TESTING THE MODERATING EFFECTS OF RACIAL SOCIALIZATION ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN COMMUNITY VIOLENCE EXPOSURE AND ACADEMIC/ PSYCHOSOCIAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN YOUNG ADULTS By Meeta Banerjee, MSW A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Psychology 2012 ABSTRACT TESTING THE MODERATING EFFECTS OF RACIAL SOCIALIZATION ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN COMMUNITY VIOLENCE EXPOSURE AND ACADEMIC/ PSYCHOSOCIAL OUTCOMES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN YOUNG ADULTS By Meeta Banerjee, MSW The growing community violence literature has shown that exposure to community violence has been associated with adverse outcomes such as poor psychological well-being and lower academic achievement (Overstreet, 2000; Scarpa, 2003). Since many of the youth exposed to community violence tend to be ethnic minority youth, Aisenberg and Herrenkohl (2003) suggest culturally relevant interventions are necessary to offset the effects of community violence. Racial socialization is a parenting process in African American families that underscores the promotion of cultural heritage and pride as well as providing youth awareness of barriers as well as effective coping strategies (Hughes et al., 2006). Racial socialization has been found to buffer the effects of racial discrimination and mental health risks in African American samples on both academic outcomes and psychological well-being (Bannon et al., 2009; HarrisBritt et al., 2007; Neblett et al., 2006). The present study seeks to understand how racial socialization moderates the effects of community violence exposure on academic and psychosocial outcomes in 281 African American college students at a large university in the Midwest. Two main models were proposed in this study. The first model examined if racial socialization attenuated the effects of community violence exposure on psychosocial outcomes. Psychological well-being was measured via reports of symptoms of depression, symptoms of post-traumatic stress, reports of anger, hostility, verbal aggression and physical aggression. The second model investigated how racial socialization buffers community violence exposure on academic outcomes. Academic achievement was assessed using self-reports of grades in college, academic engagement in college and academic self-concept. Results from this study showed that there were significant main effects of racial socialization on both psychological and academic outcomes. These results indicate that racial socialization provides a promotive effect with regards to certain outcomes. Counter to the hypothesis, the moderating model was not supported. The findings from this study suggest that life-long messages of racial socialization are an important factor in the developmental trajectories of African American populations. This study indicates that the adaptive effects of racial socialization on academic achievement and psychological well-being can be seen even in college aged samples. The results imply that racial socialization practices may be a point of intervention for both younger and older populations of African American youth who may live in communities that are faced with community violence. Copyright by Meeta Banerjee, MSW 2012 Acknowledgements First, I would like to thank God for providing me the guidance and strength to get through the endeavors of a doctoral program. Second, I would like to thank my parents and my brother for their continued support and love while I went on this journey. I also would like to acknowledge Sandra Somoza, Marilyn Somoza, Rex Heivilin, Alicia Eccles and Nkiru Nnawulezi for their support, encouragement and love throughout my life. For their mentorship and guidance during my doctoral program, I would like to say thank you to Dr. Stephanie J. Rowley and Dr. Deborah J. Johnson. I would like to also say thank you to Dr. Zaje Harrell, my advisor and chair for all her work throughout my doctoral program. Finally, I would also like to thank the Michigan State Graduate School for the research enhancement award making this research and dissertation possible. v TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Tables................................................................................................... viii List of Figures……………………………………………………………….. x Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1 Community Violence: A Growing Problem……………………….. 1 1.2 Racial Socialization & Its Role in African American Families……. 3 1.3 Theoretical Perspectives…………………………………………… 4 1.4 Overview of the Current Study…………………………………… 8 Chapter 2: A Literature Review on Community Violence 2.1 Rates of Community Violence…………………………………… 10 2.2 The Psychosocial Impact of Community Violence………………. 10 2.2.1 Community Violence & Well-Being……………………….. 11 2.2.2 Community Violence & Academic Achievement………….. 13 Chapter 3: A Literature Review on Racial Socialization 3.1 Racial/Ethnic Socialization in African American Families…………16 3.2 Dimensions of Racial Socialization…………………………………16 3.3 Youth Outcomes & Racial Socialization……………………………16 3.3.1 Psychosocial Outcomes………………………………………. 18 3.3.2 Academic Outcomes………………………………………..... 20 3.4 The Moderating Influence of Racial Socialization………………….22 3.5 Summary on Community Violence & Racial Socialization……… 26 3.6 The Focus on Young Adulthood…………………………………. 29 3.7 The Current Study………………………………………………… 32 Chapter 4: Methods 4.1 Participants……………………………………………………… 36 4.2 Procedure………………………………………………………. 36 4.3 Measures………………………………………………………… 38 4.4 Data Analysis Plan……………………………………………..... 44 Chapter 5: Results 5.1 Preliminary Analyses ………………………………………….. 5.1.1 Frequencies ………………………………………………. 5.1.1.1 Community Violence……………………………..... 5.1.1.2 Racial Socialization…………………………………. 5.1.2 Data Reduction…………………………………………... 5.1.3 Correlations……………………………………………….. 5.2 Testing Moderators…………………………………………….. 5.2.1 Psychosocial Outcomes………………………………..... vi 48 48 48 48 49 50 51 51 5.2.2 Academic Outcomes…………………………………… 59 Chapter 6: Discussion 6.1 Model 1: Racial Socialization Moderating Community Violence: Psychological Well-Being ………………………………………. 6.2 Model 2: Racial Socialization Moderating Community Violence: Academic Achievement………………………………………… 6.3 Implications …………………………………………………… 6.4 Limitations & Future Directions………………………………. 6.5 Conclusions…………………………………………………….. 63 76 83 89 91 Appendices ……………………………………………………………….. 95 Appendix A. Tables……………………………………………………… 95 Appendix B. Figures……………………………………………………... 123 Appendix C. Measures……………………………………………………. 127 Appendix D. Consent and Debriefing Forms………………………………146 Bibliography ……………………………………………………………… vii 154 List of Tables Table 1. Sample characteristics…………………………………………………………… 95 Table 2. Academic profiles of participants…………………………………………………. 97 Table 3. Frequencies by items: Community violence………………………………………..98 Table 4. Frequencies by items: Racial socialization…………………………………………101 Table 5. Descriptives of measures………………………………………………………… 102 Table 6. Correlations of study variables…………………………………………………… 103 Table 7. Hierarchical regressions: Victimization, racial socialization & depression……… 104 Table 8. Hierarchical regressions: Witnessing, racial socialization & depression………… 105 Table 9. Hierarchical regressions: Victimization, racial socialization & post-traumatic stress…………………………………………………………………………………………106 Table 10. Hierarchical regressions: Witnessing, racial socialization & post-traumatic stress…….............................................................................................................................. 107 Table 11. Hierarchical regressions: Victimization, racial socialization & anger……………108 Table 12. Hierarchical regressions: Witnessing, racial socialization & anger………………109 Table 13. Hierarchical regressions: Victimization, racial socialization & hostility………...110 Table 14. Hierarchical regressions: Witnessing, racial socialization & hostility…………...111 Table 15. Hierarchical regressions: Victimization, racial socialization & physical aggression…………………………………………………………………………………..112 Table 16. Hierarchical regressions: Witnessing, racial socialization & physical aggression…………………………………………………………………………….…….113 Table 17. Hierarchical regressions: Victimization, racial socialization & verbal aggression……………………………………………………………………………..........114 Table 18. Hierarchical regressions: Witnessing, racial socialization & verbal aggression…………………………………………………………………………………115 Table 19. Hierarchical regressions: Victimization, racial socialization & grades……………..............................................................................................................116 Table 20. Hierarchical regressions: Witnessing, racial socialization & grades………… 117 viii Table 21. Hierarchical regressions: Victimization, racial socialization & academic selfconcept…………………………………………………………………………………...118 Table 22. Hierarchical regressions: Witnessing, racial socialization & academic selfconcept………………………………………………………………………………..…119 Table 23. Hierarchical regressions: Victimization, racial socialization & academic engagement……………………………………………………………………………...120 Table 24. Hierarchical regressions: Witnessing, racial socialization & academic engagement……………………………………………………………………………...121 Table A. Survey of Community Violence Exposure……………………………………128 Table B. Racial Socialization Questionnaire Teen…………………………………….. 132 Table C. Aggression Scales……………………………………………………………...134 Table D. Center for Epidemiological Studies-Depression………………………………137 Table E. Post-traumatic Stress Disorder Scale………………………………………….138 Table F. Grades…………………………………………………………………………141 Table G. Academic Engagement……………………………………………………….142 Table H. Academic Self-Concept………………………………………………………144 ix List of Figures Figure 1A. Racial socialization moderating community violence and psychosocial outcomes…9 Figure 1B. Racial socialization moderating community violence and academic outcomes…… 9 Figure 2A. Model 1: Racial socialization moderating community violence: Psychological wellbeing…………………………………………………………………………………………… 63 Figure 2B. Model 2: Racial socialization moderating community violence: Academic achievement…………………………………………………………………………………… 76 Figure 3A. Model of community violence, depression: Moderation- racial socialization……..123 Figure 3B. Model of community violence, post-traumatic stress: Moderation- racial socialization…………………………………………………………………………………….124 Figure 3C. Model of community violence, aggressive behaviors: Moderation- racial socialization…………………………………………………………………………………….125 Figure 4. Model of community violence, academic achievement: Moderation- racial socialization…………………………………………………………………………………….126 x Chapter One Introduction Community Violence: A Growing Problem Although crime rates have been on the decline in the United States, there is a higher incidence of community violence in the U.S. than in most countries around the world (Osofsky, 1999). Studies suggest that an accumulation of risk factors or stressors such as: poverty, neighborhoods characterized by high crime, inadequate income, low parental education attainment are linked to community violence (Garbarino, 2001; Garbarino, Hammond, Mercy & Yung, 2004; Gorman-Smith & Tolan, 2003; Tolan, Sherrod, Gorman-Smith & Henry, 2004). Experiences with community violence either as a witness or victim affect youth of all ages negatively. Youth, ages 12-17, were more likely to be victims of violence, however, the rates of violence were equally high for individuals characterized as young adults, who are between the ages of 18 to 24 (Hashima & Finklehor, 1999). The high prevalence rates of exposure to community violence found in children continues through adolescence and young adulthood (Menard, 2000). Exposure to community violence (ECV) has been related to mental health and academic outcomes. Specifically, ECV has been associated with academic achievement—affected youth tend to have lower school attendance, perform poorly and cannot concentrate in the classroom compared to youth who have not been exposed to violence (Dyson, 1989; Overstreet & Braun, 1999; Schwab-Stone, Ayers, Kasprow, Voyce, Barone, Shriver & Weissberg, 1995; Schwartz & Gorman, 2003). Furthermore, ECV has been related to more depression, distress and aggressive behaviors in college samples. The work examining these effects on college samples has focused primarily on European American samples (Scarpa, 2001; Scarpa, Fikretoglu & Luscher, 2000; 1 Scarpa, Fikretoglu, Bowser, Hurley, Pappert, Romero & Van Voorhees, 2002; Scarpa, Haden & Hurley, 2006). There is a relationship between ECV and depression or distress in African American college students, but we know less about the impact of ECV on post-traumatic stress and aggression within this population. Researchers have investigated the factors that protect youth from the negative outcomes associated with exposure to community violence such as aspects of the individual’s environment (e.g., neighborhoods, families, schools). Familial factors such as family cohesion, support and the presence of the mother in the home can all be considered protective factors for youth a residing in such environments (Brady et al., 2008; Garmezy, 1993; Gorman-Smith & Tolan, 1998; Hall, Cassidy & Stevenson, 2008; Kliewer et al., 1998; Overstreet et al., 1999; Scarpa, Haden & Hurley, 2006). One research study found that both familial and friend social support was negatively associated with PTSD scores in a sample of college students, however, it was reports of the friend’s social support that buffered the effects of community violence on reports of PTSD (Scarpa et al., 2006). Although social support was found to be an important protective factor, other variables such as family cohesion has shown to be protective in the face of community violence. Family cohesion, which was defined as closeness, support and communication, buffered the effects of community violence on adolescents’ reports of depression and anxiety symptoms (Gorman-Smith & Tolan, 1998). These studies highlight the importance of examining different aspects of the home environment that can play a positive role in their developmental outcomes. Aisenberg and Herrenkohl (2008) suggest that it is imperative to identify protective factors that are culturally relevant for youth within these environments since majority of youth exposed to community violence are ethnic minorities. Moreover, parenting practices that are linked to ethnic heritage may play an important role in attenuating 2 the effects of community violence in ethnic minority families (Garcia Coll, Meyer & Brillion, 1995 c.f. Tolan, Sherrod, Gorman-Smith & Henry, 2004). The National Center for Mental Health Promotion and Youth Violence Prevention (2004) reports that for Latino youth, cultural norms and values may serve as a buffer against negative risk factors. Hence, socialization related to cultural norms and values may also be protective against the psychosocial impact of community violence for African American youth. Racial Socialization and Its Role in African American Families Racial/ethnic socialization has been shown to be an important factor in African American children’s development and can be defined as the transmission of race-related messages and behaviors from parents to their children. Racial/ethnic socialization equips youth with a positive sense of self-concept and self-esteem (Coard, Wallace, Stevenson & Brotman, 2004; Peters, 1985; Peters, 2002; Suizzo, Robinson & Pahlke, 2008). Three dimensions of racial socialization are proposed to be particularly relevant in the current study: cultural socialization, preparation for bias and self-worth. Cultural socialization involves promoting cultural/ethnic history and pride. Practices include taking part in cultural events that are representative of the ethnic heritage (e.g., Kwanzaa; attending Saturday school). Preparation for bias consists of preparing children for negative experiences such as discrimination or social marginalization and providing them coping strategies to deal with these incidents (Hughes, et al. 2006; Lesane-Brown, 2006). African American parents may also transmit messages of self-worth to help children develop a healthy sense of self or positive ethnic identity (Tatum, 1997). These different dimensions of racial socialization have been linked to positive ethnic identity formation (Stevenson, 1995), better academic outcomes (Neblett et al., 2006, Smalls, 2009) and positive psychological wellbeing (Fischer & Shaw, 1999; Harris-Britt, Valrie, Kurtz-Costes & Rowley, 2007) in African American youth. 3 Whether racial socialization buffers the impact of racial discrimination on academic or psychological outcomes has also been investigated (Bynum et al., 2007; Fischer & Shaw, 1999; Neblett, Philip, Cogburn & Sellers, 2006; Stevenson & Arrington, 2009). There is evidence that racial socialization moderates the relationship between mental health risk factors and anxiety in African American children (Bannon, McKay, Chacko, Rodriguez & Cavaleri, 2009). Bannon and colleagues (2009) proposed a moderating model where cultural socialization buffered the effects of nine mental health risk factors (e.g., exposure to community/domestic violence, substance use) on African American youth’s reports of anxiety. Although this study identified community violence exposure as one of their mental health risk factors, it did not solely examine how racial socialization moderates the effects of community violence exposure on psychological well-being or academic outcomes. Theoretical Frameworks The theoretical basis for the current study is the integrative model for the study of developmental competencies in ethnic minority children (Garcia Coll, Lamberty, Jenkins, McAdoo, Crnic, Wasik & Garcia1996). This framework underscores how the intersection of culture, ethnicity, race and class can shape the developmental trajectories of minority children. The theory identifies how elements such as neighborhoods, adaptive cultures and racial socialization are directly and indirectly related to ethnic minority children’s development. Furthermore, when environments are considered promotive or inhibitive they influence specific family processes such as racial socialization. Garcia Coll and colleagues (1996) identify schools, neighborhoods and health care as promoting and inhibiting environments. According to McLoyd et al. (2000), one of the ecological influences in a youth’s life includes their neighborhood (McLoyd, Cauce, Takeuchi & 4 Wilson, 2000; Spencer, 1995). The foci of the community violence literature are impoverished urban neighborhoods, where in many cases; the neighborhoods are predominantly African American (Ceballo & McLoyd, 2002). Neighborhoods have been identified as an environmental factor that can be viewed as either promotive or inhibitive (Garcia Coll et al., 1996). For example, neighborhoods can possess positive qualities such as support systems that can bring about a sense of belonging, a community identity and social capital. However, when neighborhoods are affected by community violence, those neighborhoods are no longer positive places for their inhabitants. Residents begin to feel overwhelmed and unsafe in such environments, constraining their ability to seek out support or provide social support to their own children (Osofsky, 1999). Parents may feel like they do not have the necessary resources to help their children navigate this context (Hill & Madhere, 1996). Furthermore, community violence can directly impact youth outcomes. Exposure to community violence has been associated with poor academic functioning and lower academic achievement in youth (Dyson, 1989; Kennedy & Bennett, 2006). Moreover, exposure to community violence has been linked with more symptoms of depression and post-traumatic stress in ethnic minority youth (Fitzpatrick & Boldizar, 1993). Parents are the primary socializing agent for their children. Within the integrative model, certain aspects of the family are directly related to external factors such as issues within the neighborhood. With regards to community violence, where families are nested within unsafe neighborhoods, parents may manage the harmful effects due to exposure in multiple ways. Research has begun to show that families who live in inner-city areas do not have lesser skills or fewer qualities that promote children’s development as those families living elsewhere (GormanSmith, Tolan & Henry, 2000). Additionally, the values that may exist in ethnic minority families 5 such as the importance of ethnic heritage and family loyalty may play an important role in fostering children’s growth (Garcia Coll, Meyer, Brillion, 1995). Ethnic minority families draw from an adaptive culture which includes the transmission of traditional and cultural legacies that impact parenting processes such as racial socialization (Garcia Coll et al., 1996). Racial socialization is an important parenting practice because it allows African American parents to teach their children about the positive attributes of their own culture as well as provide coping mechanisms to counteract negative contextual factors (e.g., racial discrimination)(Hughes et al., 2006). African American parents may try to counteract the influence of the high levels of community violence on their children’s sense of self by providing their child with positive racial socialization messages and practices. By transmitting practices related to cultural pride or providing stories about historical figures who overcame adversity, African American parents can help buffer the damaging impact of violence. African American youth may begin to identify with these historical figures and their struggles which may provide them with the impetus to succeed despite negative circumstances. In addition, these cultural stories, messages or behaviors may promote youth to develop a sense of pride in their racial group or higher self-esteem, thus reducing the negative psychological effects of community violence on youth. Moreover, the family’s involvement in racial socialization practices is directly related to cognitive, social and academic outcomes. In order to understand the importance of racial socialization in the lives of African American young adults, I draw upon Cross & Fhagen-Smith’s (2001) life span perspective of racial identity development. The lifespan perspective incorporates the strengths of other identity perspectives (e.g., Erickson, Marcia, Phinney), but delineates factors of internalized oppression that can occur and shape an individuals’ ethnic- racial identity across the lifespan starting from 6 infancy and ending in adulthood (Cross & Cross, 2008). Cross & Fhagen-Smith’s (2001) theoretical standpoint also takes into account how different ecological factors (e.g. parents, neighborhoods) can have both positive and negative impact on one’s perception of self and their emerging identities. Specifically, this theory considers the importance of racial socialization and its relationship to identity formation. Of particular relevance is how racial socialization can mitigate the effects of issues present within the macrosystem (i.e., dominant society’s beliefs and perceptions of Black youth) to issues within the microsystem (i.e., neighborhoods or schools) on racial ethnic identity. Tatum (1997) notes that by adolescence, issues related to race become salient. Youth begin to intensely question aspects of Black culture and race-related messages provided by their parents that are then either accepted or rejected and attributed to their emerging identity. Cross et al. (2001) suggest that mis-education can be the key factor in inhibiting the development of a healthy identity. Mis-education can occur from different sources including the media, schools or communities. Popular media showing negative imagery of African Americans in the news or racism within the community (e.g., youth being harassed by the authorities or followed in public spaces) are the products of mis-education that can cause youth to develop a negative sense of self related to race. To counter this, African American parents participate in racial socialization by making youth aware of racial bias or barriers and providing coping messages. Youth who are provided with these types of messages may be motivated to break stereotypical beliefs that others have about them. Consequently, causing African American youth to succeed academically (Sanders, 1997) and report better psychological outcomes (Fischer & Shaw, 1999). These racial socialization practices and messages provided by parents during the child’s lifetime can help youth develop a positive ethnic identity from as early as childhood and continuing into adolescence/ early adulthood when race becomes a salient feature for African 7 Americans (Tatum, 1997). Thus, indicating that racial socialization practices from childhood onwards, may be an important protective factor in the lives of African American youth. Overview of the Present Study The purpose of the present study is to understand how dimensions of racial socialization can moderate the influence of community violence on African American young adults’ psychosocial and academic outcomes. I propose three main hypotheses for the current study. First, exposure to community violence will be positively related to poorer psychosocial well-being. Specifically, I hypothesize that higher rates of community violence exposure over an individual’s lifetime will be related to current reports of more depressive symptomatology, more symptoms of post-traumatic stress and aggressive behaviors. Second, I predict that exposure to community violence will be negatively associated with academic achievement. Young adults who report greater exposure to community violence over their lifetime will report lower college GPAs. In addition, these individuals will report lower academic self-concept and engagement while in college. Finally, I hypothesize that racial socialization will moderate the effects of community violence on youth academic and psychosocial outcomes. I predict that young adults who received a greater amount of racial socialization messages over the course of their life, will exhibit higher academic self-concept, more academic engagement and better grades within the context of community violence. I predict that racial socialization messages and practices across one’s life time will lessen the impact of lifetime exposure to community violence on psychosocial outcomes. Those individuals who received higher levels of racial socialization messages during their lifetime will have better current psychosocial outcomes (e.g., less depressive symptoms, 8 less symptoms of posttraumatic stress and exhibit less aggressive tendencies) in the face of community violence. A general figure of the two proposed models is provided below. Figure 1A. Racial Socialization Moderating Community Violence and Psychosocial Outcomes Racial Socialization Exposure to Community Violence Psychosocial Outcomes Figure 1B. Racial Socialization Moderating Community Violence and Academic Outcomes Racial Socialization Academic Outcomes Exposure to Community Violence 9 Chapter Two A Literature Review on Community Violence Rates of Community Violence in the United States Research has shown that exposure to community violence (ECV) affects youth of all age groups. Reports of ECV have been found in samples of children and adolescents (Fitzpatrick & Boldizar, 1993; Martinez & Richters, 1993; Miller, Wasserman, Neugebauer, Gorman-Smith & Kamboukos, 1999; Overstreet & Braun, 1999; Richters & Martinez, 1993). Furthermore, high rates of ECV have also been reported in community samples of young adults and samples of college students (Eitle & Turner, 2002; Rosenthal, 2000; Rosenthal & Hutton, 2001; Scarpa, 2001; Scarpa, Fikretoglu & Luscher, 2000; Scarpa et al., 2002). Moreover, it is important to realize that many of the children and youth who experienced and reported their exposure to community violence in the 1990’s are now young adults themselves (Scarpa, 2003). Studies on college samples have shown that students who reside in both rural and urban areas have high rates of violence exposure (Rosenthal, 2000; Scarpa, 2003). Specifically, it was noted that in a multiethnic sample of college students, 98% had witnessed some form of community violence while two-thirds had been victims themselves over the past three years (Rosenthal, 2000). The Psychosocial Impact of Community Violence ECV has been examined in two domains: violence experienced as witnesses and violence experienced as victims. According to Buka and colleagues (2001), victimization is the direct exposure to community violence and refers to acts that are intentional by others to cause the intended subject harm. Acts include being chased, beaten up, threatened, stabbed or even shot. Witnessing violence, on the other hand, is indirect exposure to violence. Witnessing violent events can range from eye-witness accounts to the hearing of violent acts that took place (e.g., 10 hearing gunshots, hearing of someone who died). Exposure to community violence, either as a witness or victim, has adverse effects on youth outcomes. Specifically, community violence exposure has been linked to poor psychological symptoms such as depression, aggression or anxiety in college samples (Rosenthal, 2000; Rosenthal & Hutton, 2001; Rosenthal & Wilson, 2003; Scarpa, 2001; Scarpa et al., 2002; Scarpa et al., 2006). A meta-analysis conducted on the size of the relationship between community violence exposure and psychological symptoms found that age was not a factor within this relationship (Wilson & Rosenthal, 2003), suggesting that exposure to community violence is damaging for all age groups. In addition to poor psychological functioning, youth who report exposure to community violence also show lower academic achievement and functioning (Kennedy & Bennett, 2006; Matthews et al., 2009; Overstreet & Braun, 1999). Community Violence & Psychological Well-Being Exposure to community violence has been negatively associated with psychological wellbeing in youth. Among samples of youth there is an association between ECV and psychological risks (Tolan, Sherrod, Gorman-Smith & Henry, 2004). The mental health risks could be exacerbated by lack of supportive resources (i.e., familial, community), poor housing, single parent families, little opportunity for upward mobility and high rates of crime, homicide and drug activity. For example, in a national sample of adolescents, those that reported being beaten up or being actively threatened also reported levels of post-traumatic stress disorder (Zinzow, Ruggiero, Resnick, Hanson, Smith, Saunders & Kilpatrick, 2009). Similar findings were shown in a retrospective study with college students. Exposure to community violence was positively related to symptoms of post-traumatic stress (Scarpa, Haden & Hurley, 2006). Within this particular study, community violence exposure was assessed as trauma throughout the individual’s childhood and the majority of participants (78%) self-identified as White or 11 Caucasian. These studies did not focus on the direct effects of community violence exposure on symptoms of post-traumatic stress. The relationship between ECV and post-traumatic stress has been under investigated in African American college students. Post-traumatic stress symptoms are not the only psychological consequence resulting from exposure to community violence. Other studies have found that there is a positive association between ECV and depression in college samples (Rosenthal, 2000; Rosenthal & Hutton, 2001; Scarpa, 2000). One study found that ECV was positively related to depression, such that individuals who reported more exposure to violence during the past three years currently had greater symptoms of depression (Rosenthal, 2000). In general, these studies underscore the effects of community violence on internalizing behaviors, showing that more exposure is predictive of increased symptoms of depression and posttraumatic stress. Exposure to community violence has also been linked to externalizing behaviors in youth, such as aggression and being perpetrators of violence (Eitle & Turner, 2002; Scarpa,Firektoglu & Luscher, 2000; Scarpa & Ollendick, 2003). In a sample of college students, exposure to community violence positively predicted aggression (Scarpa, 2000; Scarpa et. al., 2003). This sample was majority (81%) Caucasian. Furthermore, it was found that in a multiethnic community sample of young adults (ages 18-23) witnessing community violence was a predictor of criminal behavior (Eitle & Turner, 2002). These studies highlight that exposure to community violence, both as victims and witnesses, is associated with all forms of aggression. Youth exposed to violence may exhibit various negative psychological outcomes including internalizing (i.e., depression, anxiety, PTSD) and externalizing (i.e., aggression) behaviors. However, further study is needed to understand how community violence manifests in African American young adults with regards to aggression and post-traumatic stress symptoms. 12 Studies that were conducted by Rosenthal and colleagues (2000, 2003) focused on multiethnic samples of college students, the majority (50%) of which self-identified as African American. However, no studies exist that examine these relationships in a sample of solely African American college students. This is an important sample to examine given that a meta-analysis found that predominantly African American samples had larger effect sizes between the relationship of ECV and psychological symptoms (Wilson & Rosenthal, 2003). Furthermore, though Rosenthal and colleagues (2000, 2001, 2003) had samples that were majority African American, they assessed ECV over the past three years and related it to current psychological outcomes. However, studies on rural Caucasian college students have shown that repeated exposure to violence over a lifetime is linked to a greater prevalence of negative psychological consequences (Scarpa et al., 2001; Scarpa et al., 2002). Thus, to fully understand whether lifetime exposure to community violence impacts African American college students in ways that are similar to their European counterparts, measurement needs to include assessing exposure over the lifetime. Community Violence & Academic Achievement Although the research regarding the links between community violence exposure and academic achievement is not as abundant as the literature associated with psychological wellbeing and ECV, negative relationships have been reported between the two constructs (Dyson, 1989; Kennedy & Bennett, 2006; Mathews, Dempsey & Overstreet, 2009; Overstreet & Braun, 1999, Rosenfeld, Richman, Bowen & Wynns, 2006; Schwab-Stone, Ayers, Kasprow, Voyce et al., 1995; Schwartz & Gorman, 2003; White, Bruce, Farrell & Kleiwer, 1998). One study found that ECV was negatively associated with academic performance in a sample of African American adolescents (Mathews et al., 2009). In this study, academic performance was measured 13 by self-reported grades and percentile rankings on the Iowa Test of Basic Skills. In addition, other studies have shown that repeated ECV has been related to lower academic achievement (Rosenfeld et al., 2006; Schwab-Stone et al., 1995). Self-reported grades were used as an indicator of academic achievement in both of these studies. Other studies have found that the psychological effects of ECV can lead to harmful consequences related to academic achievement. In particular, these studies showed that ECV was linked to difficulty concentrating within the classroom (Dyson, 1989), greater absences in school (Kennedy & Bennett, 2006) and cognitive impairments that hinder academic performance (Saltzman, Pynoos, Layne, Steinberg & Aisenberg, 2001). In her case study of individuals dealing with the effects of community violence, Dyson (1989) found that two males who had greater exposure to ECV were performing poorly in school because of their issues with concentrating on the subject matter. Moreover, in a study on a sample of multi-ethnic adolescents it was found that ECV was positively related to more attention and behavior problems (Kennedy & Bennett, 2006). Furthermore, this specific study found that ECV was directly related to adolescents’ reporting more expulsion and suspension from school. These findings imply that the effects of ECV can be directly and indirectly related to school performance and academic achievement. In summary, the literature has shown that there is a link between academic achievement and ECV. However, many of the studies that examined academic achievement have not considered examining academic self-concept or academic engagement as factors of achievement. Other areas of research have looked at self-concept and engagement in relation to discrimination and climate (Neblett, Philip, Cogburn & Sellers, 2006), but less is known about how these outcomes are affected by exposure to violence. Exposure to community violence may be 14 associated with less engagement in academic activities on campus or have students feeling poorly about their abilities in the classroom. In addition, majority of these studies have examined child and adolescent populations. There has been no research as of yet, examining the relationship between exposure to community violence and academic achievement in college samples. Research observing the relationship between community violence exposure and dropout/ suspension history in a multi-ethnic low income sample has found that exposure to community violence is positively related to more suspensions and expulsions from school (Kennedy & Bennett, 2006). However, individuals who are in college may be academically resilient with regards to ECV and it is crucial to understand this phenomenon. Furthermore, there is little research on what factors moderate the connections between community violence and academic achievement in general and further research is needed to understand if familial or individual factors play a role in these links. 15 Chapter Three A Literature Review on Racial Socialization Racial/Ethnic Socialization Individual factors such as a strong ethnic/cultural identity, racial awareness, a positive self-concept and high self-esteem are all aspects that can lead to resiliency in African American youth (APA, 2008; Brown, McMahon, Biro, Crawford, Schreiber, Similo et al., 1998; Greene, Way & Pahl, 2006; Rowley, Sellers, Chavous & Smith, 1998; Sellers, Copeland-Linder, Martin & Lewis, 2006). Racial/ethnic identity formation and higher self-esteem is influenced by cultural family processes such as racial/ethnic socialization (Stevenson, 1994; Hughes et al., 2006; Lesane-Brown, 2006; McHale et al., 2006). Racial/ ethnic socialization is a culturally relevant parenting process that helps to highlight the importance of race in the lives of children of color. It includes the transmission of values, beliefs and attitudes about race and ethnicity from parents to their children (Johnson, 2001; Johnson, 2005; McAdoo, 2002, Thornton, Chatters, Traylor & Allen, 1990). Racial socialization processes also include the transmission of both verbal and non-verbal messages with regard to the values, attitudes, beliefs and behaviors surrounding race (Lesane-Brown, 2006). Transmission of messages may also include discussion of topics such as racial identity and racial intergroup and intragroup relationships (Lesane-Brown, 2006). Dimensions of Racial Socialization Racial socialization has been found to be a multidimensional construct (Lesane-Brown, 2006; Stevenson, 1994; Stevenson, Cameron, Herrero-Taylor & Davis, 2002). Hughes and colleagues (2006) identified four dimensions that were predominant in the racial socialization 16 literature, representing the types of race-related messages and practices parents transmit to their children: cultural socialization, preparation for bias, promotion of mistrust and egalitarianism. Cultural socialization included messages about racial or ethnic pride, providing cultural toys or books, discussing cultural heritage and history. Preparation for bias is comprised of messages and practices that help prepare children for the possible racial discrimination or prejudice they may experience by making them aware of barriers or racism. Parents not only make their children aware of these barriers but may also provide coping strategies to deal with the negative consequences. Promotion for mistrust messages consist of being wary of interracial contact with other ethnic groups or even being distrustful of other. Egalitarianism or humanism messages promote equality and fair treatment of all races. Although these four themes were identified by Hughes et al. (2006), other researchers have found that messages about religiosity, selfdevelopment, self-worth, or achievement surrounding race are also equally important for African American families (Bowman & Howard, 1985; Coard, Wallace, Stevenson & Brotman, 2004; Lesane-Brown, Brown, Caldwell & Sellers, 2005; Neblett, Philip, Cogburn & Sellers, 2006; Stevenson, 1994; 1995). These dimensions of racial socialization are linked to youth outcomes. This literature review will focus primarily on those findings related to cultural socialization and preparation for bias as there is less empirical evidence on promotion of mistrust and egalitarianism /humanism. In addition, the literature on racial socialization has recently begun to focus on messages of selfworth and its link to youth outcomes (Neblett et al., 2006; Neblett et al., 2008; Neblett, Chavous, Nguyen & Sellers, 2009; Smalls, 2009; White-Johnson, Ford & Sellers, 2010). Self- worth has been characterized as positive messages received from parents about the self (e.g., “Told you that you are special no matter what anyone says”). Self-worth messages are positively related to 17 academic achievement and psychological well-being in ways that are similar to cultural socialization. Therefore, this literature review will also include research that has examined the dimension of self-worth. Racial Socialization & Psychosocial Outcomes There are relationships between dimensions of racial socialization and psychosocial outcomes (Stevenson, 1997). Specifically, cultural socialization is related to psychological wellbeing (Bannon et al., 2009; McHale et al., 2006; Smith-Bynum, Burton & Best, 2007; Stevenson, Reed, Bodison and Bishop, 1997). In a retrospective study conducted on sample of college freshmen, it was found that perceived cultural socialization messages from childhood were negatively related to current psychological distress within the context of perceived discrimination (Bynum, Burton & Best, 2007). Psychological stress is not the only psychological outcome associated with cultural socialization practices, research has shown that parents’ cultural socialization practices are also negatively related to depression (McHale et al., 2006). Findings showed that fathers who reported providing more cultural socialization messages to their child, had children who exhibited less depressive symptomatology. This study relied on parents’ self-reports of racial socialization practices. Less is known about the relationship between young adults’ reports of racial socialization practices and depression. In addition, this study focused on children who were between the ages of 10-14, and cannot be generalized to young adults. Stevenson and colleagues (1997) found that cultural socialization messages led to lower anger scores in adolescents. In particular, researchers found that higher levels of cultural socialization led to lower anger expression in adolescent males. Although this study included both males and females, we know less about how this relationship functions in female populations. However, these studies do underscore the impact that cultural socialization 18 messages have on youth’s psychosocial well-being. Nevertheless, it is also important to note that less is known about how cultural socialization is related to other psychosocial outcomes such as symptoms of post-traumatic stress or aggression. Studies have also examined whether preparation for bias messages are related to depressive symptomatology (Davis & Stevenson, 2006; McHale et al., 2006). However, neither study found that a relationship existed between the two, suggesting that preparation for bias messages do not influence reports of depressive symptomatology. Likewise, there is very little research investigating self-worth messages and its association to psychological outcomes (see Neblett et al., 2008 as an exception). This particular study found that self-worth messages are negatively related to problem behaviors and positively related to well-being. Well-being in this study was defined as dimensions that tapped into self-acceptance, autonomy, personal growth, environmental mastery, purpose in life and positive relationships with others (Neblett et al., 2008). These results imply that when adolescents are given positive messages about their sense of self within the context of race by parents, they are less likely to engage problem behaviors. Also, encouraging messages related to their sense of self led to adolescents feeling more positively about themselves. However, since there is little research on the domains of preparation for bias and self-worth in connection to psychological outcomes, further investigation is necessary to understand how these dimensions may play a role in the lives of African American young adults. Specifically, further research is needed to understand if links exist between the dimensions and reports of symptoms of depression, post-traumatic stress or aggression. Moreover, these dimensions have not been studied in the face of community violence. Also, these studies have not examined the impact of lifelong exposure to racial socialization practices and messages. A lifetime of providing messages or engaging in practices related to cultural 19 socialization, preparation for bias and self- worth could negate the harmful influence of symptoms of depression and aggression within the context of community violence. Racial Socialization & Academic Outcomes Racial socialization has been associated with positive academic outcomes (Anglin & Wade, 2007; Bowman & Howard, 1985). Furthermore, qualitative research on racial socialization has shown that African American parents feel that it is important to provide their children with messages related to cultural socialization and preparation for bias to help them adequately navigate through their educational career (Hill, 1999; Suizzo, Robinson & Pahlke, 2008; Tatum, 1987). Additionally, studies have shown that, in particular, preparation for bias messages are positively associated with higher grades (Bowman & Howard, 1985; Sanders, 1997). In a sample of African Americans, ages 14-24, it was found that those students who were aware of racial barriers received higher grades (Bowman & Howard, 1985). Similar findings were observed in a sample of 8 th grade students, such that those youth who were highly aware of barriers were also identified as the high achievers in school by their teachers and counselors (Sanders, 1997). The findings from these studies show that preparation for bias messages may lead to the awareness of the barriers to success that exist due to race and consequently, African American youth may try harder to succeed within these circumstances. It is important to note that these two studies primarily relied on qualitative reports of racial socialization messages and were conducted with adolescent populations. Thus, further investigation is needed to see if similar relationships are found in college aged samples utilizing measures that assess perceptions of preparation for bias messages across the life span. 20 Other studies have found that cultural socialization has led to mixed findings with regards to academic achievement (Anglin & Wade, 2007; Brown, Linver, Evans & DeGennaro, 2009; Neblett et al., 2006). For one study, this was partly due to how cultural socialization was operationalized. One study found that African American adolescents’ reports of maternal cultural socialization were linked to academic outcomes (Brown et al., 2009). In particular, results showed that cultural values such as the importance of family and community was positively related to academic grades however, messages related to ethnic heritage were negatively associated with academic grades. The two different types of cultural socialization led to very different relationships. Moreover, other studies have found mixed findings because academic achievement was measured via different variables, such as curiosity and persistence in the classroom (Neblett et al., 2006), grades (Brown et al., 2009) or academic adjustment (Anglin & Wade, 2007). Neblett and colleagues (2006) found that cultural socialization was positively related to academic persistence, but negatively associated with academic curiosity. The majority of these studies focused on adolescent populations (see Anglin & Wade, 2007 for an exception). Furthermore, the study conducted on a college sample utilized academic adjustment as their indicator of academic achievement in college. Although it is important to study factors such as academic adjustment, to comprehend the effects of cultural socialization on academic achievement in college, research needs to examine variables such as grades, academic engagement or academic concept. Racial socialization messages about self-worth were positively linked to academic outcomes (Neblett et al., 2006; Neblett, Chavous, Nguyen & Sellers, 2009; Smalls, 2009). In a study examining different racial socialization dimensions and its relationship to academic engagement, self-worth messages were associated with higher levels of academic curiosity and 21 academic persistence (Neblett et al., 2006). Similar results were found in a study on African American male adolescents. A positive relationship was seen between self-worth and academic persistence, suggesting that those boys who received messages about self-worth persisted more in difficult academic tasks (Neblett et al., 2009). All of these studies focused on adolescents’ reports of their perceptions of racial socialization messages and practices provided by a caregiver and its association to their current academic outcomes. Less is known about the influence of racial socialization messages across an individuals’ lifetime on their current academic outcomes. It could be that individuals who received more frequent racial socialization messages while growing up have better academic outcomes than those individuals who did not. Moreover, this set of studies on different dimensions of racial socialization (e.g., cultural socialization, preparation for bias and self-worth) underscore how the different types of racial socialization impact academic outcomes. Previous studies have not focused on the connection between racial socialization and academic outcomes in college students. Cultural socialization and self-worth messages may promote academic engagement and higher academic self-concept in college samples in ways that are similar to those trends found in African American adolescents. Furthermore, previous research examining preparation for bias in college students has shown that it is linked to positive outcomes with regards to psychological well-being. Therefore, it could be that for college students, preparation for bias messages are protective in ways that it is not for younger samples. These dimensions require more study especially in college samples to understand their relationship to academic outcomes. The Moderating Effects of Racial Socialization Although research has not examined racial socialization in the context of community violence, previous studies have examined it as a protective factor for African American youth in 22 other negative contexts. Specifically, research on racial socialization has found that it is a buffer of the negative effects of race-related experiences (i.e, racial discrimination) and psychological factors such as self-esteem (Fischer & Shaw, 1999; Harris-Britt et al., 2007), psychological distress (Smith Bynum, Burton & Best, 2007) or chronic stress (Neblett et al., 2008) in both young adults and adolescents. One study used two different subscales of measuring preparation for bias, racism teaching (Stevenson et al., 1998) and racism struggles (Stevenson, 1994) to examine whether it moderates the relationship between discrimination and psychosocial outcomes (Fischer & Shaw, 1999). This study found that preparation for bias messages (i.e., racism teaching) were related to both self-esteem and perceived lifetime discrimination in a college sample, however, preparation for bias messages (i.e., racism struggles) were not. In particular, when participants reported low levels of messages related to racism struggles, perceptions of more discrimination was related to poorer mental health (Fischer & Shaw, 1999). Other research has also found a negative relationship to exist when studying the relationship between preparation for bias messages and psychological indicators within the context of racism (Smith Bynum et al., 2007). In a college sample, it was found that when racism experiences were high for African Americans, students who received less frequent messages about preparation for bias reported higher levels of psychological stress. Furthermore, there were no significant relationships found between racism experiences and psychological stress when students reported higher levels of preparation for bias messages. In addition to examining the links between racial socialization and psychosocial factors within the context of discrimination, there has been research that looks at the relationship between racial socialization and academic outcomes within the same context (Neblett, Philip, Cogburn & Sellers, 2006). It is important to note that although this study found that racial 23 socialization dimensions were directly associated with academic outcomes they did not buffer the effects of discrimination on academic factors. Although these studies have underscored the moderating effects of racial socialization on psychological well-being in different contexts, it is important to note, the time period in which racial socialization is assessed may be crucial to understanding its buffering properties. Smith Bynum and colleagues (2007) state that they used retrospective measures in that they assessed racial socialization during childhood, however, Fischer and Shaw (1999) do not clearly indicate what developmental time point (e.g., childhood, adolescence, young adulthood) they asked their participants to consider when completing the racial socialization measures. Focusing on the transmission of racial socialization messages throughout an individual’s lifetime may shed light to whether certain dimensions of racial socialization could be more pertinent and protective during college. Furthermore, Neblett and colleagues (2006) examined the relationships between racial discrimination, racial socialization and academic outcomes in a sample of African American adolescents. Racial socialization dimensions may become more relevant and adaptive for African American college students, specifically those attending predominantly White institutions with regards to academic outcomes. These studies underscore the importance of studying different types of racial socialization messages and understanding that the dimensions may function differently within the same context. The literature also has examined whether racial socialization is a protective in other contexts that are not specific to race. Researchers found that racial socialization buffers the relationship between mental health risk factors and anxiety (Bannon, McKay, Chacko, Rodriguez & Cavaleri, 2009). This study demonstrated that children who received higher rates of cultural 24 socialization within the presence of mental health risk factors (i.e., exposure to domestic violence, substance abuse in the household) reported less child anxiety (Bannon et. al, 2009). One of the ten items considered a risk factor was exposure to community violence. Although this study adds to the current literature on racial socialization, it primarily focused on the relationship of cultural socialization on children’s anxiety. Further examination is necessary to understand how other dimensions of racial socialization may impact the relationship between risk factors and outcomes. Moreover, within this study, the sample was derived from a larger study examining HIV and mental health, looking at at-risk youth engaging in unsafe sexual practices and may not necessarily mean that all children in this sample were exposed to community violence. Therefore, conclusions cannot be made that racial socialization directly influenced exposure to community violence, suggesting that further examination is necessary to understand how racial socialization is linked to community violence. Also, it is important to note this particular study was conducted on African American elementary school children and cannot be generalizable to African Americans of all ages. These findings suggest that racial socialization is protective in children’s development for both race-related and more general negative contexts and experiences. Thus, it warrants further study in the realm of negative stressors such as exposure to community violence. It is important to note that race-related socialization may be more effective in their developmental outcomes than general socialization techniques and practices for African American youth. By having parents provide messages and practices related to cultural socialization, self-worth or preparation for bias over the course of their lifetime, African American youth are: 1) developing a sense of pride or self-worth, 2) positive identity and 3) feeling efficacious, which can be beneficial in all contexts, not just those related to culture and ethnicity which can develop even further during the 25 transition into young adulthood (Hughes, Hagelskamp, Way & Foust, 2009; Hughes, Witherspoon, Rivas-Drake & West-Bey, 2009; Murry, Berkel, Brody, Miller & Chen, 2009, Stevenson, 1994, 1995). These positive messages may offset the negative ones that may be absorbed by youth living in a community where violence is common. For the purposes of the current study, racial socialization will be assessed in three different dimensions: cultural socialization, preparation for bias and self-worth. Furthermore, I will examine the transmission of these messages over the course of the individual’s lifetime. Summary on the Literature on Community Violence & Racial Socialization The literature on community violence has shown that there are negative relationships between ECV and academic/psychosocial outcomes. Much of the research has been conducted on adolescent samples or has utilized parent reports, there is little research investigating these connections in young adults. In addition, although Scarpa and colleagues (2001, 2002, 2006) has found a relationship between community violence and psychosocial factors (e.g., depression, post-traumatic stress, aggression) in young adults, there is no research that has examined how experiences of community violence is related to academic outcomes in young adults. In addition, though research on academic achievement in relation to community violence has found that ECV is detrimental to youth’s academic outcomes, less is known about certain academic achievement factors such as academic self-concept and academic engagement. For example, though the research has focused on academic grades and school retention (Kennedy & Bennett, 2006), less is known about academic self-concept specifically in a college-aged sample. In addition, depression has been found to be linked to lower self-concept and efficacy in other samples (Bandura, 1995). Therefore, because of the compound effect of community violence on 26 one’s psychological well-being, this may also transfer into their academic outcomes such as engagement or self-concept. Likewise, there has been more work on understanding what factors may moderate the relationship between community violence exposure and youth outcomes. Employing an ecological approach, researchers have found that there are specific aspects of families and neighborhoods that can buffer the deleterious effects of ECV on youth. Although the literature in this area has begun to look at what factors moderate the relationship between ECV and depression, it is also important to test if there are factors that moderate the relationship with regards to PTSD and aggression. Also, further study is needed to understand what variables moderate the relationship between exposure to violence and academic achievement. In addition, though studies have looked at the linkages between ECV and psychosocial outcomes in college samples, they have been conducted in either multi-ethnic or primarily European American samples. Research has not examined these relationships in African American college samples. Given that findings show that these relationships display larger effect sizes in predominantly African American adolescent samples (Wilson & Rosenthal, 2003), it is important to see if similar results are found in college samples. Finally, though it is imperative to study what factors may be protective in the light of community violence for all youth, it is also crucial to understand what culturally relevant practices and messages may aid in buffering these effects. This is especially true for populations of African American youth or young adults who are more likely to live in urban areas with high rates of community violence. As found within the research on community violence exposure, familial factors such as closeness and support buffer the negative effects on children’s psychological outcomes (Hill & Madhere, 1996; O’Donnell et al., 2002) and within the racial 27 socialization literature, parental warmth and monitoring have been found to be positively associated with parents’ frequency of these practices (McHale et al., 2006). Therefore, examining race-specific constructs such as racial socialization is important. The research on racial socialization has found empirical evidence on how cultural socialization can directly relate to psychosocial outcomes, but there is less research that has found that links between preparation for bias messages, self-worth messages and psychosocial outcomes. Thus, further study is necessary to understand how these two types of racial socialization domains affect psychosocial outcomes. Likewise, the literature has also not looked at how any of these racial socialization messages are associated with post-traumatic stress disorder-which can add to the literature on psychosocial outcomes. Furthermore, we know less about how these domains connect to aggression. Studies that have investigated how racial socialization is related to aggression in samples of African American males show that higher levels of racial socialization is significantly associated to lower levels of anger and anxiety (Stevenson, 1997; Stevenson, Reed, Bodison & Bishop, 1997). Studies have found that cultural socialization moderates the relationship between discrimination and self-esteem. Those studies have also examined preparation for bias messages as a moderator but have not found any significant interactions with this type of racial socialization. Hence, research is warranted to look at the moderating relationship of preparation for bias messages. Furthermore, self-worth messages are a fairly new domain within the racial socialization literature. Though few studies showed that self-worth messages are associated with academic outcomes (Neblett et al., 2006; Neblett et al., 2009; Smalls, 2009), the findings do not indicate that self-worth is a moderator. Consequently, more study is needed on understanding how this type of socialization is directly and indirectly related to children’s outcomes. 28 Studies have also found that certain types of racial socialization can moderate the relationship between African American youth’s outcomes (e.g., self-esteem, academic achievement) and race-related social risk factors such as discrimination. Research that has embarked on this pathway is important, but it is also necessary to highlight how racial socialization may be a protective factor in other non-race related contexts such as community violence. Although one study has examined community violence as part of its model of multiple mental health risk factors and its relationship to racial socialization (Bannon et al., 2009), no current studies have examined how racial socialization may buffer community violence uniquely. It is important to study the relationship between ECV and racial socialization since the literature has purported that racial socialization may be a key to resiliency in African American populations (APA Task Force, 2008; Brown, 2008). A Focus on African American College Students & Young Adulthood Young adulthood is a culmination of all the previous developmental stages: infancy, childhood, preadolescence and adolescence. This developmental stage has been characterized to be between the ages of 18-25 and is considered by many researchers as the transition to adulthood (Arnett, 1997; 2001). The transition to adulthood during this time may revolve around the person gaining independence from families, both socially and financially, as many individuals either enter into the workforce or begin post-secondary education. Prior to 1973, the majority of African American college students were enrolled in historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs). After 1973, three-quarters of African American students were now enrolled in predominantly White institutions (PWIs; Anderson, 1984). There are differences in characteristics of African American college students who attend 29 HBCUs and those who attend PWIs. African American college students at PWIs have parents with higher socioeconomic statuses, and they have better high school GPAS and SAT test scores compared to their HBCU counterparts (Kim, 2002). Although there are a greater number of African American students enrolled at PWIs, African American students at HBCUs tend to graduate at a higher rate (Allen, 1992; Kim, 2002). The types of resources found at HBCUs and the psychosocial issues that arise for students at PWIs are two factors that may explain this phenomenon. African American college students who are at PWIs tend to experience feelings of isolation, alienation, less favorable relations with their professors and peers (Smith & Allen, 1984; Watson & Kuh, 1996). Moreover, HBCUS provided resources such as cultural affinity and positive academic relationships which were beneficial for African Americans attending college (Allen, 1987). Also, African American college students who attend PWIs come from backgrounds that are fairly different from their European American counterparts. Parents of African American college students at PWIs are reported to be more urban, have fewer years of education, come from lower socioeconomic statuses and work lower status jobs (Allen, 1992). Therefore, African American college students who attend predominantly White institutions may face barriers and challenges to success that are fairly different from those students who attend HBCUS. Although African American college students at PWIs are a special sample, research has shown that there are specific family factors that have been found in successful African American young adults. In studies conducted on African American college students, Maton and colleagues (1998; 2002) have identified certain characteristics provided by families that counteract the possible negative contextual influences of peers, neighborhoods and schools. In his qualitative study of 60 African American successful male students and their parents, Maton et al. (1998) 30 identified parental characteristics such as persistent academic engagement (e.g., high educational expectations, high levels of educational involvement), limit setting and discipline, positive support and communication as themes provided in the interviews by both parents and their sons. The results from this work have been found in consecutive studies on successful African American college students (Hrabowski, Maton, Greene & Grief, 2002; Hrabowski, Maton & Grief, 1998). Furthermore, Maton et al. (1998) discuss that for this particular group, characteristics such as community connectedness and resources available through churches and schools also contributed to the sample’s focus and success. In addition, messages about the importance of education related to racial socialization (Cooper & Smalls, 2009) may also be the driving force for their attendance at these different institutions. In addition, for African American families, racial socialization messages include the utility of education and its role in upward socioeconomic mobility (Bowman & Howard, 1985; Cooper & Smalls, 2009; Hughes, Rivas, Foust, Hagelskamp, Gersick & Way, 2009; Suizzo, Robinson & Pahlke, 2008), suggesting these messages are interrelated for this particular sample. For many young adults of today, they are at an age where they are likely to have experienced some community violence either as witnesses or victims. It is also important to note that for those children who were part of studies in the early 1990’s on community violence exposure, many of those individuals are now young adults currently (Scarpa, 2003). Therefore, logically it follows that the high prevalence rates of exposure to community violence would exist as these children transition to adolescence and then onto young adulthood. Although studies have examined the effects of exposure to community violence within different age groups (i.e., childhood, adolescence, late adolescence), a meta-analysis found that the size of the relationship between exposure to violence and psychological symptoms did not differ by age of the sample 31 (Wilson & Rosenthal, 2003). This finding suggests the effects of exposure to community violence are detrimental to all ages. Furthermore, age is a predictor of racial socialization messages (Hughes et al., 2006). Research on racial socialization has shown that as individuals reach adolescence, the types of messages parents give their children may vary in frequency. For example, Hughes and Chen (1997) found that many African American parents provided messages related to preparation for bias and discrimination to their older children (ages 10-17) compared to younger children (ages 4-9). Moreover, adolescents are more aware about race and it becomes salient, leading them to have frequent race-based discussions with their parents compared to younger children (Hughes & Johnson, 2001). The racial socialization literature suggests that as children grow older, parents shape their racial socialization practices according to their child’s developmental needs. Additionally, the research illustrates that African American parents may be conscious that preparation for bias messages should be provided to their child at older developmental stages compared to early and middle childhood when they are developmentally equipped to handle those messages. Hence, in order to understand how racial socialization has come to influence emerging adulthood, it is important that we study the different types of racial socialization practices and messages young adults remember receiving from their parents and its relationship to both academic and psychosocial outcomes. Hypotheses A1: The main goal of the current study is to examine if racial socialization moderates the relationship between community violence and young adults’ outcomes. It is imperative to understand how different dimensions of racial socialization may moderate the relationship between psychosocial outcomes, such as aggressive behaviors, symptoms of depression and 32 post-traumatic stress disorder within the context of community violence. Likewise, it is important to study how racial socialization buffers the links between community violence and academic outcomes. I predict that consistent with previous studies, lifetime exposure to community violence will be positively related to psychosocial outcomes. Specifically, I predict that African American college students who report frequent lifetime exposure to community violence will report greater symptoms of depression and post-traumatic stress and exhibit more aggressive behaviors. Secondly, I hypothesize that specific racial socialization messages (e.g., cultural socialization, preparation for bias and self-worth) will moderate the relationship between exposure to community violence and psychosocial outcomes. Cultural socialization messages over the individual’s lifetime will mitigate the effects of lifetime community violence exposure on reports of symptoms of depression, post-traumatic stress and aggression; those individuals who report receiving more cultural socialization messages from their parents will also report lower levels of depression, post-traumatic stress and aggressive behaviors within the context of community violence. The literature has shown that self-worth messages are negatively related to psychological outcomes in African American youth. Therefore, I assert that frequent messages of self-worth over the individual’s lifetime will attenuate the impact the levels of the lifetime exposure of community violence on symptoms of depression, post-traumatic stress and aggressive behaviors: individuals who report more self-worth messages will exhibit less depressive symptomatology, fewer posttraumatic symptoms and fewer externalizing behaviors in the face of community violence. 33 Finally, I expect that the lifetime transmission of preparation for bias messages will reduce the effects of lifetime community violence on psychosocial outcomes. Individuals who receive higher levels of preparation for bias messages will report less depressive symptomatology, fewer post traumatic symptoms and fewer externalizing behaviors within the context of community violence. A1-B: The second set of aims examines the effects of the lifetime exposure to community violence on academic outcomes. I predict that ECV will be negatively related to academic self-concept, academic engagement and academic grades. Specifically, I assert that African American young adults who report frequent exposure to community violence will report lower academic self-concept, less academic engagement and lower academic grades. Furthermore, I predict that dimensions of racial socialization (e.g., cultural socialization, preparation for bias and self-worth) will moderate the relationship between community violence and academic outcomes (see Figure 3). I hypothesize that cultural socialization messages provided over the individual’s lifetime will mitigate the effects of the lifetime exposure of community violence on their current academic outcomes. In particular, I expect that those individuals who report higher levels of cultural socialization messages provided by their parents, will have better academic grades, higher academic self-concept and more academic engagement in the face of community violence. I also hypothesize that young adult’s perceptions of parent’s self-worth messages will attenuate the impact of community violence exposure over the course of one’s lifetime on present academic outcomes. Young adults who received higher levels of self-worth messages within the context of community violence, will report higher academic selfconcept, more academic engagement and better academic grades. Finally, I predict young adults’ preparation for bias messages provided by parents over the course of the individuals’ lifetime 34 will lessen the influence of lifetime exposure to community violence on current academic outcomes. Young adults who report more preparation for bias messages will higher grades and academic self-concept within the context of community violence. I predict that the results related to academic engagement outcomes may be mixed. I hypothesize that dependent on the levels of preparation for bias messages, high levels of preparation bias messages within the context of community violence may lead to lower academic engagement. However, low to moderate levels of preparation for bias messages may be related to higher academic engagement in the face of community violence. 35 Chapter 4 Methods Participants The sample consisted of 281 African American undergraduate college students attending Michigan State University. Undergraduates make up 78% of the student population at Michigan State University. Six percent of the undergraduate population is African American. Of the 281 participants, 95% (N = 267) self-identified as African American, approximately 5% (N = 13) self-identified as multiracial or a member of more than one race and less than 1% (N =1) was identified as a “member of a race not included”. 24% (N = 67) were male and 76% (N= 214) were female. The average age for this sample was 20 years old, with a range from 18-24 years. 20% (N=55) were freshman, 19% (N =54) were sophomores, 25% (N =70) were juniors, 24% (N = 68) were seniors and 12% (N =34) were 5th year seniors. Within this sample, 43% (N = 121) lived with both parents, approximately 45% (N = 126) lived with their mothers, 4% lived with their father while 6% lived with either another family member or a guardian. The participants reported mainly A’s and B’s in elementary school (~97%), middle school (~95%) and in high school (97%). Furthermore, approximately 66% of participants were enrolled in AP courses during their high school years. The majority of the students attended public school from elementary to high school. Procedure The current study is a retrospective cross-sectional study examining the experiences of African American young adults who are between the ages of 18 to 24. Previous studies have shown that ethnic minority samples participate in health-related research at lower rates than 36 European Americans. Therefore, multiple recruitment methods may be needed to increase sample recruitment of populations of color (Yancey, Ortega & Kumanyika, 2006). Hence, participants were recruited using two methods. Students were initially recruited through the Human Participation in Research (HPR) subject pool at Michigan State University. The study was available on the HPR website. Students were prescreened based on the following criteria: they had to be between the ages of 18-25, identify as African American and did not have any of the following events happen to them in the past five years: have a prescription for medication for anxiety or depression, a recent diagnosis of post-traumatic stress or be a victim of a violent crime. Those individuals who met the prescreening criteria were given access to the survey located on the PsySurvey website. Participants were required to give informed consent prior to completing the protocol. The consent form provided information on the nature of the study, duration of the survey, compensation for participation and that participation in the study was completely anonymous. Students were routed to the debriefing form that highlighted support and counseling services available at Michigan State University after completing the survey. Students received one credit for their participation in the survey after completion of the study. There were 109 students recruited through the subject pool. An additional 172 participants were recruited through the Office of the Registrar. An email was sent with the name of the project “Neighborhood Safety and Well-Being” as the subject heading. The email provided a brief description of the study, information about compensation and anonymity was also highlighted in the email. A URL link for participants to access the study was listed at the end of the survey (please see Appendix 3 for the actual email). The Office of Registrar participants were provided the same consent form as those who 37 participated through the HPR program. After completion of the survey, participants were routed to the same debriefing form, which listed counseling resources available on campus. In order to receive a compensation of $10 to Amazon.com, students had to provide a copy of their debriefing form. Measures Socioeconomic Status. Socioeconomic status was assessed using a composite variable which was comprised of maternal education, paternal education and annual household income. The composite was created by averaging the scores across the three variables. For the current study, participants reported that, on average, their mothers had acquired some college and their fathers had some technical school. The median annual household income was approximately $40,000-49,999. This composite measure had an alpha of 0.72. Exposure to Community Violence (ECV). ECV was assessed using the Richters and Saltzman (1990) Survey for Exposure to Community Violence (SECV) measure. This measure assessed the frequency of exposure to community violence and violence-related activities within the community via self-report. Scarpa and colleagues (2002) found that the SECV is a valid selfreport of violence exposure among college samples. The original measure is comprised of twenty-five items, however five items were excluded (i.e., witnessing a suicide and witnessing a murder) due to the severity of the items. Respondents were asked to indicate how often they’ve experienced each event on a nine point scale which ranges from 0 “Never” to 8 “Almost Every Day”. The total scale of twenty items had an alpha of 0.86. There were two subscales to this measure: witnessing and victimization. Witnessing. There are 12 items to the witnessing community violence subscale. These items assessed indirect exposure to violence, such as hearing about or seeing another individual 38 become a victim of a violent act or crime. A sample item of this subscale is “Have you seen someone else being threatened with serious physical harm”. The witnessing subscale had a reliability alpha of 0.81 in a college sample (Scarpa, 2001). The subscale was calculated by averaging the twelve items and had an alpha of 0.84. Victimization. The victimization subscale is comprised 8 items that measured how often the individual has directly been a victim of violent acts or crimes. A sample item of this subscale is “Have you yourself actually been beaten up or mugged?” This subscale of direct victimization was found to have an alpha of 0.65 (Scarpa, 2001). The victimization subscale was computed by averaging the eight items and had an alpha of 0.73. Racial Socialization. Racial socialization was assessed using the Racial Socialization Questionnaire- Teen (RSQ) developed by Lesane-Brown, Scottham, Nguyen & Sellers (2005). This scale measured the frequency of received messages and/or engagement in activities surrounding race-related socialization by their parents or caregivers. The total scale had an alpha of 0.89. The anchors of this measure were adapted to gauge participant’s perceptions of racial socialization messages and practices throughout their lifetime. The scale for this measure ranged from 0 “Never”, 1 “Once or Twice”, 2 “ 3-5 times”, 3 “6-10 times” and 4 “10 or more times”. The cultural socialization, preparation for bias, and self-worth subscales were used for the current study. Cultural socialization was measured utilizing seven items that assessed parental engagement in race-related behaviors and messages about ethnic pride or heritage. Two sample items for this subscale were “Talked with you about Black history” and “Gone with you to plays, movies, concerts or museums on Black people”. In previous samples of African American adolescents, the cultural socialization subscale demonstrated reliability alphas of 0.60 (Smalls, 39 2009) and 0.69 (Neblett et al., 2006). For the current study, the cultural socialization subscale was calculated by averaging the seven items and had an alpha of 0.86. Preparation for bias. This subscale assessed how often young adults were given messages related to awareness of racism and barriers they may face due to race. There are three items to this measure and a sample item was “Told you some people may think they are better than you because of their race”. Furthermore, in previous samples of African American adolescents, this subscale had an alpha of 0.63 (Smalls, 2009) and 0.70 (Neblett et al., 2006). In the current sample, the average of the three items was taken to create this subscale, which had an alpha of 0.79. Self Worth. Self-worth was measured by using a subscale that was comprised of three items. The items probed at how often their parent made them feel proud or good about themselves. A sample item was “Told you to be proud of who you are”. The self-worth subscale showed adequate reliability in African American samples. This measure had an alpha of 0.73 (Smalls, 2009) and 0.75 (Neblett et al., 2006) with African American adolescents. Within the current sample, this measure had an alpha of 0.79. Academic Achievement was assessed by a self-report item. Although participants were asked to indicate what types of grades they received from elementary school, middle school, and high school, their grades in college was the indicator of academic achievement. Participants were given a standard 4.0 scale that had 0.5 increments starting at 1.0 and ending at 4.0 to indicate their grade point average. Scores for this item range from 4.0 to 1.5. GPA was reverse coded, so that a 4.0 was now designated as a 7 and a 1.0 was designated as a 1. This was done in order to understand the relationship between academic achievement and the study predictors. 40 Frequencies were conducted to see the distribution of scores within the sample. Please refer to Table 2. Academic Self-Concept was assessed using Marsh’s (1990) Academic Self-Description Questionnaire (ASDQ II). This scale was originally developed to measure an individual’s beliefs related to their academic self-concept in adolescence. However, this measure has been used previously with college samples (Rinn & Cunningham, 2008). For this particular study, the general school scale of the ASDQ II was used. Thus, instead of measuring specific academic subjects such as science or math, this scale uses the terminology “most school subjects”. This subscale consisted of six items. A sample item was “I learn things quickly in most school subjects”. Participants were asked to use six response categories to indicate their answers which range from 1 “false” to 6 “true”. Scores were created by averaging the six items. The alpha for this measure was 0.83 with this sample. Academic Engagement was measured using items from the National Survey of Student Engagement (NSSE; 2004). The original measure is comprised of 22 items that assess the frequency of different experiences college students have at their institution such as interactions with their faculty or instructors, interpersonal relationships with other students, academic and classroom engagement. Respondents are asked to indicate their answers on a four point scale ranging from 1 “never” to 4 “very often”. Of the original 22 items, 13 items that tap into academic engagement were included. A sample item is “Prepared two or more drafts of a paper or assignment before turning it in”. The NSSE has been widely used as an assessment of education and achievement at colleges and universities within the United States (Pascarella, Seifert & Blaich, 2010). These particular subscales have shown reliabilities ranging from .56 to 41 .62 in other college samples (Carini, Kuh & Klein, 2006). The scale was calculated by averaging the 13 items and had an alpha of 0.86. Depressive Symptomatology was measured using the Center of Epidemiological Studies Depression (CES-D) scale adapted by Radloff (1977). This measure assessed the range of depressive symptomatology an individual may experience in an average week. Individuals are asked to indicate how often they feel each statement in a certain week on a 4 point scale. The scale ranges from 1 ‘rarely or none of the time’, 2 ‘some of the time (1-2 days)’, 3 ‘Occasionally (3-4 days)’ and 4 ‘most of the time (5-7 days)’. There are 20 items to this measure and sample items included “I am easily bothered by things” and “I feel that people dislike me”. This scale has shown adequate reliability (α = 0.87) in college aged samples (Radloff, 1991). Scoring for this measure was calculated by first reverse coding the following four items that assess nondepressed symptoms: “I feel that I am just as good as other people”, “I feel hopeful about the future”, “I am happy” and “I enjoy life”. Then, the average of the 20 items created a total score of depressive symptomatology. The scale had an alpha of 0.85. Post Traumatic Stress was measured using the Post Traumatic Stress Disorder Checklist- Civilian measure (PCL) which was developed by Weather et al., (1993). This measure was developed to assess PTSD symptomatology in military service men and women who were exposed to violence in war ridden areas. There are two versions of the PCL; the PCL-M which was written specifically for assessing events that happen within the military and the PCL-C which measures civilians who were re-experiencing general traumatic events. For the current study, the PCL-C was used. The PCL-C is comprised of 17 items that are associated with the DSM-III-R symptoms of post-traumatic stress. Participants were asked to indicate how often they’ve experienced each symptom on a 5 point scale: 1 “Not at all”, 2 “A little bit”, 3 42 “Moderately”, 4 “Quite a bit” and 5 “Extremely”. These anchors are the identical to those found on the SCL-90-R (Derogatis, 1983). Sample items of this measure are “Feeling very upset when something reminded you of a stressful experience” and “Avoiding activities or situations because they reminded you of a stressful experience”. The PCL has shown good reliability (α = .97) with college aged samples (Blanchard, Jones-Alexander, Buckeley & Forneris, 1996) and good construct validity (Elhai, Gray, Docherty, Kashdan & Kose, 2007). Scoring for the measure was computed using the mean score of all 17 items and had an alpha of 0.91. Aggressive Behaviors. This construct was assessed using the Aggression Questionnaire developed by Buss and Perry (1992). This measure is comprised of 29 items and assessed four different types of aggressive behaviors: physical aggression, verbal aggression, anger and hostility. Respondents were asked to indicate how much each item is characteristic of themselves on a 5 point scale ranging from 1 “very uncharacteristic” to 5 “very characteristic”. The full scale had an alpha of 0.90. Physical Aggression. The physical aggression subscale consisted of nine items that measure the individual’s tendency to resort to physical aggression such as hitting other individuals or breaking objects. The scale had an alpha of 0.83 in college students (Scarpa, 2001). A sample item of this subscale was “I get into fights a little more than the average person”. In the current study, the mean of the nine items were computed to create the subscale, which had an alpha of 0.83. Verbal Aggression. The verbal aggression subscale consisted of five items that assessed the individual’s tendency to become argumentative and has an alpha of 0.69 in a sample of college students (Scarpa, 2001). A sample item of this measure was “I can’t help getting into 43 arguments when people disagree with me”. The subscale had an alpha of 0.85 in the present study and was scored by taking the average of the five items. Anger. The anger subscale assessed the individual’s ability to manage their temper or resort to anger with no provocation. The anger subscale has demonstrated an alpha of .77 in a sample of college students (Scarpa, 2001). The average of seven items was calculated to create this subscale. A sample item was “Sometimes I fly off the handle for no good reason”. For this study, the anger subscale had an alpha of 0.70. Hostility. The hostility subscale tapped into the individual’s suspiciousness of other people and their general resentment or bitterness. There are seven items to this subscale and a sample item was “I am suspicious of overly friendly strangers”. Among college student samples, this subscale has been found to have an alpha of 0.87 (Scarpa, 2001). The subscale had an alpha of 0.79 in the current study. The subscale was created by taking the mean of the seven items. Data Analysis Plan In order to determine the appropriate sample size for adequate power, an a priori power analysis was conducted using G*Power (Erdfelder, Faul & Buchner, 1996). An F test was conducted on G*Power for multiple regression with an R2 increase with seven predictors for an effect size of .06 and a power of 0.80. The power analysis showed that a sample of 247 participants would lead to adequate power. Preliminary analysis of the data included measures of central tendency and frequency on each of the subscales to observe the distribution of scores and identify any outliers. Furthermore, to examine the normality and distribution of the data frequency histograms, skewness and kurtosis analyses were conducted on each subscale. The data were checked for missing data, to 44 see if the data is missing systematically or random. Ten cases of data were missing cases at random (MCAR). This was approximately 3% of the data. Data imputations using expectation maximization (EM) algorithm methods on the independent and dependent variables were conducted through SPSS as suggested by Enders (2001). A set of hierarchical regressions were conducted to examine the relationships among community violence, racial socialization, and youth outcomes (Cohen, Cohen, Aiken & West, 2003). In addition, the racial socialization subscales and community violence subscales were standardized prior to analysis. Standardization was done by centering the mean of each of the continuous variables (Frazier, Tix & Baron, 2004). Interaction terms were created by multiplying the standardized value for each of the three racial socialization subscales and two community violence subscales in order to examine the moderation. This led to the creation of six different interaction terms: 1) witnessing X cultural socialization, 2) witnessing X preparation for bias, 3) witnessing X self-worth 4) victimization X cultural socialization, 5) victimization X preparation for bias and 6) victimization X self-worth. Psychosocial Outcomes To examine the set of psychosocial outcomes, six sets of hierarchical regressions were conducted where each of the variables: depression, symptoms of post-traumatic stress and the four types of aggressive behaviors (e.g., physical aggression, verbal aggression, anger and hostility) were designated as the dependent variable. As suggested by Cohen and colleagues (2003), predictors were entered in different steps. In step one, student gender and the SES composite were entered to control for the variables in the analyses. The composite was comprised of participants’ reports of parental education and annual household income. The 45 standardized subscales of racial socialization and community violence were entered in the second step. In the second step, there were four terms: one of the subscales of community violence (e.g., victimization or witnessing) and the three racial socialization subscales: cultural socialization, preparation for bias and self-worth. In the final step, three interaction terms were entered (Frazier et al., 2004): exposure to community violence by cultural socialization, exposure to community violence by preparation for bias and exposure to community violence by self-worth. This led to a total of nine predictors in each regression analysis that were conducted. Hierarchical regressions were analyzed separately for witnessing of violence and victimization because previous research has shown that there are different relationships depending on the type of community violence exposure (Buka et al., 2001; Hammack et al., 2004). First, the main effects of both racial socialization and community violence were analyzed in each set, and then the interactive effects were analyzed to assess significance. Academic Outcomes To examine the set of academic outcomes, three sets of hierarchical regressions were conducted where each of the variables: grades, academic self-concept and academic engagement were designated as the dependent variable. Current college grade point averages were selfreported by participants. As suggested by Cohen and colleagues (2003), predictors were entered in different steps. In step one, gender and a composite for socioeconomic status were entered to control for the variables in the analyses. The standardized subscales of racial socialization and community violence were entered in the second step. This led to four variables in the second step: exposure to community violence, cultural socialization, preparation for bias and self-worth. In the final 46 step, three interaction terms were entered: exposure to violence by cultural socialization, exposure to violence by preparation for bias and exposure to violence by self-worth (Frazier et al., 2004). Again, a total of nine predictors were entered in the model. 47 Chapter Five Results Analyses were conducted to investigate the relationships between community violence, racial socialization and youth outcomes. The first section will discuss the preliminary analyses (e.g., frequencies, correlations) that were conducted to observe the study variables. Second, a description of the data reduction analysis that was utilized to create a socioeconomic variable composite will be provided. The final section will be an examination of the hierarchical regressions that tested the two hypothetical moderating models. Preliminary Analyses Frequencies Community Violence Participants were asked to report how often they experienced each event related to their exposure to community violence over the course of their lifetime (Table 3). Events were separated by the two community violence subscales: witnessing of community violence and victimization due to community violence. Participants’ reports of witnessing events varied in frequency: participants reported greater amounts of exposure in witnessing milder events such as seeing someone being threatened compared to more severe events such as seeing someone get shot. In comparison, there was less variance in the amount of exposure reported as direct victims due to exposure to community violence. The majority of the participants (56% or greater) reported not experiencing many of the victimization events. Severe items such as being shot or attacked had less than 3% of the sample reporting that they had experienced these events. These frequencies show that this population had fairly low rates of victimization due to exposure to community violence, but a wider range of exposure rates as witnesses. 48 Racial Socialization Participants reported how often they received racial socialization messages from their parents while growing up (Table 4). The measure assessed three different dimensions of racial socialization messages and behaviors: cultural socialization, preparation for bias and self-worth. The subscale of self-worth was comprised of three items. At least 80% or more of the sample reported receiving self-worth messages from their parents at least once or twice, while at least 57% of individuals reported receiving self-worth messages more than ten times over their lifetime. The preparation for bias subscale consisted of three items. Unlike self-worth messages, participants tended to report that, on average, they received these types of messages three to five times during their lifetime. Finally, seven items assessed cultural socialization messages and behaviors. Participants reported receiving a wide range of cultural socialization practices and messages from their parents. The majority of participants (~59%) reported receiving messages about being proud to be Black or to not to be ashamed of their features approximately ten or more times over their lifetime. However, approximately 60% of individuals reported that their parents never took them to Black organizational meetings or that their parents took them once to these types of meetings. In addition, this sample reported that they received more cultural socialization and self-worth messages from their parents while growing up. Data Reduction A composite variable of socioeconomic status was created for data analysis. Initially, four SES indicators (e.g., maternal education, paternal education, family household income, family financial situation) were entered into a principal components analysis. Utilizing eigenvalues over the value of one as a method of extracting components, data reduction analysis showed there to be only one eigenvalue with a value above one. On this single component, maternal 49 education, paternal education and household income all loaded at values between .75 and .83. Family financial situation loaded negatively unto the component (-0.38) and therefore was omitted from the component. Family income, maternal education and paternal education were then standardized. A composite SES score was created by averaging the three standardized variables. Correlations Correlational analyses were conducted on the study variables. Please see Table 6. Gender was negatively associated with victimization (r = -0.36, p < .01), indicating that more males tend to report experiencing direct victimization due to exposure to community violence. Socioeconomic status was negatively associated with victimization (r = -0.14, p <.05) and witnessing of violence (r = -0.38, p <.01). In addition, victimization was positively associated with witnessing community violence (r = 0.57, p < .01), suggesting that those who reported being victimized also reported witnessing community violence. Given that I proposed to examine these separately as predictors of outcomes, further tests for multicollinearity were not necessary. Cultural socialization was also positively related to the other racial socialization dimensions of preparation for bias (r = 0.51, p <.01) and self-worth (r = 0.67, p <.01). Moreover, preparation for bias was positively related to self-worth (r = 0.47, p <.01). Given these analyses, gender and socioeconomic status were controlled in the first step. Dimensions of community violence exposure were examined in separate analyses as unique predictors of outcomes. The three dimensions of racial socialization were all correlated, but they were entered into the second step separately because of their relevance theoretically. In addition, a cutoff value of 0.80 was utilized when examining the independent variables within the correlation matrix in relation to issues of multicollinearity (Williams, 2012). Hence, since the correlation values 50 between cultural socialization, preparation for bias and self-worth were less than 0.80, all three were included in the second step. Testing Moderating Relationships Psychosocial Outcomes Hierarchical regressions were performed to test the relationship between community violence, racial socialization and psychosocial outcomes (Table 7 to Table 18). Results from this study indicate that ECV is related to greater distress, aggression and trauma. Victimization due to community violence exposure was associated with more symptoms of depression, post-traumatic stress, anger, hostility, and physical aggression. Witnessing community violence was linked to more symptoms of post-traumatic stress, anger, hostility, physical aggression, and verbal aggression. These findings suggest that exposure to community violence is associated with detrimental consequences to psychological well-being. Dimensions of racial socialization were found to have mixed results with regards to psychosocial outcomes. Cultural socialization was associated with lower symptoms of depression, less anger, less hostility and physical aggression. However, preparation for bias was negatively associated with mental health outcomes. Preparation for bias was linked to more symptoms of depression, anger, hostility and physical aggression. Surprisingly, messages about self-worth were not significantly related to psychosocial outcomes. Counter to the hypotheses, racial socialization did not significantly moderate the relationship between violence witnessing and exposure and psychosocial outcomes. The following sections focus individually on each of the psychosocial outcomes. Symptoms of Depression 51 The first set of hierarchical regressions analyzed the relationship between racial socialization, exposure to community violence and symptoms of depression. The first step explained 2% of the variance and approached significance (R2 = 0.02; ∆F = 2.58, p <.10). The main effects found in the second step were found to be significant and accounted for 12% of the variance (R2 = 0.14; ∆F = 9.70, p <.01). The third step of the model was not significant, but added 1% to the variance (R2 = 0.05; ∆F = 1.64, p = ns). After controlling for gender and socioeconomic status, victimization was positively related to symptoms of depression (b = 0.07, p < .01), suggesting that individuals who reported greater victimization due to exposure to community violence reported more depressive symptomatology. Moreover, dimensions of racial socialization were significantly related to depressive symptomatology. In particular, cultural socialization was found to be negatively associated with symptoms of depression (b = -0.11, p < .01), indicating that those individuals who perceived more messages and behaviors related to cultural pride and heritage reported lower levels of depressive symptomatology. However, preparation for bias messages were found to be positively related to symptoms of depression (b = 0.12, p <.01). These results suggest that individuals who perceived a greater number of preparation for bias messages from their parents had more symptoms of depression. There were no significant interactions found in the third step. The next set of hierarchical regressions examined the effects of witnessing violence and racial socialization on symptoms of depression (Table 8). The first step of the model added 2% to the variance and approached significance (R2 = 0.02; ∆F = 2.58, p <.10). Significant main effects were found within the second step, accounting for 10% of the variance (R2 = 0.12; ∆F = 8.15, p <.01). The final step, although not significant, explained 1% of the variance (R2 = 0.13; ∆F = 1.38, p =ns). Surprisingly, witnessing community violence was not related to symptoms of 52 depression. However, racial socialization was found to be related to depressive symptomatology. Specifically, cultural socialization was negatively linked to the symptoms of depression (b = 0.12, p <.01). Participants who perceived more messages and behaviors of cultural socialization from their parents reported lower levels of depressive symptomatology. Preparation for bias messages, on the other hand, was positively associated with symptoms of depression (b = 0.13, p <.01). Individuals who perceived more preparation for bias messages from their parents reported higher levels of depression. There were no significant moderating effects found for racial socialization. Symptoms of Post-Traumatic Stress The next set of regressions analyzed the relationship between exposure to community violence, racial socialization and symptoms of post-traumatic stress. Hierarchical regressions examined the effects of victimization and racial socialization on symptoms of post-traumatic stress (Table 9). Gender and socioeconomic status were included in the first step and added 2% to the variance, which approached significance (R2 = 0.02; ∆F = 2.58, p <.10). The second step was comprised of victimization due to ECV, cultural socialization, preparation for bias and messages of self-worth. These variables accounted for 20% of the variance (R2 = 0.22; ∆F = 17.29, p <.01). The third step was not found to be significant (R2 = 0.22; ∆F = 0.07, p= ns). After controlling for gender and socioeconomic status, victimization was positively associated with symptoms of post-traumatic stress (b = 0.29, p <.01). Individuals, who were victimized from exposure to community violence more, reported more symptoms of post-traumatic stress. Dimensions of racial socialization were not associated with symptoms of post-traumatic stress. The next set of hierarchical regressions examined the relationship between witnessing of violence and racial socialization on symptoms of post-traumatic stress (Table 10). The first step 53 approached significance and explained 2% to the overall variance (R2 = 0.02; ∆F = 2.58, p <.10). Within this model, the second step accounted for 13% of the variance (R2 = 0.15; ∆F = 10.82, p <.01). The final step, although it added 1% of variance to the model, was not significant (R2 = 0.16; ∆F = 0.96, p =ns). Witnessing of community violence was positively related to symptoms of post-traumatic stress (b = 0.23, p <.01). These findings indicate that those individuals who witnessed more community violence reported more symptoms of post-traumatic stress. The third step of the model added 1% to the variance and but was not significant. Furthermore, preparation for bias approached significant in the second step of the model (b = 0.08, p <.10) and was positively linked with symptoms of post-traumatic stress in the third step (b = 0.08, p <.05). Participants who perceived more racial bias and awareness messages reported more symptoms of post-traumatic stress. In addition, cultural socialization was negatively related to symptoms of post-traumatic stress (b = -0.08, p <.10). Anger Hierarchical regressions examined the effects of victimization and racial socialization on anger (Table 11). Gender and socioeconomic status were entered into the first step and was significant (R2 = 0.02; ∆F = 3.67, p <.05). The second step of significant main effects accounted for 7% of the variance (R2 = 0.09; ∆F = 4.71, p <.01). The third step of interactive effects added 2% to the variance but the change in variance was not significant (R2 = 0.10; ∆F = 1.72, p =ns). Victimization was positively linked to anger (b = 0.13, p <.05). Participants who were exposed to more community violence as direct victims reported participating in more aggressive behaviors related to anger. Racial socialization was related to anger. Cultural socialization was negatively associated with anger on a trend level (b = -0.11, p <.10). These findings show that participants who perceived more behaviors and messages related to cultural socialization reported less anger. 54 Furthermore, preparation for bias was significantly positively associated with anger (b = 0.14, p <.05), suggesting that individuals who perceived more racial awareness or bias messages from their parents reported more anger. The next set of hierarchical regressions examined the relationship between witnessing violence, racial socialization and anger (Table 12). The first step was comprised of gender and SES. It was shown to be significant (R2 = 0.03; ∆F = 3.67, p <.05). The second step indicated significant main effects and accounted for 5% of the variance (R2 = 0.08; ∆F = 4.16, p <.01). The third step of the model added 1% to the variance, but the change in variance was not significant (R2 = 0.09; ∆F = 0.98, p = ns). Socioeconomic status was negatively associated with anger (b = 0.06, p <.01). Socioeconomic status was negatively associated with anger (b = -0.06, p <.01). After controlling for gender and socioeconomic status, witnessing community violence was positively associated with anger (b = 0.11, p <.05). These results imply that individuals who witnessed more community violence in their neighborhoods reported exhibiting more angerrelated behaviors. Cultural socialization was found to be negatively related to anger (b = -0.13, p <.05), indicating that individuals who perceived more messages and behaviors surrounding cultural pride and history from their parents reported lower occurrences of anger-related behaviors. Furthermore, preparation for bias was positively linked with anger (b = 0.15, p <.01). Individuals who received more messages related to preparation for bias reported participating in more anger related behaviors. Hostility Hostility was analyzed in hierarchical regressions where victimization and racial socialization were the independent variables in the next set of hierarchical regressions (Table 13). The first step, which controlled for gender and SES, was not significant (R2 = 0.01; ∆F = 55 1.10, p =ns). The second step of main effects accounted for 10% of the variance and was significant (R2 = 0.11; ∆F = 7.76, p <.01). The third step of model added 1% to the variance but was not found to be significant (R2 = 0.12; ∆F = 2.81, p = ns). After controlling for gender and socioeconomic status, victimization due to exposure to community violence was positively linked with hostility (b = 0.18, p <.01), suggesting that individuals who reported more victimization reported exhibiting higher levels of hostility. Furthermore, racial socialization was found to be associated with hostile behaviors. Cultural socialization was negatively linked to hostility (b = -0.20, p <.01). Respondents who perceived more behaviors and messages about cultural pride and heritage reported lower levels of hostility. Preparation for bias, on the other hand, was positively associated with hostility (b = -0.16, p <.01), indicating that individuals who perceived more preparation for bias messages from their parents participated in greater levels of hostile behavior. Hierarchical regressions examined the relationship between hostility, witnessing violence and racial socialization (Table 14). One study that had examined the relationship between exposure to community violence and hostility found that there were gender differences in the rates and types of ECV and hostility (Moses, 1999). Therefore, gender was still included in the first step as a control. The first step was not found to be significant (R2 = 0.01; ∆F = 1.10, p =ns). The second step of main effects explained 6% of the variance and was significant (R2 = 0.10; ∆F = 7.31, p <.01); while the third step was not significant (R2 = 0.06; ∆F = 0.00, p =ns). After controlling for gender and socioeconomic status, witnessing community violence was positively related to hostility (b = 0.17, p <.01), indicating that individuals who were witnesses to community violence reported higher levels of hostility. Cultural socialization was found to be negatively associated with hostility (b = -0.21, p <.01), suggesting that participants who were 56 provided more cultural socialization messages and behaviors reported lower levels of hostility. Preparation for bias was positively linked to hostility (b = 0.17, p <.01). These results indicated that individuals who reported higher levels of preparation for bias also reported exhibiting more hostility. Physical Aggression The next set of hierarchical regressions tested the relationship between physical aggression, exposure to community violence and racial socialization. Hierarchical regressions were conducted on physical aggression, victimization and racial socialization (Table 15). The first step of the model was significant and explained 5% of the variance (R2 = 0.05; ∆F = 7.47, p <.01). The second step of main effects was found to account for 15% of the variance (R2 = 0.20; ∆F = 13.38, p <.01). The third step of the model was not significant (R2 = 0.22; ∆F = 1.77, p = ns). Gender was found to be negatively related to physical aggression (b = -0.23, p <.05). This finding indicates that males reported more physical aggression. Gender was found to be negatively related to physical aggression (b = -0.23, p <.05). This finding indicates that males reported more physical aggression. Furthermore, socioeconomic status was found to be negatively related to physical aggression (b = -0.07, p <.01). These results indicate that respondents who had higher levels of socioeconomic status reported lower levels of physical aggression. After controlling for gender and socioeconomic status, victimization due to exposure to community violence was positively related to physical aggression (b = 0.28, p <.01), indicating that those individuals who were victimized more because of community violence reported participating in higher levels of physical aggressive behaviors. Preparation for bias positively predicted physical aggression on a trend level (b = 0.07, p <.10). 57 A set of hierarchical regression analyzed the relationship between physical aggression, witnessing violence and racial socialization (Table 16). The first step in which gender and SES were entered were significant (R2 = 0.05; ∆F = 7.46, p <.01). The second step of main effects accounted for 18% of the variance (R2 = 0.23; ∆F = 16.13, p <.01). However, the third step of interactive effects was not significant (R2 = 0.24; ∆F = 1.49, p= ns). Similar to the analyses conducted with victimization due to community violence, gender was found to be negatively associated with physical aggression (b = -0.23, p <.05). These results indicate that males reported more physical aggressive behaviors. Furthermore, socioeconomic status was found to be negatively linked to physical aggression (b = -0.07, p <.01). These results imply that individuals who have higher levels of socioeconomic status, reported lower levels of physical aggression. After controlling for gender and socioeconomic status, witnessing community violence was positively associated with physical aggression (b = 0.31, p <.01). Individuals who report witnessing more events due to community violence reported higher levels of physical aggression. Cultural socialization was negatively linked with physical aggression at a trend level (b = -0.10, p <.10). Preparation for bias, on the other hand, was positively related to physical aggression (b = 0.09, p <.05), indicating that participants who perceived more messages related racial bias or awareness reported greater levels of physical aggression. Verbal Aggression Interestingly, within the relationship between victimization, racial socialization and verbal aggression, no significant main or interaction effects were found (Table 17). All three steps in the model were found to be non-significant. Hierarchical regressions investigated the relationship between witnessing violence and racial socialization on verbal aggression (Table 18). The first step was not significant (R2 = 0.00; ∆F = 0.38, p =ns). The second step of main 58 effects explained 4% of the variance (R2 = 0.04; ∆F = 2.56, p <.05). The third step of model added 1% to the variance and was not significant (R2 = 0.05; ∆F = 1.11, p =ns). Witnessing violence was positively related to verbal aggression (b = 0.18, p <.05), suggesting that those individuals who witness more events related to community violence were more likely to display higher levels of verbal aggression. Academic Outcomes The following set of analyses explored the relationships between exposure to community violence, racial socialization and academic outcomes. The following factors were identified as academic outcomes and designated as the dependent variables: grade point averages in college, academic self-concept and academic engagement. Results from these regressions indicated that exposure to community violence was negatively associated with self-reported grades. In particular, victimization was negatively linked to GPA. Similar results were found with relation to witnessing of community violence and GPA. Surprisingly, exposure to community violence was not related to either academic engagement or academic self-concept. Dimensions of racial socialization were related to academic outcomes. Specifically, cultural socialization was positively associated with GPA on a trend level (b = 0.15, p <.10) and academic engagement. Messages about self-worth were positively linked to academic selfconcept. Preparation for bias messages was not related to academic outcomes. Furthermore, no significant interactions were found with regards to the analyses. Grades The first set of analyses tested the relationship between grade point average (GPA), victimization and racial socialization (Table 19). The first step of the model accounted for 2% of the variance and approached significance (∆F = 2.91, p <.10). The second step of the model 59 accounted for 4% of the variance and was significant (R2 = 0.06; ∆F = 2.66, p <.05). The third step of the model did not add to the variance (R2 = 0.06; ∆F = 0.67, p = ns). After controlling for gender and socioeconomic status, victimization was found to be negatively linked to GPA (b = 0.22, p <.01), indicating that those individuals who experienced more victimization reported lower grades in college. Interestingly, the main effects of racial socialization were not significant. The next set of hierarchical regressions explored the effects of witnessing community violence, racial socialization and GPA (Table 20). The first step accounted for 2% of the variance and approached significance (∆F = 2.91, p <.10). The second step which included the main effects of the independent variables accounted for 6% of the variance and was significant (R2 = 0.08; ∆F = 4.46, p <.01). However, the third step of model added 1% to the variance but was not significant (R2 = 0.09; ∆F = 0.56, p =ns). Socioeconomic status was positively related to GPA (b = 0.07, p <.05), implying that individuals who had higher levels of SES also reported higher GPAs. After controlling for gender and socioeconomic status, witnessing community violence was negatively associated with GPA (b = -0.27, p <.01). Individuals who witnessed greater amounts of community violence reported poorer grades. Cultural socialization was positively linked to grades on a trend level (b = 0.15, p <.10). These results indicate that respondents who received more messages and behaviors related to cultural heritage and history reported better grades. Academic Self-Concept The next set of hierarchical regressions analyzed the relationship between academic selfconcept, victimization and racial socialization (Table 21). The first step of the model explained 1% of the variance, but was not significant (∆F = 1.48, p = ns). The second step of the model 60 accounted for 6% of the variance and had significant main effects (R2 = 0.07; ∆F = 4.74, p <.01). The third step of the model added 1% to the variance but was not significant (R2 = 0.08; ∆F = 0.53, p =ns). Surprisingly, victimization was not related to academic self-concept. With regards to racial socialization, messages of self-worth were positively linked to academic self-concept (b = 0.12, p <.05). These results propose that participants who perceived higher levels of self-worth messages from their parents had better global academic self-concept. Hierarchical regressions were also conducted to investigate the relationship between witnessing community violence, racial socialization and academic self-concept (Table 22). The first step held 1% of the variance but was not significant (R2 = 0.01; ∆F = 1.45, p = ns). The second step of the model explained 6% of the variance and had significant main effects (R2 = 0.07; ∆F = 4.55, p <.01). However, the third step though it added 1% to the variance, it was not found to be significant (R2 = 0.08; ∆F = 0.58, p =ns). Witnessing violence was not found to be related to academic self-concept. Self-worth positively predicted academic self-concept (b = 0.12, p <.05), indicating that participants who perceived more messages of self-worth from their parents had higher global academic self-concept. Academic Engagement The final set of regressions was conducted to study the relationship between academic engagement, victimization and racial socialization (Table 23). The first step did not explain any of the variance (R2 = 0.00; ∆F = 0.10, p =ns). The second step of the model accounted for 8% of the variance (R2 = 0.08; ∆F = 6.05, p <.01), while the third step did not add to the variance(R2 = 0.08; ∆F = 0.23, p =ns). Interestingly, victimization due to community violence exposure was not related to academic engagement. Cultural socialization was positively linked to academic 61 engagement (b = 0.14, p <.01). Individuals who were given more messages related to culture and pride reported greater engagement in academic activities at college. The final hierarchical regression analyzed the relationship between academic engagement, witnessing and racial socialization (Table 24). Within this regression, the first step of the model did not add to the variance (R2 = 0.00; ∆F = 0.10, p =ns). The second step of the model accounted for 7% of the variance (R2 = 0.07; ∆F = 5.52, p <.01). Finally, it was noted that the third step of the model was not significant (R2 = 0.08; ∆F = 0.22, p =ns). Witnessing violence was not related to academic engagement. Cultural socialization was found to be positively associated with academic engagement (b = 0.14, p <.01), signifying that individuals with higher levels of cultural socialization were more engaged in academic activities in college. 62 Chapter Six Discussion The present study builds on the literature that has examined racial socialization in African American youth. Specifically, this study explored how racial socialization may attenuate the effects of lesser studied contexts—community violence—on youth’s psychological and academic outcomes. The goal of this study is to examine evidence for the potential protective impact of racial socialization messages. Two main models of interest were proposed for this study, the first model proposes that racial socialization would moderate the effects of ECV on psychological well-being. The second model predicts that racial socialization would buffer the effects of ECV on academic achievement. The findings indicate that while there were variable main effects for racial socialization, it was not a moderator of psychosocial or academic outcomes. Figure 2A. Model 1: Racial Socialization Moderating Community Violence: Psychological Well-Being Community Violence Psychological Well-Being Racial Socialization 63 Significant main effects were found in relation to exposure to community violence and symptoms of psychosocial distress. Dimensions of racial socialization were shown to be significantly associated with psychosocial distress. Similar to previous studies on exposure to community violence, ECV was directly related to all six outcomes. These six outcomes were symptoms of depression, symptoms of posttraumatic stress, hostility, anger, physical aggression and verbal aggression. These results are consistent with those found in other college samples (Rosenthal, 2000; Scarpa, 2003). This study underscores the importance of examining the dimensions of racial socialization individually and psychosocial outcomes. Findings from this study indicate that cultural socialization and preparation for bias function fairly differently with regards to psychological well-being. In particular, cultural socialization promoted positive psychological well-being in this sample of African American college students. This finding is consistent with previous literature that has shown that cultural socialization is related to better mental health outcomes in African American children and youth (Caughy et al., 2002; Hughes et al., 2006). Cultural heritage and pride messages have been found to provide youth with feelings of pride, a positive ethnic identity or higher self-esteem (Hughes et al., 2009). Preparation for bias, on the other hand, with the exception of verbal aggression, was related to poorer psychological well-being1. This finding is consistent with other studies that have found that preparation for bias messages were associated 1 These findings could also reflect the racially charged atmosphere that existed on campus during the time of data collection. Around October 2011, a series of racial incidences took place including racist graffiti in two different dorm rooms. Students responded to these events by taking part in a town hall on campus to express their concerns and personal experiences with racism (Heywood, 2011). Thus, this may have brought even more salience to the issue of discrimination and racial awareness to African American students. Data collection for this project took place shortly after these events occurred on campus. 64 with poor mental health (Rumbaut, 1994; Stevenson, 1997; Stevenson et al., 2007). Additionally, individuals who may expect others to have negative expectations of them due to race may exhibit more symptoms of depression, anger, physical aggression or hostility. Furthermore, given the retrospective nature of the data, these associations may also related to affect and mood congruent recall (Blaney, 1986). Individuals who display negative moods may recall more negative socialization messages from their parents, such as those related to racism and bias. Interestingly, the dimension of self-worth was not related to any of the psychosocial outcomes. This is consistent with findings of past research, for example self-worth was not related to symptoms of depression in adolescent populations (Neblett et al., 2008). Within this sample, reports of self-worth messages had the highest average of all racial socialization dimensions (M = 4.27) with the scale for this measure ranging from 1 to 5. These findings suggest that students received a fairly high amount of self-worth messages. The lack of variation in scores may be the reason why there were no links between self-worth and psychological outcomes within this study. It is important to note these findings indicate that self-worth may not be a critical component of racial socialization. Moreover, it could be that messages of self-worth are more related to one’s self esteem rather than how it reflects on identifying as a person of color and outcomes related to that identification. The following sections will go into more detail with regards to the findings for racial socialization, community violence and each psychological outcome. Racial Socialization, Community Violence & Depression Consistent with past findings, the results of this study show that exposure to community violence is positively associated with more symptoms of depression (Rosenthal, 2000). However, unlike Rosenthal’s (2000) work, which showed that both victimization and witnessing violence 65 were related to symptoms of depression, findings here suggest that for this particular population, victimization due to community violence was positively linked to symptoms of depression but similar relationships were not found with witnessing of violence. Being a direct victim of violence will tend to have more of a psychological impact compared to being an indirect victim as the injury is done to the actual individual (Overstreet, 2000). Moreover, when subjects report on witnessing violent events, we know very little about their relationship to the person who was victimized. Individuals may have witnessed a stranger being beaten up or someone that is not very close to them (Overstreet, 2000). Therefore, it may be that there are other factors that are impacting the effects of witnessing violence which would explain why the same types of harmful consequences related to victimization are not found. In addition, these findings could be related to differing amounts of witnessing violence and the severity of the events that were witnessed. Previous research has investigated the differences in levels of exposure to community violence and psychological outcomes. One study found significant effects with regards to psychological outcomes in those individuals who reported witnessing more severe events compared to those who witnessed moderate to low levels of violence (Scarpa et al., 2002). Individuals who reported higher levels of witnessing reported more depressive symptomatology compared to the other two groups. However, there were no differences between those individuals in the moderate category and the low level category. The current sample varied across their rates of exposure with regards to witnessing, and it may be that the effects seen in this study are due to low to moderate levels of exposure. Furthermore, Cicchetti and Lynch (1998) suggest that youth who grow up in environments that are characterized by crime and violence can led to feelings of hopelessness, helplessness which can contribute to developing symptoms of depression. Unlike externalizing 66 behaviors such as aggression, which are easily identified; symptoms of depression are usually internalized and not physically apparent. Parents who have youth who are experiencing symptoms of depression due to ECV may not realize this is the case because the symptoms are not easily identifiedThus, they may not have discussions with their children on what are possible issues for their change in mood or ways to deal with the change in mood. Moreover, they might not provide social support, coping or be able to find resources to their child if they cannot tell their child is depressed. Hence, they may not provide their child with socialization messages related to pride, cultural heritage or coping that could reduce the youth’s depressive symptomatology. Within this study, dimensions of racial socialization led to mixed results with regards to symptoms of depression. Findings from this study showed that cultural socialization is promotive in relation to symptoms of depression while controlling for exposure to community violence. Consistent with the research conducted by McHale and colleagues (2006), this study found that cultural socialization was associated with less symptoms of depression in a sample of adolescents. Similarly, another study conducted on adolescents found that cultural socialization messages were negatively related to symptoms of depression (Neblett, White, Ford, Philip, Nguyen & Sellers, 2008). Furthermore, findings akin to those in adolescent populations were seen in even younger populations. Parents’ cultural socialization practices were found to be related to lower internalizing behaviors in a sample of preschoolers (Caughy et al., 2002). Messages related to cultural pride or heritage may be associated with African American youth having positive views of their racial in-group and a positive ethnic identity. Surprisingly, preparation for bias was found to be associated with more symptoms of depression. The results from this study are similar to work conducted by Davis and Stevenson 67 (2006), who found that females with higher levels of awareness of discrimination reported more depressive symptomatology. Furthermore, prior work on racial socialization has found that messages that highlight barriers have been linked to poorer psychological well-being (Constantine & Blackmon, 2002; Stevenson, 1997). A possible explanation is that there is an optimal level of preparation for bias messages. Students who receive too many messages from their parents about racism and barriers may feel overwhelmed by this knowledge and experience negative emotions. Similar results were found in a study conducted on Asian and Black adolescents, in that those adolescents who received more messages about expectations for discrimination reported more symptoms of depression (Rumbaut, 1994). Preparation for bias could also be adaptive. For example, there is evidence that a negative significant relationship exists between perceived discrimination and self-esteem at certain levels of preparation for bias but not at all levels (Harris-Britt et al., 2006). Preparation for bias provides individuals with messages related to barriers and racism while also giving youth the tools to help overcome these barriers. Too many messages of preparation for bias may lead youth to become overwhelmed with the notion that they will be discriminated against by everyone in society and exhibit symptoms of depression. However, when parents engage in discussing messages about bias and racism after their child experiences racial discrimination, it may provide their child with protective coping mechanisms. Furthermore, youth who are aware of racial bias because parents provide these messages at an optimal level may actually have lower symptoms of depression. This could be due to the fact that because their parents had conversations and discussions with them about discrimination and racism, they now are equipped to handle those types of situations should they arise. Racial Socialization, Community Violence & Symptoms of Post-Traumatic Stress 68 A second psychological outcome for the current study was symptoms of post-traumatic stress. Consistent with past studies of the connection between symptoms of post-traumatic stress and ECV in younger African American samples (Fitzpatrick & Boldizar, 1993; Overstreet et al., 1999), the current study also found that both witnessing and victimization of violence were directly related to symptoms of post-traumatic stress. Youth who reported greater levels of witnessing and victimization also reported more symptoms of post-traumatic stress. Similar results were also found in another college sample that examined the association between community violence and symptoms of post-traumatic stress (Scarpa et al., 2002; Scarpa et al., 2006). However, unlike the relationship between community violence and symptoms of depression, these findings suggest that any amount of violence either as a victim or witness is associated with trauma. Thus, indicating that exposure to community violence is associated with post traumatic symptoms. However, it is important to note that there the post-traumatic stress checklist used in this study did not specify the stressful experience that participants were to think of while completing the measure. Therefore, we do not know exactly if the stressful experiences participants thought of were events related to exposure to community violence. These African American youth could have been thinking of experiences with racial discrimination that were particularly stressful for them when referring to a stressful event. Racial discrimination could lead to individuals to suffer racial trauma and exhibiting anxiety related to it (Butts, 2002). A previous study showed that African Americans who experienced racial discrimination have also exhibited symptoms of stress and anxiety as a reaction to the occurrence (Sanders Thompson, 1996). There were no significant main effects with regards to cultural socialization, self-worth and symptoms of post-traumatic stress. Furthermore, racial socialization was not found to 69 significantly moderate the relationship between ECV and symptoms of post-traumatic stress. Therefore, racial socialization may not be compensatory or protective within this study since we cannot assume that the events students used as their reference point would be related to racial events. Furthermore, previous studies that have examined racial socialization moderating indicators related to anxiety or stress were based within the context of racial discrimination (Bynum et al., 2007). Messages underscoring the importance of pride or ethnicity could attenuate the effects of racial discrimination on outcomes because both are based within a racial context. Interestingly, within the third step of the model examining the relationship between witnessing community violence, racial socialization and symptoms of post-traumatic stress, preparation for bias showed a significant main effect with regards to post-traumatic stress. These findings could be due to individuals who are already in stressful situations, may also be receiving more messages about racism and racial barriers. Additionally, these outcomes maybe because individuals who receive preparation for bias messages are aware of racism and barriers that might occur, and thus when they experience racial discrimination they may also suffer racial trauma. Racial Socialization, Community Violence and Aggression Previous research has investigated the links between community violence and aggression in college samples. However, these previous studies assessed aggression as one component. They have not focused on teasing apart differences that may exist with regards to the relationships among witnessing or being victimized by community violence and the forms of aggression (Scarpa et al., 2002; Scarpa et al., 2001). Furthermore, studies conducted with younger populations have operationalized aggression as externalizing behaviors or physical manifestations of aggression (e.g., hitting, kicking, fighting). These studies have found clear 70 connections between community violence and aggression (Buckner et al., 2004; Gorman-Smith & Tolan, 1998; Miller et al., 1999). However, we do not know as much about links between exposure to community violence and manifestations of aggression that are not explicit or displayed overtly. It could be that witnessing violence is connected to forms of aggression that are internalized. Buka and colleagues (2001) have suggested that by examining the two types of community violence exposure variables separately, we can begin to understand how they may function in accordance to youth outcomes. For the present study, witnessing and victimization were examined separately as predictive of four different subscales: anger, hostility, physical aggression and verbal aggression. Community Violence, Racial Socialization and Anger The anger subscale assessed characteristics related to temper and frustration which may not be externally seen like behaviors related to physical aggression (i.e., punching, fighting) but are most likely internally felt by the individual. The findings from this study has shown that exposure to community violence is positively related to anger. This was true for individuals who were witnesses of violence or victims. These results are consistent with those found in Rosenthal’s (2000) multi-ethnic study of college students in that witnessing community violence or being victimized was positively related to feelings of anger. Similar findings were also shown in qualitative work done by Dyson (1989). Dyson (1989) conducted six different case studies with six students in middle school who had experienced varying levels of community violence. One of the students “Steve” was described as a “powder keg ready to explode” (p.19, Dyson, 1989). Steve had witnessed the violent murder of his own mother in front of his home. Experiencing anger on a daily basis was Steve’s response to the violence he witnessed. For the students within the current sample, their experiences with community violence may have also led 71 them to feel angry about the situation. This reaction to community violence may be a more acceptable response for this sample because it does not lead to the negative consequences (i.e., detention, suspension) that are usually associated with physically acting out or fighting, especially when navigating the school system. With regards to racial socialization, cultural socialization was negatively associated with reports of anger. In addition, cultural socialization messages may promote a stronger ethnic identity, pride in one’s cultural group and higher self-esteem (Hughes et al., 2009; Stevenson, 1994; Stevenson, 1995). Furthermore, Stevenson’s (1997) work found that males who reported messages of cultural socialization reported higher levels of suppressing anger. The dimension of cultural socialization emphasizes promoting cultural beliefs and pride, individuals who are providing a greater amount of cultural socialization messages could have better coping mechanisms and may engage in less anger or aggressive behaviors. On the other hand, the main effects of preparation for bias messages were found to be positively associated with reports of anger. The anger subscale developed by Buss and Perry (1993) taps into feelings of frustration and controlling one’s temper. Stevenson and colleagues (1997) found that males who just received messages about discrimination and expectations of racism reported less anger control, indicating that in their study messages about racial barriers Community Violence, Racial Socialization & Hostility With regards to the model examining the links between community violence exposure, racial socialization and hostility, support was not found implying that racial socialization moderates the relationship between ECV and hostility. Both types of exposure to community violence were found to be positively associated with hostility. These findings are similar to those found in a sample of inner city high school students where exposure to violence was directly 72 linked to reports of hostility (Moses, 1999). Moses (1999) proposes that this relationship exists possibly because youth who are hostile may directly place themselves in situations where they are exposed to community violence. However, another explanation is that youth who are reside in contexts of high violence may feel that being hostile towards others can provide them with an identity that helps protect them in a world where violence is the norm (Garbarino, Kostelny & Dubrow, 1991). Both explanations suggest that hostility is linked with community violence in ways that youth may feel are protective and can help them deal with the environments in which they reside. The main effects of cultural socialization were linked to reports of less hostility in African American college students while the main effects of preparation for bias were found to be related to reports of more hostility. In a recent study, similar results were found in that preparation for bias messages were related to reports of hostile views of other individuals in African American families (Burt, Simmons & Gibbons, 2012). In particular, Burt and colleagues (2012) found that individual who reported more preparation for bias messages also reported more hostile views of their environment, which included being overly suspicious of others. Interestingly, the Burt et al. (2012) study did not find a significant relationship between cultural socialization and reports of hostile views. The hostility subscale used in the current study also assesses feelings that are primarily related to jealousy or suspicion of friendly people. Individuals who received more messages about barriers and racism may react negatively or suspiciously towards others. Conversely, individuals who received more messages about their history or cultural significance may be more likely to take people’s friendly behavior at face value. In addition, it is important to note that the findings from the current study lends support to the belief that providing African American youth with messages about cultural heritage and solidarity 73 would mitigate their hostility and need for aggression in dominant society as suggested by Ward (1995). Community Violence, Racial Socialization & Physical Aggression Physical aggression was found to be associated with exposure to community violence. This relationship was true for both individuals who were victims and those who were witnesses of community violence. This finding is consistent with previous studies that have found that externalizing behaviors such as physical aggression are related to exposure to violence (Buckner et al., 2004; Gorman-Smith & Tolan, 1998). The aforementioned studies were conducted on younger samples of children by examining concurrent exposure to community violence and psychological outcomes. Youth who have been repeatedly exposed to violence may become desensitized to aggression and view it as a normative response to conflict (Miller et al., 1999). Moreover, other research indicates that both the exposure and desensitization may lead to more acting out and physical aggressiveness (Farrell & Bruce, 1997; Garbarino, Dubrow, Kostelny & Pardo, 1992). The findings from the present study indicate that lifetime exposure to community violence has detrimental lasting effects on current psychological outcomes even in older adolescent populations. Research that has observed the connection between community violence exposure and aggression over time has found significant positive relationships between the two factors (Farrell & Bruce, 1997; Gorman-Smith & Tolan, 1998; Miller et al., 1999). Cultural socialization was found to be negatively associated with physical aggression on a trend level. This work is similar to Stevenson and colleagues (2002) research that found that males who were provided with messages of cultural socialization reported less initiation of fighting and frequency of fighting. Though Stevenson’s (1997, 2002) work was conducted primarily on male samples, the current study finds this relationship exists for both genders. 74 Interestingly, preparation for bias was found to be positively linked with physical aggression. Specifically, participants who received more messages about racial barriers and discrimination may feel more angry about racism they experience and act out accordingly. Community Violence, Racial Socialization & Verbal Aggression Interestingly, verbal aggression was only associated with witnessing violence but not victimization. The items from this subscale assessed characteristics such as being argumentative and disagreeable. It may be that for witnesses, because they were not direct victims due to violence, they may have felt that it was safe to be argumentative or disagreeable. Displaying verbal aggression may also be a way to protect oneself from getting hurt or possibly be seen as intimidating. Furthermore, Garbarino and colleagues (1991) discuss that youth who are exposed to community violence may feel the need to take on an aggressive identity in order to reduce their chances of victimization. Evidence of this phenomenon is seen in Dyson’s (1989) case study work with an individual named “David”. David had family members who were victims of community violence. The list included his uncle who was shot, a cousin who was raped and assaulted, and his eldest brother who was shot and killed in an abandoned garage. These multiple events left David argumentative and hostile with school officials. David had heard of these traumatic events from his mother and may have begun to use verbal aggression as a way to cope and protect himself. Surprisingly, neither preparation for bias or cultural socialization was related to verbal aggression. It could be that messages about racism or ones that would promote cultural pride or history does not lead to individuals being more argumentative. Furthermore, the verbal aggression scale asks individuals about if they are argumentative with friends and people around them. It could be that the students in this sample had same race peer groups and therefore, 75 messages about heritage or promoting racial awareness did not factor into their conversations in a way that would lead to arguments or disagreements. Figure 2B. Model 2: Racial Socialization Moderating the Relationship between Community Violence & Academic Achievement Academic Achievement Community Violence Racial Socialization The second model examined how racial socialization attenuated the effects of exposure to community violence on academic outcomes. The findings from this study did not show support for this model. In the current study, academic self-concept, academic engagement and grades were identified as indicators of academic achievement. ECV was found to be negatively associated with reports of grades in college, but not related to either academic self-concept or academic engagement. These results are similar to those found by Mathews et al. (2009), who found that ECV was associated with lower grades in a multi-ethnic sample of adolescents. Furthermore, dimensions of racial socialization were found to be positively related to academic self-concept and academic engagement however, they were not associated with self-reported 76 grades. In addition, dimensions of racial socialization did not buffer the effects of ECV on academic outcomes in this sample. Multiple factors such as poverty, lack of resources, overburdened schools are characteristics found in areas of high violence (Overstreet, 2000). These factors have been connected to youth’s poor achievement in elementary and middle school (Sirin, 2005). However, these variables may not be playing a role for this sample since they are already in college and can be considered to be academically resilient (Kennedy & Bennett, 2006). This is further grounded by the fact that the academic profiles on the study participants (Table 2) show that these students were high achievers from elementary school onwards. Racial Socialization, Community Violence & Grades Similar to previous studies that have studied exposure to community violence and its link to grades (Dyson, 1989; Mathews et al., 2009; Schwab-Stone et al., 1995), the results of the current study suggests that exposure to community violence, either as a victim or witness, is negatively associated with grades. The connection between exposure to violence and grades may be related to internal factors associated with experiencing violence such as difficulty concentrating, re-experiencing the trauma or feeling unsafe. These issues are a corollary related to community violence and are possibly impacting youth’s academic achievement. This finding underscores the fact that being victimized or witnessing dangerous events in one’s neighborhood while growing up can still have lasting impacts even in the college arena. As mentioned, dimensions of racial socialization were not associated with self-reported grades. However, it is important to note that within the context of witnessing violence, cultural socialization approached significance with regards to grades. This relationship was positive in nature, suggesting that individuals who were provided more cultural heritage messages by their parents also reported better grades. Moreover, this finding implies that cultural socialization 77 counteracts the effects of witnessing violence on reported grades. It could be that youth who were given messages about historical figures or positive African American role models felt inspired to succeed academically. By harnessing stories related to cultural legacy and heritage, African American young adults are provided an impetus to do well in school. Another explanation is that individuals do not potentially see grades as a function of race but, more so, it could be that other variables may be at play here such as the types of courses the student is taking, how much do they enjoy the course, the level of difficulty of the subject or even how their academic achievement relates to their future goals and career aspirations. These factors may be more directly related to grades than racial socialization practices however, it would be a disservice to not highlight the finding between cultural socialization and grades, which suggests that providing cultural socialization messages within the classroom may promote academic achievement for African American youth. Racial Socialization, Community Violence & Academic Self-Concept The findings from this study do not support that there is a direct relationship between community violence and academic self-concept. These results are similar to previous research that found that exposure to community violence either as a victim or a witness is not related to general self-concept (Youngstrom, Weist & Albus, 2003). Beliefs about abilities related to academics may be more related to internal factors pertaining to one’s self such as self-esteem. Individuals who feel better about themselves may also have positive beliefs about their academic prowess. Another possibility is that there is a reciprocal relationship between academic selfconcept and academic achievement (Marsh & Martin, 2011). Previous studies have suggested that individuals who succeed in school have higher academic self-concept and that those students who have higher academic self-concept also report better academic achievement (Marsh, 1990b). 78 Furthermore, this particular sample was comprised of high achievers receiving A’s and B’s starting in elementary school and continuing through high school. The average score on academic self-concept for participants was fairly high (M =4.09) and there was not much variability within this sample. Hence, it may very well be that through repeated success in school and receiving majority A’s and B’s in school, these students developed a positive academic self-concept. Therefore, there may be other factors at play with regards to academic self-concept. In addition, literature suggests that academic self-concept is related to academic engagement (Murdock, Anderman & Hodge, 2000). Students who are positive about their academic abilities may tend to be more engaged in activities surrounding academics on college campuses. Furthermore, because this data are cross-sectional, we may be seeing students who are already predisposed to being engaged in an effort to perform well in college and thus the effects of community violence are not significant. Interestingly, racial socialization dimensions of self-worth were found to be positively related to academic self-concept. Messages related to the self-worth may directly facilitate positive beliefs in other areas pertaining to self. Moreover, it could be that receiving messages about being special and proud of who you are counteracts the consequences of community violence on academic self-concept. As proposed by Neblett and colleagues (2006), messages related to self may bring about an interest in learning and students may feel that they have the ability to make a difference in their own academic achievement. Cultural socialization and preparation for bias were not found to be associated with academic self-concept. Hughes and colleagues (2006) suggest that racial socialization messages may indirectly influence perceptions of self. Moreover, Hughes et al., (2009) found that cultural socialization was indirectly related to academic efficacy via mediated pathways, but preparation for bias was not. Thus, factors such as 79 self-esteem or racial identity which could be indicators of positive perceptions of self may need to be considered when analyzing these links. Furthermore, the relationship between community violence and academic self-concept may be an indirect relationship that isn’t moderated by racial socialization but quite possibly mediated by mental health variables. Correlations from this study suggest that symptoms of depression, anger or hostility are negatively related to academic self-concept. Therefore, it could be that models that purport that ECV leads to poorer mental health which is associated with lower academic self-concept may be a better model in explaining the relationship between ECV and academic self-concept. Research examining the links between community violence exposure, depression and academic functioning in elementary school children found that the direct relationship between community violence and academic functioning was non-significant, however, the indirect pathway that examined depression as a mediator between these two variables was found to be significant (Schwartz & Gorman, 2003). Such relationships may also exist in this population of college-aged students. Racial Socialization, Community Violence & Academic Engagement Surprisingly, exposure to community violence was also not related to academic engagement as hypothesized. This study was the first study to examine the connection between ECV and academic engagement in any sample. It is important to note that this sample was already in college, suggesting they are already resilient with regards to exposure to community violence. To understand the nature of exposure to community violence on academic achievement, these relationships should be investigated in younger samples where there may be more variation in academic profiles. Younger children may be more susceptible to the impact of 80 community violence on their academic abilities as their cognitive and emotional development is still ongoing. Additionally, academic engagement in this study tapped into activities students participate in to do well in college such as participating in group work or completing assignments. Different measures of academic engagement may need to be utilized to see if measures that examine academic engagement dimensions such as persistence and curiosity (Skinner & Belmont, 1992) are directly connected to exposure to community violence. It could be that it is just the NSSE measure that was not related to community violence. However, to comprehend whether it is a measurement issue of the current scale, factor analyses should be conducted to see if separate subscales exist that are directly related to ECV. Moreover, academic engagement as it was measured in this study could be more related to internal factors such as motivation—intrinsic and extrinsic. It could be that these types of engagement activities are more related to intrinsic motivation such as enjoyment in the coursework or the social interactions with their peers. However, their academic engagement could also be related to extrinsic motivation of doing well in school and receiving an A or a B in their coursework. Correlations from this study show that there is a positive relationship between academic engagement and grades, suggesting that students who were engaged in their college classroom also reported a higher grade point average. Consistent with previous research that has studied the links between academic engagement and racial socialization, cultural socialization was found to be positively related to academic engagement whereas self-worth was not (Smalls, 2009). It could be that when youth are provided more messages of cultural heritage and history, they feel more linked to their ethnic group and feel it is important to be engaged within the classroom. Furthermore, racial 81 socialization messages may be comprised of those linked with opportunity, which in turn may lead youth to be more academically invested in their education (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986; Hughes et al., 2006). Also, there may be indirect relationships that need to be investigated to identify other pathways that may be at work within this relationship. For example, Hughes and colleagues (2009), found that racial identity and self-esteem mediated the pathway between cultural socialization and academic engagement. Although this work was conducted with middle school students, similar relationships and pathways may also exist within college aged samples. Additionally, though one study investigating racial socialization as a moderator on academic engagement within the context of discrimination did not have significant findings (Neblett et al., 2006), another study found that cultural socialization did buffer the effects of school-based discrimination on academic engagement in African American adolescents (Banerjee, 2011). Within these two studies there were differences in the types of discrimination that were observed. Neblett and colleagues (2006) investigated general discrimination whereas Banerjee (2011) looked at school-based discrimination as a predictor of academic engagement. Therefore, racial socialization may be a moderator with regards to racial discrimination and its relation to academic outcomes, but not to community violence. Furthermore, as suggested with the relationship between academic self-concept and ECV, the links between ECV and academic engagement may be more distal than and not as proximal as hypothesized in this study. It could be that mediated moderation models may provide an explanation of the current phenomena. Mental health variables may be mediating the relationship between ECV and academic engagement. Correlations from this study show that symptoms of depression, verbal aggression, anger and hostility were found to be negatively associated with academic engagement in this study. Therefore, future studies should explore how depression or 82 aggression mediates the connection between academic engagement and ECV. Additionally, as discussed previously, cultural socialization in this study was found to moderate the relationship between ECV and aggression (e.g., anger, physical aggression). Hence, it could be that cultural socialization may moderate the mediated relationship between ECV, mental health and academic engagement. Implications The findings from this study suggest that life-long messages of racial socialization are related to mental health and academic outcomes in African American college students. The current study shows support for the relevance of family characteristics such as racial socialization are associated with better developmental competencies as proposed in the integrative model (Garcia Coll et al., 1996).. Certain dimensions of parents’ lifetime race-related messages are related to better psychological well-being and academic achievement in young adulthood. Although beyond the scope of the current analysis, it may be that parents who perceive their neighborhoods as promoting or inhibiting environments depending on neighborhood factors may provide racial socialization messages to counteract the negative consequences of the residential area. Many of the participants in this sample may have lived in areas that could be considered dangerous as is evident by the fact that 58% reported hearing gunfire near their home at least 3-4 times or more while growing up. Thus, parents of the participants in this study could have been providing racial socialization mechanisms and strategies as a response to the environment and offset the deleterious effects of community violence. However, further study is necessary to completely understand this relationship. Furthermore, the findings from this study could also be indicative of a more nurturing parent-child relationship. Youth who came from households where greater levels of race-related 83 messages are present, may also be coming from households that provided other general positive parenting practices and characteristics. In studies that have investigated the connection between family characteristics and racial socialization, positive parenting qualities was associated with racial socialization strategies. One such study found that family characteristics such as positivity (e.g., parental warmth and communication) were predictive of greater messages of cultural socialization (Frabutt et al., 2002). Similar results were found in a study that examined both mothers’ and fathers’ racial socialization practices and characteristics. Specifically, this study found that both maternal and paternal warmth were correlated with cultural socialization (McHale et al., 2006). Additionally, Caughy and colleagues (2002) found that their measure of racial socialization was associated with positive parental involvement and parents participating in cognitive enrichment behaviors even after controlling for socioeconomic status in families of African American preschoolers. These studies suggest that parenting practices such as racial socialization are associated with positive parenting factors. Additionally, this sample had fairly low rates of exposure to community violence, which may be an explanation of why they were able to make it to college. Specifically, the majority of this sample had very low rates of victimization indicating a floor effect with regards to direct victimization due to exposure to community violence. Moreover, although reported rates of witnessing of community violence exposure varied among this sample, it is clear that this sample had lower exposure to more severe events of witnessing violence (e.g., gunfire in the home, seen someone stabbed or shot). However, in examining their reported rates of exposure as witnesses, it is apparent that students came from a variety of neighborhoods. This is evident in their reports of hearing gunfire near their homes, which ranged from only 23% reported they had never heard gunfire near their home to approximately 34% indicated that they had heard gunfire near their 84 home at least 7-8 times or more. These lower rates of exposure as victims and witnessing of severe events of violence could be indicative that these students may come from households that provided high parental monitoring and involvement. These types of familial characteristics (e.g., high parental monitoring and involvement) may work in tandem with racial socialization leading to better outcomes for African American youth. A study conducted by Banerjee et al., (2011) indicated that African American youth who came from households where high racial socialization and more parental involvement was present, it was associated with better cognitive outcomes. The current study also builds upon work that has underscored the importance of examining the multidimensionality of racial socialization in African American families (Coard & Sellers, 2005; Hughes et al., 2006). The findings from this study suggest that dimensions of racial socialization can lead to mixed outcomes. Within this study, cultural socialization was found to be promotive with regards to psychological well-being. This finding is consistent with previous research that has found that cultural socialization is associated with better mental health outcomes (Fischer & Shaw, 1999; McHale et al., 2006). In addition, cultural socialization was also found to be positively related to self-reported grades. In their review of the racial socialization literature, Hughes and colleagues (2006) posit that cultural socialization is largely adaptive for African American youth, while parents who focused solely on messages about discrimination led to maladaptive outcomes. These relationships were also seen in the current study in that preparation for bias was found to be related to poorer psychological well-being. This could be due to the way preparation for bias was assessed in this study. The four items that comprised the preparation for bias subscale tap into barriers that individuals would face due to race. Additionally, the messages in this subscale speak to limitations and negative expectations 85 from the dominant group. Too many messages about barriers could be overwhelming and make youth feel disempowered. One study found that preparation for bias messages, specifically those related to expectations of discrimination, were linked to more depressive symptoms and negative parent-child relationships in Asian and Black adolescents (Rumbaut, 1994). Moreover, Stevenson and colleagues (1997) found that boys who received messages that endorsed discrimination against Blacks reported lower levels of anger control. Preparation for bias messages that stress negative expectations from the dominant society are associated with more anger, depression, physical aggression and hostility. Reviews of the literature on racial socialization have discussed the issues of measurement that exist within this particular area of study. Scholars posit that the operationalization of the different dimensions of racial socialization (e.g., cultural socialization, preparation for bias) has led to varied outcomes for youth (Hughes et al., 2006; Lesane-Brown, 2006). For example, other measures such as the Hughes and Chen (1997) racial socialization measure of preparation for bias not only taps into barriers or racism the individual will face, but also speaks to coping messages parents may provide their children related to race with regards to racial socialization. It could be that the balance between providing youth messages about discrimination and how to cope with the possible discrimination may lead to more adaptive outcomes. The Lesane-Brown et al. (2005), measure of the preparation for bias dimension only taps into negative expectations and barriers the individual will face. Individuals who receive a high level of messages related to barriers from their parents may exhibit poorer psychological well-being. In addition, the context in which racial socialization messages are provided and examined is an important factor to consider when investigating race-related socialization in African American youth. It could be that within the context of community violence, messages such as 86 preparation for bias may not be as adaptive. However, in another study conducted with this particular sample, it was found that within the context of racial discrimination, preparation for bias messages led to positive outcomes with regards to academic achievement (Banerjee, 2012). Therefore, it could be that when the context is race-related, preparation for bias messages are linked to positive outcomes in African American youth. Both the current study and the previous study (Banerjee, 2012) have underscored the promotive aspects of cultural socialization in African American youth. Thus, suggesting that despite the context, providing African American youth with messages about culture and heritage is linked with positive outcomes. Furthermore, as indicated by previous studies, socioeconomic status is a significantly correlated with racial socialization messages (Caughy, O’Campo, Randolph & Nickerson, 2002; Hughes & Chen, 1999; Hughes et al., 2006). In particular, individuals with higher socioeconomic levels may have the financial capability to provide their children with cultural resources such as Black history books and Black story books. They may also have the economic means to participate in culturally enriching activities such as attending heritage festivals, enrolling children into Saturday school or visiting museums that highlight African American culture. By providing children with these opportunities, African American parents are instilling cultural pride and giving children a chance to learn more about their ethnic heritage. In this study, cultural socialization was found to be related to higher socioeconomic status, however, preparation for bias messages was not found to have similar relationships. Thornton and colleagues (1990) found that those individuals with higher levels of education reported providing their children with frequent messages about pride and ethnic heritage. Studies that have examined self-worth messages with regards to African American youth have not discussed its 87 association with higher socioeconomic status. Nevertheless, within this current study, self-worth was found to be positively associated with indicators of higher socioeconomic status. Diverse Sample It is important to note that the demographic profiles of this sample suggest that students in this study came from different walks of life. The current sample is fairly representative of a college population of African American youth. Specifically, this sample is fairly diverse with relation to their demographic backgrounds. Notably, participants reported a range of household income levels with an even distribution at each income category. These students grew up in households that could be considered low income, middle income and even upper class, suggesting that students may have access to different types of resources (e.g., social support, financial support). Second, these students came from families where parental education levels for both fathers and mothers varied from reports that the parent’s highest education level was a high school graduate (~16-32%) , to receiving college degrees (~14-22%) and quite a few (~12-15%) reported that their parents had advanced degrees such as Masters level degrees or even doctoral degrees. Furthermore, the students were evenly divided among age and grade levels in college. Students ranged from being college freshmen (20%) to approximately 12% reported that they were in their 5th year. Moreover, it is likely from their academic profiles that these students have been preparing for college from a very young age. Although specific questions were not asked in this study about parental involvement, it is clear that parents may have provided messages or took part in practices that stressed the importance of education. For example, students were asked to report whether they attended Head Start, to which, 45% of the sample responded that they had attended Head Start. Also, 97% reported receiving A’s and B’s in elementary school. Approximately 75% of the sample reported receiving A’s and B’s in middle school and around 88 96% reported receiving A’s and B’s in high school. Also, 66% of the sample reported taking advanced placement courses in high school. These figures suggest that this sample were not only high achieving students early on but also highly motivated to do well with the aims of going to college. These figures indicate that the students in this study are not a singular snapshot of the sole successful African American student attending college, but are reflective of a fairly successful African American student body from very diverse backgrounds that have all made it to college. Limitations & Future Directions Though this study underscores the promotive aspects of racial socialization and adds to the literature, it is also important to make note of its limitations. First, this study was crosssectional in nature and therefore only provides a glimpse of how racial socialization and community violence functions within this period of the individual’s life. The findings from this study indicate that certain dimensions of racial socialization are adaptive mechanisms in the lives of African American college students. However, because this study was cross-sectional, we do not know if parents provided race-related messages to their children from a proactive or a reactive standpoint. Parents may have provided racial socialization messages to counteract the effects of community violence that their child was experiencing. On the other hand, parents may have always participated in racial socialization practices as a method of underscoring the importance of their culture and heritage to their child. A longitudinal study design that examines racial socialization over time within contexts such as community violence can address the developmental impact of these factors on African American youth and provide answers to parent’s decisions of when they participated in racial socialization practices. 89 Additionally, since racial socialization was not found to be a significant moderator of the relationship between exposure to community violence and youth outcomes, it could be that other factors are influencing that relationship. Aspects such as perceptions of neighborhood safety or the presence of social support may be more significant than parental messages about racial socialization (Luthar & Goldstein, 2004; Overstreet & Braun, 2003). Additionally, GormanSmith and Tolan (2004) identified family variables (e.g., parental warmth/cohesion or family structure) as impacting factors of community violence and youth outcomes. Hence, these familial components could be shaping the links between racial socialization, community violence and youth outcomes. Future studies need to include family characteristics to provide better understanding of what may be occurring within the household with regards to racial socialization and community violence exposure. Furthermore, the retrospective nature of this study is an important factor to consider. Certain measures (e.g., racial socialization, exposure to community violence) of this study required individuals to recall previous events that may have happened during their life. Baddeley and colleagues (1984) note that there will be some factors that influence retrieval and recall in survey assessment. According to Janson (1990), for participants to be able to recall events accurately, the items need to be salient and important to the individual. It could be that with regards to items assessing community violence exposure, those events that were more traumatic were easier to recall than situations that were not. Additionally, it may have also mattered who the victim was with regards to community violence exposure events. If the event happened to the participant or someone close to the participant, they may recall the event with much more accuracy than if the event happened to someone who was not known to the individual. Moreover, those young adults who were able to recall positive memories of their interactions and 90 relationships with their parents, may also be those individuals who have better mental health and academic outcomes regardless of race. In addition, this study employed collecting data from a single source-- which is the student. With regards to assessing community violence, single self-reports can be viewed as an asset and strength in understanding its psychological impact on individuals. This is partly because parents may tend to underestimate their children’s exposure to such events (Overstreet, 2000). Furthermore, the racial socialization literature has shown that what parents “deliver” in terms of messages to their children is often very different from what youth perceive “receiving” (Hughes et al., 2009). Nevertheless, it would be valuable to gauge the frequency of the types of racial socialization messages parents report providing and should be included in future studies to comprehend racial socialization’s role in African American families. Data from multiple sources such as parents, teachers and even neighborhood stakeholders should be collected to understand the nature of violence in communities. Conclusion Exposure to community violence is associated with harmful consequences to youth outcomes for all ages (Aisenberg & Herrenkohl, 2008; Overstreet, 2000; Scarpa, 2003). The majority of residents in areas characterized by high rates of community violence are populations of color. Therefore, scholars within this field called for the need to examine culturally relevant practices that may offset the impact of exposure to community violence for ethnic minority youth (Aisenberg & Herrenkohl, 2008). This study has taken initial steps in investigating cultural relevant practices that exist in African American families and move the field forward in underscoring the importance of race-related practices such as racial socialization in the lives of African American youth. The results from the current study imply that racial socialization 91 practices may be a point of intervention for both younger and older populations of African American youth. Previous community violence interventions have employed a risks perspective and focus on reducing the harmful effects of community violence (Saltzmann, Pynoos, Layne, Steinberg & Aisenberg, 2001). This is also apparent in the literature that has examined previous moderators within the relationship between community violence exposure and youth outcomes (Martinez & Richters, 1993; Miller et al., 1999). It may actually be more important to take a strengths-based approach to intervention and draw from what families may already be doing within their households. According to Caughy and colleagues (2002), African American parents are already engaging in racial socialization practices with their children as early as preschool. Furthermore, the literature on positive youth development has proposed that racial socialization is a mechanism for positive outcomes in African American families (Evans, Banerjee, Meyer, Aldana, Foust & Rowley, 2012). Therefore, intervention work needs to be twofold within the context of community violence, both families and communities, specifically schools, need to feel a sense of empowerment (Luthar, 2004). By emphasizing racial socialization practices that families may already be participating in as well as underscoring its promotive nature and its benefits to their children, parents may begin to feel better about their own parenting abilities. Highlighting the positive qualities in African American families may provide a sense of empowerment within a context that can be disempowering. Those parents may become engaged with other African American parents within the community by facilitating community courses and teaching other African American families racial socialization practices, specifically those related to cultural socialization and self-worth. These behaviors may have beneficial aspects for youth’s psychosocial and academic outcomes. Furthermore, by providing racial socialization 92 messages and practices at home and within the classroom, the importance of ethnic heritage is being reinforced to the benefit of psychosocial and academic functioning. 93 APPENDICES 94 Appendix A. Tables 95 Table 1. Sample Characteristics (N =281) N Participant Gender Female Male Participant Race African American Multiracial Member of race not Included Participant Age 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 Current Year in School Freshman Sophomore Junior Senior th 5 Year Senior Mother Race African American/ Black European American/ White Asian American/ Asian Multiracial Member of Race Not Included Not Reported Father Race African American/ Black European American/ White Asian American/ Asian Multiracial Member of Race Not Included Not Reported % 214 67 76 24 267 13 1 95 4.6 0.4 56 54 57 70 30 11 4 20 19 20 25 11 4 1 55 54 70 68 34 20 19 25 24 12 253 9 1 14 3 1 90 3 0.4 5 1 0.4 261 3 1 12 3 1 93 1 0.4 4 1 0.4 96 M (SD) 20 years (1.45) Table 1. (cont’d) Sample Characteristics (N = 281) N 27 19 30 40 29 34 26 15 14 11 33 2 3 16 3 4 25 8 22 14 2 6.21 (2.29) “Some college” 10 15 89 15 16 45 9 39 28 5 11 4 5 32 5 6 16 3 14 10 2 4 5.14 (2.48) “Some technical school” 121 126 11 18 6 97 10 7 11 14 10 12 9 5 5 4 12 7 9 44 9 11 71 23 62 41 5 Family Household Income Less than $10,000 $10,000- 19,999 $20,000- 29,999 $30,000- 39,999 $40,000- 49,999 $50,000- 59,999 $60,000- 69,999 $70,000- 79,999 $80,000- 89,999 $90,000- 99,999 Over $100,0000 Maternal Education Level Less than high school Some high school High school graduate GED Some technical school Some college Junior college graduate (AA/ AS) College graduate (BA/ BS) Masters Degree (MA/ MS) Advanced Doctoral Degree (MD/Ph.D) Paternal Education Level Less than high school Some high school High school graduate GED Some technical school Some college Junior college graduate (AA/ AS) College graduate (BA/ BS) Masters Degree (MA/ MS) Advanced Doctoral Degree (MD/Ph.D) Missing/ Not Reported Residential Caregiver Both parents Mother Father Other family member/guardian Missing/ Not reported % M (SD) 43 45 4 6 2 5.61 (3.08) “40,000-49,999” Table 2 Academic Profiles of Participants (N =281) % Held Back Yes No Type of Elementary School Public Public Charter Private Parochial Elementary School Grades Mostly A’s Mostly B’s Mostly C’s Mostly D’s Type of Middle School Public Public Charter Private Parochial Middle School Grades Mostly A’s Mostly B’s Mostly C’s Mostly D’s Type of High School Public Public Charter Private Parochial High School Grades Mostly A’s Mostly B’s Mostly C’s Mostly D’s AP courses Yes No Current GPA 4.0 3.5 3.0 2.5 2.0 1.5 N 3.5 96.5 10 272 77.0 8.9 8.5 5.7 217 25 24 16 85.1 12.1 2.8 ----- 240 34 8 ----- 79.7 12.5 3.9 3.9 224 35 11 11 70.8 24.2 4.3 0.7 199 68 12 2 87.6 7.1 4.6 0.7 247 20 13 2 49.8 47.3 2.8 ----- 140 133 8 ----- 66 34 187 95 4 20 35 25 12 1 12 57 98 71 33 4 98 Table 3. Frequencies by Items: Community Violence Amount of Exposure (%) 2 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 M (SD) 12.1 3.9 6.8 12.1 6.8 9.6 26.7 9.0 11.2 20.2 7.6 18. 9 2.5 16. 7 2.9 Beaten/mugged 39.7 7.4 14.9 17.4 6.4 12. 6 6.7 13. 2 7.2 5.3 1.8 0.4 Gun or knife 34.2 8.2 12.8 16.4 6.4 8.9 3.9 4.3 5.0 Gunfire, near home Gunfire, near school Gunfire, in home 23.4 9.2 9.6 14.5 8.9 9.2 7.4 4.3 73.6 5.7 6.8 5.4 3.9 2.5 13. 5 1.1 0.7 0.4 95.4 3.2 0.4 0.4 0.4 0.4 ----- ----- Someone wounded Someone stabbed 62.2 10.8 10.8 2.2 1.1 1.1 ----- 79.8 11. 9 8.9 6.0 3.2 1.8 0.4 ----- ---- ---------- 89.3 5.0 3.2 2.1 0.4 ----- ----- ----- 86.8 6.4 3.9 2.1 0.4 ----- 0.4 ----- Someone killed 20.6 5.0 8.5 13.5 8.5 12. 8 16. 4 6.8 4.74 (2.67) 2.70 (2.27) 1.96 (2.03) 2.46 (2.44) 3.20 (2.54) 0.79 (1.56) 0.08 (0.46) 0.86 (1.34) 0.39 (0.91) 0.19 (0.63) 0.24 (0.73) 3.69 (2.60) Victimization Chased by gangs/ individuals Serious accident 85.1 5.3 4.6 3.2 1.1 0.7 ----- ----- 60.7 11.4 7.9 2.1 0.4 ----- ----- Break-in, home 77.1 3.9 1.4 0.7 ----- 0.4 ----- Threatened 56.6 11.5 11.5 4.3 4.3 ----- 0.7 Hit 73.2 17. 5 16. 4 11. 1 7.5 8.9 6.1 0.7 2.9 0.4 0.4 Witnessing Selling/using drugs Threatened Someone shot Dead body 3 2 ------7.8 ---------------- 0.32 (0.88) 0.74 (1.11) 0.33 (0.76) 1.12 (1.57) 0.65 (1.30) Scale: 0 = Never, 1= 1 Time, 2= 2 Times, 3= 3-4 Times, 4= 5-6 Times, 5= 7-8 Times, 6= Once a month, 7= Once a week, 8 = Almost every day. 3 Other than at a funeral or wake 99 Table 3. (cont’d). Frequencies by Items: Community Violence Beaten/ mugged 0 92.2 1 4.6 2 1.8 3 0.7 4 ----- 5 0.7 Attacked/stabbed 96.8 1.8 1.1 0.4 ----- ----- ----- ----- Shot 98.6 1.1 ---- 0.4 ----- ----- ----- ----- 100 6 7 ----- ----- 8 ---------- M (SD) 0.14 (0.58) 0.05 (0.30) 0.02 (0.20) Table 4. Frequencies by Item: Racial Socialization 0 Frequency of Socialization (%) 1 2 3 4 4 M (SD) 2.70 (1.40) 2.06 (1.43) 2.20 (1.44) 3.05 (1.37) 2.10 (1.41) 1.19 (1.35) 2.87 (1.53) Cultural Socialization Talked about Black history. 16.4 18.9 10.3 46.3 Bought books about Blacks. 17.2 22.6 22.2 12.5 25.4 Gone to Black cultural events. 15.2 20.9 20.9 14.4 28.5 Be proud to be Black. 7.2 12.3 10.1 8.7 61.6 Gone to cultural events of other races. Gone to organizational meetings Don’t be ashamed of your features. Preparation for Bias Some people think they are better than you because of race. Some people keep Blacks from being successful. Blacks have to work twice as hard as Whites. Self-Worth Be proud of who you are. 14.9 23.9 23.2 12.3 25.7 43.7 21.9 16.8 6.5 11.1 14.3 9.6 9.3 7.9 58.9 19.6 18.5 17.4 13.2 31.3 12.6 17.7 15.5 17.0 37.2 18.9 15.3 14.9 13.5 37.5 17.2 22.6 22.2 12.5 25.4 Skin color does not define you. 12.0 10.1 10.9 9.8 57.2 You are special no matter what. 4 8.2 4.7 5.4 9.4 9.1 71.4 Scale: 0 = Never, 1= Once or Twice, 2= 3-5 times, 3= 6-10 Times, 4 = 10 or more 101 2.18 (1.52) 2.48 (1.45) 2.35 (1.56) 3.56 (1.01) 2.90 (1.47) 3.37 (1.15) Table 5. Descriptives of Measure Measure # of Items Mean SD Range Alpha 3 5.62 2.14 1.00-10.33 0.72 12 8 20 1.77 0.42 1.23 1.13 0.55 0.83 0.00-8.00 0.00-8.00 0.00-8.00 0.84 0.73 0.86 7 3 3 13 3.31 3.33 4.27 3.54 1.06 1.28 1.04 0.94 1.00-5.00 1.00-5.00 1.00-5.00 1.00-5.00 0.86 0.79 0.79 0.89 1 1.09 ----- ----- 6 4.75 (3.0-2.5) 4.09 0.61 1.67-5.00 0.83 13 2.37 0.53 1.15-4.00 0.86 20 17 1.61 1.64 0.41 0.63 1.00-3.55 1.00-4.50 0.85 0.91 9 5 6 7 2.25 2.56 2.13 2.16 0.73 0.99 0.76 0.83 1.00-4.38 1.00-5.00 1.00-5.00 1.00-5.00 0.83 0.85 0.70 0.79 Controls Socioeconomic Status Socioeconomic Status Predictors Community Violence Witnessing Victimization Total Moderators Racial Socialization Cultural Socialization Preparation for Bias Self-Worth Total Outcomes Academic Achievement Grade Point Average Academic SelfConcept Academic Engagement Psychological WellBeing Depression Post-Traumatic Stress Symptoms Aggressive Behaviors Physical Verbal Anger Hostility 102 Table 6 Correlations by Study Variables 1 2 1. Gender 2. SES -----0.08 ----- 3. Vict. -0.36 ** -0.11 † 0.08 4. Wit. 5. Cult. Social. 6. Prep for Bias 7. SelfWorth 8. GPA 9. Acad. SC 10. Acad. Eng. 11. Dep. 12. PTS 0.06 0.10 † -0.20 3 4 5 -0.14* 0.57 ** -0.06 0.02 0.16 ** 0.10 -0.17 ** -0.08 -0.26 ** 0.01 0.51 ** 0.67 ** 0.08 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 ----- 0.12 * -0.03 7 ----- -0.38 ** 0.28 ** 0.09 6 ----- 0.10 0.17 ** 0.14 * 0.04 0.01 0.03 0.07 0.03 0.13 * -0.02 -0.05 0.14 * 0.43 ** 0.41 ** 0.08 0.17 ** 0.18 * 0.21 ** 13. Physical Agg. 14. Verbal Agg. 15. Anger -0.11 † -0.13 * -0.18 ** -0.03 -0.04 0.11† 0.01 16. Hostility -0.01 -0.16 ** -0.09 0.19 ** 0.23 ** 0.37 ** 0.45 ** 0.21 ** 0.27 ** -0.15 * -0.04 -0.06 ----0.47 ** 0.02 0.09 0.16 ** 0.16 * 0.12 * 0.13 * ----0.03 ----- 0.24 ** 0.20 ** -0.09 0.30 ** 0.26 ** -0.09 0.02 -0.15 * -0.28 ** 0.02 ----0.23 ** -0.32 ** -0.10 -0.20 ** -0.02 -0.11† -0.07 -0.13 * -0.15 * -0.06 0.04 0.00 -0.05 0.03 -0.13 * -0.16 * 0.09 -0.09 0.10 † -0.08 -0.15 * -0.13 * -0.16 * -0.18 ** **= p < .01; * = p < .05; †= p < .10 103 ----- -0.23 ** ----0.58 ** 0.21 ** ----0.31 ** ---- 0.19 ** 0.35 ** 0.48 ** 0.16 ** 0.28 ** 0.44 ** 0.48 ** 0.54 ** 0.48 ** ----0.57 ** 0.43 ** --0.59 ** Table 7. Hierarchical Regressions- Victimization & Racial Socialization: Depression Variable Depression Step 2 Step 1 B (β) 0.18 (0.19)** 0.03 (0.05) 0.05 (0.13)* -0.11 (-0.28)** 0.12 (0.30)** -0.02 (-0.06) -0.01 (-0.02) SE 0.06 0.03 0.02 0.03 0.03 0.03 0.03 Victimization X Preparation for Bias 0.07 (0.15)* 0.03 Victimization X SelfWorth -0.02 (-0.04) 0.03 Gender Socioeconomic Status Victimization Cultural Socialization Preparation for Bias Self- Worth Victimization X Cultural Socialization B (β) 0.12 (0.12)* -0.02 (-0.04)  R2 Total R2 0.02† Note: **= p <.01; * = p <.05; †= p < .10 SE 0.06 0.03 B (β) 0.19 (0.20)** 0.02 (0.05) 0.07 (0.17)** -0.11 (-0.28)** 0.12 (0.29)** -0.02 (-0.06) Step 3 0.12** 0.14 104 SE 0.06 0.03 0.02 0.03 0.03 0.03 0.02 0.16 Table 8. Hierarchical Regressions: Witnessing & Racial Socialization- Depression Variable Depression Step 2 Step 1 B (β) 0.14 (0.15) 0.03 (0.07) 0.03 (0.07) -0.12 (-0.31)** 0.13 (0.32)** -0.03 (-0.07) SE 0.05 0.03 0.03 0.03 0.03 0.03 Witnessing X Cultural Socialization -0.04 (-0.09) 0.03 Witnessing X Preparation for Bias 0.05 (0.13)† 0.03 Witnessing X SelfWorth -0.01 (-0.01) 0.03 Gender Socioeconomic Status Witnessing Cultural Socialization Preparation for Bias Self- Worth B (β) 0.12 (0.12)* -0.02 (-0.04)  R2 Total R2 0.02† Note: **= p <.01; * = p <.05; †= p < .10 SE 0.06 0.03 B (β) 0.14 (0.15)** 0.03 (0.05) 0.03 (0.08) -0.12 (-0.29)** 0.13 (0.31)** -0.03 (-0.06) Step 3 0.10** 0.12 105 SE 0.05 0.03 0.03 0.03 0.03 0.03 0.01 0.13 Table 9. Hierarchical Regressions- Victimization & Racial Socialization: Post-Traumatic Stress Variable Step 1 SE 0.09 0.04 0.04 0.05 0.04 0.05 0.05 Victimization X Preparation for Bias -0.01 (-0.01) 0.04 Victimization X SelfWorth -0.01 (-0.02) 0.05  R2 Total R2 0.02† Note: **= p <.01; * = p <.05; †= p < .10 SE 0.09 0.03 Step 3 B (β) 0.21 (0.14) -0.04 (-0.05) 0.29 (0.46)** -0.05 (-0.09) 0.05 (0.08) 0.03 (0.05) -0.00 (-0.00) Gender Socioeconomic Status Victimization Cultural Socialization Preparation for Bias Self- Worth Victimization X Cultural Socialization B (β) -0.04 (-0.03) -0.10 (-0.14)* Symptoms of Post-Traumatic Stress Step 2 B (β) SE 0.20 (0.14)* 0.09 -0.04 (-0.05) 0.04 0.29 (0.46)** 0.04 -0.05 (-0.09) 0.05 0.05 (0.08) 0.04 0.03 (0.05) 0.05 0.20** 0.22 106 0.00 0.22 Table 10. Hierarchical Regressions: Witnessing & Racial Socialization- Post-Traumatic Stress Variable Step 1 SE 0.09 0.05 Step 3 B (β) 0.04 (0.03) 0.03 (0.04) 0.23 (0.36)** -0.08 (-0.13)† 0.08 (0.13)* 0.00 (0.01) SE 0.08 0.08 0.04 0.05 0.04 0.05 -0.06 (-0.10) 0.05 Witnessing X Preparation for Bias 0.04 (0.07) 0.04 Witnessing X SelfWorth 0.04 (0.06) 0.05 Gender Socioeconomic Status Witnessing Cultural Socialization Preparation for Bias Self- Worth B (β) -0.04 (-0.03) -0.10 (-0.14)* Symptoms of Post-Traumatic Stress Step 2 B (β) SE 0.04 (0.03) 0.09 0.02 (0.03) 0.05 0.23 (0.36)** 0.04 -0.08 (-0.12) 0.05 0.08 (0.12)† 0.04 0.00 (0.01) 0.05 Witnessing X Cultural Socialization  R2 Total R2 0.02† Note: **= p <.01; * = p <.05; †= p < .10 0.13** 0.15 107 0.01 0.16 Table 11. Hierarchical Regressions- Victimization & Racial Socialization: Anger Variable Anger Step 2 Step 1 B (β) 0.13 (0.07) -0.07 (-0.09) 0.11 (0.14)* -0.11 (-0.15)† 0.14 (0.18)* -0.05 (-0.07) -0.12 (-0.15)* SE 0.11 0.06 0.05 0.06 0.05 0.06 0.06 Victimization X Preparation for Bias 0.09 (0.11) 0.06 Victimization X SelfWorth 0.03 (0.03) 0.06 Gender Socioeconomic Status Victimization Cultural Socialization Preparation for Bias Self- Worth Victimization X Cultural Socialization B (β) -0.00 (-0.00) -0.15 (-0.16)**  R2 Total R2 0.03 Note: **= p <.01; * = p <.05; †= p < .10 SE 0.11 0.05 B (β) 0.12 (0.07) -0.09 (-0.10) 0.13 (0.16)* -0.11 (-0.15)† 0.14 (0.18)* -0.05 (-0.06) Step 3 0.06** 0.09 108 SE 0.11 0.06 0.05 0.06 0.05 0.06 0.02 0.11 Table 12. Hierarchical Regressions- Witnessing & Racial Socialization: Anger Variable Anger Step 2 Step 1 B (β) 0.06 (0.03) -0.06 (-0.06) 0.10 (0.13)* -0.13 (-0.17)* 0.15 (0.20)** -0.06 (-0.08) SE 0.11 0.06 0.05 0.06 0.05 0.06 -0.10 (-0.13)† 0.06 Witnessing X Preparation for Bias 0.04 (0.05) 0.05 Witnessing X SelfWorth 0.04 (0.06) 0.06 Gender Socioeconomic Status Witnessing Cultural Socialization Preparation for Bias Self- Worth B (β) -0.00 (-0.00) -0.15 (-0.16)** SE 0.11 0.03 B (β) 0.05 (0.03) -0.06 (-0.06) 0.11 (0.14)* -0.13 (-0.16)* 0.15 (0.19)** -0.06 (-0.08) Step 3 Witnessing X Cultural Socialization  R2 Total R2 0.03* Note: **= p <.01; * = p <.05; †= p < .10 0.05** 0.08 109 SE 0.11 0.06 0.05 0.06 0.05 0.06 0.01 0.09 Table 13. Hierarchical Regressions- Victimization & Racial Socialization: Hostility Variable Hostility Step 2 Step 1 B (β) 0.16 (0.08) 0.00 (0.00) 0.18 (0.21)** -0.20 (-0.23)** 0.16 (0.19)** -0.02 (-0.02) -0.10 (-0.11) SE 0.12 0.06 0.05 0.07 0.06 0.05 0.06 Victimization X Preparation for Bias 0.01 (0.01) 0.06 Victimization X SelfWorth 0.05 (0.06) 0.07 Gender Socioeconomic Status Victimization Cultural Socialization Preparation for Bias Self- Worth Victimization X Cultural Socialization B (β) -0.03 (-0.01) -0.09 (-0.09) 0.01  R2 2 Total R 0.01 Note: **= p <.01; * = p <.05; †= p < .10 SE 0.12 0.06 B (β) 0.16 (0.08) 0.00 (0.00) 0.18 (0.22)** -0.20 (-0.23)** 0.16 (0.20)** -0.02 (-0.02) Step 3 0.10** 0.11 110 SE 0.12 0.06 0.05 0.07 0.06 0.05 0.01 0.12 Table 14. Hierarchical Regressions: Witnessing & Racial Socialization- Hostility Variable Hostility Step 2 Step 1 B (β) 0.06 (0.03) 0.05 (0.05) 0.17 (0.21)** -0.21 (-0.26)** 0.18 (0.21)** -0.04 (-0.04) SE 0.11 0.07 0.05 0.07 0.06 0.07 -0.03 (-0.04) 0.06 Witnessing X Preparation for Bias 0.03 (0.04) 0.06 Witnessing X SelfWorth -0.00 (-0.00) 0.06 Gender Socioeconomic Status Witnessing Cultural Socialization Preparation for Bias Self- Worth B (β) -0.03 (-0.01) -0.09 (-0.09) SE 0.12 0.06 B (β) 0.06 (0.03) 0.05 (0.05) 0.17 (0.21)** -0.21 (-0.25)** 0.17 (0.21)** -0.04 (-0.04) Step 3 Witnessing X Cultural Socialization  R2 Total R2 0.01 Note: **= p <.01; * = p <.05; †= p < .10 0.06** 0.07 111 SE 0.11 0.07 0.05 0.07 0.06 0.07 0.00 0.07 Table 15. Hierarchical Regressions- Victimization & Racial Socialization- Physical Aggression Variable Step 1 SE 0.10 0.10 0.04 0.06 0.05 0.05 0.05 Victimization X Preparation for Bias 0.02 (0.03) 0.05 Victimization X SelfWorth 0.05 (0.06) 0.06  R2 Total R2 0.05** Note: **= p <.01; * = p <.05; †= p < .10 SE 0.10 0.05 Step 3 B (β) 0.02 (0.01) -0.10 (-0.12)* 0.27 (0.38)** -0.08 (-0.10) 0.09 (0.12)† 0.04 (0.05) -0.12 (-0.15)* Gender Socioeconomic Status Victimization Cultural Socialization Preparation for Bias Self- Worth Victimization X Cultural Socialization B (β) -0.23 (-0.13)* -0.17 (-0.19)** Physical Aggression Step 2 B (β) SE 0.01 (0.00) 0.10 -0.11 (-0.12)* 0.05 0.28 (0.38)** 0.04 -0.08 (-0.10) 0.06 0.07 (0.12)† 0.05 0.04 (0.06) 0.05 0.04** 0.09 112 0.02* 0.11 Table 16. Hierarchical Regressions- Witnessing & Racial Socialization- Physical Aggression Variable Step 1 SE 0.10 0.05 Step 3 B (β) -0.11 (-0.07) -0.01 (-0.01) 0.31 (0.42)** -0.10 (-0.14)† 0.10 (0.13)* 0.00 (0.00) SE 0.09 0.05 0.04 0.06 0.05 0.05 -0.06 (-0.09) 0.05 Witnessing X Preparation for Bias 0.01 (0.01) 0.05 Witnessing X SelfWorth -0.03 (-0.04) 0.05 Gender Socioeconomic Status Witnessing Cultural Socialization Preparation for Bias Self- Worth B (β) -0.23 (-0.13)* -0.17 (-0.19)** Physical Aggression Step 2 B (β) SE -0.12 (-0.07) 0.09 0.00 (0.00) 0.05 0.31 (0.43)** 0.04 -0.10 (-0.13)† 0.06 0.09 (0.13)* 0.05 0.01 (0.01) 0.05 Witnessing X Cultural Socialization  R2 Total R2 0.05** Note: **= p <.01; * = p <.05; †= p < .10 0.18** 0.23 113 0.01 0.24 Table 17. Hierarchical Regressions- Victimization & Racial Socialization: Verbal Aggression Variable Step 1 Gender Socioeconomic Status Victimization Cultural Socialization Preparation for Bias Self- Worth Victimization X Cultural Socialization B (β) -0.08 (-0.03) -0.05 (-0.04) SE 0.14 0.07 Verbal Aggression Step 2 B (β) SE 0.01 (0.03) 0.15 -0.01 (-0.01) 0.08 0.09 (0.09) 0.07 -0.13 (-0.13) 0.09 0.07 (0.07) 0.07 0.06 (0.06) 0.08 Step 3  R2 Total R2 0.00 Note: **= p <.01; * = p <.05; †= p < .10 0.02 0.02 114 0.08 -0.02 (-0.02) Victimization X SelfWorth SE 0.15 0.08 0.07 0.09 0.07 0.08 0.08 0.06 (0.03) Victimization X Preparation for Bias B (β) 0.01 (0.03) -0.01 (-0.01) 0.08 (0.08) -0.13 (-0.13) 0.07 (0.07) 0.05 (0.06) -0.03 (-0.03) 0.09 0.00 0.02 Table 18. Hierarchical Regressions: Witnessing & Racial Socialization- Verbal Aggression Variable Step 1 SE 0.14 0.07 Step 3 B (β) -0.01 (-0.00) 0.05 (0.04) 0.17 (0.18)** -0.14 (-0.13) 0.06 (0.06) 0.03 (0.03) SE 0.14 0.08 0.07 0.08 0.07 0.08 Witnessing X Cultural Socialization 0.05 (0.05) 0.08 Witnessing X Preparation for Bias 0.01 (0.02) 0.07 Witnessing X SelfWorth -0.13 (-0.14)† 0.08 Gender Socioeconomic Status Witnessing Cultural Socialization Preparation for Bias Self- Worth B (β) -0.08 (-0.03) 0.05 (-0.04) Verbal Aggression Step 2 B (β) SE -0.00 (-0.00) 0.14 0.06 (0.05) 0.08 0.18 (0.18)** 0.07 -0.13 (-0.13) 0.08 0.06 (0.06) 0.07 0.04 (0.04) 0.08  R2 Total R2 0.00 Note: **= p <.01; * = p <.05; †= p < .10 0.04* 0.04 115 0.01 0.05 Table 19. Hierarchical Regressions: Victimization & Racial Socialization on Grades Variable Step 1 Gender Socioeconomic Status Victimization Cultural Socialization Preparation for Bias Self- Worth Victimization X Cultural Socialization B (β) -0.01 (-0.01) 0.18 (0.14)* SE 0.15 0.08 Grade Point Average Step 2 B (β) SE -0.19 (-0.07) 0.16 0.012(0.09) 0.08 -0.19 (-0.17)** 0.07 0.13 (0.12) 0.09 -0.06 (-0.06) 0.08 -0.05 (-0.04) 0.09 Step 3  R2 Total R2 0.02† Note: **= p <.01; * = p <.05; †= p < .10 0.04* 0.06 116 0.09 -0.01 (-0.01) Victimization X SelfWorth SE 0.16 0.08 0.07 0.09 0.08 0.09 0.09 0.06 (0.05) Victimization X Preparation for Bias B (β) -0.21 (-0.08) 0.12 (0.09) -0.20 (-0.18)** 0.13 (0.12) -0.06 (-0.05) -0.04 (-0.04) 0.07 (0.06) 0.09 0.00 0.06 Table 20. Hierarchical Regressions: Witnessing & Racial Socialization- Grades Variable Grade Point Average Step 2 B (β) SE Step 1 B (β) B (β) SE -0.12 (-0.05) 0.02 (0.01) -0.27 (-0.24)** 0.15 (0.13)† -0.07 (-0.06) -0.01 (-0.01) 0.01 (0.01) 0.15 0.09 0.07 0.09 0.08 0.08 0.08 Witnessing X Preparation for Bias -0.05 (-0.05) 0.08 Witnessing X SelfWorth 0.09 (0.08) 0.08 Gender Socioeconomic Status Witnessing Cultural Socialization Preparation for Bias Self- Worth Witnessing X Cultural Socialization SE -0.01 (-0.00) 0.18 (0.14)* 0.15 0.08 Step 3  R2 Total R2 0.02† Note: **= p <.01; * = p <.05; †= p < .10 -0.12 (-0.05) 0.01 (0.01) -0.27 (-0.25)** 0.14 (0.13) -0.06 (-0.05) -0.02 (-0.01) 0.06** 0.08 117 0.15 0.09 0.07 0.09 0.08 0.09 0.01 0.09 Table 21. Hierarchical Regressions: Victimization & Racial Socialization- Academic Self-Concept Variable Step 1 SE 0.09 0.05 0.04 0.05 0.04 0.05 0.05 Victimization X Preparation for Bias -0.03 (-0.05) 0.05 Victimization X SelfWorth -0.04 (-0.05) 0.05  R2 Total R2 0.01 Note: **= p <.01; * = p <.05; †= p < .10 SE 0.09 0.04 Step 3 B (β) 0.07 (0.05) -0.02(-0.03) -0.03 (-0.04) 0.07 (0.11) -0.03 (-0.05) 0.12 (0.19)* 0.01 (0.02) Gender Socioeconomic Status Victimization Cultural Socialization Preparation for Bias Self- Worth Victimization X Cultural Socialization B (β) 0.13 (0.09) 0.04 (0.05) Academic Self-Concept Step 2 B (β) SE 0.06 (0.04) 0.09 -0.01(-0.02) 0.05 -0.03 (-0.05) 0.04 0.07 (0.11) 0.05 -0.03 (-0.05) 0.04 0.12 (0.19)* 0.05 0.06** 0.07 118 0.01 0.08 Table 22. Hierarchical Regressions: Witnessing & Racial Socialization- Academic Self-Concept Variable Step 1 SE 0.09 0.05 0.04 0.05 0.04 0.05 0.05 Witnessing X Preparation for Bias 0.00 (0.00) 0.04 Witnessing X SelfWorth -0.04 (-0.06) 0.05  R2 Total R2 0.01 Note: **= p <.01; * = p <.05; †= p < .10 SE 0.09 0.04 Step 3 B (β) 0.09 (0.07) -0.01 (-0.02) 0.01 (0.01) 0.07 (0.11) -0.04 (-0.06) 0.11 (0.19)* -0.01 (-0.02) Gender Socioeconomic Status Witnessing Cultural Socialization Preparation for Bias Self- Worth Witnessing X Cultural Socialization B (β) 0.13 (0.09) 0.04 (0.05) Academic Self-Concept Step 2 B (β) SE 0.09 (0.06)_ 0.09 -0.01 (-0.01) 0.08 0.01 (0.01) 0.04 0.07 (0.11) 0.05 -0.04 (-0.06) 0.04 0.12 (0.19)* 0.05 0.06** 0.07 119 0.01 0.08 Table 23. Hierarchical Regressions: Victimization & Racial Socialization- Academic Engagement Variable Step 1 Gender Socioeconomic Status Victimization Cultural Socialization Preparation for Bias Self- Worth Victimization X Cultural Socialization B (β) 0.01 (0.01) 0.02 (0.03) SE 0.07 0.04 Academic Engagement Step 2 B (β) SE 0.02 (0.01) 0.07 -0.02 (-0.04) 0.04 0.05 (0.09) 0.03 0.14 (0.26)** 0.04 0.00 (0.00) 0.04 0.02 (0.03) 0.04 0.08** 0.08 120 SE 0.08 0.04 0.03 0.04 0.04 0.04 0.04 0.04 -0.03 (-0.05) Victimization X SelfWorth B (β) 0.02 (0.01) -0.03 (-0.04) 0.05 (0.09) 0.14 (0.26)** 0.00 (0.00) 0.02 (0.03) 0.03 (0.05) 0.00 (0.01) Victimization X Preparation for Bias  R2 Total R2 0.00 Note: **= p <.01; * = p <.05; †= p < .10 Step 3 0.04 0.00 0.08 Table 24. Hierarchical Regressions- Witnessing & Racial Socialization: Academic Engagement Variable Step 1 SE 0.07 0.04 0.03 0.04 0.04 0.04 0.04 Witnessing X Preparation for Bias -0.01 (-0.01) 0.04 Witnessing X SelfWorth -0.01 (-0.02) 0.04  R2 Total R2 0.00 Note: **= p <.01; * = p <.05; †= p < .10 SE 0.07 0.04 Step 3 B (β) -0.03 (-0.02) -0.03 (-0.05) 0.00 (0.00) 0.14 (0.25)** 0.01 (0.02) 0.02 (0.03) 0.03 (0.06) Gender Socioeconomic Status Witnessing Cultural Socialization Preparation for Bias Self- Worth Witnessing X Cultural Socialization B (β) 0.01 (0.01) 0.02 (0.03) Academic Engagement Step 2 B (β) SE -0.03 (-0.02) 0.07 -0.03 (-0.05) 0.04 0.00 (0.00) 0.03 0.13 (0.25)** 0.04 0.01 (0.02) 0.04 0.02 (0.03) 0.04 0.07** 0.07 121 0.01 0.08 Appendix B. Figures 122 Figure 3A. Model of Community Violence, Depression: Moderation- Racial Socialization Gender SES Cultural Socialization Prep for Bias Depression Community Violence Witness SelfWorth Victimization 123 Figure 3B. Model of Community Violence, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder; Moderation: Racial Socialization Gender SES Cultural Socialization Prep for Bias Community Violence Exposure Witnessing Self-Worth Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder Victimization 124 Figure 3C. Model of Community Violence, Aggression; Moderation: Racial Socialization Gender SES Cultural Socialization Prep for Bias SelfWorth Community Violence Exposure Aggressive Behaviors Anger Witnessing Victimization Hostility Verbal Aggression Physical Aggression 125 Figure 4. Part II. Community Violence & Academic Achievement; Moderated Mediation: Racial Socialization Gender SES Cultural Socialization Prep for Bias SelfWorth Academic Achievement Community Violence Witness CV GPA (School) Victimization CV Self Concept Engagement 126 Appendix C. Measures 127 Table A. Survey of Community Violence Exposure Sometimes unpleasant and violent things happen in neighborhoods. We want to learn more about young people’s contact with violence in different neighborhoods. The next questions ask about different kinds of violent things that you may have experienced, seen, or heard about. We are NOT interested in things you may have seen or heard about only on TV, radio, the news, or in the movies. We’re ONLY interested in things you, yourself, have seen or experienced in real life. Circle the response that best describes how often these things have happened to you. How many times Never 1 Time 2 Times 3-4 Times 5-6 Times 7-8 Times Once/ Month Once/ Week Almost Every Day 1. have you yourself been chased by gangs or individuals? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 2. have you seen other people using or selling illegal drugs? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 3. have you yourself actually been in a serious accident where you thought that you or someone else would get hurt very badly or die? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 have you yourself actually been at home when someone has broken into or tried to force their way into your home? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 4. 128 Table A. (cont’d). Survey of Community Violence Exposure How many times… 3-4 Times 5-6 Times 7-8 Times Once/ Month Once/ Week Almost Every Day Never 1 Time 2 Times 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 9. have you seen someone else getting beaten up or mugged? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1 have you actually seen someone 0 carrying or holding a gun or knife? (Not including police, military, or security officers.) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1 have you yourself heard the 1. sound of gunfire outside when you were in or near your home? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 5. have you yourself actually been threatened with serious physical harm by someone? 6. have you seen someone else being threatened with serious physical harm? 7. have you yourself been slapped, punched, or hit by someone in your neighborhood? 8. have you yourself actually been beaten up or mugged in your neighborhood? 129 Table A. (cont’d). Survey of Community Violence Exposure How many times… 3-4 Times 5-6 Times 7-8 Times Once/ Month Once/ Week Almost Every Day Never 1 Time 2 Times 1 have you yourself heard the 2 sound of gunfire outside when . you were in or near your school building? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1 have you seen or heard a gun 3 fired in your home (e.g., selfdefense)? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1 have you actually seen a 4 seriously wounded person after . an incident of violence? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1 have you yourself actually been 5 attacked or stabbed with a knife? . 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1 have you seen someone else 6 being attacked or stabbed with a . knife? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1 have you yourself actually been 7 shot with a gun? . 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1 have you seen someone else get 8 shot with a gun? . 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 130 Table A. (cont’d). Survey of Community Violence Exposure 3-4 Times 5-6 Times 7-8 Times Once/ Month Once/ Week Almost Every Day Never 1 Time 2 Times 1 have you actually seen a dead 9. person some-where in the community? (Not including funerals.) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 2 have you only heard about 0. someone being killed by another person? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 How many times… 131 Table B. Racial Socialization Questionnaire-Teen The following section will ask you questions about activities parents participate in with their children and messages parents sometimes give their children. Please let us know how often your parents did the following with you while you were growing up: Never 0 Talked with you about Black history? 0 Once or Twice 1 1 Told you that some people think they are better than you because of their race? 0 1 2 3 4 Told you to be proud of who you are? 0 1 2 3 4 Bought you books about Black people? 0 1 2 3 4 Gone with you to Black cultural events (plays, movies, concerts, museums)? 0 1 2 3 4 Told you that you should be proud to be Black? 0 1 2 3 4 Told you that skin color does not define who you are? 0 1 2 3 4 Told that you that you can learn things from people of different races? 0 1 2 3 4 Gone with you to cultural events involving other races and cultures (plays, movies, and concerts)? 0 1 2 3 4 Told you that some people tried to keep Black people from being successful? 0 1 2 3 4 132 Three to Five 2 2 Six to Ten 3 3 Ten or more 4 4 Table B. (cont’d). Racial Socialization Questionnaire-Teen Told you that you are somebody special, no matter what anybody say? 0 1 2 3 4 Gone with you to organization meetings that dealt with Black issues? 0 1 2 3 4 Told you never to be ashamed of your Black features (hair texture, lip shape, skin color, etc.)? 0 1 2 3 4 Told that you because of opportunities today, hardworking Blacks have the same chance to succeed as anyone else? 0 1 2 3 4 Told you that Blacks have to work twice as hard as Whites to get ahead? 0 1 2 3 4 133 Table C. Aggression Scale Extremely Uncharacteristic Somewhat Neither Somewhat Extremely Characteristic Once in awhile I can't control the urge to strike another person. 1 2 3 4 5 Given enough provocation, I may hit another person. 1 2 3 4 5 If somebody hits me, I hit back. 1 2 3 4 5 I get into fights a little more than the average person. 1 2 3 4 5 If I have to resort to violence to protect my rights, I will. 1 2 3 4 5 There are people who pushed me so far that we came to blows. 1 2 3 4 5 I can think of no good reason for ever hitting a person. 1 2 3 4 5 I have threatened people I know. 1 2 3 4 5 I have become so mad that I have broken things. 1 2 3 4 5 134 Table C. (cont’d). Aggression Scale Extremely Uncharacteristic Somewhat I often find myself disagreeing with people. 1 2 When people annoy me, I may tell them what I think of them. 1 I can't help getting into arguments when people disagree with me. Somewhat Extremely Characteristic 3 4 5 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 My friends say that I'm somewhat argumentative. 1 2 3 4 5 I flare up quickly but get over it quickly. 1 2 3 4 5 I sometimes feel like a powder keg ready to explode. 1 2 3 4 5 When frustrated, I let my irritation show 1 2 3 4 5 I am an eventempered person. 1 2 3 4 5 Some of my friends think I'm a hothead. 1 2 3 4 5 Sometimes I fly off the handle for no good reason 1 2 3 4 5 135 Neither Table C. (cont’d). Aggression Scale Extremely Uncharacteristic Somewhat Neither Somewhat Extremely Characteristic I have trouble controlling my temper. 1 2 3 4 5 I am sometimes eaten up with jealousy. 1 2 3 4 5 At times I feel I have gotten a raw deal out of life. 1 2 3 4 5 Other people always seem to get the breaks. 1 2 3 4 5 I wonder why sometimes I feel so bitter about things. 1 2 3 4 5 I know that "friends" talk about me behind my back. 1 2 3 4 5 I am suspicious of overly friendly people. 1 2 3 4 5 I sometimes feel that people are laughing at me behind my back. 1 2 3 4 5 When people are especially nice, I wonder what they want. 1 2 3 4 5 136 Table D. 5 Center for Epidemiological Studies- Depression Following are some statements of particular feelings and behaviors. Think about how often you feel or behave this way in an average week. IN AN AVERAGE WEEK: Some of the Time (1-2 days) Occasionally (3-4 days) 1. I am easily bothered by things. 1 2 3 4 2. I do not feel like eating; my appetite is poor. 1 2 3 4 3. I feel that I cannot shake off my blues even with the help of my family or friends. 1 2 3 4 4. I feel that I am just as good as other people. 1 2 3 4 5. I have trouble keeping my mind on what I am doing. 1 2 3 4 6. I feel depressed. 1 2 3 4 7. I feel that everything I do is an effort. 5 Rarely or None of the Time 1 2 3 4 Radloff, L.S. (1977). 137 Most of the Time (5-7 days) Table D. (cont’d). Center of Epidemiological Studies-Depression Scale IN AN AVERAGE WEEK: Rarely or None of the Time Some of the Time (1-2 days) Occasionally (3-4 days) 8. I feel hopeful about the future. 1 2 3 4 9. I think my life has been a failure. 1 2 3 4 10. I feel fearful. 1 2 3 4 11. My sleep is restless. 1 2 3 4 12. I am happy. 1 2 3 4 13. I don’t feel like talking. 1 2 3 4 14. I feel lonely. 1 2 3 4 15. People are unfriendly. 1 2 3 4 16. I enjoy life. 1 2 3 4 17. I have crying spells. 1 2 3 4 18. I feel sad. 1 2 3 4 19. I feel that people dislike me. 1 2 3 4 20. I can not get going. 1 2 3 4 138 Most of the Time (5-7 days) Table E. Post Traumatic Stress Disorder Post-Traumatic Symptom Checklist (PCL) 1 Not at all 2 A little Bit 1 3 Moderately 4 Quite a bit 5 Extremely 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 9 Loss of interest in activities that you used to enjoy? 1 2 3 4 5 10 Feeling distant or cut off from other people? 1 2 3 4 5 11 Feeling emotionally numb or being unable to have loving feelings for those close to you? 1 2 3 4 5 1 Repeated, disturbing memories, thoughts, or images of a stressful experience? 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Repeated, disturbing dreams of a stressful experience? Suddenly acting or feeling as if a stressful experience were happening again (as if you were reliving it)? Feeling very upset when something reminded you of a stressful experience? Having physical reactions (e.g., heart pounding, trouble breathing, sweating) when something reminded you of a stressful experience? Avoiding thinking about or talking about a stressful experience or avoiding having feelings related to it? Avoiding activities or situations because they reminded you of a stressful experience? Trouble remembering important parts of a stressful experience? 139 Table E. (cont’d) Post-traumatic Stress Disorder 1 Not at all 2 A little Bit 12 Feeling as if your future will somehow be cut short? 1 13 Trouble falling or staying asleep? Post-Traumatic Symptom Checklist (PCL) 3 Moderately 4 Quite a bit 5 Extremely 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 14 Feeling irritable or having angry outbursts? 1 2 3 4 5 15 Having difficulty concentrating? 1 2 3 4 5 16 Being "super-alert" or watchful or on guard? 17 Feeling jumpy or easily startled? 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 140 Table F. Academic Achievement During this school year, what kinds of grades did you receive in your classes? Grade Point Average 1 4.0 2 3.5 3 3.0 4 2.5 5 2.0 6 1.5 7 10 141 Table G. Academic Engagement Never Sometimes Often Asked questions in class or contributed to class discussions 0 1 2 Very Often 3 Made a class presentation 0 1 2 3 Prepared two or more drafts of a paper or assignment before turning it in. 0 1 2 3 Worked on a paper or project that required integrating ideas or information from various sources. 0 1 2 3 Come to class without completing readings or assignments. 0 1 2 3 Worked with other students on projects during class. 0 1 2 3 Worked with classmates outside of class to prepare class assignments. 0 1 2 3 Put together ideas or concepts from different courses when completing assignments or during class discussions. 0 1 2 3 Participated in a community-based project (e.g., service learning) as part of a regular course. 0 1 2 3 Discussed ideas from your readings or classes with faculty members outside of class. 0 1 2 3 142 Table G.(cont’d) Academic Engagement Never Sometimes Often Worked harder than you thought you could to meet an instructor's standards or expectations. 0 1 2 Very Often 3 Worked with faculty members on activities other than coursework (committees, orientation, student life activities) 0 1 2 3 Discussed ideas from your readings or classes with others outside of class (students, family members, coworkers). 0 1 2 3 143 Table H. Academic Self-Concept False Mostly False More false than true Mostly True True Compared to others my age, I am good at most school subjects. 1 2 3 4 5 I get good grades in most school subjects. 1 2 3 4 5 Work in most school subjects is easy for me. 1 2 3 4 5 I'm hopeless when it comes to most school subjects. 1 2 3 4 5 I learn things quickly in most school subjects. 1 2 3 4 5 I have always done well in most school subjects. 1 2 3 4 5 144 Socioeconomic Status Measures Please indicate your household income before taxes. YEARLY: Under $10,000 yearly $10,000 to $19,999 yearly $20,000 to $29,999 yearly $30,000 to $39,999 yearly $40,000 to $49,999 yearly $50,000 to $59,999 yearly $60,000 to $69,999 yearly $70,000 to $79,999 yearly $80,000 to $89,000 yearly $90,000 to $99,999 yearly over $100,000 yearly How far did your mother go in school? _____ 1) Less than high school _____ 2) Some high school _____ 3) High school graduate _____ 4) GED _____ 5) Some technical school _____ 6) Some college _____ 7) Junior College Degree (AA, AS) _____ 8) College Graduate (BA, BS) _____ 9) Master’s Degree _____ 10) Doctoral Degree (Ph.D., MD, JD etc.) How far your father go in school? _____ 1) Less than high school _____ 2) Some high school _____ 3) High school graduate _____ 4) GED _____ 5) Some technical school _____ 6) Some college _____ 7) Junior College Degree (AA, AS) _____ 8) College Graduate (BA, BS) _____ 9) Master’s Degree _____ 10) Doctoral Degree (Ph.D., MD, JD etc.) 145 Appendix D. Consent Forms & Debriefing Forms 146 Neighborhood Safety & Well-Being in African Americans Survey Consent HPR CONSENT We are asking for your voluntary participation in a research project that is focused on understanding the effects of exposure to community violence on young adults’ academic achievement and well-being. This consent form will provide you with a brief description of the study and explain the potential risks and benefits in order to allow you to make an informed decision about your participation. The purpose of this study is to learn about specific information regarding the relationships between exposure to community violence, academic achievement, well-being and race in a sample of African American young adults. The eligible participants are Black/African American college students between the ages of 18-25. Your participation in this study will take approximately 25-45 minutes. This includes the time to read the consent form. If you agree to participate in the study, please click on the box below. After giving consent, you will be asked a series of questions such about your exposure to neighborhood violence growing up, your well-being and your academic achievement. You will also be asked questions related to your race or ethnicity. The data for this study are being collected anonymously. Neither the researchers nor anyone else will be able to link your responses to you as an individual. In addition, your participation in this research study is completely voluntary. You may withdraw from this study or choose not to answer specific questions or to stop participating at any time without penalty, however, please try to answer every question. You will receive 1 HPR credit for your participation in this project. You will not benefit directly from your participation in this study, however, your participation in this study may lead to new interventions and programming that will support African American families facing similar issues (e.g., community violence exposure) to ones you may have dealt with. We are invested in the safety and mental health of all our participants. Every possible allowance has been made through the HPR site to make sure that only eligible participants are contacted about this study. If any of the following events have happened to you in the past five years: 1) victim of a violent crime (i.e., robbery, rape), 2) have had a recent diagnosis of posttraumatic stress (PTSD) or 3) are taking medication for either depression or anxiety, please do not participate in this study. This study includes questions related to exposure to community or neighborhood violence. There is a risk that some of these questions may be upsetting for some participants. You do not have to answer any question that makes you uncomfortable. If you have any questions about this study, such as scientific issues, how to do any part of it, or to report an injury, please contact Meeta Banerjee at banerje4@msu.edu, 517-432-3504 or her advisor Dr. Zaje A.T. Harrell at harrellz@msu.edu. If you have questions or concerns about your role and rights as a research participant, would like to obtain information or offer input, or would like to register a complaint about this study, you 147 may contact, anonymously if you wish, the Michigan State University’s Human Research Protection Program at 517-355-2180, Fax (517) 432-4503, or email irb@msu.edu or regular mail at 207 Olds Hall, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824. __ I agree to participate in the study. I do not wish to participate in the study. 148 Neighborhood Safety & Well-Being in African Americans Survey Consent Office of the Registrar Consent Form We are asking for your voluntary participation in a research project that is focused on understanding the effects of exposure to community violence on young adults’ academic achievement and well-being. This consent form will provide you with a brief description of the study and explain the potential risks and benefits in order to allow you to make an informed decision about your participation. The purpose of this study is to learn about specific information regarding the relationships between exposure to community violence, academic achievement, well-being and race in a sample of African American young adults. The eligible participants are Black/African American college students between the ages of 18-25. Your participation in this study will take approximately 25-45 minutes. This includes the time to read the consent form. If you agree to participate in the study, please click on the box below. After giving consent, you will be asked a series of questions such about your exposure to neighborhood violence growing up, your well-being and your academic achievement. You will also be asked questions related to your race or ethnicity. The data for this study are being collected anonymously. Neither the researchers nor anyone else will be able to link your responses to you as an individual. In addition, your participation in this research study is completely voluntary. You may withdraw from this study or choose not to answer specific questions or to stop participating at any time without penalty, however, please try to answer every question. You will receive a $10 Amazon gift card as compensation for your time. You will not benefit directly from your participation in this study, however, your participation in this study may lead to new interventions and programming that will support African American families facing similar issues (e.g., community violence exposure) to ones you may have dealt with. We are invested in the safety and mental health of all our participants. Every possible allowance has been made through the Office of the Registrar to make sure that only eligible participants are contacted about this study. If any of the following events have happened to you in the past five years: 1) victim of a violent crime (i.e., robbery, rape), 2) have had a recent diagnosis of post-traumatic stress (PTSD) or 3) are taking medication for either depression or anxiety, please do not participate in this study. Furthermore, if you are currently enrolled in the Human Participation in Research (HPR) program through the Psychology department, you are not eligible to participate in this study. This study includes questions related to exposure to community or neighborhood violence. There is a risk that some of these questions may be upsetting for some participants. You do not have to answer any question that makes you uncomfortable. If you have any questions about this study, such as scientific issues, how to do any part of it, or to report an injury, please contact Meeta Banerjee at banerje4@msu.edu, 517-432-3504 or her advisor Dr. Zaje A.T. Harrell at harrellz@msu.edu. 149 If you have questions or concerns about your role and rights as a research participant, would like to obtain information or offer input, or would like to register a complaint about this study, you may contact, anonymously if you wish, the Michigan State University’s Human Research Protection Program at 517-355-2180, Fax (517) 432-4503, or email irb@msu.edu or regular mail at 207 Olds Hall, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824. 150 Debriefing Form Dear Participant, Thank you for your participation in this research survey! Your willingness to take part in this survey means a lot to us. However, the survey you took part in today asked you about your experiences with community violence. We understand that some of the questions may have caused you to become upset or feelings of discomfort. A list of resources available here at Michigan State University that can provide you support and counseling services are provided below. We hope that this study did not bring up unpleasant feelings, but urge you to seek help if it did. Counseling Center 207 Student Services Blvd. East Lansing, MI 48824 (517) 355-8270 http://www.counseling.msu.edu/ Community Mental Health 24 Hour Emergency Services (800)372-8460 (517) 346-8460 Olin Health Center Olin branch phone: 355-2310 MSU Sexual Assault Crisis and Safety Education Program 207 Student Services Building 24-hour Crisis hotline: 372-6666 Business phone: 355-8270 Crisis hotline available 24 hours a day, 7 days a week. Counseling services available on appointment basis. Listening Ear Crisis Intervention Center 1017 E. Grand River, East Lansing, MI 44423 24-hour Crisis Hotline: 337-1717 Business phone: 337-1728 Crisis hotline available 24 hours a day, 7 days a week and referral services for counseling. 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