THE ESTABLISHMENT OF PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION IN ALBERTA Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY ROBERT STEVEN PATTERSON I968 ’ LIBRAR Y Michigan State University THESIS This is to certify that the thesis entitled The Establishment of Progressive Education in Alberta ' presented by Robert S. Patterson «v~ has been accepted towards ‘fulfiliment of the requirements for Secondary Education l:h_:.D_'___degree in__an_d_CLLEricqum “9‘11“ “M‘nao n- Datew 0-169 nanI’ITofi'. Amorfn. ABSTRACT THE ESTABLISHMENT OF PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION IN ALBERTA BY Robert Steven Patterson The central problem in this thesis is one of determining the nature of the forces within the Province of Alberta which facilitated the acceptance of progressive education. The approximate period covered by the study is 1925 to 1940. In addition to the major purpose a number of sub-problems are considered. These include a study of the relationship between the Alberta and the American prog- ressive education movements. As well, the meanings given to progressive education in Alberta and the place of prag- matic philosophy in the movement are considered. It was concluded that in Alberta a number of factors operated jointly to produce a new approach to ed- ucation. The climate for change was established by forces such as economic and political unrest, increased demands on the school, and changing social conditions. The economic discontent had been apparent throughout the 1920's and was only heightened by the 1929 economic collapse. The political campaign of the early 1930's sought remedies for the ills of society. A new party, Social Credit, challenged numerous traditional patterns of society. The popular acceptance of R. S. Patterson the new party reflected the general willingness of the public for change. While the province was changing, a group of pro- minent educators began to encourage consideration and adoption of a set of ideas labelled progressive education. Formal acceptance of these new ideas came in 1936. Like a number of other changes of the period, progressive education was adopted without a thorough examination by the public at large. For many, teachers included, the familiarization and exam- ination came after the new program was implemented. The proqressive education movement of the United States had an important influence on its Alberta counterpart. The new ideas which were implemented in 1936 came from the scholars and literature of the movement in the United States. The most important impact came as a consolidating force after the adoption of the new program. During the later 1930's the executive of the Progressive Education Association at- tended the teachers' conventions of the province and pop- ularized the "new education." Summer schools were also staffed with American educators who were sympathetic to the "new education." These popularization efforts were so suc- cessful that in 1940 the Province went even further in its acceptance of the basic tenets of progressive education. Those responsible for the establishment of progres- sive education in Alberta consciously tried to avoid the R. S. Patterson pitfalls of the American movement. The heavy American in- fluence through literature, convention speakers, summer school personnel and returning graduate students made the success of this effort doubtful. Noticeably absent in the Alberta movement was agreement on the meaning and emphasis of progressive educa- tion. Also absent was discussion and analysis of the place of pragmatism in the movement. The proponents of progressive education were united in their recognition of the shortcomings of the existing school system. They also agreed on the need for a methodology and curriculum based on modern psycholo- gical findings and on a closer relationship to life. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION IN ALBERTA BY Robert Steven Patterson A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Secondary Education and Curriculum 1968 TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS O O O O O O O O U 0 O O O O O 0 Chapter I. II. III. IV. V. VI. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ALBERTA SCHOOLS: THEIR DEVELOPMENT AND PROBLEMS BEFORE 1936 . . . . . . . . . ALBERTA'S POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL SCENE AND ITS INFLUENCE ON EDUCATIONAL CHANGE O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O PROFESSIONAL ACTIVITY IN THE INTRODUCTION OF THE "NEW EDUCATION" . . . . . . . . THE CONSOLIDATION PROCESS . . . . . . . . CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS . . . . . APPENDIX 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O BIBLIOGRAPHY O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O Page' ii 28 63 93 133 168 179 183 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS In the presentation of this dissertation the writer wishes to acknowledge his gratitude for the help and constant encouragement he has received from many sources. Very special thanks are due to the following: Dr. Carl H. Gross, Chairman of the doctoral committee, Dr. Frank H. Blackington III, Dr. Sam Moore and Dr. John Manning. Each of the fore- going has :made special contributions which have been keenly appreciated by this writer. The writer is also indebted to his departmental chairman at the University of Alberta, Dr. Bernal Walker, and his colleagues in that institution for their support and constructive suggestions. His typists Mrs. Mildred Folton and Mrs. Mehri Arshadi have worked patiently and willingly to complete this work. Finally, the writer wishes to acknowledge with deepest gratitude the assistance, constant encouragement and strength proffered by his wife, Belva, and his sons, Steven,. David and Douglas. ii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION During the 1930's, significant changes took place' in the educational practices of the Canadian provinces. Even though each of these provinces had a separate and dis- tinct educational authority, there were remarkable similar- ities in the changes of the "thirties." Sandifordl, writing in 1938, heralded these changes as the first real curriculum revision in Canada. He noted that characteristic of these revisions were a number of common ingredients. The com- monalities in these new programmes, as he saw them, included the following: (1) These revisions are based on a new concep- tion of education, explicitly stated as the deve10p-' ment of character and citizenship and the provision for pupils of a "stimulating environment in which their natural tendencies will be directed into use- ful abilities and desirable attitudes." This breaks cleanly with the traditional belief that education is the acquisition of useful knowledge.... (2) The various revisions reflect to an increas- ing extent the influence of American education on ourSoooo (3) Canada has changed from the traditional 8-4 or 7-5 organization of its schools to a 6-3-3 or 6-3- 4....Whatever its name [the new junior high school or intermediate school] it is ultimately derived from American practice, not British.... (4) We have introduced activity programmes into our educational courses. They are derived directly lPeter Sandiford, "Curriculum Revision in Canada, "The School, February 1938, pp. 472-77. This was from the "Progressive" element in American education... (5) Enterprises, a word taken from the Hadow Reports, but similar in meaning to the more familiar American Projects, are to be encouraged. They bear a striking resemblance to many projects which are to be found in American educational literature.... (6) Every revision shows that an increasing emphasis is to be placed on shOp work, art work, music, and household science. This will necessitate an ex- tension of buildings, or a re-organization of the seating arrangements of the classrooms.... (7) Every revision emphasises health, physical education and mental hygiene.... (8) The new programmes recognize that individual differences exist among the pupils of every grade and make universal instead of local provision for them. All in all, a vigorous attempt has been made to free both teacher and pupil. The pupil will still have to learn things thoroughly, but the school of the future will be a more interesting spot for him than the school of the past has been....2 radical departure in educational thinking and practice noticed and commented on by others. Writing in 1939, Layell stated, Influenced by a marked trend throughout most of the democratic world, the schools of many of the Provinces of Canada haveyain recent years, introduced some rather sweeping changes in teaching methods. Breaking away from mere academic procedure, the new curricula have become more flexible to enable each pupil, as a distinct personality, to develOp naturally and to the full, the best that is in him as a mem- ber of society. In the precedence given to personality develOp- ment over the mere acquisition of knowledge or skills, greater emphasis has been placed on such things as 21bid., pp. 475-77. music, art, literature and the drama, while much less has been put on homework, examinations, and other things that used to be more or less arbitrarily as- signed by the teacher. Both Phillips4 and Katzs, two more recent commentators on Canadian educational development, note the same transition from the more traditional approach to the so-called "newer" ideas. The latter of these two educators, after noting changes which occurred in the early twentieth century, sta- ted his observations as follows, "The major curriculum changes took place, however, in the nineteen-thirties, by which time the newer theories of learning had won recog- nition and had necessitated a complete review and revision of existing courses of studies." The newer theories to which Katz refers are associated later in his book with the position taken by John Dewey. According to Katz, "this so-called 'progressive' view noticeably influenced the Canadian curriculum development in the 1930's, particularly in the western provinces."6 Later Katz notes that espec- ially in Alberta and Saskatchewan elementary education was revolutionized by these new ideas. 4C. E. Phillips, The Development of Education in Canada (Toronto: W. J. Gage & Co. Ltd., 1957). 5Joseph Katz, Elementary Education in Canada (Toronto: McGraw-Hill Co. of Canada Ltd., 1961). 6 Ibid., p. 8. I. THE PROBLEM As the foregoing discussion indicates, Canada, especially Western Canada, was captivated in the 1930's by a set of ideas which revolutionized educational prac- tice. Further, these ideas were distinguished, both in that day and in subsequent literature dealing with Canadian education, as progressive education. Even though Alberta was not the first province to implement a curriculum under this label, she was and is recognized as a leader in the dissemination of these new ideas which dominated the cur- riculum revisions of the period. There is a need for a study which examines the forces which were instrumental in the acceptance of progressive education in Canada. Rather than undertake this study at the national level, it is the purpose in this study to examine the forces operating Within one province, that province being one of the first and one of the most enthusiastic supporters of the new movement. The central problem then, with which this thesis is concerned, is one of determining the nature of the for- ces operative within Alberta which facilitated the accept- ance and the adOption of progressive education. II. STATEMENT OF SUB-PROBLEMS In addition to the major purpose of the study there are a number of sub-problems which will be considered as well. These sub-problems include the following: 1. To ascertain the relationship between the Alberta and the American progressive education movements. 2. To determine the extent to which the propo- nents of progressive education in Alberta agreed upon the nature and meaning of the program they were recommending for adoption in the schools. 3. To ascertain the extent to which the accept- ance of progressive education was accompanied by an accept- ance of the experimental or pragmatic philosophy. III. DELIMITATION OF THESIS This study deals primarily with the political, economic and social forces which were instrumental in the acceptance of progressive education. As such it will be both narrative and interpretive. The period upon which this study centers cor- responds roughly to the fifteen year period between the years of 1925-1940. While ideas were expressed before 1925 which were of a "progressive" nature, it was not until the period of the later 1920's that these ideas gained momen- tum and a degree of popularity. The choice of 1940 rests on the fact that in both 1939 and 1940 the leadership of the Progressive Education Association visited the province in force. In so doing they placed their stamp of approval on the Alberta program. At the same time the Province of Alberta openly acknowledged its full acceptance of what the Progressive Education Association stood for. To go beyond this date is to become involved in the question of the demise of progressivism. The major concern is to look at the inception and establishment of these ideas. There are other educational developments which were prominent both in Alberta and across Canada in this period which cannot be studied in depth. Such things as administrative re-organization and the struggle for teach- ers' rights were prominent during the period being con- sidered, but they will be examined only insofar as they are seen to have a bearing upon the study. In dealing with the political forces of the post World War I period there will be no attempt made to cover fully the positions on education taken by the two major political powers, the United Farmers of Alberta and the Social Credit Party. Each of these could easily be sepa- rate studies by themselves. The study is limited geographically to the Province of Alberta. No attempt will be made to deal with changes or developments in other provinces, on the broader Canadian scene or in the United States. However, forces from out- side the boundaries of Alberta were Operative in the con- ception and implementation of this movement. These outside forces will be considered to the extent to which they in- fluenced the developments in Alberta. While much of the present-day analysis of prog- ressive education has been emotionally involved with the relative merits or demerits of this conception of education, there will be no attempt made in this thesis to examine the worth of this conception itself. IV. BASIC ASSUMPTION It is assumed that the nature of the formal revision of the curriculum of the elementary schools of Alberta which took place in 1936 justifies the claim that Alberta did implement and accept an educational scheme designed along progressive lines. Further, it is assumed that the educational change which took place in Alberta in the "thirties" was representative of a much broader movement which was sweeping the whole of Canada and which had captivated American educational thought at an earlier date. V. BASIC QUESTIONS The following are five basic questions designed to focus the study: 1. Was progressive education, as it was in- troduced in Alberta, studied and introduced largely as a result of the efforts of a limited number of educational leaders? Was the nature of the change generally appre- ciated by the majority of the teaching force and the lay public? 2. Was the ad0ption of progressive education a calculated or critical move rather than a wholesale, unexamined adoption of contemporary American thought and practice? 3. Were developments in educational thought and practice in the United States the most important sin- gle source of ideas for this movement in Alberta? 4. Was consideration of basic weaknesses in the schools of the province well underway before the eco- nomic and political turmoil of the "thirties" became pro- nounced in its effects? Did such an examination of weak- nesses lead to the consideration of the ideas of the progressive educators? 5. Did the aforementioned turmoil of the "thir- ties" serve as the initiator of consideration of progressive education? Was it the most important factor in the actual implementation and acceptance of these ideas in the schools of the province? VI. NEED FOR THE STUDY In 1936 Alberta had the dubious honor of being singled out by a leading American educator as possessing an educational system which was old-fashioned, reaction ary and effete. Professor Russe117, Dean of Teachers College, Columbia University, had this to say: If there is any place on the American continent where the old conservative educational ideals hold ~sway, it is the Province of Alberta. They are in- nocent of 'modern' educational methods. They are guiltless of progressive education. They center their attention upon reading, writing, and arith- metic. They keep the one-teacher country school. Their instructors have been drilled in the subjects they teach. No trick methods. No standard tests.... There is no over-elaborate curriculum.8 This assessment was undoubtedly made from limited and secondhand information, but the stance which he took does typify the view that many had of the Alberta school sys- tem. While it was apparent to Dean Russell in 1936 that Alberta was "guiltless of progressive education," Professor Smith of the University of Alberta was able, just four years later, to say that Alberta possessed "an educational programme second to very few in America in so-called prog- ressiveness."9 According to Smith, Alberta was involved in a province-wide experiment testing a theory. The theory being scrutinized and tested was that which would fall under the heading of progressive education. 7Dean Russell did have occasion to meet with Canadian students and thus was not as ignorant of the Canadian eduCational scene as would have been many of his contemporaries. Dr. McNally notes that Dean Russell had the Canadian students to his home. 8wm. F. Russell, "Straws from Alberta," Teachers College Record, Vol. 37, January, 1936, p. 272. 9H. E. Smith, "The New Education in Alberta," The School, November, 1940, p. 187. _10_ The same year that Russell's article appeared, the Alberta Department of Education formally announced a departure ("a revolt") from the traditional school in favor of the "progressive school" or the school of the “New Education." Had Russell been truly familiar with the Alberta educational system he would have known of the dis- satisfaction which had accrued over the years in regard to the existing system. The Annual Reports of the Depart- ment of Education, as well as other Departmental publica- tions of this period, point out the disdain for the old and the optimism for the new programs. There are such statements as the following: . . .Many teachers are still found who believe that memorization of lists of facts is education. Little attempt to get pupils to think things out for them- selves and take an actixe part in class discussion is made. (l929-Robinson) . . .The new programme is built on the principle that education is a social experience in the course of which pupils plan, initiate and carry out co- operative projects. The motivation of the pupils is strengthened and the classroom work is vitalized through a variety of activities, which replace the verbalism and repetitive booklearning procedure of the old course...(1935 p. 19).11 . . .It is encouraging to note that there is a ten- dency among many teachers to break away from the old formal reproduction and memorization types of method, and make use of socialized study and problem methods, which encourage free and.independent thinking. (1929- 10Annual Report of the Department of Education, Province of Alberta, 1929, p. 42. 11 Ibid., 1935, p. 19. _ll_ Scoffield)12 The Alberta programme is a protest against formal methods of instruction and rigidly prescriptive.ins- tructional materials. . . .13 . .Practice has long made the skill and the subject the main objective of our educational effort, to the neglect of child nature and growth. . 14 Embree, in his study of the social studies curriculum of Alberta, was led to conclude: Despite the various revisions which took place, the elementary curriculum up to 1936 was traditionalist in its approach and was based, accordingly, upon the premise that education is but a means of preparation of life. The program adopted in 1936 is, of course, progressive and is founded on the belief that educa- tion is life. Further recognition of this shift in educational thinking and practice is provided by Jonason. He served as the Principal of the Camrose Laboratory School at the Normal School and later as an inspector of schools, when the new program was being implemented. He commented in 1940 that, We in Canada, and especially those of us living in Alberta during the past five years have been conscious of the fact that our educational system has been subjected to close, critical scrutiny followed by the, introduction of radical changes. . .The period from lzIbid., 1929, p. 43. 13Programme of Studies for the Intermediate School, 1937, p. 11. 14Programme of Studies for the Elementary School, 1942, p. 7. 15 David G. Embree, "The Beginnings and Growth of the Instruction in the Social Studies Provided by the Schools of Alberta" Unpublished Master's Thesis, The University of Alberta, 1952. -12.... 1935 to 1940 has witnessed major innovations in the.- Alberta system. Some of these changes were the natural outcome of emerging from the pioneer stage of development and others were caused by the adop- tion of a new philosophy of education. . . . With regard to philosophy of education there have been radical changes in Alberta in the last few years. The Progressive Education Movement in the United States has made itself felt in this province to the extent that a slightly modifigd form of John Dewey's philosophy has been adopted. Not everyone who reviews the Canadian or the Alberta educational scene is prepared or willing to admit that progressive education has ever gained control of the schools. Much of the denial comes at least a decade after the innovations of the "thirties" and might well be considered a part of the reaction to progressive educa- tion which was witnessed earlier in the United States. Campbell, in his book Curriculum Trends in Canadian Ed- ucation, looks at the changes in the following manner: . . .We hear considerable comment these days concern- ing the failure of progressive schools and progres~ sivism in education. That is Progressivism with a capital P., which found its source in Dewey and was developed under Kilpatrick at Columbia University. Much of this criticism arises in the United States, and is directed against extreme progressive educa- tion in that country. It flows across the border in radio and periodical literature and is taken up by well-intentioned people in this country who think that Canadian education is progressive education, just because it is somewhat different from what it was when they attended school. Most American educa- tors of the most progressive school regard Canadian education as moSt benighted, traditional and con- servative. Canada has never followed the progressive movement in education, though the strengths of prog- l6J. Jonason, "A Survey of School Grounds, School Plant and Teacherage Conditions in Eighty Schools Situated in Central and Northern Alberta."Unpublished Master of Arts Thesis, The University of Alberta, 1940. _l3_ ressivism have made their contribution. Dr. F. Henry Johnson says that "Progressive thought in Canada has been in line with the moderates. It has first passed through the screening process of our ingrained essen- tialism."l7 Speaking three years later, Dr. Swift, then Deputy Minister of Education for Alberta, noted that in all his time with the Department he had heard little or nothing of Dewey.l8 He was adamant in denying the existence of any Dewey cult at that time within the department. These judgments and denials are overshadowed by opinions of educators in the "thirties" and by criti- cisms levelled by such prominent Canadian educators as F. MacKinnon, W. G. Hardy and H. Neatby. Neatby's scathing commentary on the Canadian education system clearly places responsibility for our educational inadequacies at the feet of the progressive educators and in particular at the feet of John Dewey. As she says, "Dewey, more than any other single person, must be held responsible for the in- tellectual, cultural and moral poverty of much modern teaching."19 In speaking of the changes which have taken place within educational systems she notes that, "Canadian educational experts have, therefore, allowed themselves to 17H. L. Campbell, Curriculum Trends in Canadian Education, (Toronto: W. J. Gage & Co. Ltd., 1952), pp. 48-49. 18W. H. Swift, "Pendulum or Synthesis," The Alberta School Trustee, Vol. XXIV, No. 3 (March, 1954), p. 9. 19Hilda Neatby, So Little for the Mind, (Toronto: Clarke, Irwin & Co. Ltd., 1953), p. 24. -14.. renounce the old sound traditions of liberal academic ed- ucation in favor of the faith of Dewey."20 Dr. W. G. Hardy, in a series of articles published in some Alberta news- papers in 1954, noted that Alberta had had a version of progressive education ('adulterated Deweyism") since 1936.21 He did note that there had been some modifications made in a conservative direction during the period 1946-54. Both Dr. Hardy and the editors of the Calgary Herald, who pre- faced Dr. Hardy's remarks in a pamphlet stating his posi- tion, indicated that the techniques of education in Alberta had been undergoing a revolution for the past nineteen years commonly spoken of as progressive. As late as 1959 the existence of progressive education in the Alberta sys- tem was recognized in the Royal CommissionTS minority report by Mr. John S. Cormack.22 At that time he maintained that Alberta had as "uncompromisingly a progressivist philoSOphy as it used to be undeniably essentialist." According to Cormack, Alberta had retained an essentialist philosophy which had been apparent since the formation of the province until the Deweyite progressives "took control of schools in the 1930's" and "revolutionized" the school system. 201bid., p. 58. 21George W. Hardy, Education in Alberta (Calgary, Calgary Herald, 1954), p. 6. 22Report of the Royal Commission on Education in Alberta, 1959 (The Queen's Printer),- p. 405. _15_ Perhaps most decisive of any commentary regarding the changes undertaken in Alberta during the 1930's is Donalda Dickie's book, The Enterprise. Dr. Dickie was one of the three members of the committee responsible for plan- nig the changes of the 1936 revision. She was a firm pro- ponent of the"new.education9and was recognized throughout Canada as such. In writing of the formal or traditional school, which in her mind was the pre-1936 Alberta school, she described its characteristics and faults in this manner: . . . The formal school is the lineal descendent and heir of the school of the old world. Its purpose . . . is to inculcate knowledge and skill. The formal school teaches subject matter. . . . The teacher's purpose is to "cover the course." His method is that of "instruction and drill." . . .[The teacher] can admit only the narrowest, meanest and least attractive purposes, urging his pupils to work hard in order that each child may best ‘the others, win the prize, pass the examination, please the teacher, or avoid his anger. Few object- ives mean few activities, and destructive rather than constructive development, so that the pupil's gain in having acquired.the facts and skills is partly -offse§3by the harmful activities practised in acquiring them. Her book describes two other types of institutions besides the formal school. These she labels the ultra-activity and the progressive school. The progressive school is bet- ween the two extremes and represented in her mind the best institution possible. It also represented what she felt had been implemented in Alberta. Her book was written with 23Donalda Dickie, The Enterprise, (Toronto: W. J. Gage & Co., Ltd. 1941), pp. 75-76. _l6_ the avowed purpose in mind of helping those interested come to understand the theory and practice of progressive education. Hodgson's review of the nature and purposes of the public school in Alberta confirms the fact that Alberta definitely did implement a progressive education program in 1936.24 He recognizes that there is question about the length of time that this program remained in vogue in the province, but he is convinced that at least for the ‘period 1936-45 progressive education had the controlling hand in Alberta. The degree of acceptance of progressive education, the length of its dominating influence in Alberta and the forces instrumental in its demise, if such has taken place, are not within the bounds of this study. The purpose of the material presented immediately before is to establish that Alberta was involved in a radical change of its educational system in the 1930's and the result of that change was acceptance of progressive education. Having thus confirmed the existence and nature of this change, the writer affirms the need for a study which will examine the forces instrumental in the acceptance and establish- 'ment of this method of school operation in Alberta. 24Ernest D. Hodgson, "The Nature and Purposes of the Public School in the North West Territories (1885-1905) and Alberta (1905-1963), "Unpublished Doctor of Philosophy dissertation, University of Alberta, Edmonton, 1964. -17- VII. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE Those sources having bearing upon this topic are limited in number. There are no studies which deal speci- fically and/or extensively with the matter of concern in this thesis. The thesis by Figur25 which does focus at- tention on progressive education is concerned primarily with the examination of those concepts which are central to an understanding of progressive education. This leads him to consider such concepts as mind, self, reality, learning by doing, and education in a social milieu. The one chapter which he devotes to the Alberta scene is in- volved mainly in the nature of the formal changes rather than in any explanation of the forces instrumental in their acceptance. Studies by Chiste,26 Sheane27 and Embree28 which look at curriculum developments associated with the elementary school or with social studies, necessarily give consideration to the developments of the "progressive period," but tend to be largely narrative and descriptive 25Berthold Figur, "An Historical Survey of Certain Concepts Basic to Progressive Education With Particular Attention to the Alberta Scene," Unpublished Master of Ed- ucation thesis, University of Alberta, Edmonton, 1950. 26Arrigo Chiste, "The Development of the Elementary Social Studies Program in Alberta," Unpublished Master of Education Thesis, University of Alberta, Edmonton, 1950. 27Gordon K. Sheane, "The History of and Develop- ment of the Elementary School in Alberta," Unpublished Doctor of Pedagogy thesis, University of Toronto, Toronto, 1948. 28David G. Embree, op. cit. -18- rather than interpretive in relation to these changes. Chiste does mention progressivism and does briefly explore some of the factors associated with this development in the Alberta elementary social-studies program. His chapter on the factors influencing the development of an activity-type curriculum in Alberta points to four major forces which in- clude: the economic depression, the problems of rural ed- ucation, the problems in the pre-l936 curriculum and the growth of interest in American activity theories. Sheane also attempts briefly to account for the 1936 changes and attributes change to the same general areas as those listed by Chiste. In neither case do these authors provide any extended analysis of these forces. The direction or pur- pose of their study does not necessitate such an analysis. Hodgson29 in his look at the purposes of Alberta schools does make extensive mention of progressive education. His pur- pose in so doing is to ascertain various periods of domin- nance for various sets of objectives. He concludes that the period of 1936-45 was clearly an era of progressive educa- tion or"new education"or activity education. This was the only period in the complete history of the province where the Department of Education found a term appropriate to des- cribe and characterize its educational ideas. The term used was progressive education. Hodgson does offer limited judg- ments about why these ideas gained acceptance and why they were 29Ernest D. Hodgson, op. cit. - 19— 1ater rejected. The nature and the breadth of his study as well as his almost complete reliance upon reports and statements of the Department of Education led Hodgson to concentrate primarily upon a descriptive account of the various aims over a seventy-eight year period. Goresky30 and Chalmers31 both provide histories of Alberta's ed- ucational system. The magnitude of their task seems to limit their analysis and interpretation. Especially is this true of the period of the "thirties." Both acknowl- edge the establishment or the introduction of progressive ideas in education, but fail to provide any thorough ex- planation of their origins in Alberta. Walker's32 coverage of secondary school curriculum and organization notes the trends of the'"thirties," but also fails to offer any extended explanation as to why the ideas gained accept- ance. General histories or descriptions of education in 33 34 also fol- Canada such as provided by Phillips or Katz low this same pattern of acknowledging the introduction of progressive education into the schools of Canada, with- 30Isidore Goresky, "The Beginning and Growth of the Alberta School System," Unpublished Master of Education thesis, The University of Alberta, Edmonton, 1944. 31John W. Chalmers, Schools of the Foothills Province, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1967). 2 Bernal E. Walker, "Public Secondary Education in Alberta: Organization and Curriculum, 1889-1951," Un- published Doctor of Philosophy dissertation, Leland Stanford University, Palo Alto, California, 1955. 33 34 Charles E. Phillips, op. cit. Joseph Katz, op. cit. _20_ out the accompanying explanation of why these ideas became prominent. As well, there are no sources or studies which provide direct connection between political and/or econo- mic developments and educational change. The history of the United Farmers of Alberta35 is almost totally neglec- ted. Some of the personalities of this political move- ment have been singled out for attention. Most noticeable of these is Mrs. Parlby who was an active member of the U. F. A. and a member of the provincial legislature for a number of years. A manuscript, authored by Mrs. Cormack,36 and currently in press offers some insight into the con- cerns for education of the U. F. A. and Mrs. Parlby in the period down to the defeat of the U. F. A. in 1935. The rise to power of the Social Credit has been thoroughly examined in a series sponsored by the Social Science Re- search Council of Canada.37 This series in its entirety offers an extensive coverage of the major political and economic issues of the "thirties," but does little or 35Hereafter referred to as the U. F. A. 36Barbara Villy Cormack, The Honorable Irene Parlby, (Unpublished manuscript, 1967). 37The series includes the following books: W. L. Morton, The Progressive Party in Canada; D. C. Masters, The Winnipeg General Strike; Jean Burnett, Next Year Countgy; C. B. MacPherson, Democracy in Alberta; J.-R: Mallory, Social Credit and the Federal Power in Canada; W. E. Mann, Sect, Cult, and Church in Alberta; John A. Irving, The Social Credit Movement in Alberta. ' _—_ _2]__ nothing to relate educational develOpments to these issues. The role of the school and its conceived place in the problems of the "thirties" is ignored or overlooked. In general it can be said of the available lit- erature that the matter of introducing progressive educa- tion has received a fair degree of mention, but littlé‘or no attention has been paid to the forces which were ins- trumental in the actual inauguration of such a program in the schools of Alberta. VIII. SOURCES OF DATA The sources of data for this study can be grouped into five categories: (1) interviews and correspondence; (2) unpublished materials; (3) printed public documents; (4) newspapers; and (5) books and articles. Interviews and Correspondence. A number of the participants in the changes of the 1930's are still alive and as such provide a valuable source of information in this study. Included among those interviewed were: Drs. W. D. McDougall and J. Jonason. ‘These men were the prin- cipals of the Edmonton and Camrose Normal Laboratory Schools in 1935 when the new elementary school program was being tested. From 1934 onward Dr. McDougall was a member of the Edmonton Education Society. Dr. Jonason left the Normal School at Camrose in 1936 and became a member of the pro- vince's inspectoral staff. Another interview subject, -22- Mr. I. Goresky, provided insight into the pre-l935 period both from the standpoint of a teacher and a member of the provincial legislature as an E. F. A. representative. Two of the original Social Credit Members of the Legislative Assembly who were teachers prior to election were inter- viewed. These two men were A. J. Hooke and N. E. Tanner. Mrs. Barbara V. Cormack was an active United Farm Women's Association worker in the 1935 period and had been a teach- er in the early period of her life. She not only provided her own assessment of the period, but offered her unpub: lished manuscript on Mrs. Parlby for this writer‘s con- sideration. Mr. 0. Kennedy, long-time Social Credit worker was interviewed concerning his-recollections of the period leading up to 1935. Another important source was Dr. M. E. LaZerte. In 1929 he became the first Chairman of the School of Education on the university staff and was active in the Alberta Teachers Association and in educational research. He, like Dr. McDougall, was a member of the Edmonton Educational Society, being one of its original members. An interview obtained by Dr. B. Y. Card from Miss Jean Dey was also of value. Miss Dey was a student in the Edmonton Normal School in 1935-36 when the New Education was first being formally introduced. Two of the early members of the Calgary Progress Club were also in- terviewed. These two, Mr. M. Watts and Mr. W. Bryan were able to provide some understanding of the concerns, during _23_ the "thirties," of the membership of the Calgary Progress Club. The Calgary club was the southern counterpart of the Edmonton Education Society. Letters were received from others who were in some way in touch with develOp- ments of this period. Most helpful among those responding wavaiss Mary Crawford, who during her active career as a teacher and a fighter for teachers' rights, gained in- sight into the problems of the day both as a teacher and as a candidate for the Canadian Commonwealth Federation 38 She also was able to shed light on the nature Party. and interests of Dr. H.-C. Newland. Unpublished Materials. Two sources stand out in this category which were most important for purposes of this study. The minutes of the Edmonton Education Society have been preserved from the inception of this group. These minutes offer information about membership, issues of interest and literature being studied. The only collection of private correspondence which could be obtained that was of value to this study was that of Dr. H. C. Newland. This is nota complete collection, but it does offer a thorough picture of the concerns of those associated with the changes of 1935-36 during his period as Supervisor of Schools. Printed Public Documents. The following printed documents were used extensively in this study: the annual 38Hereafter referred to as the C. C. F. Party. -24... reports of Alberta's Department of Education; the curri- culum and program guides provided by the same department; studies of educational problems and deve10pments under- taken by the Department of Education or the Legislature of Alberta; and the annual reports on education produced by the Dominion Bureau of Statistics. Newspapers. Insight into the public's attitude toward education was in part garnered from a review of two of the major Alberta newspapers: The Calgary Herald and the Edmonton Journal. In addition to these two papers the Alberta Social Credit Chronicle was examined for pur- poses of understanding the major political issues of the 1935 election. Books and Articles. The most important books for purposes of this study are those dealing with the rise to power of the Social Credit Party. The series edited by W. A. MacKintosh entitled Canadian Frontiers of Settle- BEBE provided valuable information on the economic and social problems of the period. There are numerous articles which have a bearing on this study. The writer of this study made a conscious effort to collect as many of the articles from the complete range of Canadian professional literature which seemed to have a bearing on the develop- ment of the'hew education"in Canada. This broad survey was necessary to see: (a) the extent to which Alberta's program was discussed at the national level, and (2) the _25_. influence which the total gamut of professional literature had on developments in Alberta. IX. TREATMENT OF DATA While the study does of necessity contain descrip- tive material, the main focus will be one of interpretation or explanation. Objectivity in this interpretative role has been sought through the accumulation of information from as wide a variety of sources as possible. The opinions of participants in the develOpments of the period have been garnered to provide a deeper appreciation for the period than would have been otherwise obtained from documents and accounts in magazines and newspapers. X. DEFINITION OF TERMS Albertan Educational Syotem. Unless otherwise indicated this term will mean that part of the formal schooling process which was under the control and direction of the Department of Education of the Province of Alberta. As such it will include such matters as curriculum and organization and it will encompass public, private and separate schools up to and including grade twelve. Progressive Education. -This term will be used synonymously with New Education, activity curriculum and enterprise. It will not be employed in the common usage -26.. form to denote improved or advanced conditions. As used, it will mean the revolt against the traditional techniques of formal drill and memorization. It will mean the em- phasis upon new classroom procedures and new curriculum organization patterns based upon considerations of; learn- ing as an active or involved process, the school as an integral part of the democratic social order, the individual and distinct interests of each child, and the intimate relationship between schooling and life. XI. PREVIEW OF THESIS ORGANIZATION The present chapter has been concerned with es— tablishing a problem for investigation. In addition it has also stated sub-problems, delimited the thesis, given basic assumption and questions, outlined the need for the study, reviewed the related literature and sources of data,and defined terms. Chapter II will provide a his- torical background for the consideration of why progressive education gained acceptance in Alberta in the 1930's. In so doing the second chapter will examine the organiza- tional and curriculum structures and patterns, as well as consider the major issues within the teaching circle. Chapter III will focus exclusively on the broader society and its influence on and concern for the schools. Not only will the administration of the U. F. A. Government _27_ be reviewed, but as well, the rise of the Social Credit Party will be outlined. Attention will be paid to educa- tion as a political issue in the 1935 election. The af- fect of the "great depression" on education and on society will be examined. Chapter IV will concentrate on the activities within the education profession and circle which were instrumental in the encouragement and adoption of the new approach. The literature available in the period in question will be reviewed as will be the attit- udes of educational leaders within the Department and the schools.. Activities undertaken in the "thirties" to study and test the validity of the new approach will also be considered. Chapter V will concentrate on the actual establishment and consolidation of progressive education. This establishment and consolidation will be approached from the standpoint of what it meant to the basic philo- SOphy of the educational system as well as from the stand- point of what it meant in curriculum changes and organiza- tional change. The approval by the Progressive Education Association of enterprise progressive education was the capstone and the high point of the development in Alberta and it will mark the conclusion of the fifth chapter. The final chapter will give a summary, a statement of conclu- sions, and some comments. CHAPTER II ALBERTA SCHOOLS: THEIR DEVELOPMENT AND PROBLEMS BEFORE 1936 This chapter will first provide a description of the evolution of the Alberta educational system commencing with its Territorial and pre-Territorial origins. Develop- ments, which occurred prior to 1936, will be described to provide an appreciation of the nature of Alberta's educational system at the time of the province's change to progressive education. The more significant educational problems of the period will also be examined along with the role which they played in the eventual introduction of progressive education into the educational system of the province. These problems can be appropriately grouped under the broader con- cerns of: (a) the struggle of the teachers for professional recognition and, (b) the attempt of society to meet more adequately the educational needs of a greater number of the population. 1. THE ADMINISTRATIVE PATTERN In September 1905 when the province of Alberta was formed, it was not called upon to create a school sys- tem. It already had within its boundaries over six‘hundred organized school districts.1 By the Alberta Act, the School 1Report of the Legislative Committee on Rural_ Education, Alberta, Sessional Paper 136, 1935, p. l. _29_ Ordinance of the North West Territories becametme school law of th; new province. That law provided for the organization of local school districts, the election of boards of trus- tees, and the organization of a Department of Education under a Minister of the Crown; and it prescribed the powers and functions of each. To the Minister was assigned the power to create new school districts, to alter existing boundaries, to ar— range for the training and certification of teachers, for the inspection of schools, and the examination and promotion of pupils, and to prescribe courses of study and text books. The school boards were given authority to erect school buildings, to borrow money through the issue of their debentures, to levy and collect taxes, to engage teachers, and, subject to the powers vested in the Minister, generally to manage the school and administer the affairs of the district. The pattern which was authorized in 1905 had evolved during the Territorial period of government in Western Canada. In 1875 the North West Territories received a separate governing authority, thus ending its former depen- dence upon the province of Manitoba. The area covering most of what is now Alberta and Saskatchewan had, prior to 1870, been a part of the domain of the Hudson's Bay Company. With the passage of the North West Territories Act of 1875 _30- the Territories were given a separate governing body con- sisting of a federally-appointed Lieutenant-Governor and Council. In keeping with the provisions of the British North American Act this Council, like the governing body of any of the provinces, was empowered to regulate the educational affairs of the Territories. As well as providing for the overall control of education by the central political au- thority, the Act of 1875 gave separate school privileges to religious minorities, either Catholic or Protestant, and provided for local administration of district schools. These features later became an integral part of the Alberta school system. The early efforts in education in Alberta were undertaken by religious and voluntary groups.2 By 1870 the area comprising present-day Alberta had numerous missions and schools of both the Roman Catholic and Protestant faiths. When the first formal provisions of control over education were established in 1884 the prominence of the two religious groups in education was recognized. The North West Council provided for a central "dual" authority under the name of the Board of Education. This new authority, like that pre- vailing in Quebec, gave religious minorities in different communities the right to establish separate, tax-supported 2Isidore Goresky, op.cit., p. 1. _31.. schools. The separate religious sections of the Board of Education were empowered to control the school of their own denomination. Each religious section, Catholic or Protestant, had the right to make regulations for the general government and discipline of these schools. In addition they super- vised the examining, grading and licensing of teachers for their schools. With the increase in population in the Territories came the demand for representative and then responsible government. By 1888 the Territories Act was revised to es- tablish an elected assembly and a representative system of government. Members of this Assembly continued to press for changes in the political framework. They recognized that without control over financial matters there was no element of responsibility in their government. Responsible govern- ment was partially obtained in 1891 and the Territorial Government commenced functioning more as though it were a provincial body. Paralleling this struggle for responsible govern- ment was an important change in the educational structure of the Territories. Besides strengthening the case for responsible government the increased population had weakened the case of the Roman Catholic population in the Territories. Accompanying the achievement of responsible government was the realization of a greater degree of secular control in _ 32 _ education. Much of this secularization was achieved in 1892 when the Board of Education, with its "dual" provisions was abolished. The Council of Public Instruction became the new authority over education. It controlled all schools of the Territories. These changes were not initiated without bitter controversy arising between the prOponents of separate as op- posed to national or common schools. The last major adminis- trative change in education to transpire before the recognition of autonomy in 1905 was the formation of the Department of Education in 1901. Besides placing education affairs under a Minister of Education the changes of 1901 further reduced the advantages of organizing separate school districts. The cen- tral authority, the Department, now controlled decisions on such matters as teacher certification, text books, and inspection. The features of the Territorial system were stamped upon the new province of Alberta. Among the more prominent of these features was the provision made for the Roman Catholic religious minority. They were granted the right to establish their own schools with a share of the taxes being allocated for this purpose. Another feature of the inherited system and one that came to cause a great deal of concern during the late 1920's and early 1930's, was the small unit of school administration called the district.3 3 The size of the local rural school unit varied ac- cording to conditions, but an average district contained about sixteen sections of land. The requirements for es- tablishment of such a district were: at least eight children between ages five and sixteen years, and at least four people who are actual residents and liable for assessment. By 1934, there were 3,766 such districts in the province. -‘33 _. Also apparent, but not as permanently established, was the acceptance of a number of other Territorial provisions in education. Texts, courses of study, examinations, pro- motions, and teaching procedures were much the same immedi- ately after 1905 as they had been before. .The new provin- cial department did try to formally deal with the problem of the immigrants who were flooding the Province by appoint- ing an inspector with the title, Supervisor of Schools Among Foreigners. Throughout this early period of development the influence of Ontario's school system was apparent. D. J. Goggin, the superintendent during the period of greatest development in the Territories, had initially come from the eastern province as had many of the teachers. This eastern influence lost some of its appeal as the province developed.4 The influence of Dr. Goggin and the Territorial school system upon Alberta is evident in the area of cur- riculum. Dr. Newland, writing of curriculum develOpments in Alberta noted: 4C.L. Gibbs, a teacher and an M.L.A. for the U.S.A. Government commented on a speech on educational revision that "he did trust that when the Department mountain had finished its labors there would not issue forth some little mouse, grey with Ontario dust and heavy with Ontario pre- judice, but that we should have an Act that would really meet our particular needs and be in harmony with those prog- ressive ideals now becoming current in the Educational world." _34_ The first school programme used in Alberta was drawn up in 1902 by Dr. D. J. Goggin, then Principal of the Regina Normal School, and a member of the Council of Public Instruction for the North-West Territories. This programme covered the full range of our present grades from I to XII, but was based on a system of eight "standards." Standards I to V covered the range from Grades I to VIII, and Standards VI, VII, VIII corresponded to our present Grades X, XI, and XII.... Although the Territorial regime passed away in 1905, Dr. Goggin's school programme remained in the new Province of Alberta until 1912, when it was re- written by a committee under the chairmanship of Dr. H. M. Tory, the first President of the University of Alberta. The most important change of that time was the substitution of "grades" for standards.5 The Tory revision of 1912 mentioned by Dr. Newland continued in effect in Alberta until 1922. The need for the change in 1922 was in large part necessitated by the demands of the rapidly expanding and heterogeneous population. Not only was the province growing rapidly, but the compo- sition of the population and the nature of the economy was changing. For a number of years school districts were be- ing organized at a rate of one per day. In effect Alberta simply outgrew the Tory revision. In 1919 the Honorable George P. Smith, Minister of Education, announced that committees were to be established to "make a thorough-going review and revision of the course of studies."6 This was to be done under the direction and 5Annual Report of the Department of Education, Province of Alberta, 1937, p. 15. 6H. T. Coutts & B. E. Walker (ed.), G. Fred, (Don Mills: J. M. Dent & Sons Ltd., 1964), p. 62. -35- supervision of Dr. G. F. McNally, newly appointed Supervisor of Schools. Dr. McNally had served on the Tory revision committee, and, like the former chairman, he undertook to involve as many public and professional people as possible in the formulation of the new curriculum.7 In retrospect McNally was able to say that "nowhere in Canada, at any time, has a greater effort been made to secure the opinions of people of representative shades of thought than was done in Alberta in 1921 and 1922."8 The membership of the elemen- tary school committee were already cognizant of the prob- 1ems of rural education and of the limited quality and‘ ability of the rural teacher. They recommended the design- ing of a program which would be oriented to age groups rather than grades. Their recommendations were based upon what they knew of the problems of the one room rural school. Teachers in these schools were often faced with a full range of grades from one to eight. The type of curriculum which was divided into subject and grade compartments was inflexible and unwieldy. The problem faced by these schools is outlined in the following report to the Department of Education: The ungraded school is the real problem. The number of grades, the frequently heavy enrollment, and the long array of bewildering subjects and classes 7Ibid. 81bid. _.36_ to be taught in the course of a single day present a series of problems to which the educational leaders of our time have found no satisfactory solutions, and- in which they have failed to give any worthwhile leadership.9 Representatives of rural organizations saw the suggestion as being one offering the rural p0pulation an inferior program to that of the urban areas. Because of this the suggestion was rejected. Thus, while the problem of the suitability of curriculum for rural schools was raised in the 1922 Revision, no satisfactory solution was provided. The rural population and the teachers wanted redress of the grievances asso- ciated with the rural one-room school, but the former would only consider changes which were uniform for rural and urban students. When proposals were presented in the "thir- ties" for curriculum changes based on the concepts of ac- tivity and integration, conditions were ripe for the estab- lishment of a programmatic agreement. The educational leaders favored the new ideas for professional reasons. The rural population and teachers saw the existence of a prog- ram which could be implemented in both rural and urban areas and which could alleviate some of the distress of the one room school. 9Annual Report of the Department of Education, Province of Alberta, 1931, p. 48. _37_ Some of the more significant changes which the curriculum committees did endorse included: adoption of more electives in the public school, greater provision for vocational preparation of pupils, greater emphasis upon pre- paration for home and family life, adoption of a broader high,school program and a change in thinking from "mental discipline" to the concept of "transfer of training." The guiding principles under which the general revision com- mittee worked required a curriculum which would be "flexi- ble and easily adaptable to the needs of the children of all parts of the Province." Further, it was to be a "piece of work which will meet the demands of the public for an education which is more practical, that will appeal to ed- ucators as sound pedagogically and command the enthusiastic support of the thousands of people in this province who are interested in education."10 This new program in the elementary schools was to continue in use, with only slight changes, until 1936. According to Dr. McNally its advent was hailed with in— terest across Canada. Alberta had gained a position in curriculum innovation which it was to retain for a number of years. The high school curriculum of the period was under constant attack. From the time of provincehood to 1934 10H. T. Coutts & B. E. Walker, op.cit. _38_ Alberta experienced a rapid and almost continuous increase in high school population. During the period the total secondary school enrollment shot up from six hundred to thirty thousand. The percentage of the total school pOp- ulation in high school increased from two percent to eighteen percent.11 According to Walker the increase in high school enrollment represents the "most significant aspect of the development of secondary education during the first three decades of provincial history."12 There seemed to be a general recognition of the value and need for secondary ed- ucation. The following observations which are typical of the period support this claim: There is a growing demand in the province for the advantages of secondary education. No longer in the older settled communities are peOple content to have merely an elementary education for their children.13 A widespread and increasing interest in second- ary education is being shown throughout the village and rural districts of this inspectorate.l4 The problems of secondary education were deeper than meeting the demands of greater numbers of students. There was the concern of providing the apprOpriate educational experi- 11Calculated from data found in Annual Reports of the Department of Education, Province of Alberta, 1906,_l934. 12 Bernal E. Walker, op. cit., p. 161. 13Annual Report of the De artment of Edggation, Province of Alberta, 1919, p. 69,_ Report of the Chief Ihspector, G. W. Gorman." 14Ibid., p. 70, "Report of Inspector F. G. Buchanan, Lacombe Inspectorate." _39_ ences for those who did remain for secondary education. The Deputy Minister of Education in 1934, G. F. McNally, noted in retrospect that, "it soon became evident that a more flexible curriculum, with a frank recognition of the educational value of the so-called 'practical' subjects and some attempt to study the apptitudes of the pupils, was the next step in program building."15 The Edmonton High School Teachers Alliance summarized this concern in a mani- festo on secondary education. Their statement read in part as follows: We declare that the time has come to make an end of this futile folly. We charge that it is a finan- cial extravagance and an offense against our future citizenship. We affirm that the time is ripe for the creation of a system of secondary schools to educate the child for life and not to pretend to do so by administering to them a curriculum that was devised for an entirely different purpose a hundred years ago.16 These problems were greatly magnified in the rural districts where teachers in two room schools attempted to offer secondary education. Even where the teacher had the ability and the time, little more than the rigid academic program could be offered. Such a program did not meet the needs of many students who were remaining for a secondary education. In 1929 the Legislative Assembly voted in favor of the following resolution: "Resolved, that in the Opinion .44 15Annual Report of the DepartmentTOf Education, Province of Alberta, 1934, p. 73. 16"Education.Manifesto.Re Secondary Education," The A.T.A. Magazine, Vol. XI, No. 11, July, 1931, pp. 3-5. _40_ of the Assembly the course of study prescribed for secondary schools should again be referred to the curriculum committee and the committee asked to consider the advisability of further lightening the content of the course and making the requirements for normal entrance and university matricula- tion uniform."17 The committee which was appointed made only minor adjustments in the secondary school curriculum. No sweeping changes were undertaken. The matter of improv- ing secondary school curriculum continued as a matter of interest and debate. By the early 1930's both it and the elementary school were generally regarded as being in need of serious changes. This brief look at the state of elementary and secondary education at the beginning of the "thirties" pro— vides a basis for understanding the feelings which were developing about the overall inadequacy of the Alberta school system. The discussions about and the study of ed- ucation which arose from this dissatisfaction were most important in the eventual acceptance of progressive educa- tion. People were interested in and prepared for change in education. Education was a matter of concern. The be- lief that education could be more suited to individual needs, that it could provide a better preparation for life, and that it was essential to democratic life, helped in the 17Edmonton Journal, February 27, 1929. -41.. acceptance of progressive education. Not only did the progressive educators have persuasive language, they came at an opportune time with a proposal which seemed likely to relate more to life and which seemed to be more suited to the problems of such a diverse and heterogeneous school structure as that in Alberta. II. STRUGGLE FOR PROFESSIONAL RECOGNITION During the closing years of World War I a number of provincial teacher federations or associations were es- tablished in Canada to encourage teachers to engage in vigorous and persistent action for improved teaching con- ditions. A partial explanation of this flood of organizational activity is provided by Munroe, who claims: During and after the first world war a great change came over Canadian life. The new provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan were now well established, Canadian economic life was buoyant, and, in education, the expansion was rapid and extensive. The supply of Canadian-born teachers was completely inadequate and recruits were brought in from Great Britain and else- where. This made the Canadian teacher somewhat jealous of his position and more conscious of the standards which he wished to establish in the profession; it also brought an infusion of new blood which provided some of the associations with much more aggressive leadership.18 18David Munroe, "Professional Organizations in Canadian Education," Canadian Education Todey, ed: Joseph Katz (New York: McGraw Hill Co., 1956Y p. 223 _42_ Kratzman19 points out that beyond the foregoing explanation one must realize that the "absolutely deplorable conditions, both physical and contractual, under which teachers during those years worked" were instrumental in this organizational trend. The average Alberta teacher of 1918, and particu- larly the rural teacher, existed in a most deprived state-- deprived of training, of experience, of salary, of tenure, of suitable physical working and living conditions, of supervision, of employer's respect, and of professional contacts. The ranks of the profession were being depdeted rapidly by teachers who were disguested with the hOpeless— ness of their position. Among the ranks of the remaining teachers, however, were a number who felt that the time was ripe for rapid progress. They saw the solution to their problems in the strength of a collective organization. When the Alberta Teachers Alliance was formed in 1918 the concerns of the teachers were reflected in their objectives. Four of the five initial objectives of the Alliance referred specifé ically to teacher welfare, status, and recognition. The new organization was prepared to fight for what they saw as legitimate rights. Their organization was noticeably militant. This was in part attributable to the influence 19Arthur Kratzman, "The Alberta Teachers' Associ- ation--A Documentary Analysis of the Dynamics of a Profes- sional-Organization", (Unpublished Doctor of Philosophy dissertation, University of Chicago, Chicago, 1963). -43.. of the American Federation of Teachers20 and in part attib- utable to the opposition which the organization initially received from the Department of Education and the school trustees. This militant outlook remained with the Alliance for a period of approximately twenty years. There was an increased activity and interest in education which came with this militant struggle for teach- er's rights. An accompanying affect of the struggle was that teachers became more vocal in matters pertaining to educational changes. Encouragement to teachers to provide educational leadership for society21 came from a number of sources, but most generally from labor spokesmen. Typical of those clamoring for teachers to assume their rightful place was a C. C. F. Party candidate, Elmer Roper, who commented: Some of us as indiviudals and as members of more or less progressive organizations, have discussed, and even advocated, certain so-called educational reforms. I am not certain that we have always known what we were talking about. In the future I for one am willing that such matters should be subject to the most rigid examination by the Alberta Teachers Alliance in its laboratory of educational research. 20This influence was noticeable in the magazine published by the A. T. A. The American Federation of Teachers was heralded as "the world's most progressive teachers organization." On.another occasion it was praised as follows: Their [A.F.T.] educational platform is re- markable for its sanity, its definite and feasible aim, and its scientific grasp of progressive principles. 21This appeal was frequently printed in the A.T.A. Magazine and often expressed by leaders of the A.T.A. Organization. -44.. And I venture to say, too, that the public will pay heed to the findings of the teachers if the latter are themselves sufficiently sure of their ground to make themselves assertive....And if the teachers of Alberta are to take their place as the leaders of educational thought in this province, their conclur'- sions must be such as to bear all the publicity that the A. T. A. and the world outside can give them. For only thus can our educational system benefit from their work. I think I express the desire of progressive- thinking people in this province when I plead with the teachers, nay, challenge them! to give us a lead in educational matters.22 While the teachers as a group never formally allied them- selves with labor, they did seem to follow the directives to become more vocal and authoritative on matters of ed- ucational policy. Those leading the struggle for teachers' rights were not anxious to receive something for which they were not worthy. Their press for organizational strength was in part motivated by the desire to be more able to adequately safeguard the public from incompetent teachers and from incompetent decision makers. While they were not a cer- tifying body, they could improve teacher quality by estab- lishing an organization which would encourage better and more able people to enter and to remain in teaching. Evidence of the interest in improving teacher quality is found in a regular feature of their monthly magazine, an advertisement A A 22A. T. A. Magazine, Vol. VIII, No. 12, July- August, 1928, p. 14. _45- for the Bureau of Education. This Bureau was designed to help teachers upgrade their qualifications through corres- pondence courses. In addition it offered to provide assis- tance to teachers who felt the need of advice from more experienced and better educated colleagues. Increased interest in research methods and find- ings also accompanied the rise of teacher-organizational strength and the prominence of teacher leadership in educa- tional affairs. This interest was in large part kindled as a result of a number of teachers undertaking graduate programs prior to and during the "twenties". These peOple, as they returned to Alberta, often from graduate institu- tions in the United States, usually assumed or returned to positions of responsibility within the Normal Schools or the Department of Education. Evidence of the increased attention being paid to research in education in Alberta can be found by a review of the magazine published monthly by the teachers' organization. A special section of the magazine entitled Educational Research Department was edited by a member of the Alberta Teachers' Alliance Committee on research.23 It covered a wide range of topics including discussion of problems peculiar to particular subjects such as problem solving in elementary school arithmetic and more 23The formation of this committee within the or- ganization was itself an evidence of the increasing emphasis being place upon research by the teachers. _46_ comprehensive matters such as text-book policy. Thespecial interests of the day, reading, arithmetic and testing gained their share of attention in the column.24 Numerous articles and editorials were focused on research during the 1920's. Under the editorial heading "More Research" the editors of the A. T. A. Magazine heral- ded the demise of "dogmatic pedagogy" and the rise of in- formed opinion based on research.25 Further recognition to research was given by headlining the following quotation from the Ohio State University Education Research Bulletin on the cover of the magazine: School administrators must, if they are to measure up to modern ideals, have an acquaintance with and a willingness to use the products of research. The most prog- ressive will even go further. They will foster research within their own school systems.26 The appeal of research was apparent in other spheres of activity as well. In a discussion of the needs of teacher education the 1927 Easter Convention of the A. T. A. pointed out the teachers need training in research.27 Another focal point of interest in educational research was found in the Edmonton Education Society and the Calgary 24John W. Chalmers in his book Schools of the Foothills Province describes this interest in research and its effect upon the readers and the psychology of the day. 25 pp. 13-14. 26 A.T.A. Magazine, Vol. V, No. 9, February, 1935, Ibid., cover. 27A. T. A. Megazine, Vol. VII, No. 11, p. 5. _47_ Progress Club. During the 1920's these two education clubs were organized in Calgary and Edmonton. These were invita- tional groups with limited numbers of prominent educators from different levels and areas of the educational endeavor. These groups were clearly dedicated to the cause of studying and improving education. Their discussions were highlighted by scholarly presentations which required extensive study and preparation. Reviews of current literature, as well as actual research projects, were regularly reported to the membership. One essay presented before the Calgary Progress Club which bears out.the interest in educational research was published in the A. T. A. Magazine.28 Under the title "The Development of Educational Research," club members, P. R. Brecken, W. E. Frame, and M. L. Watts discussed the formation of a Bureau of Research as an integral part of the Detroit School System. Implicit within their presen- tation was a recognition of the worth of such an establish- ment, in any system. Other discussions point out the con- tinuing desire and struggle of these members for research agencies. As late as 1938 the members of the Edmonton Education Society were devoting time to a consideration of the merits of a federal and/or a provincial research bureau.29 This appeal had been made public four years 28£2£§., Vol. XIII, No. 5, January, 1933, pp. 3-5, - 29Proceedings of the Edmonton Education Society, November 26,I1938. -48— earlier in a submission to the Legislative Committee meeting on the problems of education.30 Characteristic then, of the period of Alberta's history up to 1936, was the rise of a militant and vocal teachers organization. This organizational growth can be attributed to a response to deplorable conditions for teach- ers and schools and, as well, to a response to an appeal for an informed leadership to help formulate educational policy. This latter response was an outgrowth of the in- creased education received by many teachers and by their desire to see educational policy determined more by new findings. The development of=a group of educators who were prepared to speak out, to assume leadership and to study thoroughly the available educational alternatives was most important in the acceptance of progressive education. Those people who led the teachers in their organizational struggle were also at the forefront of the private clubs, involved in research and study and in key teaching and administrative positions. It was this group that provided the impetus behind the move toward progressive education. They were both the students and the spokesmen for the new ideas. Experimentation and research findings seemed to suggest that progressive education could offer what the province needed. After the struggle for teachers rights the leaders of the teachers were equipped to lead in other 3oReport ofthe Legislative Commitgee on Rural Education, Alberta, Sessional Paper 136, 1935, p. 32. _49_ matters of educational change. The direction of the change was in line with new psychological theories and with basic democratic priniciples. These principles were important, because it was-under a democratic banner that the teachers fought for their professional right in society. It was in defense of democracy that these teachers struggled for leadership of educational affairs. III. EXTENSION OF EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITY, The 1920's and early 1930's gave rise to con- sideration of other pressing matters in education. Among the more serious of these was the matter of providing an adequate educational experience for children in a highly heterogeneous province. There was a noticeable disparity between the conditions experienced by the rural and the urban student. Similarly there were grave differences in school costs for different areas within the province. These problems were heightened by changing values which arose as the society became more industrialized. The pe0ple of the province were interested in providing for the child- ren of the province as satisfactory and as valuable a school experience as possible. The combination of higher reten- tion rates, increased enrollments, and limited provisions in rural areas made the problem of a satisfactory provision of school experience for as many youngsters as possible a _so_ serious matter. So serious was this matter that it cap- tivated the attention of educators and many laymen for over a decade and~a half. Solutions offered were varied in form. But all proposals were motivated by the same general feeling Of dissatisfaction with the existing conditions. Much Of the discussion focused on the plight of the rural populace. This was partly due to the prominence of the farm population in the province during the period 1921-35. More generally the emphasis was due to the actual plight or conditions of despair generally recognized in the rural areas. By the end of the second decade of this century laymen and educationists were deeply concerned about im- proving rural education. In 1924, Mr. G. W. Gorman, the chief inspector of schools for Alberta, in his report on the operation of Alberta's schools, enumerated the prin— cipal weaknesses of the school adminiStration of that day. He made a strong plea for reorganization that would bring about equality of Opportunity for all children to obtain a good education, regardless of where they were living in the province. He asserted that: Equality of educational Opportunity is impossible until the principle is put into practice that every dollar of wealth, no matter where it exists, shall bear its just share in educating the children Of the province, no matter where they happen to live. 31Annual Report of the Department of Education, Province of Alberta, 1924, p. 54. _51_ During the next ten years rural school administration re- form was the most contentious educational problem within the province. Much of the actual discussion of the matter materialized during the administration of the United Farmers Government. The major issues were summarized in 1929 in a departmental publication entitled Rural Education in Alberta. There were three phases of the problem. They were: (1) To ensure the full-time Operation of sufficient schools, both elementary and secondary; (2) to effect a fair distribution of cost; and (3) to improve the quality of education provided in the schools.32 Elaboration of each of these problems was to be found not only in the pamphlet but in other literature of the day. The Alberta Teachers Alliance sponsored a regular column in their maga- zine dealing with the problems of rural education. The matter seemed to gain regular attention following the posing of a question among leading educators in the province. They were asked what they regarded the major educational problem to be. The following are some of the Opinions which were expressed: ... the most immediately urgent problem in that of the part-time school: to find some method of financ- ing that will ensure the Operation of every rural school for the full school year.33 32Department of Education, Alberta, Rural Education in Alberta (Edmonton: King's Printer, 1929) p. 4. 33A. T. A. Magazioe, Vol. V, NO. 11, April 1925, p. 19, "Letter from Perrin Baker, Minister of Education." ..52— One of the most pressing educational needs of Alberta today is to establish a more equitable system of distributing the burden of school support, so that all the Elementary Schools may be kept in oper- ation during at least two hundred days in each year.34 One [problem] is financial, namely how to keep the rural schools in operation, how to provide an adequate amount of education to rural children, and what is the best method for giving state assistance to schools in financial difficulties. It seems to me that the greatest weakness in our educational system in Alberta at the present time is the very frequent change of teachers in our rural schools. Now, what are the obstacles? These are too many to enumerate. Some of the more significant are: Inadequate periods of Operation of our schools. Lack of opportunity for advanced instruction in rural communities. Lack of permanency in the teaching force. The constant migration of teachers from school to school. Inadequate supply of well-equipped teachers. Difficulties in the way of the right adjustments in Courses of study to meet varying needs.37 These opinions were substantiated in the report on rural education which was published in 1929. In re- lation to the concern over full-time operation of schools 34Ibid., "Letter from John T. Ross, Deputy Minister of Education," 35Ibid., p. 22, "Letter from A. J. Watson, Super- intendent of_ Schools, Lethbridge. " ' 36Ibid., p. 26, "Letter from A. E. Torrie, Principal of Normal School, Camrose." 37£oio., p. 21, "Letter from G. W. Gorman, Chief Inspector of Schools." _53_ the deplorable condition of secondary education was singled out for greatest criticism. Only in areas where the elementary school enrollment was light could teachers who were qualified give sufficient attention to high school students. Such a combination of low elementary enroll- ment and qualified teachers was difficult to find. With the revisions-of the "twenties" the Alberta curriculum for secondary school authorized six courses including: com- mercial, technical, agricultural, general, normal entrance and university matriculation. Very few schoolstwere able to Offer anything in addition to the two more aca- demic courses. The programs which were omitted were the ones in greatest need for the expanding secondary school. population. This need became apparent as the demand for secondary education increased and the nature of the pop-- ulation taking advantage Of secondary education changed. Though the more serious problem was seen to reside at the secondary level there were problems seen in the elementary grades. Many schools did not Offer a full year's program. Some schools lacked money, others failed to Open on time and still others had teachers leaving during the year. In 1927 over three hundred schools Operated for less than one hundred and sixty days.38 In addition there were those who pointed out curriculum 38Department of Education, Alberta, Rural Education in Alberta, Op. cit., p. 4 -54— weaknesses in the elementary schools. The problem of finance was closely intertwined with many of the foregoing issues. The disparities bet- ween districts was marked. Rural schools were reported to vary in assessed valuation from less than $5,000 to nearly $400,000. The rate of taxation fell as low as three mills in some districts and rose as high as eighty mills in at least one.39 Such conditions could hardly be used, according to the authors of the pamphlet, to claim the existence of equal educational Opportunity in the province. The third stated phase of the problem was a corollory of the first two. Improvement in the quality of education was tied to matters of finance and more satisfactory and complete use Of schools. One reason the quality of education in the province was reduced was because of the continual diSplacement of teachers. It was found that approximately seven hundred persons left the profession annually.40 Salary and undesirable work conditions discouraged many. In addition there was-not appropriate supervision of the fledgling teacher nor a satisfactory means of removing the ineffiecient teacher. The conclusion of many, the authors of the pam- phlet noted, was that the administrative system was at 391bid., p. 6. 4°Ibid., p. 7. -55— fault. The Government had demonstrated its agreement with this when in 1928 a bill was introduced into the legislature to change the unit of administration. The bill was so seriously challenged that it was withdrawn and not resubmitted for two years. In the interval the Government undertook to educate the public as to the advantages of the new unit. Reaction was still over- whelming in 1930 and the Baker Bill as it came to be known was defeated for a second time. Undaunted, the U. F. A. Government continued to press for redress of the grievances of the rural school population. By 1935 they had gained support of a Legis- lative Committee to pursue further the matter of the large unit of school administration. The major problems of the schools were reiterated in another Departmental publica- tion called What is and What Might he'in Rural Education in Alberta. Eight major problems were seen to exist. In many respects they were a restatement and an enlargement of the three phase problem described by the Government in 1929. They were listed as follows: 1. The needs of rural communities are not adequately served. 2. The spread in rural assessments is too great. 3. The conditions of employment for rural teachers are not uniform. 4. The small unit is not efficient. 5. The small unit is not economical. 6. The Educational opportunity in rural schools is not equal to that in urban schools. 7. We need diversified education, but we cannot provide it. 8. If we equalize the costs we must equalize the -56- service.41 A most valuable study of the educational system ' was undertaken in 1934 by a legislative committee. The sc0pe of the study makes it a most important document in develOping an appreciation of the educational concerns of the study. This group outlined its scope of investigation to include: a study of present rural school conditions, the facts and suggestions available on larger units of administration, reports on experiments to meet special prob- lems, reports on education from various groups, the agricul- tural schools and adult education.42 It agreed to collect facts and invite suggestions (a) Financing of education so that present burdens may be more fairly distributed and all parts of Alberta may be able to discharge the social Ob- ligation tO give full and free education to all. (h) Bringing education to the sparsely settle dis- tricts, (l) by residential schools and an apprOpriate transportation scheme; (2) travelling schools; (3) education by correspondence. (c) Fitting education to the needs of the rural pOp- ulation, based upon a careful study of the modern philosophy Of modern education in relation to social and individual needs and standards; (1) Manual training and domestic science centres; (2) Physical training; 41Department of.Education, Alberta, What is and.. What Might Be in Rura1.Education in Alberta (Edmonton: King's Printer, 1935) pp. 3-6. 42Report of the Legislative Commitpee on Rural Education, Alherta, Sessional Paper 136, 1935. ...57— (3) Educational and vocational guidance. (d) Inspecting and supervising education in the rural districts: (1) Travelling educational clinics and super- vising.specialists; (2) Attendance regulations and their enforcement in the interest of the child and even against the opposition of ignorant or financially prejudiced parents or communities. (e) Teachers and teacher training: (1) Greater security of tenure and more attraCe tive financial and living conditions; (2) Inducements to the most desirable teachers to make rural education a career; (3) Choosing the right teacher for the right school, involving study of racial and national psychologies and physical environment. (f) The large unit of administration, centralization versus decentralization: (1) Appointed commissioners of education and‘ business management; 43 (2) Separate schools and language problems. In their analysis and description of the facilities available for rural education the legislative committee acknowledged the existence of a number of important pro- visions. The province had attempted to encourage consoli- dated school districts and then consolidated rural high schools. There was limited acceptance of both schemes, and neither was sufficient to alleviate the distress of the times. Another approach to the problem of education in a sparsely Settled province was the provision of correspon- dence courses. Instruction by correspondence for elemen- tary grades had been available since 1924. More advanced courses had been added and students could go beyond the 43Ibid. _58— eighth grade by correspondence. A review by the committee of other educational services led to an examination Of ag- ricultural schools, the Institute of Technology, the Normal schools, the University and adult education. This last area received the most extensive coverage and offered a most challenging proposal for change. Extension lectures, short courses, cultural programs, travelling libraries and radio instruction were all seen as part of the contemporary provisions. Interest tended to centre on a unique approach to adult education found in Scandinavia, especially in Denmark. This institution, the folk high school, was be- lieved to have merit for the education of young adults bet- ween ages eighteen and thirty. Its advantage were believed to be: 1. It gives a training that is both cultural and vocational. 2. It is an integral part of community life. 3. Though it cannot supplant our elementary and- secondary schools, it can supplement the work of those schools in a very desirable manner. 4. It makes a special appeal to post adolescents.44 One of the major spokesmen for the introduction of a type of folk-school into Alberta was Donald Cameron, then a member of the Department of Extension at the University of Alberta. He presented his ideas on this institution to the Legislative Committee and as well to the Edmonton Education Society and to the Alberta teachers through their magazine. Interest in these schools developed to the point 44Ibid., p. 17. _59._ in Alberta-where Mr. Peter Manniche was invited from Denmark in 1934 to attend the Easter Convention of the Alberta teach- ers to discuss the folk school movement. His remarks were given complete coverage in the May issue of the A. T. A. Magazine. Apparently, there was sufficient appeal to re- commend this institution to the Legislative Committee in- asmuch as they agreed to the trial establishment of one~ such school in conjunction with one Of the agricultural schools.45 Another type of presentation was made to the Legislative Committee. This submission dealt with curri- culum change as a solution to the educational problems of the day. Prominent among the proposals was the activity curriculum.46 However, most extensive considerations of the Committee focused on proposals associated with change in the nature of the administrative unit. The continuous struggle of Penren Baker and the U. F. A. administration finally bore fruit. The Overwhelming evidence in favor of the larger unit led the Legislative Committee to encourage the Government to pursue its study further. Since the first formal presentation of this scheme in 1928 two actual 451bid., p. 18. 46Discussion of the nature of this proposal will be found in Chapter Four of this dissertation. Mention of it is made here to demonstrate that this Legislative Committee did receive submissions on curriculum change which discussed aspects of progressive education. _60_ experiments had been conducted with notable success.47 Theee offered additional support to the cause of the large unit. The advantages which had been presented numerous times were reinforced before the Committee. It was believed the following advantages would occur from the larger unit: 1. It would bring more equitable distribution of the burden of taxation. 2. It would bring about a nearer approach to equality of educational opportunity by: (a) improving the facilities for elementary ed- ucation in certain areas of the Province where there is now'great variation in tax-paying ability; and in new districts situated on the fringe of settlement, where resources are very meagre. (b) assuring full-time Operation of all the schools.... 3. It would make the Operation of schools in sparsely settled areas more economical.... 4. It would make for the retention of the more am- bitious and able teachers in rural school service, through improved conditions Of service and better remuneration.... 5. It would bring to the rural schools the kind of supervision that is now to be found only in city schools.... 6. It would go a long way towards making possible the solving Of the problem of high school instruc- tion for rural boys and girls....48 47In two areas, Turner Valley and Berry Creek, mergers of school districts had been undertaken to cope with the educational needs Of these areas. They offered a contrast between rich and poor areas and provided a basis for more adequately evaluating the larger unit proposal. 48Report of the Legislative Committee on Rural Education, Alberta, Sessional Paper 136, 1935, pp. 23- 24. ..61- Following its thorough study the Committee recommended that ....the Department of Education give careful. study to the question of the larger unit of adminis- tration in an effort to evolve a plan that will permit the bringing of the rural schools to a higher degree of efficiency and that will at the same time, be accep- table to the people of the Province.49 While the large unit was not actually implemented prior to the change Of gOvernment in 1935, it had been ' thoroughly examined and publicized. It had been such a controversial matter that it did serve to attract the at- tention of lay as well as professional members of the society. The interest stimulated by the proposals for res alignment of the province's administrative structure kept the development of the activity program in the background. SO overshadowed was progressive education by the larger unit prOposal that it could be said that progressive ed- ucation was upon the teachers and the province before they knew it. The discussions also heightened the awareness of the problems being faced in the schools. The proponents of change in favor of progressive education were facing a public and a teaching force keenly aware of the problems. Their proposals were added assurance that the ills were present. IV. SUMMARY The period of Alberta‘s educational history from 1920 to 1935 Was marked by a great deal of activity and 4411 491bid. , p . 25. ..62— interest in education. The most-pressing problem, that of more adequately providing for an expanding school pop- ulation in a school system with great disparities, cap- tivated the attention of the public, the government and the profession. During this same period the teachers were engaged in a struggle for what they called "professional recognition." This struggle encouraged teachers to assume leadership in matters of educational policy. The struggle was also associated with an increased interest and activity in educational research. Conditions were ripe for change in education. Progressive education was on the scene and ready. It offered the flexibility and closeness to life which was desired by the Opponents Of the existing system. CHAPTER III ALBERTA'S POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL SCENE AND ITS INFLUENCE ON EDUCATIONAL CHANGE The purpose of this chapter is to examine the major political, economic and social developments which occurred in Alberta during the years prior to the accept- ance of progressive education. Foremost among the poli- tical develOpments considered are the Progressive movement, the nature and concerns of the administration of the United Farmers of Alberta and the rise to power of the Social Credit party. The prominence of educational change in the deliberations of the 1935 election campaign is also con- sidered. Of concern in this chapter as a part of the eco- nomic and social developments Of the period are such things as the state of the economy, immigration, religion and changing values. The impact of each such development on educational change is reviewed. I. THE POLITICAL SCENE The Progressive movement1 was a prominent part of the Canadian political scene during the second and third 1Most valuable for their coverage of this develOp- ment are the following sources: W. L. Morton, The Progressive Perty in Canada (Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1950) and Paul F. Sharp, The Agrarian Revolt in Western Canada (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1948). ..64— decades Of the twentieth century. Especially was it of consequence in the western provinces where it enjoyed its greatest success. The prime motivation behind Canadian Progressivism, in fact, came from grievances voiced by the western provinces. The character of the movement was basically agrarian and was an expression of revolt against the old National Policy and its system of fiscal protec- tion. Closely associated in guilt with the economic po- licy, according to the Progressives, was the established political system. The concept of Canadian economic policy which the Progressives accepted and reacted against was that of a metrOpolitan economy operating through control Of tariffs, railways and credit to drain the wealth of the rural areas for the benefit and advantage of the com- mercial and industrial centers. In the realm of politics the Old national parties were seen as the instruments of the commercial, industrial and financial interests in the implementation of the constraining tariff and rail- way policy. The defeat and humiliation of the Progressive party came in 1926. An analysis of the reasons for this defeat provides an indication of the changes which were taking place within the country. This analysis also pro- vides insight into the essential features of the movement. The Progressives had gained a great deal of support from people disillusioned by economic distress. A return of _65_ general prosperity in the middle of the second decade les- sened the concern of many for changes in the economic and political system. Another element of the Progressive cause, that of social reform, also lost its impact. The movement had in part been undertaken to encourage the formulation of necessary social legislation. Much of this legislation was passed during the war years. The organizations of farmers could claim a great deal of credit for the wartime prohibition acts, woman suffrage, compulsory education and legislation to improve health, labor and child welfare. The success experienced in the enactment of these reforms partially accounts for the weakening of the Progressive cause. The failure Of the movement to gain a strong nation- wide appeal also was responsible for the demise of Prog- ressivism. When the Liberal party under W. L. Mackenzie King made concessions torthe Progressives in the 1926 election campaign, the movement was dealt a final blow. It had achieved a purpose. The Progressive voice had been heard and had been acted upon. At the same time it had failed to provide an adequate basis for the establish- ment of a viable third party in federal politics. Success at the party level was much different in the provinces. Especially in Alberta do we find that the Progressive movement had an influence which extended beyond the year 1926. The United Farmers of Alberta, a part of the Progressive forces in the country, gained -66- prominence following World War I. They became the dominant political force in the province and swept the Liberals from office in the 1921 election. The entry of the United Farm- ers into direct political action was typical of the agrarian and sectional revolt in western Canada. The United Farmers of Alberta had their beginnings in-the agrarian revolt at the turn of the century. At that time the revolt gained expression through Grain Growers' Associations.2 In 1909 these Associations merged with the Alberta Society of Equity, another early competitor for farmer support, to form the United Farmers oprlberta.3 The initial purpose behind this merger and other rural organizations like it was one of arousing class consciousness among western far- mers. This was undertaken in the form of adult education through a combination of means including a farmer press, pro- vincial conventions and local study groups. These means re- mained with the group even as the emphasis shifted to direct political action. In the first decade of its existence the United Farmers of Alberta entertained a succession of radical ideas from various sources which were to influence its ultimate course Of action. These influences came from the early agrarian movements in eastern Canada, those of: 2W. L. Morton, The Progressive Party in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1950), p. 11. 3 Ibid. -67- the United States, and the British co-operative movements.4 These influences, combined with the increasing diversity of the population and the lack of uniform tradition, explain, in part, the unique political develOpment Of Alberta. In the early years of its organization the at- tention of the United Farmer's organization was occupied by concerns of direct democracy.5 The initiative, the~ referendum, and the recall, all devices for a popular con- trol of the legislative body, are terms which appear in this period of political thought in Alberta. The appeal for more democratic government as a result of these direct measures subsided during the First World War and the appeal for political action of a different type became prominent. The absorption of the young, militant organization called the Nonpartisan League led to this more forceful approach to change. The Older and more conservative membership was led by this new element into a more active political role. Under this internal impetus the United Farmers of ‘ Alberta became for more than a decade the "political voice of Alberta Farmers."6 A distinguishing feature of the 1921 election was the revolutionary zeal with which the farmer group " 4PaulF. Sharp, The Agparian Revolt in Western; Canada, (Minneapolis: University Of Minnesota Press, 1948) p. 58. 5Paul F. Sharp, op. cit., p. 70. 6Paul F. Sharp, op. cit., p. 99. -68- campaigned to defeat partyism in the Alberta legislature. The campaign Objectives were aimed not so much at defeating the liberal government as at ending the alledgedly iniqui- tous system of government by replacing it with a higher form of political control.7 The astounding success of the United Farmers at the polls was evidence that the bitter protest against a national policy which held the West to colonial status had found expression in political revolt. -Despite the heterdox and doctrinaire philOSOphy of the United Farmers, the movement produced a sufficiently dis- ciplined organization to maintain control of Alberta po- titics until 1935. The hopes of the theorists within-the party were never realized. The philosophy of group government8 did not gain full implementation. Nevertheless, the overall concern for "equity" and more democratic government did have its affect upon some developments within the province. As a part of their first election platform, the United Farmers of Alberta endorsed the following article on educa- tion: To provide as far as possible equal Opportun- ities for all children of all the people by gradually 7W. L. Morton, 8Group government as conceived by- the United Farmers of Alberta consisted of various occupational in- terests having direct voice in the legislature. It also emphasized the minimization of the role and power Of the cabinet. -69- extending and improving educational facilities.9 Once in power the United Farmers attempted to fulfill this campaign promise by aiming to provide elementary education for every child in the province. The slogan "Grade eight for every child" was advocated by the Minister of Education on numerous occasions as being indicative othhe Govern- ment's goal in education. The interests of'young people soon went beyond the eighth grade limit and by the late 1930's the schools were having to cope with large numbers interested in secondary education. The Farm Government did undertake various studies and did prOpose remedial legis- lation both of which failed to alleviate the distress in education during their period of Office. However, their concern fOr equality in the broader society was reflected in their approach to education. They wanted schooling provisions extended.10 They also wanted the population to bear the responsibility for these extensions in a more equitable way. Their solution, the larger unit of school administration, was seen to Offer both-betterROpportunities and more appropriate tax burdens. ‘ 9From the "Reconstructive Legislative Program," prepared by a committee of the Annual Convention of the U. F. A., 1921, See Grain Growers Guide, August 17, 1921. 10One of the more pOpular spokesmen on education fOr the United Farmers' party was C. L. Gibbs. As a teacher and a legislator he was a continual advocate of broadening the curriculum to give apprOpriate consideration to voca- tional and technical education. -70- The United Farmers of Alberta affected education in other ways. Most noticeable was the impact upon cur- riculum revision. The appeal to group organization and representation in politics was applied in curriculum re- form. Representatives from various industrial and~profes- sional groups were included in the deliberations about curriculum.11 The American influence apparent within the party also became apparent in education. 'Numerous American textbooks were adOpted for the classes. Defense for such a policy was provided by the Minister of Education who claimed that these were the best books for the purpose. Interest was shown in educational systems outside of North America. On one occasion two members of the Legislature were sent to Scandinavia to examine their=folk school system.12 The common concerns of Progressivism and the United Farmers of Alberta influenced the introduction of progressive education into Alberta. The broader political movement was involved in the improvement and advancement of society. Humanitarian reforms as well as basic political 11Membership on the 1922 Curriculum Revision Committee included peOple from the following groups: Alberta Teachers Alliance, the Alberta Education Association, the Alberta School Trustees Association, the University of Alberta, United Farmers of Alberta, the United Farm Women of Alberta, the Women's Institute, the Alberta Federation of Labor and the Associated Bonds of Trade. - 12Barbara V. Cormack, The Honorable Mary Irene Parlby, (unpublished manuscript) p. 128. -71- and-economic reforms were central to the movement. There was an overall desire to lift the society above its un- favorable circumstances. Democratic principles were reaf- firmed, but hope existed that improvements could be made* upon the existing forms of democracy. This not only sug- gested political reform to the Progressives, but it pointed out the need for altering the conditions of many peoples' lives. The basic democratic principle of equality was behind much of what was suggested or done in reform. The break with the East and with‘tradition in politics and economic policy was motivated by the desire to gain equal footing for the western regions. The interest in reform legislation for labor, health and child welfare were also motivated by the desire for equity. In education, as readily seen in Alberta, the appeal to "provide equal Op- portunities for all" led to increased pressures upon the established institutions. This was in turn accompanied by a recognized need to change the offerings within the established institutions. The pressures put upon the school by the larger Progressive urge Opened the way for the progressive educators. Both the means-and the purpose of the school had to be examined as a result of the new pressures created by the broader Progressive movement. Direct concerns for health, vocation, and the quality of family and community life became apparent. Recognition of individual differences brought attention to the need to -72- provide instruction more suited to the newer classes taking advantage of the Offerings of the school. All of these factors were coming to a head by the third decade of the twentieth century. The problem and the Opportunity for change were there as were the proponents of progressive education. The people were prepared to examine a variety of alternatives. No longer was the system which had come from eastern influences necessarily valid. The eastern pattern had failed in economics and politics and the same possibility even probability existed in education. The American influence was evident in the Progressive urge and the north-south ties were strong. An air of experiment- ation was apparent. Viable solutions for remedying the problems of the school were sought regardless of their source. The Progressives were seeking a society where all- people would have the advantages commensurate with their position as a member of that society. They wanted democ- ratic principles to be applied as fully as possible. They wanted the peOple to be able to face the rapidly changing society and deal with it effectively. All of these values were espoused, at least with verbal similarity by the proponents of progressive education. Conditions stimulated by the broader Progressive movement Opened the way for educational change through its challenge to the old system. The Rise to Power of Social Credit. The United Farmers' party had unwittingly paved -73- the way for its own political defeat and for the ascend- ancy of Social Credit in Alberta politics. Certain of the United Farmer theorists had, in the early 1920's, advocated financial credit of a cooperative type maintaining that the control of credit should rest with the state. Due to the similarity of these ideas to Social Credit theory, the transition to Social Credit was not difficult for Albertans to make. Social Credit was not, however, a continuation of the Progressive movement. It represented an abrupt break with the agrarian tradition. The United Farmers' cabinet, old and conservative by 1935, had lost its genius for leadership refusing to recognize or accede to new revolutionary pressures becoming evident in the convention. The habits of traditional party membership and support had been broken by the crusading fanaticism of the farmer movement in 1921. Fourteen years later the Alberta elec- torate turned in disillusionment from its faith in group government to an acceptance of promises made by a new prophet offering a panacea in the form of a monthly divided. There were familiar elements in the appeal made by Aberhart to the Alberta electorate. The role of the financier as the antagonist to ecOnomic progress was not unfamiliar to western Canada. In the lexicon of the United Farmers party the antagonist had been the eastern man- ufacturer. As Irving noted about the Social Credit success, "in 'explaining' the causes of the depression it did not -74- run counter to, but rather accentuated, the extremely hos- tile attitudes towards the existing economic system that had arisen in a period characterized by 'proverty' in the midst of plenty."13 The United Farmers' locals had main- tained a constant barrage of criticism against capitalistic banking and the financial system. Many of these locals had given consideration to Social Credit theory prior to the time that it was considered a political threat. The theory behind Social Credit had infiltrated the United Farmers party without the United Farmers actually knowing the threat to their own existence.14 Other factors are important in the success of the Social Credit party in the 1935 campaign and election. The impact of the depression was greater in Alberta than in most other parts of Canada. Widespread discontent was manifest and the provincial government, grown conservative over its years in office, offered no solution to the people's economic ills. There were charges of corruption levelled at two of the leaders of the established U. F. A. Government. The spokesmen for Social Credit were critical of the established order and found an affinity 13John A. Irving, The Social Credit Movement in Alberta (Toronto, University Of Toronto Press, 1959) p. 334. 14In 1934 the United Farmers of Alberta invited the founder and leading theorist on Social Credit, Major C. H. Douglas, to Edmonton to present his ideas before a legislative committee. Numerous locals of the United Farmers of Alberta were discussing social credit theory during the "thirties." -75- with the populace on this count. But equally important were their proposals for change. The prospect of a basic dividend and a just price had an almost irresistable at- traction. They had a program of monetary and financial reform which suggested to many the possibility of bringing order into their now chaotic world. People were at such a low ebb that a system, offering a criticism or explana- tion they understood as well as a program for change, could not be denied. As the last United Farmer Premier, R. G. Reid stated, "peOple apologized for voting against me, saying that they believed Social Credit gigop lead to a better situation."15 The peOple of Alberta were in a con- dition to accept social change. Most important in the success of this new party and way of thinking was the character of the man leading the Social Credit party. Prior to his entry into the political arena William Aberhart was recognized as a suc- cessful teacher and religious leader. ‘Both of these ex- periences proved to be of advantage to him in his rise to power. As a teacher and administrator in Calgary's Crescent Heights High School, he had gained the reputation of "an excellent teacher and an able administrator."16 He was authoritarian in manner and a strict disciplinarian who 15A statement made by R. G. Reid on a television interview, May 23, 1967. - 16Harold J. Schultz, "Portrait of a Premier: William Aberhart" Canadian Historical Review, Vol. XLV, No. 3, September 1964, p. 187. -76- believed in constant supervision and control of school ac- tivities. He demonstrated a keen and sincere interest in his students. The other dominant area of interest for Aberhart was religion.. He was an avid scholar of the Bible and stressed the importance of accepting it literally as the inspired word of God. Early in career he joined with a group of men who had similar religious interests and formed a weekly study group. Under the name of the Calgary PrOphetic Bible Con- ference their influence and appeal spread. At the peak of his appeal it_was estimated that Aberhart was reaching a lis- tening audience of approximately three hundred thousand.17 As W. E. Mann points out, Aberhart helped fill an impprtant religious vacuum in the scattered rural communities-Of Alberta that the major denominations had either neglected or lost.18 Aberhart struck a responsive chord with many people in the province. He was a respected educator and a layman who was independent of the Old-line churches. As his pOpularity grew he established a Bible school, wrote textbooks ibr study groups, provided fundamental principles for conducting meetings and operated almost single-handed a correspondence course of study. His authoritarian manner and fundamentalist faith were apparent throughout his program and soon became apparent 17Ibid., p. 189. 18W. E. Mann, Sect, Cult, and Church in Alberta (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1955) p. 157. -77- in his political Work. Aberhart showed little or no interest.in politics until the impact of the depression became apparent in his school. He began to examine the depression, disturbed by the inequality which it manifested and the necessity of sending his students into a jobless world. In 1932 he en- countered Social Credit doctrine and from that time on began to introduce these ideas into his religious sermons. As the depression deepened, his appeal through the com-v bination of religion and Social Credit doctrine spread. Initially Aberhart felt that a pressure group could be formed to force the United Farmers to implement Social Credit theory. Finally he came to see that these ideas could best be implemented by a Social Credit party. Any attempts to stOp Social Credit failed. It had completely captivated the people of the province. Despair and distress had reached such a level in Alberta by the mid 1930's that the people were looking for hOpe and for someone to offer firm leadership and direction. Aberhart filled this image. This same pattern was apparent in education. Problems were apparent and had been apparent in education for some time. The people were willing and ready for change. Educational leaders had been preparing the way for the new ideas. Now the image of Aberhart and the hope which came into the peOple made the changes fea- sible. The Social Credit party had the courage which the -78- United Farmers had lacked. While the formal implementation of the curriculum changes, administrative changes and teach- er status legislation came after the election of the Social Credit Government, it is important to realize that theSe changes were well developed prior to the Social credit as- sumption of political authority. They did require the Op- portune time to put them into effect. The change to Social Credit in 1935 offered this chance for implementation. The proximity of the election of Aberhart and the formal implementation of these educational-changes has led to some incorrect judgments about the role of Social Credit in these developments.19 Another factor which con-. tributes to these incorrect judgements was the large number of teachers included among the elected members of the Social Credit party.20 Educational change per se was not a prime matter of concern in the 1935 election.21 This has -‘ 19Those who are not aware of the developments in education prior to 1935 in regard to plans for changing,, , the administrative unit and the curriculum are prone to sug- gest that the Social Credit party both formulated and in- troduced these changes. Only the latter can be substantiated. 20At least thirteen members among the fifty-seven elected for Social Credit in 1935 were teachers. A. J. Hooke attributed this to the continual reminder before. teachers of the problems of the day. Their salaries were drastically reduced and their pupils were without adequate food or clothes. Aberhart's analysis of the problem made sense to these teachers. 211. Goresky, teacher and member of the Legislature down to 1935 for the United Farmers of Alberta made this observation in an interview with this writer. -79- been confirmed by representatives of both major parties as well as by a review of the debates and speeches of the time. The parties did have an educational plank in their platforms, but these were nearly identical in nature and Offered little or no insight into specific changes which ‘were in mind.22 There is reason to believe that many of these campaigners, even though they were educators, were not too conversant with some of the changes which were to 22The following are the campaign statements on education of the two major parties involved in the 1935 campaign: Social Credit: (An Eighteenth Century System can never handle a Twentieth Century Problem). (a) Our schools should at once be made to supply the train- ing that the New Social Order demands. Up to the present. the University requirements for an Academic preparation has predominated our Educational System. Only a small percent- age Of our students ever enter University. ' (b) Further attempts should be made to bring the various Provincial Educational Systems into greater harmony. (c) The Basic Monthly Dividends will at once remove the hindrances to any student proceeding along any line of ins- truction that appeals to him.* United Farmers of Alberta (2) The extension of facilities for secondary education in rural districts, and the introduction of a new course of studies in the public and.high schools so that the educa- tional system may be more apprOpriate to the demands of the times;** *John A. Irving, The Social Credit Movement in Alberta (Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1959) p. 350. **Ibid. p. 353. -80- 23 The Deputy Minister of Education at the time tells come. of being called into Aberhart's Office and being informed, "I want you to tell me what in your opinion mOst needs doing to improve education in this province."24 Their con- versation centered on the proposals for larger units of administration and McNally played the role of educating the Premier and Minister on the.merits of the new system. Once convinced of the merits of the new system Aberhart and his colleagues undertook the task of defending the change in the legislature. The role of Aberhart and of the Social Credit party in curriculum change is somewhat the same in that area as in the administrative changes. Aberhart had promised curriculum revision in his campaign.25 According to Shultz, Aberhart assigned the revision work to H. C. Newland who provided within a year the program of progres- sive education.26 In the area of curriculum revision the program was well developed by 1935 and the new ideas were given strength by the new political party who had promised and who were prepared for change. This curriculum change was foreign to Aberhart's “ 23N. E. Tanner, a teacher before election in 1935, admitted in a letter to this writer, to having little famil- iarity with the ideas of such people as Dewey, Rugg, Counts and Kilpatrick. 24H. T. Coutts and B. E. Walker, op. cit., p. 71. 25Harold Schultz, op. cit. p. 204. 26Ibid. -81— recognized position on education.27 He had been the dis- 28 Tanner, another teacher ciplinarian and the classicist. and legislator, admits having little familiarity with the ideas of such educators as Dewey, Counts, Rugg and Kilpatrick. Hooke, still a member of the Social Credit cabinet and a principal at the same time of election in 1935, was in- volved in a meeting to evaluate the new educational ideas prior to his election.29 'He admits to not being favorably impressed by what he heard on progressive education.30 The vieWpoints of these three men are such as to suggest that there was little thought prior to the 1935 election that the promised curriculum changes would be in the direction of progressive education. These men and the Party did come to endorse the new ideas but they were not a specific part of the campaign appeal to the public in 1935. Their role in the implementation of progressive education is seen in the help they provided by establishing the conditions which made the acceptance and implementation of these new ideas possible. The Party had promised change in administration 27John Irving classifies Aberhart as "an arch- conservative in education." Schultz claims in regard to these changes that Aberhart "did not remain in 'character' as the traditionalist his religious position might lead one to expect. 28Harold Schultz, op. cit. p. 204. 29This observation was made by Mr. A. J. Hooke in an interview with this writer. 30Ibid. _82_ and curriculum. In both cases suggestions for change were well formulated in the Department of Education. The Social Credit leadership capitalized on these developments and endorsed the changes shortly after their ascendancy to power. In the occasions following election where the Premier had reason to discuss education there are state- ments which suggest at least the basis for a nominal ag- reement between himself and the prOponents of progressive education. Also he was aware that the educational system was-not dealing with the needs of the student population and of the society. In November 1935 at a gathering of former pupils to honor him, the Premier stated, You study your lessons from books, but unless you have learned to apply the knowledge thus secured to solve problems in life, you have not been really educated. It is not the actual knowledge which counts but the ab111ty to apply 1t. Later the same month he noted that "schooling which leaves us helpless in the face of our problems, is useless."32 In this same meeting he noted that educational work had to be placed at the top of the list of reforms. Even here though, the dominant issues, as he saw them, were economic and financial. There was a need to insure the maintenance of minimum salaries, provision of pensions and security of 31The Social Credit Chronicle, November 1, 1935. 32Ibid., November 15, 1935. ..83- tenure. Curriculum reform, of an unspecified nature, was the other area of reform which he mentioned. The campaign of 1935 gave little or no attention to the matter of educational reform. In 1930 the matter of education was important in that the public was excited over the proposals for a larger unit. Further, the ef- fects of the depression had not been fully felt in 1930. By 1935 the issues were clearly economic and financial. Even the major changes in education could be seen in the same light. The legislators were in agreement on the need for the larger unit. The schools were not blamed for the plight of society, but it was~recognized that there were changes which had to be made to cope with the changing complexion of the school's population. No specific re- ference was-made by the political candidates fo progressive education as the answer to their problems. They were ready to accept the changes which the educators were sug- gesting as viable alternatives to the existing system. II. THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL SCENE Alberta prior to 1935 had been a province subject alternatively to extremes of prosperity and depression. The first era of prosperity extended from the granting of provincial status to the end of WOrld War I. Mainly res- ponsible for the promotion of prosperity were such things _84_ as railway expansion, availability of cheap land, new vari- eties of wheat and improved farming methods. There was a great influx of immigrants into the new province and a rapid increase in the amount and value of agricultural products. The growth of cities and towns during this period was re- markable. Accompanying this expansion was the inflation of land values and the undertaking of over-ambitious civic projects. When financial difficulties hit, temporary re— trenchment in education and other civic services was neces- sary throughout the province. The period between the Wars was-marked by two major economic depressions. The first slump, which lasted from 1921 to 1925, was keenly felt in the western agri- cultural provinces. Much of the economy was dependent upon wheat prices. The price of wheat per bushel fell from $2.63 in 1920 to $1.07 in 1924. After this slump there was a brief period of economic expansion from 1926 to 1929. The worldwide depression, which was acute in the early 1930's took a severe form in the western Canadian provinces. This time the price of wheat fell to $.60 per bushel.33 A picture of the effect of this depression has been provided by Morton. He states, The great depression'and drought of the 1930's are not, in their disastrous effects, easily to be-im- agined or pictured. When.farm prices ceased to possess 33W. A. Mackintosh, Economic_groblems of the Prairie ~Provinces, (Toronto, Macmillan Co. of Canada,_Appendix. -85.. economic relevance; when organized society could no longer be maintained out of local resources; when once independent men were reduced in their distress ’to accepting relief from government; when the sun itself was blinded by the driving sand‘as the nomadic ‘cavalry of drought, the bone-grey tumbling mustard and Russian thistle, charged endlessly as in the dis- tant and dustless offices of St. James and Bay streets the interest charges mounted: under these afflictions ‘men passed beyond persuasion or appeal.34 The principal governmental problem during this period was that of dealing with the burden of public and private debt. The financial obligations of the province and its municipalities were heavily increased by the cost of unemployment and agricultural relief and at the same time their revenues were depressed by the low-income con- ditions prevailing among the people. Burnet notes that in some areas of the province ninety to one hundred per cent of the population were on'relief.35 Semistarvation was-the result for many of the drought and depression. Clothing and buildings were generally of the poorest qua- lity. Accompanying these conditions was the equally de- moralizing effect of isolation. Many farms and homes were abandoned leaving others lonely and subject to long periods of complete isolation.' The density of population in some areas fell below that of 1912 and 1913.36 Aberhart's appeal to the public often exaggerated these conditions, 3AW. L. Morton, op, cit. p. 286. 3SIbid., p. 23. 36B. E. Walker,_gp, cit., p. 95. I 1'14 i II III I. .I \ |l| III I ll I I \l‘ i .v||1 J! | 'II III ' I III II ill ll ll! I l'nl'l‘ll l lll' ’1 If! ‘I _86_ but they did demonstrate to the public his sensitivity to their situation. A number of social develOpments stand out during the period from 1905 to 1934 which have a bearing upon educational changes of the mid 1930's. The population of Alberta increased at a very repid rate in the early years of the twentieth century. Between 1901 and 1931 the pOp- ulation increased tenfold from 73,000 to 732,000.37' The heavy immigration, which was at its peak during the prewar years, had the effect of upsetting the normal age dis- tribution of the total population in Alberta. Initially the biggest impact of the immigrants was upon the age group 38 By the 1920's the proportion from 25 years to 29 years. of younger people, especially of high school age, had been increased, thus partially accounting for the great influx of young people in secondary schools. The larger portion of the immigrant population was of British origin, comprising a little over 50 per cent of the total popula- tion. The proportion of continental EurOpeans increased gradually from 33 per cent in 1901 to 45 per cent in 1936. After World War I these families of continental origin sent increasing numbers of children to schools for longer periods of time. The three largest groups--German, Scandinavian 37B. E. Walker, 92° cit., p. 95. 38Canada, Bureau of Statistics, Seventh Census of Canada, 1931, Vol. III, Table 5. _87_ and Ukranian--showed keen interest in learning the English language and taking advantage of the free public school system. Not only did they present a problem through adding to the total number of students, but they heightened peoples' awareness of the need to have a curriculum which would help these young peOple become worthy and productive members of the society. There were numerous religious groups within the province. At the 1931 census the people of the province reported their religious affiliation as follows: United Church 24 per cent, Roman and Greek Catholic 23 per cent, Anglican 15 per cent, Lutheran 11 per cent, Presbyterian 10 per cent, and others 17 per cent.39 These older more established religious denominations did not provide the religious experiences which had greatest relevance for the many pe0ple in the province. A number of sects seemed to offer the flexibility of organization and technique which was more suited to the widespread economic and-social dis- location of the time. Mann notes that "distance from the older cultural centers of eastern Canada weakened the im- pact of socially organizing institutions and values, while proximity to frontier-like areas in the American Northwest favored a steady invasion of unorthodox social and reli- gious leaders and associations."40 The boom-recession 39Alberta Facts and Figures, p. 45. 40W. E. Mann, 92. cit. p. 153. ..88— pattern of economy led to recurring periods of re-settle- ment and social mobility. This led to a large marginal social element among the pOpulation. Explanation of the place of these sects in the province is provided by Mann. He states that "while the denominations attempted to serve the interests of the established social classes, the sects and cults addressed themselves to the interests of those groups of the population not clearly integrated into the community structure: settlers of EurOpean background, farm people compelled in the face of economic conditions and drought to migrate from one part of the province to another, the growing working class thrown upon the rapid expansion of the cities of Calgary and Edmonton.“41 This religious development is an important part of Aberhart's successful appeal to the populace. He denounced greedy, unscrupulous money-lenders from the East, and wealthy churches. Thus he provided an outlet for the grievances of the marginal and economically depressed groups. He seemed motivated by a sincere desire to relieve the lot of the masses and tended to associate fundamentalist reli- gion with the basic economic needs of the Alberta pOpula- tion. A large number in the fundamentalist movement had come to know and admire Aberhart through his religious broadcasts and were thus favorably disposed to his political move . 41Ibid., p. 154. ...89— The image of Aberhart as a religious leader was a decided advantage to him in the political campaign. It gave strength to the changes which he eventually prOposed once in power. At the same time it raises doubts about the understanding he had of the curriculum changes which he endorsed in 1936. He and many of his followers undoubt- edly did not endorse the pragmatic philosophy which was often associated with progressive education. The develOp- ments in religion in this period point out the feelings- and condition of the Alberta pOpulace. They were anxious for developments and change which would remedy their dep- lorable condition. Such a situation made the province ripe for change in education as well. They were not pre- pared to give up their Christian commitments. One last social change of the time, worth noting, pertains to changing attitudes toward education itself. The actual impact on the schools has been noted earlier. The government of the province had raised the school leaving age from fourteen years to fifteen years in 1918.42 They had sought to encourage secondary school attendance through more generous provision of grants. The War had increased the interest in technical education which had in turn raised the question of the adequacy of the offerings of the contemporary school program. Conditions had matured 42$tatutes of Alberta, 1918, c. 39. -90.. and develOped to the point where many factors were operating to extend the demand for secondary education within the province. With this extension of provision came the related question concerning the relevance of the total school our- riculum. Also came the concern of being able to make these provisions available for the total provincial population of appropriate age. As noted earlier, this factor, really the result of many other forces, opened the way for the 'advocates of progressive education.’ They were on the scene with proposals for change which seemed tailor-made for the problems of Alberta. III. SUMMARY Prior to 1935 Alberta was involved in a period of rapid and constant transition. Her main source of in— come, wheat, put her in a position where policies estab- lished in the East were a detriment to her develOpment. In response to these limiting policies there developed across Canada and in western Canada in particular, a poli- tical movement called Progressivism. Centered on western grievances this movement called into question the economic and financial policies which hampered the grain economy. The outcome of this political movement in Alberta was the formation of the United Farmers of Alberta. This party attacked the traditional party system and succeeded in -91- establishing a political force which controlled the province for a period of fourteen years. During those years the United Farmers lost much-of the radicalism which had swept them into power. When the full impact of the depression hit the province in 1929 and the following years, the party lacked the ability and the initiative to offer the pOpulation some viable suggestions for improvement. Amidst these con- ditions of despair arose the appeal of the teacher-preacher William Aberhart. His charismatic appeal plus his positive approach to matters gave the people courage and hope. His ideas were in keeping with what the farm population had long felt was wrong. His methods of appeal through radio, through religion, and through small group meetings all worked to his advantage and resulted in his election. Closely associated with this political turmoil was the changing economic and social scene. The political issues were responses to crises felt in other areas of peOplds lives. Most presssing were the demands of the dep- ression. The schools became a focus of discussion as well, but not generally as a political issue in 1935. Greater use of the schools was being made. Children of immigrants who were anxious to gain the advantages of the schools were adding to numbers at all levels. Unemployment meant more» were staying in school longer. The awakening associated with World War I reinforced this same trend as did govern- _92- mental policies to raise the school leaving age. The small unit of administration whose problems of financing and of providing adequate teachers and facilities were heightened by the demands of the depression, became a t0pic of dis- cussion. Many saw the solution to school problems in an administration change to a larger unit. Others were anxious to see curriculum innovation as well. The main voice for curriculum change came from supporters of progressive ed- ucation. They had proposals for flexibility of organization which would cope with the problems of the rural school. They saw the need for closer connections between schooling and life which would meet the demands for preparing better citizens. It is the struggle for acceptance of the prog- ressive educators to which we turn now. CHAPTER IV PROFESSIONAL ACTIVITY IN THE INTRODUCTION OF THE "NEW EDUCATION" The purpose of this chapter is to consider the ac- tivities undertaken by individuals and groups within the ed- ucation profession prior to the formal introduction of the "activity" curriculum in the fall of 1936 which were respon- sible for the interest in and the adoption of progressive education in the province. The deliberations of the members of the Education Society of Edmonton,.the concerns of various departmental officials and committees, the major themes in the professional literature, the educational experiences of leading educators of the province and the nature of various experiments in school programs will be considered in this chapter. They all offer insight into the growing interest within-the profession for the ideas associated with progres- sive education.- I. THE EDUCATION SOCIETY OF EDMONTON Early in-l927 a group of high school teachers under theencouragement of H. C. Newland1 joined together 1The role played by H. C. Newland in the develop- ment of Alberta's educational system is significant and worthy of a separate study. Not only was he instrumental in the organizing of Alberta and Canadian teachers, but he served as their president, started the ATA Magazine and served as edi- tortfor five years, and filled successively the positions of lecturer in psychology in the Edmonton Normal School, senior inspector of high schools, and supervisor of schools far the Dept. of Education. In the period between 1918 and 1932 he went beyond his B. A. degree to receive his L.L.B., M. A., B. Ed. and Ph.D. degrees. -94... to form an education club called the Education Society of Edmonton,2 Organizing was not new to Newland for he had been a prime moving force in the formation of both the Alberta Teachers' Alliance and-the Canadian Teachers' Federation. The reason behind this new organization is explained by the following: After several years of active work in those two fields Newland became convinced that if education was to play the part it should in the life of our nation, there must be developed a better informed and more able leadership than had yet been produced, and he believed this could be done only by a group of in- terested and capable people acting together regularly and studying educationa1.problems, with the purpose -of seeking solutions and then unitedly trying to implement these solutions.3 McDougall notes that "the men who were members were con- vinced that they didn't want anybody in the society who was not prepared to take the job of educational reform seriously."4 As a result, fees were high and membership was devoted and highly selected. The complexion of the group and the nature of its influence changed as a number of the members became prominent in the Department of Ed- ucation, in the Edmonton Normal School and in the University. This group became a vital part of the educational leader- ship of the province. Closely allied with this Edmonton 2A. E. Rosborough, A Brief History of the First Twenty-One gears.11927-l948, included at the beginning of the Proceedings of the Education Society of Edmonton. p. l. 31bid. 4W. D. McDougall in an interview with this writer. -95.. education club was a comparable Calgary group formulated largely as a result of the interest and recommendation of H. C. Newland.5 There were frequent exchanges of visits and materials between the two groups. While the groups never became openly prominent sources of pressure for ed- ucational change, there were numerous means employed by the groups to encourage what they regarded as appropriate chan- ges.6 Important officials were invited to meetings to hear presentations, radio addresses were given by club members, official representations were made to important committees examining the educational system and inroads were made into various circles through the positions held by the member- ship. No educational arena was-exempt from their direct influence. The Education Society stood for an informed opinion on change. Recommendations were made only after through study of the alternatives. It was in this context that the merits of progressive education were explored. The early considerations given to this new line of thought came in the form of discussions on such method- 5Proceedingsof the Edmonton Education Society, March 27, 1929. 6W. D. McDougall noted that the group sought to avoid the image of being a group trying to force change through arousing the public. They sought means of influ- encing education which were more favorable to the Depart- ment officials. 7Proceedings-9f the Edmonton Education Society, May 28 and June 11, 1927. _96_ ological innovations as the Dalton Plan. The merits of the Plan were explored with special attention being paid to the relevance of this scheme to the problems of educa- tion in Alberta.7 The American influence in the delibera- tions of the club were apparent from the early period of its existence. A report on curriculum develOpment given in the early years of the club's existence centered on material from a committee of experts from leading univer- sities in the United States.8 Shortly after the first year of operation the membership agreed "to register with the Department of the Interior in Washington and to ask for free literature."9 Among the books included for pur- chase were such sources as Bode"s Modern Education Theories, Washburne and Stearn's New Schools in the Old World and Counts' The Senior High School‘Curriculum.10 University changes which were taking place in the United States were also included within the purview of the discussions of the club. The Society invited Dr. Hart of the University of Wisconsin to speak on the Experimental College of Wisconsinll and at least two members were asked to review recent develop- 7Proceedings of the Edmonton Education Society, May 28.and June 11, 1927. 8 Ibid. April 28, 1928. 91bid., May 12, 1928 loIbid., February 9, 1929 llIbid., April 3, 1929 ...97- ments at the University of Chicago.12 By late 1929 the membership were beginning to pay more than token attention to the matter of progressive ed- ucation. The secretary was authorized to purchase certain books on "experiments in techniques of teaching" including among those purchases a c0py of Thayer's The Passing of the Recitation.l3 The discussions included consideration of an apprOpriate philOSOphical framework for the schools. Late in 1930 Newland proposed that the Society "make a study of the writings of some of the more recent philoso— phical writers."14 This was reinforced by another member a month later; this time in the form of a prOposal to study Dewey's Democracy and Education and the Sixth Yearbook of the Institute of Teachers College under the editorship of I. Kandel.15 Approval was granted at the same writing to the recommendation that the Society purchase ten copies of Dewey's Democracy and Education and ten copies of the Yearbook under Kandel's editorship. The most extended coverage afforded these new ideas in education was recorded on February 14, 1931. On that occasion Dr. H. E. Smith discussed with the Society lzlbid., November 9, 1929 and November 5, 1932. 131bid., June 8, 1929. 14Ibid., October 11, 1930. 151bid., November 15, 1930. _98_ American educational philosophy. He equated this with the philosophy of John Dewey. His presentation was summarized and distributed as follows: AMERICAN PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION American Education Philosophy is represented almost exclusively by John Dewey. Dewey's philosophy reflects broadly the general philosophy of the American peOple. It is a reflection of American history and American traditions. It is indigenous in America - the logical outcome of the evolution of American thought in po- litics, sociology, and education through the last two centuries. Characteristics of this Philosophy 1. It is pragmatic; experience rather than logic is what counts; experience is educative; every new experience implies a re-birth of personality; hence education is not preparation for living, but life itself. .Ideas, knowledge, and information are not something to be stored away to lie inert; they must guide conduct and be put to work; their place is functional and instrumental for the con- trol of new experiences. Ideals are plans of desirable action, subject to modification in the light of new situation. Implications in practice; schools are centers for self-directed activity; sanctions are provided for ventures in creative education - the Winnetka school, the Decrolly class, the Dalton plan, project methods; fixed curricula, text-book methods, and the conventional recitation, are discredited; schools become pupil centered. 2. It is sociological; a human being is a social being; hence education is primarily experiencing in social relationships;it implies a social milieu, group activity, co-Operative activity, social living. The democratic and industrial orders are accepted. Implications; the school becomes a miniature ref- lection of society, open and accessible to all as -99.. far as its activities yield valuable experiences. It looses its traditional formalism and becomes integral with life. It is psychological; the educational psychology of James, and-Cattell,.and Thorndike is assumed, but in a way superseded. Experience is not ab— sorption of inert ideas, but is self-directed ac— tivity; it is the striving after goals that are accepted as worth—while, good in themselves. It implies the realization and appropriation of problems to be solved.. Activities that yield satisfaction will be repeated, thereby fixing im- pressions and establishing habits. Other ac- tivities will progress.to the further control of the environment, the realization of new ends. Thus the traditional dualism between habitual res- ponse and reason isreleiminated. Similarly the dualism between.the intellectual and emotional aspects of 1earning.is.resolved. The capacity for self-direction. The child is father of the man. Implications; recognitionOf individual differences; emphasis upon growth and development; action and reaction between.origina1 nature and environment; importance_of.satisfiers and annoyers in the learn— ing process; acceptance of the mepirical vieWpoint. It assumes the resolution of the apparent anti- thesis of interest.and effort.~ A free man puts forth his own.power, exerts his own effort; is a. slave unless self-motivated. Effort is sequent to interest; given.the one, the other follows as psychologica1.principle. Sometimes the order seems to be reversed, but the appearance is de- ceptive. It is not effort that arouses interest,. but rather as effort.proceeds a problem emerges, or the vision.of a personal triumph is caught, or. the fighting instinct is aroused. In consequence effort is sustained or renewed. Enlarged experience brings the habit of success and the sentiment of self-regard.. Effort is powerfully re-inforced from the interest derived through these. Implications; Interest.is personal and cannot bee. imposed from.without...Thinking is generated not by making subjects interesting, but by needs that are felt puposefully and whole-heartedly by the pupil. - 100 - The Background of Dewey's Philosophy 1. American spirit of democracy. The formulas of democracy came with the early settlers, but not the spirit. This.was generated in the frontier life as the front.of American civilization moved westward. There was freedom and Opportunity for everydne. Then the frontier tradition rolled backwards and in time, partially, at least, swamped the aristocratic (religious) tradition of the New England States. -The culmination of the backwash came with the election to the Presidency of Andrew Jackson who was a Westerner. '2. The spirit of equalitarianism. Every man was his own master, a jack-of-all-trades, self-sufficient, as good as any one else; capable of holding down any office of government from the lowest to the highest. These ideas.were all powerfully re- inforced by the French doctrines of liberty, equa- lity, and fraternity. .Apostles; Thomas Payne, Jefferson, Franklin, Lincoln, Hoover. 3. The spirit of Individuality. Induced and fostered by piéneer life. Every.man his-own support and defender. Foreign immigration accentuating the disregard for birth and title. Acceptance of doc- trines of Bentham.and Mills; viz., freedom of initiative, every man for himself. Substitution of Armenianism in religious belief for Calvinism. The principles of social democracy, equalitarian- ism, and individuality.are the foundations of American educational philosophy. For those willing to listen this philosophy seemed to ex- press answers to problems of the period. The emphasis was upon educatibn as "life itself;" Concern for individual differences, satisfying experiences, democratic develop- ment, and breaking with traditional formalism and dis- cipline were all espoused by this new voice which came at a time when Alberta was forced into a consideration of her education system. - 101 - Deliberations of the Society in the period from 1931 to 1935 were not restricted to or even dominated by matters associated with progressive education. They fo- cused attention on such matters as reforming of the exami- nation system, analyzing the merits of the larger unit of administration, studying new educational developments in other parts of the world, and considering the problems associated with the rural schools of the province. Through- out the period an interest in curriculum reform prevailed. Concentration of effort both in the form of active inves- tigations and in proposals came with respect to secondary school offerings. This was in part related to an early recognition within the Society that at the elementary level "a complete change of system seems to be necessary for the desired results."16 Interspersed among these delibera- tions were matters of concern which can be readily as- sociated with the interest in progressive education. In- terest was shown in the New Education Fellowship and the question was raised about joining the organization in order to gain access to reports of the group.17 The question of social purpose in education was also raised with some frequency. This appeared to be a favorite topic of H. C. Newland. When he spoke on the matter it was an occasion for him to introduce his conception of an integrated life l6Ibid., February 14, 1931. l71bid., April 8, 1933. - 102 - and an integrated community.18 He carried his ideas to the level of practicality by recommending that the course of study for secondary schools "be revised around a core of social studies with a view to giving the normal adolescent a realistic view of contemporary life."19 The Society showed an increasing interest in the social aspect of education during the years of 1932 through 1935. Dr.Lazerte, speaking in 1933 on sociolOgy of education, noted that "the function of public education was to stimulate and develop childhood and youth to meet the problems that arise in social relation- ships."20 Mr. Hedley a few months later had occasion to dis- cuss "art from a social viewpoint."21 A set of questions before the Society in regard to revision of the secondary school curriculum also reflected this same concern for social aspects of education. Questions were raised about home back- ground, social experiences, the need for social and community service branches for the schools and about the introduction of "activities" or "experiences" into the secondary school curriculum. The Calgary Progress Club was even more specific in its look at secondary education. It circulated a proposal which advocated not only a more flexible and less university 18Ibid.,Maroh 25, 1933. lgIbid., February 24, 1934. 201bid., November 11, 1933. 21Ibid., February 10, 1934. - 103 - dominated program, but alsO*the utilization of "educational methods and principles of such bodies as the New Education Fellowship and the Progressive Education Association in- sofar as might be considered wise."22 Their basic appeal was to the democratization of the secondary school program of the province. In 1935 the amount of time within the Society given to discussions associated with the progressive educa- tion movement increased significantly. Kilpatrick's The Educational Frontier had been reviewed earlier23 and now time was given to a new series of history books by Rugg.24 The year's program of the Society was entitled "Social Foundations of Education"25 and as an integral part of that program attention was given to Counts' book by the same name. These discussions were led by H. C. Newland.26 Along with the book by Counts he included Education and the 22Ibid., December 8, 1934. 23Ibid., October 28, 1933. 24Ibid., March 24, 1934, February 23, 1935, Feb. 22, 1936, March 14, 1936. 25Ibid., October 12, 1935. 261n the executive meeting of the Society held October 4,1935, it was suggested that a number of books which fit the theme "Social. Foundations of Education" be summarized for benefit of the membership. Mr. Fraser was asked to write Dr. Childs of Columbia requesting a list of books for study by the Society. In the November 23rd meeting of the executive two members were authorized to select books from the list and as well to order two subs- criptions to the Social Frontier. - 104 - Philosophy of Experimentalism by Childs. In his present- ation he noted that: In the United States there is a revolution against Thorndykian philosophy. An.attempt is being made to motivate schoolwork by setting up an activity program: i.e. the children do things--the teacher acting as guide. There is at the same time a new attitude towards the whole problem of education--we must have integ- ration. We cannot have enterprises built up and gain results if compartmentalization is allowed....Integ- ration is not enough say.the Columbia men--education must have also a definite social purpose which means the transition to a new social order. When his presentation was concluded the members of the Society considered the question, "How many here present believe that the course in Social Studies should encourage the transition to a new and better social order?"28 The vote was unanimous in favor of such a proposal. Prominent in the discussions of the club in early 1936 were the reviews provided on the paper entitled The Social Frontier29 and the magazine entitled Progressive Education.30 The last major topic to gain consideration before the formal changes of 1936 was the experimental program being developed in the laboratory schools associated with the normal schools. In his presentation Mr. McDougall31 27Proceedings of The Edmonton Education Society, December 14, 1935. 28Ibid. 29Ibid., January 25, 1936. 3°Ibid., February 8, 1936. 31W. D. McDougall was the principal of the Practice School which was associated with the Edmonton Normal School. - 105 - noted the success of the program and the need for a broader integration to include all subjects of the elementary school curriculum. He identified his suggestions with those of the Rugg approach to social studies.32 It was-noted that there were elements of the child-centered approach which Rugg criticized. Foremost among these was the danger of allowing the child to direct the content. The merits of the new program were noted in relation to motivation, develOping expression of students and building cooperation. The main result of the enterprise was motivation. It was also noted that the activity program was designed to "introduce the child to life as it is lived socially in the community." Following prolonged discussion of these matters the Society voted unanimously to "endorse the Rugg approach to Social Studies."33 By the time the new program was formally intro- duced into the schools of Alberta in 1936 the Education Society of Edmonton had undertaken a rather extensive re- view of these new ideas. Not only had they examined changes in technique or methodology which were taking place, but they had undertaken to familiarize themselves with the philosophy behind this new approach. In so doing they / concentrated most upon the ideas of John Dewey. The more -- 32Proceedings of The Edmonton Education Society, November 23, 1935. 33Ibid., February 22, 1936. - 106 - active spokesmen within the group were definitely interes- ted in the social ramifications of this new approach and expressed ideas which reflected this interest in the chang- ing social order. All branches of the progressive educa- tion movement were examined from the child-centered, metho- dological wing to the more militant "social frontier" group. Within the Society there does not appear to have been a marked differentiation made between these various elements. When the enterprise approach gained formal acceptance in 1936 the Society was agreed on its merits for Alberta ele- mentary schools. They-had explored the conditions and needs of Alberta's society and determined that this new approach would offer at any level and for any student the type of education which would best prepare him fbr his place as a member of the democratic community. II. PROFESSIONAL LITERATURE ON PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION Apparent within the content of the A.T.A. Maggzine isra pattern which is evident in the various areas of pro- fessional involvement prior to 1936. Throughout-the period down to l936 there was an increasing criticism of the contemporary school setting. Accompanying this cri- ticism was a continual search for new ways of educating which might be more satisfactory for Alberta's schools. The search is not limited geographically to Canada, but - 107 - includes the United States and most of Europe. Resultant from the search was a growing interest in the "new educa- tion." By 1936 this "new education" was a frequent topic of the magazine, but at the same time it was still not sufficiently popular to be well known among the members of the teaching force. Much of the popularization of the movement had to come after the formal introduction in 1936. In the first year of publication the A. T. A. Magazine provided material related to progressive education. A review of the Elementary_School Journal of the University of Chicago included mention of four-articles on "Progres- sive Education."34 The reviewer noted his interpretation of the movement by stating that "according to the old idea the teacher did all the talking and much of the work: ac— cording to the modern way the pupil does the work and the talking while the teacher advises or guides." The pre- sident of the Alberta Teachers' Alliance, H. C. Newland, continued this same thread in 1921 when he heralded the new developments in the following ways: There is happily a reaction-coming, even in the United States. At the Moraine Park School, Dayton, Ohio and also at the Park School, Baltimore and the High School at Dalton, Massachusetts, a new educa- tional procedure is being tried out, known as "prog- ressive education." The idea is to give the students more freedom and responsibility, to encourage self direction on their part, and to give more latitude in the choice of subject matter of instruction and in 34 1921, p. 15. The A.T.A. Magazine, Vol. 1, No. 8, February - 108 - the methods employed. Schools are viewed as the homes of free spirits who are to develop into free and self controlled citizens, and the teacher must be free as well as the students. Later the same year a speaker at the Canadian Teachers' Federation meetings commented on these same changes and his message was summarized as follows: Education is an indefinitely continued story. The last few years have shown wonderful changes in education, but we are still the victims of five centuries of verbalistic knowledge, the word, the book, the dogma. The time has come when education must be less of "knowing" and more of a "doing". There must be a closer touch between the life the boy or girl is afterwards to lead and his school life.36 Apparently the project method had gained some adherents as early as 1922 for in March of that year readers of the A. T. A. Maggzine were encouraged to read an article by Dr. Ernest Horn entitled "Criteria for Judging the Project Method."37 Encouragement to consider some of these new ideas continued to come from the leadership of the or- ganization. The President's address of 1922 offered the following encouragement: The student has been too much the recipient of ideas, too little the participant in activity. School life has been a preparation for living, rather than a practise in living....What we require is a scheme in which each school institution will be a complete social system in itself, with co-operation 35 36$§i§., Vol. II, No. 6, November 1921, p. 24. 37gpig., Vol. II, No. 10, March 1922, p. 5. Ibid., Vol. 1, No. 10-11, April-May, 1921, p. 13. - 109 - and mutual benefit the keynote of all its activities. The procedures now found only in the kindergartens and the seminar should be extended throughout the en- tire school life. The classroom should be a place where pupils meet ibr discussion under the direction of a teacher. Under the title "The New Education" W. G. Cove, President of the National Union of Teachers, was quoted in 1923 in the following manner: No longer do we regard the children as passive recipients of facts.' No longer do we emphasize mere knowledge. We recognize variant individualities and unfolding personalities. The escape for the child from the mechanized society is found in the sponta- 'neous activities of the school.39 Others closer to homoewere advancing the same general theme in regard to the needs of education. An Edmonton high school teacher, and later a member of the Education Society of Edmonton, commented: Teachers much vitalize methods, and so get away from monotonous routines. By scientific investiga- tion and experimentation they must make their systems of teaching harmonize with laws of psychological de- velopment. The rigid system embodied in the course of study for both public and high school, of course, does not encourage psychological develOpment.... Teachers must be the explorers of new fields of education that will best meet the needs of the com- munity.... They must study their neighborhood, they must study the child. They must study the possibilities of the personal self. They must have vision, for without it school efficiency, child study, and all 38;§i§., Vol. III, No. 1, June, 1922, p. 12. 39;§i§., Vol. III, No. 5, October, 1922, p. 21. - 110 - the rest of it are clattering machinery grinding chaff.40 Mr. De Voe Woolf in his President's address at the Easter convention of the Alberta Education Association, 1924,41 pointed to the new spirit in education which put emphasis upon life as we live it here and now. In this changed outlook, the child's life was developed by wholesouled activity rather than by training of separate faculties which, in the past had been said to have been trained by the subjects of the curriculum. The study of behavior by psychologists, said Mr. Woolf, led to the child-centered system of schooling. The time had fully come, he felt, to consider the child as the center of the educational sys- tem. Another challenge to the established modes of instruc- tion was offered within the magazine under the heading "New Experiments in Education."42 The author in discussing such new approaches as the Dalton Plan, the Gary System, the Project Mode, and the Play Way was critical of those who refused to change and of those who were too prone to adOpt anything new. That same year attention was paid to the 22nd N. S. S. E. Yearbook which dealt with social stu- dies.43 The review placed emphasis upon the value of 40%. I v01. IV, NO. -5, OCtOber, 1923' pp. 13—140 4lgpig., Vol. III, No. 12, May 1923, pp. 5 & 7. 42 Ibid., Vol. IV, No. 6, November 1923, pp. 14 & l6. 43£2£§-: Vol. IV, No. 1, June 1923, p. 22. - 111 - projects and social activitieS‘and'integration of material. Of_the new programs of the day the Dalton Plan gained the most frequent mention in the professional magazine.44 It was heralded as offering an educational experience comparable to life itself. Another writer reported ob- servations of the Plan as she saw it in operation.45 The three aspects of the program which she regarded as most central were.freedom, interaction of groups and individual 'work. By 1928 H. D. Ainlay was-able to provide a written account 6f the experiment.with the Dalton plan which was being undertaken in the Garneau School of Edmonton, of which he was principal}6 While there is almost constant mention of the problems of teaching and'schoolS'and'while a number of "new" approaches are explored, there is relatively little material which provided the teachers with'insights into the thinking of some of the recognized theoreticians behind this "new educatibn". An article of W. H. Kilpatrick's was reprinted from The New Republic in the April 1925 edition oifthe A. T. A. Magazine.47‘ This article besides - 44While the Dalton Plan was the most frequently mentioned innovation, the project method and the Winnetka Plan were also examined. 45The A. T. A. Magazine, Vol. VII, No. 1, June 1926, pp. 30, 32, 34. 46 Ibid., Vol. VIII, No. 9, April 1928, pp. 5,7. 47%" V010 v, NC. 11’ April 1925' P0 48. - 112 - pointing to the inadequacies of rural education noted a number of changes which Kilpatrick felt were in order. If the school were to keep abreast of the demands placed upon it,there was a need for a new theory of education. This new theory would stress schooling which offered education for life through life, a new curriculum which would build character and be practical, and a new method which would do away with the traditional formalism of the schools. While Dewey was mentioned several times in various contexts, there was no attempt made to thoroughly describe or analyze his views on education. Gradually the emphasis started to shift. Fol- lowing the year l930 there is an increase in the material which provides a more substantial understanding of the nature of progressive education. Representative of this shift is an article by C.Sansom. Writing in his regular column "Marginalia" he reviewed the book entitled Towards a New Education. This was a summation of the world con- ference of the New Education Fellowship. ‘With mixed emo- tions he noted that: It is a significant circumstance, and perhaps not an entirely flattering one, that there is no reference in the volume to Canadian schools. There is not even a Section of the Fellowship in Canada, we read in "The New Era," the official organ of the association in England.... Since Sections have al- ready been established in about twenty different countries it would seem that Canada is not exactly a pioneer in the "New Education" movement. But this is not surprising in view of our traditional fear of any new things.... - 113 - What, it may be asked, is the nature of this "New Education" which is challenging'the‘attention of leading educators in so many parts of the world? ....Briefly it may be described as the educational correlate of the entire social revolt against ex- ternal authority which is characteristic of our time. Just in proportion as adult individuals as- sert the right to break away from the traditional social and religious sanctions are they insisting that their children also shall be set free from imposed tasks and limiting prescriptions. Thus the keynote of the whole New School move- ment is greater freedom for the child. Children must be given the opportunity to work their own des- tiny, to establish their own standards on the basis of their own experiences. "External authority gone," writes W. H. Kilpatrick, of Teachers' College, "we must help our youth to find the only real authority that can command respect, the internal authority of 'how it works when tried'."43 ‘ The approach of Counts was also given attention and com- mendation. The President of the Alliance, E.J. Thorlakson, wrote in 1934 about the direction of education. He noted that in the United States education had become a national issue. The role of,George Counts was described as follows: Two years ago George S. Counts, in his Dare the Schools Build a New Social Order? called upon: the teachers to take the lead in working for social change. March 1-3, 1934, the Progressive Education Association met at Cleveland to discuss seriously the implications of Mr. Counts' challenge, and the most significant feature of their deliberation was~ that the educational problem was conceived in eco- nomic terms. Still more promising, however, is the fact that teachers, hitherto silent and timed on matters of fundamental educational policy, have come to realize that their function is to lead society rather than to preserve the status guo.49 48$§i§., Vol. XI, No. 6, February 1931, p. 14. 49;§i§., Vol. XV, No. 1, September 1934, p. 17. - 114 - In 1935 the "activity" program was very evident in the literature. It received a thorough coverage in the column of the A. T. A. Magazine entitled "Problems of Rural Ed— ucation."» G. M. Dunlop the editor of this section, pre- sented a lengthy synopsis of the work by Rugg and Shumaker entitled The Child Centered School.50 According to the editor, these ideas offered a note of Optimism for they were "a really constructive body of ideas which are forcing their way into courses of study everywhere, and which pro- mise definite improvement of conditions for the rural school teacher and her school." The central tenets of this new position were listed in the following way: . Freedom of the child in movement. . Child initiative rather than teacher initiative. . The active rather than the passive school program. . Child interest. Creative self-expression. Personality and social adjustment.51‘ GmwaH For those interested in further information on the activity concept the editor pointed to tWO American sources which were authored by DUnn and Bathurst and Rugg and Schumaker, respectively,entitled Guide and General Outline--Socia1 Studies for Rural Schools and The Child Centered'School.52 The literature which was readily available to members of the teaching profession-in Alberta and which 50;§i§.,-Vol., XV, No. 6, February 1935, pp. 13-14. 511bid., p. 13. 52$§£§.. Vol XV, No. 7, March 1935, p. 4. - 115 - offer the most valid picture of the concerns of the educa- tional leadership of the province is characterized in the. years prior to 1936 by increasing criticism of the Alberta School system. Central to that criticism was the growing recognition that the methods and curriculum of the pro- vince were outmoded and not in keeping with the findings of psychology. Accompanying the criticism of education was the development of an interest in the so-called "new ed- ucation." There was no definite attempt made to clarify the exact meaning of this new phenomenon." It was generally considered to include an emphasis upon the individual child, freedom, methods and curriculum more in keeping with new theories in psychology, the importance of the social as- pects of education, and the value of integrating the school experience with the life process as much as possible. In- dication of the general area of interest is found in the writings which looked at the Dalton and Winnetka Plans and the project method. The leading spokemen of the progres- sive movement in the United States were studied and their ideas received a general endorsementz' While Dewey, Counts and Kilpatrick were all covered within the literature, Rugg received the most attention in the pre-l936 period. Even though these leaders received mention in the litera- ture there was no thorough analysis of the philos0phical ramifications of the "New Education." Throughout this period of increasing interest in progressive education the - 116 - major source of influence in the literature was clearly American. In particular it came from Teachers' College and the University of Chicago. ‘ III. DEPARTMENTAL CONCERN FOR THE "NEW EDUCATION" Although the early courses of study were tradi- tionalist in nature, and although they gave emphasis to content, many of Alberta's early educatorS'gave indications of a consciousness of the need for newer methods and for a new approach to education. This is evident as one views the comments within the annual reports submitted to the legislature by the Department of Education. Some of the early inspectors stressed "learning by doing“ rather than memorization, others saw the need for more play in the school, and still others wanted to see more evidence of socialized activities in the school. The demand for "ac- tivity" in the curriculum was not unanimous. 'The emphasis on mastery of subject matter retained an important place‘ even past the time of the formal introduction of the new curriculum in 1936. Along with this concern there was a continual questioning of the examination system and pro- motion policies. Interspersed with these criticisms, how- ever, was the growing plea for more attention to the ideas associated with progressive education. Initially these comments by inspectors were isolated and without force. - 117 - This gradually changed and by the early 1930's the voice in favor of change to the "new education" was much stronger. The following series of excerptS'provide‘evidence of the growing consciousness among Departmental members of the need for new methods and curriculum: I can see no plausible reason for discarding drawing and writing, two subjects which more than any others illustrate the maxim "Learn by doing."53 I have been struck by the almost entire absence of knowledge of any games among children in the rural schools.54 A tribute should be paid those teachers who re- gard their work in the community as extending beyond the limits of the four walls of the school building and who are found among the leaders in every move- ment of a sociological and educational‘character.55 I have found very few schools where any attempt was being made to organize play. I was pleased to find during the past year more interest was taken in the social development of the student. The principals and the staffs were giving encouragement and helpful direction to many student activities. Many teachers are still found who believe that memorization of lists of facts is education. Little 53Report of Inspector G. E. Ellis, Annual Report of the Department of Education, p. 4, 1908. ‘ 54Report of Inspector G. Fred McNally, Annual Report of the Department of Education, 1910, p. 59. 55 Ibid., 1911, p. 55. 56Report of Inspector W. A. Steckle, Annual Report of the Department of Education, 1915, p. 120. 57Report of Inspector C. H. Robinson, Annual Report of the Department of Education, 1922, p. 90. - 118 - attempt to get pupils to think things out for them- selves and take an active part in class discussions is made. The lecture method, the dictation of notes,. and the use of printed notes is found to be all too common. It is encouraging to note'that there is a ten- dency among many teachers to break‘away from the old formal reproduction and memorization types of method, and make use of socialized study and problem methods, which encourage free and independent thinking.59 By 1929-30 definite statements in'support of activity ed- ucation were evident. Up to this point the desirability of introducing a more modern program of education into Alberta schools had been pointed out by individual educa- tors. It had not as yet become generally accepted among the staff. By 1934 that general'poliCy was definitely taking shape. This is born out in the remarks of the Deputy Minister who wrote: Education is not a means of livelihood--it is a means of life. ‘Our objectives have possibly been based too much upon the need for obtaining a living. The result is that many who have'failed to make a living may endure as well a mentally starved exis- tence while the richest fields of their spiritual life are lying uncultivated. 'Mental'attainments, sub- jects taught, and methods employed are means rather than ends. Greater stress must be'laid=on the cul- tivation of personal and social'character. The sup- reme motives in any'system of education are charac- ter building and the employment of'a full life. Education is not a forced growth in the class- room period of childhood, but’is rather a self- develOping process, a living of life‘in wholesomeness 58Report of Inspector C. H. Robinson, Annual Repgrt of the Department of Education,l929, p. 42. 59Report of Inspector John Scoffield, Annual RepOrt of the Department of Education, 1929, p. 43. - 119 - and fullness, and the process is continuous and life- long. This view of education does not aim at prema- turely burdening the child with the tasks of manhood, but rather aims to develOp at each stage the poten- tialities of that period. The aim of the school is to develop a habit of study and an inclination to prac- tise it. This interest is the germ implanted by the school. Without this germ of potential interest, growth cannot take place. Education is thus not merely a matter of school years; it is a life process. Such a statement clearly relates to the ideas in vogue among the proponents of progressive education. An experimental program was initiated by the Department to test the validity of these new ideas. The Supervisor of Schools, H. C. Newland, gave further indication of the nature of the change which was taking place when he reported on the new program in the following manner: The new programme is built on the principle that education is a social experience in the course of which pupils plan, initiate, and carry out COOperative pro- jects. The motivation of the pupils is strengthened and the classroom work is vitalized through a variety of activities, which replace the verbalism and repeti- tive book-learning procedure of the old course.61 The break with the past was clear in the minds of the Departmental officials. They were clearly ready to endorse the new curriculum which was an embodiment of the ideas of progressive education. Open support for their position had been acquired in 1934 when the "activity" 60Report of the Deputy Minister, G. W. Gorman, Annual Report of the Department of Education, 1934, p. 13. 61Report of the Supervisor of Schools, Dr. H. C. Newland, Annual Report of the Department of Education, 1935, p. 18. - 120 - program was discussed before the legislative committee on rural education. This committee reported that the plea for elementary school curriculum reform had come from several educationalists. ‘They urged a curriculum based on the "self-activity of the child," or on "problem-solving" as it was sometimes alternatively called.' One of the major advantages to this new approach was the interest which was engendered as a result'of the children working together in groups to realize an objective.‘ Mr. George Haverstock, Principal of Camrose Normal School, who was one of those presenting material before the committee quoted Dr. Dunn of Columbia as follows: The great handicap of the traditional type of one-teacher school is the large number of 'recita- tions' required for many subjects in many grades. The progressive conception of education, however, replaces verbal recitation‘with socialized activity. Integration of subject-matter is effected through large units of work developed around genuine life interests and experiences; Children are not classi- fied in closely homogeneous groups on a basis of achievements in skills or factual knowledge, but work together, as people do in life outside the school, on enterprises of common interest in which each par- ticipates according to his ability.62 A number of features were listed in the report which had been presented to the Committee as the main features of the new program. These features were: (a) An atmosphere of real friendliness, com- panionship and co-operation, as between the teacher and the pupils, and among the pupils themselves. 62Report of the Legislative Committee on Rural Education, 1935, p. 30. - 121 - (b) An atmosphere of creative self—expression through the medium of language, music, drawing, modelling and other types of handwork. (c) Enough freedom and informality to allow children to develop naturally; to be unaffected and unselfconscious. (d) An atmosphere of orderliness-and attractive- ness of the building and grounds through the sharing of responsibilities. (e) More careful consideration of the child's physical, social and moral development as well as of his mental growth; the development of personality. (f) A "civics club" through which the children develop habits of good citizenship, and a feeling of responsibility for the welfare of the school. (g) Music in every school. (h) A definite effort to foster pupil initiative. (1) Each class period a discu851on period, with children leading. (j) Provisions for encouraging individual dif- ferences, through a variety of types of work.63 Those presenting the material to the Committee were hesi- tant to see this complete prOgram adopted initially. They were anxious to see these ideas gain acceptance in prac- tice. The members of the Committee came to share their outlook and noted w1th pleasure that the Department of Education "had already begun to explore the possibilities and the practicability of a new course of studies develOped along the lines recommended by the witnesses."64 Included with this announcement was mention that following a meeting of elementary school specialists a committee consisting of one inspector and two normal school instructors had been established for purposes of preparing an activity curri- culum to be introduced on a trial basis in the fall term 63Ibid., p. 31. 64Ibid., p. 20. - 122 - of 1935.65 To provide further eV1dence of the strength of this movement before election of the Social Credit Party in 1935 we need to turn now to the experiments and plans which paved the way for formal introduction of an "acti- vity" curriculum. IV. EXPERIMENTS AND PLANS PRIOR TO CHANGE As early as 1929 Perren Baker, then the Minister of Education, had noted before the Legislature that "much experimentation in education was being undertaken in Alberta."66 His thoughts were centered on experiments as- sociated with the larger unit of administration, but the remark is indicative of a broader acceptance of experi- mentation which was apparent within the province. People were looking for solutions to the ills of their society and their educational system.67 Experimentation seemed to follow the same pattern which was apparent in the lite- rature of the period. Just as a number of "individualized" techniques such as the Dalton and Winnetka Plans gained prominence in the literature, so did they gain a place as possibilities worth testing and evaluating. Sheane des- 65—1—22. 66 30, p. 497. 67Mary Crawford in a letter to this writer added, "We were exploring all ideas." Reported in the Canadian Annual Review, 1929- - 123 - cribes this type of experimentation and its influence in the following manner: The decade 1920 to 1930 was characterized by a "challenge to the rec1tat10n."""Patented tech- niques" of various kinds were either developed or tested. Those which influenced the trend of edu- cation in Alberta were: the Unit Mastery Plan de- veloped by Professor Henry C. Morrison; the Winnetka Technique develOped by Frederick L. Burk at the San Francisco State Teachers' College, which started the move to individualized instruction in the elementary schools, and which was later adopted in Winnetka, Illinois, by Dr. Carleton Washburne; and the Dalton Plan, the ingeneous device of Helen Parkhurst, which was applied in Dalton, Massachusetts. In 1924, the Dalton Plan was given a five-year trial in the Gar- neau Public School in Edmonton.' The Winnetka Tech- nique was investigated by the Department of Education but was rejected because it was too costly to ope- rate. The Unit Mastery Plan found 1ts way into the construction of text-books and reference books and into teaching techniques.68 Other experiments of the period which were not as promi- nent and which did not gain immediate acceptance included attempts to establish a junior high school in Calgary and Edmonton, a Danish folk school, and a comprehensive high school. The most important developments were initiated within the Department where plans were laid for the for- mulation and testing of a neW'curriculum based on the "activity" concept. The elementary school section of the 1923 re- vision committee recommended that the curriculum be re- viewed every ten years thus setting the stage for the dis- cussions of the early 1930's. It was announced in 1934 68G. K. Sheane, 9p. cit., pp. 86-87. - 124 - that three peOple had been freed from other responsibili- ties to undertake the formulation Of‘a curriculum for the elementary and intermediate grades.' The initial work Of this group is described by McDougall. He states: This Departmental committee consisted of Dr. Donalda Dickie, Provincial Normal School, Camrose: Miss Olive Fisher, Provincial Normal School, Calgary, and Mr. W. E. Hay, Inspector of Schools, Stettler. During the session of 1934-35 this committee visited typical rural and urban schools in many parts of the Province. It interviewed scores of educationalists with a view to developing a modus Operendi which might be an effective agency in the modernization of cur- riculum and classroom procedures.69 Not mentioned in McDougall's statement is H. C. Newland, who became the Supervisor of Schools early in 1935. New- land had just returned from a period of study'at the Uni- versity Of Chicago and was known for his interest in and Open support for the ideas associated with progressive education. The three member committee was given the di- rective to provide some type Of-integrated subject matter for use in the schools. They sought ideas from among their colleagues as well as from teachers in the field. They presented their first draft in April 1935. A joint con- ference Of inspectors and normal school personnel reviewed this new curriculum in June 1935.‘ It was decided at this meeting to invite two or three teachers from each inspec- torate to attend a special summer school designed to prepare 69W. D. McDougall, "An Evaluation of Pupil Prog- ress in the Skill Subjects in Enterprise and Conventional Schools," unpublished Masters Thesis, University of Alberta, 1939, p. 32. - 125 - teachers for the new curriculum and methodology. Approxi- mately seventy-five teachers were chosen to attend the course. There were others who chose to attend in order to become versed in the new teaching methods. After their session of instruction covering techniques and objectives of the new course these teachers returned to their class- rooms to conduct their classes on a trial basis for the year 1935-36. In many instances this was a true test in that it was conducted under most adverse conditions. Those who were involved in this experiment were asked by Newland to reply to a questionnaire which explored the nature Of their experience with the new curriculum. The purpose of these responses was to garner information which would be helpful in the final revision of the program before imple- mentation in 1936. Included among the experimental team were the teachers of the various practice schools which were associated with the normal schools. In fact, accord- ing to Newland, it was this group of teachers "who were most likely to give valuable, practical suggestions for this work of revision."70 In general the correspondence which Newland re- ceived Offered encouragement. There was an air of optimism and interest on the part of those participating in the 70Letter from H. C. Newland to C. Tyner (Edmonton Normal Practice School teacher), April 24, 1936, Newland Papers. - 126 - scheme. Excerpts from some of these letters provide some indication of the feeling. It may be the Optimism of youth, but the teach- ers experimenting with the New Programme believe that prospects are bright for a great revival of interest in school-education on the part of the ru- ral public of the develOpment of possibilities in- herent in the enterprise method'of'education.71 The introduction of the play Spirit, together with the fascination of "doing" things in school, worked wonders. Soon nothing short of extreme weather or quarantine would keep the children at home. As they played they learnt and soon began to take pride in the finished result.72 Another important feature Of the correspondence of Newland's in regard to this impending change was the interaction he had with members of the summer school staff‘concerning textual materials. Again the American influence was domi- nant. In response to Newland's letters concerning textual materials Hay and Fisher replied in the following manner: A fairly good account of the Activity Movement, historical sketch of "Activism," forms of Activity Movement, its merits, its limitations, etc. is given in the Thirty-Third Year Book of the National Society for the Study of Education.73 Your letter about a text'book'came'yesterday. I have talked with Mr. Sheane and Miss-Chittick about 71Letter to H. C. Newland from W. E.-Hay (member of three member revision committee), March 161‘1936, New- landgpapers. 72Letter to H. C. Newland from Mary E. Clifford (one of initial team of experimenters), February 21, 1936, Newland papers. ' 73Letter to H. C. Newland from W. E. Hay, June 19, 1936 Newland papers. - 127 - it. They suggest "The Child Centered School" by Rugg and Shumaker. As you know, it iS'Only’inspirational, but perhaps that is what is needed.74 Further indication of the dominance of'the American in- fluence is found in other comments within’Newland's cor- respondence. A letter from J. A. Fraser to Newland reads in part as follows: Some time ago I gave you a list of reference texts that I Obtained at Columbia.‘ This contains a good list for the elementary school.7 Newland in writing to Olive Fisher indicated that he "still had not mailed the Virginia Program"76 but promised to do so shortly. The work of the committee and department proceeded with sufficient dispatch tO'inaugurate'thetnew program in the schools of the province in the fall of 1936. Early in 1936 the news of these impending changes was conveyed through the press to the public. 'An air of enthusiasm was ap- parent in these announcements. ’Representative of the in- formation given to the public was the‘following'statement found in the Calgary Herald: 74Letter to H. C. Newland form Olive Fisher (mem- ber of the three member revision committee),June 19, 1936, Newlandypapers. * 75Note from J. A. Fraser to H. C. Newland, no date, Newlandypapers. - 76Letter from H. C. Newland to Olive M. Fisher, May 23, 1936, Newland papers. ‘This Virginia Program was noted by several educators of the period as being an im- portant source in the formulation of the revision. - 128 — Expected to revolutionize'theientire-system Of primary and secondaryteducation“of'thiSTprovince, last minute arrangements are being'ocmpleted’by department of education officials.for the‘inauguration'next fall of something new in the way of schooling for Alberta.... It is in the primary schools where the greatest changes will be made, however. Under the present system, knowledge on the part. of the student is the basic consideration. Under the new system, to be instituted next year, appreciation and interest will rank first,-as a result of which it is hOped,.knowledge will come naturally and more quickly to the student than at present is the case. The theory is that children learn by doing. .They do not-learn a thing completely until they become emotionally stirred, but once they become interested and stimulated, the subject in question tends auto- matically to be learned.... In_the Opinion of Mr. McDougall this new system will revolutionize the classroom. ”"During the past year we have had a happier and brighter spirit than ever before," he stated.... The system is new only as far as Canada is con- cerned, as during the past few years in“various parts of the United States, the idea haS'been tried with a great deal Of success. However, when instituted on a province-wide scale in Alberta, it will mark a definite innovation inCanadian'education’Circles.77 The groundwork had been laid and the province was ready in 1936 for an educational change of“an°unprecedented nature in its history. It is to the educational background of the peOple responsible for these changes to which we now turn. V. EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCES ON ALBERTA TEACHERS The struggle of the teachers of the province for greater acceptance and recognition led many of these teachers f 77Calgary Herald, May 9, 1936. - 129 - to seek additional educational‘preparation."The A. T. A. Magazine in its early years carried:airegular'feature list- ing those who were leaving to further'theirieducation. The greatest percentage of those seeking advanced training went to the United States, with Columbia, Chicago and Stanford receiving the greatest number Of the students. The influence Of Columbia in the area of educating students from Canada is seen in the following report. There are some figures regarding the number of foreign students at Teachers College when Kilpatrick was active as professor. 'From 1923 to 1938 the total number of foreign students who enrolled in Teachers College was 3,852, drawn from 80 countires. Of these,~ 1097 came from Canada, 565 from China,~l47 from England, 112 from Germany, 164 from Japan-....78 Many Of those prominent.in the'educational changes Of the 1930's received graduate training south of the 49th paral- lel. Dr. G. F. McNally who was responsible for much of the educational change of the period and who served as Supervisor of Schools and Deputy Minister received his graduate education at Columbia. Miss Olive Fisher one Of. the three member team responsible for the proposals on the new curriculum in 1934-35 aISO'went to Columbia, as well. as -mo Chicago. Miss Mary Crawford, afclose associate of H. C. Newland and a leader in the struggle for teachers' rights spent a number of summers attending Columbia. A 78William Wl‘Brickman, "William Heard Kilpatrick and International Education," in Educational Theory,Vol. XVI, No. 1, January 1966, p. 20. - 130 - memberiof the Education Societyrof*Edmonton;7C. B. Willis attended there as did-J.“A; Fraser, a member”of the larger curriculum revision committee of the 1930's. Of those ed- ucated at the University'of*Chicago the most noted were Dr. M. E. Lazerte who became-the head of the new School of Education in 1939 and Dr. H. C. Newland who was regarded by many as the prime moving force behind the new curriculum adoption. Others of theinormai schools, the inspectoral staff and the teaching forcerof'the"province took advantage of the educational Offerings~provided'in‘American institu- tions. Those who were prominenttin‘the educational develop- ments of the period almost-without exception received some formal training in American:graduate schools. ~In most ins- tances this education was received-during'the“l920's and 1930's. They returned from their formal schooling and pro- vided leadership to the educational affairs Of the province. That leadership mOved the province into an adoption of a curriculum revision which had the earmarks Of progressive education. VI. SUMMARY The years between 1920 and 1930 in Alberta were characterized by criticism of the educational system. Many conditions contributed to the shortcomings Of the system, and many remedies were presented as candidates for accept- ance. One outcome Of this criticism was an increasing aware- ness of what was taking place in other parts of the world. - 131 - Especially were developments in the United States included among the suggestions for improvement. As the concern for greater student.freedom, recognitionrof individual differences, and more practical education increased, the attention of the-leading educators began to focus on the doctrine of the progressive educatorszr Various-experiments were undertaken, but the'one“having“greatest+significance for the province was the=one=initiated~by the department to test the validity Of the."activityficurricuium in the elementary grades. The educational leadership Of the pro- vince seems to have endorsed‘theflneW“education'in advance of the political changes Of 1935. The departmental ex- periment was underway at that“time thus indicating the in— dependence-of~this=neW'deetofmthoughtrfromitheapolitical developments of theBtime.. The criticismaof?theischooietofrthemprovince was apparent in the~departmenta1"reports7?inrtheeprofessional literature-and'in~therdeliberationsrofathewtwo-education clubs which were active*in'the’discussion of education. Similarly one can find inrthese'three~areasmthe~increasing interest in progressive educationtquite~evident. By 1930 reactions toward'education:shOwed'afmuchrmore positive approach to change. The‘ideaS'associatediwith-progressive education were frequently‘employed=inrdiseussing remedies for the problems of the educational system. - 132 - Throughout~this.period of growing prominence Of progressive education.a-groupfof'educatorsy mainly those included in the membershiploffthe’education~clubs of Edmonton and Calgary, provided the;main'thrust‘behind the conside- ration Of the "new education". ‘The American influence in this development was pronounced, most apparent in the lite— rature employed for developing an'understanding of the new program, and largely a result of the American educational backgrounds of many of these educational leaders. CHAPTER V THE CONSOLIDATION PROCESS It is the purpose of the writer in this chapter to provide a brief description Of the curriculum changes of 1936 and to examine the events transpiring after the 1936 curriculum revision which were designed to enhance professional understanding and acceptance of the new enter- prise program. In addition consideration will be given to the term progressive education as it was used to describe the 1936 revision in-Alberta. I. THE NATURE OF THE 1936 REVISION- Once the departmental members, the revision com- mittees and the experimental teams had worked with the new program and agreed on its merits, there was a need to form- ally introduce this change tO the teachers of the province. The nature of the change was Of such a magnitude that there were doubts about being able to expect all the teachers to immediately adopt this new procedure.- There was an ap- parent need to provide for enhancement of the understanding of the new program. Between 1936 and 1940 such devices as summer schools, in-service instruction, teachers' aid bulletins and teachers' conventions were utilized to this end. In the fall Of 1936 the teachers were presented - 134 - by the Department with a new program of studies for the elementary schools. Within this program guide were the basic instructions and information about the new changes.1 Under the scheme of organization which became effective in the fall of 1936, the twelve grades in the province were grouped in a new pattern. The old "8-4" plan was abolished and replaced by the more modern "6-3-3“ format. The six grades of the elementary school were divided into two divi- sions. Division I was constituted of the first three grades, while Division II was to include Grades IV to VI. There was-a basic concern to encourage flexibility in or- ganization and to adapt instruction to individual needs. TO facilitate this, a new conception of the term "grade" was introduced. It was-to denote a level of attainment in any given subject rather than a length of time spent in school. The new elementary curriculum, according to the Department of Education, was to be, "in substance an 'ac- tivity programme'," based partly on the principle that "learning is not something a child gets, but something that he does." Other principles which were listed as basic to the new curriculum included: 2. The school programme must respond meaning- fully and purposefully to-the child's call for things to do, by setting up goals for the child's activity 1Programme of Studies for the Elementary School: Grade I-VI - 135 - as well as objectives for the teacher. While the teacher keeps an eye on the changes produced in the child by the child's activity, the child, on the other hand, centers his attention in his under- taking. The "things to do" must therefore reside in the experience of the child; they must be worth- while in the eyes of the child. . . . 3. The natural way Of learning used by child- ren in their play life may be adopted by the school, and redirected to educational Objectives. "Chid- ren learn quickly if only they may use the 'play way', in Which imagination is a fairy godmother to every child, and ingenuity the master key that opens the door through which the children pass from one experience to another." The tendency of young child- ren to "act out" the occupations of their elders and the dramatic incidents of adult life around them may be made the basis of dramatic procedures in school, which, besides leading the children into complete activity, have the following further advan— tages: (1) They socialize the individual child's ex- periences, offering him a way to make his personal contributions to the efforts of the group.- (2) They entice the child to enquiry and un- derstanding. (3) They require supplementary activities in reading, number and the fundamental skills: activities which lack meaning and purpose when treated only as drill or practice exercises. 4. School 1earnings embrace not merely the knowledgezand skills of the traditional School "sub- jects," but also many appreciations, attitudes, ideals, and incidental habits and abilities. They involve "the psychology of the situation" and the emotional life of the learners. 5. The school programme must provide both for instruction in the "ways of life," and for the pupil's living in school a normal life, made up of work, play, and "the business Of living." 6. The teacher who isea genuine educator, rather than a mere animal-trainer, will watch carefully and patiently for the learning outcomes of social acti- vities and experiences. - 136 - 7. It is both feasible and desirable to cor- relate many different learning units, and to conso- lidate them in social activities and experiences. It matters little to the learners whether an inte- resting item Of knowledge or experience is properly called geography, history, dramatizations, or lite- rature; the important thing to them as learners is that it is interesting, and is useful for them in ' the life they are living as boys and girls. . . .2 These principles, especially the last one, give indication of the desire to break away from the rigidity of the old subject matter classifications. However, a com— plete break with the past was not initially made. Instead the instructional materials were designated in a dual man- ner as "subjects" and "enterprises." The subjects included reading, literature, speech training, verse Speaking, choral speech, language, spelling, writing, arithmetic, social studies, elementary science, health education, physical ed- ucation, art and music. The enterprises, which were not compulsory at this initial stage Of reform, were to draw their materials from all subjects Of the program, but mainly from the social studies subjects. The enterprise approach Was new and as such merited a clarifying definition. The' meaning given to it by the Department read as follows: The name 'enterprise' has been chosen to desig- nate the 'doing or activity', rather than the familiar 'project', because it has a somewhat stricter meaning. An enterprise is a definite undertaking; teachers and pupils agree upon it and tacitly promise to carry it through as agreed. An enterprise is an undertaking chosen, after consideration, for its interestand value; carefully planned in advance, carried out according to plan, and brought to a definite conclusion, after which some reckoning Of gains is made. An enterprise 2Ibid., pp. 3-5 - 137 r is not only a carefully organized undertaking in it- self, but it is also a part Of a whole, a definite step in a course designed to cover three years of work. Each enterprise involves planning, the orga- nization of ideas and of materials, and co-Operation. Enterprises include both mental and manual work, the collection of information and the practice of skills.3 In Division I the enterprises were called Social Activities. The major concern of the school at this stage was one Of providing activities which would induce appre- ciations, attitudes, abilities and behaviors essential to social living. Division II enterprises were called Social Experiences and added to the foregoing purpose the concern Of learning informational facts and.skills. In the 1936 revision the enterprises were largely suggestive rather than mandatory or prescriptive. All teachers were encour- aged tO attempt one or two enterprises at least. There were built-in ways to get teachers to try the enterprise approach. The framers of the new program admitted that the course outline was "shot through with suggestions for ac- tivities and enterprises."4 The Objectives of Division II social studies also fostered utilization Of the new ap- proach. The aims were stated to be: 1. TO direct children in experiencing a realis- tic understanding and appreciation of human relations; and 2. To permit children to participate in improv- ing human relations.5 3Ibid., p. 288. 4Ibid., p. 5. 51bid., p. 110. - 138 - Along with these aims attitudes of inquiry, critical mind- edness, open mindedness, tolerance, responsibility, appre- ciation, creative self-expression, self-cultivation, willing- ness to cooperate and sympathy were to be sought in the working out Of the social studies problems. To achieve these ends the teachers were well advised to adopt the new enterprise procedure. It was in the elementary school where the new "activity" program was implemented to the greatest extent. However, when the revision of curriculum was undertaken in 1934 the proposed changes were not confined to any partic- ular level. The "activity" concept was to be applied to the entire school system. The principles associated with "learning by doing" did infiltrate the intermediate and high school prOgrams. Indeed, to provide continuity with the new program Of "activity" education in the elementary school, the intermediate social studies announcement of 1936 requested that the teacher study the statement of Ob- jectives and minimum requirements in the elementary course Of study.6 The changes made in the intermediate school are reflected in the report of the Supervisor of Schools in 1937 when he wrote: Like the Elementary School Programme, this one. is also a great protest against formal methods of 6Programme'of Studies for the Intermediate School: Grades VII, VIII, and IX, 1935, rev. - 139 - instruction and rigidly prescribed lesson material.7 It is evident that the spirit of activity was expected to prevail at all levels of public schooling. Beyond the ele- mentary level this did not take the form of enterprises but was more generally seen in the form of committee work, class discussion, open forums, pupil reports, and other similar activities. This approach was provided for in the 1936 announcement Of the intermediate social studies cur- riculum where it stated: The basic principle Of procedure in this course is that learning is an active process. The outline abounds in activities that call for pupil experiment- ation, individual research, and creative self-expres- sion. The social studies classroom instead of being a place where children 'learn' history, geography and civics, is to be a real laboratory, where co-Operation, initiative, originality and responsibility are develOped. O The influence of Harold O. Rugg which was mentioned in another context earlier was to be found in this new intermediate social studies program as well. His procedures in the class- room for develOping student participation were quoted as being representative of the approach sought by the Depart- ment.9 Once the curriculum guides had been prepared and distributed the Department had to face the matter of explain- 7Annual Report of the Department of Education, p. 18. 8Prggramme of Studies for the Intermediate School: Egades VII. VIII, and IX, 1935,rev: p. 36. 9 Ibid., p. 37. - 140 - ing the philosophy and pedagogy Of the new approach. Some of this had already taken place in that teachers from nearly every inspectorate had had representatives on the experi- mental team Of the previous year. The inspectors also had knowledge Of the program, but the inspector-teacher ratio and the problems of communication prevalent at the time limited their involvement in the instruction of the teachers. Consequently, the Department of Education orga- nized a special summer school course in enterprise education for the summer Of 1936. Approximately one-sixth of the total provincial teaching force attended that summer school.10 The enrollment for the summer school was an increase of over 100 percent of the previous year's figures.ll Teachers who had the benefits of the special De- partmental instruction were prepared to share this informa-~ tion with their colleagues. This was another avenue by which awareness of the new program developed. It was reported in the Annual Report of 1936 that: The teachers have shown themselves alert and anxious to do their share to make the New Programme effective. They have organized study grdups in al- most every village. The teachers from the surround- ding schools come to meetings about once a month to 10H. C. Newland, "Alberta's New Programme for the Elementary School," Proceedings of the 17th Annual Conven- tion Of the Canadian Education Association, 1936, p. 68. 11 Ibid. - 141 - discuss the philosophy Of-the New Programme and to dis- cuss ways of putting the New Programme into effect.12 The summer school programs continued to flourish during subsequent years and their character was changed slightly from 1936 in that personnel were invited from other institutions to provide instruction. The most notable source Of these visiting people was the United States. In 1937 Miss Mary Lothr0p, principal of an elementary school in Los Angeles, divided her time between the summer schools. at-Calgary and Edmonton. Besides assisting in the course on Enterprise Education she Offered a special course for experienced teachers "on the work of the activity prog- ramme."13 In 1938 five special instructors.were appointed, all from American institutions.14‘ At Edmonton the guest instructors were: Professor Lillian Gray from San Jose State College, Miss Edna Reed-from Fox Meadow Elementary School in-Scarsdale, New York, and Miss Agnes Allardice from Queen's College in Flushing, New York. At Calgary the teachers were: Miss Tompsie Baxter of Lincoln School at Columbia Teachers College and Miss Marion Cass from Glen Cove, New York. Miss Reed and Miss Baxter were listed as specialists in enterprise education. Again the following summer the enrollment was high and special instructors were invited. Three Of the five invited were from American ins- 12Annual Report of the Department of Education, 1936, p. 54. 13Ibid., 1937, p. 22. 14Ibid., 1938, p. 34. - 142 - titutions.15 In 1940 three of four were from south of the 49th parallel.16 There were numerous instructors from Alberta institutions who were a part of these instructional teams, but it is important to notice the strong American influence in this basic orientation program which was undertaken by the Department and which reached so many of Alberta's teach- ers. While Alberta educators were anxious to state that their program was distinctive and "home-grown," those Offer- ing the early instruction were predominately American. Thus the distinctiveness sought-was probably hard to Obtain. Another dimension of the influence from the United States can be found in the literature recommended within the new programs of study for enhancing understanding of the in- novations. Of the twenty sources listed in the 1936 Program of Studies for Elementapnyrades all but two were published in the United States and/or authored by American educators. The major emphasis in this listing was upon practice with only eight books being listed for develOping appreciation of the theory behind the "activity" curriculum. Authors such as Dewey and Kilpatrick were noticeably absent in the listing. Rugg's book, The Child Centered School continued as a basic source.l7 lsIbid., 1939, p. 38. 16Ibid., 1940, p. 40. lySee Appendix for lists of books most frequently referred as basic sources for developing and understanding of the changes. - 143 - The success of these various attempts at educating the teaching force can be measured in part by the reactions found within the Departmental reports. It appears from a review of these records that there was a gradual, but steady, move toward acceptance of the new approach. In 1936 the Chief Inspector of Schools was able to say that: Few teachers have used the enterprise procedure to a maximum extent, but the majority of teachers, probably 80% are attempting to emply it for a part of their instruction. Some inspectors have directed their teachers to limit their endeavors to two enter- prises for the year. On the whole teachers have grasped the Objectives Of the enterprise method, although some have mistaken the means for the end and have allowed the pupils' activity to degenerate into pure mechanical excercises. The enterprise technique is developing in the pupils a greater power-to make abstractions and gene- ralizations, to relate cause and effect and to do independent thinking.18 Favorable comments on the new approach were found in the reports of the inspectors as well. The following is a rep- resentative sample Of the Opinion: Generally in those schools following the Enter- prise procedure the work is on a higher level than in the ordinary classroom. Reasoning, imagination and self-reliance are being developed in the pupils. .Only in isolated instances has the work fallen to the low level of mere manual work and play.19 The student response to the enterprise approach was also noted as being favorable. 18 1936, p. 52. 19 Annual Report of the Department of Education, Ibid. p p. 55 - 144 - The progress of the "activity" program in Alberta during the years 1937, 1938 and 1939 can be deduced from the reports of the Chief Inspector of Schools, Mr. E. L. Fuller, for each of the years. Fragments of the reports will serve the purpose here. About 85% of the teachers used the enterprise procedure in some form. The method is utilized this year to a greater extent in the teaching Of‘Social Studies than in any other subject.20(l937) ' Through experimentation and the use of reference materials the enterprise method has penetrated even _ as far as the Intermediate School in such subjects as General Science, Social Studies and Health. Properly directed, it could occupy as much as 80% of the work of Division II in all subjects except the skill sub- jects.21 (1937) The enterprise technique is now almost universal in the rural schools as well as in urban, and perhaps 60% of the teachers are successful in using it to good advantage in the integration and vitalization of the curricular activities of schools. Recent Normal School graduates and teachers who have taken special courses evince the best conception and appre- ciation of the aims and methods in the enterprise procedure. Beginning teachers who have not attemp- ted to apply the enterprise technique have experienced considerable difficulty in the direction and control of pupil groups which is a fundamental condition to proper progress. Generally the enterprises attempted are those that have been outlined in Summer School courses, in school publications, or in the PrOgramme of Studies.22 (1938) Some enterprises suffer from a lack of that in- telligent directive influence, subtly and skillfully exerted by the teacher, that is so necessary if the 20 1937, p. 62. 21 Annual Report of the Department of Education, Ibid., p. 63. 22 1938, p. 61. Annual Report Of the Department of Education, - 145 - enterprise is to possess an organic unity and become an educative experience for the child rather than a mere pleasant timefilling activity.23 (1938) Many Of the more mature teachers are beginning to appreciate and correctly interpret the present course of studies; they are enthusiastic and well pleased with the results.24 (1939) These excerpts from the reports Of the Chief Inspector of Schools would indicate that the "activity" program became more and more widely accepted by the teach- ers between the years 1936 and 1939. In fact by 1940 ad- ditional changes were made in the program to provide for still more integration and required use of the enterprise approach. It was outlined in the Annual Report in the following manner: In March, 1940, the Department reprinted in a revised form its Programme of Studies for the Elemen- tary School. In this revised edition a further step was taken towards a complete integration of the Programme, with the result that the integrated part of the Programme now includes History, Geography, Elementary Science, Health and Physical Education. Provision is Still made for some formal instruction in Arithmetic (Number Work), Reading, Language, Music and Art;but this instruction is not to be “Spheduled for regular classes, being given only as the need arises in the course of classroom activi- ties. This was the high point in the establishment of progres- sive education. The principles of integration and activity 23Ibid. 24 1939, p. 17. 25 1940, p. 14. Annual Report of the Department of Education, Annual Report of the Department of Education, - 146 - were both required elements in the program for all teachers of the elementary school. This was achieved largely as a result Of activities which took place within the profession to enhance the understanding Of this "new education," The departmental summer schools and local district meetings were two avenues of building this outlook. It is to some of the other clarification and popularization activities to which we turn now. II. DELIBERATIONS OF THE EDUCATION SOCIETY OF EDMONTON The concerns within the Education Society of Edmonton for the period between 1936 and 1940 reflect in part the changing approach to progressive education which was taking place in the province. In October 1936 Dr. Dickie reviewed her impressions of the acceptance of the new course of studies.26 It was her opinion that by late 1936 "the critical-hostile attitude" among teachers gene- rally had disappeared; as well, she felt that there was a serious effort being, made throughout the province to make the plan succeed. Questions which were raised were positive in their aim, and sought constructive answers(or sulutions). One of the major problems of the course which 26Proceedings of the Edmonton Education Sociepy, #4, October I7, 1936. - 147 - she outlined related to interpretation of the course. She was quoted as saying: Owing to various features of the new Handbook, teachers are still halting between the child-centered and the information-centered view Of their job.- And that presents the major task of today, to persuade teachers to believe that subject matter is not an end in itself, but the medium Sgr mental and Spiritual development in the child." The philosophical basis Of progressive education received very brief attention. In assessing the philosophy of education in Alberta Dr. Smith noted that the "function- ning ideas in Alberta were drawn from many sources" but he believed "the characteristic vieWpoint leaned towards prag- matism."28 The role of the school in social change was explored rather thoroughly. It was centered around a mo- dified form of the question raised by Counts and read, "Can the school mold a new social order?"29 Interest was stimulated in this tOpic through the study Of The Social Frontier magazine. The opinions of numerous prominent people were reviewed in order to garner some idea of the range of judgments on this tOpic. Such people as Dewey, Counts, Kilpatrick, Mumford and a lone Canadian, J. S. Woodworth, were included in the discussion. The period under consideration is significant in 27Ibid. 28Ibid., November 27, 1937. 29Ibid., November 26, 1938. - 148 - that there is evidence available Of the growing strength of the Progressive Education Association in Alberta. Among the reviews of periodical literature presented to the Society there were continual reviews of material from the magazine Of the Association.- More important in demonstra- ting the growing interest in the Progressive Education Association were the studies undertaken within the Society of the Progressive Education Association.- The Society's affilliation with this Association was a carefully studied and calculated move on the part of the membership of the Society. One of the first instances of an active interest in the Progressive Education Association by the Society was-manifested in October, 1938.30 In that month Miss Mary Crawford spoke to the Society about her experience at the international conference of the New Education Fellowship. She was one Of three Canadian representatives. ‘Present at the conference were such speakers as Dr. Hullfish from Ohio State and Dr. McMurray and Dr. Ryan from Columbia. As a part of her report, Miss Crawford noted that she felt the progressive technique embbdied the right idea of child— activity, but it did nOt appear to Offer the child suffi- cient definite directiOn. In this same meeting the member- ship acknowledged for the first time that there were many varieties of progressive education. Two months later Dr. LaZerte attempted to provide for the membership a resume 3°1bid., October 15, 1938. - 149 - of the Progressive Education Association's history.31 His purpose in so doing was to prepare the Society for the up- coming visit of the representatives from the P. E. A. It was pointed out that one of the main activities of Progres- sive Education Association was to hold study conferences in order to build a better understanding of the "new educa- tion." The programs conducted by the P. E. A. at Hamilton, Denver and Des Moines were all reviewed. Their topics Of discussions had usually included: child development.and mental hygiene, curriculum revisiOn, educational sociology and the relationship of secondary schools to the university. Resulting from LaZerte's presentation were the recommenda- tions to invite the members Of the Calgary Progress Club to theEaster Convention and to obtain the full set of books published by the PrOgressive Education Society.32 For the Society the first three months of 1939 were filled with dis- cussions which were designed to "acquaint the Society with the Fundamental principles Of the Progressive Education Association as related to the various Subjects on our course of study."33 The culmination of this study came in April 1939 when two members of the Progressive Education Association met with the membership Of the Society.34 The two present 311bia., December 10, 1938. 32Ibid., 33Ibid. 34Ibid., April 10, 1939. - 150 - were Dr. Redefer, General Secretary of the Association and another member of the convention team, Dr. Keliher. The meeting was turned over to Dr. Redefer who explained the nature Of the Progressive Education Association. He em- phasized two main ideas: .education~is to serve the needs of the society. According to the speaker, the concern of the teacher should be upon doing things of interest to the child. Subject matter should be regarded as a tool rather than as an end in itself. The discussions of the Association and what it stood for continued into the meetings following the one attended by Redefer. It was decided within the Society to write to their guest to Obtain information about affiliating with the Association.35 When the reply was received ten members Of the Society formally affiliated with the Association and copies were purchased of Progressive Education and Frontiers of Democracy.36 The pattern apparent in the broader educational setting was also apparent in the Education Society Of Edmonton. Following the 1936 revision, a-much closer look was taken at the nature of progressive education. The exam- ination which was undertaken was not one which provided for an analysis of the various components of progressive education, but instead was more Of the type which encouraged familiarity 35Ibid.,-April 22, 1939. 36Ibid., November 25, 1939. - 151 - with the guiding principles of the movement. As such, it included frequent mention of such concepts as freedom, ac- tivity, needs of the child and society, democracy, and natural development. The emphasis appeared to be rather clearly based upon-matters of changing practice and prin- ciples rather than basic philOSOphical position.' Essentially the main concern was to help shift the thinking of the teachers from a subject matter emphasis to a child-centered emphasis with a new methodological approach. III. PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION IN THE PROFESSIONAL LITERATURE In April 1936 the Department Of Education started publication within the A. T. A. Magazine of a series of Of- ficial bulletins designed to "keep teachers informed re- garding the progress of the new programme."37 In the first such bulletin news of the impending change for the fall was announced. Additional information on the changes was found within the magazine in such articles as the report of the 1936 Teachers' Convention. Mr. Aberhart, the new premier and minister, was a feature speaker. His main emphasis was on the changes in administration and teacher status. In his concluding remarks he counselled teachers to "take a definite interest in the new curriculum and the general trend Of education."38 In the same issue under the title, 37The A. T. A. Megazine Vol. XVI, NO. 8, p. 6. 38Ibid., NO. 9, p. 26. - 152 - "The Enterprise Program-—Its Validity," Dr. LaZerte was reported as saying, The enterprise program can be considered as one form of an "activity program." The meaning of an activity program can be found by scanning origins. The American educationalist, DEwey, has given this program meaning. Like Rousseau, Dewey stresses the worth Of the individual. However, Rousseau consi- ders the group as the antithesis of the individual, while Dewey considers the group as the synthesis of the individual. Hence the individual must be ed- ucated to take his place in a co-Operative society. Dewey also stresses that the accumulation of facts is not a preparation for life, that interest and effort are related; that education is an experience, --a continuous performing, creating and doing; that education is a development of the whole personality, Of intellect, emotions, attitudes and Opinions.39 LaZerte went further and attempted to Offer insight into the variety of meanings associated with Dewey's position. He also provided information on the nature of the Alberta program in contrast to the varieties of progressive ed- ucation which were available. He was quoted in the fol: lowing manner: There have been three main interpretations-- One Of these has laid stress on learning by doin . Activity has been used for motivation, the act1v1- ties being organized in each subject or for fusion of all subjects. This fostered the traditional curriculum. Another interpretation has laid stress in "child interest," a stress on freedom--the play way Ifi'education. This tended to give a curriculum determined by the children and resulted in super- ficiality. A third interpretation laid stress on the "social training." School was to be used to re- mark Ehe social order. Emphasis was placed on de- velOpment of social attitudes and social ideals. This tended to minimize the worth of that body of subject matter which did not lead to a new improved social order, but at least it gave insight into the 39Ibid., p. 28. - 153 - nature of current problems.40 After having clarified these three lines of thought within the progressive philosophy, LaZerte described what he felt had been adOpted in Alberta. As he saw it, The new curriculum will utilize activity for motivation, a little of the interest and freedom, and less yet Of the social implications except as relating to the aim of developing a wholesome per- sonality, and inculcating desirable character traits. We have shown our respect for the old curriculum in that the skills . . . are taught separately. . . . We are using the enterprise method as motivation, a centre of group activities, and as providing a culmination or satisfactory completion. Formerly our eye was on subject matter. Now our eye is on how to present and corrglate that sub- ject matter into a meaningful whole.4 . Others were Offering their feelings about-the new program as well. Frequent among the participants discussing the changes was Dr. Donalda. Dickie. Almost in desperation, given the frenzy created by the change in 1936, she undertook to clarify for the readers of the A. T. A. Magazine just what she thought was involved in the change. After having taken the readers through the proper analysis and use of the handbook she stated her ideas on the new program as follows: The great gain in the new course of study, as I understand the spirit of it, is that it encourages 4°Ibid. 41Ibid., pp. 28-29. These statements by LaZerte are the most explicit which this writer could find on the matter Of Alberta's position in relation'tO'the various elements of the broader progressive education movement. They are most valuable in attempting to ascertain the mean- ing given to "progressive education" in Alberta. - 154 - us to break down our age-old teaching habit of treat- ing subject matter as though it were an end in itself .... By introducting the enterprise method the new course of study says that, for junior children at least, the 'experience' methods of development are more valuable than the subject matter means. It as- sures teachers using the 'experience' or 'enterprise' methods, that the small amount of subject matter which is really essential for young children may quite safely be left to the care of the enterprise. Apparent in much which was written on the new prog- ram was the desire to make certain that the defects which had been recognized and criticized in the American movement were kept out of the Alberta program. It was very clearly stated in the column entitled "Teacher's Helps Department" that, "in Alberta, at least, the Enterprises will be teacher- selected, with pupil cO-operation."43 This emphasis was a reaction to a trend toward child direction OfeducatiOn which was apparent and criticized in the broader movement. In the same article it was noted that: In the early years of the development of the so- called "new education" there was a tendency to pursue wraith of freedom to the extent of throwing over- board everything that bore the impress of the formal, which included discipline and organized subject matter . . . . Our Alberta curriculum makers have in their initial venture into a new sphere achieved a very happy balance between the extreme subject-matterists and the extreme activityists. Another mode of explaining the nature of the Alberta curriculum was employed by W. D. McDougall in his "Teachers' 42The A. T. A. Magazine. Vol. XVII No. 3, p. 35. 43Ibid., Vol. XVII, NO. 4, p. 31. 44Ibid., p. 32. - 155 - Helps Department" of the A. T. A. Magazine. He quoted from Herbert S. Bruner eleven requirements of the elementary school curriculum. These requirements were: 1. The elementary school curriculum must pro- vide abundant opportunities for developing on the proper age and grade level sounder social and eco- nomic understandings. 2. The elementary school curriculum must capi- talize in an Optimum way upon the educative resouces afforded by the local communities. 3. The elementary school curriculum should capitalize upon the educative opportunities provided through the-actual social experiencing of children. 4. The elementary school curriculum must attempt to provide for real integration in learning. 5. The subject matter materials in the element- ary curriculum must be accurate and authentic. 6. The elementary school curriculum must make better provision for the discovery and development of individual aptitudes, interests and creative abilities. 7. The elementary school curriculum must em- phasize the development Of problem-solving attitudes and techniques among pupils. 8. The elementary school curriculum must find a more appropriate and effective place for drill. 9. The elementary curriculum should: (a) Provide Opportunities for children to express their own individuality in the arrangement and decoration Of the classroom; (b) Call for flexibility in the arrangement and use of furniture; (c) Encourage the ingenious use Of materials. 10. Many phases of the elementary school prog- ram must be advance through carefully plannned and executed research. 11. The elementary school curriculum should make sound and varied suggestions to assist pupils and teachers in evaluating their work. 45Ibid., Vol. XVIII No. 8, p. 45. - 156 - According to McDougall Alberta had approximated this eleven point scale by implementing the enterprise approach. The main departure from these eleven points came in respect to number four where McDougall noted that Alberta did not meet the requirement. He suggested that in order "to make pro- vision for the transition from the Old to the new it was probably necessary for the curriculum committee to devise a fish-fowl type of organization in which content material was isolated from the suggested integration."46 Within the literature on the change was the continual recognition that Alberta had not in its initial revision made the full swing toward integration and away from subject matter distinc- tions. Some saw this as a necessary strategy for change while Others chose to explain it as the distinctive Alberta touch to the "activity" program. Another important development in the clarifica- tion and popularization process of progressive education is seen also within the A. T. A. Magazine. It was in this publication that full consideration was given to the teach- ers' conventions. In 1938 under the heading of "The Philo- sophy Of Progressive Education" the remarks Of Dr. Boyd H. Bode which had been presented at the Easter Convention were printed in the magazine.47 This talk set the stage for a 46Ibid. 47gpig., Vol. XVIII, No. 10, June 1938, pp. 5-7. - 157 - growing mutual interest between Alberta educators and the executive of the Progressive Education Association. Bode offered a very pleasing and popular account of progressive education. He started by claiming that the spirit of progressive education and Alberta's enterprise education. were very nearly the same. He also pointed to the problems associated with trying to narrow down the definition Of progressive education. His remarks were well received. They were clearly directed toward winning support for the new program. The high point in the magazine's attention to progressive education came, as it did in all areas of ed- ucational endeavor, in 1939. In that year Alberta was visited by nine members of the Progressive Education As- sociation. For several months prior to their visit the cover of the A. T. A. Magazine was used to encourage teach- ers to be certain to attend the convention.48 The basic work of the Association was explained by Dr. LaZerte. He traced the history Of the Association as well as provided an understanding of its major functions and study areas.49 The names Of the personnel and a description of the event were provided in the magazine and in the Departmental Annual Report as follows: The Easter Convention on April 10-13, 1939, was a 48£pid., 1939 February and April covers. 49Ibid., Vol. XIX, No. 7, pp. 4-5. - 158 - unique event in the history of Canadian education. Through the joint effort and support of the Depart- ment of Education and the Alberta Teachers' Associ- ation a programme of outstanding excellence was of- fered, under the direction of the Progressive Education Association. Nine visiting speakers addressed ses- sions of the Convention, which by means Of a double shift was held in the Macdonald Hotel and the McDougall Church, Edmonton. The general public was invited to all sessions, it being the desire of the speakers to arouse the interest of parents in the progressive movement. The following were the guest speakers: Dr. Frederick L. Redefer, Executive Secretary of the Progressive Education Association, 2221 W. 57 St., New York. Dr. Howard Lane, Professor of Education, North- western University, Chicago. Dr. Alice Keliher, Chairman of the Commission on Human Relations of the Progressive Education As- sociation, and Instructor in New York University. Dr. Reginald Bell, Assistant Professor Of Ed- ucation, Leland Stanford University, California. Dr. Ralph W. Tyler, Dean Of the School Of Ed- ucation, University of Chicago. Dr. Hilda Taba, Assistant Professor of Educa- tion, University Of Chicago. Dr. Louis Heil, Associate Professor of Educa- tion, University of Chicago. Dr. Wilfred Eberhart, Assistant Professor of Education, University of Chicago. Dr. Maurice Harting, Assistant Director of the Evaluation Staff of the Eight-Year Study, Progressive Education Association, and member of the Board of Directors Of the National Council of Teachers of Mathematics. It is likely to be a long time before such a galaxy Of speakers is heard again at our Easter Convention. Officials representing the Department of Education in Manitoba and in Saskatchewan were visitors at the Convention. In fact, the whole affair was a grand success.50 Following the 1939 Convention, Dr. Sansom, who 1939, 50Annual Report of the Department of Education, pp. 38:39. - 159 - was not noted for his respect of progressive education, was moved to the point of providing a very favorable re- port on the Convention in the A. T. A. Magazine. He wrote: The 1939 Easter Convention is over, and if there is one regret that lingers, it is that all the teach- ers in Alberta could not have been there. . . . The central feature of the convention, of course, was the invading host of American educators (nine of them) to put before us the aims, doctrines, practices, and hopes of the Progressive Education Association of the United States, that is to say, to point out to us what they regard as the Better Way in Education. This they did, and they did it in a way to win in cons- picuous degree the respect and confidence of every- one. The interest created by these prominent speakers stimulated a series of articles on the theory behind the new education. In his column, Marginalia, Sansom encouraged teachers to read Dewey's Experience and Education, Bode's Progressive Education at the Crossroads, and Kandel's Conflicting Theories of Education.52 Several months later, in the same column, Sansom tried to bring meaning to Dewey's concept of freedom.53 He indicated that one of the basic principles of the enterprise was the idea that the child should be given as much freedom as possible. Such an em- phasis upon freedom, Sansom claimed, came from Dewey. It required clarification in Dewey's terms. He tried to es- tablish that Dewey conceived freedom possible only as ac- 5lThe A. T. A. Magazine, Vol. XIX No. 9, p. 2. 52Ibid., No. 10, p. 9. 53Ibid., Vol. xx, NO. 2, p.1. -l60- companied by intelligent choice. This was apparently be- ing misunderstood by many teachers and hence freedom meant chaos in numerous situations. Another attempt to look at the Alberta program also made the connections with Prog- ressive Education and Dewey quite explicit. H. B. Trout. noted that, "Alberta has adopted a programme of studies whose underlying philOSOphy is that of the Progressive Ed- 54 To clarify this statement he ucation Association." further said that "it is common knowledge that the philosophy underlying Alberta's enterprise curriculum is to be found in Dewey's work Democracy and Education."55 In the period Of concern one Of the last articles Of significance to ap- pear in the A. T. A. Magazine on this subject during the consolidation period was a summary of Dr. E. T. McSwain's comments as he visited in 1940 representing the Progressive Education Society.56 Like others before him, McSwain seemed to concentrate on a number of areas Of clarification. Mis- conceptions associated with freedom, inappropriate class- room practice, the role Of the teacher, and the nature Of desirable experiences all merited his attention. Many of the fears and criticisms which had been heard earlier in the program were mitigated by the visits of these representatives from the Progressive Education Association. This survey Of 54Ibid., Vol. xxx, No. 10, p. 2. 55Ibid. 56Ibid., Vol. XX, NO. 8, pp. 6-7. - 161 - the professional literature of the provincial teachers in part explains why Alberta was inclined and able to provide even further integration in the 1940 revision.57 IV. THE NATURE OF PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION IN ALBERTA The material available indicates that there was a definite attempt made within Alberta to create something distinctive in the 1936 revision. There were those who were aware Of the criticisms which the progressive education movement was encountering in the United States. There were those who were not prepared to make a complete shift from their more traditional approach to the "new education." Others felt the distinctiveness was necessary as-a strate- gical move to gain acceptance of the new ideas. Whatever the reason we can find evidence from the inception that Albertans wanted people to know they had something different and unique in comparison with the brand of progressive ed- ucation commonly thought of in the United States. W. E. Hay, one of the 1936 three member revision committee wrote of this uniqueness prior to the formal introduction Of the 57The material presented by Bode, McSwain, and provincial educators McDougall, Dickie, Newland and others provided the basic material in a course on the philOSOphy of the new curriculum. This material was made available by Dr. W. D. McDougall. It gives indication of a) the im-' portance of the comments made by these visiting educators, and b) the meaning given to philosophy as used in relation to the new course. There was no discussion of Dewey or the pragmatic philOSOphy. - 162 - revision. He commented: The new education procedures incorporated in our Revised Course of Study for Elementary Schools were not derived from forms of the Activity Program; they took form in accordance with progress toward a satisfactory solution of problems involved in the desirable improvement of our scheme Of education for the schools of Alberta; particularly the rural schools. I think that Dr. Dickie and Miss Fisher will agree with the contention that I am making for Enterprise Education and the corresponding procedures incorporated in our new course that they are "home- grown products." Similar outcomes have occurred in other places from similar endeavors; the conditions promoting development have been mainly the same for all. Enterprise Education is the Alberta variety of a product more-or less inevitable under the con- ditions of our.times.58 Other comments made that same year attempt to reinforce the same opinion. H. C. Newland speaking at a Canadian Education Association meeting in Winnipeg noted that "our new programme is undoubtedly a strange kind of animal."59 In the same address he noted that "it might not be expedi- ent to introduce a complete programme of this kind [acti- vity] at the present time."60 His only reason offered for not seeing it identical with the activity program was that it waS-not completely free in the Rousseauean use of free.61 58Letter from W. E. Hay to H. C. Newland, June 19, 1936. Newland Papers. 59H. C. Newland, "Alberta's New Programme for the Elementary School," Proceedings Of the 17th Annual Convention Of the Canadian Education Association, p. 67. 60 Ibid., p. 71. 61Proceedings of the 17th Annual Convention of? the Canadian Education Association, p. 18. - 163 - At the same conference Newland was asked to distinguish between the project and the enterprise. His response of- fers some insight into the Alberta situation and the prob- 1em of arriving at the exact nature of progressive educa- tion in Alberta. It meant different things to different peOple. Among the inspectors and normal school instruc- tors who debated this issue there was no valid distinction. Newland felt that there was a legitimate distinction. He- saw the term enterprise including both mental and physical activities while the term project was meant more to con- note physical activity.62 It was this type Of uniqueness which the Albertans tended to stress in their discussions of the Alberta brand of progressive education. Other ar— ticles attempted to provide the same picture. According to the author of one such article, the new program was in substance an activity program. At the same time "it was acknowledged to be a home-grown product."63 Further on this same writer noted that "the Alberta scheme has not 'adopted the "activity" plan in its entirety." The fact that the skill subjects had not been integrated was always a basis for defending this home-grown concept. It was also a basis for claiming that Alberta had protected itself against some of the most commonly voiced weaknesses of progressive education. As the new education was popularized some of the resistance to a wholehearted commitment were 62Ibid. - 164 - broken down. Thus, in 1940 a more complete integration was-initiated.64 In many instances the revision was associated with John Dewey, but no record was found of a thorough lOOk at the related philosophy he espoused. Those discussions which were labelled philosophical concentrated more on the principles upon which the movement was based. This involved new ideas in psychology: sociology, etc., but did not raise deeper philosOphical matters. The change was clearly different things to dif- ferent people. Sheane noted that Some educationalists among the advocates of change saw merely a new method or technique for accomplishing very much what the schools had been attempting to ac- complish for many years. . . . Still others, while they favored the new programme, thought that it was» too ambitious and were unable to visualize it in action in the rural schools of the province where seats w re still screwed to the floor; where libraries were i - adequate; where equipment and supplies were wanting; and where educational effort was still measured in terms of dollars and cents paid in school taxes.65 Even among the leading prOponents of the "new ed- ucation" there were clear differences in emphasis. One Of the more vocal and prominent elements in the movement waS~ the social reform wing led by H. C. Newland and Mary Crawford. A‘ 64Dr. Johnson in analyzing the changes in Canadian education noted that Canada remained moderate because prog- ressive education "first passed through the screening process of our [Canada] ingrained essentialism." 65G. K. Sheane, pp. cit., p. 116. - 165 - These two were influential in the rise of teacher organiza- tional strength as well as in the acceptance of progressive education. Both were associated politically with the C. C. F. organization. There are numerous instances Of Newland discussing the importance of education in providing for a new social order. Even though Newland was extremely influential and vocal there is no evidence to suggest that he was success- ful in garnering much support for a strong social reform element in the progressive education movement in Alberta. Much more characteristic of the program and Of most who sup- ported the change w;were the more moderate ideas of Dr. D. Dickie. She noted in her book, The Enterprise in Theory and Practice, that Alberta was not involved in an "ultra progressive" system but instead had a program between the extremes of the traditional and ultra progressive positions. Apparent within her book was a heavy reliance upon various developments in the United States as examples of the ac- tivity program. Those involved in formulating the Alberta program had studied courses found in Virginia, Mississippi, California and a number Of American cities. The Virginia course of studies was acknowledged by a variety Of sources as being the most influential in Alberta. V. REACTIONS TO PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION IN ALBERTA The introduction of the "enterprise" approach into - 166 - Alberta schools has been followed by a continuing examination of the merits of the new approach. In 1937 a Saskatchewan teacher writing in the Saskatchewan Teachers' Federation Bulletin noted that "The Alberta teachers have put their house in order, and are now firmly embarked on a revolutionary educational program."55 In discussing the philosophy, methods and activities, Milner noted They have.been inculcated for many years in the more progressive schools Of the United States. There is no fixed pattern or regulation about this Education procedure that cannot be changed as the needs of the child or community demand. . . . This education is a process of directed growth and it exists only to de- velop the child as a new individual. It rests on the philOSOphy that each child can be serve sogiety by making the most of his creative abilities. While much of the early literature dealing with the change expressed much the same attitude and enthusiasm as Milner, gradually reaction of a negative nature became apparent. Some of this reaction, such as W. G. Hardy's 1954 pamphlet, was pointed directly at the Alberta system while another reaction, that Of Dr. Hilda Neatby, attacked the total movement as it affected Canadian education.. The exact nature and validity of these reactions is not directly germaine to this thesis except to the extent that they offer additional support to the claim that progres- ; 668.8; Milner, "Enterprise Education in Alberta," SasEatchewan TeachergFederation:BulletinL_VOl. 4, NO. 12, 1937, p. 11. 67Ibid., p. 17. - 167 - sive education did come to dominate the Alberta and Canadian educational scenes. VI. SUMMARY The formal introduction of the enterprise program into the Alberta school system in 1936 marked the beginning of a period characterized by increased activity designed tO enhance the teachers' understanding Of the new program. Also characteristic of this period was a growing rapprochement between the leadership of the Progressive Education Associa- tion and the educational leaders of the province. Attempts were.made at varying levels to enhance the understanding of and appreciation for the new program. Summer schools, in- service seminars, periodicals, departmental publications were all utilized to heighten the acceptance of the 1936 changes. The cumulative affect of these means, climaxed by the visits of leading American authorities on Progressive Education, resulted in a more complete endorsement of the 1936 revolution in education. CHAPTER VI CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS I. Conclusions The central problem with which this writer has been concerned in this thesis is One Of determining the nature of the forces operative within Alberta which faci- litated the acceptance and adoption of progressive education. The basic questions which were formulated to provide direc- tion and which have relevance to this overall purpose were stated as follows: 1. Was progressive education, as it was in- troduced in Alberta, studied and introduced largely as a result Of the efforts of a limited number of educational leaders? Was the nature of the change generally appre- ciated by the majority of the teaching force and the lay public? 2. Was the adoption of progressive education a calculated or critical move rather than a wholesale, un- examined adoption of contemporary American thought and practice? 3. were develOpments in educational thought and practice in the United States the most important single source of ideas for this movement in Alberta? 4. Was consideration of basic weaknesses in the schools of the province well underway before the eco- nomic and political turmoil of the "thirties" became pro- nounced in its effects? Did such an examination of weak- - 169 - nesses lead to the consideration of the ideas of the prog- ressive educators? 5. Did the aforementioned turmoil of the "thir- ties" serve as the initiator of consideration of progressive education? Was it the most important factor in the actual implementation and acceptanceOf-these ideas in the schools of the province? The material studied and presented in this thesis answers the first question in a positive way. There were a group of educators in the province who were instrumental in a number of important developments of the period. The first area attended to and promoted by this group was teacher organization. One of the most influential among this group was H. C. Newland. He was a leader in the movement for teacher organization and teacher rights. During the strug- gle for acceptance of the new teachers' organization those providing the educational leadership to the teachers were mainly employed as high school teachers. The third decade of the twentieth century saw a change Of position for many Of these educators, but the composition Of this group of educational leaders did not change significantly. Their responsibilities covered a variety of spheres of educational endeavor, such as normal school teaching or administrative work in the Department. Many of these prominent educators had gone to the United States where they successfully com- pleted requirements for graduate degrees. Their rise to - 170 - power was also attributable to their ability and to their active concern for improving the educational setting. The nucleus of the educational leadership was found within twO private invitational clubs in Edmonton and Calgary. The club membership thoroughly studied ed- ucational problems and possible solutions. Their influence spread through the variety of positions which they held. The experiences of many of these educators in such American institutions as Columbia and Chicago, along with their con- tinual examination Of the professional literature of the time, their acceptance of new theories in psychology and their desire to correct the ills of Alberta education com- bined to stimulate interest in and eventually acceptance Of the doctrines grouped under the heading of progressive ed- ucation. The positions which they occupied within the educational system insured a receptive audience in Alberta for the new approach in education. No evidence was uncovered which suggests a wide- spread awareness of or request for progressive education by either the general public or the larger body of teachers. In fact,there is indication to the contrary in that some teachers testified to their lack of familiarity with the new ideas before 1936. A look at the sources utilized by these educators in building their understanding Of these new ideas indicate that the United States was the major source of information - 171 - for the Alberta movement. Many Of the proponents Of this new approach in Alberta had been educated in the United States. In addition they studied a wide range of litera~ ture with the predominant amount coming from the United States. In the actual formulation of the change in curri— culum and methodology the revision committees looked to American programs as models. The theoretical, as well as the practical, ideas were derived almost exclusively from American sources. The British Hadow Report was Of some direct influence in that it supposedly provided the name enterprise for the new course and method. One other in- dication of the singular importance Of American develOp- ments is found in the materials recommended to those Albertans Who wanted further information on the new program. The references centered on American experiments and prOposals. Dr. Dickie's book which later became a basic source on the new program,used,-as valuable examples of-"activity" cur- riculums, numerous experiments carried out in various parts of the United States. Substantiation was readily found for the claim that the weaknesses of the schools were being considered befbre the political and economic turmoil of the "thirties" became pronounced in its effects. Curriculum committees were at work throughout the 1920's trying to develop prog- rams which Would better serve the students. Dissatisfaction with the general school experience was apparent. Discus- - 172 - sions about improvement centred for some time on the larger unit Of school administration. These discussions tended to dominate the interests of the population. SO prominent were these discussions that the prOponents-Of progressive education did not receive a very wide hearing of their ideas. At the same time an interest.was created in the educational system by these other discussions. The general dissatis- faction with education which was apparent by the early 1930's provided a setting wherein the ideas of progressive educa- tion grew readily in popularity. The many areas of concern associated with the larger unit, the expanding secondary school pOpulation and the inequities of rural and urban schools helped prepare a climate in relation to education which was favorable to change. Even though the ills Of the schools were apparent before the economic and political problems Of the late 1920's and early 1930's there is reason to believe that these de- velopments were important factors in the actual acceptance of the "new education". Discontent was-apparent in Alberta throughout the 1920's, but it was-heightened by the impact of the Depression and the political campaigns of the mid- l930's. People were ready for change. They were at a low ebb and willing to try something new. The broader Progres- sive movement stimulated an interest in improvement Of the conditions of society. It stimulated discussions.on democ- racy. The economic-problems led to questions about the -l73- social order and the need to prepare children for condi- tions which they would-face in the future. The climate for change was broadened then, as well, by the conditions of the society. This climate favored a particular type of change. It favored the progressive educators who were discussing such matters as freedom, democracy, education having a closer relationship to life, and education to understand and to shape the social order. In Alberta a number of factors operated jointly to produce a new approach to education. The way was pre- pared by forces such as economic and political unrest, in- creased demand on the school, and changing social condi— tions. As these forces prepared the province for changes, a group Of prominent educators began to encourage consi- deration and adoption of a scheme of education labelled progressive education. Like a number Of other changes of the period, progressive education was adopted without a thorough examination by the public at large. For many, teachers included,the familiarization and examination came after the new prOgram was implemented. At the outset of this study a number Of sub- problems were listed as being a part of the concern. The first of these sub-problems sought to ascertain the re- lationship between the Alberta and American progressive education movements. The American movement had a number of fairly direct effects on its counterpart in Alberta. -174- Initially it afforded the Albertans with basic material for study and consideration. These new ideas had grown in prominence to the-point where they were being considered in numerous other parts Of the world. This basic material was acquired directly through educational experiences of some Albertans in the United States, and through study of the available contemporary literature.- This direct re- lationship was hot shortlived. TO the contrary, it grew and became more apparent as implementation-of these new ideas took place in Alberta. Invitations to visit Alberta were extended to leading American educators to eXpeund upon the new ideas. Summer schools designed to familiarize Alberta teachers with the changes were highlighted by teach- ers from American institutions. The open identification with the Progressive Education Association, resulting in visits from the executive of the Association to Alberta conventions, was the most apparent connection between the two movements. Prominent Alberta educators affiliated with the Progressive Education Association and ordered subs- criptions to the journal of the Association. The impact 'of the American movement on that of.Alberta is not to be denied. In a number of respects the latter movement was but an extension Of the former. Another sub—problem described earlier was con- cerned with the determination of the degree Of agreeement which existed within Alberta on the nature and meaning of - 175 - progressive education. As LaZerte noted, there were at least three streams of thought apparent within the Alberta movement. These apparently did not exist in comparable proportions among their counterparts in the United States. Such a statement does, however, recognize the diversity within the movement in Alberta. This diversity is further substantiated by examining the varying points Of emphasis among the Alberta proponents of progressive education. Regardless of the variety of emphases there was sufficient similarity among the Alberta group to establish a common. base for action. There was agreement as to the inadequacy of the contemporary educational provisions. Reliance upon- the new psychology-and disapproval Of the Old subject matter emphasis made a common action possible as well. There was also a basis for commonality in the desire to establish something unique in Alberta. This seemed to be a widespread goal, not restricted to any one element in the movement. The claims of those establishing this new program answer positively the question as to whether or not the adoption Of progressive education in Alberta was a calcu- lated or critical move rather thaneawholesale, unexamined adoption of contemporary American thought and practice. The Albertans were very anxious to avoid the pitfalls which were being pointed out in the literature about the American brand of progressive education. There is reason to doubt their success in arriving at something distinctive, but - 176 - this matter does not fall within the purview of this thesis. The third and last sub-problem which constituted a part Of this study sought indication as to whether or not the acceptance of progressive education was accompanied by an acceptance of the experimental or pragmatic philosophy. Very little mention of this philosophical stance was found. Dr. H. Smith in the deliberations of the Edmonton Education Society noted that Alberta's philosophy after 1936 was es- sentially pragmatic. Despite this claim it would appear that the changes of 1936 were pictured by most to be only changes in methodology and curriculum. The people brought in to teach summer schools were practitioners.- Courses Of- fered did not deal with the pragmatic philOSOphy. There was no outward reaction from the Roman Catholic population to these changes. The many people in prominent government and educational positions, who had pronounced religious be- liefs, made no attempt to challenge the new program on the ground of it being associated with pragmatism. Therefore we can conclude that prOgressiVe education in Alberta did not carry with it the recOmmendation of the pragmatic philosophy. While this writer in this study has focused on a member of more prominent factors contributing to this educational change, there is a need to acknowledge that, as well, there were undoubtedly a member of fortuitous circumstances that helped prOduce the change. - 177 - II. Recommendations A number Of areas for further study are sugges- ted as a result Of the investigations and findings Of this study. These include the following: 1. There is a need for a study of the demise of progressive education in Alberta. This study has attempted to examine progressive education in Alberta to the point where it was fairly well established. Those forces associated with the decline Of progres- sive education need examination. Such a study would Offer a complete picture, in sequel with this thesis, of the progressive education movement in Alberta. 2. There is a place for a study of the wider acceptance Of progressive education throughout the other provinces Of Canada. Most Of the revisions associated with the new ideas were made between 1929 and 1939. The forces instrumental in that more wide- spread adoption need to be presented and analyzed. 3. There is a need for a study of this 1936 curriculum change as a model for curriculum innovation. The factors which facilitated and rendered the initial and lasting acceptance of this approach could be valu- able tO others considering methods of introducing and realizing change. 4. 'There is a need for a study of the American influence on Canadian education. This could be looked - 178 - at to ascertain ways in which the influence has been spread or to determine the nature and extent of the influence. APPENDIX BOOKS RECOMMENDED FOR USE IN BUILDING AN UNDERSTANDING OF THE ACTIVITY PROGRAM 1. List of Sources Found in: A) THE PROGRAMME OF STUDIES FOR THE ELEMENTARY §§HOOL 'GRADES I r'VI (1936) l. The Activities Curriculum in the Primary Grades; Stevens - D. C. Heath & CO. 2. Papil Activities in the Elementary Grades; Minor - Lippincott Co. 3. What is the Activity Plan of Progressive Education?; S. E. Burr - C. A. Gregory Co., Cificinnati. 4. A Teacher's Guide Book to the Activipy Programme; Lane - Macmillan CO. 5. Units of Work: Indian Life andgthe Dutch Colonial Settlement; Kellor and Sweet - Bureau of Publica- tions, Teachers College, Columbia University, New York. 6. Willingly to School; Staff of the Fox Meadow School - Round Table Press, New York. 7. The Transipional Public School; Mead and Orth - Macmillan CO. 8. EducativeIExperiences Brought py Activity Units; Clouser, Robinson and Neely - Lyons & Carnahan, Chicago. 9. The Social Studies in the Primary Grades; Storm - Lyons & Carnahan, Chicago. 10. A First Grade at Work - A Non-Reading Curriculum; Wright - Bureau of Publications; Teachers College Columbia University, New York. 11. Activities in the Public School; Gustin and Hayes - University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, N. C. 12. The Initiation of an Activity Programme into a Public School; Adams - Bureau Of Publications, Teachers College, Columbia University, New York. - 18o - 13. The Child-Centered School; Rugg and Shumaker World Book CO. 14. The Activitngrogramme; A. Gordon Melvin - McClelland & Stewart, Toronto. 15. The Activipy Movement; Hissong - Warwick & York, BaltImore. . 16. New Horizons for the Child; Cobb - Avalon Press, WashIngton, D. C. 17. The School for the Child from Two to Eight; Forest - Genn & Co. 18. The ActivityMoyement; Thirty-third Yearbook, Part II, Of the National Society for the Study of Education - Public School Publishing Co., Bloomington, III. 19. The Activity School; Adolph Ferriere - John Day Co., New York. 20. The Activity School - New Tendaufies in Educational Method’In Western Eurgpe; DemiashkeVIch - A. G. Seilerp. New York. B) THE PROGRAM OF STUDIES FOR THE ELEMENTARY SCHOOL GRADES I ’VI, 1940, p. 3. 'l. pemocraey aad the Curriculum: Tpird Year Book Of the John Dewey Society; Appleton - Century. 2. The Child Centered School; Rugg and Shumaker - World Book CO. I 3. The Activity Program; Melvin - McClelland & Stewart, Toronto. 4. New Horizons for the Child; Cobb - Avalon Press, WashIngton. S. The Activity Movement;Thirty-third Year Book of the National Society for the Study of Education, Part II - Public School Publishing Co., Blooington, III. 6. Remaking the Curriculum; Kilpatrick - Newson & Co., New York. 7. Progressive Education at the Crossroads; Bode - Newson & CO. " 1811 - 8. An Evaluation of the rElementary School; McGaughy - Bobbs Merrill, New York. 9. The Communitnychool; Society for Curriculum Study; D. Appleton-Century, New York. 10. Preface to Teaching; H. W. Simon - Oxford Press. 11. What is the Activitprlan of Prpgressive Education; Burr - C. A. Gregory Co., Cincinnati. 12. A Teacher's Guidebook to the Activitnyrggramme; Lane - Machllan. l3. Teacher's Guidebook to Child Development (Two volumes - Primary and Intermediate); State Dept. of Education, Calif. 14. Creative Expression; Progressive Education Associa- tion - John Day, New York. 15. Educative Experiences Through Activity Units; Clouser, Robinson, and Neely - Lyons and Carnahan, Chicago. 16. Activities in the Public Schopl; Gustin and Hayes - UniversIty of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, N.C. C) THE COLUMN IN THE A.T.A. MAGAZINE ENTITLED, "OUR TEACHERS' HELPS DEPARTMENT" l. The-Activity Movement; Hissong. 2. The Transitional Public School; Mead and Orth. 3. Progressive Education; January, 1936. 4. A Primary Teacher Steps Out; Kallen. 5. The ActivityProgram; Melvin. 2. The following list was provided by Dr. W. D. McDougall. The books listed are those which he felt were most significant in the study of the "new education". 1. Counts, G. S., Dare the Schools Build a New Social Qrder? The Social Foundations of Education 2. Dewey, John, Democracy and Education - 182 - Lane, H., A Teacher Guidebgok to the Activitngrogram The ProgressivédElementary School Melvin, A. G., The Activity Programme Mossman, The Activity Concept N. S. S. E. Yearbook, 1934 Rugg and Shumaker, The Child-Centered School Washburne, C., Adjustingythe School to the Child BIBLIOGRAPHY Public Documents Alberta Government, Department of Education. Department Of Education Curriculum Guidesy 1905-1949. Alberta Governmentp,I Department of Education. Programme of Studies fprthe Intermediate School, (Grades VII, and IX). 1935 revision. Alberta Government, Department of Education. Report of the Department of Education of the Province of_Alberta. I920—194l. Alberta Government, Department of Education. Report of the Legislative Committee on Rural Education. Sessional Paper, 136, 1935. Adberta Government, Department of Education. Rural Education in Alberta. January, 1929. Alberta Government, Department of Education. Rural High Schools in Alberta. August, 1930. Alberta Government, Department of Education. School Divisions in Albertaygl945. 1945. Alberta Government, Department of Education. What is and What Might be in Rural Education in Alberta. 1935. Canadian Government, Dominion Bureau of Statistics. Annual Report on Education Statietics in Canada - 1922. Department of Trade and Commerce. 1924. Canadian Government, Dominion Bureau of Statistics. Annual Survey Of Education in Canada, 1923-1936. Department of Trade and Commerce. Canadian Government, Dominion Bureau of Statistics. Elemen- tary and Secongary Education in Canada, 1936—1940. -Department Of Trade and Commerce. Canadian Government, Dominion Bureau of Statistics. Statis tical Report on Education in Canada, 1921. Department of Trade and Commerce. 1923. Books Britnell, G. E. The Wheat Economy. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1939. Burnet, Jean. Next Year Country. Toronto: University Of Toronto Press, 1951. - 184 - Campbell, H. L. Curriculum Trends in Canadian-Education - Quance Lecture in Canadian Education. Toronto: W. J. Gage and Company Ltd., 1952. Card, B. Y. The Canadian Prairie Provinces from 1870 to 1950. Toronto: J. M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1960. Chalmers, John, W. Sehoolsef the Foothills Province. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1967. Clark, S. D. The Developing Canadian Community. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1962. Collings, Ellsworth. An Experiment With A Project Curriculum. New York: The MacMillan Company, 1929. " . Coutts, H. T. and Walker, B. E. G. Fred. Don Mills, Ontario: J. M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1964. Cremin, Lawrence, A. The Transformation of the School. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1961. Dickie, Donalda. The Enterprise in Theory and Practice. Toronto: W. J. Gage, 1941. Fletcher, B. A. The Next Step in Canadian Education --An Account Of the Larger Unit of School Administration. Studies Of the Institute of Public Affairs at Dalhousie University. Toronto: The MacMillan Company, 1939. Hopkins, J. Castell. The Canadian Annual Review of-Public Affairs, 1928-l936. Toronto: ‘Annual ReView Publishing CO.S’ Irving, John, A. The Socialygredit Mevement in Alberta. Torento: University of Toronto Press, 1959. Kandel, I. L. (ed.). Educational Yearbook of-the International Institute of Teachers CollegeL 1936. New YorkCity: Bureau of Publications, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1936. Katz, Joseph. Elementary Education in Canada. Toronto: McGraw and Hill, 1961. MacKintosh, W. A. and Joerg, W. L. G. (ed.). Canadian Frontiers of Settlement. 9 volumes. MacPherson, C. B. Democracy in Alberta - Social Credit and the Party System. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1953. - 185 Mann, W. E. Sect Culpy and Church in Alberta. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1955. Morton, W. L. The Progressive Party in Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1950. Mossman, Lois, C. The Activity Concept. New York: The MacMillan Company, 1940. McHenry, Dean, E. The Third Force in Canada. The Cooperative Commonwealth Federation, 1932-48. Toronto: Oxford~ University Press, 1950. Neatby, Hilda. So Little for the Mind. Toronto: Clarke, Irwin and Company Ltd., 1953. Phillips, Charles, E. The Developmentrof Education in Canada. Toronto: W. J. Gage and Company Ltd.,.l957. Rugg, H. and Shumaker, A. (The Lincoln School of Teachers College). The Child-Centered School. World Book Company: Yankue—on-Hudson, 1928. Sharp, Paul, F. The Agrarian Revolt in Western Canada. Minneapolis: University Of Minnesota Press, 1948. The Activity Movement. The Thirty-Third Yearbook of the National Society for the Study of Education. ParthI, Bloomington, Illinois: Public School Publishing Company, 1934. I Washburne, C. and Stearns, M. M. Better Schools :yA Survey of Progressive Education in American Public Schools. New York: The John Day Company, 1928. Articles and Periodicals Aberhart, Honorable William. "Address at Alberta Educational Federation Convention." A. T. A. Magazine, pp. 26-28, May, 1936.. Aberhart, Honorable William. "Address at School Trustee's Association."< Alberta School Trustee, pp. 16-24, March, 1936. Alberta Teachers' Association-Magazine. Edmonton: Alberta Teachers' Association, Volumes I to XIX, 1920-1939. - 186 - Dickie, Donalda. "New Lamp for Old." Alberta School Trustee, pp. 13-15, December, 1939. Dickie, Donalda. "Education via the Enterprise." The SOhool, pp. 3—6, September, 1940. Dickie, Donalda. "Enterprise Education in Alberta." Under- standingythe Child, pp. 7-11, April, 1940. Kilpatrick, W. H. "The Essentials of the Activity Movement." October, 1934. "The Social Philosophy of Progressive Education." May,.l935. "Progressive Education: Its Philosophy and Challenge." May, 1941. Reprints from Progressive Education. Lavell, W. Stewart. "New Theories at Work in Canadian Schools." Queen's Quarterly, pp. 312,-319, Autumn, 1939. Lazerte, M. E. "The Enterprise Program in the Schools of Alberta." Social Progress, pp. 15-16, September, 1936. Lazerte, M. E. "The Enterprise Program - Its Validity." Alberta Teachers' Association Magazine, pp. 28-29, May, 1936. Lazerte, M. E. "Then and Now in Education in Alberta." Social Progress, pp. 7-8, November, 1940. Macdonald, J. "The Social Ideas of Canadian EducatOrso" Comparative Education Review, February, 1965. McFarlane, A. S. "The Idea in Education." Educational Review, p. 6, February, 1935. Milner, S. S. "Enterprise Education in Alberta." Saskatchewan Teachers' Federation Bulletin, pp. 11-17, September,. Minkler, Frederick. "The Progressive Education Conferences at Hamilton and Windsor." Secondary School: Toronto, pp. 378-383, January, 1939. Neelin, T..A. "The New Curriculum." Manitoba School Journal, p. 4, June, 1939. Newland, H. C. "Alberta's New Program for the Elementary School." Report of.Proceedings of Seventeenth Convention of Canadian Education Association, pp. 67-69. Papanek, Ernst. "W. H. Kilpatrick's International Influence." Progressive Education, 34, 54—57, March, 1957. - 187 - Riddell, R. A. "The New Curriculum in Ontario." Canadian Welfare Summary, pp. 82—83,~November, 1938. Sandiford, Peter. "Curriculum Revision in Canada." The School, pp. 472-77, February, 1938. Smith, H. E. "The New Education in Alberta." Elementary School, pp. 187-191, November, 1940. Stothers, J. C. "The Activity Programme in the New Education." School Progress, pp. 9-10, November, 1935.- Unpublished Materials Aoki, T. "The Development of the Lethbridge School District NO. 51-to 1960." Unpublished Master of Education thesis, University of Alberta, 1963. Byrne, T. C. "The Historical DevelOpment and Evaluation of Provincial Leadership in the field Of High School Ins- truction for Province Of Alberta." University Of Michigan. (microfilm). Chiste, A. "The Development Of the Elementary Social Studies Program in Alberta." Unpublished Master of Education thesis, University of Alberta, 1963. Corfield, V. K.- "An Analysis of the Social Characteristics Associated With University Attendance in.the Province Of Alberta, 1921-61." Unpublished Master of Arts thesis, University of Alberta, 1963. Dickie, Donalda and Fisher, Olive, M. "Some Events Leading to the Re-organization of the Curriculum of the Depart- ment Of Education of.the Province Of Alberta in 1933." Edmonton:. Faculty of Education, University of Alberta, 1961. (Mimeographed). 4 pp. Embree, David, G. "The Beginning and Growth of the Instruc- tion in the Social Studies Provided by the Schools of Alberta." Unpublished Master of Education thesis, University of Alberta, 1943. Facey, Frederick, B. "The Smaller School Plant in Relation- tO Modern Education in Alberta." Unpublished Master of Arts thesis, University of Alberta, 1943. Figur, Berthold. "An Historical Survey of Certain Concepts Basic to Progressive Education with Particular Attention - 188 - to the Alberta Scene." Unpublished Master of Education thesis, University of Alberta, 1950. Goresky,-Isidore "The Beginning and Growth Of the Alberta School System." Unpublished Master of Education thesis, University Of Alberta, 1944. Heywood, Alonzo, J. "A Study of the High School Population in Drumheller, Garneau, Strathcona and Victoria High Schools Entering Grade IX in Period of 1922 to 1926." Unpublished Master of Arts thesis, University Of Alberta, 1935. Hodgson, Ernest, D. "The Nature-and Purposes of the Public School in the North west Territories (1885-1905) and Alberta (1905-1963)." Unpublished Doctor of PhilOSOphy thesis, University of Alberta, 1964. Hurt, Everett, F. "Bases of Rural Community Education." Unpublished Master of Arts thesis, University of Alberta, 1937. Hurt, Everett, F. "Sociological Background of Modern Elementary Education in Canada." Unpublished Master of Education thesis, University Of Alberta, 1943. Huston, Mary-Louise. "The Rise of the Social Credit in Alberta 1935-1942." Unpublished Master Of Arts thesis, Univer- sity of Alberta, 1959 James, Edward, L. "An Historical Survey Of Education in the Strathcona Area of Alberta, 1900-1958." Unpublished Master of Education, University of Alberta, 1963. Jonason,-J. "A Survey Of School Grounds, School Plant and Teacherage Conditions in Eighty Schools Situated in Central and Northern Alberta." Unpublished Master of Arts thesis, University of Alberta, 1940. Mann, George.. "Alberta Normal Schools, 1905-1945." Unpublished Master of Education thesis, University Of Alberta, 1961. McCall, Ralph, L. "A History Of the Rural High School in Alberta." Unpublished Master of Education thesis, Univeristy of Alberta, 1956. McDougall, William Dewar. "An Evaluation of Pupil Progress in the Skill Subjects in Enterprise and Conventional Schools." Unpublished Master's thesis, University Of Alberta, 1939. - 189 - "Proceedings of the Education Society of Edmonton", NO. 1-4. October 17, 1931 to April 24, 1944. Sheane,-George, Kennedy. "The History and Development of the Curriculum of the Elementary School in Alberta." Unpublished Doctor Of Paedogogy thesis,.University of Toronto, 1948. Simon, Frank. "History of the Alberta Provincial Institute of Technology and Art." 'Unpublished Master Of Education thesis, University Of-Alberta, Calgary, October, 1962. Sparby, H. T. "A History of the Alberta School System 1925." Unpublished Doctor of Philosophy dissertation, Leland Stanford University, March 1958. Stansell, S. S. "The Rise Of Elementary Education.in Alberta." Unpublished Master of Arts thesis, Leland Stanford: University, 1934. . Sugden, Thomas, C. "The Consolidated School Movement in Alberta, 1913-1963.” vUnpublished Master of Education thesis, University Of Alberta, 1964. Uhlman, Harold, J. ”A Study Of the Impact Of Demographic and Economic Changes in Rural Alberta on the Financing of Education."- Unpublished Doctor of Philosophy Dis- sertation, University Of Alberta, 1959. Walker, B. E. "Public Secondary Education in Alberta: Organization and Curriculum 1889-1951." Unpublished Doctor Of Philosophy dissertation, Leland Stanford. University, 1955.