MW hm , , MM. a ;mw m V ‘ L m Myer: _.L_ cm ._._. a . W N .W WR . 07 A 13mm M F S C. N‘m g .nlu N. A ..U % _ LIBRARY ' Michigan State University A€<;y/ [I A Ga II‘\ I": \ \¢/. "UNION DEMOCRACY", A LIMITED REPLICATION: THE CASE OF AN ARGENTINIAN PRINTING UNION BY JORGE RAUL JORRAT THE PRESENT COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS IS A LIMITED REPLICATION OF THE WELL-KNOWN STUDY 9v LIPSET, TROW, AND COLEMAN, "UNION DEMOCRACY". IT WAS CARRIED OUT IN AN ARGENTINIAN PRINTING UNION ~THE UNI6N OBRERA GRAFICA CORDOBESA (UQQQ). THIS LOCAL GROUPS PRINTERS FROM THE CITY OF CORDOBA, ONE OF THE SECOND LARGEST IN ARGENTINA. THE RESEARCH CENTERED ON THOSE FACTORS ASSOCIATED WITH THE PRESENCE OF DIFFERENT ORGANIZATIONAL FORMS IN EACH UNION. IF THE INTERNATIONAL TYPOGRAPHICAL UNION (ITU) WAS CHARACTERIZED ~GIVEN ITS TWO-PARTY SYSTEM— AS A DEMOCRATIC TYPE OF ORGANIZATION, THE UOGC MIGHT BE SEEN -GIVEN THAT ONE-GOVERNING GROUP HAS PERMANENTLY CONTROLLED THE UNION- AS AN OLIGARCHIC ONE. FOLLOWING UNION DEMOCRACY'S-ANALYSIS, THE SPECIFIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE OCCUPATION, THE STRUCTURE OF THE UNION, AND THE ECONOMICS OF THE INDUSTRY WERE CONSIDERED THE MAIN FACTORS RELATED WITH THE DIFFERENT POLITICAL - I - JORGE RAJL JORRAT SYSTEMS OF THE ITU AND THE UOGC. WITH RESPECT To THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE OCCUPATION, IN BOTH CASES AN OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY WAS SINGLED OUT, SHOWING A FORMAL AND INFORMAL CHARACTER IN THE ITU, ONLY AN INFORMAL ONE IN THE UOGC. EVENTHOUGH RELATIONSHIPS WERE GENERALLY WEAKER AMONG CORDOBA PRINTERS, SOCIAL RELATIONS IN THE COMMUNITY FURTHERED UNION POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT IN BOTH ORGANIZATIONS. HOWEVER, WHILE IN THE ITU THE SECONDARY ORGANIZATIONS OF PRINTERS WORKED COUNTER THE STRUCTURAL MECHANISMS ASSOCIATED WITH THE PRESENCE OF OLIGARCHIC PATTERNS, IN THE UOGC IT WOUO SEEM THEY DID NOT PREVENT THE DEVELOPMENT OF OLIGARCHIC TENDENCIES. ANOTHER FACTOR LINKED TO THE TYPE OF POLITICAL SYSTEM IN EACH UNION WAS THE STRUCTURE OF PRINTING INDUSTRY, PARTICULARLY THE DIVISION OF LABOR AND THE DEGREE OF CONCENTRATION OF OWNERSHIP IN THE INDUSTRY. WITH RESPECT TO THE DIVISION OF LABOR, SIMILAR INCOME AND STATUS, AND ABSENCE OF SKILL DIFFERENCES, WERE FEATURES OF THE TRADE IN NEW YORK AND CORDOBA. IN THIS SENSE, BOTH UNIONS WERE CHARACTERIZED AS "COMMUNITY OF EQUALs". ON THE OTHER HAND, ABSENCE OF TECHNOLOGICAL RATIONALIZATION AND CONCENTRATION OF OWNERSHIP WAS ALSO A COMMON FEATURE To BOTH INDUSTRIES. HOWEVER, IN THE ITU THE PRESENCE OF A UNION UNIT -THE JORGE RAUL JORRAT CHAPEL-, WHOSE OFFICERS WERE REPRESENTATIVES OF DIFFERENT SHOPS, PROVIDED SOURCES OF POWER INDEPENDENT FROM THE ADMINISTRATION, WHILE THAT WAS NOT THE CASE IN THE UOGC. MOVING FROM THE STRUCTURE OF THE INDUSTRY TO THE ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF THE UNION, IT WAS FOUND THE SAME DIFFERENCE: EVEN WHEN THE REQUIREMENTS OF MATERIAL SECURITY AND SECURITY OF STATUS WERE PRESENT IN THE ITU AND THE UOGC, THE FORMER WAS CHARACTERIZED BY THE PRESENCE OF A LARGE NUMBER OF AUTONOMOUS UNION POSTS, WHILE SUCH WAS NOT THE CASE OF THE LATTER. As A RESULT, IT WAS CONCLUDED THAT POWER IN THE UOGC WAS BASICALLY DETERMINED BY POSITION IN THE ADMINISTRATIVE HIERARCHY, WHILE INDEPENDENT SOURCES OF POWER WERE SINGLED OUT IN THE ITU. IN SPITE OF THESE DIFFERENCES, IT WAS OBSERVED THAT IN THE UOGC THE STATUS SECURITY OF A POTENTIAL OPPOSITION WAS DIFFICULT TO BE THREATENED. AT THE END OF THE ANALYSIS, IT WAS ASKED TO WHAT EXTENT THE UOGC'S ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM, WHERE COMPETING INTERNAL CURRENTS ~WITHIN THE GOVERNNING GROUP- REPLACED THE ITU'S TWO-PARTY SYSTEM, SHOULD BE CONSIDERED AN OLIGARCHIC TYPE OF ORGANIZATION. IT WAS FINALLY CONCLUDED THAT IF IT IS NOT THE FORMAL NATURE OF A TWO-PARTY SYSTEM WHAT CHARACTERIZES UNION DEMOCRACY, BUT THE PRESENCE OF JORGE RAUL JORRAT COMPETING DIFFERENTIATED POLITICAL-IDEOLOGICAL GROUPS SHOWING CERTAIN DEGREE OF PERMANENCY, THEN LIPSET ET.AL. APPROACH SHOULD BE REFORMULATED IN ORDER TO ALLOW COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF SYSTEMATIC THEORY. "UNION DEMOCRACY", A LIMITED REPLICATION: THE CASE OF AN ARGENTINIAN PRINTING UNION BY JORGE RAOL JORRAT A THESIS SUBMITTED TO MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF PHILOSOPHY DOCTOR DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY 197“ ACKNOWLEDGMENTS SINCE THIS RESEARCH BEGAN, AROUND JULY 1968, TWO INSTITUTIONS ALLOWED ME TO CARRY OUT THE FIELD-WORK WHILE I WAS TEACHING THERE: THE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY, AT THE NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF CORDOBA, AND THE DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS, AT THE NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF TUCUMKN, BOTH IN ARGENTINA. LATTER ON, THE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY AT MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY, SUPPORTED ME WITH A TEACHING ASSISTANTSHIP TO CONTINUE MY STUDIES AND THE ANALYSIS AND WRITING OF THE DISSERTATION. To ALL OF THEM I AM DEEPLY GRATEFUL. I AM PARTICULARLY INDEBTED TO PHILIP MARCUS, MY THESIS DIRECTOR, AND TO WILLIAM FORM, MY FIRST ADVISER AT MSU, BECAUSE OF THEIR INVALUABLE GUIDANCE AS TEACHERS AND THEIR PATENCY AS FRIENDS. ALSO, I WANT To THANKS ALL THE SUGGESTIONS I RECEIVED FROM THE OTHER MEMBERS OF MY COMMITTEE: VINCENT SALVO, JAMES MCKEE, AND HARRY PERLSTADT. TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 00000000000000000000000000000000000 ll LIST OF TABLES 0000000000000000000000000000000000. V|" SECT‘ON I - INTRODUCTION AND H'STORY 000.000.0000. 1 CHAPTER I DEMOCRACY AND OLIGARCHY IN TRADE UNIONS ........ 3 1.1 DEMOCRACY OR OLIGARCHY IN THE UOGC? ........ 8 CHAPTER 2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE UOGC .............. 11 2.1 INTERNAL CONFLICTS IN THE FATI AND THE UOGC. 23 SECTION II - METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS ....... 26 CHAPTER 3 REASONS FOR REPLICATION ........................ 26 3.1 RESEARCH POPULATION ........................ 28 3.2 PROBLEMS OF QUESTIONNAIRE TRANSLATION ...... 30 3.3 CONSTRUCTION OF INDICES .................... 31 3.3.1 INDEX OF PARTICIPATIONS (OR ACTIVITY) IN'UNION POL'T.CS 00000000000000000000 31 3.3.2 SOCIAL RELATIONS INDEX ............... 32 3.3.3 INDEX OF IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY -OR INDEX OF NON-ACCEPTANCE OF PREVAILING SOCIAL STRUCTURES 00000000000000000000 33 3.3.# INDEX OF PARTICIPATION IN PRINTERS' SOCIAL ACTIVITIES (WITHIN THE UNION) . 34 . . . . V . . ‘ 7 '1 v . . A . r '1 . . _ . _ L ‘7 ‘E\ n ’ ' v I t v 0 r_ _, , l P ‘ r ‘ ‘ ‘ ' 0 1 . . _ . . - . 1 a I- v r . . | . - V . . ‘ n ' ' " T I- I. A . . . I \ O I . ~ . . ' ‘ ‘ TABLE OF CONTENTS.- CONTINUED SECTION III - THE SOCIAL SETTING OF TRADE-UNION DEMOCRACY 0000000.00000000000000000 INTRODUCT'ON ......OOOOOOQOCOOC......COCOOOOOOOOO CHAPTER 4 SECONDARY ORGANIZATION AND TRADE—UNION DEMOCRACY 00.0.0......O......OOOOOCOOOOOOOOCOOO 4.1 THE MASS SOC'ETY oCO...IOOOOIIOOOOOOOOOOOOO CHAPTER 5 THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY AND THE POLITICAL SYSTEM ........................................ INTRODUCTION .................................... 5.1 THE SHORT-TERM PROCESS .................... 5.2 THE LONG-RANGE PROCESS .................... 5.3 THE ROLE OF IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY (OR NON—ACCEPTANCE OF PREVAILING SOCIAL STRUCTURES) ............................... CHAPTER 6 DETERMINANTS OF THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY: I . INTRODUCTION .................................... 6.1 THE INTERNAL ANALYSIS APPROACH ............ 6.2 THE STATUS OF PRINTING .................... 5-3 THE PREFERENCES OF PRINTERS ............... 6.h THE OPPORTUNITIES OF PRINTERS ............. 6.5 THE MARGINAL—STATUS HYPOTHESIS RESTATED ... 6.6 IDENTIFICATION WITH PRINTING .............. CHAPTER 7 DETERMINANTS OF THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY: II. IV PAGE 35 35 36 A2 ”5 45 47 49 55 77 77 78 80 85 94 100 104 11# 44.1 TABLE OF CONTENTS.- CONTINUED INTRODUCTION 0.00.00000.........OOOOOOOOCOOOOOOOO. 7.1 EDUCATION, MECHANIZATION, AND THE DECLINE OF THE PRINTERS. COMMUNITY 00000000000000.0000. 7.2 THE SUBSTITUTE SYSTEM ...................... 7.3 NIGHT WORK do00000000000000.000000900900000o 7.4 CONCLUSIONS oooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooo CHAPTER 8 THE STRUCTURE OF THE PRINTING INDUSTRY AND DEMOCRATIC POLITICS ......‘OOCOCCO............O. INTRODUCTION 0.0.000...0.0.0.000.........OOOOOOOOO 8.1 ORGANIZATIONAL FACTORS ..................... 8.2 THE DIVISION OF LABOR ...................... 8.3 ORGANIZATION OF THE INDUSTRY AND THE ROLE OF THE CHAPEL ................................. 8.h THE RELEVANCE or SHOP SIZE ................. 8.5 SHOP SIZE AND WORKER-MANAGEMENT RELATIONS .. 8.6 ON-THE-JOB'SOCIAL RELATIONS ................ 8.7 THE POLITICAL RELEVANCE OF ON-THE-JOB SOCIAL RELAT'ONS ...............OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO... 8.8 SIZE OF SHOP AND INVOLVEMENT IN UNION POLITICS: A CURVILINEAR RELATIONSHIP ....... SECTION IV - UNION POLITICS IN OPERATION: LEADERSHIP AND THE PROBLEM OF OPPOS'T'ON ......OOCOOOOOOOOOOO....00 INTRODUCTION OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO. CHAPTER 9 LEADERSHIP IN THE UOGC AND THE ITU I: REQUIREINIENTS OF THE SYSTEIVI oooooooooooooooooo V PAGE 114 115 117 119 129 132 132 134 135 137 .140 1&2 152 159 163 169 .169 170 TABLES OF CONTENTS.- CONTINUED 9.1 FACTORS AFFECTING THE NUMBER OF POTENTIAL UNION ACTIVISTS DIOIOOICOOOOOOOOO0.0.00.000.- 9.2 REQUIREMENTS FOR THE RECRUITMENT OF ACTIVISTs TO OPPOSITION GROUPS coo-o'cooooc-ooooooooooo 9.2.1 MATERIAL SECURITY OIOOOOOOOOOIOOOOOO... 9.2.2 SECURITY OF STATUS .................... CHAPTER 10 LEADERSHIP IN THE UOGC AND THE ITU II: THE SYSTEM AT WORK OI.........OOOOOOOOOOCI... INTRODUCTION OOOOOOOOOOODOO0.00COOOOOOOOOOOOOOOQOOO 10.1 CHANNELS OF LEADERSHIP RECRUITMENT ......... 10.2 THE PROCESS OF COOPTATION IN THE UOGC ...... CHAPTER 11 THE NORMATIVE CLIMATE 0F UNION POLITICS: LEGITIMACY OF THE POLITICAL-ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEMS IN THE UOGC AND THE ITU ...OIOOQOOIOOIOOO INTRODUCTION OO....O......OOCCOOOOCCOOOCC.........O 11.1 LEGITIMACY OF OPPOSITION: FACTION AND PARTIES .................................... 11.2 THE CULT OF UNITY .......................... 11.3 FROM FACTION To PARTY ...................... 11.4 WHAT PARTY LEADERS THINK OF THE PARTY SYSTEM 11.5 ARE LEGITIMACY NORMS INDEPENDENT OF THE STRUCTURAL BASE? ooooocoooooooaooooo¢ooooooo 11.6 THE LEGITIMACY OF OPPOSITION AND UNION LAw . 11.? INTERNAL CURRENTS IN THE "LISTA ROSA" ...... 11.8 LEADERS AND MEMBERS ORIENTATIONS TOWARDS THE UOGC'S "ONE-LIST" SYSTEM ................... PAGE 171 175 176 177 183 183 183 185 188 188 190 190 191 194 195 196 197 200 c I < . . n ‘ a ‘ n . . 1 a , . I II . ~ i . l \ . ~ 1 a . I . . a . ' ' ’ “ ' I ' A. 1 , . I ' . , o . E . . _ ' ‘ h ‘ '1 1 I o . . A 1 r1 ', O I r . ‘ ‘ ‘ ‘ 1 ' . ‘ J . . . v v \ 1 . ‘ 1 , _ ‘ ‘ , . , v V I I . ~ V r 1' l ' I A I . ’ ’ I . r ‘ 1 . I ‘ . ‘ L a I i ' ' ‘ V ' 'l I 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS.- CONTINUED 11.9 THE LEGITIMACY OF LEADERSHIP AND POLITICAL CONVERGENCE IN THE UOGC .................... 11.10 OPPOSITION AND UNION LAw IN THE UOGC ...... SECTION v - CONCLUSIONS ........................... CHAPTER 12 A FINAL OVERVIEW ................................ 12.1 HISTORICAL ANALYSIS ........................ 12.2 CONCLUSIONS O00.00..........OOOOOOOOOOOOO... NOTES 0............OOOOOCOOOOOO0.00.000000000000000 BIBLIOGRAPHY ......OOOOOOO........OOOOOCOOOOOOOCOOO VII PAGE 202 206 207 207 220 222 226 236 TABLE 9. 10. II. LIST OF TABLES RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN INFORMAL SOCIAL RELATIONS WITH OTHER PRINTERS AND INTEREST IN UNION POL'T'CS 00............OOOOOO...0.0.0.000...... RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN INFORMAL SOCIAL RELATIONS WITH OTHER PRINTERS AND ATTENDANCE AT UNION MEET'NGS ......OOOOOOOOOOO......OOOOOOOOOOOOOO. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN INFORMAL SOCIAL RELATIONS WITH OTHER PRINTERS AND TALKING ABOUT UNION POL'T'CS 0.0.0.0........OOOOOOOOOQO0.0.00.00... RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN AGE AND BEING HIGH IN SOC'AL RELAT'ONS 0000000000000000000000000...00 RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN AGE AND BEING ACTIVE IN POLITICS .....OOOCOOOOOOOOOO......OOOOOOOOOOOO. PLACES WHERE UOGC'S MEMBERS MORE PROBABLY MEET. 6.1 FORMAL AND INFORMAL SOCIAL ACTIVITIES AMONG UOGC'S MEMBERS O..0.........OOOOOOOOOOOOOOO RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY AND INTEREST AND ACTIVITY IN UNION POLITICS ... RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY AND BEING HIGH (1, 2) ON SOCIAL RELATIONS ..... EFFECT OF IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PARTICIPATION IN INFORMAL SOCIAL RELATIONS WITH OTHER PRINTERS AND PARTICIPATION IN UNION POLITICS ............... RELATIONSHIP OF CLUB To PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS AMONG THE THREE IDEOLOGICAL GROUPS ... RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY AND TALKING UNION POLITICS .................... VIII PAGE 39 40 41 so 51 52 52 57 58 60 62 63 1 a a . Q \ ‘ a ‘ s . . ' ~ - r - ‘ o I v . ‘ . . . - ' l v ‘ In ., . . < a ' ' ' - O . . c . , LIST OF TABLES.- CONTINUED TABLE 12. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY AND KNOWING UNION POLITICS OF PRINTERS FRIEND .. 13. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY AND KNOWING NAMES OF THREE OFFICIALS IN UOGC'S ADMINISTRATION 0.000...OOOCOOOOOOOODOOOOOOOIOOQ 1h. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PARTICIPATION IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY AND POLITICAL INTEREST, AND ACTIVITY, FOR MEN HIGH IN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY OOOOOOOOOOOOOOCOOOOOQOI 14.1 RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PARTICIPATION IN INFORMAL AND FORMAL OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY AND POLITICAL INTEREST, AND ACTIVITY, FOR MEN LAW IN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY ....... 15. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN LIBERALISM -CONSERVATISM (ON THE SCALE OF IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY) AND SELF— IDENTIFICATION WITH THE MIDDLE CLASS, AMONG UOGC'S MEMBERS OOOIOOOOOIIOOIIOOOOOOOOIOO 15.1 RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN LIBERALISM- CONSERVATISM (ON THE SCALE OF IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY) "CLASS SOLIDARITY" WITH RESPECT To STRIKES, AMONG UOGC'S MEMBERS. 16. PROPORTION OF PRINTERS WITH VARYING FRIENDSHIP PATTERNS WHO PREFER To SPEND THEIR FREE TIME WITH NONPRINTERS IOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCCOOOIC.0... 16.100....II.0.0000000000COOOOOO0.00.00...... 16.2 OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCOI.....OOOOIOOOOOOOCOO 1603 00.00.000..OOOOOIIOOOOOUOOOOOO0.0.00.0... 17. PROPORTION OF PRINTERS WITH VARYING FRIENDSHIP PATTERNS WHO Do NOT TAKE PART IN THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY coo-00000000000030.0000 17.10.000000000000000.......COOOOOUOOIOOCOOOO 17.2 O......OCUCCO.........O...’..O......O.... IX PAGE 6h 66 7O 71 72 72 86 86 87 88 89 89 90 . . I a . u . r . c . . o . . . n a . u u . . .. I a I . u r I 1 I . . .y. . . r u n V v . a . . . S S . . A . . . . u . u n n l P t . .- v . l . . . 0 a ‘ A I u l u I . . I l n . . . u 1 . n 1 O r l . n 1 n O . e . V . . . . l .- I I I . - .. LIST OF TABLES.- CONTINUED TABLE PAGE 1703 OI0.00....0......CIOIOIOIOOOOOCOOOIOOOOOO 91 18. FAMILY BACKGROUNDS OF PRINTERS IN THE ITU AND 6 9 THE UOGC 0......IO.......OOIOOCUCOI00.0.0.0... 19. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN EDUCATION AND VARIOUS CHARACTERISTICS OF PRINTERS - (A) UOGC ....... 96 (B) ITU 00.00.00.000Ooaooooooooooooooooonouooo 97 20. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN FAMILY BACKGROUND OF UOGC'S MEMBERS AND SELF—IDENTIFICATION WITH THE NIIODLE-CLASS 00.0.0000......OOOOCOOOOOOIO. 98 21. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN FAMILY BACKGROUND OF UOGC'S MEMBERS AND HAVING PREDOMINANTLY NONMANUAL (MIDDLE-CLASS) NON-PRINTER FRIENDS AMONG THREE BEST FRIENDS ..................... 99 22. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN FAMILY BACKGROUND OF UOGC'S MEMBERS AND PREFERENCE FOR NONMANUAL (JOBS .....O.........COIOOI.........._OOOO.IIICO 99 23. HOW WELL PRINTERS IN THE UOGC AND THE ITU LIKE THEIR OCCUPATION IO...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOCO 105 2h. OCCUPATIONAL PREFERENCES OF UOGC'S MEMBERS, EITHER IN OR OUTSIDE THE PRINTING TRADE ...... 105 25. WHAT IT IS ABOUT PRINTING THAT PRINTERS IN THE UOGC AND THE ITU LIKE OOQQOOIOOOOOOOOOIOOOOOO. 106 26. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN LIKING PRINTING AND PREFERRING To SPEND LEISURE TIME WITH PRINTERS 107 27. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN LIKING PRINTING AND ACTUALLY SPENDING LEISURE TIME WITH PRINTERS . 108 28. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN LIKING To REMAIN IN PRINTING AND PREFERRING PRINTERS As LEISURE- TIME ASSOCIATES C....00.00.00.000.0.0.0.000... 109 29. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN LIKING TO REMAIN IN PRINTING AND ACTUALLY SPENDING LEISURE-TIME WITH PRINTERS ................................ 109 X . . . .. . . .. . . E . n I A t n e . . u h u . u . I l r .. ~ . I . u . n l . .— . ‘ a . u . . . LIST OF TABLES.~ CONTINUED TABLE 30C 31. 32. 33. 34. 35- 36. 37- 38. 39. PREFERRING TO BE A FOREMAN .................... 40. #1. #2. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ORIENTATION To PRINTING AS AN OCCUPATION AND PROPENSITY To TALK ABOUT PRINTING WITH NONPRINTERS ..................... RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ORIENTATION To PRINTING AS AN OCCUPATION AND PROPENSITY To ASSOCIATE WITH OTHER PRINTERS ooooooooooooooooé00.00.000.00... RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN WORK SHIFT AND INVOLVEMENT IN THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY ................. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PREFERENCE FOR NIGHT OR DAY WORK AMONG NIGHT WORKERS AND INVOLVEMENT IN SOCIAL RELATIoNS WITH OTHER PRINTERS .......... RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN TIME SPENT ON NIGHT SHIFT AND SOCIAL RELATIONS WITH PRINTERS ............ RECRUITMENT OF PARTICIPANTS IN THE UOGC'S SOCIAL ACTIVITIES AND MEMBERS OF NONPRINTERs' CLUBS FROM DAY AND NIGHT SHIFTS ............... EFFECT OF NIGHT WORK ON HOME VISITS ........... PROPORTION OF NEW IN DIFFERENT-SIZED SHOPS WHO HAVE ENGAGED IN SOME UNION POLITICAL ACTIVITY RECENTLY ......OOOOOOOOOOOOOOO......OOOOOOOOOO. PROPORTION OF MEN IN DIFFERENT-SIZED SHOPS SAYING THAT THEY WOULD LIKE TO OWN THEIR OWN SHOP ......OOOOOOOOOO......OOQOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO. PROPORTION OF MEN IN DIFFERENT-SIZED SHOPS RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SHIP SIZE AND ASPIRATIONS FOR WHITE-COLLAR (NONMANUAL) OCCUPATIONS ...... SHOP SIZE, AND FOREMAN-VS.-UNION-OFFICER PREFERENCE AMONG MEN WHO ASPIRE To WHITE~COLLAR OCCUPATIONS 0000-0009000OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0 PROPORTION OF MEN IN LARGE AND SMALL SHOPS WHO ARE ACTIVE IN UNION POLITICS (UNION-MANAGEMENT JOB ASPIRATIONS HELD CONSTANT) ................ xI ‘PAGE 110 112 121 122 123 125 127 141' 1&4 1&5 we ILI7 151 3.41" ..,Yva"*“" ‘ _...~-.I"""~""""" LIG.I.- ~ LI-~ ,..r. l ‘ , ‘n—LI ~0- (ITgII-u 1.... E.-.I~n I~r'-""' "' "" |.;..... .4S-.L .. uu-IuaI .I.‘-..-I .....:.E-.,.. ~ «I. Int-Iv!I-V~LCll.-"°(‘\!“ .- ‘II ‘7'... LIST OF TABLES.- CONTINUED TABLE 43. an. ’45- #6. #7. #8. 49. 50. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SHOP—SIZE AND PLACE OF EMPLOYMENT OF PRINTERS SEEN OFF THE JOB......... h3.1 RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SHOP-SIZE AND PLACE OF EMPLOYMENT OF PRINTERS SEEN OFF THE JOB ... #302 OOOOOCOOIOOOOOOOOOOO.COOOOCIOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO FOR LARGE-SHOP AND SMALL-SHOP MEN: RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POLITICAL ATTITUDES AND HAVING BEST FR'ENDS IN SAME SHOP no...OOOOODOOOUOOIOAOOOOOOO ACCESS To ONE OR BOTH MAJOR INFORMAL ARENAS OF POLITICAL DISCUSSION (OFF THE JOB AND WITHIN THE LARGEST SHOPS, AND PARTICIPATION IN UNION POL'T'CS) 00.......0.........OOCCQOCCOOOOOODOOO. ACCESS TO ONE OR BOTH MAJOR INFORMAL ARENAS OF POLITICAL DISCUSSION. AND INTEREST IN UNION POL‘T'CS 0...........OOQIIOOOO....OQOCCOCUCOCODO RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SIZE OF SHOP AND ACTIVITY 'N UNION POLITICS O...OOOOOODOO0.00.00.00.000... RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SIzE OF SHOP AND INTEREST IN UN'ON POLIT'CS II..00..OOOOOOOOOOOODOOOOOOIIO WHAT Is THE DEGREE OF SOLIDARITY AMONG ARGENTIN'AN WORKERS? 0.0.....OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO WHAT IS THE DEGREE OF SOLIDARITY AMONG CORDOBA‘S PRINTERS?’..-O.......O...‘...OOO.O..QO......O.I. PAGE 15M 155 155 157 161 162 164 165 197 198 "UNION DEMOCRACY", A LIMITED REPLICATION: THE CASE OF AN ARGENTINIAN PRINTING UNION SECTION 1 - INTRODUCTION AND HISTORY THE PURPOSE OF THE PRESENT WORK IS TO REPLICATE, To A CERTAIN EXTENT, UNION DEMOCRACY 1 STUDY IN AN ARGENTINIAN PRINTING UNION: THE UNION OBRERA GRAFICA CORDOBESA ~UOGC, CORDOBA'S LOCAL WITHIN THE FEDERACION ARGENTINA DE TRABA— JADORES DE LA IMPRENTA -FATI. FIVE HUNDRED MILES SOUTHWEST FROM BUENOS AIRES, THE CITY OF CORDOBA WITH A POPULATION OF 800,000 PEOPLE IS THE SECOND LARGEST IN THE COUNTRY, TOGETHER WITH THE CITY OF ROSARIO. A PROCESS OF INDUSTRIAL DEvELOPMENT BEGAN IN THIS CITY FIFTEEN YEARS AGO WITH THE INSTALATION OF Two MAIN AUTOMOBILE PLANTS, FIAT AND KAISER— RENAULT. TOGETHER WITH THE INDUSTRIAL SECTOR, THE SERVICE SECTOR CONSTITUTES ANOTHER IMPORTANT COMPONENT OF CORDOBA'S LABOR FORCE. IN A COUNTRY CHARACTERIZED BY A PREDOMINANT MIDDLE-CLASS, CORDOBA IS NO EXCEPTION. LAWYERS AND DOCTORS HAVE CONSTITUTED THE MAIN PROFESSIONS FOR A LONG TIME (CORDOBA IS KNOWN AS "THE DOCTORAL CITY"), WHILE TECHNICAL STUDIES ~LIKE ENGINEERING, ACCOUNTING, ETC.- HAVE RAPIDLY INCREASED DURING THE LAST FIFTEEN YEARS. ON THE OTHER HAND, TRADITIONAL PATTERNS HAVE REMAINEO FAIRLY STRONG IN THE CITY, WITH ITS COLONIAL STYLE AND THE STILL POWERFULL PRESENCE OF THE CHURCH. IN THIS SENSE, THE SOCIAL SETTING OF CORDOBA PRINTERS COULD BE CONSIDERED A TYPICAL ExAMPLE OF THE COEXISTENCE OF A URBAN, FAIRLY MODERN AND INDUSTRIAL ENVIRONMENT, TOGETHER WITH STRONGLY TRADITIONAL SECTORS. FOR COMPARATIVE PURPOSES, WE WILL TAKE AS A GIVEN THE THEORETICAL CONCEPTUALIZATION PROPOSED BY LIPSET ET.AL. IN THEIR ANALYSIS OF THE INTERNATIONAL TYPOGRAPHICAL UNION .(ITU). AS A GENERAL RULE, AND WHENEVER POSSIBLE, WE WILL TRY TO FOLLOW THEIR RESEARCH STRATEGY, POINTING OUT THE NECCESSARY DIFFERENCES WHICH COULD ARISE AS A RESULT OF THE PECULIARITIES OF THE NEW RESEARCH SETTING. THIS WILL ALLOW US A DETAILED COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS BETWEEN THE ITU AND THE UOGC. HOWEVER, OUR STUDY WILL RISE SOME QUESTIONS WITH RESPECT To LIPSET ET.AL. APPROACH. WE WILL POLNT OUT SOME LIMITATIONS OF THEIR DEFINITION OF OLIGARCHY, AND WE WILL SUGGEST THAT A BROADER CONCEPTION WILL HELP To SPECIFY DIFFERENT STRUCTURAL MECHANISMS ASSOCIATED WITH DETERMINED POLITICAL SYSTEMS IN TRADE-UNIONS. AT THE SAME TIME, WE THINK THIS WIDER PERSPECTIVE WILL THROW SOME LIGHT ON THE LIMITATIONS OF A FORMAL DEFINITION OF DEMOCRACY AS THE STRUGGLES OF A PERMANENT TWO-PARTY SYSTEM. - 3 _ 1. DEMOCRACY AND OLIGARCHY IN TRADE UNIONS THE FACTORS THAT ACCOUNT FOR THE LACK OF DEMOCRACY IN LABOR UNIONS, ACCORDING TO LIPSET, TROW, AND COLEMAN, ARE THE FOLLOWING: (1) "LARGE-SCALE ORGANIZATIONS GIVE UNION OFFICIALS A NEAR 2 MONOPOLY OF POWER", . THREE PROCESSES ARE DISTINGHISHED: (1.A) "UNIONS, LIKE ALL OTHER LARGE-SCALE (1.8) (1.c) (1.0) ORGANIZATIONS, TEND To DEVELOP A BUREAUCRATIC STRUCTURE" 3; "CONTROL OVER THE FORMAL MEANS OF COMMUNICATION WITHIN THE ORGANIZATION IS ALMOST EXCLUSIVELY IN THE HANDS OF I. THE OFFICIALS" ; MOST UNIONS ARE CHARACTERIZED BY "THE ADMINISTRATION'S ALMOST COMPLETE MONOPOLY OF POLITICAL SKILLS" 5; AS.A RESULT, MOST UNIONS ARE ALSO CHARACTERIZED BY "THE ABSENCE OF THOSE SKILLS AMONG THE RANK AND FILE" . (2) CONDITIONS INDUCE LEADERS TO STAY IN OFFICE: (2.A) (2.8) To BECOME A UNION OFFICIAL HAS A HIGH STATUS, COMPARED To HIS FORMER POSITION AS A WORKER 7; A DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM LEADS To 8 INSECURITY OF'TENURE ; (2.0) OFFICIALS TRY TO ELIMINATE DEMOCRACY IN ORDER To PROTECT THEIR HIGH 9 STATUS POSITIONS . (3) "MEMBERS Do NOT PARTICIPATE IN UNION POLITICS” 10: (3.A) ”APATHY OF THE MEMBERS IS THE NORMAL STATE OF AFFAIRS" 11; (3.3) UNION MEMBERS MUST SPEND MOST OF THEIR TIME IN OTHER TYPE OF ACTIVITIES (RECREATIONAL, ETC.) 12; (3.0) "MOST TRADE UNIONS (...) ARE CONCERNED WITH TECHNICAL ADMINISTRATIVE MATTERS, WHICH CANNOT SE OF DEEP INTEREST To THE AVERAGE MEMBER" 13; (3.0) POTENTIAL OPPOSITION IS GENERALLY DISCOURAGED ON THE BASIS THAT OPPOSITIONISTS CAN "BE DENOUNCED FOR HARMING THE ORGANIZATION AND HELPING THE ENEMY" 1”. IN SPITE OF ALL THESE GENERAL TENDENCIES. THE AUTHORS . ‘ 1 FOUND THAT THE INTERNATIONAL TYPOGRAPHICAL UNION (ITU) 5 HAS MAINTAINED A DEMOCRATIC POLITICAL SYSTEM FOR HALF A CENTURY. AS THEY NOTED, "IT IS THE ONLY AMERICAN TRADE - 5 _ UNION IN WHICH ORGANIZED PARTIES REGULARLY OPPOSE EACH OTHER FOR ELECTION TO THE CHIEF UNION POSTS, AND IN WHICH A TWO- PARTY SYSTEM HAS BEEN INSTITUTIONALIZED” 1°. THIS FACT LED THEM TO CHOOSE THE ITU AS A DEVIANT CASE, WHOSE STUDY SHOULD PROVIDE CLUES FOR THE UNDERSTANDING OF THE FUNCTIONING OF OLIGARCHIC MECHANISMS WITHING LARGE-SCALE ORGANIZATIONS. IN THE ITU MANY OF THESE MECHANISMS WERE NOT FOUND, "OR IF. PRESENT THEIR EFFECTS ARE GREATLY HITIGATED BY OTHER ELEMENES IN THE SYSTEM" 17. HENCE, THE AUTHORS POINTED OUT THAT FUNDAMENTALLY THEIR ANALYSIS "IS DIRECTED AT SPECIFYING [THOSE ELEMENTS IN THE STRUCTURE OF THE ITU AND THE PRINTING INDUSTRY WHICH WORK AGAINST OLIGARCHIC MECHANISMS, AND A SPELLING OUT THE PROCESSES BY WHICH THEY CONTRIBUTE To THE 1 MAINTENANCE OF THE UNION DEMOCRACY" 8. IN ORDER To EXPLAIN THE ITU'S UNIQUE POLITICAL SYSTEM, THE AUTHORS VIEW THE UNION AS A SOCIAL SYSTEM, "FOCUSING ON ITS CONTEMPORARY POLITICAL STRUCTURE AND PROCESSES AND LOOKING FOR THOSE ELEMENTS IN THE OCCUPATION, THE STRUCTURE OF THE UNION, AND THE ECONOMICS OF THE INDUSTRY WHICH IN THEIR INTRICATE INTERRELATIONS OPERATE TO SUSTAIN THE NETWORK OF INSTITUTIONS, BEHAVIOR, AND SENTIMENTS COMPOSING THE UNION'S INTERNAL POLITICAL SYSTEM" 19. ‘ON THE BASIS OF UNION DEMOCRACY'S CONCEPTUALIZATION, IT COULD BE OBSERVED THAT THE UNION ORGANIZATION OF CORDOBA PRINTERS, THE UOGC, WOULD HAVE SHOWN DURING MOST OF ITS HISTORY -IN CONTRAST WITH THE ITU- AN OLIGARCHIC POLITICAL SYSTEM 20. THAT Is, ONE GROUP, THE LISTA ROSA, (I) CONTROLS THE ADMINISTRATION, (2) HAS RETAINED POWER ALMOST INDEFINITELY 21, AND (3) HAS RARELY FACED ORGANIZED OPPOSITION. HOWEVER, TAKING INTO ACCOUNT UNION DEMOCRACY‘S ANALYSIS, OLIGARCHIC TENDENCIES SHOULD HAVE NOT DEVELOPED IN THE UOGC: (1) THE UOGC COULD HAHDLY BE CONSIDERED A “LARGE-SCALE" ORGANIZATION: (1.A) ITS MEMBERSHIP IS APPROXIMATELY 500_ MEMBERS“ ABOUT 1/20 OF THE NEW YORK LOCAL; (1.B) THE UNION DOES NOT HAVE FINANCIAL RESOURCES To PAY OFFICIALS, WHO HAVE JUST BEGUN TO RECEIVE A SMALL COMPENSATION 22: (1.0) GIVEN THAT OFFICIALS CANNOT LEAVE THEIR JOBS, THEY HAVE To WORK IN THE UNION WHEN THEIR WORKDAY IS OVER; (1.0) OFFICIALS DO NOT HAVE CONTROL OVER THE FORMAL MEANS OF COMMUNICATION, BECAUSE THE UNION DOES NOT HAVE ANY; (I.E) THE DIFFERENCE IN POLITICAL SKILLS BETWEEN THE OFFICIALS AND THE RANK AND FILE IS SLIGHT, BECAUSE THE UNION DOES NOT HAVE A PROFESSIONAL, FULL- TIME ADMINISTRATION. (2) IN THE UOGC, CONDITIONS SHOULD NOT INDUCE LEADERS To STAY IN OFFICE: (2.A) IT COULD BE THOUGHT THAT THE UNION OFFICIAL HAS NOT MOVED UP IN THE STATUS HIERARCHY BY BECOMING AN OFFICIAL: HIS INCOME IS THE SAME _AS THAT OF ANY OTHER WORKER; (2.3) GIVEN THAT THE UOGC IS A SMALL LOCAL WITH A LIMITED PARTICIPATION IN NATIONAL UNION POLITICS, IT COULD BE ASSUMED THAT THE OFFICIAL'S PRESTIGE IS NOT SIGNIFICANTLY HIGHER THAN THE PRESTIGE OF ANY OTHER PERSON IN THE TRADE. THIS IS MORE SO IF WE REMEMBER THAT ALL THE OFFICIALS CONTINUE WORKING AT THE TRADE; (2.C) AS A RESULT OF THIS SITUATION, THE LEADERSHIP SHOULD NOT FEEL THE NEOESSITY OF ELIMINATING DEMOCRACY IN ORDER TO MAINTAIN ITS STATUS. WE CAN SEE THAT MOST OF THE FACTORS SINGLED OUT IN UNION DEMOCRACY AS LEADING TO THE EMERGENCE OF OLIGARCHIC PATTERNS IN A UNION ARE NOT PRESENT IN THE UOGC. HOWEVER, THE UOGC WOULD HAVE SHOWN SUCH AN OLIGARCHIC PATTERN 23 DURING MOST OF ITS HISTORY. FURTHER MORE, SOME OF THE MOST IMPORTANT RELATIONSHIPS SINGLED OUT BY LIPSET ET AL To EXPLAIN THE ARISING OF THE ITU'S DEMOCRATIC POLITICAL SYSTEM SEEM TO BE WORKING IN THE UOGC'S CASE. IN ORDER TO FOLLOW UNION DEMOCRACY'S PROCEDURE, WE WILL BEGIN THE ANALYSIS OF THOSE RELATIONSHIPS IN SECTION 11 OF THE PRESENT WORK. 1.1 DEMOCRACY OR OLIGARCHY IN THE UOUCT THROUGHOUT THE PRESENT WORK, THE CONCEPT OF DEMOCRACY WILL BE USED IN THE SENSE PROPOSED BY LIPSET ET.AL., THAT IS, To INDICATE THE PRESENCE OF INDEPENDENT SOURCES OF POWER, THE EXISTENCE OF PERMANENT OPPOSITION, THE PREVALENCE OF A TWO—PARTY SYSTEM. THIS PROCEDURE WAS REQUIRED BY THE PROPER NATURE OF OUR REPLICATION STUDY. HOWEVER, THE CONCEPTUALIZATION REQUIRES SOME QUALIFICATIONS, AND SEVERAL CRITICISMS HAVE BEEN RAISED AGAINST SUCH AN APPROACH: 1) GIOVANNI SARTORI HAS POINTED OUT THAT "THE TERM DEMOCRACY INDICATES BOTH A SET OF IDEALS AND A POLITICAL SYSTEM" 24. IN UNION DEMOCRACY IT SEEMS THAT WHILE THE NATURE OF THE POLITICAL SYSTEM IS EMPHASIZED, THE IDEOLOGICAL ASPECTS ARE OVERSHADOWED. ON THE OTHER HAND, THE EMPIRICAL DETERMINATION OF "DEMOCRATIC" IDEALS IS AS PROBLEMATIC AS THE SELECTION OF "DEMOCRATIC" POLITICAL SYSTEMS. 2) IN HIS DISCUSSION, SARTORI NOTES THAT "... A MACRODEMOCRACY IS NOT SOME KIND OF ENLARGEMENT OF A MICROPROTOTYPE. THEIR RESPECTIVE PROPERTIES HAVE VERY LITTLE, IF ANYTHING, IN COMMON, AT LEAST IN THE SENSE THAT VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS AND SMALL POLITICAL UNITS PROVIDE NO CLUES FOR UNDERSTANDING A MODERN POLITICAL DEMOCRACY" 25. So, UNION DEMOCRACY'S ATTEMPT "TOILLUMINATE THE PROCESSES THAT HELP MAINTAIN DEMOCRACY IN THE GREAT SOCIETY BY STUDYING THE PROCESS OF DEMOCRACY IN THE SMALL SOCIETY OF THE ITU" 26 WOULD BE A MISLEADING EFFORT. 3) ANOTHER PROBLEMATIC ASPECT REFERS To THE PRESENCE OF "INTERMEDIATE STRUCTURES". TOCQUEVILLE, DURKHEIM, KORNHAUSER, LIPSET, WOULD BE AMONG THE AUTHORS FOR WHOM, AS SARTORI NOTES, "DEMOCRACY PRESUPPOSES THE BACKBONE OF AN 'INTERMEDIATE STRUCTURE' OF INDEPENDENT GROUPS AND VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS" 27. HOWEVER, SARTORI OBSERVES THAT "ONE SHOULD BE WARY 0F CONSIDERING THIS A NECESSARY CONDITION FOR ANY STAGE OF DEMOCRACY" 28. ONE THING IS THE NEOESSITY OF THE PRESENCE OF AN "INFRASTRUCTURE" FOR THE ARISING OF DEMOCRACY, ANOTHER THING THE PROBLEM OF THE PERMANENCY OF DEMOCRACY. A) ANOTHER QUESTION IS RELATED WITH THE REQUIREMENT OF A PARTICULAR TYPE OF STRUCTURAL ARRANGEMENT. THI'S POINT HAS BEEN STATED BY FAUNCE: "THERE IS A VARIETY OF STRUCTURAL FORMS THAT MAY CONTRIBUTE To ACHIEVING DEMOCRATIC OBJECTIVES. INDEXES OF DEMOCRACY THAT MEASURE THE EXISTENCE OF PARTICULAR STRUCTURAL FORMS MAY OR MAY NOT BE MEASURES OF THE ACHIEVEMENT OF THESE OBJECTIVES. FURTHER ANALYSIS Is NEEDED OF THE VARIABLES THAT DETERMINE THE EFFECTIVENESS OF DIFFERENT STRUCTURAL ARRANGEMENTS IN ACHIEVING AND SUSTAINING UNION DEMOCRACY" 29. THAT IS, THE ITU'S POLITICAL SYSTEM WOULD BE ONE POSSIBLE STRUCTURAL ARRANGEMENT AMONG SEVERAL OTHERS. 5) A FINAL PROBLEM REFERS TO THE ROLE OF LEADERSHIP IN THE POLITICAL SYSTEMS. SARTDRI, FOLLOWING LIPSET, MENTIONS THAT IT IS "PROLONGED EFFECTIVENESS WHICH GIVES LEGITIMACY TO A POLITICAL SYSTEM" 30. BUT, HE ADDS THAT "THE EFFECTIVENESS OF DEMOCRACY DEPENDS FIRST AND FOREMOST ON THE EFFICIENCY AND SKILL OF ITS LEADERSHIP" 31. ON THE OTHER HAND, LIPSET ET AL SUGGEST THAT A "REPRESENTATIVE" LEADERSHIP CAN ARISE BASICALLY IN A TWO-PARTY SYSTEM. THERE IS NO PROOF, HOWEVER, THAT THE EFFICIENCY AND REPRESENTA- TIVENESS OF LEADERSHIP DEPENDS ON A DETERMINED TYPE OF POLITICAL SYSTEM. AS J. SEIDMAN NOTES WITH RESPECT TO THE PROBLEM OF EFFICIENCY: "IF THEY (UNIONS) ARE To BE MERELY EFFECTIVE STRIKING AND COLLECTIVE-BARGAINING AGENCIES, THEN IT IS BEST FOR THEM TO BE DISCIPLINED BODIES AIDED BY EXPERTS IN THE NEGOTIATION OF CONTRACTS. IF THEY ARE TO BE EFFICIENT SERVICE ORGANIZATIONS AND NOTHING MORE, THEN A BUREAUCRACY To PROSECUTE GRIEVANCE CASES, REPRESENT MEMBERS BEFORE WELFARE OR OTHER GOVERNMENT AGENCIES, AND THE LIKE IS ENOUGH" 32. THE PURPOSE OF THE PRECEEDING DISCUSSION WAS TO POINT OUT THAT IF THE NATURE OF OUR STUDY LEADS US TO CLOSELY FOLLOW UNION DEMOCRACY'S ANALYSIS, IT DOES NOT IMPLY AN ACRITICAL ATTITUDE. IN THE LAST SECTIONS OF THIS WORK WE WILL ATTACK SOME OF THESE PROBLEMS WHICH WERE SCHEMATICALLY PRESENTED HERE. 2. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE UOGC AS AN INTRODUCTORY OBSERVATION, IT MUST BE POINTED OUT THAT THE PRESENT HISTORICAL NOTE IS BASED ON CONVERSATIONS WITH PRESENT AND PAST UNION OFFICIALS, WITHOUT THE HELP OF A WRITTEN ACCOUNT. FURTHERMORE, IT SHOULD BE ADDED THAT THESE ARE PEOPLE WHO HAVE BEEN -OR STILL ARE- INVOLVED IN THE POLITICAL STRUGGLES OF THE UNION, WHOSE BIASES CAN BE EASILY ASCERTAINED WHILE READING THEIR DESCRIPTIONS OF THE "HISTORICAL FACTS". AS A GENERAL RULE, WE HAVE TRIED To RESTRAIN OURSELVES To PRESENTING THEIR CONFLICTING ACCOUNTS, WITHOUT ATTEMPTING TO RESOLVE THEM. I WHILE DESCRIBING THE HISTORY OF THE ITU, LIPSET ET AL NOTED THAT “IN MOST COUNTRIES OF THE WESTERN WORLD, PRINTERS WERE AMONG THE FIRST WORKERS To FORM PERMANENT LABOR UNIONS"32 THEY ADDED THAT "AMERICAN PRINTERS WERE NO EXCEPTION" 3“. NEITHER WERE ARGENTINIAN PRINTERS. ONE OF THE FIRST UNIONS IN THE COUNTRY WAS FORMED BY PRINTERS, AND THEY WERE ALSO -12.. THE FIRST TO ORGANIZE A STRIKE. ROBERTO J. PAYRO, A WRITER, DESCRIBED BUENOS AIRES PRINTERS AS "THE MOST INDEPENDENT AND MILITANT CLASS THAT HAS EVER EXISTED IN OUR CAPITAL" 35. THEIR FIRST ORGANIZATION WAS THE §OQI§DAD TIPOGRAFICA B A NAERENSE (TYPOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF BUENOS AIRES), FOUNDED ON MAY 25, 1857. ITS GOALS WERE "To PROMOTE THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE TYPOGRAPHICAL ART" 36, "To HELP MEMBERS WHO WERE ILL OR HANDICAPED FOR WORKING" 37, "To PROTECT THOSE WHO NEED A JUST SUPPORT" 38, AND "To OBTAIN GOOD REMUNERATIONS FOR PRINTERS, RELATIVE To THEIR APTITUDES AND KNOWLEDGE" 39. THIS INITIAL ORGANIZATION HAD THE CHARACTER OF A CONKRATWE, MUTUAL AID, BENEVOLENT SOCIETY. THE FIRST UNION AS SUCH WAS THE UNION CE TIPOGRAFOS (TYPOGRAPHICAL UNION), FOUNDED IN £876..”... THE UNION DE TIPOGRAFOS EMERGES IN THE LABOR STRUGGLES OF THE COUNTRY. AS THE FIRST ORGANIZATION OF SALARIED WORKERS WHOSE PRECISE OBJECTIVES ARE THOSE OF THE MODERN LABOR UNION" 40. BY THAT TIME, WORK IN PRINT SHOPS WAS OF A COMPLETE ARTISAN CHARACNR. THE FIRST STRIKE IN THE COUNTRY, PROMOTED BY THE UNION 0E TIPOGRAFOS, TOOK PLACE IN 4878. ITS PURPOSE WAS To ACHIEVE SALARY IMPROVEMENTS, BETTER WORKING CONDITIONS, AND THE. LIMITATION OF THE HOURS OF WORK. THE STRIKE LASTED MORE THAN A MONTH. THIS WAS THE FIRST TIME IN THE COUNTRY THAT NI SALARY WAS DETERMINED THROUGH COLLECTIVE BARGAINING ... WITH THE STRIKE DISAPPEARS THE UNION DE TIPOGRAFOS, AS A \ ' I . ' I ~ . v _ I I I I I . I ' I I ' I ’ I I. I I, I . , I I .V . . ' ’ .. X ) . ~ \ :. I‘I I _ . I 'I ‘ I‘- I , .. L . v-r— .....4. . I , I I '7‘! I I I I , . . _ ‘ . ‘ I ,1 !‘ I' I III . . . I. . ' T . I ' I ' ‘ ‘ ‘ I . - , ,I :‘=() , I I I .I . 'Y ‘ II - v I . .. . . ‘I \II I .‘ I I I l1 .I . II II " I ' ‘ . ' . ! . ,‘- .I I. “II , . .. I-, I I I '. III I I ~ I I ‘ ‘I ‘ “ I I ' l I 'III) I'- I .I I . III " ' I III I I ,, , ,.. I . r I I .I I I »I . . .I , ‘ I I II I. _ 1 . II I l‘ I ' .l I ." . ‘ ‘ I ; . ' I ’I 1"“ ' \ I I \ _ _ . . I II , ..1 I ' I ! . "I '-. ’ \ I .‘I I . . ...... 3 I ‘ I ‘. ; II‘I‘II:. 1 ‘ I ‘ ~ I ' I . I I -~I ‘ ( I I. II I . , . ‘I ’ ' l I .III- I I -I ~ ». I < ‘ I i I . \X' I I. l I , I ‘ ‘ y N . ..- - I I “I '1“ . I ’ I . I I | ‘ I I I l I " \ I - _ I ! [‘ VI. I ‘I . I I I I I - I I .I I I. I‘ I' I . ‘ I I v n ' ' I I ~I ‘ : '3‘ III I‘ .I “I . I. I I II ‘ . . I ‘ I. I l I I , . . I I» I. I ,I I II I ’ ‘ I . '. I I \ . I I \ ' , . I . I I; .I - 13 _ RESULT OF A DECISION OF THE UNION ITSELF, BECAUSE ITS ENDS WERE CONTEMPLATED IN THE SOCIEDAD TIPOGRKFICA BONAERENSE. HOWEVER, "THE SOCIEDAD TIPOGRKFICA BONAERENSE CONTINUES BEING, AFTER THIS EPISODE, AN EXCLUSIVELY MUTuAL AID ORGANIZATION, AS IT HAD BEEN DURING THE TWENTY YEARS PREvKXB To THE CONSTITUTION OF THE(FIRST ARGENTINIAN LABOR UNION. NOTWITHSTANDING, IF DURING ITS EXISTENCE IT MAINTAINED ITS SPECIFIC MUTUAL AID CHARACTER, IT CONTINUED BEING lHE PROGENITOR OF UNION ORGANIZATIONS IN THE COUNTRY" 2. AROUND 1900, Two ORGANIZATIONS OF PRINTERS WERE FORMED: THE SINDICATO GRKFICO (PRINTING UNION), CONTROLLED BY SOCIALISTS, AND THE FEDERAC16N DE ARTES GRAFICAS (FEDERAnON OF GRAPHIC ARTS), CONTROLLED BY ANARCHISTS. THE LATTER ONE WAS FORMED BY UNIONS BASED ON THE DIFFERENT CRAFTS WITHIN PRINTING INDUSTRY (TYPOGRAPHERS, LINOTYPE OPERATORS, ETC.), AND THESE INTEGRATED THE FEDERATION. THE SINDICATO GRAFICO, ON THE OTHER HAND, WAS NOT CHARACTERIZED BY A SPECIFICATION OF CRAFTS. IN 1906'-BOTH UNIONS UNITE WITHIN THE FEDERACION GRKFICA BONAERENSE (PRINTING FEDERATION OF BUENOS AIRES). THE FEDERATION WAS FORMED ON THE BASIS OF CRAFT UNIONS. THEY MAINTAINED THE PRINCIPLE OF SELF-DETERMINATION, WITHOUT INTERFERENCE OF POLITICAL FACTORS. ANARCHISTS AND SOCIALISTS WERE PREDOMINANT IN THE UNION. IN 1911 THE SOCIALISTS ACHIEVED CONTROL OF THE UNION ADMINISTRATION, AND THE DISTINCT10N 0F CRAFTS DISAPPEARED FROM THE .I .I .. II I I . ..II I I u I I h T I 1 I II . I . r1 I . I I I \ n I \ I I I . . . I I . I N a n I I .I I . .I L. V I - 1H - ORGANIZATION. BY THAT TIME, THERE ARE SEVERAL ATTEMPTS OF NATIONAL ORGANIZATION. IN 1927 THIS IDEA IS REALIZED IN THE FEDERA- CI6N OBRERA POLIGRKFICA AREENTINA (ARGENTINIAN POLYGRAPHIC LABOR FEDERATION). IT LASTED A SHORT PERIOD, UNTIL 1929 OR 1930. THE SOCIALIST PREDOMINANCE CONTINUES DURING THIS TIME. IN 1928, THE UN16N DE LINOTIPISTAS,4M§C‘NICOS Y AFINES (MACHINE, LINOTYPE OPERATORS, AND RELATED CRAFTS UNION) ORGANIZED As A RESULT OF A COLLECTIVE CONTRACT SIGNED BY THE FEDERACION GRKFICA BONAERENSE, DENYING A DIRECT AND ACTIVE PARTICIPATION FOR THE SPECIFIC CRAFTS. SOME LEADERS SAID THAT THIS GROUP OF PEOPLE CONSIDERED THEMSELVES A PRIVILEGED GROUP WITHIN THE INDUSTRY, AND THAT THEIR UNION WAS DESTROYED BY THE FEDERATION. OTHER LEADERS MENTIONED THAT WHAT HAPPENED WAS THAT IN 1959 A CONVERGENCE TOOK PLACE BETWEEN THE UNION DfingNOTIPISTAS, MECKNICOS Y AFINES AND THE FEDERACIéN GRKFICA BONAERENSE, ON THE BASIS OF AN AGREEMENT BY MEANS OF WHICH THE CONSTITUTION OF THE FEDERANON WAS MODIFIED, PROVIDING THE DIFFERENT CRAFTS WITH ACTIVE AND DIRECT REPRESENTATION. FROM 20 MEMBERS OF THE UNION ADMINISTRATION, 10 WERE ELECTED ON GENERAL ELECTIONS, AND THE OTHER 10 WERE ELECTED ON THE BASIS OF CRAFTS 43. ONE UNION LEADER MENTIONED IN AN INTERVIEW THAT THOSE ELECTED ON THE BASIS OF CRAFTS HAD A MORE SYNDICALIST ORIENTATION. ANOTHER EX-UNION MEMBER POINTED OUT THAT UNTIL 19,46 THE -15.. FEDERACION QRKFICA BONAERENSE WAS A MINORITARIAN ORGANIZATION WHICH INCLUDED ONLY THE MOST SKILLED CRAFTS IN THE INDUSTRY: LINOTYPE OPERATORS AND TYPOGRAPHERB FROM THE BIG NEWSPAPERS, LINOTYPE AND MACHINE OPERATORS AND TYPOGRAPHERS FROM THE LARGER SHOPS “a. A NATIONAL MEETING OF LOCALS FROM DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE COUNTRY TOOK PLACE ON JULY, 1941. IN THIS MEETING WAS FORMED THE PRESENT FEDERACION ARGENTINA DE TRABAJADQRES DE LA IMPRENTA - FATI (ARGENTINIAN FEDERATION OF PRINTING WORKERS). ITS INITIAL ACTIVITIES WERE DEVOTED TO OBTAIN REGIONAL COLLECTIVE CONTRACTS IN THE COUNTRY AS A WHOLE. ONE UNION OFFICIAL NOTED THAT IT WAS ORGANIZED ON THE BASIS OF SYNDICALIST PRINCIPLES, WITH DIFFERENT CURRENT OF THOUGHTS CONVERGING ON SUCH AN IDEAL. HE ADDED THAT THE FEDERATION'S LEADERSHIP WAS INTEGRATED BY MEN WHO REPRESENTED THOSE DIFFERENT CURRENT OF THOUGHTS, EVEN WHEN THE INITIAL "DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES" -WHICH HE THOUGHT WAS OF A RELATIVE VALUE AND INSPIRED ON THE BASIC PRINCIPLES OF THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL LABOR ASSOCIATIONS— HAD A CLEAR SOCIALIST. MARXIST TONE “5. THE "DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES" POINTS OUT: "CONSIDERING: THAT THE ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION OF SOCIETY, BASED-ON THE EXPLOITATION OF MAN BY MAN AND ON THE PRIVATE PROPERTY OF THE MEANS OF PRODUCTION AND EXCHANGE, IS UNJUST BECAUSE A PRIVILEGED MINORITY ENJOY ALL THE MATERIAL AND CULTURAL ADVANTAGES, WHILE THE GREAT MAJORITY THAT INTEGRATES THE ‘TIIIJSII/II 'Tnlifiw WORKING CLASS -THE PRODUCERS OF SOCIAL GOODS- LIVES IN CONDITIONS OF INDIGENCES AND CONSIDERING THAT THE PRESENT POLITICAL AND JURIDICAL ORGANIZATION TENDS TOWARDS THE PERPETUATION OF SUCH AN INJUSTICE. ‘THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE PRINTING WORKERS OF ARGENTINA, , 'DECLARE: THAT THIS UNJUST SOCIAL ORGANIZATION MUST BE REPLACED BY A SOCIETY BASED ON THE COLLECTIVE PROPERTY OF THE MEANS OF PRODUCTION AND EXCHANGE: THAT UNTIL THIS TIME COMES. IT IS THE DUTY OF THE WORKING CLASS T0 JOINTLY FIGHT IN ORDER To ATTENUATE THE EFFECTS OF THAT INJUSTICE: THAT BOTH OBJECTIVES WILL BE ONLY ACHIEVED THROUGH A PERMANENT STRUGGLE OF WORKERS AGAINST THEIR EXPLOITERS, AND THAT THE SUCCESS OF SUCH A STRUGGLE MUST BE BASED ON A COLLECTIVE AND SOLIDARY ACTION AT THE NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL LEVEL, THEY DECIDE TO CREATE -FOR SUCH A PURPOSE- THE FEDERACION ARGENTINA DE TRABAJADORES DE LA IMPRENTA IFATI)" “6. IN ANOTHER INTERVIEW, IT WAS POINTED OUT THAT IN THE MEETING WHERE THE FATI WAS FOUNDED, THE SKILLED PERSONNEL PREDOMINATED, AND ONLY THE SUPERIOR AND MORE SKILLED CRAFTS WERE ORGANIZED. HE ADDED THAT THOSE GROUPS DOMINATED THE UNION UNTIL 1949, KEEPING THE ORGANIZATION UNDER THEIR CONTROL UNTIL THAT TIME BECAUSE SUCH LABOR ARISTOCRACY WAS NOT PENETRATED BY PERONISM. IN THAT YEAR -HE CONTINUED- PERONISM BREAKS anTHE PRINTERS' SCENE, AND THE GREAT MASSES OF THE LARGER SHOPS ARE ORGANIZED: BOOKBINDERS, APPRENTICES, UNSKILLED WORKERS, PRINTERS FROM ALL THE SMALL AND MEDIUM SHOPS JOIN THE UNION. THERE IS A MASSIVE ADHERENCE TO THE UNION “7. ANOTHER SOURCE MENTIONED THAT - 17 - THE CONVENTION OF 19u1, WHERE THE FATI WAS FOUNDED, WAS AN EMOTIONAL ONE, I.E., THAT A PURE SYNDICALIST ORIENTATION PREDOMINATED -WITH AN INTERNAL LINE OF DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM-, AND THAT THE PRINTERS' ORGANIZATION WAS FORTIFIED WITH THE PARTICIPATION OF THE MAJORITY OF PRINTERS. HE THINKS THAT THE ORGANIZATION OF THE FATI WAS CHARACTERIZED BY "DEMOCRAnC CENTRALISM" 48. IN THE ELECTIONS OF 1948 IN THE BUENOS AIREs' LOCAL -THE EEDERACION GRAFICA BONAERENSE- THE PERONISTS WON THE CONTROL OF THE UNION. THE FATI MOVED ITS HEADQUARTERS TO THE ROSARIO'S LOCAL 49, AND A REPRESENTATIVE OF THE 5525. RACION GRAFICA ROSARINA (PRINTING FEDERATION OF ROSARIO) BECAME THE FATI'S GENERAL SECRETARY. IN 1949 A STRIKE ORGANIZED FROM OUTSIDE THE UNION BY THE NON-PERONISTFRACHON OF THE BUENOS AIRES' LOCAL TOOK PLACE, AND IT LASTED A MONTH. THE FATI ORGANIZED A GENERAL STRIKE TO SUPPORT BUENOS AIRES' PRINTERS. THIS STRIKE WAS ORGANIZED AGAINST THE PERONIST LEADERSHIP. AN Ex-PRINTER SUGGESTED THAT THE STRIKE HAD A MANIFEST GOAL OF OBTAINING ECONOMIC VINDICATIONS, BUT THAT THE LATENT GOAL WAS A POLITICAL. ONE. HE ADDED THAT THE STRIKE WAS VIOLENTLY SUPPRESSED BY THE PERONIST REGIME, AND THAT THE OLD LEADERSHIP WAS MOVED OUT WHILE THE UNION WAS KEPT UNDER THE INTERVENTION OF THE CONFEDERACION GENERAL DEL TRABAJQ - CGT (GENERAL CONFEDERATION OF LABOR) FOR MANY YEARS. HE ALSO NOTED THAT - 18 - DURING THIS PERIOD PERONIST ORGANIZATIONS AMONG THE RANK- AND‘FILE WERE CREATED, AND AS A RESULT, THE UNSKILLED, INDIFFERENTIATED MASS VOTED FOR PERONISM. HE CONCLUDED THAT BETWEEN 1949 AND 1955 (WHEN A COUP OVERTHREW THE PERONIST REGIME) THE OLD GENERATION WAS DISAPPEARING AND THE NEW ONES WERE MOBILIZED UNDER THE PERONIST FERVOUR 50. ANOTHER POINT OF VIEW WAS THAT THE FEDERATION KEPT ITS INDEPENDENCE DURING THE PERONIST REGIME UNTIL 1950, AND THAT THOSE WERE THE YEARS WHEN THE UNION WORKED MOST, OBTAINED MANY LABOR CONQUESTS, AND WAS PERSECUTED THE MOST 51, AFTER THE STRIKE OF 19H9, THE REPRESENTATION OF PRINTERS IN ALL THE COUNTRY WAS ASSUMED BY THE FEDERACION §_fFICA BONAERENSE (BUENOS AIREs' LOCAL), WHILE A NEW NATIONAL ORGANIZATION SUPPORTED BY THE PERONIST REGIME WAS CREATED: THE FEDERACION GRAFICA ARGENTINA (ARGENTINIAN PRINTING FEDERATION). AN EX-UNION LEADER POINTED OUT THAT IN ORDER TO RECOVER THE "LOST PRESTIGE", THE PERONIST INTERVENTION THROUGH THE NEW FEDERATION SIGNED A NATIONAL COLLECTIVE CONTRACT BY MEANS OF WHICH MANY IMPORTANT IMPROVEMENTS WERE OBTAINED FOR PRINTERS. THE CONTRACT ALSO ESTABLISHED THAT THE UNION FEES SHOULD BE DIRECTLY PAID BY THE OWNERS TO THE NATIONAL FEDERATION BY RETAINING THE CORRESPONDING FEES FROM THE WORKERS' SALARIES. THAT IS -HE CONCLUDED-, THE NEW ORGANIZATION WAS CHARACTERIZED BY A -19.. COMPLETE "CENTRALISM" 52. IN 1955, AFTER THE OVERTHROWN OF PERON'S REGIME, THE NATIONAL FEDERATION IS AGAIN INTERVENED. THE NEW ELECTIONS ARE WON BY THE LISTA ROSA (ROSE LIST), WHICH REPRESENTS THE OLD LEADERSHIP MOVED OUT DURING THE FIRST PERONIST INTERVENTION. ONE RESPONDENT SUGGESTED THAT THE ELECTIONS WERE CARRIED OUT AGAINST THE LAW, ON THE BASIS OF THE PRESENTATION OF LISTS IN THE UNION, AND NOT IN THE PLACE OF WORK. THIS SOURCE ADDED THAT IN THIS WAY THE LABOR ARISTOCRACY COULD RECOVER THE CONTROL OF THE UNION TOGETHER WITH A PERONIST MINORITY WHICH FINALLY LEFT THE UNION ADMINISTRATION. THE SAME SOURCE NOTED THAT WORKERS FROM THE CITY'S NEWSPAPERS SUPPORTED THE LISTA ROSA, WHILE THE WORKERS FROM THE SUBURBAN AREAS WERE ABSENT FROM THE ELECTION PROCESS 53. A DIFFERENT POINT OF VIEW WAS THAT AFTER THE 1955 COUP, A MORE FEDERALIST, DECENTRALIZED ORGANIZATION WAS ACHIEVED. IN 1957, THE FATI WAS REORGANIZED IN CORDOBA ON THOSE BASES. EACH LOCAL UNION BEGAN To RECEIVE THE CORRESPONDING FEES INSTEAD OF THE NATIONAL FEDERATION. THE D ONLY THING KEPT WAS COLLECTIVE BARGAINING ON A NATIONAL BASIS 5 ON NOVEMBER, 1966, THE PERONISTS RECOVERED ONCE MORE THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE BUENOS AIRES' LOCAL. ONE RESPONDENT OBSERVED THAT THIS WAS THE RESULT OF THE APPLICATION OF THE LAW, GIVEN THAT IN 1958 THE PROFESSIONAL ASSOCIATIONS' LAW WAS RESTABLISHED AND IT RULED THAT THE ELECTORAL -20... PROCESS IN UNIONS SHOULD BE CARRIED OUT IN THE WORK PLACE. DURING SOME YEARS THE LAW WAS NOT REALLY ENFORCED IN THE BUENOS AIREs' LOCAL, BUT THAT OCCURRED IN 1966 55. HOWEVER, ANOTHER OPINION wAS THAT NEITHER THE UNION LAW NOR THE PROFESSIONAL ASSOCIATIONS' LAW WERE CLEAR WITH RESPECT TO THE FORM ELECTIONS SHOULD BE CARRIED OUT, SO THE PROCEDURE FOLLOWED WAS CONSIDERED LEGAL 56. ON THE OTHER HAND, AN Ex-UNIONLEADER SUGGESTED THAT THE LISTA-ROSA LOST THE 1966 ELECTIONS BECAUSE OF AN INTERNAL DIVISION WHICH ALLOWED THE VICTORY OF PERONIST SECTORS 57. UNTIL NOW, WE HAVE BEEN CONCERNED WITH THE GENERAL HISTORY OF PRINTERS AND, MORE SPECIFICALLY, WITH THE LARGEST AND MOST IMPORTANT LOCAL: THE FEDERAQION GRAFICA BONAERENSE (PRINTING FEDERATION OF BUENOS AIRES). WITH RESPECT TO THE HISTORY OF CORDOBA PRINTERS, IT CAN BE TRACED BACK TO THE BEGINNING OF THE PRESENT CENTURY. A SINDICATO GRAFICO (PRINTING UNION) WAS ORGANIZED BY THAT TIME, BUT IT HAD A SHORT LIFE. SEVERAL ATTEMPTS OF REORGANIZATION TOOK PLACE, WHILE PRINTERS BEGAN To STRUGGLE FOR BETTER SALARIES AND EIGHT HOURS OF WORK. THE SINDICATO DE ARTES GRAFICAS (GRAPHIC ARTS UNION) WAS THE NEW ORGANIZATION. AS A UNION OFFICIAL SUGGESTED, IT NEVER HAD A DETERMINED POLITICAL ORIENTATION, BUT ANARCHO-SYNDICALIST GROUPS ‘ PREDOMINATED AND, AFTER A WHILE, SOCIALIST GROUPS ACHIEVED SOME INFLUENCE 58. IN 1917 AN IMPORTANT NATIONAL STRIKE — 21 - OF RAILROAD WORKERS AFFECTS THE COUNTRY. PRINTERS PARTICIPATE IN CORDOBA AND THEY ARE REPRESSED. AS A RESULT, THE ORGANIZATION DISAPPEARS. IN 1918 THERE IS AN UNSUCCESSFUL ATTEMPT OF REORGANIZATION. IN 1923 OR 1924 THE SINQICAIO DE ARTES GRAFICAS BEGINS TO ACT AGAIN, AND IN 1928 THEY ACHIEVE A VERY IMPORTANT CONQUEST: THE EIGHT HOURS JOURNEY. THE UNION LASTS UNTIL 1930, WHEN A MILITARY COUP TAKES PLACE AND THE ORGANIZATION IS CLOSED. BETWEEN 1930 AND 1934 THERE ARE SEVERAL ATTEMPTS OF REORGANIZATION. A UNION LEADER POINTED OUT THAT IN THOSE YEARS SOME COMMUNIST GROUPS BEGAN TO PREDOMINATE IN THE TRADE, TOGETHER WITH DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISTS 59. IN 1934 A GROUP OF PRINTERS DECIDE TO REORGANIZE THE UNION AND TO TRY To MAINTAIN IT. THE NEWSPAPER EL OBRERO GRAFICO (THE PRINTER), PUBLISHED BY THE BUENOS AIRES' LOCAL, REMEBERS THAT PROCESS IN THE FOLLOWING WAY: "ON APRIL 7, 1934, A GROUP OF PRINTERS' DECIDE THE CREATION OF THE UNION ORGANIZATION IN THE TRADE. TO FULFILL THIS PURPOSE, THEY FORMED A PROVISIONAL COMMITTEE WHICH HAD THE TASK OF GROUPING ALL THE PRINTERS 0F CORDOBA CITY. THIS TASK REQUIRED A LONG TIME, AS A CONSEQUENCE OF THE APATHY PREVAILING IN THE TRADE GIVEN THE OWNERS AND STATE PERSECUTION. HOWEVER, THE MEN WHO LED WHAT BY THAT TIME WAS THE SINDICATO DE ARTES GRAFICAS PERSISTED ON THEIR ATTEMPT AND, MOVING FROM ONE PLACE TO ANOTHER WITH THE UNION ADMINISTRATION BEHIND THEM, ACHIEVED BY THE MIDDLE OF 1935 THE CONSOLIDATION OF THE PRINTERS' UNION ORGANIZATION" 60. THE FIRST IMPORTANT PRINTERS' STRIKE OCCURS IN 1935, BUT IT Is DEFEATED AS A RESULT OF THE ORGANIZERS' LACK OF EXPERIENCE AND POLICE REPRESSION 61. SEVERAL ATTEMPTS To REORGANIZE THE UNION TAKE PLACE FOR ALMOST Two YEARS. A UNION OFFICIAL MENTIONED THAT THE FIRST RESULTS WERE MORE CROWDED MEETINGS AND A MANIFEST INTEREST ON THE PART OF THE WORKERS To VINDICATE THEIR RIGHTS. HE ADDED THAT IN 1936 BEGAN THE TRUE STAGE OF UNION ORGANIZATION AMONG CORDOBA PRINTERS, BECAUSE IN THAT YEAR MEETINGS WERE CARRIED OUT WITH MORE THAN 50 MEMBERS AND THE FIRST EFFECTIVE CONQUESTS WERE ACHIEVED 62. BY THAT TIME, PRINTERS WERE ALREADY ORGANIZED WITHIN THE UNION OBRERA GRAFICA CORDOBESA —UOGC. V AROUND 1940, AS IT WAS POINTED OUT, BEGAN THE EFFORTS To REORGANIZE THE NATIONAL FEDERATION, WHERE THE UOGC ACTIVELY PARTICIPATED. IN 1942, THE UNION CARRIED OUT A _SURVEY ABOUT THE WORKING CONDITIONS OF CORDOBA PRINTERS. ON APRIL, 1942, THEY REQUIRED SALARY INCREASES AND OBTAINED APPROXIMATELY 100% IMPROVEMENTS. THIS WAS PRECEDED BY LONG DISCUSSIONS AND THREATS 0F STRIKE. ON MAY 3, 1942, THEY GOT THE OWNERs' AGREEMENT AND SIGNATURE ON THE FIRST COLLECTIVE CONTRACT IN THE INTERIOR OF THE COUNTRY. THE JOURNEY OF SIx HOURS FOR UNHEALTHY PLANTS WAS ESTABLISHED IN ALL SHOPS 63. - 23 _ DURING THE PERONIST REGIME, THEY MAINTAINED THEIR INDEPENDENCE UNTIL 1950. BEFORE THAT, THE UNION WAS CONTROLLED BY THE LISTA ROSA, "WHERE DIFFERENT CURRENTS 0F THOUGHT WERE UNITED ON THE BASIS OF A DECLARED EXCLUSIVE TRADE-UNION IDEAL" 6“. IN 1950 THE OLD LEADERSHIP Is MOVED OUT BY A MANOUVER OF THE CONFEDERACION GENERAL DEL TRABAJO -CGT, AND THE SECRETARY GENERAL OF THE UOGC WAS IMPRISONED. AS A RESULT OF ALL THESE PROCESSES, THE UOGC BECAME A DEPENDENT SECTION OF THE FEDERACION GRAFICA ARGENTINA (ARGENTINIAN PRINTING FEDERATION), THE NEW NATIONAL ORGANIZATION CREATED AFTER THE CGT'S INTERVENTION OF THE FATI. ON OCTOBER 11, 1955 -AFTER THE FALL OF PERON'S REGIME-, A GENERAL MEETING DECIDES To RECOVER THE CHARACTER 0F AUTONOMOUS UNION LOCAL, AND To READOPT THE DENOMINATION OF UNION OBRERA GRAFICA CORDOBESA -UOGC. ZJ INTERNAL CONFLICTS IN THE FATI AND THE UOGC THE PRESENCE OF LINES OF CONFLICT BETWEEN ARGENTINIAN PRINTERS CAN BE TRACED BACK TO THEIR FIRST ORGANIZATIONAL ATTEMPTS, PARTICULARLY WITHIN THE BUENOS AIRES' LOCAL 65. THE POLITICAL CLEAVAGE BETWEEN ANARCHo-SYNDICALISTS AND SOCIALISTS IS AS OLD AS THE HISTORY OF THE ARGENTINIAN LABOR MOVEMENT ITSELF. THE PRINTERS WERE NO EXCEPTION. - 24 - HOWEVER, THIS CONFLICT SEEMS To ASSUME AMONG THEM A SPECIFIC CHARACTER: THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE SUPPORTERS OF A UNION BASED ON THE DIFFERENT CRAFTS WITHIN PRINTING TRADE -THE ANARCHO-SYNDICALISTS-, AND THE SUPPORTERS OF A UNION WITHOUT CRAFT DISTINCTIONS —THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISTS. THIS LATTER STRUGGLE SOMETIMES LED To SEPARATIST ATTEMPTS, SUCH AS THAT OF THE LINOTYPE OPERATORS, WHO FORMED THE UNION DE 66. OF COURSE, IT IS LINOTIPISTAS,:M§CANICOS Y AFINES ALMOST IMPOSSIBLE To DETERMINE To WHAT EXTENT THE CONFLICT ON THE POLITICAL DIMENSION OVERLAPS THE CONFLICT ON THE OCCUPATIONAL STATUS DIMENSION 67. IN THE CASE OF THE UOGC, CONFLICTS HAVE BEEN PRACTICALLY ABSENT FROM THEIR ORGANIZATIONAL HISTORY. AS IT WAS POINTED OUT, MOST OF THEIR HISTORY IS CHARACTERIZED BY THEIR WILL To UNITE, To FORM AND MAINTAIN A PERMANENT ORGANIZATION, AND IT SEEMS THAT THESE EFFORTS HAVE EXCLUDED THE DEVELOPMENT OF WELL DEFINED POLITICAL CLEAVAGES. THIS DIFFERENCE BETWEEN BUENOS AIRES AND CORDOBA PRINTERS CAN BE BETTER SEEN IN THE CASE OF THE CONFLICT BETWEEN PERONIST SECTORS AND THE LISTA Eggg. WE HAVE NOTED THAT THIS CONFLICT, IN ACCORDANCE WITH CERTAIN POINTS OF VIEW, INVOLVED THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE SUPPORTERS OF A COMPLETE, MASSIVE PARTICIPATION OF ALL PRINTERS IN UNION AFFAIRS, AND THE SUPPORTERS OF A UNION CONTROLLED BY THE MOST SKILLED PERSONNEL. IF THESE - 25 - CONSIDERATIONS ARE ALSO DIFFICULT To BE CONFIRMED, IT IS CLEAR THAT Is NOT THE SITUATION AMONG CORDOBA PRINTERS, WHO HAVE PERMANENTLY FAVOURED A HIGH DEGREE OF PARTICIPATION 68. IT HAS TO BE REMEMBERED THAT IN 1950 THE UOGC'S ADMINISTRATION WAS MOVED OUT BY A MANOUVER OF THE CGT, GIVEN THAT THE PERONIST SECTORS WERE UNABLE TO ORGANIZE A SUCCESSFUL OPPOSITION. FURTHERMORE, IN 1955 -AFTER THE FALL OF PERON'S REGIME- THE UOGC RECOVERED ITS AUTONOMY AND, AS A RESULT, THE POLITICAL PROCESS IN THE FATI AND THE BUENOS AIRES' LOCAL DID NOT FUNDAMENTALLY AFFECT THE INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF CORDOBA PRINTERS. AS A CONCLUSION OF THE PRESENT HISTORICAL NOTE, IT CAN BE OBSERVED THAT WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE RELATIVELY ACTIVIST AND MILITANT LABOR MOVEMENT OF CORDOBA, THE ABSENCE OF INTERNAL CONFLICTS AND THE PRESENCE OF A "ONE-LIST- SYSTEM” HAS BEEN A PERMANENT FEATURE IN THE UOGC, EVENTHOUGH THE POLITICAL PROCESS AT THE NATIONAL LEVEL -AND WITHIN THE LARGEST AND MOST INFLUENTIAL LOCAL, THE FEDERACION GRAFICA BONAERENSE- HAS BEEN CHARACTERIZED BY SYSTEMATIC CONFLICTS AND, SINCE 1946, BY A PERMANENT, SOMETIMES SUCCESSFUL OPPOSITION. . H II I . A . I II D I I I \ I I I \ . I I I . . x I \ L n. I I A I J \ L I I \ I - 26 - SECTION II - METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS 3. REASONS FOR REPLICATION IT HAS TO BE POINTED OUT THAT THE'CENTRAL ATTEMPT OF OUR WORK IS NOT CROSS-CULTURAL COMPARISONS. HOWEVER, THE COMPARATIVE, INTER-SOCIETAL ASPECT IMPOSED ITSELF AS A NECESSARY PROCESS. WE WERE CONFRONTED WITH THE PARTICULAR SITUATION THAT THE STUDY REQUIRED A LOCAL PRINTING UNION IN ANOTHER SOCIAL SETTING WHICH COULD BE THE BEST TEST FOR UNION DEMOCRACY'S THEORY. FORTUNATELY, WE FOUND A VERY INTERESTING CASE: AN ARGENTINIAN LOCAL UNION, THE UOGC, WHICH IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE ANALYSIS CARRIED OUT IN UNION DEMOCRACY MIGHT HAS BEEN SEEN AS A DEMOCRATIC TYPE OF ORGANIZATION, AND THAT, INSTEAD, SEEMED To BE CHARACTERIZED BY OLIGARCHIC PATTERNS. WE HAVE NOTED THAT OUR ATTEMPT IS NOT CENTERED ON THE COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF DIFFERENT SOCIETIES. OUR UNIT OF ANALYSIS, FOR REPLICATION PURPOSES, IS A LOCAL UNION WITHIN THE PRINTING TRADE. HOWEVER, AT VARIOUS STAGES OF THE RESEARCH, SOCIETAL DIFFERENCES ARE INTRODUCED. WHEN WE DISCUSS THE POLITICAL PROCESS WITHIN A UNION, THE POLITICAL PROCESS AT THE SOCIETAL LEVEL CANNOT BE IGNORED. IT MUST BE - 27 - POINTED OUT THAT WHEN WE MOVE FROM THE UNION LEVEL TO THE SOCIETAL LEVEL WE ARE ONLY SUGGESTING PLAUSIBLE HYPOTESIS WHICH COULD EXPLAIN A PARTICULAR RELATIONSHIP OR PROCESS. WE Do NOT ATTEMPT HERE TO MEASURE VARIABLES AT THE SOCIETAL LEVEL, WHICH WOULD BE FAR BEYOND THE LIMITS OF THE PRESENT WORK. WE DO NOT ASSUME INDEPENDENCE BETWEEN BOTH PROCESSES. IT IS ONLY A STRATEGY FOR ANALYSIS. THIS REPLICATION STUDY HOPES TO OVERCOME SOME OF THE PROBLEMS SINGLED OUT IN UNION DEMOCRACY'S METHODOLOGICAL 69 APPENDIX . THERE, THE AUTHORS MENTIONED THAT WHEN CONFRONTED WITH THE ALTERNATIVE OF EITHER CARRYING OUT AN INTENSIVE ANALYSIS OF A SINGLE CASE OR AN EXTENSIVE AND MORE SUPERFICIAL EXAMINATION OF MANY CASES, THE FORMER WAS CHOSEN 70. WE EXPECT THAT THE POSSIBILITIES FOR COMPARISONS OPENED BY THE STUDY OF AT LEAST ANOTHER LOCAL IN A , DIFFERENT COUNTRY COULD THROW SOME LIGHT ON THOSE ASPECTS WHICH "ARE INVARIANT FOR THE SINGLE SYSTEM AS A WHOLE" 71, PARTICULARLY BECAUSE "AN INTERNAL ANALYSIS WILL NOT ORDINARILY BE AS EXHAUSTIVE" 72 AS THE COMPARATIVE ONE. THIS ISSUE IS EVEN MORE RELEVANT IF WE REMEMBER THAT THE MAIN INVARIANT ASPECT IN THE ITU IS THE DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM ITSELF, AND THAT, ON THE OTHER HAND, THE UOGC SEEMS TO BE CHARACTERIZED BY AN OLIGARCHIC TYPE OF ORGANIZATION. FURTHERMORE, THE INTRODUCTION OF BROAD SOCIETAL DIFFERENCES IN THE ANALYSIS COULD ALSO EXPAND THE COMPARATIVE - 28 - PERSPECTIVE: CORDOBA'S POPULATION IS APPROXIMATELY 10% OF NEW YORK'S; ITS DEGREE OF URBANIzATION AND MODERNIZATION Is, OF COURSE, FAR BEHIND FROM THAT OF NEW YORK, EVEN THOUGH IT IS A HIGHLY URBANIZED SETTING; THE PROCESS OF INDUSTRIALIZATION IS FAIRLY RECENT AND THE PRESENCE OF TRADITIONAL ELEMENTS IS STILL POWERFULL; FINALLY, THE POLITICAL TRADITION OF LIBERAL DEMOCRACY IN THE COUNTRY AS A WHOLE HAS BEEN SYSTEMATICALLY ALTERED SINCE 1930 73. 3.1 RESEARCH POPULATION THE PRESENT WORK CONSIDERED AS ITS UNIT OF ANALYSIS THE UNION ORGANIZATION OF CORDOBA PRINTERS: UNION OBRERA GRAFICA CORDOBESA -UOGC, A MEMBER OF THE FEDERACION ARGEN- TINA DE TRABAJADORES DE LA IMPRENTA -FATI. TAKING INTO I ACCOUNT REPLICATION PURPOSES, THE STUDY WAS CARRIED OUT THROUGH SURVEY RESEARCH METHODS AMONG MEMBERS OF THE CORDOBA LOCAL. THE SOURCE OF DATA WAS A RANDOM SAMPLE SELECTED FROM UOGC'S MEMBERS. DIFFERENT FROM UNION DEMOCRACY STUDY, OUR SAMPLE WAS NOT A Two-STAGE STRATIFIED RANDOM SAMPLE. IN UNION DEMOCRACY, "FIRST SHOPS WERE SELECTED, THEN MEN WITHIN SHOPS" 7”. WE ALSO STRATIFIED SHOPS INTO THREE SIZE GROUPS, SMALL, MEDIUM, AND LARGE, ON THE BASIS OF THE NUMBER OF WORKERS IN EACH .f.llll[((.[u"l IilIllrI {I ‘illll - 29 - ,SHOP. BUT, WE INCLUDED ALL THE LARGE AND MEDIUM SHOPS, AND AROUND 70% OF THE SMALL ONES. AS A RESULT OF THE ANALYSIS OF PREVIOUS INFORMATION, WE OBSERVED THAT THERE WAS A GROUP OF SHOPS WITH A RANGE OF 3 To 12 WORKERS, ANOTHER WITH A RANGE OF 30 To 35, AND FINALLY, ONE WITH 60 OR MORE. 80, WE DETERMINED THAT A SMALL SHOP SHOULD HAVE 2 To 19 WORKERS, A MEDIUM SHOP 20 To 39, AND A LARGE ONE 40 OR MORE 75. THIS DIVISION ALLOWED US To HAVE IN THE LATTER GROUP ALL THE CITY'S NEWPAPERS, AND IN THE MEDIUM AND SMALL CATEGORIES THE MOST AND LESS IMPORTANT SHOPS RESPECTIVELY, IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE UNION'S EVALUATION. THE SAMPLE IN TERMS OF THE SHOP SIZE CATEGORIES IS GIVEN BELOW (THE PROPORTIONS FOR THE MEDIUM AND SMALL GROUPS WERE INCREASED, IN ORDER TO OBTAIN HIGHER FIGURES FOR COMPARATIVE PURPOSES): SHOP SIZE SAMPLE POPULATION (UNION MEMBERS _“‘—'——‘ "“—' IN EACH GROUP) LARGE 83 (30%) 277 MEDIUM 26 (no?) - 66 SMALL 2 (#00) 82 7% 1R3 FOLLOWING UNION DEMOCRACY'S METHODOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS, N0 STATISTICAL TEST IS INTRODUCED IN THE ANALYSIS OF THE DATA 76. ONLY TABLES ARE USED FOR THE PRESENTATION OF DATA, AND, FOR THIS REASON, UNION DEMOQRAQY'S FIGURES AND DIAGRAMS ARE PUT IN TABLE-FORM. IN THE DISCUSSION OF EMPIRICAL - 3o - RELATIONSHIPS, THE DISTRIBUTION OF FREQUENCIES FOR BOTH THE ITU AND THE UOGC ARE ALWAYS PRESENTED. 3.2 PROBLEM OF QUESTIONNAIRE TRANSLATION WE HAVE ALREADY MENTIONED THAT THE STUDY WAS CARRIED OUT THROUGH SURVEY RESEARCH METHODS. FUNDAMENTALLY, THE QUESTIONNAIRE WE USED WAS A TRANSLATION OF UNION DEMOCRACY'S. WE ADDED SOME QUESTIONS SUGGESTED BY TWO SOURCES: ALAIN TOURAINE'S LA CONSCIENCE OUVRIERE, AND T. DI TELLA ET AL'S SINDICATO Y COMUNIDAD 77. FORTUNATELY, MOST TRANSLATION PROBLEMS OF UNION DEMOCRACY'S QUESTIONNAIRE WERE EASILY SOLVED, GIVEN THAT 'THE MAJORITY OF ITS QUESTIONS HAD BEEN ALREADY TRANSLATED -OR EQUIVALENT ONES PROPOSED- AND USED IN OTHER WORKS. THE MOST SERIOUS PROBLEM REFERRED TO QUESTIONS RELATED TO THE INTERNAL POLITICAL PROCESSES IN THE ITU. IN THIS CASE, WE HAD TO USE ALTERNATIVE QUESTIONS ADAPTED TO THE SPECIFIC CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE UOGC. A COPY OF THE SPANISH VERSION OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE APPEARS AS AN APPENDIX AT THE END OF THIS STUDY. THE INTERVIEWS THEMSELVES WERE ABOUT AN HOUR AND A HALF TO TWO HOURS, AND WERE CONDUCTED AT THE INTERVIEWEE'S HOME. THE QUESTIONNAIRES WERE ADMINISTERED FROM MAY TO .[.fl.ll‘.lll|)|\..llllllv[ ‘.I||\.[r ( [IT‘IIIIII w. u AUGUST, 1970. 3.3 CONSTRUCTION OF INDICES / THE CONSTRUCTION OF INDICES WAS KEPT AS CLOSE AS POSSIBLE TO THE PROCEDURES FOLLOWED BY UNION DEMOCRACY 78. OF COURSE, SOME MODIFICATIONS WERE IMPOSED BY THE PECULIARITIES OF THE DIFFERENT SOCIAL SITUATIONS AND THE DIFFERENT HISTORICAL EXPERIENCES. A DESCRIPTION OF THE INDICES CONSTRUCTED ON THE BASIS OF INTERVIEW QUESTIONS IS PRESENTED: 3.3.1 INDEX OF PARTICIPATION (OR ACTIVITY) IN UNION POLITICS ITEMS: Q. 39A HAVE YOU EVER HELD ANY UNION OFFICE OR SERVED ON A UNION COMMITTEE? Q. 390 (IF NOT) HAVE YOU EVER RUN FOR ANY UNION OFFICE? . Q. N1A How MANY ELECTIONS DID YOU VOTE IN SINCE YOU JOINEO THE UNION? Q. 51 HAVE YOU WORKED FOR THE ELECTION OF ANY CANDIDATE IN THE LAST Two LOCAL ELECTIONS? CODE: DISTRIBUHON 1. POSITIVE RESPONDE To ALL THREE QUESTIONS 6 2. POSITIVE RESPONSE To ANY Two OF THREE QUESTIONS_ 31 3. POSITIVE RESPONSE To ANY ONE OF THREE QUESTIONS 53 N. NEGATIVE RESPONSE TO ALL THREE QUESTIONS an 5. FAILEU To ANSWER ANY OF THE THREE QUESHONS 7 131 THIS INDEX WAS DICHOTOMIZED BETWEEN (1-3) AND (4); ALL HOSE CODED (5) WERE DISCARDED. THOSE 8 ED INng WERE CALLED ACTIVE, AND THOSE CODED I 3 IV . #35“? - 32 - 3.3.2 SOCIAL RELATIONS INDEX ITEMS: Q. 58 I Now, THINK OF ALL THE PLACES WHERE YOU I ARE LIKELY TO SEE OTHER PRINTERS OFF 1 THE JOB. HOW OFTEN WOULD YOU SAY YOU SPEND TIME WITH OTHER PRINTERS OFF THE JOB? — NEVER? - LESS THAN ONCE A MONTH? - ONCE OR TWICE A MONTH? - ONCE OR TWICE A WEEK? - NEARLY EVERY DAY? (DICHOTOMIZED BETWEEN ”ONCE OR TWICE A WEEK", CODED 1, AND "ONCE OR TWICE A MONTH", CODED O). 57A DO YOU EVER VISIT ANY OTHER PRINTERS AT THEIR HOMES, OR DO ANY PRINTERS COME To YOUR HOME? 578 (IF YES) VERY OFTEN, OCCASIONALLY, OR ,RARELY? (DICHOTOMIZED BETWEEN "OCCASIONALLY", CODED 1, AND "RARELY", CODED 0). 63A WOULD YOU THINK OF YOUR THREE CLOSEST FRIENDS -IT DOESN'T MATTER WHETHER OR NOT THEY ARE PRINTERS. Now, JUST TELL ME THEIR FIRST NAMES so WE DON'T GET THEM MIXED UP. 638 (ASKED FOR EACH FRIEND) WHAT IS HIS OCCUPATION? (DICHOTOMIZED BETWEEN No PRINTERS AMONG THREE BEST FRIENDS AND AT LEAST ONE PRINTER AMONG THREE BEST FRIENDS). 690 WITH WHOM 22 YOU ACTUALLY SPEND MORE OF YOUR FREE TIME -OTHER PRINTERS OR THOSE OUTSIDE THE TRADE? (DICHOTOMIzED BETWEEN "THOSE OUTSIDE THE TRADE", CODED 0, AND "EQUALLY WITH BOTH GROUPS", CODED 1). DISTRIBUTION ALL THOSE WITH A SCORE OF H 9 ALL THOSE WITH A SCORE OF 3 25 ALL THOSE WITH A SCORE OF 2 45 ALL THOSE WITH A SCORE OF 1 #2 ALL THOSE WITH A SCORE OF 0 16 NO ANSWER IN ANY OF FOUR QUESTIONS 4 TET THIS INDEX WAS DICHOTOMIZED BETWEEN (1—3) AND (h,5), HIGH AND LOW IN SOCIAL RELATIONS; OR TRICHOTOMIZED (1,2), (3), AND (4,5), THAT IS, HIGH, MEDIUM, AND Low. THAT IS, «PM 3.3.3 - 33 - INDEX OF IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY —OR INDEX OF NON-ACCEPTANCE 0F PREVAILING SOCIAL STRUCTURES- ITEMS: Q. 298 WHAT DO YOU THINK THE UNIONS SHOULD DO: ‘I - ONLY TO IMPROVE THE LIFE CONDITIONS ‘ OF WORKERS - ALSO TO HAVE AN INFLUENCE ON MORE GENERAL ISSUES OF THE COUNTRY - AND, FURTHERMORE, TO ASSUME A POLITICAL STANDPOINT IN CERTAIN CASES. 9? (DICHOTOMIZED BETWEEN "ALSO To HAVE AN 3 INFLUENCE ON MORE GENERAL ISSUES OF THE COUNTRY", CODED 1, AND "ONLY TO IMPROVE THE LIFE CONDITIONS OF WORKERS", CODED 0). Q. 54 IN ORDER TO DEFEND LABOR INTERESTS, WHICH IS MORE IMPORTANT? — MORE IMPORTANT THE UNION - MORE IMPORTANT THE POLITICAL PARTIES - BOTH ARE EQUALLY IMPORTANT - No ONE IS IMPORTANT (DICHOTOMIZED BETWEEN "MORE IMPORTANT THE POLITICAL PARTIES" OR "BOTH", CODED 1, AND "MORE IMPORTANT THE UNION" OR "NO ONE IS IMPORTANT", CODED O). Q. 56A IN YOUR OPINION, WHICH IS THE FINAL GOAL OF THE ORGANIZED LABOR MOVEMENT? - TO OBTAIN THE PROGRESSIVE EMBETTERMENT OF THE LABOR SITUATION - ALSO To OBTAIN A DEGREE OF ENTERPRISES' CONTROL, - To PREPARE, FINALLY, A SOCIAL REVOLUTION. (DICHOTOMIZED BETWEEN "TO OBTAIN A DEGREE OF ENTERPRISES' CONTROL", CODED 1, AND To OBTAIN THE PROGRESSIVE EMBETTERMENT OF THE LABOR SITUATION", CODED 0). DISTRIBUTION CODE: . ALL THOSE WITH SCORE OF 3 6 . ALL THOSE WITH SCORE OF 2 V 27 1 50 . ALL THOSE WITH SCORE OF 0 1 A 2 A 3. ALL THOSE WITH A SCORE OF 4 A 55 5. No ANSWER IN ANY OF THREE QUESTIONS 74% THIS INDEX, FOR COMPARATIVE PURPOSES, WAS USUALLY TRICHOTOMIZED IN THE ANALYSIS, WITH HIGH AS (1,2), MEDIUM AS (3), AND LOW AS (4). THE MAIN DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THIS INDEx AND UNION DEMOCRACY'S IS THAT THE PRESENT ONE IMPLIES A CERTAIN "DIRECTIONALITY", THAT IS, IT CAN BE ASSOCIATED WITH A "LIBERAL-CONSERVATIVE" DIMENSION. GIVEN THAT IN THE CONTEXT OF OUR RESEARCH ALL THE "POLITICALLY SENSITIVE" ITEMS WE COULD USE WERE CONTAMINATED BY CERTAIN DEGREE OF DIRECTIONALITY, WE HAVE ATTEMPTED TO USE AN INDEPENDENT "LIBERAL- CONSERVATIVE" INDEX. -34- 3.3.4 INDEX OF PARTICIPATION IN PRINTERS' SOCIAL ACTIVITIES (WITHIN THE UNION) ITEMS: Q. 66A HAVE YOU EVER PARTICIPATED IN ANY UNION ACTIVITIES, TEAMS, CULTURAL AFFAIRS, OR IN OTHER REUNIONS COMPOSED MOSTLY OF PRINTERS? - FOOTBALL OR BASKETBALL TEAMS - CHESS ‘ - OTHER SPORTS - CULTURAL AFFAIRS (CODED 1 IF PARTICIPATED IN AT LEAST ONE, CODED 0 IF NONE). Q. 668 DO YOU ATTEND MEETINGS REGULARLY, OCCASIONALLY, OR VERY SELDOM? (CODED 1 IF ATTENDED "OCCASIONALLY" AT LEAST ONE ACTIVITY, CODED 0 IF ATTENDED "VERY SELDOM" ALL OF THEM). Q. 660 DO YOU CONSIDER YOURSELF VERY ACTIVE, MODERATELY ACTIVE, OR QUITE INACTIVE? (CODED 1 IF "MODERATELY ACTIVE" AT LEAST IN ONE, CODED 0 IF "QUITE INACTIVE" IN ALL OF THEM). Q. 660 HAVE YOU EVER HELD OFFICE IN THE GROUP? . 678 67C {LO 1. ALL 2. ALL 3. ALL 4. ALL_ 5 6 . ALL . ALL THIS INDEX WA SOCIAL ACTIVI BETWEEN ACTIVE PARTICIPANTS 1 (CODED 1 IF HELD OFFICE AT LEAST IN ONE, CODED 0 IF NONE). HAVE YOU EVER ATTENDED ANY PRINTERS SOCIAL AFFAIRS? (IF YES) IN THE LAST FIVE YEARS? HOW MANY? (CODED 1/2 IF RESPONDENT ATTENDED ANY PRINTERS SOCIAL AFFAIRS AT LEAST ONCE WITHIN THE LAST FIVE YEARS?.r THOSE WITH A SCORE OF 4 OR 4 1/2 THOSE WITH A SCORE OF 3 OR 3 1/2 32 THOSE WITH A SCORE OF 2 OR 2 1/2 19 THOSE WITH A SCORE OF 1 OR 1 1/2 13 THOSE WITH A SCORE OF 1/2 38 THOSE WITH A SCORE OF 0 22 1 1 s DIVIDED BETWEEN PARTICIPANTS IN UNION TIES (1—4) AND NON-PARTICIPANTS (5,6), OR 2 , INACTIVES ,4 , THOSE WHO ATTENDED SOCIAL AFFAIRS 5), AND NON-PARTICIPANTS (6L THE DIFFERENCE WITH UNION DEMOCRACY'S INDEX OF PARTICH%HON IN PRINTERS' FORMAL SOCIAL ORGANIZATIONS IS THAT THE PRESENT ONE REFERS TO ACTIVITIES WITHIN THE UNION, GIVEN THAT THE UOGC DOES NOT HAVE FORMAL SOCIAL ORGANIZATIONS OUTSIDE THE UNION ITSELF. W 10 , I I I I I I ,, Wj ,- 35 - SECTION III — THE SOCIAL SETTING OF TRADE-UNION DEMOCRACY INTRODUCTION,- IN THIS CHAPTER, THE ROLE OF SECONDARY ORGANIZATIONS -FORMAL AND INFORMAL OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY- WILL BE DISCUSSED. THE FORMAL OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY, AS NOTED IN UNION DEMOCRACY, REFERS TO THE PRESENCE OF PRINTERS' EXCLUSIVE SOCIAL CLUBS IN THE ITU. IN THE UOGC, IT WILL BE OBSERVED THAT SUCH EXCLUSIVE CLUBS Do NOT EXIST AND THAT, INSTEAD, FORMAL SOCIAL ACTIVITIES CARRIED OUT WITHIN THE LIMITS OF THE UNION TAKE PLACE. THIS REFERS To SPORTS PROMOTED BY THE UNION, OR BY CORDOBA PRINTERS THEMSELVES WITH CERTAIN SUPPORT FROM THE UNION. ON THE OTHER HAND, THE CLUBS TO WHICH THEY MAY BELONG ARE NEIGHBORHOOD ASSOCIATIONS WHOSE MEMBERSHIP CAN BE COMPOSED OF PEOPLE FROM DIFFERENT TRADES. A SIMILAR CHARACTERISTIC IN BOTH UNIONS IS THE PRESENCE OF AN INFORMAL OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY, GIVEN THAT NEW YORK AND CORDOBA PRINTERS TEND TO BE HIGHLY INVOLVED IN SOCIAL RELATIONS WITH FELLOW WORKERS. IN BOTH CASES, INVOLVEMENT IN THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY APPEARS INTIMATELY ASSOCIATED WITH INVOLVEMENT IN UNION ACTIVITIES. IN THIS PART OF THE ANALYSIS, THE MAIN VARIABLES CONSIDERED ARE DEGREE OF SOCIAL RELATIONS, INTEREST IN UNION POLITICS, ATTENDANCE AT UNION «W -36- MEETINGS, AND TALKING ABOUT UNION POLITICS. AT THE END OF THE CHAPTER, THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SOCIAL ACTIVITY AND POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT IS DISCUSSED FROM A THEORETICAL POINT OF VIEW, WHILE THE EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS IS CARRIED OUT IN THE NEXT CHAPTER. AT A THEORETICAL LEVEL, UNIONS ARE CONSIDERED AS SOCIAL SYSTEMS WITH THE CHARACTERISTICS OF A MASS SOCIETY, WHERE INDEPENDENT SOURCES OF POWER ARE VITAL FOR THE SUSTAINING OF UNION DEMOCRACY. CONSIDERING THAT THE UOGC IS A RELATIVELY SMALL ORGANIZATION FACILITATING DIRECT COMMUNICATIONS BETWEEN ITS MEMBERS, IT IS SUGGESTED THAT THE REQUIREMENT OF SUCH INDEPENDENT SOURCES OF POWER IS NOT AS IMPORTANT AS IN THE ITU. 4. SECONDARY ORGANIZATION AND TRADE-UNION DEMOCRACY LIPSET ET AL HAVE'NOTED THAT A UNIQUE FEATURE OF THE ITU IS THE PRESENCE OF: (1) A VAST NETWORK OF VOLUNTARY ORGANIZATIONS. THESE GROUPS WHOSE FORMAL FUNCTIONS ARE PRIMARILY SOCIAL -AND WHICH CONSTITUTE WHAT THE AUTHORS CALL THE PRINTERS' OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY- "DEVELOPED WITHOUT ANY FORMAL CONNECTION WITH THE UNION" 79. (2) ON THE OTHER HAND, ”THE FORMAL COMMUNITY OF PRINTERs' CLUBS IS PARALLELED BY AN INFORMAL ONE" 80. THIS IS SO BECAUSE: . - 37 - (2.A) "PRINTERS SPEND A CONSIDERABLE AMOUNT OF THEIR LEISURE TIME WITH OTHER PRINTERS" 81 AND BECAUSE' (2.B) "THERE IS ALSO MORE SOCIALIZING AMONG PRINTERS ON THE JOB THAN WE FIND IN MOST OCCUPATIONS" 82. THIS LATTER FACT IS A RESULT OF: (2.B.1) THE CRAFT NATURE OF PRINTING AND (2.9.2) THE CHARACTERISTICS OF NIGHT WORK. (2.5.3) FINALLY, THE AUTONOMY OF PRINTERS IN THE PRINT SHOPS ALSO CONTRIBUTES TO THEIR FREEDOM TO ENGAGE IN SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS AMONG THEMSELVES. WITH RESPECT TO THE ARGENTINIAN SITUATION, MOST SMALL LOCALS DO NOT HAVE EXCLUSIVE FORMAL ORGANIZATIONS OF THEIR OWN, AS IN THE CASE OF THE ITU'S CLUBS. THE CLUBS CORDOBA PRINTERS MAY BELONG To ARE NOT ONLY INTEGRATED BY PRINTERS, BUT BY ALL THOSE WHO LIVE IN THE SAME "POPULAR BARRIO". AS DI TELLA ET AL HAVE POINTED OUT WITH RESPECT TO CHILEAN MINE WORKERS: "IN MORE PRIMARY COMMUNITIES (...), FRIENDSHIPS WILL BE BASED MORE ON FAMILIAL RELATIONSHIPS, OR RELATIONSHWS AMONG NEIGHBORS, OR AMONG THOSE WHO PRACTICE THE SAME SPORT OR GO TO THE SAME BAR OR CAFE" 83. THE UOGC, THEN, IS NOT CHARACTERIZED BY THE PRESENCE OF EXCLUSIVE VOLUNTARY ORGANIZATIONS. AS AN ALTERNATIVE, CORDOBA PRINTERS PARTICIPATE IN A SERIES OF FORMAL SOCIAL ACTIVITIES WITHIN THE LIMITS OF THE UNION ITSELF 81+. \IT -38- WE HAVE ALREADY POINTED OUT THAT A FORMAL OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY DOES NOT ARISE AMONG UOGC MEMBERS, BUT WE THINK AN INFORMAL OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY COULD BE SINGLED OUT. THAT IS, CORDOBA PRINTERS SEEM To HAVE A HIGH DEGREE OF INVOLVEMENT IN INFORMAL RELATIONSHIPS, EVEN WHEN THEY DO NOT HAVE EXCLUSIVE FORMAL ORGANIZATIONS OTHER THAN THE UNION ITSELF. LIPSET ET AL NOTE THAT "WITHOUT DATA ON OTHER WORKERS IT IS DIFFICULT TO JUDGE WHETHER THERE ARE MORE OF THESE INFORMAL SOCIAL RELATIONS AMONG PRINTERS THAN THERE ARE IN OTHER OCCUPATIONAL GROUPS" 85. HOWEVER, ANOTHER STUDY CARRIED OUT AMONG CORDOBA AUTOMOBILE WORKERS ALLOWED US To SEE THAT PRINTERS TENDED TO BE MORE SATISFIED WITH THEIR OCCUPATION AND TO RELATE MORE WITH FELLOW WORKERS 86. ALSO, AS IN THE ITU, THE CRAFTMANSHIP OF CORDOBA PRINTERS ~THEY ARE THE CONTROLLERS OF THE WORK PACE-, AND THE COMRADERIE ENGENDERED BY NIGHT WORK, SHOW THAT THERE SHOULD BE MORE SOCIALIZING AMONG THEM THAN IN OTHER OCCUPATIONS. WITH THE EXCEPTION OF EXCLUSIVE CLUBS, WE CAN SAY THAT NEW YORK AND CORDOBA PRINTERS "... BOTH ON AND Ofl’THE JOB, (...), IN THE PRINT SHOPS, AND IN INFORMAL GET TOGETHERS (...) ARE ENGAGED IN A VARIETY OF INFORMAL SOCIAL RELATIONS WITH EACH OTHER“ 87. THE ANALYSIS OF THE DATA FOR THE ITU SHOWS THAT "IN GENERAL, THOSE MEN WHO ARE ACTIVE IN THE PRINTERS' OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY, WHETHER INFORMALLY OR FORMALLY, _ 39 - ARE ALSO THOSE WHO ARE INVOLVED AND ACTIVE IN THE UNION" 88. THE SAME RELATIONSHIP TAKES PLACE IN THE UOGC, BUT WITH RESPECT To ACTIVITY IN THE INFORMAL OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY ALONE. IT CAN BE SEEN IN THE THREE TABLES THAT TENDENCIES TABLE 1. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN INFORMAL SOCIAL RELATIONS WITH OTHER PRINTERS AND INTEREST IN UNION POLITICS. A) UOGC SOCIAL RELATIONS INDEX LOW HIGH 0 1 2 3.400 PERCENT "EXTREMELY" OR (5) 17 20 18 QUITE INTERESTED IN ¢ , ‘ UNION POLITICS 31 % 40 % 44 % 53 % TOTAL CASES 16 42 ’ 45 34 B) ITU (PAGE 80) SOCIAL RELATIONS INDEX LOW HIGH 0 1 j 2 j 3 l 4 PERCENT "EXTREMELY“ (3) (35) (37) (28) (14) OR "QUITE" INTERESTED IN UNION POLITICS 7 % ”I % 39 % 53 % 55 % TOTAL CASES 41 86 \ 95 \ 53 \ 25 ‘ (x) IN TABLES 1, 2 AND 3, THE HIGHEST POINTS IN THE INDEX OF SOCIAL RELATIONS ARE GROUPED TOGETHER, BECAUSE VERY FEW CASES FELL IN THE LAST ONE, NUMBER 4. - 4O - TABLE 2. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN_ RELATIONS WITH OTHER PRINTERS AND ATTENDANCE AT UNION MEETINGS. A) UOGC INFORMAL SOCIAL SOCIAL RELATIONS INDEX LOW HIGH 0 1 2 3-4 PERCENT WHO ATTENDED (2) (8) (12) (10) THREE OR MORE MEETINGS I IN THE PAST YEAR 13 % 19 % 27 % 29 % TOTAL CASES 16 42 45 3“ B) ITU (PAGE 81) SOCIAL RELATIONS INDEX LOW HIGH 0 1 2 3 b, PERCENT WHO ATTENDED (21) (50) (60) (37) (20) THREE OR MORE MEETINGS IN THE PAST t YEAR 52 % 59% 63% 71% 80% TOTAL CASES I 41 I 86 I 95 I 53 I 25 - 41 TABLE 3. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN INFORMAL SOCIAL RELATIONS WITH OTHER PRINTERS AND TALKING ABOUT UNION POLITICS. A) UOGC SOCIAL RELATIONS INDEX LOW HIGH 0 1 2 3-4 PERCENT WHO TALK "MUCH" - (8) (10) (10) ABOUT UNION POLITICS _ . - 19 % 22 R 29 % TOTAL CASES 16 42 45 34 B) ITU (PAGE 83) SOCIAL RELATIONS INDEX LOW HIGH 0 1 2 3 U PERCENT WHO TALK (5) (30) (30) (24) (14) "MUCH" ABOUT UNION . W , POLITICS 12 % 35 A 32 % 45 % 55 % TOTAL CASES 41 86 95 53 25 -42- ARE THE SAME, EVENTHOUGH THE RELATIONSHIP IS MUCH STRONGER IN THE ITU 89 GIVEN THAT PRINTERS WHO ARE SOCIALLY ACTIVE WITH II PEOPLE IN THE TRADE ARE ALSO THOSE WHO TEND To BE MORE I POLITICALLY INVOLVED, LIPSET ET AL ASK: "JUST WHAT IS THE N RELATION BETWEEN THE SOCIAL ACTIVITIES OF THE PRINTERS' ‘ COMMUNITY AND THE ACTIVE POLITICAL LIFE ON THE UNION?" 90. BEFORE ATTEMPTING TO DISCUSS THE PROBLEM FROM AN EMPIRICAL POINT OF VIEW, THE AUTHORS SUGGEST A THEORETICAL APPROACH TO EXPLAIN SUCH A RELATIONSHIP. 4.1 THE MASS SOCIETY LIPSET ET.AL., FOLLOWING EMIL LEDERER, NOTE THAT ALL TYPE OF VOLUNTARY ORGANIZATIONS “HAVE A DEFINITE FUNCTION IN THE DEVELOPMENT AND PRESERVATION OF DEMOCRACY" 91. FOR LEDERER, "A SOCIETY WITHOUT A MULTITUDE OF ORGANIZATIONS INDEPENDENT OF STATE POWER HAS A HIGH DICTATORIAL AS WELL AS REVOLUTIONARY POTENTIAL" 92. AS LIPSET ET.AL. POINT OUT, LEDERER DESCRIBED THIS TYPE OF SOCIETY AS A MASS SOCIETY, OR "THE STATE OF THE MASSES" 93. ACCORDING TO UNION DEMOCRA§1LS AUTHORS, THE EARLIEST ATTEMPT TO SPECIFY THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN VOLUNTARY ORGANIZATIONS AND POLITICS WAS CARRIED OUT BY ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE. THEY SUMMARIZE THE ARGUMENT IN THE FOLLOWING WAY: IIIIIIII. , -43- "THE EXISTENCE OF LARGE NUMBERS OF VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS THUS SERVES TWO NEEDS OF A DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY. THEY ARE A SOURCEOF NEW OPINIONS INDEPENDENT OF THE STATE AND A MEANS OF COMMUNICATING THESE NEW SUGGESTIONS TO A LARGE SECTION OF THE CITIZENRY. TWO OTHER IMPORTANT FUNCTIONS ARE THE TRAINING OF MEN IN THE SKILLS OF POLITICS AND THE CONSEQUENT INCREASE IN THEIR ACTUAL 94 PARTICIPATION IN POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS" . ACCORDING TO THESE AUTHORS, IT IS POSSIBLE TO CONSIDER A UNION AS A SECONDARY, MEDIATING ORGANIZATION'BETWEEN THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE STATE" 95, BUT THEY WILL CONSIDER IT "AS A SOCIAL SYSTEM IN ITS OWN RIGHT" 96. HENCE, THEIR TASK IS To SEE TO WHAT EXTENT A STATE OF THE MASSES OR A COMPLEX STRUCTURE OF INTERCALATED SECONDARY ORGANIZATIONS CAN BE SINGLED OUT IN THE UNION CONSIDERED AS A SOCIAL SYSTEM. FOR THEM, MOST LARGE UNIONS "APPROXIMATE THE STATE OF THE MASSES" 97. GIVEN THAT GENERALLY THE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN THE UNION ADMINISTRATION AND THE RANK-AND-FILE ARE NOT MEDIATED BY SECONDARY ORGANIZATIONS. THE ITU, OF COURSE, APPEARS AS AN EXCEPTION TO THE RULE. HOWEVER, THE AUTHORS OBSERVE THAT THE NECESSITY OF MEDIATING SECONDARY ORGANIZATIONS TO SUSTAIN DEMOCRACY IS LIMITED BY THE SIZE OF THE SYSTEM WE ARE TAKING INTO CONSIDERATION. THAT IS, THE ABSENCE OF MEDIATING GROUPS BETWEEN THE MEMBERS.AND THE LEADERSHIP DOES NOT NECESSARILY IMPLY AN UNDEMOCRATIC ORGANIZATION WHEN SUCH AN ORGANIZATION IS A SMALL ONE: "... IT IS OBVIOUS THAT THERE IS A LIMITING - 44.- SIZE BELOW WHICH ORGANIZATIONS CAN ACT DEMOCRATICALLY WITHOUT ANY GROUPS MEDIATING BETWEEN THE MEMBERS AND THE ASSOCIATION" 98. THE AUTHORS ADD: "IN OUR JUDGMENT THESE LIMITS ARE DETERMINED BY THE POSSIBILITIES OF COMMUNICATION. As LONG AS AN INDIVIDUAL CAN REACH EVERY MEMBER OF A GROUP PERSONALLY AND THE GROUP Is SMALL ENOUGH FOR MEN To KNOW AND JUDGE THE WORK AND POLICIES OF THEIR LEADERS THROUGH FIRSTHAND OBSERVATION, DEMOCRACY CAN FLOURISH. AND IN FACT MANY SMALL UNION LOCALS ARE HIGHLY DEMOCRATIC. (SMALL UNIONS ALSO CANNOT USUALLY GIVE THEIR LEADERS MUCH INCOME OR SOCIAL STATUS, so THE LEADERS ARE LESS TEMPTED TO MAINTAIN POWER AT THE COST OF RESTRICTING DEMOCRACY)" 99. TO A GREAT EXTENT, IT SEEMS THAT THIS SHOULD HAVE BEEN THE CASE OF THE UOGC. AS A RECAPITULATION OF THEIR DISCUSSION, LIPSET ET.AL. NOTE THAT SECONDARY ORGANIZATIONS —AS DESCRIBED IN THE "MASS SOCIETY" APPROACH-, IN ORDER To FULFILL THEIR MEDIATING ROLE MUST HAVE SOURCES OF POWER "INDEPENDENT OF THE CENTRAL BODY" 100 AND THE POWER ITSELF -WITH RESPECT TO THAT CENTRAL BODY- "MUST BE CONSIDERABLE" 101. THROUGHOUT OUR WORK, WE WILL BE LOOKING FOR THESE INDEPENDENT SOURCES OF POWER, AND THE EXTENT TO WHICH THEY MIGHT PLAY A DIFFERENTIAL ROLE IN THE ITU AND THE UOGC. .15. 5. THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY AND THE POLITICAL SYSTEM INTRODUCTION.- AFTER THE THEORETICAL DISCUSSION OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE PRINTERS' SOCIAL COMMUNITY AND THE ITU'S POLITICAL SYSTEM, THE AUTHORS 0F UNION DEMOCRACY "APPROACH THE QUESTION EMPIRICALLY" 102. THEY DISTINGUISHED THE "SHORT-TERM" AND THE "LONG- TERM" PROCESSES. IN THE SHORT-TERM PROCESS, THE AUTHORS FOUND THAT IN THE ITU INFORMAL ACTIVITIES IN THE VOCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY INDUCED PARTICIPATION IN UNION POLITICS. THIS LATTER ANALYSIS WAS NOT CARRIED OUT IN THE UOGC, so RELATIONSHIPS WERE COMPARED IN THE LONG-RANGE PROCESS ALONE. THE MAIN VARIABLES CONSIDERED IN THIS CHAPTER WERE AGE, DEGREE OF SOCIAL RELATIONS, INVOLVEMENT IN UNION POLITICS, LEVELS OF IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY (OR REJECTION OF SOCIAL STRUCTURES), DEGREE OF LIBERALISM- CONSERVATISM, PARTICIPATION IN CLUBS OR FORMAL SOCIAL ACTIVITIES WITHIN THE LIMITS OF THE UNION. OTHER VARIABLES INTRODUCED IN THE ANALYSIS WERE TALKING ABOUT UNION POLITICS, KNOWING POLITICS OF BEST PRINTER FRIENDS, HAVING PRINTERS FRIENDS ACTIVE IN UNION POLITICS, CLASS SELF- IDENTIFICATION, AND "CLASS SOLIDARITY" WITH RESPECT To STRIKES. COMPARING DIFFERENT AGE LEVELS WITH INVOLVEMENT IN - 46 - SOCIAL RELATIONS AND IN UNION POLITICS, IT IS OBSERVED IN BOTH UNIONS THAT PRINTERS BECOME ACTIVE IN THE OCCUPATKNAL COMMUNITY BEFORE THEY BECOME ACTIVE IN UNION POLITICS. IN ORDER To ANALYZE THE DIFFERENTIAL POLITICAL BEHAVIOR OF PRINTERS, AN INDEX OF IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY IS INTRODUCED. THEN, THE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY, ACTIVITY IN UNION POLITICS, AND INVOLVEMENT IN SOCIAL RELATIONS IS POINTED OUT. THE ANALYSIS SUGGESTS THAT WHILE IN THE ITU PARTICIPATION IN FORMAL SOCIAL ACTIVITIES PROMOTE INTEREST IN UNION POLITICS AMONG MEN Low IN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY, THIS EFFECT IN THE UOGC WAS VERY SMALL. THIS RESULT IS ATTRIBUTED To THE DIFFERENT POLITICAL CLIMATES IN BOTH UNIONS. IN ORDER To STUDY THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN INVOLVEMENT IN THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY AND PARTICIPATION IN UNION POLITICS AMONG MEN HIGH IN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY, AN INDEX OF LIBERALISM-CONSERVATISM WAS INTRODUCED IN UNION DEMOCRACY. IN CORDOBA, THE SAME ALTERNATIVE INDEX OF IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY (OR INDEX OF REJECTION OF SOCIAL STRUCTURES) WAS USED, GIVEN THAT IT IMPLIED CERTAIN DEGREE OF POLITICAL OIRECTIONALITY. IT WAS SINGLED OUT THAT IN THE ITU THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY SERVED THE FUNCTION OF MOTIVATING THE IDEOLOGICALLY SENSITIVE CONSERVATIVES TO PARTICIPATE IN UNION POLITICS, WHILE IN THE UOGC SUCH AN EFFECT TOOK PLACE -47- AMONG THE IDEOLOGICALLY SENSITIVE LIBERAL-RADICALS. IT IS HYPOTESIZED THAT THE LOWER POLITICAL CLIMATE IN THE UOGC SEEMED NOT ENOUGH AS To MOTIVATE THOSE PRINTERS LOW IN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY (THE MOST CONSERVATIVES), WHILE, ON THE OTHER HAND, MOST MEN HIGH IN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY L (OR LIBERAL-RADICALS) WERE NOT DIRECTLY MCTIVATED TO M PARTICIPATE IN UNION POLITICS, REQUIRING THE MOTIVATIONAL FORCE OF THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY. AT THE END OF THE CHAPTER, THE QUESTION IS RAISED OF WHY IN THE UOGC THE POLITICAL MOBILIZATION OF THE MOST LIBERAL- RADICAL PRINTERS DID NOT PROMOTE THE FORMATION OF AN ORGANIZED OPPOSITION AGAINST A LEADERSHIP WITH A "CENTRIST" ORIENTATION IN THE POLITICAL SPECTRUM OF THE COUNTRY. IT IS FINALLY SUGGESTED THAT THE ANSWER COULD BE FOUND IN AN ANALYSIS OF THE INTERNAL COMPOSITION OF THE LISTA ROSA, A TASK THAT WILL‘BE ATTEMPTED AT LATER STAGES OF THIS STUDY. 5.1 THE SHORT—TERM PROCESS THE AUTHORS BEGIN NOTING THAT "FORMALLY THERE IS NO RELATION BETWEEN THE ORGANIZED PRINTERS' COMMUNITY AND THE 03 1 POLITICAL SYSTEM“ , AND THAT "THE PRINTERS‘ CLUBS ARE " 104 EXPLICITLY NONPOLITICAL OR EVEN ANTIPOLITICAL . HOWEVER, THEY FOUND THAT A CONNECTION EXISTS BETWEEN SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND UNION POLITICS IN THE ITU. THE PROCESS - 48 - GOES AS FOLLOWS: "AFTER MEN ENTER THE TRADE, SOME ARE MCTIVATED OR EVEN PUSHEO INTO TAKING PART IN THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY. A HIGH DEGREE OF INTERACTION WITH FELLOW UNIONISTS IN TURN SERVES To MOTIVATE THEM To GREATER INTfigEST AND PARTICIPATION IN UNION POLITICS" . THE AUTHORS OBSERVE THAT THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY IS NOT THE ONLY ROUTE LEADING To PARTICIPATION IN UNION POLITICS: THERE ARE SEVERAL INTERRELATED PROCESSES WHICH "TEND To 6 . REINFORCE ONE ANOTHER" 10 . THEY LIST THREE OTHER MEANS: I) POLITICAL INTEREST, 2) SPECIFIC IDEOLOGICAL ORIENTATION, AND 3) DESIRE To SATISFY PERSONAL AMBITIONS" 107. IN ORDER To DISCUSS THEIR HYPOTHESIS, LIPSET ET AL DISTINGUISHED THE "SHORT~TERM" AND THE "LONG-TERM" PROCESSES. IN THE "SHORT-TERM" THEY TOOK INTO ACCOUNT A SIX MONTH PERIOD, DURING WHICH ELECTIONS WERE HELD IN THE ITU. THEY INTERVIEWED A SAMPLE OF PRINTERS BEFORE THE ELECTIONS AND . ‘ . SENT THEM A QUESTIONNAIRE AFTERWARDS. UNFORTUNATELY, THIS TASK WAS IMPOSSIBLE IN THE UOGC, GIVEN THAT ELECTIONS WERE NOT HELD DURING THE TIME WE WERE CARRYING OUT THE FIELD WORK. THE ANALYSIS OF THE SHORT-TERM PROCESS IN THE ITU ESTABLISHED THAT "REGARDLESS OF THE MANIFEST PURPOSES OF THOSE WHO TAKE PART IN THE FORMAL OR INFORMAL ACTIVITIES OF THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY, THESE ACTIVITIES Do PLAY AN IMPORTANT ROLE IN INCREASING THE KNOWLEDGE AND INVOLVEMENT IN UNION POLITICS OF PREVIOUSLY INACTIVE OR RELATIVELY UNINTERESTED PRINTERS" 108. -49.. LIPSET ET.AL. FINALLY OBSERVE THAT IT IS NECESSARY To EXTEND THEIR ANALYSIS To A LONG-TERM PROCESS. HENCE, OUR TASK WILL BE To COMPARE THE LONG-TERM ANALYSIS IN THE ITU AND THE UOGC. 5.2 THE LONG-RANGE PROCESS AS THE AUTHORS POINT OUT, "THE CLOSEST APPROXIMATION IS To COMPARE THE 109 0 TO THE LOGIC OF A LONG-TERM ANALYSIS BEHAVIOR OF UNION MEMBERS AT DIFFERENT AGE LEVELS" IF THE CONCLUSIONS FROM THE SHORT-TERM PROCESS HOLD ALSO IN THE LONG—RANGE, "THEN MORE YOUNGER MEN THAN OLDER MEN SHOULD BE INVOLVED IN THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY WITHOUT BEING ACTIVE POLITICALLY" 110. THESE RELATIONSHIPS ARE SHOWN IN TABLES A AND 5. - 5o _ TABLE 4. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN AGE AND BEING HIGH IN SOCIAL RELATIONS. A) UOGC AGE I '5o-5o\n, BELOW 3o 3o-uo no-5o 60+ PERCENT HIGH IN (17) (25) (22) (In) SOCIAL RELATIONS ' 59 % 60 Z 51 % 52 % TOTAL CASES? 29 . #2 43 27 B) ITU (PAGE 100) AGE BELOW 30 30-UO hO-so 50-60 60 PERCENT HIGH IN‘ (7) (32) (37) (22) (9) SOCIAL RELATIONS 39'% 36 % 28 % 20 % 16 % TOTAL CASES 18 90 13“ III 55 (x) IN TABLES A AND 5, THE CATEGORIES 50460 AND 60 + WERE GROUPED TOGETHER BECAUSE VERY FEW CASES FELL IN THE LAST ONE , 60 OR MORE YEARS OF AGE. - 51 - TABLE 5. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN AGE AND BEING ACTIVE IN POLITICS. A) UOGC AGE 50-60 BELOW 30 30-40 40-50 60 + PERCENT ACTIVE (10) (28) (33) (19) IN POLITICS 34 % 67 % 77 % 7O % TOTAL CASES 29 H3 27 B) ITU (PAGE 100) AGE BELOW 30 30-40 40—50 50760 60 + PERCENT ACTIVE (2) (29) (44) (55) (2“) IN POLITICS II % 31 % 31 % 47 % 39 % TOTAL CASES 19 93 141 116 61 «14; ‘L Iv t, BOTH IN THE ITU AND THE UOGC, THE SAME TENDENCY IS EXMRSSED BY THE DATA: "THE PEAK 0F OCCUPATIONAL SOCIAL ACTIVITY, (...L IS AMONG A YOUNGER AGE GROUP THAN IS THE PEAK OF POLITICAL Y" 111. THE DIFFERENCE IS THAT IN THE ITU OCCUPATIONAL ACTIVIT SOCIAL ACTIVITIES ARE BOTH FORMAL AND INFORMAL, WHILE IN THE UOGC THEY ARE ONLY INFORMAL, OR THEY CAN FORMALLY TAKE PLACE EITHER WITHIN NON-EXCLUSIVE CLUBS OR IN THE UNION. TABLE 6 ALLOWS-US To SEE THAT INFORMAL SOCIAL ACTIVITIES ARE THE TABLE 6. PLACES WHERE UOGC‘S MEMBDS MORE PROBABLYAMIL WHERE DO YOU GENERALLY GET TOGETHER? AT HOME . _ (26) IBIAB % IN THE BAR (45) 31.91 IN THE NEIGHBORHOOD CENTER . (2) 1:41 IN THE CLUB (3) 2,12 IN THE UNION (25)' 18,43 IN OTHER PLACE (STREET, STADIUM, ETC.) (9) 6,38 DO NOT MEET (28) 19,85 OMITED, DON'T ANSWER (2) 1,41 A N (141) 100 % TABLE 6.1 FORMAL AND INFORMAL SOCIAL ACTIVITIES AMONG UOGC'S MEMBERS. FORMAL SOCIAL ACTIVITIES 31 22 % INFORMAL SOCIAL ACTIVITIES 80 57 % DO NOT MEET, DON'T ANSWER 30 I 21 % N 141 100 % _ 53 - ‘PREDOMINANT ONES AMONG CORDOBA PRINTERS: 57% MEET IN THEIR HOMES, OR IN A BAR, OR IN OCCASIDNAL ENCOUNTERS. THE SECOND ROUTE IS THE UNION: 18% SAID THEY MEET THERE. NON-PRINTER CLUBS PRACTICALLY HAVE NO INFLUENCE: ONLY h% GET TOGETHER IN THESE NEIGHBORHOOD ORGANIZATIONS. IT HAS TO BE POINTED OUT THAT WHILE DATA IN UNION DEMOCRACY "STRONGLY SUGGESTS (...) THAT MEN BECOME ACTIVE AND INVOLVED IN THE PRINTERS' COMMUNITY BEFORE THEY BECOME ACTIVE AND INVOLVED IN 112 9 POLITICS" IN THE UOGC THE RELATIONSHIP APPEARS To BE LESS MARKED. HOWEVER, THE TENDENCY REMAINS THE SAME. ANOTHER OBSERVATION IMPOSED BY THE DATA IS THAT ABSOLUTE FREQUENCIES RELATED TO INVOLVEMENT IN SOCIAL RELATIONS AND UNION POLITICS ARE HIGHER IN THE UOGC. WHILE HIGHER FIGURES IN THE SOCIAL RELATIONS VARIABLE ARE CONSISTENT WITH THE FACT THAT CORDOBA PRINTERS SEEMED TO PARTICIPATE MORE IN THE INFORMAL OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY THAN ITU'S MEMBERS, THIS IS NOT SO WITH REFERENCE TO ACTIVITY IN UNION POLITICS. IN THE ALTERNATIVE INDEx OF ACTIVITY IN UNION POLITICS WE USED, WE INTRODUCED AN ITEM REFERRED TO PARTICIPATION IN UNION ELECTIONS. THIS ITEM ALLOWED US TO OBTAIN HIGHER FIGURES IN THE DIMENSION CF UNION POLITICAL ACTIVITY, AND SERVED WELL TO DISCRIMINATE AMONG UOGC'S MEMBERS. HOWEVER, IT REQUIRES MORE INVOLVEMENT ON THE PART OF THE MEMBERS TO CONTRIBUTE TO CAMPAIGN FUNDS IN THE ITU THAN To VOTE IN GENERAL UNION .- ”H. -54- ELECTIONS IN THE UOGC. AS A RESULT, GIVEN THAT FREQUENCIES CF POLITICAL ACTIVITY ARE ARTIFICIALLY HIGHER IN THE UOGC ONLY RELATIVE COMPARISONS ARE IMPORTANT. THE DATA IN BOTH TABLES (4 AND 5) ALSO "SUGGEST AN ADDITIONAL STAGE IN THE PROCESS —THAT MEN WHO GROW OLDER AND REDUCE THEIR PARTICIPATION IN THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY NEVERTHELESS CONTINUE To REMAIN ACTIVE AND INTERESTED IN POLITICS" 113. LIPSET ET AL CONCLUDE THAT "UNION POLITICAL INTEREST AND INVOLVEMENT HAVE A SELF—MAINTAINING FUNCTION, EVEN AFTER THE STIMULUS AND SUPPORT OF THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY CEASES" 114. IN ORDER TO DETERMINE THAT IT IS NOT OTHER FACTORS ASSOCIATED WITH AGE WHICH DETERMINE THE HIGH DEGREE OF POLITICAL ACTIVITY AMONG NEW YORK'S OLDER PRINTERS, THE AUTHORS COMPARED THE "REPORTED 35g; PARTICIPATION IN PRINTERS' CLUBS AND PRESENT POLITICAL ACTIVITY AT THE SAME AGE LEVELS" 115. IN THIS WAY, THEY SUPPORTED THE INITIAL RELATIONSHIP THAT IT Is THE OCCUPATIOML COMMUNITY WHICH INDUCES POLITICAL ACTIVITY. THIS LATTER STEP COULD NOT BE FOLLOWED ON THE BASIS OF OUR DATA, GIVEN THAT -AS IT WAS POINTED OUT- CORDOBA'S PRINTERS DO NOT HAVE THE ITU‘S EXCLUSIVE CLUBS. HENCE, IT SHOULD BE NOTED THAT THE SELF-MAINTAINING FUNCTION OF POLITICAL INTEREST IN THE ITU CANNOT BE SPECIFICALLY DISCERNED IN THE UOGC: IT CAN ONLY BE SUGGESTED THAT COULD VX- ‘v’ I)”. I _ 55 - BE THE CASE. ANYWAY, OUR MAIN ARGUMENT IS N0T_AFFECTED: EVEN IF OTHER FACTORS COULD BE CO-DETERMINING THE HIGH POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF OLDER PRINTERS, IT REMAINS THE CASE THAT INFORMAL SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS AMONG CORDOBA'S PRINTERS- WORK IN THE DIRECTION OF INDUCING UNION POLITICAL ACTIVITY. 5.3 THE ROLE OF IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY (OR NON—ACCEPTANCE OF PREVAILING SOCIAL STRUCTURES). LIPSET ET.AL. ASK THE FOLLOWING QUESTION: "HOW ARE WE TO ACCOUNT FOR THOSE MEN WHO, WHILE DEEPLY INVOLVED SOCIALLY WITH OTHER PRINTERS, ARE NOT INTERESTED IN UNION POLITICS, OR WHO, WHILE ACTIVE IN UNION POLITICS, HAVE FEW OTHER SOCIAL RELATIONS WITH PRINTERS?" 116. THE AUTHORS CONSIDER. THAT BOTH GROUPS'ARE “IMPORTANT FOR UNDERSTANDING THE WHOLE SYSTEM" 117. THEY SUGGEST THAT THESE MEN "ARE TO BE A ~UNDERSTOOD PRINCIPALLY IN TERMS OF‘THE Two FACTORS CF GENERALIZED POLITICAL AWARENESS AND SPECIFIC IDEOLOGY" 118. THE MOST CRUCIAL FACTOR IN THE DIFFERENTIAL POLITICAL BEHAVIOR OF PRINTERS -ACCORDING TO LIPSET ET.AL.- "Is A GENERAL SENSITIVITY TO THINGS POLITICAL" 119. THAT IS, MEN WAY DIFFER IN THEIR CONCERNS WITH IDEOLOGY WHILE mmTICHmTING IN POLITICS, DR SOME MEN MAY THINK IN MORE IDEOLOGICAL TERMS THAN OTHERS, OR THEIR POLITICAL ORIENTATIONS MAY BE BASED 120 MORE ON OTHER TYPE OF MATTERS IN ORDER TO DETERMINE ..56- WHO WERE THESE MEN, THE AUTHORS CONSTRUCTED AN INDEX OF IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY. "IT IS DPERATIONALLY ONLY A MEASURE OF THE PROPENSITY OF MEN TO VIEW POLITICS IN IDEOLOGICAL TERMS (REGARDLESS OF DIRECTION)" 121. HOWEVER, THEY OBSERVE THAT A RELATIONSHIP EXISTS BETWEEN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY AND POSITIVE ORIENTATION TOWARDS POLITICS, AS WELL A REJECTION OF IDEOLOGY AND LACK OF INTEREST IN UNION POLITICS. IN OUR CASE, THE ALTERNATIVE INDEX WE USE IMPLIES A CERTAIN "DIRECTIONALITY", THAT IS, IT CAN BE ASSOCIATED WITH A "LIBERAL (RADICAL)-CONSERVATIVE" DIMENSION. THIS IS A RESULT OF THE FACT THAT IN THE CONTEXT OF OUR RESEARCH ALL THE "POLITICALLY SENSITIVE" ITEMS WE COULD USE WERE CONTAMINATED BY CERTAIN DEGREE OF DIRECTIONALITY 122. OUR INDEX IS ALMOST SIMILAR To THAT FORMULATED BY DI TELLA, BRAMS, REYNAUD, AND TOURAINE IN THEIR WORK SINDICATO Y COMUNIDAD 123, WHO NOTE THAT "THE INDEX DOES NOT EXACTLY COINCIDE WITH AN EVENTUAL INDEX OF LEFTISM, EVENTHOUGH IF COULD BE ASSOCIATED WITH IT" 124. IT SHOULD BE POINTED OUT THAT DI TELLA ET AL BUILT THIS INDEX AS AN ALTERNATIVE To UNION DEMOCRACY'S "INDEX OF IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY". THEY NOTE THAT THEY HAVE CALLED IT "INDEX OF NON-ACCEPTANCE 0F PREVAILING SOCIAL STRUCTURES", BECAUSE IT SHOWS "A TENDENCY OF THE RESPONDENT T0 REJECT THE SOCIAL STRUCTURES, BY MEANS OF THE ACTIONS AND ATTITUDES THAT APPEAR TO HIM AS THE EASIEST AND MOST EXPECTABLE WITHIN THE LOGIC (...) OF THE PREVAILING SOCIAL SYSTEM" 125. TABLES 7 AND 8 SHOW THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY, RELATIONS, POLITICAL ACTIVITY, AND FOR BOTH UNIONS: _ 57 _ INVOLVEMENT IN SOCIAL TABLE 7. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY AND INTEREST AND ACTIVITY IN UNION POLITICS. A) UOGC LEVELS OF IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY LOW, MEDIUM HIGH PERCENT ACTIVE IN UNION (33) (31) (25) POLITICS 60 % 62 % 76 % TOTAL CASES 55 5O 33 B) ITU (PAGE 103) LEVELS OF IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY Low MEDIUM HIGH PERCENT ACTIVE IN UNION (27) (63) (55) POLITICS . 23 % 31 % 57 % TOTAL CASES 117 220 97 - 5B - TABLE 8. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY AND BEING HIGH (1, 2) ON SOCIAL RELATIONS. A) UOGC LEVELS OF IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY LOW MEDIUM HIGH PERCENT HIGH (1, 2) ON 16 10 10 SOCIAL RELATIONS INDEX 29 % 20 % 30 % TOTAL CASES 55 50 33 B) ITU (PAGE 103) ‘ LEVELS OF IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY LOW MEDIUM ‘HIGH PERCENT HIGH (1, 2) ON (23) (62) (28) SOCIAL RELATIONS INDEX 20 % 28 % 29 % TOTAL CASES 117 220 97 - 59 - THE CORRELATION BETWEEN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY AND . POLITICAL ACTIVITY SEEMS CLEAR IN BOTH CASES, ALTHOUGH LESS MARKED IN THE UOGC. ON THE OTHER HAND, IT IS NOTED IN UNION DEMOCRACY -AND THE SAME HAPPENS IN THE UOGC-, THAT FINDINGS SUGGEST THAT THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY AND INVOLVEMENT IN SOCIAL RELATIONS SEEMS TO BE AN WCONSSTDW ONE. AS LIPSET ET AL SUGGEST, "IT IS POSSIBLE THATINVOWEMBW’ IN THE SOCIAL COMMUNITY AFFECTS SOME PRINTERS MORE THAN OTHERS, AND THAT VARIATIONS IN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY MIGHT BE THE CLUE TO THIS DIFFERENTIAL EFFECT" 126. IN ORDER TO DETERMINE THE POSSIBLE DIFFERENTIAL EFFECT OF INVOLVEMENT IN INFORMAL SOCIAL ACTIVITIES ON DIFFERENT LEVELS OF IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY, CONTROL BY SOCIAL RELATIONS IS INTRODUCED IN TABLE 9: - 60 - TABLE 9. EFFECT OF IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PARTICIPATION IN INFORMAL SOCIAL RELATIONS WITH OTHER PRINTERS AND PARTICIPATION IN UNION POLITICS. A) UOGC LEVELS OF IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY LOW MEDIUM HIGH Low HIGH Low HIGH LOW HIGH SOC.REb SOC.REL.SOG BBL SOC. REL. SOC. REL. SOC. REL. PERCENT (12) (21) (16) (IN) (6) (17) ACTIVE IN UNION POLLTICS 60 % 60 % 62 % 64 % 55 % 85 %. TOTAL CASES 20 35 26 ' 22 11 20 B) ITU (PAGE 104) LEVELS OF IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY LOW MEDIUM HIGH Low HIGH LOW HIGH LOW HIGH SOC.REL.SOC.REL.SOC.REL.SOC. REL. SOC. REL. SOC. REL. PERCENT (12) (13) (19) (52) (16) (39) ACTIVE IN UNION POLITICS r 0’1 61 0 23% 26% 22A 42% ”8” 7 JMLfl 61 33 TOTIL CASES 53 50 88 123 - 61 - INTERESTING RESULTS ARE FOUND IN BOTH CASES. IN THE ITU, "THERE IS ALMOST NO DIFFERENCE (3%) IN LEVEL OF POLITICAL ACTIVITY BETWEEN THOSE HIGH AND LOW IN SOCIAL RELATIONS AMONG THE MEN LOW IN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY. THOSE HIGH IN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY DO REFLECT THE INFLUENCE OF SOCIAL RELATIONS (13%); BUT THE GREATEST EFFECT (20 %) IS FOUND AMONG THE MIDDLE GROUP IN THE SCALE OF IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY: THE MEN WHO NEITHER SEE UNION POLITICS WHOLLY FROM AN IDEOLOGICAL VIEWPOINT NOR ARE COMPLETELY INSENSITIVE TO IDEOLOGICAL PARTY POSITIONS" 127. IN THE UOGC'S CASE, DATA SHOW THAT THERE IS NO DIFFERENCE IN LEVEL OF POLITICAL ACTIVITY AMONG THOSE 52W IN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY WHEN WE CONTROL BY SOCIAL RELATIONS. A VERY SMALL DIFFERENCE (2%) APPEARS AMONG THE MIDDLE LEVEL OF IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY; BUT A CLEAR DIFFERENTIAL EFFECT OF THE INFLUENCE OF SOCIAL RELATIONS IS SHOWN BY THOSE HIGH IN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY (30%). IN ORDER TO SPECIFY THE WAY IN WHICH THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY "OPERATES To ESTIMULATE POLITICAL INTEREST AND INVOLVEMENT" 128, LIPSET ET.AL. CONSIDER THE PARTICULAR CASE OF THE GROUP LOWEST IN IDEOLOGICAL SENSITIVITY. THEY NOTE THAT THIS IS AN INTERESTING CASE, BECAUSE "INFORMAL SOCIAL RELATIONS HAVE NO INFLUENCE ON THEIR INVOLVEMENT IN POLITICS (TABLE 9) WHILE CLUB MEMBERSHIP SEEMS TO HAVE A 129 GREAT DEAL OF INFLUENCE (TABLE 10)" - -62- ? 3 mm mm .3. RN 82038 S S R a S 3 R S G S. N 3 8.35m 2. m>.PO a: a: a: S: s: E: 22:22“ Zh.>_h_wzmm JuJ .waDOmw J<0.00JOwD_ wwmIH NIP 0202< m0_h_JOQ z. ZO_P_Po< zo_Pmouoma wmumzug wmumzm: mmumzug mmwm2u2 mmumzuz mmwm2u2 Izoz msJo Izoz BDDO Izoz mnqo 102.. E: _ OME . £04 >».>_P_mzum 4u4 Amop wok.>.k.mzmm J WI 02 mm> :04 :e.:. mmumsmg NDUQ mzo.P<4um 4<.oom.4<2moL2_ Ame, DBP.>.P.mzwm 4_»o< oz< .hmumu»z_ I :04 zu: «CL 4»_z:zzoo 4.Po< mhz_ho< .oom 20.23 Izoz. z. mpzh_>.h.wzmw 4 I . . _ , I ~ . . u: x . I If . . . . . I I . a v _ 84 - OWNERS, AND WHITE-COLLARS OR SALES EMPLOYEES WHO ARE FRIENDS OF ITU'S MEMBERS, WE CAN SINGLE OUT THE FOLLOWING DIFFERENCES WITH FRIENDSHIP PATTERNS IN THE UOGC: C6RDOBA'S PRINTERS TEND TO ASSOCIATE MORE AMONG THEMSELVES THAN NEw YORK PRINTERS (60% AGAINST 35%); THE FORMER TEND TO ASSOCIATE LESS WITH MIDDLE-CLASS GROUPS THAN THE LATTER (27% AGAINST 41%); FINALLY, CORDOBA'S PRINTERS TEND To ASSOCIATE LESS WITH OTHER MANUAL WORKERS THAN NEw YORK PRINTERS (13% AGAINST 25%). THE AUTHORS OF UNION DEMOCRACY NOTE THAT "THE FACT THAT ALMOST Two-TIRDS OF THE NONPRINTER FRIENDS OF THE PERSONS OF THE SAMPLE ARE 321 MANUAL WORKERS IS CONSISTENT WITH THE EXPECTATION THAT PRINTERS AS A GROUP WHERE POSSIBLE WOULD PREFER TO BE ACCEPTED AS MEMBERS OF THE MIDDLE CLASS“ 171. THEY OBSERVE THAT EVENTHOUGH A LARGE GROUP ASSOCIATES WITH OTHER MANUAL WORKERS, THIS "DOES NOT NECESSARILY DISPROVE THE HYPOTHESIS, FOR THESE DATA REPRESENT NOT ONLY WHAT THE PRINTERS PREFER BUT ALSO WHAT IS AVAILABLE" 172 IT SEEMS TO US THAT IT IS DIFFICULT TO SPECIFY EMPIRICALLY WHEN FRIENDSHIPS ARE PREVENTED FROM FOLLOWING A DETERMINED PATTERN. IN THE UOGC WE CAN ONLY OBSERVE, ON THE BASIS OF THE PRECEDING EVIDENCE, THAT PRINTERS SEEM TO PREFER TO ASSOCIATE AMONG THEMSELVES, TO SELECT MIDDLE CLASS GROUPS AS A SECOND CHOICE, AND TO AVOID FRIENDSHIP . L . -85- WITH OTHER MANUAL WORKERS. 6.3 THE PREFERENCES OF PRINTERS LIPSET ET.AL. SUGGEST —AS IT WAS POINTED OUT- THAT PRINTERS ARE MORE MOTIVATED TO ASSOCIATE WITH MIDDLE-CLASS GROUPS AND, ALTERNATIVELY, WITH OTHER PRINTERS RATHER THAN WITH OTHER MANUAL WORKERS. IN ORDER To ANALYZE THE HYPOTHESIS THAT PRINTERS TEND TO AVOID FRIENDSHIP WITH OTHER MANUAL WORKERS, THE AUTHORS CONSIDER THE RESPONSES To THE QUESTION, "IF YOU HAD YOUR CHOICE, WOULD YOU RATHER SPEND YOUR FREE TIME WITH OTHER PRINTERS OR WITH PEOPLE NOT IN THE TRADE?". THEY OBSERVE THAT THE EXPRESSION "PEOPLE WHO ARE NOT IN THE TRADE" IS A VAGUE ONE, AND THAT PRINTERS WILL UNDERSTAND IT IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE REFERENCE GROUP THEY TAKE INTO ACCOUNT. THE AUTHORS SUGGEST THAT "IT IS REASONABLE To ASSUME THAT THOSE WHOSE NON- PRINTER FRIENDS ARE PRIMARILY WORKERS WILL THINK OF THESE WORKERS WHEN THEY ANSWER THE QUESTION, WHILE MEN WHOSE NONPRINTER FRIENDS ARE IN MIDDLE-CLASS NONMANUAL OCCUPATIONS WILL THINK OF THOSE FRIENDS IN ANSWERING THE QUESTION" 173. THAT IS, IF PRINTERS ACTUALLY FIND MIDDLE. CLASS FRIENDS WILL BE LESS INDUCED To PARTICIPATE IN THE PRINTERS' OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY THAN WILL THOSE WHOSE FRIENDS ARE IN LOW-STATUS OCCUPATIONS. , p . I u u I,“ - 86 - TABLE 16. PROPORTION OF PRINTERS WITH VARYING FRIENDSHIP PATTERNS WHO PREFER TO SPEND THEIR FREE TIME WITH NONPRINTERS. A) UOGC 16.1 MEN WHO HAD N0 PRINTERS AMONG THREE BEST HHDWS (FRIENDS' STATUS) ._ INTERMEDIATE ALL MANUAL OR ALL H'C'HSTATUS AND _MIXED Low STATUS (1*) PROPORTION WHO (13) ‘ (5) (2). PREFER To SPEND FREE TIME WITH NONPRINTERS 76 % 71 % ' 50 % TOTAL CASES 1? I 7 4 B) ITU (PAGE 126) 16.1 MEN WHO HAD NO PRINTERS AMONG THREE BEST FRIENDS (FRIENDS' STATUS) INTERMEDIATE ALL MANUAL OR ALL “'9“ STATUS AND MIXED LOW STATUS (x) PROPORTION WHO (19) (“1) (17) PREFER TO SPEND FREE TIME WITH _ NONPRINTERS 54 % H7 % 39 % TOTAL CASES 35 87 “3 (*) IN THE ITU, ”LOW-STATUS NONMANUAL" REFERS T0 WHITE- COLLAR WORKERS AND SALESMEN. "HIGH-STATus" INCLUDES PROF SSIONS USINESS EXECUTIVES, AND INDEPEND. BUSINESSMEN" PAGE 127?. IN THE UOGC,"LOW-STATES REFERS TO MANUAL WORKERS. "FTGH-STATES“ INCLUDES ONLY WHITE-COLLAR WORKERS OR SALES AND SERVICES EMPLOYEES. I .I I . . H M . I I I . I 4 I I x I y .I I \ I I . g a I . I It! . , ~ . I . I v . II I I II n I I T I _ I I I II _ . I T L I I I I I . , I I . . I . T r I I _ . A) UOGC -87... TABLE 16.2 MEN WHO HAD ONE PRINTER AMONG THREE BEST FRIENDS (FRIENDS' STATUS) BOTH NONeMANUAL ONE OR BOTH MANUAL H PROPORTION WHO PREFER TO SPEND FREE TIME WITH NONPRINTERS (8) 73 % '(9) 69 % TOTAL CASES 11 B) ITU (PAGE 126) TABLE 16. 2 MEN WHO HAD ONE PRINTER AMONG THREE BEST FRIENDS 13 (FRIENDS' STATUS) BOTH NON-MANUAL ONE OR BOTH MANUAL PROPORTION WHO (18) (20) PREFER TO SPEND FREE TIME WITH NONPRINTERS 51 A 27 % TOTAL CASES 35 75 e 88 - A) UOGC ‘ TABLE 16.3 MEN WHO HAD TWO PRINTERS AMONG THREE BEST FRIENDS (FRIENDS' STATUS) NON-MANUAL MANUAL PROPORTION WHO (10) (5) PREFER TO SPEND FREE TIME WITH NONPRINTERS 67 % 56 % TOTAL CASES 15 ' 9 B) ITU (PAGE 126) TABLE 16.3 I MEN WHO HAD TWO PRINTERS AMONG THREE BEST FRIENDS (FRIENDS' STATUS) NON-MANUAL MANUAL PROPORTION WHO (18) (8) PREFER TO SPEND ' FREE TIME WITH ‘ NONPRINTERS ”2 % ' 20 % TOTAL CASES #3 ' #1 IN TABLE 16 WE CAN SEE THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE OCCUPATIONAL STATUS OF THE NONPRINTER FRIENDS OF PRINTERS IN BOTH SAMPLES, AND THE TENDENCIES OF THESE PRINTERS TO ASSOCIATE WITH FELLOW WORKERS. TABLE 17 SHOWS HOW THE TABLE 17. A) UOGC TABLE 17.1 -89- PROPORTION OF PRINTERS WITH VARYING FRIENDSHIP PATTERNS WHO Do NOT TAKE PART IN THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY. MEN WHO HAD NO PRINTERS AMONG THREE BEST FRIENDS (FRIENDS' STATUS) ALL HIGH' INTERMEDIATE ‘ALL MANUAL OR STATUS AND‘ MIXED LOW STATUS PROPORTION WHO (5) (1) - Do NOT TAKE PART IN THE OCCUPATIONAL ( 6 COMMUNITY 29 A 1” fl - TOTAL CASES 17 7 4 B) ITU (PAGE 127) TABLE 17. 1 MEN INHO HAD No PRINTERS AMONG THREE BEST FRIENDS (FRIENDS' STATUS) ALL HIGH INTERMEDIATE‘ ALL MANUAL 0R STATUS AND MIXED LOW STATUS PROPORTION WHO (22) (53) (21) DO NOT TAKE PART IN THE OCCUPATIONAL ' . fl COMMUNITY 67 W 60 % 53 fl TOTAL CASES 33 88 No A) UOGC TABLE 17.2 -90- MEN WHO HAD ONE PRINTER AMONG THREE BEST FRIENDS (FRIENDS' STATUS) BOTH NON-MANUAL ONE OR BOTH MANUAL PROPORTION WHO DO NOT TAKE PART IN THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY (3) 27% (3) TOTAL CASES 11 B) ITU GMGE 127) TABLE 17.2 MEN WHO HAD ONE PRINTER AMONG THREE BEST FRIENDS (FRIENDS' STATUS) BOTH-NON-MANUAL ONE OR BOTH MANUAL PROPORTION WHO (23) (36) DO NOT TAKE PART IN THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY 68 % 48 % TOTAL CASES 34 75 I - 91 - A) UOGC TABLE 17.3 MEN WHO HADTWO PRINTERS AMONG THREE BEST FRIENDS (FRIENDS' STATUS) NON-MANUAL MANUAL PROPORTION WHO (2) (1) DO NOT TAKE PART IN THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY 13 % 11 % TOTAL CASES 15 9 B) ITU (PAGE 127) TABLE 17.3 MEN WHO HAD TWO PRINTERS AMONG THREE BEST FRIENDS (FRIENDS' STATUS) NON-MANUAL MANUAL PROPORTION WHO (20) (15) DO NOT TAKE PART IN THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY 51 % b1 % TOTAL CASES 39 37 - 92 _ ASSOCIATIONS ACTUALLY TAKE PLACE IN THE OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY. LIPSET ET.AL. POINT OUT THAT THEIR DATA STRONGLY SUGGEST THAT THE PRINTERS WITH Low-STATUS NONPRINTER FRIENDS (MANUAL WORKERS) TEND TO PREFER TO ASSOCIATE MORE WITH PRINTERS THAN THOSE WHOSE NONPRINTER FRIENDS ARE IN HIGH-STATUS OCCUPATIONS. THE AUTHORS CONSIDER THAT THIS INDICATES THE PLAUSIBILITY OF THEIR ASSUMPTION THAT THE HIGH SELF- PERCEPTION OF THEIR STATUS BY PRINTERS WILL LEAD THEM TO ASSOCIATE MORE WITH MIDDLE—CLASS PEOPLE, AND, WHEN NOT POSSIBLE, WITH PRINTERS. IN THIS SAME SENSE, THEY POINT OUT THAT TABLE 17 SHOWS THAT PRINTERS WHO Do NOT BELONG TO CLUBS OR ATTEND PRINTER81 SOCIAL AFFAIRS TEND To ASSOCIATE WITH NONMANUAL WORKERS. WITH RESPECT To THE UOGC, WE HAVE TO REMEMBER THAT 6O % OF THE FRIENDS NAMED BY PRINTERS IN THE SAMPLE WERE FELLOW WORKERS. HENCE, WE HAVE ACTUALLY FEW CASES FOR EACH OF THE NONPRINTER FRIENDS' STATUS CATEGORIES. WITH THIS OBSERVATION IN MIND, WE CAN SEE THAT OUR DATA TEND To SUGGEST THE SAME TENDENCIES SINGLED OUT BY LIPSET ET.AL., EVENTHOUGH THE RELATIONSHIPS ARE MUCH LESS MARKED THAN IN THE ITU. DATA IN TABLE 17, WHICH REFERS TO PARTICIPATION IN SOCIAL ACTIVITIES WITHIN THE LIMITS OF THE UNION, IS 1 TOO WEAK, BECAUSE ONLY 29 PRINTERS IN THE SAMPLE REPORTED NOT TO BE PARTICIPANTS AT ALL. ANYWAY, THESE DATA DO NOT In”. ' o I , , I . .I I 1 I II I I I "I I x . . I . ' I I _ 93 _ CONTRADICT THE FINDINGS IN TABLE 16, WHILE THEY TEND TO ADD A SLIGHT SUPPORT. THEREFORE, IF UNION DEMOCRACY'S ASSUMPTIONS ARE SOUND, OUR DATA WOULD INDICATE THAT UOGC'S MEMBERS HAVE LESS POSSIBILITIES OF ASSOCIATING WITH I MIDDLE-CLASS PERSONS -EVEN WHEN THEY COULD BE MOTIVATED To DO 80- AND THAT, ALTERNATIVELY, THEY ARE LED To RELATE WITH FELLOW WORKERS. THE REASONING GOES AS FOLLOWS: ASSUMPTIONS: (1) THE HIGH—STATUS SELF-PERCEPTION OF PRINTERS WILL LEAD THEM -WHENEVER POSSIBLE- TO ASSOCIATE WITH MIDDLE-CLASS PEOPLE; (2) IF IT IS NOT POSSIBLE To ASSOCIATE WITH MIDDLE-CLASS PEOPLE, CORDOBA'S PRINTERS WILL PREFER TO ASSOCIATE WITH OTHER PRINTERS; EMPIRICAL PROPOSITIONS:(3) CORDOBA'S PRINTERS SHOW A STRONG TENDENCY TO ASSOCIATE WITH FELLOW WORKERS; (4) THEY SHOW A SIMILAR STRONG TENDENCY TO AVOID FRIENDSHIP WITH LOW—STATUS PEOPLE (MANUAL WORKERS); (5) DATA SUGGEST THAT THOSE WITH MIDDLE-CLASS (NONMANUAL WORKERS) NON-PRINTER FRIENDS HAVE LESS DESIRE TO PARTICIPATE IN THE PRINTERS‘ OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY; L I; g. -94- THEREFORE: INTERPRETATIVE ’ HYPOTHESIS: (6) THE FACT THAT CORDOBA'S PRINTERS ASSOCIATE MORE WITH FELLOW WORKERS COULD BE DETERMINED BY THE ABSENCE OF POSSIBILITIES TO ASSOCIATE WITH HIGH- STATUS MIDDLE-CLASS PEOPLE. 6.u THE OPPORTUNITIES OF PRINTERS LIPSET ET.AL. POINT OUT THAT UP To THIS POINT THEY "HAVE NOT ASKED —NOR ANSWERED- THE QUESTION, HOW DOES IT HAPPEN THAT SOME PRINTERS ASSOCIATE WITH MIDDLE-CLASS PERSONS WHILE OTHERS ASSOCIATE WITH PRINTERS OR OTHER MANUAL WORKERS?" 17”. THEY CONSIDER THAT WITH THE PREVIOUS INFORMATION ABOUT HOW DIFFERENT OPPORTUNITIES ARISE, "WE MAY UNDERSTAND How DIFFERENT PRINTERS DEVELOP DIFFERENT FRIENDSHIP PATTERNS" 175. IN THEIR ANALYSIS, THE MAJOR FACTOR RELATED WITH THE OPPORTUNITIES OF PRINTERS TO ASSOCIATE WITH MIDDLE—CLASS GROUPS WAS RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION. PROTESTANT, CATHOLIC, AND JEWISH COMMUNITIES WERE EQUALLY REPRESENTED IN THE SAMPLE AS IN NEW YORK. IT IS KNOWN THAT THESE GROUPS TEND To ASSOCIATE WITH FELLOW RELIGIOUS-GROUP MEMBERS. ON THE OTHER HAND, THE AUTHORS NOTE, IN NEW YORK MOST CATHOLICS ARE IN MANUAL JOBS, MOST JEWS ARE IN NONMANUAL MIDDLE- I, L - 95 - CLASS OCCUPATIONS, AND PROTESTANTS ARE EQUALLY DISTRIBUTED IN BOTH GROUPS. THE AUTHORS, THEN,ASSUME THAT "CATHOLICS TEND TO EVALUATE STATUS WITHIN A WORKING-CLASS FRAME OF REFERENCE IN WHICH PRINTING IS ACCORDED HIGH STATUS, WHILE JEWS EVALUATE STATUS WITHIN A MIDDLE-CLASS FRAMEWORK, IN WHICH PRINTING IS RATED MUCH LOWER" 176. THEIR DATA SUPPORT THE ASSUMPTION THAT JEWS ARE MORE MIDDLE-CLASS ORIENTED THAN THE OTHER GROUPS, AS WELL AS THE HYPOTHESIS THAT "CATHOLIC PRINTERS, HAVING LESS CHANCE OF FINDING CATHOLIC NONMANUAL WORKERS TO ASSOCIATE WITH, ARE MORE LIKELY To BE ACTIVE IN THE PRINTERS' OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY THAN ARE JEWS" 177. THE RELIGIOUS FACTOR COULD NOT BE CONSIDERED IN OUR STUDY, BECAUSE ALMOST ALL THE ARGENTINIAN POPULATION IS CATHOLIC, PARTICULARLY AT THE WORKING-CLASS LEVEL. UNFORTUNATELY, NEITHER AN ALTERNATIVE FACTOR WHICH COULD PERFORM A SIMILAR FUNCTION WAS POSSIBLE TO SPECIFY IN THE UOGC. LIPSET ET.AL. SINGLED OUT THREE OTHER VARIABLES AS DETERMINANT OF THE PRINTERS' STATUS FRAME OF REFERENCE AND THE AVAILABLE POOL OF FRIENDS: "FATHER'S OCCUPATION, EDUCATION, AND THE NUMBER OF GENERATIONS ONE'S FAMILY HAS BEEN IN AMERICA" 178. TABLES 18 AND 19 SHOW THE DIFFERENT FAMILY AND EDUCATIONAL BACKGROUND OF ITU AND UOGC'S MEMBERS. -96- TABLE 18. FAMILY BACKGROUNDS OF PRINTERS IN THE ITU AND THE UOGC. FATHERS' OCCUPATION ITU UOGC NONPRINTER MANUAL WORKER 49 % 38 % NONMANUAL OCCUPATIONS 3H % 39 % PRINTERS 17 % 13 % ORFANS, NATURAL SONS, DON'T KNOW 10-% 434 ' 1H1 TABLE 19. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN EDUCATION AND VARIOUS CHARACTERISTICS OF PRINTERS. A) UOGC ( GRAMwm SOME HIGH SCHOOL HIGH-SCHOOL'GRADUATE SCHOOL SOME COLLEGE (K) JOB ASPIRATIONS: PRINTING DD 49% (25) 47 % OTHER MANUAL 06) )18% (3) 6 % NONMANUAL (20) 23% (16) 30 A THREE BEST FRIENDS PREDOMINANTLY(B)15% (18) 34 % NONMA NUAL TOTAL CASES 88 53 (*) NOTE: WE CONDENSED IN THIS CATEGORY "HIGH-SCHOOL GRADUATES" AND "SOME COLLEGE" BECAUSE THERE ARE ONLY 5 OF THE FORMER AND 4 OF THE LATTER. Am$ Aowv Amapv AB_FV z & mm & an R wm R ow 44Bz oz< zo_H(I & mm Ampv R mm Aowpv _ Axv mmm»z.ma _ Ik.3 mzo_h(JU¢ J(_00w 2. 19.1 >420 mzom420 szmh.mzua0ma 02¢ ZO_F(QDOOO z< m( Gz_bz_mm Ob zo.hzw.z Lo Pmoz m an Amppv R mm A030 m><0 Lo >m02 . LLSIm zo mumm<0 Lo zo_>moaoma R an A000 R :0 Andy mP:G_z S ,0 Ammv S on Awmv m><0 >L.Im Fzmmuma >420 manomw >420 mm240 mm»z.mazoz Lo mammsug .mmupz.Gm Lo mmum2u2 .m>L.zm >:o_z oz< >z.mazoz oz< .mmw»2.ma Lo mmm2m2 Lo >2m2>.2momm "Amm. muL.2m zo mumm<0 Lo zo_>moaoma S on ARV R mm ASPV m>2G_z S mm .ABV. S no 2240 m>420 manomw mmhz.mazoz Lo mmumzmz >420 mm.>_>.>o< 4<.oom w.0000 u1> z. m>zm_>_>o< 4<.oom m.0003.mx> z. m>z2u2>.:moum .mm M4m ......QionAv. .mmcuo. «onwas.nc>o.2 I.... 3.3.... I .‘ ......_._..,.2 l I l _. v. ‘IIIIIIIIIII... II IIIIIIIIIIIIIIQI I IIYIIIIHIIII . . I _ m I1 I.l II .IIIIIIII III III IIMIIII. IIIIIIIIII I III: ItIII III .I III .II I . 2. . _ . m . I . . _ o .1 I I I.— I .1 I I I I n I .”I _ I. - - ._ - 126 - THAT "WHILE NIGHT WORKERS TAKE ££§§ PART IN NONPRINTER ORGANIZATIONS, THEY TAKE 5255 PART IN ORGANIZATIONS ASSOCIATED WITH PRINTING THAN DO DAY WORKERs" 218. IF IN THE UOGC WE CONSIDER PARTICIPATION IN FORMAL SOCIAL ACTIVITIES WITHIN THE LIMITS OF THE UNION, WE CAN SEE (TABLE 35) THAT TENDENCIES ARE JUST THE REVERSE. THIS CAN BE EASILY UNDERSTOOD IF WE REMEMBER THAT GENERAL ACTIVITIES IN UNION HEADQUARTERS USUALLY TAKE PLACE FROM 6.30 PSM. TC 10.30 P.M., PERIOD WHICH SUPERIMPOSES WITH THE INTERMEDIATE AND NIGHT SHIFTS. FURTHERMORE, GAMES LIKE SOCCER -THE MOST POPULAR ONE- ARE USUALLY ORGANIZED~ ON SUNDAY MORNINGS, WHICH ALSO AFFECTS THE NIGHT WORKERS' CHANGES FDR PARTICIPATION. THEREFORE, WE CAN POINT OUT THAT IN THE UOGC NIGHT WORK ONLY INDUCES INFORMAL SOCIAL RELATIONS AMONG PRINTERS. THAT IS, NIGHT WORK APPEARS AS A SUPPORT OF THE INFORMAL OCCUPATIONAL COMMUNITY ALONE. A SECOND ELEMENT OF NIGHT WORK WHICH INDUCES SOCIAL RELATIONS WITH FELLOW WORKERS REFERS To ITS EFFECTS ON FAMILY RELATIONS. THAT IS, NIGHT WORKERS, WHO "ARE NOT EXPECTED To CONFORM" To FAMILY SCHEDULES, TEND To PARTICIPATE MORE IN AFTERWORK ACTIVITIES THAN DAY WORKERS 219. THE AUTHORS OBSERVE THAT ”SOME OF THE DATA SHOW THAT WORKING NIGHTS DOES DISRUPT NORMAL FAMILY SCHEDULES, MAKING THE PRINTER FREER To ASSOCIATE ON HIS OWN" 220. L.) . I . I II . . .p . I I . 2 - 127 - IN ORDER TO DISCUSS THIS PROBLEM, PRINTERS WERE ASKED IF THEY VISITED WITH FELLOW WORKERS. TAKING INTO ACCOUNT TABLE 36. EFFECT OF NIGHT WORK ON HOME VISITS. A) UOGC NIGHT HORKERS DAY WORKERS DO YOU EVER VISIT (29) (53) OTHER PRINTERS AT “ THEIR HOMEs? YES 69 % 58 % N 42 92 B) ITU (PAGE 15?) NIGHT WORKERS DAY WORKERS. Do YOU EVER VISIT I (141) I (178) OTHER PRINTERS AT . THEIR HOMEs? YES 71 % ‘ 76 % N 199 ~23“ THE GENERAL PATTERN WHICH SHOWS NIGHT WORKERS PARTICIPATING MORE IN AFTERWORK ACTIVITIES, LIPSET ET.AL. SUGGEST THAT WE SHOULD "EXPECT THAT NIGHT WORKERS, THOUGH THEY GENERALLY ASSOCIATE MORE WITH PRINTERS, DO NOT VISIT THEM AS OFTEN AT HOME. THAT IS, IN THIS ONE AREA OF ASSOCIATION AMONG .. .-.. ...—-.. ... ,. . . .. n I w I I .4 I . , . . . u _ . . . . _ . 4 v 2 _Fo< Azuomua. I on + om I on + on I on , + om muxh.wz mm 0» z<2umou mm two—uuo 20.23 mm wx.4 04:0; OI; 2m: ¢w1hh_J_mO§ ZO 02.440mb200 >h.>_h0< J(O.h_JOQ 20.23 Dz< wN_m norm .A»z<»mzoo oDuI mzo_p¢m.am< mow F2D2DB<2¢2Izo_z:v mo.».goa 20.2: 2. w>_»o< u¢< Ora maozm 44_ho< Lzmomua nooxm JJ<2m DOIm w0m<4 norm 44(2m Dorm uom<4 uOIm JJ<§w DOIm uwm<4 muIb.wz um Ch 000: A< - 152 - IN THE UOGC'S CASE, HOLDING UNION-MANAGEMENT ORIENTATIONS CONSTANT HELPS US TO SPECIFY THAT IT IS THE UNION-ORIENTED PRINTERS, AND THOSE WHO REJECT AVENUES WITHIN THE OCCUPATION FOR MOBILITY, WHO ARE MORE WIDELY MOBILIZED INTO UNION POLITICS BY THE LARGER SHOPS. IT IS ONLY WHEN-MANAGEMENT ORIENTATIONS PREVAIL THAT THE EFFECTS OF WORKING IN LARGER SHOPS ARE MINIMIZED: 55.2% CF MANAGEMENT-ORIENTED PRINTERS IN LARGE SHOPS AND 53% IN SMALL ONES ARE ACTIVE IN UNION‘ POLITICS. AS A RESULT OF THE PREVIODS DISCUSSION, LIPSET ET.AL. NOTE THAT WHILE SHOP SIZE AFFECTS UNION POLITICAL ACTIVITY "IN PART THROUGH THE GREATER TENDENCY OF SMALL SHOPS TO I CONTAIN MEN WITH PRO-MANAGEMENT ASPIRATIONS AND ORENTATKWS,_ SHOP SIZE ALSO AFFECTS THE LEVEL OF UNION ACTIVITY AND INVOLVEMENT THROUGH AFFECTING THE RELATIONS 0F ITU MEMBERS 257 WITH EACH OTHER IN THE SHOP" . 8.6 ON-THE-JOB SOCIAL RELATIONS THE AUTHORS BEGIN THEIR ANALYSIS INTRODUCING THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN PRIMARY AND SECONDARY GROUPS. THEY. NOTE THAT SOCIAL RELATIONS IN THE WORK SITUATION ARE NOT NECESSARILY PRIMARY GROUP RELATIONS. TO A CERTAIN EXTENT, OBSERVE THE AUTHORS, WORK RELATIONS ARE INVOLUNTARY, GIVEN THAT THERE ARE LIMITED STRUCTURAL POSSIBILITIES IN THE — 153 - WORK SITUATION TO DEVELOP CLOSE PERSONAL RELATIONS. THAT IS, THE LESS THE NUMBER OF PEOPLE AVAILABLE ON THE JOB, THE LESS THE POSSIBILITIES OF FINDING FRIENDS WITH COMMON INTERESTS AND, THEREFORE, THE LOWER THE POSSIBILITIES THAT SUCH RELATIONSHHS WILL CRYSTALLIZE IN INTIMATE AND PERMANENT FRIENDSHIPS.. I ON THE OTHER HAND, ON-THE-JOB SOCIAL RELATIONS IN THE LARGER SHOPS ”ARE LIKELY To BE MORE VOLUNTARY THAN IN THE SMALLER SHOPS, FIRST BECAUSE THERE ARE SIMPLY MORE MEN TO CHOOSE FROM, AND SECONDLY, BECAUSE THE WORK SCHEDULES IN LARGER SHOPS ARE NOT AS TIGHT, AND THEIR ECONOMIC MARGIN . ' - 2 8 OF OPERATION NOT AS NARROW, AS IN THE SMALL SHOPS” 5 . A - Isa - TABLE #3. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SHOP-SIZE AND PLACE OF EMPLOYMENT OF PRINTERS SEEN OFF THE JOB. A) UOGC SHOP SIZE - . SMALL (3.20) MEDIUM (20-40) LARGE (40+) PROPORTION OF MEN ‘ (3) (16) WHOSE TWO BEST - , . PRINTER FRIENDS ARE 12 % I9 % BOTH IN OWN SHOP. TOTAL CASES ' 32 AK 26 A 83 8) ITU (PAGE 186) SHOP SIZE _ 3-10 11-30 31-100 101-200 200 + PROPORTION OF MEN. (II) (23) (28) (19) (76) WHOSE TWO BEST PRINTER FRIENDS ARE 22 % 25 73 37 % ' 58 % 60 % BOTH IN OWN SHOP. ' ' TOTAL CASES 52 91 75 33 126 TABLE #3 SHOWS THAT PRINTERS WORKING IN LARGER SHOPS TEND To HAVE MORE INTIMATE FRIENDS IN THE SHOP THAN THOSE WORKING IN SMALLER ONES. THE AUTHORS SUGGEST THAT THESE FINDINGS TEND TO CONFIRM THE ASSUMPTION THAT "MEN HAVE MORE INTIMATE SOCIAL RELATIONS WITH OTHER PRINTERS IN LARGE PLANTS THAN THEY DO IN SMALL ONEs" 59. IN THE UOGC, EVEN WHEN FIGURES ARE TOO LOW IN THE DIFFERENT CELLS, DATA SHOW THE SAME TENDENCY..IN ORDER To INCREASE FIGURES, WE - 155 - TABLE H3.1 RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SHOP SIZE AND PLACE (UOGC) OF EMPLOYMENT OF PRINTERS SEEN OFF THE JOB. SHOP SIZE SMALL MEDIUM LARGE PROPORTION WITH (8) (12) (40) AT LEAST ONE J - 1 PRINTER FRIEND 25 % 46 % #8 % IN OWN SHOP . TOTAL CASES 32 26 83 DETERMINED IN TABLE h3.1 THE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN SHOP SIZE AND HAVING AT LEAST ONE BEST PRINTER FRIEND IN THE $«P3 TABLE 43.2 (UOGC) SHOP SIZE 1 SMALL MEDIUM LARGE PROPORTION OF MEN (h) (11) (50) WHOSE TWO NON- INTIMATE PRINTER 13 % uz % 60 % FRIENDS ARE BOTH IN OWN SHOP TOTAL CASES 32 26 83 -156- AND IN TABLE U3.2 THE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN SHOP SIZE AND HAVING NON-INTIMATE PRINTER FRIENDS IN THE SHOP. IT CAN BE SEEN THAT THE PREVIOUS TENDENCIES REMAIN IN THESE TABLES. (OF COURSE, IT IS MORE DIFFICULT TO SPECIFY IN TABLE H3.2 TO WHAT EXTENT THE HIGHER NUMBER OF NON- INTIMATE PRINTER FRIENDS IS NOT A MERE RESULT OF THE HIGHER NUMBER OF MEN IN THE LARGER SHOPS). LIPSET ET.AL. POINT OUT THAT THERE ARE CERTAIN GROUPS OF PEOPLE WITHIN SHOPS WHOSE REQUIREMENTS FOR FRIENDSHIPS ARE VERY STRINGENT. THESE MEN WOULD FIND IT DIFFICULT To (MAKE FRIENDS WITH SIMILAR INTERESTS IN SMALL SHOPS WHERE THE AVAILABLE POOL OF FRIENDS IS VERY LIMITED. AN EXAMPLE OF THIS, THE AUTHORS NOTE, REFERS To THE FACT THAT UNION MEMBERS HAVE DIFFERENT POLITICAL VALUES. IN THIS SENSE, THE AUTHORS SUGGEST THAT "THE LIBERALS AMONG PRINTERS ARE .MORE INTERESTED IN POLITICS, BOTH NATIONAL AND UNION, THAN ARE CONSERVATIVES. LIBERALS, THEREFORE, SHOULD BE MORE LIKELY TO USE SIMILARITY IN POLITICAL BELIEF AS A CRITERION FOR FRIENDSHIP, WHILE CONSERVATIVES SHOULD BE ‘ 260 LESS SELECTIVE" . - 157 - mo do mm mm .mum_»<>mumzoo MJ.H<>mumzoov Amq_wummmmzoo I4P.>.P_ zum >P_>_P_wzum >H_>_P_ zww >P.>.F_mzuw JSELF-SELECTED RELATIONS ON THE JOB RELATIONS 3. IF VOLUNTARY SELF-SELECTION THESE RELATIONSHIPS OF FRIENDS IN THE SHOPS IS ---------;>MAY TDHITOBEBASED MORE LIKELY "ON A WIDER RANGE ’ OF SHARED INTERESTS AND VALUES" (262). V - I59 - h. IF RELATIONSHIPS ARE BASED IT IS MORE LIKELY - ---------9 THAT "THESE RELA- ON SHARED INTERESTS TIONSHIPS WILL BE ELABORATED AND INTENSIFIED OVER TIME INTO CLOSE AND GENUINE FRIENDSHIPs" (263). 5. IF A MAN IS STRINGENT TO IT WILL BE LESS ---------9 LIKELY THAT HE SELECTFRIENDS WILL FIND THEM IN A LIMITED POOL. AS IT IS POINTED OUT IN UNION DEMOCRACY, MORE FAVORABLE CONDITIONS FOR FRIENDSHIPS DEVELOPMENT TAKE PLACE IN THE LARGER SHOPS. THE LATTER HAVE: A) A WIDER POOL OF AVAILABLE PRINTERS FOR VOLUNTARY SELECTION’OF FRIENDS; B) MORE FREEDOM FOR SOCIALIZING ON THE JOB; AND, FINALLY, C) PRINTERS WITH STRINGENT CRITERIA FOR FRIENDSHIP (LIKE THE LIBERAL- RADICALS) HAVE MORE POSSIBILITIES OF FINDING OTHER PRINTERS WHO SHARE THEIR INTERESTS AND VALUES IN THE LARGER SHOPS. 8.7 THE POLITICAL RELEVANCE OF ON-THE-JOB SOCIAL RELATIONS LIPSET ET.AL. NOTE THAT THE DIFFERENTIAL FRIENDSHIP RELATIONS WE FIND IN THE SMALLER AND LARGER SHOPS CAN "HELP PROVIDE AN ADDITIONAL ANSWER TO THE QUESTION, WHY ARE MEN IN LARGE SHOPS MORE ACTIVE IN UNION POLITICS THAN MEN IN SMALL SHOPS?" 26“. THE AUTHORS REMEMBER THAT SOCIAL RELATIONS ON — 160 - THE JOB IN LARGE SHOPS HAVE THE CHARACTER OF POLITICAL ARENAS FOR THE DISCUSSION OF UNION POLITICS. ON THE OTHER HAND, IN THE SMALL SHOPS SOCIAL RELATIONS ARE MORE INVOLUNTARY AND THEY ”TEND TO PREVENT THE DEVELOPMENT OF INFORMAL ARENAS FOR THE DISCUSSION OF UNION AFFAIRs" 265. TABLES #5 AND 46 WOULD SUGGEST THAT ”WHERE THESE INFORMAL POLITICAL ARENAS EXIST (...) THEY ACT BOTH INDEPENDENTLY AND CUMULATIVELY TO STIMULATE AND SUSTAIN THE POLICAL INVOLVEMENTS OF THEIR PARTICIPANTS“ 266. THIS IS ALSO THE CASE OF THE UOGC: CORDOBA'S PRINTERS WHO ARE HIGH IN SOCIAL RELATIONS TEND TO PARTICIPATE MORE AND To BE MORE INVOLVED AND INTERESTED IN UNION POLITICS IN THE LARGER SHOPS. IN THE SMALLER SHOPS, DIFFERENCES IN POLITICAL INyoLvEMENTARE SLIGHT BETWEEN THOSE HIGH AND LOW IN SOCIAL RELATIONS (3% IN TABLE #5), OR INEXISTENT (17% IS SHOWN BY BOTH GROUPS IN TABLE #6). co, _m_ an. 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