on the history of the county. The seventeenth century antiquary William Dugdale was present at Worcester “This interchange has recently been discussed in some detail by Dorothy Sylvester, :35 Rural Landscape gr th Welsh gorderland (London: Macmillan, 1969) , pp. 77-80; 99-102. In Asser's ninth century biography of Alfred, there are references which suggest theta large Welsh speaking population was living in German ruled areas. Asser' s Li__f_e _o_f Kipg___ Alfred, edited by W. H. Stevenson (Oxford. Clarendon Press, 1904), pp. 241- 252. l’9'1'0 cite an example of the problem; Eilert Elnvall felt that British names are "fairly cosmon" in those areas of Worcestershire west of the Severn adjoining Wales and Herefordshire. Among the examples he cites the place names of Pendax and Mable. Introduction £9. £135 Study g_f_ mes Name ELements, edited by A. Mawer and 1.11. Stanton (Calbridge: University Press, 1923), pp. 28-29. However, Pn. Wo___r_c., on equally strong grounds, attributes a Welsh origin to both. See p. 67 and p. 60. 50{the manuscript, comonly called "Henning's Cartulary" is British Museum MS Cotton Tiberius Axiii. For an analysis of the many problems in this docuent, N.R. Ker, "Heming's Cartulary," in Studies 22 Medieval History Presented r_o_ P.M. Powicke, edited by R.W. Hunt (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1948), pp. 49-75. The manuscript was first published by T. Hearne in Hemipgi Chartularium Ecclesiae Wigorniensis... , 2 vols. (Oxford: E Theatre Sheldoniano, 1723). 15 during the English Civil War. He gained access to the archives of the bishopric, copied some charters in full, calendared others, most of which have since been lost.” There are also various other medieval sources, the majority of which have been published at one time or another. Taken in 81., these sources appear to provide excellent documentation for the early history of Worcestershire. A It should be emphasized that there is no material which bears directly on the question of British continuity in Worcestershire. It must not be expected, for example, that we shall find a list of British sites attached to some Anglo Saxon charter, or that archaeology can tell us that it was the British who lived on this stretch of land, and the Germans on that one. It will be necessary to range over the literature of history, archaeology, and topographical studies in search of a small amount of data. Our concern will be with not just the information, but the meaning of that information. It is only when we approach the data in this fashion that we will be in a position to deal with our problem. A final word of caution is in order before concluding this chapter. This is a study of continuity in one area of Worcestershire, and nothing more. It is not yet possible to accurately assess the degree of British survival for all of England. Enough is known so that simple generalizations can no longer be accepted, but more needs to be learned before detailed explanations are possible. What is needed now is a series of local studies, not only for western Britain, but the entire island. 52 This study is meant as one such, . 5l-‘This appears in his Monasticon A licanum um, additional material by John Caley, Henry Ellis, 3. 21., 6 Vols. in 8 (London: James Bohn, 1846), cited hereafter as Dugdale, followed by volume and page. There is additional material in the same author' s "Catalogus Chartarum temporibus Regum Anglo-Saxonum confectarum..." (Bodelian Library MS,Dugda1e 12), p.p.-502-506 cited hereafter as Dugdale MS and page. 521 intend to do a series of such studies, each focused on a 16 and should be seen as a small contribution towards the solution of a much larger and'mora complex problem. particular area in a different county. Fl: ropshi re FJ“ J\ 4’? t: L, 1.... c \ €111 g Herefordshire ) . Wort. Atershire ‘mi’ 17 \ l { M...» f I: €77“: d \9 Glouceste rshire s Dvoflwfleh O Itedlsy Worcester n ~ , ... Pig. 1 Worcestershire Ca. 1086. Boundaries are shown in broken lines. Keuper marl is shown by ///// The dense forest was located on the Keuper Marl. Glouceste rshire Fig.1 Worcestershire Ca. 1086. Boundaries are shown in broken lines. Keuper Marl is shown by NH / , Th ,_ ',;_ 3g” , , l} l ' K 1 CHAPTER II This study is concerned with the problem of British survival in south central Worcestershire during the early Anglo Saxon period. Yet before one can deal directly with this question, it is necessary to examine what was present when the Germans arrived. Such an examination would be incomplete without consideration of the shape of the land, for as will be discussed below, physical features controlled the location of much of the earliest settlement. Thus, this study will begin with the land itself. Bounded on the north and west by the Malvern Hills, the county of Worcestershire in general can be said to slope towards the southeast. 53 While there are numerous streams and small rivers, the county can best be visualized as divided by three major river systems. The Severn bi- sects th‘e county from north to south. The Tame comes from the northwest part of the county, the Warwickshire Avon flows from east to west and meets the Severn just below the town of Tewkesbury. In turn, the Severn, carrying the drainage of almost all of Worcestershire, empties into the Bristol Channel. Most of the county as far east as the Cotswold Ridgeway and as far south as the Warwickshire Avon valley is made of Kauper Marl, a heavy ”For what follows see K.M. Buchanan, Worcestershire, Part 68 of The Land _o_f Britain: The Record of the Land Utilization Survey__ of —_—~-;_ B_r:_itain, edited by L. Dudley Stamp (London: 11.14. Stationer' s Office, 1944), prssim. 18 19 viscous clay soil which, while fertile, is not easily cultivated because of its consistency. In addition, this part of Worcestershire remained covered by dense forest throughout most of the Middle Ages.“ The combina- tion of heavy soil and thick woodland was too much for primitive agricul- ture. Even after the first German settlements in the county were made in the middle of the seventh century, this region remained relatively uninhab- ited. By comparison to the Keuper Marl, the light-textured soil of both the Severn and Avon valleys is fertile and easily cultivated. There was a year round supply of water from the rivers. In addition, forest was at a, minimum, as can be seen by referring to the eleventh century Domesday gpplr. When certain place name suffixes e.g. "(ge)haeg", "wodu", and "leah", all meaning woodland, are plotted on a map of the county, they are, with one exception, found to be co-on everywhere. The exception is the Avon and Severn valleys, where such names are strikingly absent.ss It was in this region that the British first settled. Because of the frequent occurrence of irregular and circular enclosures, as well as other types of habitational evidence in the Severn River valley, it is generally accepted that a British population lived along the river before, during, and after the Roman period.56 Recently however, an aerial survey of the lower Warwickshire Avon valley has dis- covered that its banks and terraces are virtually lined with similarly, 5“Cyril Pox, _T_h_e Personality_ of Britain, 4th ed. (Cardiff: National Museum of Wales, 1943), Map B. 55See the map in Buchanan, _Irand Utilization Survey, fig. 68, p. 488. 56See map in H.C. Bowen and R.M. Butler, _A_ Matter 9_f Time (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, [1961]), p. 11. Evidence of human habitation can take the form of crop marks, enclosures, postholes, and pottery picked up from the surface of the ground. 20 shaped remains. In Worcestershire alone, forty-three previous 1y unknown sites have been recorded.57 The presence of these newly discovered sites indicates a large population. The sites range in shape from circular enclosures originating during the Neolithic period,58 to a complex mixture of interlocking enclosures ,59 circles and ditches which sometimes overlap each other. In and around Bvesham are a large number of rectilinear crop marks60 and enclosures. These sites are directly overlain by Roman period pottery which is weathering out of the ground, and is co-only picked up on‘ the surface. The presence of sites ranging from the Meolithic to the end of the Roman period means that the Warwickshire Avon valley has been contin- uously occupied for nearly 2,000 years. Many details will undoubtedly need to be confirmed by actual excavation, but one conclusion seen clear. Since Roman construction is characterized by straight walls and right angle corners ,61 the large number of irregularly shaped sites can only indicated the presence of a large non-komenised population. 52 57Graham Webster and Brian nobley, "Aerial Reconnaissance over the Warwickshire Avon," Archaeological_____ Journal, C111 (1964), pp. 1- 22. This journal hereafter AJ. 58This type of site, sometimes called a 'cursus barrow', is a circular mound of dirt or rocks heaped up to form a grave marker. Meo- lithic period artifacts are co-only found in direct association with this kind of site. 59An enclosure is an enclosed area, the walls of which are made of dirt and are usually thin and relatively low. A single enclosure is one with no internal divisions. An interlocking enclosure has such divisions. 60A crop nark is any sign of cultivation, such as furrows, trenches, etc. 6l'ror komanized sites in general, see the numerous examples cited in 1.0. Collingwood and Ian Richieond, _Th_e_ Archaeology _o_f_ Roman Britain, rev. ed. (London: Methuen and Co. Ltd. , 1969) , Chapters VI and VII. 62See the non-Bomanized sites cited in ,ibid. , Chapter VIII. For another example of how a site can be changed by the adaptation of Roman 21 Any attempt to discuss the nature and organization of British society prior to the Roman occupation is difficult, for even the location of native tribes is unknown except in a general sense. Classical writers, mainly Tacitus, make occasional references to them,63 but it has been almost impossible to relate this vague information in any definite way to specific sites or distribution of pottery. As a result, it has so far been impossible to construct a precise chronology for the British, not only in Wales, but throughout western Britain. In addition, it was believed until recently that Worcestershire, except for the Severn valley, was totally uninhabited prior to the Anglo Saxon period. Therefore, very little research concerning those earlier periods was undertaken. Yet such a survey, centering on the customs and organisation of the native society must be attempted, if only to provide a basis for understanding the developments that occurred in the Roman and Anglo- Saxon periods. So, well aware of the dangers of extrapolating from one area to another, an attempt will be made to describe what British Worcester- shire“ might have been like, using evidence from both Wales and western In; IMe ideas, compare the three phases of occupation at Iwerne (Dorset). Between the second to fourth centuries A.D. the site evolved from a typical Iron Age settlement of temporary shelters and storage pits to a thoroughly Romanized one with a main building over a hundred feet long. See C.P.C. lawkes, "Britons Romans and Saxons Round Salisbury and in Cranbourne Chase," A_g, CIV (1948), fig'. 7 facing p. 51. 63A convenient smary of the literary evidence for what little is known about the location and boundaries of the various areas occupied by the British tribes both in Wales and western Britain is M.C. Jarrett and J.C. Mann, "The Tribes of Wales ," Welsh _n‘iotory Review, IV (1968- 69), pp. 161-171. 6“Strictly speaking, of course, before the Anglo Saxon period there was no such division as Worcestershire. Thus much of what will be said will apply to a larger area than the present day county. However, unless noted, all geographical features, towns, etc. , are within the present day borders of the county. 22 There is evidence of two separate and rather distinctive agri- cultural systems in Wales. 0n the one hand there were corporate groups of freemen residing in widely dispersed homesteads;6s on the other were co-aunities of bondsmen who lived in small nucleated hamlets.“ Our concern will be with the second, for until recently it was widely accepted that nucleated hamlets67 were characteristic only of German settlements. The fact that such is not the case may, as will be discussed below, have important ramifications for much of western Britain. Around each bond hamlet was an open field, while beyond lay the canon pasture, parts of which were sometimes placed under temporary cultivation. In addition to being the local agricultural unit, the hamlet was also part of a larger grouping called a "maenor" which, for agricul- tural purposes, was supervised by an overseer with the title of 'land mayor'. In return for labor services on the lord's demesne, as well as rents usually exacted in the form of grain and cattle, the bondsmen were allowed to exercise occupational rights over a small area of the open field and grace their animals on the canon pasture. These rights, as well as the rental obligations which accompanied them, were shared equally nong the adult males of each hamlet. 53 65This system is discussed in detail by C.R.J. Jones "Some Medieval Rural Settlements in North Wales ," Transactions and Papers o_f 5115 Institute _o_f_ British Ceo a here, no. 19, 1954), pp. 51-64. 66The long held idea of a strictly nomadic Welsh society is a myth. The earliest written sources which bear on the nature of society, the "Laws of Bywel," contain material referring to the fifth and sixth centuries. In those sections, references to lawsuits concerning ownership of land are con-on. See the discussion by Leslie.Alcock in Dinas 1‘2!!! (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1963) , pp. 195-197. 67A nucleated hamlet is a group of houses in close association with each other. For a emery of the earlier literature see G.R.J. Jones, "Barly Territorial Organization in England and Wales ," Geografiska Annaler, 11.111 (1961), pp. 174-175. 68G.R.J. Jones, "Settlement Patterns in Anglo Saxon England," pp. 221'223: 1’ ‘ convenient awry of this type of agricultural structure. 23 The nucleated hamlets were grouped into large discrete estates59 focused on a "maerdref" or land mayor's settlement where that official resided. Near the "maerdref" was the court of the local lord which, in some cases, bore the name of an adjoining hill fort.7o One such case is Dinorben (Denb.). As late as the fourteenth century, the medieval court was situated just south of the walls of the hill fort. In earlier times the court may have been within the hill fort itself, for recent excavation has demonstrated the presence of a large settlement in the hill fort during the fourth and fifth centuries.“ The precise date for the origin of this agricultural system is hard to determine, except to say that it predates the German invasion and settlement. One clue is in the conquest of northern Wales by the British tribe of the Votadini, 72 an event which 1. usually placed in the 69An excellent examle of this type of holding would be the manor of Aberfrraw in Anglesey. Jones, "Some Medieval Rural Settlements in Worth Wales." 7"Jones, "Settlement Patterns in Anglo Saxon England," p. 223. This is based on the distribution of known, although not necessarily excavated hill forts. Leslie Alcock has argued that the distribution of excavated hill forts only reflects the. excavators' interest, "Pottery and Settlement in Wales and the March A.D. 400-700," p. 302. While his point may be valid, as far as it goes, it does not seem to be sufficient grounds to dismiss the connection of hill forts with surrounding estates 7 as Alcock tries to do, ibid., p. 302n. Jones does not confine himself to excavated hill forts. "Settlement Patterns in Anglo Saxon England," p. 223. 7l-Jones, "The Pattern of Settlement on the Welsh Border," p. 76. Jones ' sixth century date for the final occupation at ninorben was drawn from a preliminary report of the excavation. In the final report, that date has been changed to the early fifth century. While emphasising the changed date, Ell. Savory, the excavator, sees ".. .no inherent improbebil- ity..."'in Jones' thesis to connect hill forts to surrounding estates. W. Gardner and 11.11. Savory, Dinorben (Cardiff: Rational Museum of Wales, 1964), pp. 98-99. 72There seems no reason to doubt the authenticity of the invasion of the Votadini. See the discussion of the sources in Alcock, Arthur's Britain, pp. 124-125. The hut circles at Llwyn-du Bach Penygroes (Caern.) may be possible confirmation of the invasion. They are similar indesign. to huts found in the area of origin of the Votadini in Scotland. Those 24 late fourth century, but could have occurred as late as the middle third of the fifth century. 73 In northern Wales where discrete manors are com- mon, there is a striking correlation between the medieval bond settlements and the known areas of heaviest pre-historic -- or at least pre-fifth century -- population. 74 Such a correlation raises the strong possibil- ity that the Votadini turned the existing peasant class into non-free . bondsmen and attached them to estates. If so, this means that the discrete manorial system which has been under discuss ion in the last few paragraphs had come into existence” by at least the middle third of the fifth century. Turning to the lowland area of western Britain, it quickly becomes evident that there existed a mnaber of different types of settle- ments. Iron Age sites range from large co-unities like the twenty-six acre enclosure at Hogg Cliff, west of Dorcester (Dorset), and the sixteen acre unfortified con-unity at Boscombe DownWest (Site Q) near Salisbury huts in Scotland belong to the period of the invasion, and the ones at Llwyn-du Bach could also. It is disappointing therefore, that no dateable objects were found on the site. See Gerhard Bersu and W.B. Griffith, "Concentr ic Circles at Llwyn-du Bach Penygroes Caernarvonshire," Archaeologia Cambrensis, CI (1949), pp. 173-204. 73The invasion of the Votadini is usually seen as part of the policy of Magnus Maximus to protect Wales following his evacuation of Roman troops in preparation for his continental adventure in 383, yet such a date creates chronological problems. In the genealogy preserved in Barley MS 3859, Cunedda, the leader of the Votadini, appears only three generations before Maelgwn, Ring of Gwynedd. Maelgwn died, according to the "Annalee Cambriae" in the year 546/547, which was 146 years after the invasion. There is no way to reconcile the genealogy, from which it seems certain no names have been omitted, with the elapsed time of 146 years. Instead, using a life expectancy of thirty years per generation gives a date for the invasion in the early fifth century. Prof. J.C. Russell has informed me that he accepts the figure of thirty years life expectancy per generation. The evidence was first sumnarized by P.H. Blair, "The Origins of Northumbria," Archaeologia Aeliana, 4th ser. XXV (1947), pp. 25-26. The "Annales Cambriae" and attached genealogies are available in B. Phillimore, "The Annalee Cambrise and 01d Welsh Genea- logies," C odor, IX (1888), pp. 141-183. 7“Jones, "Medieval Settlements in North Wales ," pp. 69-70. 25 (Wilts.), to a large single farmstead such as the one at Little Woodbury (Wilts.), and countless smell individual fortified enclosures of less than one acre. Another type of site would be those which were first occupied during the Iron Age and remained inhabited, although not with- out some changes, throughout the Roman period. Three examples of this type of site, all in Wiltshire, are Rotherly, Berwick Down, and Winter- bourne Down. 75 Yet when one looks beneath this apparent diversity of settle- ment types to the underlying tenurial organisation of the land, much the same pattern found in Wales is also found to have existed in western Britain well into the Saxon period. Discrete manors focused on Roman settlements or hill forts are know to have existed in Sussex, Wessex, Wiltshire, all along the Hampshire coast line opposite the Isle of Wight, as well as on the island itself. 75 It should not be assumed that every discrete manor in this area is pre-Germen, for it was a co-on Anglo Saxon practice to group smaller manors into larger units for administrative convenience. At the same time it must not be forgotten that upwards of twenty percent of the hill forts in south-central Bngland show signs of occupation and refurbishing or in some cases extensive construction of new defensive works during the period 4150-700.77 Such a date, coming ”See the survey by H.C. Bowen and P.J. Bowler, "Romano-British Rural Settlements in Dorset and Wiltshire," in Rural Settlement _ig Roman Britain, edited by Charles Thomas ([Leicester]: Leicester University Press, 1966), pp. 43-73. 76Jones, "Settlement Patterns in Anglo Saxon England," pp. 224-' ' 231. Mote especially the map of the dependent bond settlements on p. 230. 77The figure comes from P.J. Fowler, "Hill l'orts, A.D. 400-700," in 111; Iron Age 5351 is; gill gorts, pp. 203-213. Two examples of extensive fortification during the fifth century are Cadbury and Cadcong, both in Somerset. The wall at Cadbury (Rampart I) had a raised fighting platform and enclosed eighteen acres. See Alcock, Arthur's Britain, pp. 221-224; 26 as it does after the Roman period, suggests that the activity may have been in response to the threat of German invasions. It follows that a significant number of adjoining manors must be of British origin. It is difficult to determine whether this tenurial system of discrete estates encompassing nucleated hamlets was ever present in Worcestershire. It would seem reasonable that it had been, since the tenurial pattern appears to be homogenous for that entire region of England. Our uncertainty stems from a lack of knowledge of early.Anglo Saxon land tenure in Worcestershire. In the course of creation of Oswaldlow Hundred in 964,78 an unknown number of holdings changed ownership. As a result, even though a number of the BishOp of Worcester's manors recorded in Domesday Book appear to be discrete manors, it can not be assumed that such structure existed prior to 964. Only detailed study of each menor's records, something that will be attempted for the manor of Plsdbury in Chapter III, may supply the answer. Until such research is undertaken, it is hepassible to generalize about the tenurial origani- zation of Worcestershire during the earlyhAnglo Saxon period. When one turns to what is known about the way of life of the lower classes’during the period, problems emerge. In an age of general obscurity, this should come as no surprise. Even in the best of times, peasants do not keep written records or write chronicles. Thus the only possible source which can shed some light on this question is archaeology. for Cadcong see P.J. Bowler and P. Rahtz, "Cadcong 1970," Current Archae- olo , No. 23 (1970), pp. 339-340. 78The actual grant has not been preserved, but large parts of the original text were incorporated into ggg—1135. This charter has been analyzed in detail and its basic authenticity established. See Eric John, Land Tenure'ig Early En land, pp. 81-112. There has been no detailed study of the customs and privileges of the hundred of Oswaldlow." 27 Two native farmsteads are of particular interest in.Worcester- shire: the single enclosure at Hawford, and the farmstead at Astley.79 Both belong to the Roman period. The poor quality of artifacts indicates that the inhabitants of both sites were peasants. The close similarities in location, both on the gravel terraces of the Severn River, as well as other indications of a similar way of life to be discussed below, permit some very tentative conclusions to be drawn. However, given the lflmited sample, two sites, it should be emphasized that such conclusions can be no more than general suggestions. The rural population undoubtedly lived in.sma11 groups. They supported themselves by herding a few cattle and by engaging in some prim- itive agriculture around their settlement sites. The presence of cattle bones at.Ast1ey in association with the enclosures attests to the presence of cattle. The practice of agriculture is suggested by the close proximity of crop marks at both sites, as well as what may be farm tools at Astley. Because of the lack of archaeological excavation, nothing is known about peasant life in the Warwickshire.Avon valley, but some things can be inferred. Given the same type of enclosures as are found in asso- ciation with cattle in the Severn valley, it would seem safe to infer the presence of cattle in the Avon valley. It is also reasonable to assume some degree of agriculture, even though there is a definite lack of crop marks. The,Avon.valley in.modern.times has been under intensive cultivation, 79For what follows, Ian Walker, "Excavations of a Romano-British Site at Astley," Transactions of the Worcestershire Archaeological Association [2nd ser.], XXXV (1958), pp. 29-57, this journal hereafter TWAS; the same author's "Excavations on a second Romano-British site at.Astley and Reports from the first site 1958," TWAS [2nd ser.], XXXVI (1959), pp. 52-59; Daphne Pennell, "The Excavation of a Romano-British Enclosure at Bewford Worcestershire," TWAS [2nd ser.], XL (1963), pp. 6-9. An enclosure at Grhmley has been excluded because no dateable artifacts were found.“ Only one loom weight was recovered. All that can be said is that Grtmley is of IronHAge-Roman period date. 28 'modern deep plowing would long since have destroyed any crop marks. nevertheless, given the general fertility of the area, it is incon- ceivable that the British inhabitants would not have attempted some type of farming. The Romans came in the first centurylA.D. The conquest of Wor- cestershire was a byproduct of the offensive aimed at Wales. The earliest evidence of Roman presence is a set of walls in the city of Worcester which may have incorporated existing Iron Age structures. These walls were later, possibly towards the end of the second century, greatly ex- pended.80 There is archaeological evidence that the city continued to be occupied at least through the end of the fourth century.81 From the beginning, Worcestershire was unimportant to Roman concerns in western Britain. The main highways bypassed the county to north and south, connecting what is now Wales to the rest of Britain by means of Gloucestershire or Chester. As a result, it comes as no real surprise that the only other center of Romenization was Droitwich.82 It has long been recognized that there was some type of Roman settlement there, for whenever deep excavations are undertaken in that part of the town near the Salwarpe River, Roman objects are commonly found.83 Nevertheless, the 80Phillip Barker, "Excavations on the Lich Street Development Site," TWAS [3rd ser.], II (1968-69), pp. 44-56, and especially pp. 50- 51, as well as figures 7, 8, and 10. 81Phillip Barker, "The Archaeological Context of Worcester: An Interim Survey," TWAS [3rd ser.], II (1968-69), p. 17. 82The British name for Droitwich is unknown. The Roman name may have been "Salinae" which was referred to by the 'Ravenna Cosmographer'. See J.X.3. St. Joseph, "Roman Droitwich," TEAS, LXIV (1941-42), p. 42. The ‘modern nmme is derived from two elements: "Droit-" which means low, dirty, stinking, and "-wich" which means place. During the Anglo Saxon period, it was called shmply "wich" or occasionally "saltwich". ‘23. Worc., p. 285. 83See the discussion in St. Joseph, oz, 535., pp. 39-52. 29 exact purpose of the settlement is not clearly understood. There is one clue that suggests Droitwich may have been used by the Romans as a salt production center. The town is located at the hub of a large network of roads and paths which radiate for miles out across the middle Severn Basin. During both the Anglo Saxon period as well as the Middle Ages, salt was carried to market along these routes.84 It is significant that the Germans, despite the fact that they did little actual road building, had three different names which they applied to the various paths and roads.85 These names were "wag", meaning way or path, "herepath", meaning highway which in reality was little more than connected paths, and "street", meaning street. The last was reserved for those roads, or portions of same, which the Genmens recognized as having been man-made -- e.g. straightened or surfaced -- which to all extents and purposes means having been built during the Roman period. The word occurs twenty- nine times in the corpus of.Anglo Saxon charters which refer to Worces- tershire as compared to once for "herepath", and forty-four times for “wag".85 For our purposes, the important term.is "street", for their lo- cationumakes no sense unless they are viewed as sections of the overall network. Otherwise, they are simply paths and roads coming from nowhere, and going nowhere. As such it is impossible to understand why the Romans would spend the time on them. Thus the "streets" demonstrate that the 8"For what follows, in addition to Boughton, "Saltways," see G.B. Grundy, "The Ancient Highways and Pathways and Tracks of Worcester- shire and the Middle Severn Basin," A_J_, XCI (1934), pp. 66-96; pp. 241- 268, cited hereafter as Grundy, "Pathways and Tracks". 85Grundy, "Pathways and Tracks," p. 72. 8611313. There is a complete list of all occurrences of the term "street" in the Anglo Saxon charters referring to Worcestershire in ibid., p. 73nl. 30 network was in existence in Roman times. The only purpose it could serve would be to carry salt to market, which in turn means that the Romans must have been manufacturing salt at Droitwich. Wear the town of Droitwich, there are houses dating to the Roman period. 87 One such, a winged corridor house of some pretentions has been recently examined in detail.88 Among other things were found well built stone foundations, remnants of mosaic pavements, and evidence that at least two rooam in the building were heated by hypocausts, a type of primitive forced air heating system. It is tempting to call this a Roman villa, especially since two T-shaped corn drying ovens were found in direct assoc iation with the house. Such ovens were conlnon in villas all over Britain, and were used to dry grain preparatory for use by the household, or prior to shipment to the tax collector. Unfortunately, the presence of a little understood ditch creates difficulties. The ditch may be the remains of some type of fortification. If it is, it follows that the building may not be a villa, but some type of military installation.89 It is difficult to assign anything other than a very general date to the Roman settlements in and around Droitwich, for much of the material suitable for dating purposes -- e.g. pottery and coins -- has originated from sites not in association with the town. Taken as a whole, the majority of the dating material indicates a late third or even fourth century date. 'The occupancy of the Roman "house" near Droitwich fits 87St. Joseph, op. cit. surveys the earlier work. 88P.S. Gelling, "Report on Excavations in Bays Meadow Droitwich, Worcestershire, 1954-55," TBAS, LXXV (1957) , pp. 1-23. 89;§1d., p. 3. 31 within this span of time, being built during the third quarter of the third century and occupied as late as the first quarter of the fifth century.90 Because of the general lack of Romanized sites, it can be con- cluded that Worcestershire, as far as the Roman empire was concerned, was a backwater. There was heavy settlement in the lowlands region to the south -- e.g. Gloucestershire -- where villas are relatively common. .As *will be seen, the army, whose main bases were elsewhere than within the county, was constantly concerned about conditions in Wales to the west in an attempt to deal with recurrent native unrest. In between these areas, Worcestershire, despite the fertile land in the Warwickshire.Avon valley, was left to develop on its own.91 It is easy to find evidence to support the above conclusion. Away from Romanized centers, most of the population remained pagan.92 With the one possible exception of the house at Bays Meadow, discussed 9°St. Joseph, 22, 535., p. 42. P.S. Gelling, "Report on Exca- vation," pp. 6-7. 9¥A reason why this land was not occupied by Romanized sites will be suggested below. 92There is no evidence that this area was ever the site of Welsh missionary activity even though during the fifth and sixth centuries the areas of southern and western.Wales remained Christian. There is evidence to indicate the dispatch of missionaries to various places, including Ireland, but not to Worcestershire. P.A. Wilson, "Romano-British and Welsh Christianity: Continuity or Discontinuity," Welsh Ristogy Review, III (1966), pp. 110-113, 118. Bede mentions British bishops meeting with the missionary Augustine in 603 somewhere (in the Avon valley, but nothing is known of their origin. aggh, ii, 2. ,A recent attempt to link the sixth century Welsh Saint Samson of Dol with the church at Deerhurst (Glos.) is simply not convincing. Edward Gilbert, "The First Stone Church ological §9ciety, LXXXVII (1968), pp. 74-76T—7There is no question that the saint was present in and around the Severn River and Severn estuary ca. 600. However, lacking further evidence, it is not sufficient to say that he was present at Deerhurst simply because the church may have been in existence. 32 above, there are no known villa sites within Worcestershire. Since everywhere in Britain Christian artifacts show a definite correlation with villa sites and/or cities,93 it comes as no surprise that no Christian artifacts have been found within the county. Pottery from the Roman period provides additional evidence for the survival of native traditions. Up through at least the third century, and possibly later, a manufacturing center situated in the'Malvern Hill district in the western part of Worcestershire turned out sturdy, well made pottery which has been found on Roman sites throughout the western IMidlands. The style of the vessels show adaptation to Roman influences, but at the same time typology also shows strong links with similar styled pottery known to predate the Roman conquest.94 Perhaps the clearest indication of the nature and degree of Roman control present in Worcestershire is found by considering an earth- work now known es Clifton Camp.95 It is located ten miles northwest of ‘Worcester and sits on the present day border of Herefordshire and Wor- cestershire. In its present form, it is simply parallel earthen banks forming the west and south sides of a small enclosure. Along the 93The view expressed here is that of W.H.C. Brand, "The Christ- ianization of Roman Britain," in Christianity ig_Britain 300-700, edited by M.W. Barley and R.P.C. Hanson ([Leicester]: Leicester University Press, 1968), pp. 42-44. However, a word of caution is in order. There is a surprising correlation between a group of place names originating from OB "ecclesia", meaning church, and Roman roads. All are on or near the roadways. This suggests that the Christian church may have been.more ‘widespread in rural areas than suspected. Kenneth Cameron, ”Ecclea in English Place.Hames," in Christianity‘ig Britain 300-700, pp. 87-92. 9"D.l’.S. Peacock, "Romano-British Pottery Production in the Malvern District of Worcestershire," TWAS [3rd ser.], I (1965-67), pp. 15’280 95For what follows, 8.0. Stanford, "Excavations at the Roman Outpost of Clifton-on-Teme, Worcestershire," TWAS [2nd ser.], XXXVI (1959), pp. 19-32. 33 northern side of the site are indications of a smaller earthen bank. Pottery, found inside the enclosure during the excavation, dates the enclosure to the Roman period. Sectioning96 of the banks indicated that the earthworks and accompanying defensive ditches had been.modified on three separate occasions. The last involved extensive shortening of the walls, and the building of a smaller enclosure. Possible confirmation of the three separate occupation phases came with the discovery of three sealed layers in a rubbish pit inside the enclosure. Because of the small amount of pottery found,97 as well as the total absence of any indication of permanent structures, it appears that each of the periods of occupation was of short duration. When Clifton Camp was occupied, the inhabitants undoubtedly lived in some type of temporary shelter. There are two indications that the site was constructed for military purposes. The square enclosure accompanied by defensive ditches is typical Roman military construction.98 The radical alteration of the camp in Phase III, could only have been done with a military purpose in mind. Such simple earthworks as existed at Clifton Camp would require being closely manned at all times. If the last garrison was smaller than previous ones, an obvious move would be to decrease the area defended by shortening the walls. 96In excavating a site with an earthen bank present, it is common practice to drive a trench into and through it. By this means, both the contents and the stratigraphy present in the bank can be examined. 97There were a total of eight pieces found. See the list in Stanford, 22.'gi£., p. 32. 98Romanforts and fortresses were square shaped and defended by walls and ditches. This was true for all sizes of installations including the smallest forts, or fortlets, and even the temporary encampments built for a single night. See the discussion in.Collingwood and Richmond, Archaeology'gg Roman Britain, Chapters III, IV, and V. 34 The only clue dating the three periods of occupation comes from the pottery. It is thoroughly nondescript, and has already been noted to be of slight quantity. All that can be said is that the pottery in- dicates the fort was occupied three times between the second and fourth centuries ,99 but this is enough of a clue. Within that timespan, there are three dates in the history of Roman Britain which must be considered. In both 196,100 and 296, the northern and western parts of Britain were stripped of troops to support the ambitions of rebellious generals in other parts of the empire. In 367, the entire island was ravaged by concerted attacks of all the barbarian tribes. On each occa- sion, Roman control in the rural areas all but disappeared, and it was necessary for it to be reimposed by the army. Clifton Camp is one of a series of forts which include Tedstone Wafer and Valltown, both nearby. Given the nature of the terrain, the location of these forts would seem ideal for countering guerilla war- fare and/or pacifying the countryside in times of crisis. Thus this series of fortifications can best be explained as an attempt to control a hostile population and deal with raiders striking east out of Wales. The governmental status of the entire region between the border of Wales east to the Severn River, the region in which Clifton Camp, Tedstone Wafer, and Walltown lie, is uncertain. Until recently, it was believed that the civil zone of Roman Britain extended all the way to 99The pottery was not stratified. Both the earliest dateable example, a black burnished bowl coming from the second century, and the latest, a red ware tankard of third-fourth century date .came from the same trench. Stanford, 22. 91.5., p. 32. 100It may be simply coincidence, but this date agrees with the possible date of the first expansion of the walls surrounding the city of Worcester. . . 35 the Welsh border. The evidence for this was- the presumed civil settle- nnt at Leintwardine (Here.), which was linked to the Roman settlements at Wroxeter and Xencester. However, excavations begun in 1958 at Leintwardine have revealed the presence of a large fort, the walls of which enclosed 11.3 acres. The fort was first established in the last half of the second century, and was occupied continuously into the late fourth century. The location of such a large fort in that area suggests that in times of crisis, the region between the Welsh border and at least as far east as the Severn River, if not further, came under military control. 101 The ultimate source of any unrest in the border area would have been Wales. For this reason, it is worthy of note that the long held view that Wales was totally pacified and the Bonn army withdrawn after A.D. 150102 is no longer accepted. On the basis of the first detailed analysis of the pottery of Roman Wales ,103 it is now accepted 1018.0. Stanford, "Excavations at the Roman Camp of Bravonium (Leintwardine)," Transactions 9_f_ the Woolhope Naturalists Field Club, XXXVI (1958), pp. 87-99; for a summary of later work see v.3. Nash- Williams, The Roman Frontier _ir_: Wales, 2nd ed. , revised by Michael Jarrett (Cardiff: National Huseum of Wales, 1969) , pp. 91-95. 102A convenient sunnary of this view is to be found in VJ. Rash-Williams, fr_h_e_ Roman Frontier in Wales [1st ed.], (Cardiff: Rational Huseum of Wales, 1954), assist. 103There are no written sources for the history of Wales after ca. A.D. 150, and very few instriptions. One must rely on the dating of pottery to establish a chronology. This is done by comparison of pottery found in Wales with that found elsewhere in the empire. Potters' marks, . which were in effect trademarks of the persons manufacturing the pottery, are also helpful in dating various pottery types. In addition, a great deal of research towards determining the dates certain pottery factories in Gaul were active has been done, for much of the pottery found in Wales was imported from Gaul. Given the importance of the pottery, it is sur- prising that the entire corpus had never been studied before. It is described in detail by Grace Simpson in two articles: "Carleon and the Roman Ports in Wales in the Second Century A.D.: Part I Carleon and Northern Wales," Archaeologia Cambrensis, C11 (1962), pp. 103-166; 36 that, with only a few brief exceptions, every major fortress was fully garrisoned through the end of the third century. 10“ There are two explanations for such a concentration of military might. It has been argued that this concentration was necessary to control what was and remained a basically hostile population.105 This view has not been accepted by many scholars, and instead it has been suggested that Wales was nothing more than a staging area for troops needed to garrison the northern wall. 105 The truth, once it is known, will probably be somewhere between the two extremes. Nevertheless, some degree of Welsh resistance ought not to be denied. Excavations have dem- onstrated that widespread repairs were necessary at seven fortresses between 196-211.107 The need for such repairs at that time is a striking correlation with the breakdown of Roman authority in 196. Both Clifton Camp and the political situation in Wales are important to an understanding of the degree of Roman control in Worcester- shire. Both the occupation of the forts in Wales as well as the series of fortifications all along the Welsh border, of which Clifton Can is one, can best be explained by some degree of long term native hostility. "Carleon and the Roman Ports in the Second Century A.D.: Part II Southern Wales," Archaeologia Cambrensis, 0111 (1963) , pp. 13-76. 10"Grace Simpson, Britons £12 tile; Roman .42! (London: Gregg Press Limited., 1964), pp. 29-30. This book is a discussion of the conclusions drawn from that material cited in n103. 105Simpson would see the recurrent reference in inscriptions to buildings, aqueducts, etc. , which were "restored because they had collapsed from old age" as a glossing over of damage caused by native attacks. See ibid., pp.50-51. 106This is the view of Michael Jarrett in Nash-Williams, The; 59-33 grands; _i._n Wales, 2nd ed., pp. 20-21. 107See the and paper and the references there cited in Simpson, Britons y_d the Roman A121- 37 This opposition had to be controlled or else it could strike eastwards across the Midland and into the lowland area of Britain. If the preceding analysis is correct, Roman control of Worcester- shire was only intermittent, a conclusion strengthened by the lack of Romanized sites -- e.g. villas -- other than at Worcester and Droitwich. The lack of villas in the Avon valley could easily be explained by the inability of the army to guarantee their safety. Moreover, there is no evidence of social, economic, or political domination, and therefore the British population, and more important, its custom, would have survived unchanged into the period of German settlement in Worcestershire. In addition to the concentration of Britons in the Avon valley during the Roman period, place names demonstrate that another enclave was present at the time of the German invasion. In a rectangular shaped area bounded by Worcester, the Severn River, and the Avon River as far up stream as Pladbury, place names indicative of British-German contact are present. 108 It is certain that this enclave survived the German invasion, for its tribal name is preserved in the present day name Worcester. The first element of the modern name, "Wor-", can be connected with Wyre Forest, Wyre Piddle and the eighth century estate name of Weorgorenaleage", all place names which occur in the rectangular enclave just mentioned. . The root of these connections is a name which appears in the OB as "Weogoran", with British form being "Vigoran".109 The British form could only have passed into the German language after ca. 650, the date of the emergence 108Within this area are found the place names of Churchill and Crookbarrow which are both a combination of British and German ele- ments. See 1n. Worc., pp. 106-109; 178. 1'ogfiilert Bkwall, The Concise Oxford Dictionary gf English Place Names, 4th ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1960), p. 534. Be goes on to suggest that the origin is in the Gallic rivername Vigora. 38 of the "Weo-" element.]'10 It will be demonstrated in Chapter III that such a date comes after the period of the first settlement of the Germans in Worcestershire. In conclusion: The Roman empire came and left, and the great bulk of the British population remained on the land. It was to be the Anglo Saxons who would absorb these people into their social system, something the Romans never accomplished, and quite likely never attempted. All indications are that Rome made little lasting impact on Worcestershire. 110Jackson, Lagguage and gistory, pp. 601-602. CHAPTER 111 It is time now to deal directly with the subject of British continuity in Worcestershire following the German settlement. It was demonstrated in the course of Chapter II that both archaeology and place names indicate the presence in the county of a British population which, as far as can be determined survived the Roman period unchanged. The first part of this chapter will deal with the impact of the Germans up- on the British. Bven though the discussion will be unavoidably vague, due to a lack of definite knowledge, some general conclusions as to the nature and effects of the invasion as well as the degree of possible British survival can be reached. The second part of this chapter will involve a detailed examination of the Bishop of Worcester's manor of Pladbury in order to test the validity of those general conclusions on a specific area. Pladbury was selected for two reasons. There is frag- mentary archaeological evidence, which will be discussed, that the site was occupied during the Roman period. In addition, and this also will be demonstrated, it was one of the earliest sites known to have been settled by the Germans in the Avon valley. 111 There are indications of sixth century German settlement along what is now the modern Worcestershire-Gloucestershire border. Both 1”There is no reason to doubt a fifth century date for the German cemetery at Broadway Bill. Jean Cook, "An Anglo Saxon Cemetery at Broadway Bill, Broadway Worcestershire," Antiquaries M3211: MIII (1958) , pp. 58-84. This does not mean that the Warwickshire Avon was open to German settlement in the fifth century. Instead, this may have been a group of mercenaries placed at that location to.defend the valley, 39 40 linguistics and place names show a very slight Saxon influence although such influence was not strong enough to result in the formation of any Saxon place names inW’orcestershire.112 Fragmentary pottery evidence at Bricklehampton, Blockley, and Broadway, all in the southernmost part of the county, may provide further support for sixth century settlement, but if so, such settlement must have been very sparse. The total evidence for the Saxon presence at Broadway, for example, consists of one sherd of pottery which was found in an unsealed occupational layer.113 A conclusive answer may come from the excavated cemetery at Beckford (Glos.) the report of which is still unpublished. In a preliminary note, this rather large cemetery was dated to the sixth century, but the grounds for such a date are unknown.114 The first important and identifiable group known to have set- tled in Worcestershire are the Bwicce. The origins and composition of this tribe are a matter of debate. 115 It was a large group, for in the for such a conclusion explains the presence of soomorphic buckles of Romano- Celtic origin. This type has been identified as being used, only for Roman styled military equipment in the fourth and fifth centuries. S.C. Bawkes and George Dunning. "Soldiers and Settlers in Britain Fourth to Fifth Century," Medieval Archaeolo , V (1961) , pp. 32-33; 36. 1'l-ZSuch influence depends on whether West Saxon personal names do, or do not underly some place names. It has been argued, for example, that "Ambre" lies behind Ombersly, "Ceat wic" behind Chacely, and "Cite” behind Chevington. See 33. Worc., pp. 268, 192, 219. Such an interpre- tation has not gone unchallenged. See A.B. Smith, "The Bwicce," in Pranciplegus, edited by J.B. Bessinger and LP. Creed ([n.p.]: New York University Press, 1965), p. 65 n27. 113C.II.S. Smith, "A Prehistoric and Roman Site at Broadway," ms [2nd ser.], XXIII (1947), pp. 57-74. An unsealed occupational layer is one into which is it possible that an artifact may be intruded at a date different than the layer itself. 1148» the note in Medieval Archaeolo , III (1959), p. 296. 1-15The various views are conveniently sn-sarized by Margaret Wilson, "The Bwicce," TWAS [3rd ser.], II (1968-69), pp. 21-25. 41 eighth century docusent known as the 'Tribal Bideage', it was rated at 7,000 hides, the same figure as that given to the South Saxons.“6 ‘The name "Bwicce" is very old, and has no recorded linguistic connections with any other place names. It is quite possible that the word is a tribal name which goes back to pre-migration Germany.“-7 At one time it was believed that the Bwicce had migrated up the Severn valley from Gloucestershire and settled in Worcestershire in the last quarter of the sixth century. Such a view is no longer accepted for it requires the Mwicce tabs of Saxon origin. As has already been dis- cussed, there are no known Saxon place names in Worcestershire, only Anglian ones.l-18 Moreover, there (is virtually no sixth century evi- dence of Saxon settlement in the lower Severn valley. A more recent theoryof the origin of the Bwicce,119 which is here accepted, is that a small group of Anglian peoples, the original Bwicce, were organized by Panda of Mercia into some sort of political unity in the eastern Midlands. In the process, Saxon elements already present in the area were included. 120 A branch of the Northumbrian ruling P 115The latest study of this obscure doctment is Cyril'Bart, "The Tribal Bideage," Transactions 3f 51;; Royal Historical Societ , 5th ser. m (1971) , pp. 133-157. This study should be used with caution, for some of its conclusions are open to serious question. 1171!. Worc., p. xv discusses some personal names which may have been formed from the word Bwicce, but no place names are known. 118Two Anglian names are Whitsun Brook and Phepson. £3. Wore. , pp. 16, 137. 1191!“- an archaeological standpoint, the area of the eastern Midlands, including the headwaters of the Warwickshire Avon, the Thames, and the Bees rivers, is one of the most complex regions in all of England. ‘The original settlement of the Germans began in the late fifth century with asecond wave of i-igrants arriving in the first half of thesixth century. As evidenced by the distribution of disc, saucer, and applied brooches, which are‘found throughout the region, there was no clear delineation between Anglian and Saxon until the early seventh century. See 42 house was installed as rulers of the Bwicce, subservient to the kings of Mercia. 121 Once organized, this group of people migrated down the Warwickshire Avon valley and settled on the lower part of the river, with most of their settlements concentrated around the junction of the Avon and Severn Rivers. 122 There is evidence to support this explanation. The Anglian place names in Worcestershire indicate that the group was predominantly Anglian. The existence of a Mercian dialect, as apposed to a Saxon one, in the Bwiccian charters quite likely originated from the time of Penda. 123 The role played by Panda in the formation and establishment of the Bwicce in Worcestershire easily explains the dependency of the Bwicce on Mercia. Such dependency, it might be added, was very real. Throughout their history, the Bwiccian rulers held titles indicating a subordinate position to the kings of Mercia. 12" B.T. Leeds, Archaeology g_f_ g2 Anglo Saxon Settlements, pp. 37,68; also see the distribution maps of the various types of jewelry appended to Leeds, "The Distribution of the Angles and the Saxons Archaeologically Considered,” pp. 50-74, 75; for an analysis .of the ceramic evidence see J.N.L. Myres, Agglo Saxon Pottery and the Settlement _o_f_ Eggland (Oxford: Clarendon Press, c1969), pp. 46-47, 114-115. 1~21-See Pinberg, (1961), pp. 167-172. A good part of his case rests on a surprising similarity of names. Banfrid, Babe, Oswald, Osric, Oslaf, and Osred are names «man to the genealogies of the Northtnbrian ruling house as well as the Bwiccian one, but nowhere else. 122There is a distribution map of Bwiccian settlements and religious foundations in Wilson, 32. 31.5., p. 13. 123132. Glouc., N, p. 38. l'zl‘There are three apparent exceptions, but none deserve serious consideration. Bede makes reference to Osric as "rex", _l_l_._§_., 1111, 23. Given his lack of sources for the west, it is hard to know what his auth- ority for the title is. Oshere is styled "rex" in 9931-51 (678-693), but the charter as printed by Birch is suspicious. In the same grant as calen- dared by Dugdale, I, p. 607, he is styled, "...Osherus Buuiciorum subregu'lus ...". This is probably closer to reality, for in 693 Oshere made a grant with "...consentiente comite meo Cuthberhto..." y_qg-ss. Cuthbert was a 43 Because of the connection between the Bwicce and the kings of Mercia from the time of Penda, it is possible to supply an approximate date for the Bwiccian settlement in Worcestershire. It would seem likely that the Bwicce were settled in Worcestershire sometime prior to Penda becoming King of Mercia in 634.125 The most reasonable date would be sometime in the decade of the 620s, and probably before 628. In that year, at an agreement reached at Cirencester (Glos.), Penda gained control of Worcestershire from the West Saxon liings.]'26 This accomplishment against amonaichy which may have fielded upwards of 20, 000 men at the Battle of Beandum fourteen years before127 can best be explained by the presence of some new political factor to tip the scales in Penda's favor. Prom all indications, the presence of the Bwicce in Worcester, whose rulers were under an ob ligation to Penda, were the deciding factor. Given the fact that the Bwicce were settled in Worcestershire for some larger political purpose, it would appear that they would have had no reason to destroy the British population already present. Those locations where people were already settled and land under cultivation would have been seized intact, something that is known to have happened Mercian noble probably stationed at Oshere's court to act as a restraining influence in the interests of Mercia. The last example is Ailric who is styled "...AIIRICUS Oseri regius fillius..." in ggg-ln (706), but the charter is a forgery. 125Stenton, Agglo Saxon 3 land, p. 45. 126g 628. This is the first mention of Penda in the annals of the Chronicle. 127This figure is based on a curiously exact figure recorded in the A lo Saxon Chronicle. See W.G. Boskins, _‘1;h_g Westward [_xpansion _gg WessexEILeicester]: Leicester University Press, 1960) , p. 10. Whether one does, or does not accept Boskins' argument, there is no reason to doubt that the West Saxon kings were politically strong, which makes Penda's accomplishment at Cirencester more noteworthy. 44 in Cheshire and Shropshire. 128 Such being the case, what happened to the British survivors? Two things seem reasonably certain about the place of the British under their German conquerors: they survived, as demonstrated by the frequent oomrrence of British place names throughout western Britain, many of which indicate British-German contact, 129 and they occupied a subor- dinate place in German society. The seventh century law code of King Ine of Wessex refers to a British aristocratic land holding class which, while still important, stood at a disadvantage to the Germans.130 In addition, linguistic evidence indicates a period of bi-lingualism when the British spoke German. 131 This might be expected, for conquerors as a normal practice do not learn the language of the conquered. Because of this evidence, it seems safe to assme that the British peasants were absorbed into the lower levels of the Anglo Saxon peasant class and may very well have formed a portion of a non-free servile class.]'32 It must be admitted that the bulk of the previous discussion, insofar as it applies to Worcestershire, is little more than reasonable speculation. Perhaps archaeological excavation mey one day clarify the t‘ 128m those counties forest clearance spread outward from certain nuclei around which both early Anglian and Celtic place names are clustered. The explanation is that the Germans settled in those areas where the British were already living. Sylvester, Rural Landscape 2; £133 Welsh krderland, pp. 87-88. 129Jackson, Lagguage _ald Bisto , pp. 222-223; 238-241. The place names discussed in the last part of‘ Chapter II indicate British German contact in Worcestershire. 130While some of his conclusions may be opeh to question, see the valuable discussion on this point by Alcock, Arthur's Britain, p. 312. 1318ee the examples given by Jackson, Lagguage 592 318W 1 1 pp. 242-246. ' 1-32To say that all peasants in early Anglo Saxon England were free men is erroneous. See below. 45 the problem.of British German relations immediately following the German settlement. However, if the Germans did seize intact those sites where farming was already underway, it would seem possible that by studying the records of individual holdings, one could detect the presence of the British. Such a study requires several things: necessary records, evidence of occupation during the Roman period, and above all evidence of occu- pation by the Germans at a very early date. Pladbury, as will be seen below, meets all these requirements. Archaeology permits three glimpses of Pladbury during the Roman period, the overall conclusion being that it was occupied for an inde- termdnate period. Some time during the second century A.D., a young girl was buried on the site. During the fourth century, there existed some sort of building constructed out of stone.133 Pinally, there is an inter- locking enclosure located on the site. This is one of the discoveries made in the course of the aerial survey referred to in Chapter 11.134 Nothing is known of the date of its occupation, but judging by its irreg- ular shape, it is certainly British.135 The first direct mention of Pladbury in German sources is a charter conveying forty-four "cassati" of land fromlAethelred, King of 'Mercia, to Oftfor, Bishop of Worcester. The date of the grant is 697.136 133Benjamin C. Cox, "Excavations at Pladbury," TWAS [2nd ser.], XXIII (1956), pp. 36-37; C.N.S. Smith, ”Two Romano-British Sites," TWAS [2nd ser.], XXX (1954), p. 81. The date for the building is based on pottery sherds picked up from the surface of the site. Nothing is known of the building as it was destroyed before a proper excavation was organized. 134Webster and Hobley, gp.‘g;§., p. 15, No. 27. 135For the characteristics of native versus Romanized sites, see above notes 61 and 62. 135BCS-76 where the date is given as 692 due to this being the "year of Oftfor's death" BCS, I, p. llOn). However the earliest mention of 46 The land was given in memory of Aethelred's recently murdered wife, Osthryth,137 and was for the purpose of re-establishing a religious co-unity at Pladbury. bro years later, the Bishop of Worcester gave the holding to one Aethilheard, who is identified as a son of Oshere138 and a relative of Osthryth. The gift was justified on the grounds that the bishopric had received in exchange land at Stratford upon Avon. More- over, it was also agreed that Pladbury would revert to the Bishop upon Aethilheard's death. 139 A close examination of the exchange reveals that there was more involved than just a simple transfer of land. According to the 'Evesham Chronicler', Thomas de Marleberg, Pladbury had been part of Osthryth's dowery, and Aethilheard therefore had no right to alienate it to the church. 14° To support this, Thomas incorporated a charter (BCS-13l) his death in that year comes from an eleventh century source. Except for that, there is no evidence that Oftfor was not alive in 697. On the other hand, there is the clear reference to the murdered Osthryth who was killed in 697 (see n. 137). Moreover, the Evesham Chronicle implies that Ecgwine did not succeed Oftfor until 699. Pinberg, (1961), No. 6 p. 32 ;_ Chronicon Abbatis .d_e_ Evesham, edited by W.D. Macray (London: H.M. Stationery Office, 1863), p. 70. Hereafter cited as Evesham Chronicle. 137The murder is mentioned in A_SQ in 697, but why she was killed is unknown. It has been suggested that the sudden disappearance of Oshere in the late seventh century was due to his murder by Mercian nobles because he wanted to detach the Hwicce from Mercia. If so, Osthryth, who was his daughter, could have been killed for the same reason. Finberg, (1961), pp. 176-177. 138For Oshere, see above n 124. 139nm is a later undated endorsement to §C_S-76. The date depends on when Ecgwine became bishop. For reasons given in n 136, the year 699 seems the best choice. 14ogveshm Chronicle, p. 73. The Chronicle is divided into three books, and was compiled in its present form by Thomas de Marleberge in the thirteenth century. Marleberge edited the first two books into their present shape while authoring the third book which dealt with events in his own time. As a general rule, care must be taken to separate those 47 into the Evesham Chronicle“): which has long been recognized to be a forgery. Nevertheless, it apparently embodies an accurate historical tradition, 142 for an early survey of the boundaries of land belonging to Evesham, now appended to gags-125,143 explicitly states that Pladbury did not belong to Evesham. Such being the case, it is difficult to understand what could be gained by the monastery of Evesham forging a charter in favor of a third party -- Aethilheard -- unless it was to preserve what was believed to be an accurate tradition. These two exchanges provide clues to the earliest settlement at Pladbury. The name is clearly Germanic. The earliest forms preserved are "Pledanburg" and "Pledanburh" which, the text of the charter implies, was considered to be a definite place by 697.144 The meaning of the name is certain: "Plaede's Burh". The use of the Anglian personal name "Plaede" as a prefix, otherwise unknown in the Hwiccian royal genealogy, suggests that Pladbury was occupied at some date prior to the land passing to the Hwiccian royal house. Thus the original settlement on this site took place shortly after the Hwicce settled in Worcestershire. errors of fact which would favor Evesham from those that would not. The first group can be attributed to Thomas who was an active participant in the great quarrel between Evesham and the Bishop of Worcester during the thirteenth century and was not above forging documents if he felt it would help his cause. The remaining errors in fact, these which do not favor the holdings or rights of Evesham, should not necessarily be attributed to Thomas. Except for the great quarrel, he has a good repu- tation for accuracy. ‘ 1411bid., pp. 17-20. 142Pinberg, (1961) , p. 170, whose opinion is based on his accept- ance of Marleberge as an accurate scholar. 1(”The charter is a twelfth century forgery, and both will be discussed below. A boundary survey was a detailed description of the boundaries of the land which was conveyed in the charter. 14422. Worc., p. 126. The original charter (BCS-76) reads "... terram quae dicitur ELEDANBURG...". 48 When used as a suffix, the element "burh" means a fortified place,145 and it is interesting to note its appearance at Pladbury by such an early dat:. IMen do not take the time to fortify a place unless there is a possibility that such fortifications are needed. Therefore, the presence of the element "-burh" strongly suggests that there was someone else living on the land at the time of the original German set- tlement in the seventh century. The presence of the word "cassati" in.§§§-76 provides a strong clue to the social status of that unknown group. The word, in this con- text, is a rateable value and not a unit of measure. In the middle of the eighth century "cassati" is known to have meant servile.146 Thus in the grant of 697 (§§§-76) Pladbury was considered to be capable of support- ing up to forty-four "servile" households. The word "servile" needs to be emphasized, for this impinges on the general question of the legal status of the peasant in Anglo Saxon England. It is long past time that the myth of every peasant in early .Anglo Saxon England being a free man be laid to rest. There were free peasants, but the common use of the word "cassati" inHAnglo Saxon charters indicates that the villages and.manors of Saxon England were populated by people of an unfree status.147 There is of course no reason for assuming 145A.H. Smith, English Place Name Elements (Cambridge: University Press, 1956), pp. 58-60. 146In a council held in 744, the Prankish church imposed a tax of twelve pence on each "casata" for the support of the church. Pope Zacharias, writing to congratulate St. Boniface on this move, refers to the tax as "twelve pence from each servile household ("ab unoque con- jugio servorum")." Pinberg, "Roman and Saxon Withington," p. 61. 147The following‘Anglo Saxon charters referring to Worcester- shire and originating prior to 750 use the word "cassati": Egg-60, 123, 116, 153, 154, 183. There is no reason to think that Wercestershire is unique in the use of the word "cassati". 1+9 OSRAOLE v LITTLE INK B E RROW. .ROUSE LENCH . suHOB BISHAMnON lENCH erRocxmonou CHIN .PIDDLE OMORE 'DBURY Fig. 2.--'I‘he area around Fladbury 50 that every servile household is British. However, in thewest especially at an early date, British peasants are an obvious choice. Neither the early medieval nor the Anglo Saxon boundaries of Pladbury have been preserved. The modern boundaries of the parish date back at least to 1647,148 but it is certain that the early holding was at one time even larger. In the sixteenth century survey 193; Ecclesi- asticus, the chapels of Throckmorton, Bradley, and Piddle are shown to have belonged to the rectory of 1"ladbury.149 Going back to the eleventh century, land at Little Inkberrow, Hob Lench, Rouse Lench, Piddle, More and Hill, even though it was all held by the Normans, was recorded in Domesday _B_go_l_z_ as part of the manor at Fladbury.15° To that can be added land at the hamlet of Throckmorton, and probably an unknown amount at the now vanished hamlet of Craycomb, even though the names do not appear in Domesday Book. 151 148Compare the boundaries on the Ordinance Survey Map 6" series (provisional edition). Sheets 80 94 NE and SO 04 NW, hereafter cited as OS 6" and sheet nusber, with the "Plan of the Township of Pladbury... showing the respective estates...inclosed in the year 1789" (Worcester- shire Record Office, hereafter WRO, Ref. T705:8l BA 351/62), hereafter cited as "Plan 1789", and the boundaries given in "Manerii Pladbury cm Membr: March 18, 1647" (WHO Ref. B009l:l BA 2636/49), hereafter cited as "1647 Survey." This survey was taken immediately after the land was seized from the BishOp and prior to being leased out by Parliament. 149x161. In (London: Record Comission, 1817), pp. 267-268. 150"Worcestershire Domesday," edited and translated with notes by J.H. Round, in 1135 Victoria Histogy 2f the County 2; Worcester, Vol. I, edited by J. Willis Bund and H. Arthur Doubleday (Westminster: Archi- bald Constable Limited, 1901), pp. 289-291. This document hereafter cited "Wore. Domesday," and page. 151R will be demonstrated below that land under cultivation at Throckmorton was not included in the Domesday Inquest. The earliest form of the name Throckmorton comes from the eleventh century, but not from Domesday Book. See En. Worc., p. 169. The same source (p. 126), also gives the earliest date for Craycomb as the thirteenth century, but the name actually appears a century earlier. See The 593 Book _o_f Worcester, edited by Marjory Hollings, 4 vols. in 2 (London:[n. pub.], Printed for the Worcestershire Historical Society, 1934-1950), pp. 419-420. Hereafter 51 The existence of these widely dispersed holdings means that originally Pladbury extended inland from the Avon River seven or eight miles to Stock and Bradley. Most of the intervening land undoubtedly remained forested waste, but there would have been tiny plots of culti- vated land around each hamlet. In this connection, it is worth noting the boundaries of Oswaldlow Hundred. As noted above, it was created in 964 to include all . of the Bishop of Worcester's land. A small holding near Bradley but belonging to Pladbury was included in Oswaldlow Hundred even though it was completely separated from both the manor and the Hundred.152 1 Such a situation would have been created because men had settled at Bradley before the intervening countryside was settled. When the original settle- ment was made is unknown, but the earliest mention in the charters demonstrates that the Bishop of Worcester had acquired interests in the area before the end of the eighth century. In 789, a long quarrel between the Bighop and one Wulfhere, son of Cusa, over land at Bradley was settled by a church council.153 It is easy to determine just how far down stream along the Avon the holding of- Pladbury must have extended during the early Saxon period. The present day western boundary of the parish runs along a lane called "Salters Lane", a portion of a pre-German saltway originating in Droitwich. As an existing landmark, it would make an obvious parish . boundary. 15" cited as Red 3931;. 1528ae the map of Oswaldlow Hundred appended to 33. _ngg. Baggy-256. 1540.8. 6", Sheet so 94 NE. 52 The best choice for the western or downstream boundary of the estate, as compared to the parish, is a stretch of road marked on the Ordinance Survey Maps as "Broadway Lane". This wide straight lane, a clear feature of the enclosure map of 1789, runs from the present village south to a drainage ditch. Because of its breadth, as well as just sudden- ly ending for no reason, it is reasonably certain that this is an Anglo Saxon estate boundary. It was cannon practice to mark the edge of estates with banked trenches which, over the centuries, have remained as broad lanes on the modern landscape. 155 On the upstream side, it seems relatively certain that the parish boundary originated at an early date. This boundary is mentioned in a boundary survey, now attached to B_C_S_-125. As already discussed, it separates l'ladbury from the adjacent holding to the east which belonged to the monastery at Evesham. The charter purports to be the original grant which established the monastery of Evesham in 709, but it is a crude forgery.156 Nevertheless, the attached boundary survey can not be so easily dismissed, for there are indications that the survey embodies material earlier than the charter which was forged in the twelfth century. The forms of the words in the survey are no earlier than the eleventh cen- tury, but the purely descriptive matter of the survey is in Latin; the nomenclature is Saxon. Such a mixture of languages is strongly 155compare "Plan 1789," with 0.8. 6" Sheet SO 94 11!. Broadway village marked on the modern map did not exist in 1789 and is not marked on the enclosure map. For a general discussion of estate boundaries see v.0. Boskins, m flaking _o_f_ the English Landscape (London: Bodder and Stoughton, 1955. Reprinted Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books Ltd. , 1970), pp. 66-71. ’ 155nnberg, (1961), no. 10, pp. 88-89. 53 reminiscent of the earliest German land surveys.157 that apparently happened is that after forging the charter -- pig-125 -- the scribe added on the earlier survey. An early date for this survey requires an early date for the eastern boundary of Pladbury which is included in the survey. It is difficult to determine if theestate boundary differs from the parish boundary on this side. It is possible that it may. The main road which parallels the river intersects with Broadway Lane. If the boundary is placed approximately along the main road, the result would be a compact triangular shaped holding. At this point, the Anglo Saxon sources can shed no further light on ll'ladbury. Additional information must come from medieval sources. In the following discussion, frequent reference will be made‘to the eleventh century Domesday B_ogl_t. Equally important, if not more so, is a collection of documents entitled The 332 £393 g Worcester. Here are found various land surveys, lists of knight fees, and lists of manor- ial customs -- sometimes called extents -- owed to the Bishop of Worcester. The date of these docunents ranges from some point prior to the Domesday Inquest up through the fourteenth century. Four documents from the gag B_q¢_>_l_c_ are of particular interest to this study. The first is a list of land holdings of the BishOp which were in demesne. It is headed "In Dominio" and was drawn up sometime before 1086.158 The next, a much more detailed survey, somewhat along ‘ 157mm)», Saxon Charters of Worcestershire, p. 89. 158Red Book, p. 442. This document cited hereafter "rte-Domesday Survey". No date is given in the text, but it is possible to arrive at an approximate date from internal evidence. None of the totals shown are more than those listed in Domesday Book nor do they coincide with any of the twelfth century surveys published in 335 Book. Hence the totals listed in the "Bra-Domesday Survey" are older than Domesday Book 54 the lines of a local Domesday Inquest, dates from ca. 1161.159 A simi- lar survey was drawn up ca. 1182.160 The last, an extremely detailed survey not only of the land but of the Bishop's privileges as lord of the Manor dates from 1299.161 To begin with part of the Domesday entry: In demesne are 7 hides, where are 9 ploughs, and [there are] a priest who has half a hide, and 23 villeins and 17 bordars with 19 ploughs. There are 16 serfs and 3 bondwomen, and a mill...and 50 acres of meadow. The wood [land] is 2 leagues [lenwae] long and half [a league] in width, and the Bishop has all its proceeds in hunting and honey and timber...for the salt pans of [Droit] wich, and 4 shillings [also]. It was worth £10; now £9.162 This notice contains a good deal of information in an abbre- viated form. There is a clear reference to four categories of land: the Bishop's demesne of seven hides, a separate half hide of land belonging to the priest, fifty acres of meadow, and an unknown amount of wood land. 1'63 It should also be noted that nothing is said to indicate that (1086). The editor -- Bollings -- assigns ca. 1070 to the "Bra-Domesday Survey" but because of the wide variance in totals between this and Domesday Book, such a date is unconvincing. To cite some examples: In the "Pre-Domesday Survey" the manor of Kempsey is shown as having 6 1/2 hides in demesne while in 1086 13 hides were in demesne. Bredon is shown to have 7 hides 3 virgates in demesne as compared to 10 hides in 1086. Ripple has 8 hides as compared to 13 in 1086, etc. If a date of ca. 1070 is accepted, it is difficult to explain the wide variance of the size . of the holdings in the "Pro-Domesday Survey" and Domesday Book. Therefore, the "Dre-Domesday Survey" will be considered to contain information much older than ca. 1070, at least in part. 159339, Book, pp. 418-422 ; hereafter cited as "1161 Survey". 16°Ib1d., pp. 145-150. 1511b1d., pp. 125-144. l'62"Worc. Domesday," p. 289. Translation and interpolations in [ ] by Round. The entire manor was rated at forty hides, of which thirty- three were located elsewhere. 163The meaning of the term "lenwae" which Round translated as league is ambiguous. It is impossible to calculate its exact area. P.J. Honkhouse, "Worcestershire," in _Thg Domesday Geography g_f_ Hidland B land, edited by 3.0. Darby and LB. Terrett (Catridge: University 55 the land listed is the entire holding. This is a point to which it will be necessary to return later in the chapter for it will be argued that the actual land of the manor was larger than recorded in Domesdaygpgk. The earliest-reference to the land at Fladbury, which will be shortly compared to the Domesday 9931; entry just presented is in the document which will be termed the "Pro-Domesday Survey". The entry for lladbury shows that the land was divided into two parts, and is the ‘ only entry so divided.154 One part, hereafter termed Parcel A, contained two and one half hides of land which paid geld. The other, hereafter called Parcel B, contained six hides and three virgates on which no geld was levied. 155 The presence of both geldable and non-geldable land at l'ladbury requires explanation. The obvious one, that part of the land was at some point exempted from the geld, is not valid; for there is no evidence that such an imaunity was ever granted. 1“ It might be argued that such an i-unity was granted, and has since been lost. While this is of course a possibility, it is less likely for Worcestershire than Press, 1954), p. 242. “My it should be so divided will be discussed below. 155nm Latin text reads, "rladebury :1 hides at dimidiam geld- antes et vi hides et iii virgates non geldantes." "Ire-Domesday Survey," p. 442. . 156T!“ earliest inunity granted for the remiss ion of any secular obligation dates only from the reign of Offs in the eighth century. Brio John has argued that church lands were inune to‘ all canon burdens, e.g. "Trimoda lecessitas" (fyrd service, road building, and fortress building), until they were imposed by Offs. Bee, Land page 1._n_ Barly lgland, pp. 64-79 which directly challengeswm. Stevenson a classic article, "Trinoda Necessitas," fl, XXIX (1914), pp. 689-703. In'any event, as John makes clear, the imposition of'secular dues did not apply to geld which was earlier. See below n168. 56 other parts of England because of the sheer number of charters to have survived. Moreover, one might well ask, why an ism-unity on just part of the land. If we eliminate the possibility of an inunity for Pled- bury, we return to the point that the holding, or at least part of it, paid geld. This fact is significant, but to understand why we must first ask when and how geld began to be collected. The origins of the geld system are shrouded in obscurity, but they must be very early. The earliest document to shed light on the system, and that from a standpoint of a national -- as opposed to a regional -- survey, is the "Tribal Bideage". Despite many questions which still remain unanswered about this document, two conclusions are generally accepted by most scholars: this was a geld list of tribes which owed tribute to the Kings of Mercia, and it was drawn up sometime during the period 675-796.167 Its existence means that, by at least the eighth century, a system of assessing geld on a national level had been created. In turn, given the level of development such a national system.implies, its origins must be even earlier.168 Nothing is known as to on what basis geld was assessed in the early Anglo Saxon period. The obvious choice would be on land under cultivation, which means that land brought into production at a later date would not pay geld. 167The vast literature is cited, at least in part, by Hart, 22, cit., p. 133. The best analysis of this document is still Stenton's, Anglo Saxon B land, pp. 295-297. 168Brie John has stressed that from the late seventh century, which is as far back as our sources will take us, that the "bretwalda" of Britain.had the right to levy tribute or geld. See Orbis Britanniae ([Leicester]: Leicester University Press, 1966), p. 13. 57 The importance of all this for Pladbury is that the entry in the "Pro-Domesday Survey" reflects conditions prior to the eighth century. It is known that the land had been settled during the seventh century and thus that land already under cultivation when the geld system was formalized would be assessed. This was Parcel A. Parcel B, however, since it did not pay geld, must have been put under cultivation at some later date. At this point, a problem emerges. No further use can be made of either the My B_o_9_k_ or the "Pre-Domesday Survey" until the exact amount .of land being referred to can be calculated. This requires a definition of the term 'hide'. Its frequent occurrence in both the Anglo Saxon charters as well as Domesday Book indicates that it was a unit of land. 169 Despite the obscurity of its meaning, if we are to have any hope of determining the size of Pladbury, it is necessary to deter- mine how many acres of land equalled one hide. Any discussion of the size of the hide must begin by noting an important fact. During the later Anglo Saxon period, there were two different meanings for the word hide. These will be termed "real hides" and "fiscal hides". The former, as noted above, refer in some fashion to a definite unit of land. By comparison, "fiscal hides" were assessed units of taxation which did not necessarily correspond with the masher of "real hides". 170 Our concern will be with the "real hide". l-69There is an extensive early literature on the subject, but all make the same mistake; a basic assmption that one hide equalled x nudaer of acres everywhere in England. Even Maitland in his classic discussion, despite the fact that he recognized that early medieval man's measurements might vary, opted for a standard hide of 120 acres. Domesday Book _e_n_¢_l_ Beyond, pp. 357-399. 170Stanton, Anglo Saxon En land, p. 287 and material there cited. There is an excellent theoretical discussion on how the different mean- ings of hide may have come into existence in .Maitland, Domesday Book and Be ond, pp. 389-392. 58 It is accepted that one hide contained four virgates of land, and was enough land to support one warrior and his family. How much land that was, varied. The Domesday 2225 statistics demonstrate clearly that one hide did not equal the same number of acres in the same shire, much less for all of England.171 There is no standard-sized hide for Worcestershire. The equation of four virgates per hide remains valid, but the total number of acres per hide varied across the county. On the BishOp of Worcester's manor at Ripple, for example, one virgate equalled twelve acres, and thus one hide equalled forty-eight acres. This compares to the Bishop's manor at Spelsbury where one Virgate equalled forty-eight acres and the hide equalled one hundred ninety-two acres.172 To confuse the issue even further, at Bavington, a manor which belonged to the Priory at Worcester, the size of the virgate varied from twenty-four to thirty-six acres.173 The explanation is that the variance reflects the fertility of each field of the manor. The answer for the size of the hide at Pladbury is contained in the "Survey of 1161". In the course of the survey, the scribe noted that all who held twelve acres of land or one virgate owed four days work per week to the lord.174 The detailed list of villeins' holdings 171To cite an example from Wiltshire, both JkE. Tait and E.H. Darlington reached different conclusions on the size of the hide in that county, even though both were using Wiltshire Domesday Evidence. Compare "Large Rides and Small Hides," Egg, XVII (1902), pp. 280-282, with "Wilt- shire Domesday," in A gistogy _o_f_ Wiltshire, Vol. II, edited by B.B. Pugh and Elizabeth Crittall (London: Oxford University Press, 1953), pp. 182-183. 172§gg,Book (introduction to Vol. IV) p. xxxi. 173Begistrum sive Liber irrotularius gt conseutdinarius Prioratus Beatae Mariae Wi orniensis, edited by William Bale Neale (Camden Society, 1st ser., 201, 1865), p. 62a. 174"...operarii de virgate et de xii acris debend operari in 59 which is included in the survey shows that twelve acres of land was the standard sized holding on the manor. Ordericus Piscator held two "closes"175 by service. Edwyn filius Unwyn, in addition to holding a virgate of twelve acres, held two additional acres of land from the lord‘s demesne. Turbern Ege held two acres. All other villeins listed either held twelve acres of land or an amount which is a factor of twelve.176 It seems safe to conclude, therefore, that at Pladbury, one hide equalled four virgates of twelve acres each for a total of forty-eight acres.177 Based on the figure of forty-eight acres equals one hide, the eleventh century holdings at Pladbury recorded in Domesday gggk_contained three hundred thirty-six acres of land in the Bishop's demesne, and twenty four acres of land held by a priest. By comparison, in the pre-Domesday holdings, Parcel A contained 124 acres; Parcel B 324 acres. The similarity in size between Parcel B and the Domesday Leg]; entry suggests that they are the same holdings. The small amount of difference is not important, for in the course of the Domesday Inquest, it was common practice to round off totals.178 Thus Pladbury‘s six hides and three virgates could easily ebdomadis iiii diebus...", "1161 Survey," p. 421. 1 175A close is a small enclosed area on.which a house was built. 176"1161 Survey," pp. 420-421. 177The same size hide existed at Ripple (see above nl72), and the similarities with Pladbury are interesting. Both are located on river terraces, belonged to the Bishop of Worcester, and were settled at an early date. (Egg-SI; 678-693. For the authenticity Pinberg, (1961), No. 196, p. 86. The presence of so many similarities strongly suggests that we are dealing with a very old set of customs. 178Stenton,.Agglo Saxon Eggland, p. 287. The old thesis of Reund and Maitland that Domesday gpok.was simply a geld book has come under serious criticism and is no longer accepted by most scholars. Compare Round's comments in "Werc. Domesday," p. 236 and Maitland's in Domesday Book _a_n_d_ B ond, pp. 3-5 with v.3. Galbraith, The Making 3; Domesday Book (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961), pp. 28-42 who views the Domesday Inquest 60 have been rounded off to seven. 179 An additional point concerning the Bishop's demesne and Parcel B should be noted here: the location. The land was situated on the bank of the Avon River at a place where the river makes a sharp bend and the shore is elevated slightly above the river. 180 So located, the holding was less likely to be flooded, yet could still take advantage of the fer- tile river bottom soil. As such, this was probably the best land at Pladbury since there was not the recurring problem of floods.181 With the location of Parcel B, our major problem, the survival of the British, has been simplified. The way is now open to deal with the location of Parcel A. Such a step is vital, for as will be seen, its location provides additional evidence for British survival. The hamlet of Throckmorton is less than a mile to the north of Pladbury, and is one of several hamlets adjoining the manor. Even though it is omitted from Domesday B393, place name evidence demonstrates that it was in existence by at least the eleventh century.182 The first detailed as a general survey throughout England to find out just what the King's rights are. A slightly different view stresses the need of William the Conqueror to know exactly who owned what land and what it was worth in order that the King might rationally distribute it among his followers. R. Weldon Finn, _T_hg Domesday Inguest (London: Long-ans Green and Co. , Ltd., [1961]), pp. 31-34. 179R might seem that the Bishop would have complained about rounding off the total upwards as it would increase his taxes. Even if it is assumed that the purpose of Domesday Book was to serve as a geld book, a fact which is by no means certain (see nl78), it will be seen below that there were two hides of land which were concealed from the Domes- day Inquest. 180The remnants can still be seen on "Plan 1789". 181Until the Avon was dredged in the seventeenth century, floods were not unusual at Pladbury. T.R. Nash makes an offhanded reference to the meadows of Pladbury being flooded by the Avon. His tone suggests that this was not an unusual event. See Collections £25 5h; Bistogy _gf !o_r_- cestershire, Vol. I (London: T. Payne, 1781), p. lxxxvii. 182See above, n151. 61 description appears in the "1166 Survey". At that time eight hides and three virgates are recorded as being under cultivation, but of that amount only two hides paid geld. 1'83 Six villeins, each holding one half virgate -- six acres -- are recorded. The rest of the land was vacant. A little further on in the same survey, under the entry for Pladbury proper is found the notation that two virgates of land, and only two, were held "pro iiii' antiquitibus".184 The distinction in the status of the land is significant, for this is the original holding at Pladbury which appears in the "Pre-Dmesday Survey" as Parcel A. The fact that most of the land, but not all of it, lies at Throckmorton, forces reconsideration of whether or not the dispersed structure of the manor at Pladbury is of significance. There is an obvious correlation between the shape of the discrete manors in Wales which antedate the coming of the Germans and the manor of P'ladbury.185 Both have attached hamlets and are focused on one central location. Such being the case, the situation at Pladbury is frustrating. Por despite the apparent correlation in shape, with one exception, there is simply no evidence that any of the hamlets around Pladbury were , or for that matter were not, in existence in the early German period. 135 133"1166 Survey," p. 419. 184Ib1d., pp. 419-420. 185This was discussed in detail in Chapter II. 186The presence of the element "cray-" in the modern name "Craycosbe" might seem to indicate a British origin for the name. The etymology of the word clearly indicates that this was not the case. The original name was something like "Crawe-cumb" which meant crow-valley. See 29. Worc., p. 126. 62 The one exception is a custom of the manor at Fladbury in the twelfth century. Villeins who held twelve acres of land at Fladbury proper were required to mow four days a week. By comparison, those villeins coming from the hamlets of Throckmorton, Crayconb, and Moor, despite the fact that they held only six acres of land had to mow every day of the week.187 By itself, this is a little thing, but it demonstrates that the inhabitants of the adjoining hamlets stood in a subordinate position to those people who lived at Pladbury. In conclusion, let us summarize the evidence for British survival and continuity at Pladbury. The original German settlers at Pladbury in the seventh century found two things: a population against whom it was felt necessary to take some precautions, as well as land under cultivation, most of which was located around what was to be the hamlet of Throckmorton. This papulation had acquired an unfree status by at least the late seventh century, remnants of which are still discernible in the twelfth century. The fact that archaeology demonstrates the presence of a British population up through at least the fourth century makes it probable that the subor- dinate population.mentioned in the Anglo Saxon Charters -- e.g. B9§-76’-- *were British who remained on the land following the arrival of their new masters. Nothing conclusive can be said about the discrete structure of the manor which is similar to British manors in Wales. It was noted that the structure at Pladbury was probably early, certainly before 1086, and probably before the eighth century. Such a date is justified by the presence of geldable land at Throckmorton, and the early settlement at Bradley which had already come under the control of the BishOp of Worcester, at least in part by the late eighth century. However, because of the 187"1161 Survey," p. 421. 63 total lack of evidence for the hamlets, it is not possible to conclude that such manorial structure was originally British. The question must remain open. It is recognized that none of the evidence here presented is conclusive. Each of the bits of data offered could be dismissed as simply a coincidence. Yet the fact that so many "coincidences" are present at one site cannot be easily overlooked. Reference has been made to a newly discovered British enclosure just outside the town of Pladbury. In addition, there seems to be some sort of site within the village itself which would repay excavation. Such work might settle the question of British survival. Until that happens, if it ever does, it seems safe to say that, taken in sum, a body of evidence exists which.makes it highly probable that the British were indeed present when the first German settlers arrived. CHAPTER IV The principal concern of the preceding pages has been the survival and continuity of the British in one portion of the lower War- wickshire.Avon valley, with particular attention being paid to the manor of rladbury. The fact that the British survived in this area is insuffi- cient evidence to argue for widespread British survival throughout Britain. Yet the British did survive here and this survival affects larger problems 6 in the period of the fifth through seventh centuries. It is the purpose of this chapter to examine briefly, two such problems -- the nature of the invasion and the survival of British customs into the Anglo Saxon period -- which take on a new dimension in light of the probable British presence at Pladbury. The uneventful takeover of Pladbury, as well as other sites in the west,188 suggests that it is an oversimplification to view the period of the German invasion and settlement as a struggle between the Celtic and Teutonic races. There is no contemporary evidence of the existence -: of a racial consciousness on either side.139 Bede's well-known criticisms 188See the references cited in Chapter II for Cheshire, Shrop- shire and Wiltshire. To this should be added G.M. Young, "Saxon‘Wiltshire," Wiltshire Archaeological 933 Natural History Ma azine, XLIX (1940-42), pp. 28-38. His intriguing ideas have not received the recognition they deserve. - 189The attempts by some scholars -- e.g. Lloyd, Histogy 2f Wales, I Chapter VI and especially p. 164 -- to see the term "cymry" which means compatriot as evidence of a Welsh consciousness in the sixth and first half of the seventh centuries can be attributed to national pride. There is simply no evidence that the term was in use before ca. 64 65 of the British, contained in his Ecclesgigstiggl gistopy, originated in religious and not racial differences. 190 It is more realistic to see the invasion period as one of recur- rent conflict between tribal chieftains.191 In between the were there was a significant amount of cross cultural contact underway. To cite a few examples: the OE "wealhstod", which means interpreter, is present in both British and German sources. Bede makes reference to a Bishop UUalchstod as a "bishop of those beyond the Severn", by which he means Herefordshire. Such a name would not have been a baptismal name before being used as an occupational name which, given the location, strongly implies co-unication between people speaking different languages. 192 The latest survey of Celtic metalwork has stressed the presence of both German and British artistic influences, a fact which has been long rec- ognized for German jewelry. 193 Names preserved in genealogies suggest marriage between the British and German aristocracy. Three examples might be cited. Cerdic of the Gewisse, founder of the West Saxon royal 650. See the note by E. Phillimore in Modor, XI (1892), pp. 97-101. “CELL, ii, 2. Also see Plulmser's notes (II) pp. xxxix-xli. 19J'The tribal organization of the Germans is well-known. Re- cent work has suggested that the same type of organization had reappeared in Britain by the fifth century, if in fact it had not survived through- out the Roman period. See A.L.P. Rivet, "Suning Up: Some Historical Aspects of the Civitates of Roman Britain," in _T_l_1_g Civitas Capitals 9;. Roman Britain, edited by J.S. Wacher ([Leicester]: Leicester University Press, 1966), pp. 101-113. 1'92J.R.R. Tolkien, "English and Welsh," in Apgles _a_n_d_ Britons (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1963), pp.‘ 23-24. 19'3Elizabeth Powler, "Celtic Metalwork of the Fifth and Sixth Centuries A.D. A lie-Appraisal," Archaeological Journal, on (1963) , pp. 98-160; for the German side see e.g. E.T. Leeds, Celtic Ornament .i_n _t_l_|_g British Isles Down £2 M. 110 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1933), pp. Ll54-157; the same author's Early Apglo Saxon Alp and Archaeolggy, pp. 3-19; "Distribution of the Angles and the Saxons Archaeologically Con- sidered," pp. 44-49. 66 house, is a Celtic name.194 At least one Bernician prince married into the British ruling house of the kingdom.of Galloway, his brother into the Pictish royal house.”5 Moreover, a British-German marriage could easily explain much that is mysterious about the actions of Penda in Mercia, including the Welsh derivation of his name.196 The importance of the chieftain's role can clearly be seen in the crucial struggle in the first half of the seventh century between Northuflaria, Mercia, and the British kingdom of Gwynedd. Penda of Mercia was allied with Cadwallon of Gwynedd, to whom he owed his rise to power,197 against Edwin of Northumbria. This, it might be noted, was in spite of the fact that Edwin may very well have been a foster brother of Cadwallon, having spent several years while a child as an honored guest at the court 194The origins of Cerdic of the Gewisse are unknown, but the persistence of the West Saxon rulers in tracing their lineage back to this shadowy figure is strong evidence for his authenticity. There is no West Saxon genealogy which omits his name as the founder of the West Saxon royal house. See I. Sisam, "Anglo Saxon Royal Genealogies," in Proceedings pf the gritish.Ag§demy, XXXIX (1953), pp. 299-307. 195Bede,'§p§__., iii, 25; also Plummer's note (Vol. II), p. 120. 196Penda's name is undeniably Welsh, but his origins are unknown. Bede (§p§., ii, 20), connects him to the Mercian royal house,"...uiro strenuissflmo de regio genere'Merciorum," but his grounds for such a state- ment are not known. Even so, it might be wondered just how close a connec- tion he possessed. The Mercian genealogy (EEQ 626) lists him as a son of Pybba, however neither Penda nor his son Wulfhere are mentioned in the other two Mercian genealogies 0&9 716, 755). There seems no reason to reject Stenton's suggestion that Penda was a landless adventurer (55552 Saxon En land, p. 45), but could he also have been part Welsh? Such a suggestion explains both his consistent reliance on the British power of Gwynedd, and his possible relationship to Cadwallon of Gwynedd (see below nl97). 197There is a strong Welsh tradition, separate from and predating Bede, of a personal relationship between Penda and Cadwallon. This tra- dition is discussed and on the whole accepted by N.K. Chadwick in "The Conversion of Northumbria," in Celt and Saxon (Cambridge: University Press, 1963), pp. 149-52. Bede refers to Penda as simply Cadwallon's assistant. H.E., ii, 20. 67 of Gwynedd.198 If the invasion period is seen as a heroic age, an important conclusion emerges. The presence of sites like Pladbury provide a clue to the nature of the invasion. The fact that the farmer in the field chose to remain demonstrates that he did not view the German invasion as a catastrophe. If this is so, it means that Anglo Saxon England was influenced by the past much more than has been previously supposed. Yet it must be clearly understood what is meant by the past; for there can be no doubt that the Roman structure in Britain was almost totally obliterated. Whether this was a result of the German invasion or the British resurgence in the fifth and sixth centuries or a decay of the Roman economic systeml-99 is a point which need not concern us here. What was lost was no more than a thin veneer. The evolutionary process which brought a Romanized villa into existence on the site of earlier farms could easily be reversed. Yet even so, the land would continue to be inhabited by peasant farmers. That such was the case can be seen by considering the fate of the Roman villa. A diminution of the number of coins minted after 350 which have been found on villa sites has been taken to mean that the aristocrat who originally owned the villa had moved elsewhere with a resultant decline in prosperity.200 Yet the buildings were not abandoned. Life continued on a much cruder scale. Buildings were sometimes remodeled or the inhabitants continued to live amidst the ruins, burying their dead 193n.x. Chadwick, ibid., pp. 149-66. l'99The latest survey has concluded that the real cause of the breakdown of the Roman structure in Britain was simple economic decay. See Alcock,-Arthur's gritain, passim. 200Graham Webster, "The Future of Villa Studies ," in _T_1_i_§_ Roman Villa _ip Britain, edited by A.L.l". Rivet (London: Routledge and Regan 68 in the rubble. "01 Even when the buildings had been abandoned, or had totally dis- appeared, there is evidence that life still continued on the estate, and presuably the land continued to be worked. At the Roman villa locat- ed at Llantwit Major in Glamorgan, a cemetery was found which could only have been begun after the house had completely disappeared from view. Nothing else. will explain how at least four burials are placed directly across the walls?"2 No conclusive answer is yet possible as to whether the estate of any villa passed intact into German ownership. An attempt was made to argue such a thesis for the manor of Withington (Glos.),203 but the argument suffers for lack of evidence of the Roman boundaries. It is worth noting that excavations now in progress at Shakenoak Perm near Wilcote (Oxon.) have recovered large quantities of early Saxon and late Roman period pottery in direct association with each other and with some of the buildings on the villa site. The full significance of this dis- covery cannot yet be assessed; however, at this point it would seem that the villa was taken over by a group who made and used Saxon pottery at a time when the site was still occupied by those using the Roman styled pottery. 204 Given the general tendency to push the final date for the abandonment of villa sites later and later,205 and the date for the German 20l-See the examples given in ibid. , pp. 231-234. 2021bid., pp. 242-243. 203Ii'inberg, "Roman and Saxon Withington," pp. 21-65. 20“The latest interim report is sun-arized in Alcock, Arthur's Britain, p. 192. ~ 205The exact date of abandonment of many rural sites is unknown. The coin sequences found on the sites invariably stop with the later fourth century, however this does not mean that the site was abandoned 69 settlement earlier and earlier, additional discoveries, e.g. at Shakenoak, which demonstrate that the estates of villas passed directly into the ownership of Germans while still under cultivation, can be expected. The possibility of agricultural continuity across the period of the Anglo Saxon invasion re-opens the whole question of the origin of customs and institutions present in Anglo Saxon England. It was noted in Chapter II that the characteristic manorial structure of large discrete estates predates the Anglo Saxon period, and possibly the Roman one as well, in much of Wales and portions of western England.206 In the course of ,the discussion of Pladbury the possibility was examined that the same manorial structure was present in the Midlands region, but due to the lack of early evidence no clear solution could be offered.207 Even so, the development of the Saxon manorial system, and all its accompanying social practices, may not be as simple as once thought. The presence of non-free peasants at Fladbury during the early period suggests that the previous simple explanation of the growth of Saxon manorialism may need to be revised. In conclusion, abandonment of the idea that civilization in northern Europe began with the Romans is long overdue. Recent corrections in the Carbon 14 system of dating suggest that it is necessary to reassess the level of civilization present in northern EurOpe during the Iron Age, and particularly for England.208 It is more than possible that the origins then. There was very little fifth century coinage in circulation in Britain. It is entirely possible that many rural sites could have continued to be occupied on a self sufficient basis well into the fifth century, if not later. See Webster, "The Future of Villa Studies," pp. 234- and material there cited. 2°5The evidence is cited in detail in Chapter II. 207The evidence is discussed in Chapter III. 208The corrections arise from calibrations with tree ring 70 of many of the social institutions of the medieval period should be sought not solely with the Germans or the Romans, but in customs and practices which had existed for centuries before either came on the scene. To cite an example: given the Celtic tradition of venerating wells and springs,209 can it be assumed that such ideas did not play a role in the. selection of such Christian sites as , among others, St. Mungo's Cathe- dral in Glasgow, Exeter Cathedral, St. Patrick's church at Aspatria Cumberland, each of which is sited on a well where Celtic relics have been found? In turn, the hill fort at Maiden Castle (Dorset) demonstrates that continuity in veneration of religious places was nothing new with the Celts. Superimposed on that site were found Neolithic, Bronze Age, Iron Age, and Romano-Celtic temples.210 It is only when scholars can definitely understand the origins of religious practices, social structure, and land tenure, that we will at last be in a position to understand the origins of many of the social institutions of the Middle Ages. chronologies. Colin Renfrew, "The Tree Ring Calibration of Radio Carbon: An Archaeological Evaluation," Proceedipgs pg _thg Prehistoric Society, 209Anne Ross, Pagan Celtic Britain (London: Routledge and Regan Paul, 1967), pp. 20-33. 210See the map appended to R.E.M. Wheeler, Maiden Castle Dorset (Oxford: University Press, 1943). B 13le BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY Any study of late Roman or early Anglo Saxon England is faced with two problems. The first is the matter of locating the little evi- dence that does exist; the second is interpreting it. The "sources" that one can "read" and "cite" in a conventional way are exceedingly few with respect to the problem under discussion. One is forced to go far afield from conventional history into such areas as archaeology, place name studies, and studies of settlement patterns. For this reason, the "key sources" are secondary works where scholars with a wide range of spec ial- ized skills describe archaeological finds, analyze place names, and eluci- date philological mysteries. Yet by themselves, these studies are not enough; for none of these areas bear directly on the problem of continuity between the British and the Germans. Place names can only show that the British were present somewhere in the neighborhood, while archaeology is concerned with arti- facts, and only secondarily with the men that used them. History depends on written sources as, in the final analysis, do studies of settl-ent patterns. The basic methodological problem in this dissertation has been to reach a logical conclusion based on a synthesis of the pieces of infor- mation acquired through the separate efforts of scholars from many special- ized fields who had derived from the slight evidence available some insight into what had happened at a particular place at a specific time. The 71 72 bulk of the works discussed in this essay are secondary works dealing with archaeology, philology, place names, topography and land surveys. Such works were the real "sources" for this study. This bibliographical assay, as well as the bibliography which follows, is divided into five sections. However, due to the nature of the material, some of the classifications are at best arbitrary. Impor- tant individual items which played a significant part in shaping my thoughts on the period will be dealt with, and no attempt will be made to repeat the rather general discussion of various schools of interpre- tation given in Chapter I. I. Handbooks and Bibliographies: The starting point for source material on the Roman and Anglo Saxon period is two monuental bibliog- raphies: A Leggy-British Biblioggaphy (1964), which traverses from the Roman invasion up to ca. A.D. 450, and A_p _Apglp £3522 _a_n_d_ 921533 _B_i_b_1_i_q- gr_apl_ny (1957), which spans from 450 to the Norman conquest. Both are edited by Wilfrid Bonser and, despite their exclusion of all linguistic material, are invaluable guides to the literature written before the middle of the twentieth century. The Roman period is supplemented by Ian Ricl-ond and R.G. Collingwood, Archaeology _apg _R_o_g_a_p Britain (rev. ed. 1969). In addition to a bibliography of recent archaeological work, it also contains a series of studies of various topics -- e.g. hillforts, Roman fortresses, villas, native settlements -- and provides an excellent introduction to the period. Further material on the Anglo Saxon period is supplied by the critical bibliography in Frank Stenton, A_pglg M E_ng1and (3rd ed., 1971) , which was partially revised by Doris Stanton. The now standard guide for all the Anglo Saxon land charters is P.H. Sawyer, 1h_e_ mg; m Charters (1968), which provides a calendar version of all charters with references to other works which discuss the docments ' 73 validity. H.P.R. Pinberg, IE. £121 Charters g; _t_h_g_ Western Midlands (1961) is a regional guide organized along the same lines as Sawyer's work, except on a smaller scale. The real importance, other than the convenience of having the charters available, is the inclusion of several smaller studies of various problems concerning the charters of the area under consideration. The best guide to new archaeological literature is British Archaeological Abgtracts (yearly beginning with 1967), which su-arizes all the writings concerning British archaeology that appear each year. II. Archaeology: Because little information is available from other sources about the British element in both Roman and early Anglo Saxon Britain, it was necessary to turn to archaeology. In recent years, the vast amount of literature available has increased at an explosive rate, due primarily to a growing interest in the subject in Britain as well as to the increasing use of new techniques such as aerial photography. As a result of this new knowledge, many widely held interpretations based on less recent archaeological studies are no longer tenable. Therefore, nothing would be gained, in most cases, by listing the older literature. Moreover , archaeological literature divides naturally into two parts: excavation reports dealing with one specific site, and general studies incorporating material from many sites into an overall synthesis. with rare exceptions, individual excavation reports are important only so far as they provide raw material for a general study, and have been cited only when it was necessary to make a reference to a specific detail on a specific site. The starting point for Anglo Saxon archaeology is still, despite its age, E.T. Leeds, _T_l_1_e_ Archaeology 9; the A_ng_lo _Séxgn Settlements (1913). Leeds has been criticized for ignoring both the ceramic and historical 74 evidence. Nevertheless, by pointing to the presence of early German settle- ments which were unaccounted for by historical sources, Leeds demonstrated that the period of the German settlements was more complex than realized. In "The Distribution of the Angles and Saxons Archaeologically Considered," (1945), Leeds established the basic classification of German jewelry which is still in use today. The same author's "Early Saxon Penetration of the Upper Thames Area," was helpful because it dealt with the area in which the Hwicce first appeared. J.N.L. Myres, my; §_a_xg_n_ Pottery _agd the Settlement of. Bgland (1969), is as important ‘as Leeds' work. The first half of the book establishes a developmental sequence for Anglo Saxon pottery. Each type of pottery is correlated, chronologically speaking, with similar types of pottery in northern Europe. The result is a framework of dates derived from the various types of pottery. Using this fr-ework as its basis, the second half of the book attempts to establish’a general chronological framework for the period of the Anglo Saxon settlement. The importance of Myres' chronology is that it is entirely separate from and does not depend on interpretation of vague written sources. The latest survey of the archaeological and historical liter- ature for the period 400-700 is Leslie Alcock, Arthur's Britain (1971), which was very important to this study. It is a convenient emery of recent work emphasizing the many as yet unsolved problems in the period. It also provides a sounding board for Alcock's views on the period. Some of his conclusions may be open to question; but his views, based as they are on a thorough knowledge of the archaeological and historical evidence, deserve consideration. A.I..P. Rivet has edited a when of papers entitled The 32.92. 11.1.1.3 1.3 Britain (1969), which is a compilation of all that is known on the subject. Of particular interest was H.C. Bowen's "The Celtic 75 Background," and Graham Webster's "The Future of Villa Studies." In both these papers, the Romanized villa is seen as a phenomenOn which developed because of a certain set of economic conditions, and was re- absorbed again when the economic climate changed. There are no large scale studies of western England comparable to the Alcock volume, in part because of the rapid pace of new discover- ies, and in part because of a growing awareness of just how complex are many of the problems of the German invasion period. G.J. Copley, 11113 Conquest _o_f_ y__e_s_s_e_x_ in the §_i_x_§h Century (1954) is perhaps the best large scale survey, but it must be read with care for parts of it have been superceded by later work. H.C. Bowen's Ancient 31.115! (1963), attempts to clarify by type the nature of various native settlements and is a strong plea for archaeologists to pay more attention to the native side of Roman Britain. The same author, along with EJI. Butler, surveyed the native settlements on the river gravels of England in _A_ m g; 113; (1961) without attempting to reach any conclusions. The two works pro- vide a starting point for any study of British rural life. An important regional study of rural settlements is C.E.C. ankea, "Britons Romans and Saxons round Salisbury and in Cranbourne Chase ," which is primarily concerned with rural life during the later Roman period. Concerning the post Roman period -- i.e. the period after ca. 450 ~- in western Britain, the first faint stirring of what may be a total re- assessment of the period can be discerned. Excavations currently underway at Cadcong and Cadbury (Somerset) demonstrate that both sites, but especially Cadbury, were heavily occupied, and their defenses had been either refur- bished or totally rebuilt after 450. The latest interim report for Cadcong is P.J. Fowler and P. Eahtz "Cadcong 1970". The excavations at Cadbury are sumaarized by the excavator, Leslie Alcock, in Arthur's Britain. 76 Drawing from an exhaustive survey of Somerset (not yet published) and an admittedly incomplete survey of the rest of western Britain, P.J. Fowler has suggested in "Hill Forts, A.D. 400-700" that upwards of twenty percent of the hillforts were occupied and/or extensively refurbished after 450. This tentative conclusion, if it proves valid, will force a radical revision in the estimate of the strength of British resistance to the German movement westward across “Britain. To move into Hales is to enter an area where questions abound, but where few answers are available. The long accepted view, readily available in V.E. lash-Williams ‘_T_h_g 3.2.9.! Frontier in 321;; [1st ed.] (1954), that flales had been totally pacified and the Eoman army all but withdrawn by A.D. 150, is no longer tenable. The detailed study of Roman period pottery published by Grace Simpson in "Carlson and the Roman Forts in Wales in the Second Century A. 0.: Part 1 Carlson and Northern Wales" and "Carleon and the Roman Forts in Wales in the Second Century A.D.: Part 2 Southern Wales," has led to a total re-assessment of the period. Given the fact that the Roman high co-and had only a certain Mar of troops for all of Britain, one must ask why it was felt necessary to keep troops in Hales. As yet there is no accepted solution to this problem. Simpson has argued in Britons and _thg M Aggy (1964), that Wales was a hostile region which required the presence of large detachments of the Roman army, but this view is by no means totally accepted. A contrary view which sees Hales as nothing more than a staging area for troops stationed along Hadrian's Wall in northern Britain can be found in V.E. lash-williams The 3.2.!!! Frontier _i_n_ 3319; [2nd ed.] revised by Hichael Jarrett (1969). As yet no conclusionis possible. One suspects that Simson's welsh patriotism is , at least to a degree, influencing her views. Yet at the same time, Jarrett's argument that if there had been 77 resistance to Roman authority in Wales a record of it would have survived is also unconvincing. Any re-assessment of the Roman position in Wales requires an equal re-evaluation of the Roman position in western Britain. The reason is primarily one of geography. Because of its location and terrain, opposi- tion centered in Wales could raid eastward across the nidlands and into and through Worcestershire. This possibility affects any examination of Roman control in Worcestershire. Recent excavations by 8.0. Stanford, "Excavations at the Roman Camp of Bravonium (Leintwardine ", with later work sun-arized in Wash-Williams The m m 13 Egg, (2nd ed. 1969) , demonstrates that this site, supposedly a Roman civilian town, was actually a large Roman military encaqment which was occupied up through the late fourth century. This fact has raised the possibility that the entire border region of England and Wales west of the Severn River may have come under military control in times of crisis. For this reason, forts along the border of England and Wales have received increasing attention. These include the small camp at Clifton excavated by Stanford and reported as ”Excavations at the Roman outpost at Clifton-on-Tame” and the fort nearby at Walltown Farm Shropshire which was excavated by Ian Walker and reported as "Excavations at the Roman Fort at Walltown, Shropshire 1960-61." The overall situation is still unclear, but there are indications that-Clifton, which seems to have been situated to defend against guerilla warfare, was in use during the fourth century- To turn to post-Roman Wales, one must begin with the problem of the purpose and function of Welsh hill forts in British society, on which there is still no general agreement among scholars. The only typo- logical study of hillforts in Wales 18 W.J. Varley, "The Bill Forts of the Welsh Marches," which emphasizes that the hillforts studied show 78 signs of being built by different groups to serve different purposes. In a series of papers including "Billforts in Wales and the Marches," and ”Pottery and Settlement in'Wales and the‘!arch.A.D. 400-700," Leslie Alcock has repeatedly stressed how little is known about the hill forts' purpose. He has, however, recently modified his views in "Excavations at Cadbury- Camedot 1966-70" and now feels that they may indeed have served as tem- porary places of refuge. Among the published studies of individual hill forts of particular use to this study, the following were of value: Lealie.Alcock,‘Qigag'gggyg (1963); G.J. Wainwright,9_9mn 9522 (1967); W. Gardner and 11.8. Savory, Dinorben (1964); T.C. Eencken, "The Excavation of the IronHAge Camp on Bredon Bill Gloucestershire 1935-1937." The last is frustrating because of the failure of the author to relate the_camp to the surrounding area that was heavily settled before and during the Remmn.period. . The degree of survival of the Christian church during and after an. Roman period in Britain 1- unknown. new. Barley and a.r.c. Hanson have edited a collection of papers entitled Christianity‘igiBritain 300-700 (1968) which surveys the entire problem. Of particular value was Kenneth Cameron's contribution "Eccles in English Place Names." By correlating the location of a group of place names, all originating with the OB "ecclesia" (meaning church), with Roman roads, he has suggested that the Christian.church may have been more widespread in rural areas than pre- viously supposed. A different view, found in the paper "Villas and Christianity in.Roman.Britain," by 1.8. Painter is that Christianity was and remained weak in Britain because the class of aristocrats who could afford the Roman way of life and Roman religion remained quite small. In a somewhat different vain, P.A. Wilson, "Romano-British and Welsh Chris? tianity: Continuity or Discontinuity," makes a strong case for the 79 survival of the Christian church in Wales during the invasion period. Despite its title, Charles Thomas's The _E_a_r_ly Christian Archaeolggy g; M Britain (1971) is a convenient su-ary, at least in part, of Welsh Christian artifacts. III. history: There are no primary British sources which relate directly to this topic. The three sources of Anglo Saxon history are the 5531.2 S__ax_9_n Chronicle, Bede's Ecclesiastical Risto , and the large corpus of Anglo Saxon land charters. The first two works are available in recent English translations: Dorothy Whitelock ed. and trans. :13: A343 gag! Chronicle (1961); Bertram Colgrave and R.A.B.. Hynors ed. and trans. Bede's Ecclesiastical Ristm _o_f_ 5332 English PM (1969). Despite the virtue of a more complete text, they still have not entirely superceded m Parallel (1892-99) both edited by Charles Plulmaer. The primary reason for their continued great value is the excellent set of notes which accompany each text. The edition of charters used is that of Walter de Gray Birch,w Cartularium Saxonicum (3 vols. 1885-93, reprinted 1964). Despite its faults, the leading one being a tendency to include a lot of material which is neither authentic nor a land charter, it is still a magnificent piece of scholarship.) I . I Turning to broad surveys, R.G. Collingwood and J.B.L. Hyres M Britain and the English §e_ttlements (2nd ed. 1937) is still of value although much of it is out of date. Vol. I of R.E. Hodgkin's A Bistog 2f. _t_h_e_ M 2322! (3rd ed. 1952), deals with the German in- vasion from a German viewpoint. A recent history of the Roman period is Shepherd Frere, Britannia: A, History 2f LEE! Britain (c1967), which all but ignores the native population in favor of the Romanized one. F.14. 80 Stenton's A_nglg §_a_§_o_n_ E__ngland (3rd ed. 1971) , remains the most important survey of the Anglo Saxon period. There is no good modern survey of Celtic history. 11.x. Chadwick's and Kyles Dillon, 92.1.23. 5931;! (c1967) was a disappointment, marred as it is by a pride in things Celtic, which weakensthe scholarship. Perhaps the best survey is J.E. Bloyd's A Ristogy of M. (3rd ed. 1939), which cofiines a mature judgement with a detailed co-and of the sources. The best of the older surveys which can be pressed into service'to fill the gap caused by the lack of a good modern survey is John Rhys, £215.13. Britain (1884). Among the vast number of specialized studies on particular topics are: Eric John's Lang 33222.9. _ig .E_aLl_y England (1968) which asks seme important questions about the meaning and purpose of Anglo Saxon charters. In "Bede's native Sources of the Eistoria Ecclesiastica," D.P. Kirby stresses the small amount of information which was available to Beds. H.C. Jarrett and J.C. Mann survey the fragmentary literary evidence per- taining to the location of British tribes in Wales in "The Tribes of Wales". A.E. Smith discusses the mysterious Hwicce in "The Hwicce." There is also a convenient sumary of the various theories surrounding this obscure but important tribe, at least for the history of Worcestershire, in liargaret Wilson, "The Hwicce." There is no good study of the topography of the Tribal Rideage. Cyril Bart's recent paper "The Tribal Rideage,” while interesting, is marred by several mistakes. J.C. Russell's "The Tribal Rideage" is a stimulating view of this document which has not received the attention it deserves. What is important is that the author ' attempted to explain both the curious arrangement and various forms of tribal names present in the document. Without accepting his conclusions, and it should be noted that much of his location of the various tribes 81 is simply wrong, this paper does not deserve to be ignored. IV. Place llamas and Topographic Studies: This study has relied less than it might have on place name studies. There are two reasons for this: The entire field is one for specialists who are becoming more and more aware of the complexities of their discipline. The second is a tendency on the part of earlier scholars toward a Germanic origin for all place names. Nevertheless, the following volumes were of value. Allen Newer and Frank Stanton authored 113.... L152 Egg; of Worcestershire (1927) which despite its faults, the principal one being of a German bias, supercedes all earlier studies on the subject in the county. 1kg L155: §a_me_s_ _gg floucestershire (4 vols. 1964) was of value because of the excellent historical introduction by A.H. Smith which ranges far beyond the boundaries of Gloucestershire. Eilert Ekwall played an important role in the development of the whole area of place name studies, and two of his books are still of i-ense value. Bis Egglish 31:233. 3329.; (1928) is the starting point for all analysis of English river names. In the Concise 9x133 Dictionagy g_f_ Egglish 35.2 Egg; (4th ed. , 1960), he attemts to deal with all English place names. This value is being superceded as the Place Name Society's publications appear. Kenneth Jackson's M _a_n_d_ Eistm i_n y_r_1y Britain (1953) codines linguistics, archaeology, place name analysis, and history. Even though the author's principal concern is with the evolution of the Brittonic tongue, this volume was the first major work to demonstrate widespread British survival, especially in western Britain. In recent years, there has been a growing tendency to approach settlement studies from the standpoint of the effect of the natural environ- ment on the patterns of settlement. To Cyril Fox's pioneering _Thg 82 Personaligy‘gf Britain (4th ed., 1943), can be added Dorothy Sylvaster's 32; M Landscape _o_f £h_e_ M Borderland (c1969). Both volumes are concerned with how the face of the land controlled early human settlement. This approach has such to race-end it, for it is sometimes forgotten that man's ability to re-shepe the land to suit his whim is only a recent deve10pment. G.R.J. Jones has presented a radical view of the survival of British settlement patterns which is by no means accepted by all scholars. In "Settlement Patterns in Anglo Saxon England," as wall as "The Pattern of Settlement on the Welsh Border," he suggested that many of the basic patterns of settlement present in western Britain were not Germanic in origin but British. This theory embodies the application of ideas first developed in "Early Territorial Organization in England and‘Wales," "Medieval Open Fields and Associated Settlement Patterns in Northwest Wales," "Rural Settlement: Wales ," and "Some Medieval Rural Settlements in.North Wales." If Jones is right, his ideas'will force a radical re- assessment of such things as .the origin of the manorial system in England; for he believes and so argues that in many areas it predates the German invasion. Jones' most persistent critic has been Leslie Alcock. In various papers, including "Settlement Patterns in Celtic Britain" and ”Wales in the Fifth to Seventh Centuries‘A.D.:.Archaeological Evidence," he has stressed the lack of archaeological evidence which favors a contin- uity between the British and the Germans. The real problem, something that‘Alcock may not entirely understand, is that it will take more than archaeological evidence to prove or disprove British-German continuity. Confining himself to the local level, H.P.R. Finberg has argued for continuity in settlement patterns between the British and the Germans. 83 In "Roman and Saxon Withington," he attempts to demonstrate that the manor of Withington (G1oucs.) has been occupied continuously since Roman times. Bis case is weakened by the lack of any documentary evidence for the Roman boundaries, as well as a tendency to overstate his views. Yet his dis- cussion of such things as the nature of early.Anglo Saxon society should not be ignored. Because of its huge mass of raw statistics, the eleventh century Domesday‘gggk has long attracted scholars of Anglo Saxon England. The most convenient su-ary of the material for the Nidland region is The Domesday Geoggaphy g; Nidland England edited by H.C. Darby (1954), which attempts to convert the raw statistics into conclusions which are of value to scholars. The portion of the text which concerns Worcestershire is available in the Victoria History 9_f_ _t_l_l_e_ go_u_n_t_:y g; Worcestershire (1901) ‘1‘! was edited with notes by .J.H. Round. Modern study of Domesday go_ok began with Round, whose thesis that Domesday Bog! was nothing but a geld book, can be found in _F_‘_e_u_§a_l Eggland (1909, reprinted 1964). These views were picked up by F.W. Maitland and form the theme of his monumental Domesday Egg! g m (1897, reprinted 1966). It is only recently that scholars have begun to question the thesis of Round and Maitland. Modern views can best be found in VJ. Galbraith's _Th_e_ N_a_l_:_i_:5g _o_f Domesday 19215 (1961), and R. Weldon Finn Thg_Domesday Inguest (1961). Taken in sum, these two authors present a strong case for Domesdangggk being not a geld book but a general survey of England to enable the Ring to know the value of what he possessed. ‘Armed with this information, the monarch would be, in turn, in a position to make intelligent grants of land to various supplicants. The basic work on agricultural organization is C.S. Orwin, Th3 Open Fields (3rd ed. 1967) , which is important because it approaches the 84 complex problems of field structure from the viewpoint of the farmer in the field. H.L. Gray's English y_ield mums (1915) is also of ‘value but large parts of it are now out of date. One important point, at least as far as this study is concerned, is the fact that the infield outfield system was not unique to the highland region of Britain as. Grey had supposed. In "Old Hamlets with Infield and Outfield Systems in Western and Central Europe," Harold Uhlrig demonstrated that such structure was present on the continent as well. V. Worcestershire: Despite the large number of surviving sources, local history in Worcestershire, with very few exceptions, is character- ized by its enthusiasm and not its accuracy or scholarship.. Much of what has been written about the county can either be safely ignored, something which has been done here, for the above reason or because it is simply a rehash of a few earlier writers, principally T.R. Nash. In his Collections f_o_§ £153 Histogy o_f_ Worcestershire (2 vols. 1781-1789), Nash attempted both a collection of documents and an encyclopedic treatment of the county's history. Because of his accuracy, this work is still the starting point for any serious study of the history of Worcestershire. The county is particularly rich in Anglo Saxon charters. The manuscript of virtually all the extant charters was first edited by T. Hearne under the title Heminigi Chartularium _Eglesiae Wigorniensis (1723). An excellent analysis of the original manuscript is N.R. Eer's "Heming's Chartulary." The charters have also been printed by Birch in Cartularium Saxonicum (1885-93, reprinted 1969). Additional charters can be found published by William Dugdale in Monasticon Agglicanus (rev. ed. 1846), and in Dugdale's unpublished manuscript "Catalogus Chartarum temporibus Regum Anglo-Saxonum confectarum...". This last item is of particular interest for it contains calendared versions of charters which were present 85 at Worcester when Dugdale was there in 1642, but which have since been lost. Medieval sources have been and are still being published by the Worcestershire Historical Society. Among these, two are of particular importance. Thomas Habington's A m g; Worcestershire (1895), provides a seventeenth century glimpse of the county. Marjory Holling's edition of the g 210.1: 2; Worcester (1934-1950), contains a mass of documents which allow the study of the development of the Bishop of Worcester's manors from the eleventh through the fourteenth centuries. In recent years, archaeology has become increasingly important. The large number of newly discovered sites in the Warwickshire Avon valley have been described by Graham Webster and Brian Hobley in "Aerial Reconnaissance over the Warwickshire Avon." This discovery promises years of work for the archaeologists. By the time they finish, their findings will undoubtedly alter the early history of the county. B IBLIOM The following abbreviations are used: & Transactions of ehe Worcestershire Archaeological Society TBAS- -Transactions e_f ehe Birmiegham Archaeolggical Society Handbooks and Bibliographies Bonser, Wilfrid. _Ae Aeglo Saxon ege Celtic Biblioggam. 2 vols. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1957. . A Romano-British Biblioggaghy. 2 vols. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, [c1964]. Collingwood, R.G. and Ian Richmond. _T_h_e Archaeology ef Roman Britain. revised edition. London: Nethuen and Co., Ltd, c1969. Council for British Archaeology. British Archaeological Abstracts. London. Annual beginning with 1967. Sawyer, P.H. 2133,93ng _Sex.o_n, Charters. London: Offices of the Royal Historical Society, 1968. ‘ 5 Archaeology A1cock,119.;:11e. Arthur's Britain. London: Allen Lane The Penguin Press, . £1391 £9312. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1963. . "Excavations at Cadbury-Camelot 1966-70." Anti uit , XLVI (1972), pp. 29-38. . "Hillforts in Wales and the Marches." Anti uit , XXIII (1965), pp. 184-195. "Pottery and Settlement in Wales and the March A.D. 400-700," in Culture and environment. edited by Leslie Alcock and I. LL. Foster. London: Routledge and Regan Paul, 1963. pp. 281-302. . ”Roman Britons and Pagan Saxons: An Archaeological Appraisal." Welsh gistory Review, 111 (1967), pp. 229-249. 86 87 . "Wales in the Fifth to Seventh Centuries A.D.: Archaeological Evidence," in Prehistoric gee Early Wales. edited by I.LL. Foster and Glyn Daniel. London: Routledge and Regan Paul, 1965. pp. 177-212. Barker, Phillip. "The Archaeological Context of Worcester:.An Interha Survey." TWAS [3rd ser.], II (1968-69), pp. 9-19. "Excavations on the Lich Street Development Site." TWAS [3rd ser.], II (1968-69), pp. 44-62. Bersu, Gerhard. "Excavations at Little Woodbury, Wiltshire." Proceed-' ings e; the Prehistoric Societ , new ser., VI (1940), pp. 30-112. and W.E. Griffith, "Concentric Circles at Llwyn-Du Bach Penygroes Caernaervonshire." Archaeologia Cambrensis, C1 (1949), pp. 173-204. ' ' Bowen, H.C. Ancient Fields. London: British Association for the Advance- ment of Science, [1963]. "The Celtic Background " in The Roman Villa in Britain. edited 3 __.__—.____ by A.L.F. Rivet. London: Routledge and Regan Paul, 1969. pp. 1-48. and R.N. Butler. A Matter o_f_ Time. London: Her Hejesty's Stationery Office, [1961]. and P.J. Fowler. "Romano-British Rural Settlements in Dorset and Wiltshire," in Rural Settlement ee;Roman Britain. edited by Charles Thomas. [Leicester]: Leicester University Press, 1966. pp. 43-73. Cameron, Keith. "Eccles in English Place Names," in.Christianity'e§ Roman Britain 300-700. edited by'H.W. Barley and R.P.C. Hanson. [Leicester]: Leicester University Press, 1968. pp. 87-92. Collingwood, R.G. and J.N.L. Myres. Roman Britain and the English Settlements. 2nd ed. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1937. Cook, Jean. "An Anglo Saxon Cemetery at Broadway Hill, Broadway Wor- cestershire," Antiquaries Journal, XXXVIII (1958). pp. 58-84. Copley, C.J. The Conguest of Wessex in the Sixth Century. London: Phoenix House, 1954. Crawford, O.G.S. .Air Survey and Archaeology. Ordinance Survey Pro- fessional Papers. new ser. #7 (2nd ed.). London: H.M. Stationer's Office, 1928. Dillon,‘Nyles and Nora R. Chadwick. The Celtic Realms. New York: New .American Library, c1967. Fennell, Daphne. "The Excavation of a Romano-British Enclosure at Hewford‘Wbrcestershire." TWAS [2nd ser.], XL (1963), pp. 6-9. 88 Fowler, Elizabeth. "Celtic Metalwork of the Fifth and Sixth Centuries A.D.‘A Re-appraisel." Archeeological Journal, CXX (1963), PP. 98'160e Fowler, P.J. "Hillforts, A.D. 400-700," in The Iron Age eee its Hill Forts. edited by Margaret Jesson and David Hill. Southampton: University of Southampton, 1971. pp. 203-213. " and P. Rahtz. "Cadcong 1970." Current Archaeolo , No. 23 (1970), pp. 337-342. Frend, W.H.C. "The Christianization of Roman.Britain," in Christianity in Britain 300-700. edited bth.W. Barley and R.P.C. Hanson. [Leicester]: University of Leicester Press, 1968. pp. 37-50. Frere, Sheppard. Britannia: e,History e£,Roman Britain. London: Routledge and Regan Paul, c1967. . "Excavations at Verulamium 1959. " Antiguaries gournal, XL (1960), pp. 1-24. Gardner, W. and H.N. Savory. Dinorben. Cardiff: National'Nuseum of Wales, 1964. Calling, Peter 8. Review of‘Myles Dillon and Nora R. Chadwick, The Celtic Realms. English Historical Review, LEXXIV (1969),— pp. 336-338. "Report on Excavations in.Bays Meadow Droitwich, Worcestershire, 1954-55." TBAS, LXXV (1957), pp. 1-23. Hawkes, C.F.C. "Britons, Romans, and Saxons round Salisbury and in Cranbourne Chase." Archaeological Journal, CIV (1948), pp. 27-81. Hewkes, Sonia Chadwick and 6.0. Dunning. "Soldiers and Settlers in Britain fourth to fifth century: with a catalogue of animal oriented buckles and related belt fittings." iNedieval.Archaeolo v (1961), PP. 1-70. Hencken, T.C. "The Excavation of the Iron.Age Camp on.Bredon Hill: Gloucestershire, 1935-37." Archaeological Journal, XCV (1938), pp. 1-111. , Jarrett, H.C. "The Roman Frontier in Wales." Studien z__u den Hilithrgren- zen Roms. Bonn (Beihefte der Bonner Jahrbuch, 19), 1967. pp. 21- 31. and J.C. Mann. "The Tribes of Wales." Welsh gistogijeview, Leeds, E.T. The.Archaeology'ef the‘Anglo Saxon Settlements. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1913. . Celtic 0___rn_a_me_nt in the British Isles Down £2 A. D. 7 0. Oxford: ——-‘ _.— Clarendon Press, 1933. 89 . "The Distribution of the Angles and Saxons Archaeologically Considered." Archaeolo ia, XCI (1946), pp. 1-106. . Early Anglo Saxon er_t_ _a_ne Archaeology. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1936. "The Early Saxon Penetration of the Upper Thames Area. " Antiquaries Journal, XIII (1933), pp. 229-251. Meaney, Audrey. _A_ Cazeteer g early Anglo-Saxon grial Sites. London: Allen & Unwin, 1964. Myres, J.N.L. Anglo Saxon Pottery .93.! gee Settlement ef- Eegland. Oxford: Clarendon Press, c1969. . "Wansdyke and the Origins of Wessex," in Essays _ie British History. edited by Trevor Roper. London: Macmillan and Co. , 1964. pp. 1-27. Nash-Williams, V.E. The Roman Frontier _ipe Wales [1st ed.]. Cardiff: National Museum of Wales, 1954. . The Roman Frontier in Wales. 2nd ed. revised by Michael Jarrett. Cardiff: University of Whles Press, 1969. Painter, R.S. "Villas and Christianity in Roman Britain," in Prehistoric and Roman Studies. edited by Gale de G. Sieveking. London: British Museum, 1971. pp. 156-175. Peacock, D.P.S. "Romano-British Pottery Production in the Malvern District of Worcestershire." TWAS [3rd ser.], I (1965-67), pp. 15-28. Piggott, Stuart. Ancient we. Chicago: Aldine Press, 1965. Renfrew, Colin. "The Tree Ring Calibration of Radio Carbon: An Archaeo- logical Evaluation." Proceedings fi the Prehistoric Societ , XXXV (1970), pp. 280-311. Rivet, A.L.F. "Hill Forts in Action," in The Iron Age and its Hillforts. edited by Margaret Jesson and David Hill. Southampton: University of Southampton, 1971. pp. 189-202. . "Sunning Up: Some Historical Accounts of the Civitates of Roman Britain," in _T_h_e Civitas Capitals 9_f Roman Britain. edited by J.S. Wacher. [Leicester]: Leicester University Press, 1966. pp. 101-113. Ross, Anne. Pagan Celtic Britain. London: Routledge and Regan Paul, 1967. ‘ Savory, H.N. "Excavations at Dinorben Hill Fort Abergele, (Denb.) 1956-57." Bulletin ef the Board ef Celtic Studies, XVII (1958), PP. 296-309. . 90 "Some Sub Roman British Brooches from.South Wales," in Dark Age Britain. edited by D.B. Harden. London: Methuen and Co., Ludo, 1956. PP. 40’580 . "The Excavations at Dinorben Hill Fort Abergele, 1956-9." Transactions 2; Egg Denbigpehire Historical Societ , VIII (1958), PP. 18'39. Simpson, Grace. gritons _a_ge _tee Roman Aggy. London: Gregg Press, Ltd., 1964. "Carleon and the Roman Ports in Wales in the Second Century A.D.: Part I Carleon and Nbrthern Wales." Archaeologia Cambrensis, CXI (1962), pp. 103-166. . "Carlson and the Roman Ports in Wales in the Second Century A.D.: Part II Southern Wales." Archaeologia Cambrensis, CXII (1963), pp. 13-76. . "The Hill Forts of wales and their Relation to Roman Britain," appendix to W. Gardner and H.N. Savory, Dinorben. Cardiff: National Museua of Wales, 1964. pp. 209-220. Smith,‘A.H. "The Hwicce," in Franciplegus. edited by J.B. Besinger and R.P. Creed. [n.p.]: New‘York University Press, 1965. pp. 56-65. Smith, C.N.S. "A Prehistoric and Roman Site at Broadway." TWAS [2nd ser.], XXIII (1947), pp. 57-74. . "Two Romano-British Sites." TWAS [2nd ser.], XXX (1954), pp. 81-82. Stanford, 8.0. "Excavations at the Roman Camp of Bravonium [Leintwardine)." Transsetions|eg the Woolhope Naturalists Field Club, XXXVI (1958), pp. 87-99. "Excavations at the Roman Outpost of Clifton-on-Teme, Worces- tershire." TWAS [2nd ser.], XXXVI (1959), pp. 19-32. St. Joseph, J.X.S. "Roman Droitwich." TEAS, LXIV (1941-42), pp. 39-52. Thomas, Charles. The Early Christian Archaeolggy'ef North Britain. London: Oxford University Press, 1971. Varley, W.J. "The Hill Forts of the Welsh Marches." Archaeolo ical . , M W (1948), pp. 41-66. —-—-—‘-— . p .. Wainwright, G.J. [Coygan.gegp. [London]: CambrianflArchaeological Associa- Walker, Ian. "Excavations at the Roman Fort at Walltown Farm, Shropshire 1960-61." Transactions'eg the gyropehire Archaeological Societ , LVIII (1965), PP. 8-18. ' . "Excavations on a Romano-British Site at Astley." TWAS [2nd ser], mm (1958), pp. 29-57. 91 . "Excavations on a second Roman-British site at Astley and Reports from the first site," TWAS [2nd ser.], XXXVI (1959), pp. 52-59. Wall, John. "Christian Evidences in Roman southwest Britain." Reports and Transactions 2; the Devonshire egsociation, C (1968), pp. 161-178. *7 Waters, P.L. "A Romano-British Tile Riln at Upper Sandlin.Farm, Leigh Sinton, Worcestershire." TWAS [2nd ser.], XL (1963), pp. 1-5. Webster, Graham. "The Future of Villa Studies," in The Roman Villa $2 Britain. edited by A.L.F. Rivet. London: Routledge and Megan Paul, 1969. pp. 217-249. and Brian Hobley. "Aerial Reconnaissance over the Whrwickshire AAvon." Archaeological Journal. CXXI (1964), pp. 1-22. Wheeler, R.E.M. Maiden Castle Dorset. Reports of the Research Co-ittee . of the Society of.Antiquaries of London, #12. Oxford: University Press, 1943. ' ‘Wilson, Margaret. "The Hwicce." TWAS [3rd ser.], II (1968-69), pp. 21'25e Wilson, P.A. "Romano-British and Welsh Christianity: Continuity or Discontinuity." Welsh Histogy Review, III (1966), pp. 5-22; PP. 103’120e Young, CTN. "Saxon Wiltshire." Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural Histogy Ma azine, XLIX (1940-42), pp. 28-38. History (Primary Sources) Bede. Historis Ecclesiastica. edited by Charles Plummer. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1896. . Bede's Ecclesiastical History 2; the English People. edited and translated by B. Colgrave and R.A.B. Mynors. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969. Birch, Whlter de Cray. Cartularium Saxonicum. 3 vols. London: Whiting, 1885-93. Reprinted New‘York: Johnson and Co., 1964. Bro-wich, Rachel, ed. Trioedd Ynye Prydein. The Welsh Triads. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1961. Macray, W.D. , ed. Chronicon Abbatis ee Evesham. Rerum Britannicarma Medii Aevi Scriptores, No. 29. London: H.M. Stationery Office, 1863. 92 Phillimore, E. "The Annales Cambriae and Old Welsh Genealogies." Cygegodor, IX (1888), pp. 141-183. Plummer, Charles, on the basis of an edition by John Earle. TEQHQQ Eye Saxon Chronicles Parallel. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1892-99. Stevenson, W.H. ed. esser's pife 2.5. King Alfred. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1904. Whitelock, Dorothy, ed. and trans. ‘TheflAnglo Saxon Chronicle. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1961. History (Secondary Sources) Blair, P.H. "The Origins of Northumbria." Archaeologia Aeliana, 4th ser., XXV (1947), pp. 1-51. Chadwick, N.K. "The Conversion of Northumbria," in Celt egg Saxon. Cambridge: University Press, 1963. pp. 138-166. , Kathleen Hughes, 559 21, Studies 22 the garly British Church. Cambridge: University Press, 1958. Cronne, H.A. "Charter Scholarship in England." University'eg Birmipg- ham Historical Journal, VIII (1962), pp. 26-61. Finberg, H.P.R. The Early Charters e; the West Midlands. [Leicester]: Leicester University Press, 1961. Freeman, E.A. The gistory ef the german Coequest 9_f Eegland. 6 vols. ' ‘ rev. American ed.0xford: Clarendon Press, 1873. Gilbert, Edward. "The First Stone Church at Deerhurst." Transactions 2; the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeolegical Society, LXXXVII (1968), pp. 71-95. Green, J.R. The‘Makipg pf England. New‘York: Harper and Bros., 1882. Guest, Edwin. Origenes Celticae. 2 vols. London:‘Macmi11an and Co., 1883. Hart, Cyril. "The Tribal Hideage." Transactions 2; the Royal Historical Societ , 5th ser., XXI (1971), pp. 133-157. Hodgkin, R.H. A_History e; the Anglo Saxons. 2 vols. 3rd ed. London: Oxford University Press, 1952. Hodgkin, Thomas. The History 2; England. London: Longmans Green and Co., 1920. 93 Kirby, D.P. "Bede's Native Sources for the Historia Ecclesiastica." Bulletin 2; the John.§y1ands Library, XLVIII (1965), pp. 341-371. Lloyd, John Edward. 9. History g_f_, Wales. 2 vols. 3rd edition. London: Longmans, Green and Co., [1939]. Phillimore, E. "Note." C odor, XI (1892), pp. 97-101. Rhys, John. Celtic Britain. 2nd edition rev. London: Society for Promoting Christian.Know1edge, 1884. Russell, J.C. "The Tribal Hideage." Traditio, V-VI (1947-48), pp. 193-209. Sismm, Kenneth. "Anglo Saxon Royal Genealogies." Proceedipgs‘eg‘epe British.Acadeey, XXXIX (1953), pp. 287-348. Stenton, Frank. .Apglo Saxon England. 3rd ed. Clarendon Press, 1971. . "Lindsey and its Kings," reprinted in Preparatory EeHApglo Saxon England. edited by Doris Stenton. Oxford: Clarendon Press, c1970. pp. 127-137. "The Southwestern Element in the Old English Chronicle." reprinted in Preparatory £2_Apglo Saxon England. edited by Doris Stenton. Oxford: Clarendon Press, c1970. pp. 106-115. . "The Supremacy of the Mercian.Kings." English Historical Review, XXXIII (1918), pp. 433-452. Stevenson, W.E. "Dr. Guest and the English Conquest of South Britain." English gistorical Review, XVII (1902), pp. 625-642. "Trinoda Necessitas." pgpglish‘geetorical Review, XXIX (1914), PP. 689-703e . Topography Alcock, Leslie. "Settlement Patterns in Celtic Britain." Anti uit , XXXVI (1962), pp. 51-55. . "Some Reflections on Early Welsh Society and Economy." Welsh History Review, 11 (1964), pp. 1-7. Applebaum, Samuel. "The Pattern of Settlement in.Roman Britain." eggicultural History Review, IX (1963), pp. 1-14. Aston, T.H. "The Origins of the.Manor in Englan ." Transactions‘eg the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser. VIII (1958), pp. 59-83. Chadwick, Nora K. "The British or Celtic Part in the Population," in ‘ Apples and gritons. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1963. PP. 111-147e 94 Derby, H.C. and LB. Terrett, eds. The Domesday Geogeaphy o_f Midland Eegland. Cambridge: University Press, 1954. Darlington, R.H. "Wiltshire Domesday," in A. Histog 9_f_ Wiltshire. Vol. II. edited by R.B. Pugh and Elizabeth Crittall. London: Oxford University Press, 1953. pp. 169-221. Dodgson, John McNeal. "The Significance of the Distribution of the English Place-Name in -ingas, -inga in Southeast England." Medieval Archaeolo , X (1966), pp. 1-29. Ekwall, Eilert. The Concise Oxford _e_ictionary e; Eeglish Place Names. 4th ed. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1960. . English River Names. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1928. Finberg, H.P.R. "Roman and Saxon Withington," in Lucerna. London: Macmillan and Co. Ltd., 1964. pp. ~21-65. "The Open Field in Devon," in West Country Historical Sketches. Newton Abbot, Devon: David and Charles, c1969. pp. 129-151. Finn, R. Weldon. The Domesday Ingues . London: Longmans Green and Co. , Ltd., 1961. . The Norman Conguest en_d _i_te Effects ee The Econo_e:y: 1066- 1086. [London]: Longmans Group Ltd., c1971. Fowler, P.J. and J.C. Evans. "Plough Marks, Lynchets and Early Fields." Anti uit , XLI (1967), pp. 289-301. Fox, Cyril. The Personality 2; Britain. 4th ed. Cardiff: National Museu of Wales, 1943. - Galbraith, V.H. The Making ef_ Domesday Teak. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961. ~ Gelling, Margaret. "English Place Names Derived from the Compound witch's—m." Medieval Archaeolo , XI (1967), pp. 87-104. . "A Note on the Name Worcester.” TWAS [3rd ser.], II (1968- 69), p. 26. "Place Names and Anglo Saxon Paganism." University _o_f_ Birming- ham Historical Journal, VIII (1962), pp. 7-25. Glower, J.E.B. and A. Mawer, eh. e1. T_he Place Names _o_f_ Wiltshire. Cambridge: University Press, 1939. Gray, H.L. English Field Systems. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1915. Hoskins, W.G. The Westward Egansion e; Wessex. [Leicester]: Leicester University Press, 1960. 95 . The Making o_f_ t_h£ English _Lgndscape. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1955. Reprinted Harmondsworth, Eng.: Penguin Books Ltd., 1970. and H.P.R. Finberg. Devonshire Studies. London: Jonathan Cape, 1952. Jackson, Kenneth. Lam and History 33 Early Britain. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1953. John, Eric. Land Tenure _i_n Early England. [Leicester]: Leicester Univer- sity Press, 1960. . Orbis gritanniae. [Leicester]: Leicester University Press, 1966. Jones, G.H.J. "Early Territorial Organization in England and Wales." Geggrafiska Annaler, XLIII (1961) , pp. 74-81. . ”Medieval Open Field and Associated Settlement Patterns in Northwest Wales." Annales 93 l'est Memoire, No. 21 (1957), pp. 313-318. . ”The Pattern. of Settlement on the Welsh Border." Aggicultural History Review, VIII (1960), pp. 66-81. . "Rural Settlement: Wales." Advancement o_f Science, No. 60 "Settlement Patterns in Anglo Saxon England," Anti uit , "Some Medieval Rural Settlements in North Wales." Transactions and Papers o_f the Institute o_f_ BLritish Geo a hers, No. 19 (1954), pp. 51-72. _ . "The Tribal System in Wales. A Re-assessment in the light of Settlement Studies." Welsh Histogy Review, I (1961), pp. 111-132. Maitland, F.W. Domesday Dock and geyond. Cambridge: University Press, 1897. Reprinted New York: W. W. Norton and Co., Inc. , 1966. Mawer, Allen, ed. The Chief Elements Used _i_.r_: English Place Names. Cambridge: University Press, 1930. and F.M. Stenton, eds. Introduction 52 the Study _o_f Place Names. part 1. Cambridge: University. Press, 1923. Mawer, Allen and F.M. Stenton. _T_l_l_e_ Place Names 2; Worcestershire. Cam- bridge: University Press, 1927. Orwin, C.S. and C.S. Orwin. The Open Fields. 3rd ed. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967. ‘ 96 Round, J.H. Feudal England. London: 8. Sonnenshein and Co., 1909. Reprinted London: George Allen Unwin, 1964. Seebohm, Frederic. ‘Thg English Village Community. 4th ed. London: Longmans Green and Co., 1915. Smith,.A.H. English Place Name Elements. 2 vols. Cambridge: University Press,‘1956. . The Place Names of Gloucestershire. 4 vols. Cambridge: ——_—L University Press, 1964. Sylvester, Dorothy. The Rural Landscape 2£.£he Welsh Borderland. London: Macmillan and Co., 1969. Tait, J.R. "Large Hides and Small Hides." English Historical geyiew. XVII (1902), pp. 280-282. Tolkien, J.R.R. "English and Welsh," in.Ang1es‘ggd Britons. Cardiff: university of Wales Press, 1963. pp. 1-41. Uhlig, Harold. "Old Hamlets with Infield and Outfield Systems in Western and Central EurOpe." Geografiska Annaler. XLIII (1961), pp. 285-3120 Zachrisson, R.E. Romans Relts and Saxons in:Ancient Britain. Uppsala, Sweden: University of Uppsala, 1927. Wercestershire (Primary Sources) Dugdale, William. "Catalogus Chartarum temporibus Regum Anglo-Saxonum confectarum..." Bodelian Library MS, Dugdale 12. pp. 502-506. . Monasticon Anglicanum. Additional material by John Caley, Henry Ellis, 25.31. 6 vols. in 8. London: James Bohn, 1846. Great Britain. Ordinance Survey Map 6" Series. provisional edition. Sheets SO 94 NE and SP 04 NW. . Record Commission. Valor Ecclesiasticus. 6 vols. London: Record Commission, 1810-1834. Habington, Thomas. A;Survey‘g£_Worcestershire. edited by John.Amphlett of Clent. Oxford: James Parker and Co., for the Worcestershire Historical Society, 1895. Hearne, T. ed. Hemingi Chartularium Ecclesiae Wigorniensis...2 vols. Oxford: E Theatre Sheldoniano, 1723. Hollings, Marjory, ed. The Red Book of Worcester. 4 vols. in 2. London: In. pub.]: printed for the Worcestershire Historical Society, 1934-50. 97 Neale, William Hale, ed. Registrum sive Liber irrotularius et consuetdin- arius Prioratus Beatae Mariae Wigorniens is. Camden Society Publications. 1st ser. XCI. 1865. Round, J.H., ed. "Worcestershire Domesday," in 3% Victoria Histogy g; 523 County 2; Worcester, Vol. I. ed. J. Willis Bund and H. Arthur Doubleday. Westminster: Archibald Constable Ltd. , 1901. pp. 235-323. ‘ Worcester Record Office. "Manerii Fladbury cum Membr: March 18 1647" [Survey taken by Parliamentary Co-issioners i-ediately after holding seized from BishOp of Worcester]. MS. Ref. BOO91:1 BA2636/49. . "Plan of the Township of F1adbury...sbowing the respective estates...inclosed in the year 1789." MS. Ref. T705:81 EA3SI/62. Worcestershire (Secondary Sources) .Atkins, Ivor. "The Church of Wercester from the 8th to the 12th Centuries." Antiquaries Journal, XVII (1937), pp. 371-391; XX (1940), pp. 1-38; pp. 203-229. Bowen, A.R. "The Hill Forts of Worcestershire and its Borders." TWAS [2nd ser.], XXIX (1953), pp. 33-37. ' Buchanan, R.M. Worcestershire. Part 68 of _T_h_g Land 2; Britain: The Record o_f 5135 Land Utilization Survey _o_f_ Britain. edited by L. Dudley Stamp. London: H.M. Stationer's Office, 1944. Cox, Benjamin C. "Excavations at Fladbury." TWAS [2nd ser.], HXII (1956), pp. 36-37. Grundy, G.B. "The Ancient Highways and Pathways and Tracks of Worcester- shire and the Middle Severn Basin. " Archaeological Journal, 1101 (1934), pp. 66-96; pp. 241-268. . Saxon Charters g; Worcestershire. Birmingham: reprinted from TEAS, 1931. "The Saxon Settlement in Worcestershire." TBASILIII (1928), pp. 1-17. _ , Rer, N.R. "He-ing's Cartulary," in Studies 3 Medieval Hinton M 33; Frederick Maurice Powicke. edited by R.W. Hunt. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1948. pp. 49-75. Nash, T.R. Collections for the History _o_f Worcestershire. 2 vols. London: T. Payne, 1781-1789. Stubbs, William. "The Cathedral, diocese and monasteries of Worcester in the 8th Century." Archaeological Journal, XIX (1862), pp. 236-252. 98 Willis-Bund, J.W. "The Evolution of Worcester." LXIII (1906), pp. 201-230. Archaeological Journal, '5.V~ IILQA‘ _‘ Y. 5.. .;- Y LIB M'CVIHIIIITH‘HINMIW}[WWIWIHH Ill {WIT 3 12 9 3 0 3 1 0 3 8 056