a l.- 3%! 14mm 1n\.lfwlut 1‘ ‘ . Jig-will. I * 1111111111 1111111111111 1112 11511;. g; j:.-_j:.;g;_;;;5;.;_;:‘51,;. ;,j; ' LSSSE 111 SF 11111111111 1 > ». -. 1111111 11 111111 111111131 111 8113111111111 111 the Segree 1f Ph D ”WW SWE WWW” if? i 1111111111 1111 11mm , _ " n 711-15.th .r ,1. u fa 1, chhzgan State if Waiversitv This is to certify that the thesis entitled KINGDOM OF POLAND DURING THE PASKEVICH VICEROYALTY, 1832-1856; EROSION OF AUTONOMY presented by Josephine Mary C zerapowicz has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph-Do dPQTPP in History I W Major professor Datew 0-7 639 LIBRARY :— ‘ \_ amoma av HUM} & SflllS' K mm In.” “. _ mum umozns . :HINGPHE‘I.HIGNICI_N u 0? P01 KINGDO 1832 This disser 111;: and to what de of Poland in 1815 major part of the these institutions l A‘" 1.‘ .1111 in the are; we to maintai: The approa of the central ad the Constitution 13:“ of the 183 . 1:11 ‘1 Statute of 111111 contributec «3 1‘ " 1 me hmgdom' s Fir =. ‘ 9‘3 presente< 1 ~ , 1h1s wo r1: 1m. 1:111 “d between ' from 1832 1 L0 185 LE""3 of TV ,. me hing 41:11 ‘ ABSTRACT KINGDOM OF POLAND DURING THE PASKEVICH VICEROYALTY, 1832-1856: EROSION OF AUTONOMY By Josephine Mary Czerapowicz This dissertation is concerned with the question of why and to what degree the autonomy granted to the Kingdom of Poland in 1815 by the Congress of Vienna was eroded. The major part of the study is concerned with attempts to alter these institutions during the Paskevich Viceroyalty, espe— cially in the areas the Russian government regarded as sen- sitive to maintaining peace and stability in the Kingdom. The approach used is to provide a brief description of the central administrative institutions as set forth in the Constitution of 1815, followed by consideration of the impact of the 1830 Polish Uprising and the consequent Or- ganic Statute of 1832 upon these institutions. A comparison is made of the central administrative situation in the King- dom in 1815, 1832, and 1856; and an analysis of the factors Which contributed to and/or delayed complete incorporation of the Kingdom's institutions into those of the Russian Em- Pire is presented. This work has relied to a great extent on letters ex- Changed between Tsar Nicholas and his Viceroyfbr'the Kingdom from 1832 to 1856, Ivan Fedorovich Paskevich, as well as the laws of the Kingdom contained in the official publication, Dziennik Praw. In addition, the memoirs of eyewitnesses to events as they unft points of refund archives of Ewen” While the P administrative aut destroy it. Fear the event of a uni the Congress of Vi Poland helped rest incorporating the factor began to di that of Viceroy P2 that regional pro‘: haoapersonal in central instituti 3511s authority relationship with Maintain polit him ‘10 successful fiv ‘ 9 Incorporatic Josephine Mary Czerapowicz events as they unfolded during this period provided valuable points of reference not contained in official documents or archives of government officials. While the Polish Uprising of 1830 jeopardized the administrative autonomy of the Kingdom of Poland,ifl:did not destroy it. Fear of possible international repercussions in the event of a unilateral abrogation of the stipulations of the Congress of Vienna Treaty establishing the Kingdom of Poland helped restrain the Russian Tsar from immediately incorporating the Kingdom into the Russian Empire. As this factor began to dim, another restraining factor emerged, that of Viceroy Paskevich himself, who strongly believed that regional problems were best handled regionally and who had a personal interest in preventing encroachment from the central institutions and officials of the Empirecnithe scope of his authority within the Kingdom. Paskevich's special relationship with Tsar Nicholas I, coupled with his ability to maintain political stability within the Kingdom, enabled him to successfully resist pressuresfbr‘complete administra— tive incorporation of the Kingdom into the Russian Empire. KINGDOM OF POLA 1832- KINGDOM OF POLAND DURING THE PASKEVICH VICEROYALTY, 1832-1856: EROSION OF AUTONOMY By Josephine Mary Czerapowicz A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of History 1975 :prr‘? 3' t 133391111 MARY C. ©Copyright by igggPHINE MARY CZERAPOWICZ LIST OF TABLES . - IISI OF FIGURES INTRODUCTION . IFAPIER I '0'! Establishment hadof Goverr ShteCouncil Administrative hunoil of hi: linister. Sec: hard of Cont‘ ChilService Causes of the 21-11111 II TEmporary Gov Grgahic Statu AdIninistrati ”Vernment C 1 Commis Reli §~ Commis Commie TI'il‘flster‘, Se ward 0‘3 Cor TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I LIST OF FIGURES I I I I I I I I I I I I I I INTRODUCTION I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I CHAPTER I n I o o u o o I o o o a o u o o - Establishment of the Kingdom of Poland . Head of Government . . . . . . . . . . . State Council . . . . . . . . . . . . . Administrative Council . . . . . . . . . Council of Ministers . . . . . . . . . . Minister, Secretary of State . . . . . . Board of Control . . . . . . . . . . . . Civil Service . . . . . . . . . . . Causes of the 1830 Uprising . . . . . . CHAPTER I I o g a g g a o o o o c a o o n o 0 Temporary Government . . . . . . . . . . Organic Statute . . . . . . . . . . . Head of Government . . . . . . . . . . . State Council . . . . . . . . . . . . . Department for the Affairs of the Kingdom of Poland . . . . . . . . - . Administrative Council . . . . . . . - - Government Commissions . . . . . . - - - 1. Commission of Internal and ‘ Religious Affairs and Education 2. Commission of Justice . . . . . 3. Commission of Finance and Treasury Minister, Secretary of State . . . . . Board Of COHtI‘Ol o a c n I I O ' ii 1+8 52 52 53 Civil Service Statute's mac 33ng III ' ' ' him/5 and “h in the Kingd‘ Promultation o: 1110mm“t °f 111111V~ - ' Educational Re Classification Reorranization Formation of i New School Ree h'olic Educati Effectiveness CHEER V Religious Pol Protestant Ch Jewish Religi Russian Ortho Uniate Church Roman Catholi PAPER VI Warsaw Depart tonetary Ref C Re~Division c Communicati 01 n r oustoms, P1 Role of the ‘ Incorporat. “m; . Rimes u . *W‘A APhV A l iii Civil Service . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 statute's Impact on Kingdom Autonomy . . . . . . . 55 CHAPTER III I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 56 / Emigrés and Administrative Developments in the Kingdom of Poland . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 Promulgation of the Organic Statute . . . . . . . 65 Appointment of Directors . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 CHAPTER IV I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 8 2 Educational Reforms I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 82 Classification of Teachers . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 Reorganization of Public Education . . . . . . . . 95 Formation of the Warsaw Educational District . . . 109 New School Regulations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 Public Education Council Reorganized . . . . . . . 121 Effectiveness of Educational Reforms . . . . . . . 125 CHAPTER V I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 13 1 Religious Policies I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 131 Protestant Church . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 JeWiSh Religion I o I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 137 Russian Orthodox Church . . . . . . . . . . . . . lflh Uniate Church o I I I I I O I I I I l I I I I I I 148 Roman Catholic Church . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 CHAPTER VI 0 I I I I I I I I I I 0 I I I I I O I I I I 185 Warsaw Departments of the Governing Senate . . . . 186 Monetary Reforms . q 0 I I I I I I I I I O I I O O 19: Re-Division of the Kingdom . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Communications, Weights and Measures, 194 Customs, Postal Service Reforms . . . . . . . . Role of the Viceroy in the . 196 Incorporation Process . . . . - - - - - ' - ° I I I I 203 CONCLUSIONS I I I I I o I O I I I I I I 0 0 ° . 208 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . I I I O I I I o 0 ° ' TABLE 1. Growth of 1 Pupils, 2. Type and N Attendan LIST OF TABLES TABLE 1. Growth of Elementary Schools and Pupils. 1833'1840 o o o o o c o o c o o o o o 101 2. Type and Number of Schools and Attendance as of 1851 . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 iv FIGURE 1. Map, Kingdt (Congres: LIST 0F FIGURES FIGURE 1. Ma , Kingdom of Poland {’Congress of Vienna) . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 The state < mthetenth centt melatter part 0: mfiifitns carrie %Hshstate re-e hgtheflapoleoni existence was aga “.0fthe victo Hemated the P01 Yin-mom was to be , ‘H n ' lee, Klng of 3 asumd a seoara‘ :"qv ‘ .Jms.1tutlon t< for; (I . ~0-+he Klng “h Maggie to «ex zmrt 5 t0 subme mu: m; J }«Le - The fir 3‘“: w s.gCnolaS I f0 Tisj ' . in Whlch Iv fier' At issue “3.1% l 'vhe Russia INTRODUCTION The state of Poland, whose origins can be traced back to the tenth century, disappeared from the map of Europe in the latter part of the eighteenth century in consequence of partitions carried out by Russia, Prussia, and Austria. The Polish state re-emerged briefly as the Duchy of Warsaw dur- ing the Napoleonic Wars, but with the defeat of Napoleon its existence was again called into question. With the agree- ment of the victorious Great Powers, the Congress of Vienna recreated the Polish state as the Kingdom of Poland. This Kingdom was to be ruled by the Russian Tsar who assumed the title, "King of Poland." However, the Kingdom of Poland was assured a separate status within the Russian Empire based on a Constitution to be granted by the Russian Tsar. The his- tory of the Kingdom of Poland was in great part a history of its struggle to retain this separate status against Russian efforts to submerge the Kingdom completely into the Russian Empire. The first major struggle occurred during the reign of Nicholas I following the Polish Uprising of 1830, the pe- riod in which Ivan Fedorovich Paskevich ruled as Viceroy of the Kingdom of Poland. 1832-1856. At issue throughout this period was the extent to Which the Russian Tsar could alter the decision of the l Congress of vienna finnthn. This she. At stake u intervention if at agsmau unilateI shncontrols in 5 1mgasthe proSPE cwldbe held bef< adhifies,keeph wwldbe encourag ledhave been t hire However, fim.hctated tha hiafixe institu hmigxpressures Vbngeonvictior fluehpmehts bece itiQOhs, ah ini aFriesteem for hf The purpo: This by R ussia :fa ‘ icianu by alt lnstw ' ~dtlons, wi 331113 , “”3 0f Ivan f'“:* 4. *0 descrih 333$,1 - in the Cor 15? eh . ”£ Impact 2 Congress of Vienna granting the Kingdom a separate state or- ganization. This was not an easy issue for the Tsar to re- solve. At stake was not only the possibility of Great Power intervention if attempts were made to alter an international agreement unilaterally, but also the dangers posed to Rus- sian controls in allowing the status quo to persist. As long as the prospect of complete independence from Russia could be held before the residents of the Kingdom, insurgent activities, keeping the country in a state of upheaval, would be encouraged. In the Tsar's View, the best solution would have been total assimilation of the Kingdom into the Empire. However, the possibility of international interven- tion dictated that efforts to assimilate the separate admin- istrative institutions should proceed gradually, insofar as foreign pressures and domestic influences allowed. The strong convictions of Paskevich on this matter also affected developments because of his considerable influence on policy decisions, an influence enhanced by the Tsar's high regard and esteem for him. The purpose of this dissertation is to study the at- tempts by Russia to erode the separate status of the Kingdom of Poland by altering the Kingdom's central administrative institutions, with major emphasis on the period of the Vice- royalty of Ivan Fedorovich Paskevich. The approach will be first to describe briefly these central institutions as set forth in the Constitution of 1815. The study will then con- sider the impact of the 1830 Polish Uprising and the consequent organic nally, the study v during the Paskevi especially in the sensitive to main‘ Tine study will con ness and success n administrative in mine. The most v these questions w ales and Paskevic 315mm from th :reherb tov in hi Vicn. provide val ions of the Tsan print for admin trinnortant sou: Ienoirs of eyewi ;~ ~. .: 0‘ ~~i’deryk Skar of w e .e;erehce not ‘ ~~1Ves of eove 1‘07 A ' «4 tontalned ii‘ i 3 consequent Organic Statute of 1832 on the institutions. Fi- nally, the study will concern itself with the attempts made during the Paskevich Viceroyalty to alter these institutions, especially in the areas the Russian government regarded as sensitive to maintaining peace and stability in the Kingdom. The study will conclude with an appraisal of the effective- ness and success of these efforts to incorporate the central administrative institutions of the Kingdom into those of the Empire. The most valuable sources for the investigation of these questions were the letters exchanged between Tsar Nich— olas and Paskevich. These letters, as well as other materi— als drawn from the Archives of Paskevich, compiled by Prince Shcherbatov in his multi-volume biography of Prince Paske- vich, provide valuable insights into the motivations and ac- tions of the Tsar and his Viceroy, both of whom were so im- portant for administrative developments in the Kingdom. oth- er important sources for the study of this period are the memoirs of eyewitnesses to the events as they unfolded, such as Fryderyk Skarbek and Kajetan Koimian, which supply points of reference not to be found in official documents or in the archives of government officials, and the laws of the King— dom contained in the official publication, Dziennik Praw. The centra Kingdom of Poland inunn into axis and aspirations o en's armies throu hhes This Duc idenby the Prus inns had an are 2,500,000, It We 3flmidlagainst square miles wit‘: ifiiuired by lust: l Tomasz s 33; Illinoisi :2. u ”Stwow n,‘. t: /v 25 "' .1“sz 2 QEEVSi e CHAPTER I The central institutions of administration in the Kingdom of Poland had their origin in the Duchy of Warsaw, brought into existence by Napoleon in answer to the hopes and aspirations of many Poles who fought and died in Napole- on's armies throughout Europe and as far away as the West Indies. This Duchy of Warsaw, created in 1807 from lands taken by the Prussians during the first and second parti- tions, had an area of 1,850 square miles and a population of 2,500,000. It was enlarged in 1809, following a victorious campaign against Austria, by an additional area of some 920 square miles with a population of 1,500,000, which had been acquired by Austria during the first partition of Poland.1 lTomasz Siemiradzki, Porozbiorowe Dzieje Polski (Chi— cago, Illinois: Drukiem Zgody, organu Zwiazku Nar. Pol., 1903), pp. 118-126, 130-135., See also: Marceli Handelsman, Studja Historyczne: Z Dziejow Ksi stwa Warszawskiego (War- szawa: NakIadem Ksiegarni E. Wende i Spdzka; Lwown H. Altenberg, 1911), pp. 107-170; Marceli Handelsman, Kon_ stytucje Polskien 1791-1921, Wydanie Czwarte (Warszawax NakZadem Polska Skladnica Pomocy Szkolnych, 1926), pp. 12- 15: Szymon Askenazy, Sto lat zarzadu w Kr lestwie Polskiem; l8004900 (Lw6w: Nakladem Ksi gafni H. Altenberga, 190377— PP. 17-18, 23—25; Ambroise Jobert, Histoire de la Polo e (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1953 , pp. -49; Stefan Kieniewicz (ed.), Historia Polskix 1795-1864 (War- Szawac Paflstwowe Zakzady Wydawnictw Szkolnych, 1961), PP. 16-17, 25—27, 30; Stanislaw Kutrzeba, Histor a Ustro'u Polski w Zarysie, III (Lwdw: Nakladem Ksiegarni Polskiejn Warszawa: Gebethner i Wolff, 1920, pp. 37-38; Marceli Handelsman, Pomigdzy Prusami a Bgsja: Studja Historyczne (Warszawa: E. Wende 1 S-ka, 1922), pp. 8-9; Wladyslaw 4 The defeat nilarsav. HOV?“ Congress of Viennz fem, the Duchy's istration. This : ninistrative inst 1830, and then co the period follow Siahnte of l832 r tions in these in changing relation Russian Empire dr L11 STAB] The role < n: influenced the resolved by the < iseussion as to ta'nlished. the 0 ll niexander' s oosi 5 The defeat of Napoleon signalled the end of the Duchy of Warsaw. However, a new Polish state was created by the Congress of Vienna in 1815 which revived, in a modified form, the Duchy's form of government and structure of admin- istration. This study will identify the various central ad- ministrative institutions, outline their functions prior to 1830, and then consider the fate of these institutions in the period following the 1830 uprising when the Organic Statute of 1832 replaced the Constitution of 1815. Altera- tions in these institutions reflected the continuously changing relationship between the Kingdom of Poland and the Russian Empire during this period. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE KINGDOM OF POLAND The role of Tsar Alexander I in the defeat of Napole- on influenced the manner in which the Polish Question was resolved by the Congress of Vienna. While there was some discussion as to whether an independent Poland should be es- tablished, the outcome of the debate was predictable since Alexander's position was that "the Polish Question could end only in one way since he was in possession."2 In May, 1815, Smolenski, Dzieje Narodu Polskiego, Wydanie Siddme (Warszawa, Krakow, Lublin,.zddi, Poznan: Naklad Gebethnera i Wolffa, 1921). pp. #28, 436. 2Henry A. Kissinger, A World Restored: Europe After Napoleon (New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1964), pp. 152-155, See also: Harold Nicolson, The Congress of Vienna: A Study in Allied Unit : 1812-1822 (New York: The Viking Press, 19515. pp. 159-179; Alexander Kornilov, Modern Russian His- toryx From the Age of Catherine The Great to the End of the Nineteenth Centur , trans. Alexander S. Kaun (New York: A1; fred A. Kngpf’ 19%8), pp. 159—162; Feliks Ochimowski, Prawo Alexander issued 2 Vienna VhiCh Stab People Of P01: generous peop coura‘s’e "”ch nationality. which will be constitution the destiny ° need of exp” any other m1 generous idea by experience tional instii occupying all The Kingdom of PC approximately thz (see map, page 7: through a Consti‘ Tsar and his sue: The formal Kingdom of Polan Constitution und Worked out in th WES completed in 6 Alexander issued a proclamation to the Polish people from Vienna which stated in part: People of Poland, new ties are going to unite you to a generous people, who, because of former connections, courage worthy of your own,2nuithe common title of Slav nationality, is disposed to receiveyouin a brotherhood, which will be dear and useful to both peoples. A wise constitution and an unchangeable union will bind you to the destiny of a great monarchy, too widespread to have need of expansion, and whose government will never have any other rules of policy than an impartial justice and generous ideas. Henceforward your patriotism, lighted by experience and moved by gratitude, will find in na- tional institutions a motive power and a goal capable of occupying all its faculties.3 The Kingdom of Poland which came into being was made up of approximately three-fourths of the former Duchy of Warsaw (see map, page 7) and was united to the Russian Empire through a Constitution as well as through the person of the Tsar and his successors.“ The formal proclamation of the establishment of the Kingdom of Poland was made in Warsaw on June 20, 1815. The Constitution under which this Kingdom was to be ruled was worked out in the months that followed. The Constitution was completed in November, 1815. Its seven chapters and Administrac ‘ne (Warszawa: Nakladem Ksiegarni F. Hoesicka, 1919). pp. 202-203. 3Quoted in Guglielmo Ferrero, The Reconstruction of Europe: Talleyrand and the Congress of Vienna: 1814-181 , trans. Theodore R. Jaeckel (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1941). pp. 312-313. 4Z. Lenskii, "Polsha v pervoi polovine XIX veka, " Istoriia Rossii v XIX veke, I (S. Peterburg: A. i I. Granat, 19075, 292— 293. See also: Handelsman, Konstytucje Polskie. .., pp. 15- 16; Kutrzeba, Historya Ustroju Polskl P. 77: Barbara Jelavich, A Century of Russian Foreign“ P011- 1814— 1914 (Philadelphia and New York: J. B. LippifiEBEf Company. 19 . pp. 37-38. KINGDOM 0 U was Mllflh'ISTRAT!‘ KINGDOM OF POLAND _ “EFL“ TILSITEJ a: ([1le or ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISIONS on.) lamb JIM!“ ~----- 121-.2: of pm “0. ‘ chaise“ 9 W‘s-{Mat I -_._. n .thm-mla ° .. oxduo?:";.. lpnpétfl'd ‘ o “in? ""‘2‘aaivef’ueu ) o _ .ecfak Q Plor'uk§__ ‘ ‘ . Alli-\MR P5» . .4 Tom-5:0; . O Cathy-aha! Olin a! M. Azlidl Euyclomln Figure 1. Map, Kingdom of Poland (Congress of Vienna)a aSource: Polish Encyclopaedia, Vol. III: Eco- nomic Life of Poland (Geneva: ATAR Ltd., 1922). fOIlOW- ing p. 583. 165 articles Kim“ and a separate P0 to the Constituti nas granted as a regarded as a rig did not extend to Russian hands, no stricted to the H The 1815 C he possessed the seniority. Art] our; name a vicei can the Kingdom. made ' n a public authority were tc ainperial Russ“ .o select a Pole sci ' 7 .p rights. i... M ~nieolson i miradz 8 165 articles guaranteed the Polish people "full independence and a separate political structure." However, the Preamble to the Constitution clearly indicated that the Constitution was granted as a favor by the Russian Tsar and was not to be regarded as a right of the people. The "full independence" did not extend to foreign policy, which was to remain in Russian hands, nor to the selection of rulers, which was re- stricted to the House of Romanov.5 HEAD OF GOVERNMENT The 1815 Constitution gave great powers to the King, who possessed the fullness of executive and administrative authority.6 Article V of the Constitution required that the King name a Viceroy to govern in his name during his absence from the Kingdom. The appointment of a Viceroy was to be made in a public act in which the nature and scope of his authority were to be outlined. If the King did not choose an Imperial Russian prince as Viceroy, he was then obliged to select a Pole or a person to whom he had granted citizen- ship rights.7 SNicolson, The Congress of Vienna..., p. 179. See also: Siemiradzki, Porozbiorowe Dzieie.... pp. 171~172; Handelsman, Konstytucje Polskie.... pp. 15-18; Askenazy, Sto lat zarzadu..., pp. 30-31. "‘ 6These included the right to command the army and ap— Point all generals and officers, as well as to choose all ecclesiastical, civil, and judicial officials. The monarch also had the power to grant pardons, distribute honorary ti- tles, confer nobility, and bestow citizenship rights. Po- land, Ustawa KonstytucyjnafCharte Constitutionnelle (1815) (Warszawa: W Drukarni Rzadowej, 18155,Arts. XXXV-XLIV,XLVI, 7Ibid., Arts. V—VII. Whenever'the monarch was present in the country the viceroy's authoritywassuspended. During The powers I anIIperial Announ‘ eluded the oolisat Inthe event these to request the ass granted authority cepz those whose a had been appointee tine Viceroy power as circumscribed iation was first sicns directly at” Iinistrative Cour. Lotion affected a “reduced into the The choim absence, was obv. geihg the RUSSia‘ “‘5 presence a r 9 The powers belonging to the viceroy were detailed in an Imperial Announcement made on April 17/29, 1818, and in- cluded the obligation to maintain public order and safety. In the event these were threatened, the viceroy had the right to request the assistance of the army. The Viceroy was also granted authority to nominate and dismiss all officials ex- cept those whose appointment was reserved to the King or who had been appointed for life. This April Manifesto also gave the viceroy power to issue administrative regulations which was circumscribed by certain formalities. The proposed regu- lation was first to be communicated to the Government Commis- sions directly affected and only then brought before the Ad- ministrative Council for discussion. When the proposed regu- lation affected all administrative officials it was to be in- troduced into the State Council for consideration.8 The choice of viceroy, governing for the King in his absence, was obviously an important one. The King of Poland being the Russian Tsar, his absence would be the rule, and his presence a rarity. This placed the practical rule of this time the King could either consult with ministers on an individual basis or summon the Administrative Council into session. Ibid., Art. LXXI. 8Antoni Okolski, WykIad Prawa Agministracyjnego oraz Prawa Administracyjnego obowiazujacegp w Krolestwie Polskiem, I Warszawa: Staraniem i Nakladem Redakcyi Biblioteki Umiejetnoéci Prawnych, 1880), pp. 64-65. Where unanimity of decision was lacking, the approval of the monarch was re— Quired. This held true if only the viceroy disagreed with the decision. The King's ruling was final. Because minis- ters were responsible for implementing regulations, their Signatures were required, in addition to that of the viceroy, on rzguggtions pertaining to their specific sections. Ibid., pp. 5- n 6 the Kingdom direc could his persona latter's Kingdom Iingdu-Ruasian the orders of th in the Kingdom. It was go close personal I named Viceroy of liner Zajaczek, 1793 and an "ant the post, arousi seems probable t iii in part beca Certainly Alexan Stantine, as Com Senator Nikolai tached to the Ac‘ x , 9Fryderyl M (Poznan: :96 alsm Lens] .or‘General Zaj: Tiliical activ‘: Za‘ czek: 0d K: v{Iiilirilctwo Mm 0 .. 1 Czartor ;”° thinking of 70nst1tution of (e. Mem o cars I 5 Ne eta .1300th Of HIS Tjhsh Statesn A 10 the Kingdom directly in the hands of the viceroy. Not only could his personal relationship with the Tsar affect the latter's Kingdom policies, but his attitudes towards the Kingdom-Russian relationship could also influence the way the orders of the distant Tsar were interpreted and applied in the Kingdom. It was generally believed that Adam Czartoryski, a close personal friend of the Tsar for many years, would be named Viceroy of the Kingdom of Poland. Instead, General Jozef Zajaczek, participant in the Kosciuszko Uprising of 1793 and an "enthusiastic Napoleonist," was nominated to the post, arousing much speculation and controversy.9 It seems probable that Zajaczek was chosen instead of Czartory- ski in part because he was considered more malleable.lo Certainly Alexander's appointment of his brother, Con- stantine, as Commander-in-Chief of the Polish Army and Senator Nikolai Novosiltsev as Imperial Commissioner, at- tached to the Administrative Council of the Kingdom of 9Fryderyk Skarbek, Pamietnl iki Fryderyka Hrabiego Skarbka (Poznan: Nakladem J. K‘. Zupafisk1ego, 1878). p. 61 See also: Lenskii, Istoriia Rossii v XIX veke, I, 289— —293 For General Zaj czek' s education and earlier military/and political activ1ties, see Jadwiga Nadzieja, General Jozef Za ajgczek: 0d Kamiedca do Pragi: 1752 1795 (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo M1nisterstwa Obrony Narodoweg, 19 loCzartoryski' s Memoirs present valuable insights into the thinking of Alexander and Czartoryski regarding the re- constitution of an independent Polish State. Adam Gielgud ed.). Memoirs of Prince Adam Czartoryski and His Corre— Spondence with Alexander I. With Documents Relative to the Prince's Negotiations with Pitt, Fox, and Brougham, and an Account of His Conversations with Lord Palmerston and other Eflglish Statesmen in London in 1832, 11 (London: Remington & Co., 1888), pp. 165-170, 190-221. C one,” could role the Viceroy country, and the autonomy. The G vested in all on unbounded, not 1 ing to the Waste an old personal Czartoryski's ad and particularly the Western Prov Kajetan administration Point of view r Viceroy, Koimia “31 Zajaczek be M- llLenskii, 12A. 9815489 ) ehiwestem Prom During the part: ““95 that Alex: {TA of Poland, ‘ ilon 0f the P01 A. Si : Ii 13Novosil dens unofficia 316 members of Itmsanov and V Eel hOped to i with the Passae 9%” 0f Czar :9 on regional :11! led Novosi A 11 Poland,11 could be viewed as indications of the diminished role the Viceroy would play in the administration of the country, and the emphasis on a restrictive View of Polish autonomy. The Grand Duke himself stated that he was "in- vested in all undertakings with full powers, dictatorial and unbounded, not limited to the Kingdom of Poland but extend— 12 Novosiltsev, ing to the Western Provinces of the Empire." an old personal associate of the Tsar, was known to oppose Czartoryski's advocacy of a genuinely reconstituted Poland, and particularly the addition to the Kingdom of Poland of the Western Provinces of the Russian Empire.13 Kajetan Koimian, who held various positions in the administration during this period, presents a different point of view regarding the selection of General Zajaczek as Viceroy. Koimian points out that the choice fell upon Gen- eral Zajaczek because he was "acceptable to both the Grand llLenskii, Istoriia Rossii v XIX veke, I, 294. 12A. A. Sidorov, Russkie i Russkaia Zhizn v Varshave (1815-1895): Istoricheskii Ocherk (Varshava: 18997_——, p, 31, The Western Provinces were territories acquired by Russia during the partitions of Poland and it was the hope of many Poles that Alexander would reunite these lands to the King- dom of Poland, thus forming a base for the eventual restora— tion of the Polish State within its 1772 boundaries. 13Novosiltsev and Czartoryski were members in Alexan— der's unofficial "Secret Committee." The chief bond uniting the members of this Committee, which also included Pavel Stroganov and V.I% Kochubey, was their liberal outlook which they hoped to implement in some fashion in Russia. However, With the passage of time differences began to develop in the outlook of Czartoryski and the other members of the Commit- tee on regional affairs and internal politics which eventu- ally led Novosiltsev "to reject the autonomous and constitu- tional structure for the Polish Region" which Alexander was promising. Sidorov, Russkie i Russkaia Zhizn..., pp. #3-46, m Ind to Monti iii-disposed toward: polities!“ General imiusxko and under the Russians in 1812 suited in the uputat service vere landed 11 To the foreign skeptical regarding t clue in this internat of General Zajaczek tion of the state‘s more of Czartoryski and Novosiltsev coul wouldbe satisfied wi existed and fulfill l honorably. is long as Za from him and not the 1826, the Grand Duke “h assumed direct inthexingdom.16 T \ 1h . , KaJ‘Etan Kozm "8 Omnienia o W. Kirchmaye fu'ace CZaSHn 15 . 9'151. M See a 16 . Sldorov, 311.5 ‘4 12 Duke and to democratic elements in Polish society who were ill-disposed towards the aristocracy and its influence in politics."14 General Zajaczek had fought for Poland under Kosciuszko and under Napoleon. In his last battle against the Russians in 1812 he sustained a serious wound which re~ sulted in the amputation of one leg. His dedication and service were lauded by many Poles.l5 To the foreign observer, therefore, who might be skeptical regarding the degree of control Russia would exer- cise in this internationally-created Kingdom, the selection of General Zajaczek could be regarded as a favorable indica— tion of the state's independent posture. At the same time, aware of Czartoryski's hopes and aspirations, the Grand Duke and Novosiltsev could be persuaded that the man selected would be satisfied with the territorial arrangement as it existed and fulfill his functions as viceroy faithfully and honorably. As long as Zajaczek lived all civil matters issued from him and not the Grand Duke. Following his death in 1826, the Grand Duke, while not accepting the title of Vice- roy, assumed direct responsibility for civil administration in the Kingdom.16 Theoretically; the viceroy's powers passed . 14Kajetan Koimian, Pam%gtniki_§%fig§§g§_§gé§i§§§_gggi: muJace wspomnienia od roku 1 lg, III Krakow: W Drukarni "Czasu" W. Kirchmayera, 1865). Pv 125- l5Ibid. See also Siemiradzki, Porozbiorowe Dzieje..., p. 151, l6Sidorov, Russkie i Russkaia Zhizn..., p. 31. to the Administrative of our al/hsut 12' In the Duchy ° eluted by a State Con vho mere entrusted V1 in projects of 3‘31 Shhedonncil also r bodies and between a then required, the S binding government 0 The organiza outlined in a Deere Council was divided thus: 1) Justicet gious Rites; and it) uninihave three tens did not belong the one in which t' An importan institution in 18] tion and the Organ i7 Okolski, 18P01 2 and tm'fiL‘ ' . 1 U0 e Polskiza 1 i9 82. 0kg lski A 13 to the Administrative Council as set forth in the decision of July 31/August 12. 1826.17 STATE COUNCIL In the Duchy of Warsaw the Head of Government was as~ sisted by a State Council, madeiqoof ministers and officials who were entrusted with drawing up, discussing, and approv- ing projects of administrative laws and regulations. The State Council also resolved disputes within administrative bodies and between administrative and judicial authorities. When required, the State Council made the decision regarding binding government officials over for trial.18 The organization and functioning of this body were outlined in a Decree issued September 19, 1810. The State Council was divided, after the French model, into four sec- tions: 1) Justice; 2) War; 3) Internal Affairs and Reli- gious Rites; and 4) Finance. Article 3 provided that each section have three councillors and one official. The minis- ters did not belong to any section permanently but sat in the one in which they introduced a project.19 An important change took place with regard to this institution in 1815 and 1816. Provisions in the Constitu- tion and the Organizational Statute called for the formation l7Okolski, Wyklad Prawa Administracyjnego..., p. 66, 18Poland, Ustawa Kongtytucyjna Ksigstwa Warszawskiego 2 Dn. 22 Lipca 1807 R., Arts. 14-17, in Handelsman, Konstx_ tucje Polskie.... PP. 63-74. 19 Okolski, Wyklad Prawa Administracyjnego..., pp. 81- 82, It?" £74“ -" «.‘rtrr; ’ ' '- I r~ 5+ o“ ofulhiniltrativo “ " r ":'u' f"~\.{" r!" 1. 'i'o state Council. Thai 1y advisory; it consi tions insofar as the should. 2° The State . ~ ' ' I incontested administ A bound over for trial with committing offer The State Cour either the ruler or 1 later. While its res of the monarch or th of civil servants an diction were to be 1 Al in important . structure in 1815 we tine Council. It fu all administrative o functioned alongside administrative regui Vlcemi’. the niniste M 2 0Kutrzeba. fl 21Poland, Ust 29118 (181 ), Art,” ddsted with report Stliutuoruii Charter 22 . 291d. . Arts A! 14 of an Administrative Council within the larger body of the State Council. The State Council's purpose now becamelarge- 1y advisory; it considered legislative projects and regula- tions insofar as the ruler or the viceroy determined that it should.20 The State Council continued to act as arbitrator in contested administrative jurisdictional disputes and bound over for trial government officials who were charged 21 with committing offenses in the exercise of their office. The State Council could be called into session by either the ruler or the viceroy or at the request of a min- ister. While its resolutions were subject to the approval of the monarch or the viceroy, decisions relating to trials of civil servants and to disputes over administrative juris- diction were to be implemented without delay.22 ADMINISTRATIVE COUNCIL An important addition to the central governmental structure in 1815 was the establishment of the Administra- tive Council. It fulfilled the need for an organ in which all administrative operations could be concentrated. It functioned alongside the viceroy and had the right to issue administrative regulations. Its membership included the viceroy, the ministers of the five governing sections, and 20Kutrzeba, Historya Ustroju Polski..., pp. 9u-95. ZlPoland, Ustawa Konst tuc 'na Charte Constitution- Eflile (1815). Art. LXXIII. The State Council was also en- trusted With reporting any violations or abuses of the Con- Stitutional Charter to the ruler. Ibid. 221bid., Arts. LXXIV, LXXV. "f‘w t'l‘u‘" r"'u'_"?‘.'"i.+:~ Er "2-‘123 W "0 other persons appoint N: : ~ , . ,-,’ up. _'_?e- - '4 While decision I Gomcil, in fact the: viceroy since the .81 chive voice while tho ’7’ i , ‘ ever, in order for h: ’ to consult with the i had to countersign ti mended prompt action tide without consult: After 1826 gr least theoretically, successor was named ferred to the Admini In the Duchy of state was in the of five ministers an 0f State's function been the ruler and President of the Con M 23133.. Arts 2 4133.. Arts 2 o 5Bohdan Wini Mb 329 au XIX side 26 ai Kutrzeba, if ”.5?! Okolski, m mars“. Les inst A! 15 other persons appointed by the monarch.23 While decisions emanated from the Administrative Council, in fact these decisions reflected the will of the viceroy since the members of the Council had only a deliber- ative voice while that of the viceroy's was decisive. How- ever, in order for his decree to be binding, the viceroy had to consult with the Administrative Council and a minister had to countersign the document}!+ But when a situation de- manded prompt action, the viceroy had the authority to de- cide without consulting the Council.25 After 1826 great power resided in the Council, at least theoretically, since following Zajaczek's death no successor was named and the viceroy's powers were transu ferred to the Administrative Council}:6 COUNCIL OF MINISTERS In the Duchy of Warsaw the direction of the affairs of state was in the hands of a Council of Ministers made up of five ministers and a secretary of state. The Secretary 0f State's function was to maintain permanent contact be- tween the ruler and the Council of Ministers. Both the President of the Council and the Secretary of State were 23Ibid., Arts. va, LXVI. 241bid., Arts. LXVII, LXVIII. 25Bohdan Winiarski, Les Institutions Politique en Pologne au XIX siécle (Paris: Picart, 1921), p. 105. 26Kutrzeba, Historya Ustroju Polski..., p. 96. See also: Okolski, Wykkad Prawa Administracyjnego.... p. 66; Winiarski, Les Institutions Politique.... p. . minted by the 11111 the ministries: 1) Mm 1}) Finances : the organisatz‘ holsters were outlio according to which. :' the Council not only ever, it was to ease ten vere responsibl then, the Council of presentations which tors did not agree ever, attach its re After 1815 t underwent important Government Commissi tutions. These Gove somewhat the functic Commission for Relic mission of Justice; thePolice; 1») The 0f Finances and of 27Poland, 1_I_§__1_ 53:, Arts. 8. ll. tions Politigue. . . , 28Okolshi . W‘ 11. “ 29Poland, i_]__s_ nelle (181:). Art. l6 nominated by the ruler. The country was administered by five ministries: 1) Interior and Religions; 2) Police; 3) War: 4) Finances and Treasury; and 5) Justice.27 The organization and attributes of the Council of Ministers were outlined in a Decree dated December 24, 180?, according to which, if the ruler were present in the Duchy, the Council met only at his command. In his absence, how- ever, it was to assemble weekly. Because individual minis- ters were responsible for managing the sections entrusted to them, the Council of Ministers could not make any changes in presentations which ministers made to the ruler if the minis- ters did not agree to the change. The Council could, how- ever, attach its remarks to the presentations.28 After 1815 this central administrative institution underwent important changes. Ministries were replaced by Government Commissions which functioned as collegial insti- tutions. These Government Commissions. which paralleled somewhat the functions of their predecessors, were: 1) The Commission for Religions and Public Education; 2) The Com- mission of Justice; 3) The Commission of the Interior and of the Police: 4) The Commission of War; and 5) The Commission of Finances and of the Treasury.29 27Poland, Ustawa KonstytucyjnarKsiestwa Warszawskie- 50..., Arts. 8, ll, 13. See also WiniarSKi, Les Institu- tions Politigue.... pp. 66-67. 28Okolski, Wyklad Prawa Agginistracyjnego.... PP. 112- 29Poland, Ustawa KonstytucyjnagCharte Constitution- nelle {181§), Art. LXXVI. 113. — - .» .‘ , . . .-_- -: ,- 7-~:_ w of, The lelbemhi no established by ti Colliesion for Relig teen members, inelud Ion Catholic clergy. seller in size. Th1 into three sections, three members who we: Vere granted the tit. sion of the Interior embers, in addition in was divided into Commission presidin, ters were the come the Commander-in-Chi M 30Kutrzeba, Hi 1le Statute regula‘i elude: the Primate Stete councillors; i anes. The Statute ital Direction of Re tional Fund; 3) Pub] spiritual Section. ' 31These were: Jlldlcisn‘t: and 3) c: ”an” p. 9 ”on. p. 9 “I a Director of i?” z and a Directo ,19n8. In 1821 a I Ind. \ 4 . a 31113. Sinc i C9Mander-in-Chi ‘15310n's important A! 17 The membership of the various Government Commissions was established by the Statute of 1816. The largest was the Commission for Religions and Public Education which had six— teen members, including two state councillors and three R0- 30 man Catholic clergy. The other Commissions were much smaller in size. The Commission of Justice, while divided into three sections,31 included, besides the minister, only three members who were chosen from the Highest Tribunal and were granted the title of State Councillors.32 The Commis- sion of the Interior and of the Police also had only three members, in addition to the minister.33 The Commission of War was divided into three sections, with a member of the Commission presiding over each section. While military mat- ters were the concern of this body, army matters reserved to the Commander-in-Chief fell outside its competency.34 The 30Kutrzeba, Historya Ustroju Polski.... p. 97. An 1821 Statute regulated the membership more precisely to in- clude; the Primate and two bishops; two religious; three state councillors; two inspector generals; and six referend- aries. The Statute also established four sections: 1) Gen- eral Direction of Religious Cults; 2) Religious and Educa- tional Fund; 3) Public Education; and 4) Roman Catholic Spiritual Section. Ibid. 31These were; 1) Administration and Control; 2) Civil Judiciary; and 3) Criminal Judiciary. Ibid., p. 8. 321bid.. p. 97. 33Ibid., p. 98. In 1817 three other members were ad- ded: a Director of Mails; a Director of the Fire Depart- ment; and a Director of Hospitals and Charitable Institu— giogS. In 1821 a Director of Roads and Bridges was added. 1 34Ibid. Since the authority of Grand Duke Constantine as Commander- in-Chief was unrestricted, the Government Com- mission' 3 importance was minimal. The Commission was linister and three m1 of the Treasury were national estates and Equated with the various Governme mi of State who re served as the intern of the Kingdom and t MINI In the Duchy tary of State was or ruler and those he 6 I-Ie remained at the 5 lery created for the the Duchy of Warsaw the State Council on through the Secreta decrees and laws is the Secretary of St 18 minister and three members of the Commission of Finances and of the Treasury were concerned with supervising mining and national estates and resources.35 Equated with these ministers who were the heads of the various Government Commissions was the Minister, Secre- tary of State who remained at the side of the King and served as the intermediary between the government officials of the Kingdom and the monarch.36 MINISTER, SECRETARY OF STATE In the Duchy of Warsaw the post of Minister, Secre- tary of State was created to provide a link between the ruler and those he entrusted with administering the country. He remained at the side of the ruler and headed the Chancel- lery created for the purpose of handling matters relating to the Duchy of Warsaw.37 All reports and correspondence from the State Council and the ministers to the ruler were channeled through the Secretary of State. Likewise all regulations, decrees and laws issued by the ruler were countersigned by the Secretary of State and then forwarded to the Duchy.38 responsible for such matters as armament, financing, health, record— keeping, and recruiting. However, the Grand Duke constantly encroached into these areas as well. Generak Marian Kukiel, Zarys Historii Wojskowosci w Polsce, Wydanie Piate (London: Nakladem Orbisu, 1949). P. 182. 35Kutrzeba, Historya Ustroju Polski..., p. 98. 36Winiarski, Les Institutions Politique.... p. 103, 37Okolski, Wyklad Prawa Administracyjnego.... p. 20b. 38 Ibid.. pp. ecu—205. This position stipulated that the remain at the side 0 from the viceroy to him, as well as all my. 39 The Board of and approve annual 1 departments was este tothe ruler, it was with watching over ' This institu‘ Decrees of 1816 and Board of Control as procedure. It had While an annual pro iemine the number ktellers, accountant istrative departmer 05 their expenditur Gin and verificati 30 Heme (1§?1and. Us. h\5)‘ AVE 0 “I :e P0121 . 19 This position was retained in 1815. The Constitution sfipmlated that the Minister, Secretary of State was to remain at the side of the ruler' and that all documents from the viceroy in the King were to be transmittedthrough him, as well as all communications from the King to the vice- roy.39 BOARD OF CONTROL The Board of Control whose function was to examine and approve annual budgets of the various administrative departments was established in 1808. Directly responsible to the ruler, it was made up of nine persons and charged with watching over the finances of the Duchy of Warsaw.“0 This institution was retained in 1815.ul Imperial Decrees of 1816 and 1821 outlined the organization of the Board of Control as well as its attributes and methods of procedure. It had a permanent membership of six persons while an annual projection of staff requirements was to de- termine the number of additional personnel, such as book- keepers, accountants, secretaries, and copyists. All admin- istrative departments were required to submit an accounting of their expenditures for the previous year. After examina- tion and verification of the figures, the Board would make a 39Poland, Ustawa Konst tuc 'na Charte Constitution- nelle (1815), Arts. LXXVII, LXXXI. n OOchimowski, Prawo Administracyjne, pp. 231-232. 41Poland, Ustawa Konstytucyjna/Charte Constitution— W. Art. LXXVIII. mm! on whether since the ED theviceroyv it was his regarding m" p reports of receipts the Kingdom of polan then fomrded t° th The civil Se tonomy the New and Duchy of warsaw Cons citizens could h°ld fices.M While Article "all public officesv Poles only," Article qualify for such p05 has become a landed has learned the P011 proachable residenci Article 314 went a S‘ :201 216. Oko ski In tiles: :la so Ochii ': Bo . 0:015:11 co a ' W‘Lk 20 ruling on whether the expenditures were justified.42 Since the Board of Control was under the authority of the Viceroy, it was required to submit quarterly reports to him regarding the progress of its work, as well as yearly reports of receipts and expenditures of all public funds of the Kingdom of Poland. A copy of this Annual Report was then forwarded to the King by the viceroy.u3 CIVIL SERVICE The civil service provided a good measure of the au— tonomy the Duchy and the Kingdom enjoyed. Article 83 of the Duchy of Warsaw Constitution clearly indicated that only citizens could hold ecclesiastical, judicial, and civil of- fices.44 While Article 29 of the 1815 Constitution stated that "all public offices, civil and military, shall be filled by Poles only," Article 33 opened the way for foreigners to qualify for such posts by holding that "every foreigner who has become a landed proprietor, has acquired naturalization, has learned the Polish language, and has five years of irre— proachable residency, can be admitted to public office." Article 34 went a step further by granting the ruler “ZOkolski, Wyklad Prawa Administracyjnego.... pp. 215- 216. See also Ochimowski, Prawo Administracyjne, p. 232, In the event the Board discovered an outright error in the computations, it could impose a monetary fine on the offi- cial. Okolski, Wyklad Prawa Administracyjnego.... p. 216. uBIbid. “”Poland, Ustawa Konstytucyjna Ksigstwa Warszawskie- 50..., Art. 83. mun. either pe set. Council, to a tions to public offi CAU These centre. by the 1815 Constit portunity to direct lurked in the inter elployed regarding The King possessed of it as he chose w the Kingdom. There mler‘s views nor 0 1&6 sires. This situ 45Poland, [isle W. Arts. 46 By way of 81 Alexander and the M :tate of finances '11 he Napoleonic Wars served in the Commi‘ married to Prince A else expenses whic 21 authority, either personally or upon recommendation of the State Council, to admit foreigners with special qualifica- tions to public offices]+5 CAUSES OF THE 1830 UPRISING These central administrative institutions as granted by the 1815 Constitution provided the Kingdom with the op- portunity to direct its own affairs. However, dangers lurked in the interpretations and emphases which could be employed regarding the functioning of these institutions. The King possessed fullness of power and shared only as much of it as he chose with those who aided him in administering the Kingdom. There was no room for disagreement with the ruler's views nor opportunity to act contrarily to his de- #6 sires. This situation proved increasingly frustrating to 45Poland, Ustawa KonstytucyjnagCharte Constitution- nelle (181g), Arts. XXIX, XXXIII, XXXIV. u6By way of example, an interesting exchange between Alexander and the Administrative Council regarding the poor state of finances in the Kingdom following the ravages of the Napoleonic Wars is related by Prince Leon Sapieha, who served in the Commission of Finance and whose sister was married to Prince Adam Czartoryski. To offset in part the large expenses which the income of the country could not ab- sorb, the Council suggested that perhaps the size of the army could be reduced. Alexander replied harshly, stating; "Retaining the army at the present strength was a condition for the existence of the Kingdom of Poland. If she could not fulfill this it would be proof of the impossibility for her existence and nothing would remain then but to transform her into a Russian Province." Ksiaze Leon Sapieha,W§293£i£: nia (2 lat od 1803 do 1863 r.) (Lwdw: H. Altenberg, a, gay. foFth. E. Wende i Sp.; Warszawa: E. Wende i Sp.; Poznan. RzePecki i Sp.. n.d.). Pp. 3. 57. See also Kozmian, Pamiet- niki,,,, P. 239. It would appear, therefore, that at-IEEEE‘ somEtimes Alexander regarded the Kingdom of Poland as an out— post of the Russian Empire, with the Constitution and its guarantees of separate administration maintained irideference those persons "ho ha tlenent as the begin enlarged and free PC parent that the West in to be joined to manifest themselves. curing the restorati State were founded} were not as widespre the hope that he W01 Kingdom did not die death ended this he Alexander wa While he was willin W to the Kingdom tori -es were to be a land We Constant \ tot CEMhe European P0“ .nl‘al Europe was 22 those persons who had regarded the Congress of Vienna set- tlement as the beginning of an eventual reconstitution of an enlarged and free Poland.“7 As it became more and more ap- parent that the Western Provinces of the Empire were not go— ing to be joined to the Kingdom, dissatisfactions began to manifest themselves. Secret societies with the aim of se- curing the restoration of a free and independent Polish State were founded.“8 Initially, however, these activities were not as widespread because as long as Alexander lived the hope that he would restore the Western Provinces to the Kingdom did not die out. Only his sudden and unexpected death ended this hope.)+9 Alexander was succeeded by his brother Nicholas who, while he was willing to abide by his predecessor's commit- ment to the Kingdom, was determined that no Russian terri- tories were to be added to it. He wrote on this subject to Grand Duke Constantine in March, 1827: to the European Powers whose alarm at Russian expansion into Central Europe was evident at the Congress of Vienna. Q7The Congress of Vienna, in establishing the Kingdom Of Poland, set up its boundaries only from the side of the Prussian and Austrian frontiers. The boundary on the Rus— Sian side was left to be determined by the Tsar. Sie- miradzki, Porozbiorowe Dziejg.... PP. 169-170. 48Kozfmian, Pamigtniki..., pp. 83-84. See also: Kie- niewicz, Historia Polski..., pp. 54-61; Hanna Dylagowa, Towarzystwo Patriotyczne i S d Se'mo : 1821—1829 (Warsza- Ygi Pafistwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 19705, pp. 12—13, 130- . 157. 49A. A. Kornilov, Russkaia politika v Polshe so vre_ meni razdelov do nachala XX veka (Petrograd: Izdatelstvo "Ogni," 1915), pp, 22—23. See also Dylagowa, Towarzystwo W p- 214- Inuldcease t inpossible and trons. However good a Pole as any occasion by privileges whic but as long as to push beyond The unhappy the throne was not of Poland. In the rests were made in throughout January members of the Nati snpeeted of conneC' headed by Colonel P‘ creating a revoluti stationed in the Uk “Def Russians and against the state. Administrative Cour J"id‘dlllent on the am ment Of a military itsariN' K' SC“ 51 Ibi \' I pp‘ A 23 I would cease to be Russian in my outlook if I believed that it was possible to separate Lithuania from Russia properly so called.5 In November of the same year Nicholas wrote to the Grand Duke again regarding this question: I regard the idea of uniting Lithuania with Poland as impossible and the consequence for the Empire as disas- trous. However, it does not prevent me from being as good a Pole as I am a good Russian; I shall prove it on any occasion by strictly and loyally adhering to the privileges which Our Angel has bestowed upon the Kingdom but as long as I am alive I would not suffer any attempt to push beyond to the detriment of the Empire.5 The unhappy event which marked Nicholas' accession to the throne was not without its implications for the Kingdom of Poland. In the aftermath of the Decembrist Revolt, ar- rests were made in Warsaw and the rest of the Kingdom throughout January and February of persons believed to be members of the National Patriotic Society. This Society was suspected of connections with a Russian conspiratorial group headed by Colonel Paul Pestel, who was held responsible for creating a revolutionary society within the Imperial Army stationed in the Ukraine. An Investigating Commission, made up Of Russians and Poles, brought charges of conspiracy against the state. Grand Duke Constantine then ordered the Administrative Council to determine which court was to pass judgment on the accused. Novosiltsev proposed the appoint- ment of a military tribunal while the Minister of Finance, . 5ON. K. Schilder, Imperator Nikolai Pervyi: Ego zhiZn 1 tsarstvovanie, I (S. Peterburgx Izdanie A. S. Suvorina, 19035. p. 33E. 5llbid.. pp. 389—390. Prince Ksawery Lube' tuticn which requir‘ state he tried by t] of the Senate. SUP? other ministers in ‘ Council handed down for trial by the Hi 1827.52 On June 10. hincenty Krasinski. diet that the accus against the state. longing to a secret defendants were fou convicted, one rece and the rest were 8 The Tsar for Publicly and the Se 52 Skarbe Smolenski, hie: . Pani tnikj We pp. 10,0- Mm A Smolensk Moe 1' {:wdi C52? 35 wthh] S, See Dylai its itelthe Sen:lder ‘ Was 24 Prince Ksawery Lubecki, demanded compliance with the Consti- tution which required that charges of crimes against the state be tried by the High National Court made up of members of the Senate. Support for Lubecki's position came from the other ministers in consequence of which the Administrative Council handed down the decision to turn over the accused for trial by the High National Court, which was convened in 1827.52 On June 10, 1828, the Court, with one member, General Wincenty Krasinski, not in agreement, handed down its ver- dict that the accused were not guilty of committing crimes against the state. However, five were found guilty of be— longing to a secret society, which was forbidden. Three defendants were found innocent of all charges. Of the five convicted, one received a sentence of 3 years and 3 months and the rest were sentenced to 3 months.53 The Tsar forbade the Court to proclaim its verdict publicly and the Senators were forbidden to leave Warsaw.5u 528 Smolenski, Dzie e Narodu. . , p. #28. See also: gkarbek,Pami§tniki..136,Siemiradzki. Porozbiorowe zaeQe. pp. 190-192; Schilder, Imperator Nikolai Perv- x1. I, pp. 375- 380, II, pp 95- 95? Lenskii, Istoriia Ross i v XIX veke, I, 301-302. For a detailed study of the gene31s of the Patriotic Society and its connections with the conspiratorial movement in Russia, as well as the work of the Investigating Commission, see Dylagowa. Towarzystwo Patriotyczne.. SBSmolenski, Dzieje Narodu. .., p. #65. For the trial proceedings which began June 15, 1827, as well as the final verdicts, see Dylagowa, Towarzystwo Patriotyczne... .Pp. 255- 321. ‘ 5uSchilder, Imperator Nikolai Pervyi.... II, p. 100, When the Tsar was informed of the verdict he is reported to many. “1829' PG mntofthe court'8 was instructed ’00 1’ General Krasinski: ‘ Apparently. ‘ mas need for tranqui' had declared war on pauedto the KingI lurfinally to como in fulfillment of t? The signific is..the arrests, ucned,cannot be ndlednany person hndeto fight to ndindependent.5° The liberal urnnts flowing th princiPies endorse: SVe-llfihad found an unseat“ royed Smolenski, , ”lb' Due' \ld" p' \k up. no 57D vl q . dgowa, bh‘o F , ‘ one Ms C 25 Finally, in 1829, permission was granted for the announce- ment of the Court's decision but the Administrative Council was instructed to inform the judges, with the exception of General Krasinski, of the Tsar's displeasure.55 Apparently, this permission was granted because there was need for tranquillity within the Kingdom since Russia had declared war on Turkey in 1828. Among other concessions granted to the Kingdom at this time was the decision by the Tsar finally to come to Warsaw to be crowned King of Poland in fulfillment of the Constitutional requirement.56 The significance of the events of 1826 through 1829, i.e., the arrests, the investigation, and the trials of the accused, cannot be minimized. Patriotic feeling was aroused and led many persons to reject the 1815 Constitution and decide to fight to secure a Polish State that was truly free and independent.57 The liberal and radical intellectual and political currents flowing throughout Europe which the conservative principles endorsed by the Congress of Vienna could not stem58 had found an echo in the Kingdom especially among have exclaimed: "Unfortunately, they have saved the guilty, but have destroyed the country." Ibid., p. 99. 55Smolefiski, Dzieje Narodu..., p. #65. . . 56Ibid., p. 466. See also Siemiradzki, Porozbiorowe %, pp. 194—196. 57 58For studies regarding these developments, see: E. J. HObsbawn, The Age of Revolution: l789—18h8 (New York: The World Publishing Company, 1962); R. F. Leslie. The Age of Dylagowa, Towarzystwo Patriotyczne..., pp. 322—324, o la," university students 111 events in Waste spurred the insurre cision by Nicholas they could delay no before the Polish A lithdravm from the as the day for the Prince Sapie no in Paris prepar ceived word that th the news was record How could one f against 60 mill Kingdom which, of a larger Pol istration. our foresee that win M Transformation 17E arse 19 7 v pp' 13 Versailles (New You pp. 1- 3 Jerome B2 The Euro ean World tom Little, Brown 59Marian Kuk: ELI, Drugie Wydan Seealso: Kieniew sen, Istoriia Ros ____________ 60Siemiradzk See also: Skarbek Russii v XIX veke, 61Sapieha. ‘5 26 university students and young army officers.59 Revolution- ary events in Western Europe in the summer and fall of 1830 spurred the insurrectionists in the Kingdom to act. The de- cision by Nicholas to aid Holland's ruler made them realize they could delay no longer since it was imperative to strike before the Polish Army, on which their hopes rested, was withdrawn from the Kingdom. November 29, 1830, was chosen as the day for the revolt to begin.60 Prince Sapieha, serving in the Commission of Finance, was in Paris preparing to return to the Kingdom when he re— ceived word that the revolt had broken out. His reaction to the news was recorded in his Memoirs: How could one foresee the end of a battle of 4 million against 60 million? ... with failure we were losing this Kingdom which, however small, could have been the embryo of a larger Poland. We were losing our army, our admin- istration, our schools,-—in a word, it was possible to foresee that which actually ensued.61 Transformation, 1789-1871 (New York: Harper & Row, Publish- ers, 19675, pp. 138-209; L. C. B. Seaman. From Vienna to Versailles (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 19635, Pp. l-EE; Jerome Blum, Rondo Cameron, and Thomas G. Barnes, The European World Since 1815: Trium h and Transition (Bos- ton: Little, Brown and Company, 19 , pp. 1- . 59Marian Kukiel, Dzieje Polski Porozbiorowe: 1795- éflgl, Drugie Wydanie (London: B. Swiderski, 1963), p, 230. See also: Kieniewicz, Historia Polski..., pp. 56-61; Len- Skii, Istoriia Rossii v XIX veke, I, 295. 60Siemiradzki, Porozbiorowe Dzieje..., pp. 199-202. See also: Skarbek, Pamigtniki.... p. 148: Lenskii, Istoriia Rossii v XIX veke, I, 30 -305~ 61 Sapieha, WSpomnienia..., p. 110. The occupati‘ on September 7, 1831 rising and the beg11 istration in the Ki] is early as 1 for the Kingdom had cluded Russians and distinguished caree 1776. was named Pre Ministry of Finance Section.‘2 Count Al tary service as an taken part in the N Internal Affairs Se tamPorary governmer Siding in St. Peter M lRusskii Bi« burg. Tlpografiia DD. 211,0- 2mm, vol Bbrazova 1‘ Ko.. 19 ”he Kingdom until Permission to leav years later. Ibid . 3mm. Vol lshchestva "Obshch CHAPTER II The occupation of Warsaw by Field Marshal Paskevich on September 7, 1831, marked the end of the 1830 Polish up- rising and the beginning of changes in government and admin- istration in the Kingdom of Poland. As early as March 2/14, 1831, a temporary government for the Kingdom had been created in St. Petersburg which in- cluded Russians and Poles. Fedor Engel, who had a long and distinguished career in government service dating back to 1776, was named President.l Roman Fuhrman. serving in the Ministry of Finance, was appointed head of the Treasury Section.2 Count Aleksandr Stroganov, who had entered mili- tary service as an officer in the Artillery Brigade and taken part in the Napoleonic Wars, was chosen to direct the Internal Affairs Section.3 The two Poles attached to the temporary government were General Franciszek Kossecki, re- siding in St. Petersburg at the time, placed in charge of lRusskii Biograficheskii Slovar, Vol. 24 (S, Peter- burg: Tipografiia Glavnago Upravleniia Udelov. 1912), PP. 240-241. 21bid., Vol. 21 (S. Peterburg: Tipografiia V. Bez- obrazova i Ko., 1901), p. 25h. He remained in service in the Kingdom until 1847 when he asked for and was granted Permission to leave because of ill health. He died four years later. Ibid. . 3Ibid., Vol. 19 (S. Peterburg: Tipografiia Tovar- IShchestva "Obshchestvennaia Polza," 1909), pp. #84—485. 27 — the Justice Section «Economics at Var St. Petersbnrg, che cation Section. Th Petersburg on March about Lithuania to in the area.“ Count Skarbe his appointment to neyed to St. Peters tilities in the Kir and charitable inS‘ lates the exchange himself on March 14 that he accepted h with these words: means to the servi tation. the Tsar r and it is precisel Skarbek, motivated render his country tion of the high-n entire Kingdom acc However, wj k 4 list Fryderyk 1 0 adowe' . W (P02. 5 Skarbek , 28 the Justice Section, and Count Fryderyk Skarbek, Professor of Economics at Warsaw University on special assignment in St. Petersburg, chosen to head the Religions and Public Edu- cation Section. This governing council departed from St. Petersburg on March 6/18, 1831, and spent six months moving about Lithuania to avoid insurrectionists who were operating in the area.” Count Skarbek recounts the circumstances which led to his appointment to the temporary government. He had jour- neyed to St. Petersburg just prior to the outbreak of hos- tilities in the Kingdom for the purpose of studying penal and charitable institutions in the Imperial capital. He re- lates the exchange which took place between the Tsar and himself on March 14th in the Winter Palace. Skarbek states that he accepted his appointment to the temporary government with these words: "Yes, Sire, I will consecrate all my ‘ means to the service of my country." After a moment's hesi- tation, the Tsar replied: "I know that you are a good Pole, and it is precisely because you are that I have chosen you." Skarbek, motivated by the possible good he might be able to render his country, viewed the above exchange as an indica- tion of the high—mindedness of the Tsar who did not hold the entire Kingdom accountable for the actions of some.5 However, with the death of Field Marshal Diebitsch, . “Fryderyk Skarbek, Krolestwo Polskiegpo rewoluc i 11stopadowej (Poznan: Nakladem J. K. Zupafiskiego, l 77 , P. -7 SSkarbek Pamietniki.... pp. 179—180. 7 ____._..~__—.__———— ....... Miler of the Ru and Grand Duke Cone era within several Tsar's attitude toe notes that with the succeed Diebitsch h Kingdol changed.6 that all preclanati with Polish transla Warsaw in September porary government \ the Religions and 1 eral Jo'zef Rautens‘ bedridden throughou words, 'niraculousl Warsaw. 8 Following t ment was establish 1331. It was made M 6 ' Skarbek, K SWE’I‘OV. Russkie 3 ML... pp. 200-2 7Sidorov, i 8Skarbek, ] gorawski. Dzie j e ? telska od obcem Sheen. 1 72 , pp P. 79. We 29 Commander of the Russian Army fighting the insurrectionists, and Grand Duke Constantine, both of whom succumbed to chol- era within several months of each other, a hardening of the Tsar's attitude towards the Poles began to emerge. Skarbek notes that with the naming of Field Marshal Paskevich to succeed Diebitsch Nicholas' intentions with respect to the Kingdom changed.6 Almost immediately, Paskevich ordered that all proclamations to the people be printed in Russian, 7 with Polish translations. When the Russian troops occupied Warsaw in September, 1831, Skarbek's appointment to the tem— porary government was terminated. His position as head of the Religions and Public Education Section was given to Gen- eral Jozef Rautenstrauch who because of illness remained bedridden throughout the uprising but who, in Skarbek‘s words, "miraculously recovered" when the Russians entered Warsaw.8 TEMPORARY GOVERNMENT Following the taking of Warsaw, a Temporary Govern- ment was established by Imperial Decree dated September4/16, 1831. It was made up of a president and four members and 6Skarbek, Krdlestwo Polskie..., p. 7. See also: Sidorov, Russkie i‘Russkaia Zhizn..., p. 73: Skarbek,Pami§t- niki..., W 7Sidorov, Russkie i Russkaia Zhizn..., p. 81. 8Skarbek, Pamigtnlki.... p. 203; 596 also: Teodor Morawski, Dzieje Narodu Polskiegg w krotkosci zebrane, VI: Polska od obcem anowaniemATPoznafi: Nakladem J. K. Zupafi_ EEi3E372187277—ppg—E6STE66T Sidorov, Russkie i Russkaia izn.. we P. o received the same 1 had possessed. lat unending the author be resolved by the i.e., by Paekevich. sent was in charge dent of the governs of its activities 1 On November ofWarsaw, issued a perial command, ali lutionary Governmeu were all instituti: any promotions, of pensions granted b When Engel emment, following took over as Presi .._________ 9Poland, D2 pp. 217-226. The— both in Russian ar 91‘de to resolve a] MC}. Cited here; 1"use. , pp . 11Sidorov, Clally he was rel' In St. Petersburg thenrrairs of th Perlal State Coun ”S Proceedings w 0‘ ' i - “m w 30 received the same powers which the Administrative Council had possessed. Matters of extreme importance, and tran- scending the authority of the Temporary Government, were to be resolved by the Chief Commander of the Kingdom of Poland, i.e., by Paskevich. Each of the four members of the govern- ment was in charge of an administrative section. The presi- dent of the government was required to submit weekly reports of its activities to the Tsar.9 On November 10/22, 1831, Paskevich, now titled Prince of Warsaw, issued an announcement which stated that, by Im- perial command, all laws and resolutions issued by the Revo- lutionary Government were forever annulled. Also cancelled were all institutions created by this government, as well as any promotions, offices, civil or military decorations, or pensions granted by it.10 When Engel was compelled to leave the Temporary Gov~ 11 ernment, following a scandal involving his wife, Paskevich took over as President of the Temporary Government, now 9Poland, Dziennik Praw Krolestwa Polskiegg, Vol. 13, pp. 217-226. The minutes of proceedings were to be kept both in Russian and Polish. The Chief Commander was empow- ered to resolve all disagreements within the administration. Ibid. Cited hereafter as Poland, Dziennik Praw. lO Ibid., pp. 302—304. llSidorov, Russkie i Russkaia Zhizn..., p. 79. Offi- cially he was relieved of his post because of ill health, In St. Petersburg he was made a member of the Department for the Affairs of the Kingdom of Poland, created within the Im- Perial State Council in February, 1832, and presided over its proceedings whenever Paskevich was not in St. Peters- burg. Russkii Biograficheskii Slovar, Vol. 24, p, 241, formally assuming C The abrogati surprise to those v thatl After the first freed from all However, diplomati< rejected by Russia. measure of autonom: name of the Tsar. . Will be firmly ful: Russian government revoke the Constit the Treaty of Vien The Poles. . .wi sututions sui “ e government and adequate t The Imperia anhouncihg the int order for the Kins OchimOWsk ~o ShChe Pb . M M“ Skarbe:t 31 formally assuming civil, as well as military authority.12 ORGANIC STATUTE The abrogation of the Constitution of 1815 came as no surprise to those who were close to the Tsar. He had warned that: After the first cannon-shot, I will consider myself freed from all my pledges toward Poland.13 However, diplomatic intervention by EnglandandPuence, while rejected by Russia, did serve to guarantee the Kingdom some measure of autonomy since the Russian Chancellery, in the name of the Tsar, gave assurance that the "Vienna Treaties 14 It was the conviction of the will be firmly fulfilled." Russian government, however, that the Tsar had the right to reVOke the Constitution since Article V of the Supplement to the Treaty of Vienna, dated May 13, 1815, stated: The Poles...will receive representation and national in- stitutions suitable to the political state which each of the governments to which they belong deems advantageous and adequate to grant them.1 The Imperial Manifesto, issued February 2/1“, 1832, announcing the introduction of a new governmental form and order for the Kingdom of Poland, recalled that this Kingdom, lsz. Szczerbatow, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza w Krol- estwie Polskiemz 1832-18E7‘(Warszawax Jan Fiszer, 19005, PP. 12-13. Cited hereafter as Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza.... l3Skarbek, Kr6lestwo Polskie.... pp. 3—H. lLl'Ochimowski, Prawo Administracyjne, p. 213. 15Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza.... p. 2. See also Skarbek, Krolestwo Polskie.... pp. 3“-35. conquered by Vicw from our high‘i Majesty Tsar A‘ existence but ‘ Law. These Pr‘ eternal foes o: sisting in the: dreaming about Scepter. and h: kindness of th‘ ing His every Which they wet The Kingdom 0f will regatin ‘1“ under the pro13 The Manif es were being taken 8 the Kingdom of government. W the Russian Eu tute with the brothers. 1.” A number oi not least of whicl ready the previous in Russian with P: Russian language ‘ and Laws which we‘ Russian text occu hill} However. that all judicial “CW1 in the P01 Poland, E v - 'Ibid \" DE 1 Winiarski Poland, 1 32 conquered by victorious Russian arms in 1815, received from our high-minded predecessor, resting in God, His Majesty Tsar Alexander, not only the return of national existence but a separate rule outlined in Constitutional Law. These prescriptions were not able to quiet the eternal foes of all order and rightful authority. Per- sisting in their lawless designs, they have not ceased dreaming about dividing the nation's subjects and Our Scepter, and have dared, arrogantly, to use for evil the kindness of the Restorer of their Fatherland, overturn— ing His every deed giving them right and freedom, with which they were gifted only by his powerful will. ... The Kingdom of Poland, restored anew to our Scepter, will regain quiet and will flower amid established peace under the protection of a watchful government.16 The Manifesto concluded with the remark that steps were being taken so that the Kingdom of Poland, having the necessary separate government, would not cease to be an integral part of the Russian Empire and that her residents would consti- tute with the Russians a united nation of harmonious brothers.l7 A number of means were to be used to achieve thisend, not least of which was the use of the Russian language. Al- ready the previous summer Paskevich had issued communiques in Russian with Polish translations. Now the use of the Russian language was extended to include Imperial Decrees and Laws which were published in bilingual form, with the Russian text occupying the primary position, in the Dziennik Eggfl.18 However, Article 34 of the Organic Statute promised that all judicial and administrative matters were to be con— ducted in the Polish language.19 l6Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 14, pp. 16k-167. 173113. , pp. 168-169. l8Winiarski, Les Institutions Politique..., p. 11h, 19Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 14, pp. 214-215, Art. 34. to what ext can be ascertained place between the 1} in 1837 the Vic dealing with chan Kingdol as well as still those used in the Tsar who gigne of his purpose of the Empire, Nichol place the French Secretary of Stat Paskevich that, t ing use of the Ru been "very dilige arch suggested the dom, making Russia concluded with tho thi’fpi‘élei‘éil way.21 Paskevi ch liked the Tsar‘ s K 20 Sh 2 NB, cherb 21 _ Imperat 939%. in Knia'z. Vlch: e o zhiz 11322-18117 (3. 1 SP: 33 ~339. t niia. . . . 33 To what extent it was possible to keep this pledge can be ascertained by the following exchange which took place between the Tsar and his Viceroy in the Kingdom. Ear- ly in 1837 the Viceroy presented the Tsar with a project dealing with changing the administrative divisions in the Kingdom as well as their titles of reference to correspond with those used in the Empire. The project was approved by the Tsar who signed it into law. At the same time, mindful of his purpose of achieving closer union of the Kingdom with the Empire, Nicholas ordered that the Russian language re- place the French within the Chancellery of the Minister, Secretary of State.20 In November, 1837, the Tsar informed Paskevich that, thanks to Turkull, the Tsar's wishes regard- ing use of the Russian language within the Chancellery had been "very diligently and zealously implemented." The mon- arch suggested that Paskevich do likewise within the King- dom, making Russian, not French, the official language, He concluded with the comment that: I expect that the Poles will look very askance on this, but, fortunately, I do not fear them and will have my way,21 Paskevich replied on December 7th that, while he liked the Tsar's idea and could comply with it insofar as ZOShcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., pp. 147- 148. 21Imperator Nikolai k Paskevich,l4go noiabria 1837 g9da, in Kniaz Shcherbatov, General—Feldmarshal Kniaz Paske- {132: e o zhizn i deiatelnost, Prilozheniia k Tomu Piatomug 8 -1337 (S. Peterburg: Sklad u V. A. Berezovskago, 18965, PP: 338-339. Cited hereafter as Shcherbatov, Prilozh- eniia oomspondenee wit ooncemed and in t1 sinistrative Counc tntive Council co French language. ters did not know not know Polish, 0 that adequate disc oil would not be p the situation in t the Russian member in Russia, the res It was, therefore, The Tsar c< wrote on December The measures 1 of the French my Wishes; be People who do there is no 0 any rate, thi ture.23 Since the able administrat loyal to the Em; 19““ to serve of govemment - \ 2 . ZPaskies 1“ ShCherbatov 13: ZBImpera ‘ J7 godal in 34 correspondence with the Minister, Secretary of State was concerned and in the correspondence and reports of the Ad- ministrative Council, the actual proceedings of the Adminis- trative Council could not be conducted in other than the French language. The reason was that the three Polish mem- bers did not know Russian and the three Russian members did not know Polish, or else knew the languages so inaccurately that adequate discussion of matters brought before the Coun- cil would not be possible. Paskevich went on to say that the situation in the State Council was worse. Aside from the Russian members and those few Poles who had held offices in Russia, the rest of the members knew very little Russian. It was,therefore,necessary to retain the French language.22 The Tsar concurred in the judgment of his Viceroy and wrote on December 13th: The measures undertaken by you for the gradual abolition of the French language in affairs agree completely with my wishes; because it is another matter to speak with people who do not know another language, as French, there is no other way to come to an understanding; at any rate, this is already a big step towards the fu- ture.23 Since the intention of the Tsar was to build a reli- able administrative base within the Kingdom which would be loyal to the Empire, individuals other than Poles were se- lected to serve as officials, particularly in key positions of government. Article 26 of the Organic Statute provided _ 22Paskiewicz do Cesarza, 7go grudnia 1837 roku, quoted in Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., pp. 148-149. 23Imperator Nikolai k Paskevich, lgo/l3go dekabria 1837 goda, in Shcherbatov, Prilozheniia.... PP. 339-3fio. tht the ruler was Mill high officl istrative Council with of his conf Kingdom of Poland The criterion for the Tsar and not It is difficult, bylrticle 31+ of the Polish langua filled, except pe Ihich were staffe The new to was outlined in a Petersburg on Feb Proclaimed that "' Russian Empire, 1' Affirming that th \ 2“Poland, ] Zslbld. , p SZlachta class c Tent Officials s rimufiratic cares r131 Minister 01 “filth as "the m. tion" and State mgr of life" it “(in to the Con loéc' inteli enc ‘9 7 - p. 112. zoPoland 27%.. 35 that the ruler was not limited in his selection of persons to fill high offices to names submitted to him by the Admin- istrative Council but could appoint anyone whom he deemed worthy of his confidence, whether they were residents of the Kingdom of Poland or some other province of the Empire.24 The criterion for holding public office was to be loyalty to the Tsar and not knowledge of the language of the region. It is difficult, therefore, to see how the assurances given by Article 3# of the Organic Statute regarding the use of the Polish language in administration could have been ful- filled, except perhaps at the lower levels of administration which were staffed primarily by Poles.25 The new form of government for the Kingdom of Poland was outlined in an Organic Statute which was given in St. 6 Petersburg on February in, 1832.2 Article 1 of the Statute proclaimed that "the Kingdom of Poland forever joined to the Russian Empire, forms an inseparable part of this Empire."27 Affirming that the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland belonged 2”Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 14, pp. 202-203,Art. 26. 251bid,, pp. 214-215, Art. 34. During this period the szlachta class continued to be the chief source of govern— ment officials since higher education, required for a bu- reaucratic career, was reserved to the nobility. The Impe- rial Minister of Education, Uvarov, referred to the szlachta youth as "the most precious flower of the younger genera- tion" and stated that "marked by its own background and man- ner of life" it would "render the most important contribu- tion to the country." J. Chalasifiski, Przeszlosé i przysz- losc inteligencji polskiej (Rzym: Institut Literacki, 1947). p. 112. 26 Poland, Dziennik Praw. Vol. 14, pp. 172-249, 27Ibid., pp. 174-175. Art. 1. _... to the Russian m _ J _. mm the Constit . . .. _ . nte coronation i The crowning Iould take p1 capital City the Kingdom 0 together with The Statut in the aduinietra my, However, th viceroy emerge as ious central admi genie Statute. T placed in Paskevi assigned to him or cisions affecting emnental posts 1 he recommended ar ficials and resit In addition. Pas Nicholas and tin: developments in Article retention 0 f t' \\ 281bid. , 36 to the Russian Tsar and his successors, the Organic Statute, unlike the Constitution of 1815, did not provide for a sepa- rate coronation in Warsaw but rather stated that: The crowning of the Tsar of All Russia, King of Poland, would take place at the one and same ceremony in the capital City of Moscow in the presence of Deputies from the Kingdom of Poland called to attend that solemnity together with Deputies from other parts of the Empire.28 HEAD OF GOVERNMENT The Statute makes no mention of the role of the King in the administration of the country nor that of his vice- roy. However, the great powers which were intended for the viceroy emerge as the viceroy's role is outlined in the var— ious central administrative institutions set up by the Or- ganic Statute. The high degree of confidence which Nicholas placed in Paskevich is likewise revealed in the major role assigned to him with respect to implementing decrees and de- cisions affecting the Kingdom. For example, important gov— ernmental posts in the Kingdom were filled with persons whom he recommended and he was the intermediary through whom of~ ficials and residents of the Kingdom had access to the Tsar. In addition, Paskevich's opinions were weighed carefully by Nicholas and thus had an important bearing on administrative developments in the Kingdom. STATE COUNCIL Article 28 of the Organic Statute provided for the retention of the State Council under the presidency of the Ibid., pp. 176-177, Arts. 2, 3. viceroy. It was ‘ the chief Directol Controller Genera ciale honored wit called by the Tea State Council. I to authorize a me viceroy's functio The oblige. 29, included: 1 Reviewing regulatio of the Ki N Resolving ministrat the scope 3. Discussin Regional ing the n F Examining tures of Council a with reg: branches 5. Examinin ious adm actions 6. Makingc' hated di cil to - fice,30 More in“; \ 29mg. . ”sag. . 37 viceroy. It was to be made up of the following persons: the Chief Directors of the Government Commissions and the Controller General of the Highest Board of Control; offi- cials honored with the rank of State Councillors; and others called by the Tsar to sit permanently or temporarily in the State Council. In the absence of the viceroy, the Tsar was to authorize a member of the State Council to fulfill the 29 viceroy's functions. The obligations of this body, set forth in Article 29, included: 1. Reviewing and drawing up projects of new laws and regulations pertaining to the general administration of the Kingdom. 2. Resolving disputes and questions arising between ad- ministrative and judicial authorities relating to the scope of their authority. 3. Discussing presentations and petitions submitted by Regional Assemblies and Provincial Councils regard- ing the needs and welfare of the country. 4. Examining the annual budget of revenues and expendi- tures of the Kingdom prepared by the Administrative Council as well as reports of the Controller General with regard to revising accounts of the various branches of administration. 5. Examining reports of the Chief Directors of the var- ious administrative branches with respect to their actions in matters entrusted to them. 6. Making decisions regarding bringing officials nomi- nated directly by or in the name of the State Coun- cil tootrial for violations committed while in of- fice.3 More important matters and those which were concerned 291bid., pp. 204-207, Art. 28. 3°Ibid., pp. 206—209, Art. 29. with reconciling 1 the Empire were t< in St. Petersburg. the Affairs of thi The detail« State Council was burg December 12/: my of the Kingdox Council. The C011] of necessity the ‘ ordinary session. tion to the Vicer The Vicero the Tsar regardin as the minutes of Siam translation State.33 Under the me Of the State if n 30222.33?“ he r men 1n d POIitiQEeom and t ”9 div p irélzst ldedse Sq: 38 with reconciling regulations in the Kingdom with those of the Empire were to be resolved by the Imperial State Council in St. Petersburg, within which a separate Department for the Affairs of the Kingdom of Poland was created.31 The detailed organization and functioning of the State Council was set forth in a Statute given at St. Peters- burg December 12/24, 1832. Article 1 restated that the Vice- roy of the Kingdom was the presiding officer of the State Council. The Council was required to meet weekly. In case of necessity the Viceroy was empowered to call it into extra— ordinary session. The presence of seven members, in addi— tion to the Viceroy, constituted a quorum.32 The Viceroy was required to submit weekly reports to the Tsar regarding the actions of the State Council, as well as the minutes of the Council meetings, together with a Rus- sian translation of them, through the Minister, Secretary of State.33 Under the 1815 Constitution, the King, with the ad- vice of the State Council, had drawn up the initial budget 31Ochimowski, Prawo Administrggyjng, p. 22. Members of this Department were to be selected by the Tsar from both the Kingdom and the Empire. winiarski, Les Institutions Politi ue..., p. 116. The membership of the Department was to’be d1v1ded equally between Poles and Russians. Skarbek, Krolestwo Polskie.... p. 20. 32Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 15, pp. l75-l76;pp.lOl_ 106. Arts. 1, 5; pp. 123—126, Art. 26. The Council rendered its decisions by majority vote. However, if the Viceroy disagreed with its decisions, he had the right to appeal them directly to the Tsar. Ibid.. PP. 125-126. Art. 27; 1bid., Vol. 14, pp. 200—201. Art. 25. 33Ibid., Vol. 15. pp. 161—16u, Art. 66. which remained in sovereign and the Council prepared State Council. 35 The State ‘ astate Secretary an Undersecretary nendation of the ‘ were nominated by with the 13 one issued Novemb ing. By Article ditional rulings. judged the State Skarbek, w the Kingdom durin the State Council laws and governme its needs. " He 1 wit ' . .n marriage law 39 which remained in force until modified or changed by the 3h After 1832 the Administrative sovereign and the Sejm. Council prepared the budget which was then examined by the State Council.35 The State Council had its own Chancellery directed by a State Secretary appointed by the Tsar. He was assisted by an Undersecretary of State selected by the Tsar upon recom— mendation of the Viceroy. Officials for the Chancellery 36 were nominated by the Viceroy. With the promulgation of this Statute, the previous one issued November 19/December 1, 1815, ceased to be bind- ing. By Article 82 the Tsar reserved the right, through ad- ditional rulings, to indicate further obligations which he judged the State Council should assume.37 Skarbek, who served in administrative positions in the Kingdom during this period, evaluates the performance of the State Council by stating that "it neither discussed the laws and government of the country nor took care of any of its needs." He points out that only one project, dealing with marriage laws, was worked out by this body. Skarbek BuPoland, Ustawa KonstytucyjnaéCharte Constitution— nelle (1815), Art. CLXII. 35Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol.15, pp. 155—156, Art. 59, 36Ibid.. pp. 103-106, Art. 4; pp. 165-166, Art. 70; pp. 169-170, Art. 75. Other‘duties of the State Secretary in- cluded informing members of the State Council of meeting dates and agenda, as well as gathering supplementary informa- tion required by the members to aid.them in their discus~ sions. Ibid., pp. 159-160, Art. 63; pp. 165—166, Arts. 69, 71, 37Ibid.. pp. 171—174, Arts. 81, 82. concludes that "th entity that it are This is best attes not lamented when even notice when 1 However, tr ic significance of ished this manifes that the State COL some degree of sel made the decision its various functf Imperial Governine unrest by simultai Polish State Count of the Governing : sioh made up of p. the Kingdom to th DEPARTMENT FE An importa Derial State Coun Unification of th The Organic Statu hat - o p t91‘s hav1n * I‘eat impo LSkarbek, 0,5 bheherbah 40 concludes that "the State Council was reduced to such a non- entity that it aroused no attachment among the citizens. This is best attested to by the fact that not only was it not lamented when it was abolished but the country did not even notice when it disappeared."38 However, the government itself recognized the symbol- ic significance of this institution for many Poles who cher— ished this manifestation of the Kingdom's autonomy and hoped that the State Council might evolve into an institution with some degree of self-rule. When, in 1841, the government made the decision to eliminate the State Council and entrust its various functions to newly—created Departments in the Imperial Governing Senate, it moved to neutralize expected unrest by simultaneously issuing two decrees: One named Polish State Council members to the new Warsaw Departments of the Governing Senate; the other set up a special commis- sion made up of Poles to review petitions of residents of the Kingdom to the Tsar.39 DEPARTMENT FOR THE AFFAIRS OF THE KINGDOM OF POLAND An important new organ was established within the Im- Perial State Council in 1832 for the purpose of advancing unification of the Kingdom with the Empire. Article 31 of the Organic Statute stated that: Matters having to do with legislation and other projects of great importance, which it would seem to Us require 38Skarbek, Krdlestwo Polskie.... PP. 68—69. 39Shcherbatov,RzadstieciaPaskiewicza....pp.221-223, previous and 0‘ other parts of well as the An Council of the approval, will Russian Empire These matters were partnent for the A bers were to be ap jects in the Empir Simultaneou Petersburg setting include: 1. General-Fe vich, who 2. Real Privy the procee Paskevich 3. Real PriVI (1 count Zam< f‘ ,, cavalry 3‘ Cavalry 3‘ Lieutenan Privy 0011 he he last four wer “in , “:1 State Counci “on *01and. : 41 _ ‘ ”\ld. 42R 15. "43813, l: 39 p, 00' No i #1 previous and careful coordination with existing laws in other parts of the Empire and for its general good, as well as the Annual Budget presented to Us by the State Council of the Kingdom of Poland for final perusal and approval, will Bass through the State Council of the Russian Empire. 0 These matters were to be channeled through a separate De- partment for the Affairs of the Kingdom of Poland whose mem- bers were to be appointed by the Tsar from "among Our sub- #1 jects in the Empire and in the Kingdom." Simultaneously, an Imperial Decree was issued in St. Petersburg setting forth the membership of the Department to include: 1. General—Feldmarshal, Prince of Warsaw, Count Paske- vich, who was named President of the Department. 2. Real Privy Councillor Engel, who was to preside over the proceedings of the Department in the absence of Paskevich from the capital. 3. Real Privy Councillor Novosiltsev. 4. Count Zamojski. 5. Cavalry General Count Krasinski. 6. Cavalry General Count Roznetski. 7. Lieutenant General Count Grabowski. 8. Privy Councillor Prince Lubecki. The last four were also appointed to membership in the Impe- rial State Council.)+2 The functioning of this body was outlined by a Decree n #1 0Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 14, pp. 210—213,Art.31, Ibid. 42Russia, Polnoe Sobranie Zakonov Rossiiskoi Imperii, 1832. p. 90, No. 5166. issued December 27 the Decree was a I Statute setting f 0 matters were refer Secretary of State the Department. 1 resolutions approt the proper authorz' After a pm the original J our: who would determii the full assembly 0f each year, the 10 be transferred Archives , he The great a . . ..dmmistrative Cc . 1D 1826 were reaj in Article 22 th' the Chief Ad, :ntPUSted to sOVern in Oil) m\ :ne Admin: 42 issued December 27, 1832, in St. Petersburg. Article 1 of the Decree was a restatement of Article 31 of the Organic Statute setting forth the purposes of the Department. All matters were referred to the Department through the Minister, Secretary of State of the Kingdom who was also a member of the Department. The Minister was required to countersign resolutions approved by the Tsar and then forward them to the proper authorities in the Kingdom for implementation.43 After a project was completed within the Department, the original Journals were to be presented to the monarch who would determine which matters were to be brought before the full assembly of the State Council. At the conclusion of each year, the Department Journals and Resolutions were to be transferred for safekeeping to the State Chancellery Archives.uu ADMINISTRATIVE COUNCIL The great powers which theoretically resided in the Administrative Council after the death of Viceroy Zajaczek in 1826 were reaffirmed by the Organic Statute, which stated in Article 22 that: The Chief Administration of the Kingdom of Poland is entrusted to the Administrative Council which is to govern in Our Name under the presidency of the Viceroy of the Kingdom.45 The Administrative Council was to be made up of the ”31bid.. p. 937. No. 5860, Arts. 9, 10, 11. ”tibia” pp. 937-938. No. 5860. Arts. 2. 3. 4, 16. usPoland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 14, pp. l98-l99,Art. 22, Viceroy, the Direc‘ troller General, a monarch.“6 An Org 1832, empowered th 1. Issue inst mands. 2. Resolve m2 thority 01 3. Forward tc longed to The Adminis the task of prepai astical, judicial be channeled to ti The State .. . .ive Councrl Chan 43 Viceroy,the Directorsrxfthe Government Commissions,the Con~ troller General, and other persons speciallyappointedby the monarch. 6 An Organizational Decree issued December 12/24, 1832, empowered the Administrative Council to: 1. Issue instructions required to fulfill Imperial com- mands. 2. Resolve matters which were outside the scope of au- thority of the Government Commissions. 3. Forward to the State Council all matters which be- longed to its competency. The Administrative Council was also entrusted with the task of preparing lists of candidates for high ecclesi- astical, judicial, and administrative offices which were to be channeled to the Tsar through the Viceroy.“8 The State Secretary was in charge of the Administra- tive Council Chancellery where the original copies of 4611312., 913- 198-199. Art. 23, 47Ibid., Vol. 15, pp. 69-72. Art. 1. The supervision of the minutes of Council meetings was entrusted to a State Secretary appointed by the King. An Editing Secretary was chosen for the task of compiling the minutes during the reading and discussion of proposals brought before the Coun- Cil. However, if the question under consideration demanded secrecy, the State Secretary was to draw up the minutes him- self and record them in a Secret Journal. Ibid., pp. 71-74, Arts. 2, 3. In the event the monarch, during his stay in the Kingdom, chose to call the Administrative Council into session, the obligations of the State Secretary were to be assumed by the Minister, Secretary of State, assisted by the State Secretary. Ibid., PP. 95-98. Art. 26. n8Ibid., Vol. 14, pp. 202-203, Art. 26. The Tsar would compare the information on these lists with other in- formation at his disposal. Only then would the decision be made on the basis of whether the nominees were worthy of the Tsar's confidence or not. The Tsar was not limited in his choices to residents of the Kingdom but could select anyone in the Empire. Ibid. Imperial Decrees the minutes of th of decrees and (111 were to be for-wart then. The Chancel trative Council 1’] twig The Admini with the presence or his representa Viceroy was empow to special sessio laterally, makin Which required i sions and orders 01‘ the Administrz trative Council v eVer, if the Vin 51°C 01‘ the Coun tion of it pendi Provisior ministrative and case of the Vic. this occur, the M h91bid. . Art. 21“~ Ibid., 16' 1?: ibi' d. , Uh Imperial Decrees and Directives, as well as extracts from the minutes of the State Secretariat were preserved. Copies of decrees and directives, certified by the State Secretary, were to be forwarded to officials charged with implementing them. The Chancellery staff was appointed by the Adminis- trative Council from names submitted by the State Secre- tary.49 The Administrative Council was to meet twice weekly with the presence of two members, in addition to the Viceroy or his representative, constituting a quorum. While the Viceroy was empowered to call the Administrative Council in- to special session in case of need, he could also act uni- laterally, making decisions or giving orders in matters which required immediate attention. However, these deci- sions and orders were to be entered into the General Journal of the Administrative Council. All matters in the Adminis— trative Council were to be resolved by majority vote. How— ever, if the Viceroy did not agree with the majority deci- sion of the Council he had the authority to halt implementa- tion of it pending an appeal to the King.50 Provision was also made to ensure continuity of ad- ministrative authority through the Administrative Council in case of the Viceroy's death or other incapacity. Should this occur, the Viceroy's authority was to pass temporarily 49 Ibid., Vol. 15, pp. 91-94. Arts. 21. 22: pp. 97-98, Art. 27, 50mm, pp, 79—80, Arts. a, 9. pp. 85-90. Arts. 14. 16, 17; IBIE., Vol. 14. pp. 200-201. Art- 25' to the senior no: course his decisi Theoretic with increased po acollegial body the voice, but a shnscould not b he disapproved bu nal decision. Ho ministrative Coun organized Chief P tions in the Kin twenty years--twe Administrative 0 being strictl Claimed from and this only it Proper to 1! from himse or even to tl Skarbek states 1:] ing which could 3 °DP°sition were the minutes of t thel‘ in consults Pasolved the qua M 511mm. : 52Skarbek ”Skarbek 5“Ibis. . 1+5 to the senior member in the Council until the Tsar could an— nounce his decision regarding a successor.51 Theoretically, the Administrative Council was endowed with increased powers by the Organic Statute for it now was a collegial body with not only a consultative and delibera- tive voice, but also a decisive vote. Its majority deci- sions could not be arbitrarily set aside by the Viceroy if he disapproved but had to be referred to the King for a fi- nal decision. However, Count Skarbek, a member of the Ad- ministrative Council because of his membership in a newly- organized Chief Protective Council of Charitable Institu- tions in the Kingdom of Poland (in which he served for over twenty years--twelve of them as President),52 speaks of the Administrative Council as being strictly a shield under which the Viceroy pro— claimed from himself resolutions in a form as if legal, and this only in those matters in which he acknowledged it proper to keep this form. Others were issued direct- ly from himself, such as orders to the Chief Directors or even to the lower provincial authorities.53 Skarbek states that matters introduced at the Council meet- ing which could not be legally resolved or which encountered Opposition were removed from the agenda and not entered into the minutes of the meeting. Then the Viceroy himself, ei~ ther in consultation with the specific director or by decree, resolved the question.54 511bid., pp. 204-205, Art. 27. 52Skarbek, Pamietniki..., p. 215. __.__.4._.__—_———— 53Skarbek, Krdlestwo Polskie..., p. 67. 54Ibid., p. 68. Homer, ministrative C or: to act cmila dealing nith a s actions were to did provide for fidential matter specific instruc could refer disp Since the Tsar's of the majority Viceroy. could, tle question, th identified the A trator of the Kit °F€anizing this role of the Vice Commentir Council, Skarbeil suPIJI'ession of : Directors admin ally held by ge tially, only th 1"malice-«was a ity in the Cour M SSIbid. . by Skarbek for the Government 46 However, the decree outlining the organization of the Administrative Council specifically granted the Viceroy pow— ers to act unilaterally in cases of necessity or when he was dealing with a specific department (Art. 9). While these actions were to be entered into a General Journal, Article 3 did provide for a Secret Journal in which discussions of con- fidential matters were to be recorded. In the absence of specific instructions, it could be assumed that the Viceroy could refer disputes in resolving questions to the Tsar. Since the Tsar's decision would be final, the decisive vote of the majority of the Council, in disagreement with the Viceroy, could, in effect, be set aside. There can be lit- tle question, therefore, that, while the Organic Statute identified the Administrative Council as the chief adminis- trator of the Kingdom in the name of the King, the Decree organizing this body pointed up the central and powerful role of the Viceroy in the governing process. Commenting on the composition of the Administrative Council, Skarbek says that this was the first evidence of suppression of self-government because the posts of Chief Directors administering the Government Commissions were usu- ally held by generals or other high Russian officials. Ini- tially, only the Director of Justice~-later, the Director of Finance——was a Pole. Hence, Russians always formed a major- 55 ity in the Council. 55Ibid., pp. 67-68. While no explanation is offered by Skarbek for the exception in the case of the Director for the Government Commission of Justice, a possible reason the rear. rate adlinistrat self-government mgmdc Statute. Under the existi only if high adm whom the Tsar co than for region ing. Article 26 Tsar did not bel stricted to sele Kingdom of Polan Only thre the 1830 uprisin changed from Min main, Russians w officials withir enced Poles sin: Article 1 three Commissim tion of the cou: K might be that c shrisdiction of military. Shc‘n 95. Thus, the could be conside rection could s 56Kukiel, Lt? The Tsar, while granting the Kingdom of Poland sepa- rate administrative institutions, did not intend to confer self-government upon the Kingdom. His aim, set forth in the Organic Statute, was to unite the Kingdom with the Empire. Under the existing circumstances, this aim could be advanced only if high administrative positions were held by persons whom the Tsar could trust to have greater concern for Empire than for region and whose loyalty to him would be unswerv- ing. Article 26 of the Organic Statute indicated that the Tsar did not believe he could attain his goal if he were re- stricted to selecting officials from among residents of the Kingdom of Poland. GOVERNMENT COMMISSIONS Only three Government Commissions were retained after the 1830 uprising. The title of the presiding officer was changed from Minister to Chief Director. While, in the main, Russians were appointed to fill these positions, lower officials within these commissions continued to be experi— enced Poles since they could not be easily replaced.56 Article 35 of the Organic Statute prescribed the three Commissions which were entrusted with the administra- tion of the country: might be that crimes against the state were removed from the jurisdiction of the judiciary and placed directly under the military. Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza...,pp.94- 95. Thus, the Commission would not be involved in what couhdbeconsidered politically sensitivedecisionsanditsdi- rection could safely be entrusted to a Pole who was reliable. 56 Kukiel, Dzieje Polski Porozbiorowe..., p. 304. l. Commissi< ucation. 2. Commissic 3. Commissic Provision ceeded the authm missions. These tive Council. I] 90°99 of the Cow ferred to the Ts: State.58 1. CO Only the docs affairs an tional Changee. larch 1h. 1833. Chief Director, cellery, Chief o hilag a “Umber requirements. I tions: 1) GEnez Craft“ and 3) e 57 pOland‘ M'c ] 590k 173. 180.‘015k1 48 1. Commission of Internal and Religious Affairs and Ed- ucation. 2. Commission of Justice. 3. Commission of Finance and Treasury.57 Provision was made for resolving questions which ex- ceeded the authority of the Chief Directors and their Com- missions. These were to be transferred to the Administra- tive Council. In the event some of these were outside the scope of the Council and the Viceroy, they were to be re- ferred to the Tsar through the Minister, Secretary of State.58 1. COMMISSION OF INTERNAL AND RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS AND EDUCATION Only the Commission dealing with internal and reli- gious affairs and educational matters underwent organiza- tional changes. In accordance with the Decree issued March 14, 1833, the Commission was to be made up of the Chief Director, Directors of Sections, Director of the Chan- cellery, Chief of the Bureau of Control and Accounts, as well as a number of clerks set forth in projections of staff requirements. The Commission was divided into three sec- tions: 1) General Administration; 2) Manufacture and Crafts; and 3) Religions and Public Education.59 Each section was responsible for preparing projects 57Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 14, pp. 214-217,Art.35. 58Ibid., pp. 216—217. Art. 37. l 59Okolski, WykIad Prawa Administracyjnego..., pp. 116, 73, 180. ,i' ‘I i of law dealing w projects for con addition, each 8 ties which were istration 5604010 local administra trative authorit maintenance of P property. This posing names of Manufacture and tore, manufactur table institutio ters and public this Section. T Wes responsible served as an int tolic See. This olesiastical ofi Ship of periodic Commissic ”at“ by the on immediate actior Directors of Sps The Chie: .rafion of the ( 60 Ibi \"j‘ #9 of law dealing with its specific area, presenting these projects for confirmation, and then implementing them. In addition, each section was charged with other responsibili- ties which were detailed in the Decree. The General Admin- istration Section was also expected to set up and supervise local administrative organs and establish limits of adminis- trative authority. Among its other duties were included the maintenance of peace and order and protection of lives and property. This Section was entrusted with the task of pro- posing names of persons to fill government offices. The Manufacture and Crafts Section was concerned with agricul- ture, manufacture and trade, and communications. All chari- table institutions, hospitals, and prisons, as well as thea- ters and public entertainment came under the jurisdiction of this Section. The Religions and Public Education Section was responsible for supervision of churches and clergy and served as an intermediary with the Holy Synod and the Apos- tolic See. This Section nominated persons to fill high ec- clesiastical offices. It was also responsible for censor- ship of periodicals and books.60 Commission decisions were arrived at in one of three Ways: by the Chief Director himself on matters requiring immediate action; collegially in Commission meetings; or by Directors of specific sections.61 The Chief Director was concerned with the overall op- eration of the Commission and presided over its meetings in 60 61 Ibid., pp. 116—117. Ibid., p. 118. which projects '9 for the Administr of three members cisions were renc tie, the Directoi tor believed that isting laws or w: implementation 0: the ldministrati‘ The Commi rector and three 1) Administratio 3) Criminal Judi serve as the chi Department. Acc the overall dire ing in the Judi< cials and place! Which were fillc The Commission he the quality 62 . Ibid. 63 . Ch t. DTOV‘ ' 1011 50 which projects were discussed and reports and presentations for the Administrative Council were prepared. The presence of three members was required to constitute a quorum and de- cisions were rendered by a majority vote. In cases of a tie, the Director's vote was decisive. Also, if the Direc- tor believed that the majority decision conflicted with ex— isting laws or was harmful for the country, he could suspend implementation of the decision and bring the matter before the Administrative Council for resolution.62 2. COMMISSION OF JUSTICE The Commission of Justice, composed of the Chief Di- rector and three members, was divided into three sections: 1) Administration and Control; 2) Civil Judiciary; and 3) Criminal Judiciary.63 The Commission's function was to serve as the chief administrative authority of the Justice Department. Accordingly, the Commission was charged with the overall direction and supervision of all officials serv- ing in the Judiciary. In this capacity it appointed offi- cials and placed in nomination names for higher offices which were filled by the Tsar or the Administrative Council. The Commission was also entrusted with the task of monitor— ing the quality of law enforcement with regard to accuracy 62Ibid. 63Kutrzeba, Historya Ustroju Polski..., pp. 97-98. A fourth section, General Services, was added in 18h7. Also, Provision was made for specially appointed persons to serve on the Commission in an advisory capacity. Okolski, Wykiad Prawa Administracyjnego.... p. 174. ofinterpretatio fulfill this fun heroes, reconmne pmfimgjudicial theldministrati dalprocedures whereby such imp While dec orSection Direc honof the whol hfled. These m 1. Selectic ministra siderati Commissi a Annual I tice De} 1 Disciplj the Just 4' Approvaj 5' Reports and/or . 6- General C0mmiss lithe Chief Di: fi°n°n any of men: +- 6h 65 . Ibis In th '1\‘ I ”ihfotlngdom 51 of interpretation and uniformity of application of laws. To fulfill this function the Commission was empowered to issue decrees, recommendations, and instructions dealing with im- proving judicial procedures. It was also expected to call the Administrative Council's attention to areas where judi- cial procedures could be improved and to prepare projects whereby such improvements would be implemented.6u While decisions could be made by the Chief Director or Section Directors, certain matters required the delibera— tion of the whole Commission in which majority rule pre- vailed. These were: 1. Selection of candidates to be presented to the Ad- ministrative Council for its approval. Also, con- sideration of candidates for positions which the Commission itself could fill. 2. Annual projection of staff requirements for the Jus- tice Department and the Judiciary. 3. Disciplinary punishment of clerks and officials in the Justice Department and the Judiciary. 4. Approval of fund distributions. 5. Reports and projects to be submitted to the Viceroy and/or the Administrative Council. 6. General instructions or rules to be issued by the Commission. If the Chief Director did not agree with the majority deci— sion on any of the above matters, he could withhold imple— mentation and appeal the decision to a higher authority.65 64Ibid. 65Ibid., pp. 174—175. The administration of justice in the Kingdom of Poland remained separate throughout the reign of Nicholas and well into the reign of his successor, coming under the control of the Minister of Justice in 3- C‘ The Count.1 aChief Director the administrati nines.66 Additi Director include minting coins al 2) the General I made disbursemer Directors was re annual reports 1 By Articj hinister, Secre‘ to remain at th the State Counc to the Tsar wer all the Tsar's the Minister.68 52 3. COMMISSION OF FINANCE AND TREASURY The Commission of Finance and Treasury was made up of a Chief Director and three members who were entrusted with the administration of government estates and forests and mines.66 Additional responsibilities entrusted to the Chief Director included: 1) the Government Mint which besides minting coins also prepared government seals and stamps; 2) the General Treasury which collected public revenues and made disbursements; and 3) the Bank of Poland whose Board of Directors was required to submit weekly, monthly, and semi- 6? annual reports to the Director. MINISTER, SECRETARY OF STATE By Article 32 of the Organic Statute the position of Minister, Secretary of State was retained. The Minister was to remain at the side of the monarch. All matters sent from the State Council and Administrative Council of the Kingdom to the Tsar were channeled through the Minister. In turn, all the Tsar's commands to the Viceroy were directed through 68 the Minister. In addition, the Minister countersigned all St. Petersburg on July 1, 1876. Ochimowski, Prawo Adminis- tracyjne, p. 239. See also Okolski, Wyklad Prawa Adminis- tracyjnego.... p. 175. 66Kutrzeba, Historya Ustroju Polski..., p. 98. 67Okolski, Wyklad Prawa Administracyjnego..., pp, 182- 187. This Commission retained its autonomous structure un- til 1867 when it was placed under the control of the Minis— ter of Finance in St. Petersburg. Ibid., p. 181. Two years later it ceased to exist altogether. Ochimowski, Prawo Administracyjne, p. 238. 681>olemd. W. Vol- 1“! PP' 212'213- “‘5' 32- Imperial laws. c the Kingdom °f P entered into the with the of the Kingdom 0 the duties of ”Ch referred to the brought before t into Russian. T for this work an two clerks for t responsibilities The Boarc tained by the 01 title. Hencefox Board of Controi ler General 53 Imperial laws, commands, and regulations which pertained to the Kingdom of Poland and was responsible for their being entered into the Dziennik Egaw.69 With the creation of the Department for the Affairs of the Kingdom of Poland within the Imperial State Council, the duties of the Minister were increased. Projects were referred to the Department through the Minister and those brought before the State Council had first to be translated into Russian. The Minister was able to use his Chancellery for this work and, in addition, was given an assistant and two clerks for the purpose of assisting him in his added responsibilities.7O BOARD OF CONTROL The Board of Control, with all its functions, was re- tained by the Organic Statute. The only change was in its title. Henceforth, it was to be referred to as the Highest Board of Control and its presiding officer was titled Con- troller General.71 Ibid., pp. 212—215, Art. 33. 7ORussia, Pclnoe Sobranie Zakonov Rgssiiskoi Imperii, 1832, p. 90, No.—3I66, Arts. 12, 13. On March 24, 1833, the Tsar approved an additional 15,000 rubles annually for the Chancellery to cover the added costs it had assumed. Ibid., 1833. p. 81, No. 6075. 71Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 14, pp. 216-217,Art.36, The Board of Control was abolished on December 28/January 9, 1866/7. In its place three regional boards were created un- der the direct control of St. Petersburg. Ochimowski, Prawo Administracyjne, p. 232- After 1833 which resil‘m‘ad the minedom t° P‘ not limited t0 5‘ daL and admini‘ Administrative 0' hecould make Se' offset any criti‘ hmrs there Wa remrved to the Kingdom of Polan toothers, Russi hthn its bound Therefore mhdstrative ins helevel of ant Cnntitution whi emnohic qualifi aremnsite, wit he. After the for holding offi Fuhr placed in fhials in the h tive offices Rd 7 Poland. 54 CIVIL SERVICE After 1832 there were no constitutional safeguards which restricted the holding of governmental positions in the Kingdom to Poles. As already indicated, the Tsar was not limited to selecting persons for ecclesiastical, judi- cial, and administrative offices from names submitted by the Administrative Council. If the candidates did not suit him he could make selections from among any of his subjects. To offset any criticism which might arise from the European Powers, there was a provision in the Organic Statute which reserved to the ruler the granting of citizenship in the Kingdom of Poland to persons residing within the Kingdom or to others, Russians and foreigners, who were not yet settled within its boundaries.72 Therefore, in the area of civil service, separate ad- ministrative institutions did not mean the continuation of the level of autonomy enjoyed by the Kingdom under the 1815 Constitution which set residential, cultural, moral, and economic qualifications for citizenship, which was, in turn, a requisite, with a very limited exception, for civil serv- ice. After the 1830 uprising, the important qualification for holding office was the degree of confidence which the ruler placed in the individuals who aspired to serve as of— ficials in the Kingdom. Therefore, in key central adminis- trative offices the Tsar generally placed Russians whom he 72Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 14, pp. 194-197.Art.21, could trust t0 1“ STAT' As this C direct result of curtail the auto Statute departed tion of 1815. ”Ch eliminated. Mos retained but the was reflected in department for t cil, indicating increasing subst key positions ir actions during l “he thgdom‘ s at 55 could trust to fulfill his wishes with regard to the Kingdom of Poland. STATUTE'S IMPACT ON KINGDOM AUTONOMY As this chapter indicates, the Organic Statute was a direct result of the Polish Uprising and was intended to curtail the autonomy of the Kingdom. However, while the Statute departed to a considerable extent from the Constitu- tion of 1815, the separate status of the Kingdom was not eliminated. Most central administrative institutions were retained but the shift toward less autonomy for the Kingdom was reflected in such measures as the creation of a separate department for the Kingdom within the Imperial State Coun- cil, indicating closer supervision of Kingdom affairs, and increasing substitutions of Russian for Polish officials in key positions in the administration. Subsequent events and actions during Paskevich's Viceroyalty were further to erode the Kingdom's autonomy. The failu mafion of almoS hhnd.includin thirplaces of worked to alter diplomatic and r inited since ti h much course afree and inde] theKingdom of 1 degree of admin: pnferred was m: restrictions we EMIGRE’ Most pro CHAPTER III The failure of the 1830 uprising resulted in the emi- gration of almost ten thousand persons from the Kingdom of Poland. including large numbers of military personnel.1 From their places of exile in France and England these émigrés worked to alter the existing situation within the Kingdom by diplomatic and political means. However, their success was limited since the émigrés were divided among themselves as to which course would best serve the interest of restoring a free and independent Polish State. The consequences for the Kingdom of Poland were that, on the one hand. a greater degree of administrative autonomy than the Tsar would have preferred was maintained, while on the other hand, greater restrictions were placed upon'Uueinhabitants of the Kingdom. EMIGRES AND ADMINISTRATIVE DEVELOPMENTS IN THE KINGDOM OF POLAND Most prominent of the emigrés was Adam Czartoryski, who had served as President of the National Government from lM. Kukiel, Czartoryski and European Unity: 1770- 1861 (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1955). p. 209. These emigres reached France via Austria or Prussia where they were warmly received. While allowed to Stay in the country, the Poles were settled in camps outside Paris. Initially, the Polish emigres received assistance from Lafayette's Committee for Poland. Later, when their numbers increased, the French Treasury paid ex-soldiers an allowance equal to military half-pay. Ibid.. pp. 209-210, 56 January until Aug governmen’c went it Great Power inter ceive more fawn rather than Franc cause of her own neyed to Lond0n' pathies of the Li cause were genuifi power placed burc' cation of the p05 sibility for cont lielopolski and C al Government in of 1831 that the ment in France a} cided that Engla: 'Not to weak quire her se vent Poland. France, from In J anuar F‘ Jzartoryski an i said; 'V . f$3111" Highne eelings of 2 Lenskii. 3.. De. 316.§ievlm' 57 January until August, 1831, at which time the members of the government went into exile.2 Believing that the question of Great Power intervention in the Kingdom of Poland might re- ceive more favorable consideration if initiated from England rather than France, which was under a cloud of suspicion be- cause of her own recent revolution, Prince Czartoryski jour- neyed to London, arriving there December 22, 1831. The sym- pathies of the Liberal Cabinet, then in power, to the Polish cause were genuine. However, actual exercise of political power placed burdens on the ministers which forced a modifi- cation of the position they had held before assuming respon- sibility for conducting the business of government. Marquis Wielopolski and Count Walewski, envoys of the Polish Nation- al Government in London, had reported as early as the spring of 1831 that the Liberal Government, "alarmed at the excite- ment in France and the cries of revenge for Waterloo," de- cided that England's policy should be: 'Not to weaken Russia, as Europe might soon again re- quire her services in the cause of order,‘ and to pre- vent Poland, whom it regarded as the natural ally of France, from becoming 'a French province on the Vistula. '3 In January, 1832, Lord Chancellor Brougham granted Czartoryski an interview, during the course of which he said: 'Your Highness will understand the difference between the feelings of a private individual and the duties of a 2Lenskii, Istoriia Rossii v XIX veke, I, 319—321. 3Gielgud, Memoirs of Prince Adam Czartoryski.... PP. 316-317. Minister. Tl Poland are we adapt our po. absolutely 11 of Poland v11. Polish cause Powers. The; of Poland me Kukiel su question of Euro The stipulat concern of t had not been W by her re the first ti of their pos cific condit in all parts Spected, anc tution shouj tion of tho: treaty Woult Polish terr: legal valid It is di CZartoryski was land Sent to St retary of State We have f0 The mainter That Russia lug In the uL b0 the kins adhere to t Sent f I‘om f \ MN 5 n5 KUkiei 58 Minister. The opinions of Lord Grey and myself as to Poland are well known to you; but we were obliged to adapt our policy to the condition of England, who was absolutely incapable (sic) of making war. ... The fate of Poland will always interest us, but unfortunately the Polish cause is opposed to the wishes of all the other Powers. They all want peace, while to take up the cause of Poland means war.“t Kukiel summarizes Czartoryski's position on this question of European intervention as follows: The stipulations of the Congress of Vienna were more the concern of the European cabinets than of Poland: Poland had not been a participant; she had not broken any trea- ty by her revolution. The partitioning powers had for the first time obtained in Vienna the legal recognition of their possessions in Poland, but only under the spe- cific conditions that the national rights of the Poles in all parts of the former Commonwealth of 1772 were re— spected, and that a Polish kingdom with its own consti— tution should have a separate existence. By the viola- tion of those rights, the corresponding articles of the treaty would become null and void and the possession of Polish territories by the three sovereigns deprived of legal validity. It is difficult to determine to what extent Prince Czartoryski was responsible for the protestations which Eng- land sent to St. Petersburg. However, Lord Palmerston, Sec- retary of State for Foreign Affairs, did tell Czartoryski: 'We have forwarded our representations and remarks as to the maintenance of the Treaty of Vienna. We recognise that Russia has not fulfilled it, for she has done noth— ing in the provinces, and after granting a Constitution to the kingdom, has violated its provisions. We firmly adhere to this view, although Austria and Prussia dis— sent from it. We hold that the Constitution granted by the Emperor Alexander should be maintained, and can only be altered by the Diet; also that the Polish provinces LPIbidv ! pp. 327'328: 5Kukiel, Czartoryski and European Unity..., pp. 195— 196. of Russia sl provincial 2 Nicholas' of the Polish Q1 article which a] Polish newspaper the Congress of the Kingdom of i treaty specific tive and nation int powers deem that the Consti given by Alexan of Vienna, and selves destroys quered the King f0I'mer ties be. hum name and Alexander. Tn. Fess of Vienna which aSSured istratiOn and Privileges Whi the Kingdom We A‘Jstria 7 6 ,. l. 328 “1°99 7 n bkarbe 59 of Russia should have a representative assembly and a provincial administration} Nicholas' concern regarding the continuing discussion of the Polish Question in Western Europe was reflected in an article which appeared July, 1833, in St. Petersburg and Polish newspapers setting forth the government's position on the Congress of Vienna Treaty stipulations with respect to the Kingdom of Poland. The article pointed out that the treaty specified that the Poles were to receive "representa- tive and national institutions" which each of the partition- ing powers deemed appropriate. The article went on to say that the Constitution which the Kingdom received was freely given by Alexander and was not a requirement of the Congress of Vienna, and maintained the Polish revolutionaries them— selves destroyed this Constitution. The Tsar, having con— quered the Kingdom of Poland anew, nevertheless restored the former ties between the two countries, retaining the King- dom's name and position which had been granted it by Tsar Alexander. The autonomy guaranteed the Kingdom by the Cong- ress of Vienna was also guaranteed by the Organic Statute which assured that the Kingdom would have a separate admin- istration and existence. In fact, the article noted, the privileges which the Statute had granted to the residents of the Kingdom were not enjoyed by the Poles under Prussia and Austria.7 6Gielgud, Memoirs of Prince Adam Czartoryski..., p' 3280 7 Skarbek, Kro/lestwo Polskie.... pp. 33-36. While Rus dent they would certain regard 1‘ tion of the King which was signed ed. She had no for internationa that x All these p1 the benefit France, whit na Treaty,9 Emigre it the Kintent of : ryski and his Sl united in their con. In genera Primarily of th form 0f governm teal, The SSCO the People. and iovernment aris iii to aPDeal t 8”r b' Stu a la latach (Kr; o ' [Lew ' '.' l .sK 10 Skal‘bel 60 While Russia did not fear the European Powers, confi— dent they would not go to war over Poland, she did retain a certain regard for public opinion. The creation and protec- tion of the Kingdom of Poland rested 0n the Treaty of Vienna which was signed by all the European Powers, Russia includ- ed, She had no desire to appear as a nation with no regard for international agreements.8 Lenskii indicates, however, that: All these promises remained on paper, written only for the benefit of Western Europe, especially England and France, which strove for strict fulfillment of the Vien— na Treaty.9 Emigre influence on administrative developments in the Kingdom of Poland was not limited to efforts of Czarto- ryski and his supporters since the Polish émigrés were not united in their drive to regain independence for the King- dom. In general, two trends emerged. The first, made up primarily of the aristocracy, was committed to a monarchical form of government and looked to outside help to achieve its goal, The second sought to secure its aim by appealing to the people, and, consequently, espoused a republican form of government arising out of a "social transformation of the 10 nation." Skarbek notes that "from this flowed its inabil- ity to appeal to monarchical Europe." Skarbek observes: 8Hrabia StanisZaw Tarnowski, Nasze dzieje w ostatnich Stu latach (Krakdw: Spolka Wydawnicza Polska, 1895), p. 81, 9Lenskii, "Polskoe vostannie 1863," Istoriia Rossii v XIX veke, III, 270. '— ‘\ loSkarbek, Krolestwo Polskie..., p. 39. It had not 1 masses never they momenta but never to Unable and unwil its hopes for P0 uprising of the such a “general the Kingdom itse Jézer 2a: ment during the “PM his arrivafi With the initia' incursion attem‘ cOmpanions were atainst the sta In a let bail-1' 1833. f ”l that Zalin West, the Adst sentence to 1.11 61 It had not learned the lesson of history—-that the masses never revolt together and unanimously and, if they momentarily work together it is only to destroy but never to maintain and build. Unable and unwilling to appeal to the monarchies of Europe, its hopes for Poland's liberation were pinned on a "general uprising of the people in a world revolution." One phase in such a "general uprising" was to be partisan activity within the Kingdom itself.12 szef Zaliwski, a lieutenant of the First Line Regi- ment during the 1830 uprising and accorded a hero's welcome upon his arrival in Paris in December, 1831, was entrusted with the initiation of this partisan activity. However, the incursion attempt in March, 1833, failed. Zaliwski and his companions were captured and sentenced in Lwow for crimes against the state.13 In a letter written to Paskevich August 30/Septem- ber 11, 1833, from Mfinchengratz, the Tsar informed his Vice- roy that Zaliwski had been captured and, at Nicholas' re- quest, the Austrian Emperor had agreed to reduce Zaliwski's sentence to life imprisonment.14 llIbid., pp, 40-41. 21 12Kukiel, Czartoryski and European Unity..., pp. 212— 3. . 13Nikolai Vasilevich Berg, Za iski N. V. Ber a 0 P01— sklkh zagovorakh i vozstaniiakh: 1831-1852 (Moskva: T1po— graf11a Gracheva i K., 1373). PP. 9-14. 32-39. l“Imperator Nikolai k Paskevich,30go avgusta/llgo sentiabria 1833 goda, in Shcherbatov, Prilozheniia..., PP. l75~176. Zaliwski remained chained in a fortress at Kufstein until 1848 when he was freed. He died shortly thereafter. Berg, Zapiski N. V. Berga.... pp. 39-40. Zaliwski': was countered by April 11/23, 183 persons threaten that this would fulfor the peac mnton to say 1 todeal with cri hrin Article I tions and crime: tary courts. T trusted to the natthis decre to be forthcomi dwree remainec the new Tsar,lf A furthv unbances with inces was the tune Statute plies}? In a Consultative t W39 of diScug 1% JP013n( 5 KOrni 178. d l 0 also Smolehs: 62 Zaliwski's attempt to foment revolt in the Kingdom was countered by an Imperial Decree given at St. Petersburg April 11/23, 1833, acknowledging the presence of various persons threatening to revive the insurrection and warning that this would prove costly for the whole country and harm- ful for the peaceful existence of its residents. The decree went on to say that, pending the enactment of a special law to deal with crimes committed against the state as provided for in Article 10 of the Organic Statute, all such viola- tions and crimes were placed under the jurisdiction of mili- tary courts. The sentencing of those found guilty was en— trusted to the Viceroy of the Kingdom who was also to see that this decree was enforced until replaced by special law 15 to be forthcoming. No such law was ever enacted and this decree remained in force until 1856 when it was rescinded by the new Tsar.l6 A further consequence of attempts to initiate dis- turbances within the Kingdom of Poland and the Western Prov— inces was the setting aside of several sections of the Or- ganic Statute which dealt with local and provincial assem- blies.l7 In addition, the Organic Statute provided for new consultative bodies titled "Regional Assemblies" for the pur- Pose of discussing matters touching upon the general 15Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 15, pp. 224-229. 16 l7Sidorov, Russkie i Russkaia Zhizn.... p. 82. See also Smolenski, Dzieje Narodu.... p. 509. Kornilov, Russkaia politika v Polshe..., p. 33. well-being of t] outline the org: Shcherbatov, in assemblies into cmldhave been ofcomplete pol was to determin mfficiently im mmeinto exist the central adm country,19 Ska iCStatute prov daL and regic Furthern tive of arousir lhn,their pal ihhing POWers Austrian Emperu consider the T1 cludedon thei surrect‘lons in eating asylum ht 181301and 3' 5351+. lo, 30 °h0her 20 Skarbe 21 ShCher 63 well-being of the Kingdom of Poland. A separate law was to outline the organization and functioning of these bodies.18 Shcherbatov, in discussing the potential evolution of these assemblies into law-giving institutions, states that they could have been called into existence only under conditions of complete political peace within the country. The Viceroy was to determine when the political state of the country was sufficiently improved to allow these regional assemblies to come into existence and assume the role of co-operating with the central administrative institutions in governing the 19 country. Skarbek states that the provisions of the Organ- ic Statute providing for these assemblies-—1ocal, provin- cial, and regionalu-were never implemented.20 Furthermore, while the emigrés failed in their objec- tive of arousing the residents of the Kingdom to open rebel- lion, their partisan activities did serve to draw the parti— tioning powers closer together. In September, 1833, the Austrian Emperor and the Russian Tsar met in Munchengratz to consider the Turkish Question and, at the same time, in— cluded on their agenda the problem of Poles instigating in— surrections in one section of partitioned Poland and then 21 seeking asylum in other sections. The Mfinchengratz l8Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 14, pp. 236—237, Arts. 53-54 19 Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksigcia Paskiewicza..., pp. 48, 50. 2OSkarbek, Kr6lestwo Polskie.... p. 67. 21 Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksigcia Paskiewicza..., p. 82. Treaty between I which the sign” the country in ‘ against the Sta‘ ber of the same similar precaut the peace in an the three monar man armed force for aid. In til army could be e An Impel ruary 6, 1834, Kingdom of Poll Russia, Austriz treason, offen against Throne Most ef eliminate the Kingdom was th Viceroy to dea mid~July. 1833 til)“ at Paskeu 64 Treaty between Russia and Austria contained a section by which the signatories bound themselves to return persons to the country in which they stood accused of committing crimes against the state. A convention drawn up in Berlin in Octo- ber of the same year between Russia and Prussia provided for similar precautions against revolutionaries who threatened the peace in any part of partitioned Poland.22 In addition, the three monarchs were each to keep in readiness a 3,500- man armed force which could respond to one another's pleas for aid. In the event revolution threatened, an evenlarger army could be sent.23 An Imperial Manifesto, issued in St. Petersburg Feb- ruary 6, 1834, and inserted in the Dziennik Praw of the Kingdom of Poland, embraced the regulations agreed to by Russia, Austria, and Prussia concerning those "guilty of treason, offenses against the Ruler or armed insurrection against Throne and Government."2n Most effective of the various measures to containand eliminate the threat of revolutionary elements within the Kingdom was the enactment of martial law which enabled the Viceroy to deal swiftly and severely with transgressors. By mid-July, 1833, the Tsar could express his great satisfac- tion at Paskevich's report that the Kingdom was "quiet and 22R. F. Leslie, Polish Politics and the Revolution of November 18 0 (London: The Athlone Press, University of London, 195 p. 261. 238karbek, Krdlestwo Polskie..., pp. 37-38. zuPoland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 15, pp. 403—404. 25 peaceful." Followir Tsar Nicholas t dom of Poland, to St. Petersbt which he wrote: Accept once I am indebt I found all remitting l Merciful G( useful sen However. ered ended and Tsar wrote to ~ I rejoice ' “Qt be distl Inlay of the 1 subjects promp I will bel other evid Of the Sea Pl The oer 25 :r . Illipera :oda‘ 1n Shche 26 ottiabria 1833 27 133“ no??? 28In . Soda. in gore 11o. 65 peaceful."25 Following the conclusion of the Manhengratz meeting, Tsar Nicholas traveled to St. Petersburg by way of the King- dom of Poland, spending several days there. Upon his return to St. Petersburg, Nicholas sent a letter to Paskevich in which he wrote: Accept once again my sincere gratitude for all for which I am indebted to you; the army, your work, the country. I found all in desired order; only because of your un- remitting labors, firmness and constancy.... May the Merciful God reward and fortify you in your glorious and useful service.26 However, danger from insurrectionists was not consid- ered ended and in a letter dated January 4/16, 1834, the Tsar wrote to the Viceroy: I rejoice that all is quiet and am hopeful that it will notinedisturbed...but caution willalwaysbe necessary.27 In May of the same year Easter greetings from his Polish subjects prompted this comment from the Tsar: I will believe the Poles only when they have given me other evidence of their sincerity besides best wishes of the season.... PROMULGATION OF THE ORGANIC STATUTE The ceremonious promulgation of the Manifesto and Organic Statute took place in Warsaw March 13/25, 1832, in 25Imperator Nikolai k Paskevich,16go iiulia 1833 g0da, in Shcherbatov, Prilozheniia.... p. 170. 26Imperator Nikolai k Paskevich,19go sentiabria/1go oktiabria 1833 goda, in ibid., p. 177. 27Imperator Nikolai k Paskevich,4go/16go genvaria 1834 goda, in ibid., p, 228. 28Imperator Nikolai k Paskevich,4go/l6go maia 1834 goda, in ibid., p. 232. the presence of and judicial of Also present we bility and land copies of both levich from St. following the c turned for safe Prior tr all the members cials of the K5 deputies from - dence at 10 0'4 leave together where the Serv T0 the departu dress the gath Tsar's 00ncern the goodness b the return of his beneVOlent sired to 30001- Statute and ac 66 the presence of representatives of regional administrative and judicial officials called to Warsaw for this purpose. Also present were two deputies, representatives of the no- bility and landowners, from each province.29 The original copies of both documents had been brought to Warsaw by Pas- kevich from St. Petersburg for the solemn promulgation and, following the conclusion of the ceremonies, were to be re- turned for safekeeping in the Imperial Archives.30 Prior to the official ceremonies, Paskevich summoned all the members of the Temporary Government, the higher offi- cials of the Kingdom, representatives of the nobility, and deputies from the provinces to appear at his official resi- dence at 10 o'clock in the morning. The plan was for all to leave together for the church, with the Viceroy in the lead, where the service of thanksgiving was to take place. Prior to the departure, the Viceroy used the opportunity to ad- dress the gathering in French in which he spoke of the Tsar‘s concern for a people and a country which had betrayed the goodness bestowed upon it by his predecessor.31 With the return of stability to the country, the Tsar, "extending his benevolent solicitude over his misguided subjects," de- sired to accord to the Kingdom of Poland “a new Organic Statute and administration more responsive to the true needs 29Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., 51. Also present were all high government officials stationed in Warsaw, as well as the Governor of the city, General Witt. Ibid. 30Ibid., p. 52. 31mm. md,of course, hislmperial a tonominate me extended the £0 Gentlemen.. operation, throne, in tary goal v affectionat raise the l ternal pro: rapid prog] a cause of The rel theChurch of tmedby Bisho Pulpit of the ute by Canon natiofl for SW That s; mremonies in rePorted that receiving Off 80: N945 havip 1181 will Shche Skar 351 i3 1832 mpe sooa 6 3 Sheh 67 and, of course, interests of the people."32 Announcing that "His Imperial and Royal Majesty has deigned at the same time to nominate me as Viceroy in the Kingdom," Paskevich then extended the following invitation to the assembled persons: Gentlemen...I invite you to give to me your sincere co- operation, and with all fidelity due to the legitimate throne, in order that we can attain the noble and soli- tary goal which is proposed by our August Sovereign, the affectionate father of all His subjects; that is to raise the Kingdom of Poland to that high degree of in— ternal prosperity, unknown in former times, and whose rapid progress during the last fifteen years was for you a cause of astonishment and surprise. The religious portion of the ceremony took place in the Church of St. John during which the "Te Deum" was in- toned by Bishop Pawlowski. Then came the reading from the pulpit of the Tsar's Manifesto, granting the Organic Stat- ute, by Canon Kotowski who expressed the "gratitude of the nation for such a great benefit."31+ That same day Paskevich wrote to the Tsar that the ceremonies in Warsaw had taken place peacefully.35 He then reported that he had proclaimed himself Viceroy prior to receiving official notification and explained that he did so: Not having recgived the Decree, but knowing your Impe- rial w111....3 32Shcherbatov, Prilozheniia..., p. 131. 33Ibid. 3“Skarbek, Krolestwo Polskie.... p. 17, . 351mperator Nikolai k Paskevich,28go marta/9go aprel- 1a 1832 goda, in Shcherbatov, Prilozheniia.... p. l . 36Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p, 53, Nicholas ”men To empha forthe Tsar's organic statute Governor 0f War residents of th mrsonally the matter since ar pmtests from t that the best I hunmy come f nu enjoyed re quht consent hdnwill unde The del thed two ecc skiand Monsei Wery province latter were: hadtaken par' Muse father 1 Franciszek So in Lheresolutio 371m 1&1832 gogzr 38 Shche 39” shark 68 Nicholas commended Paskevich for the action he had taken.37 To emphasize the appreciation of the Polish nation for the Tsar's "goodness and highmindedness" in granting the Organic Statute, Paskevich entrusted Count Witt, Military Governor of Warsaw, with the task of forming a delegation of residents of the Kingdom to go to St. Petersburg to express personally the gratitude of the nation. This was a delicate matter since any semblance of pressure could have evoked protests from within and outside Poland. It was decided that the best course would be to let the initiative for this journey come from the nobility themselves, preferably those who enjoyed respect and influence in the country. With the quiet consent of Count Witt, Bishop Choromanski and Prince Radziwill undertook the handling of the matter.38 The delegation, as it was finally constituted, in- cluded two ecclesiastical representatives, Bishop Choroman- ski and Monseignor aubienski, as well as two deputies from every province and the city of Warsaw.39 Numbered among the latter were; Prince Radziwilx, brother of the general who had taken part in the November uprising; Edward Niemojewski, whose father had been a member of the National Government; Franciszek Soltyk, a relative of Koniecki who had introduced the resolution in the Sejm dethroning Nicholas I; and Tomasz . 37Imperator Nikolai k Paskevich,28go marta/9go aprel- 1a 1832 goda, in Shcherbatov, Prilozheniia..., p. l . 38Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p. 5H, 39Skarbek, Krdlestwo Polskie.... p. 15. hubienski, two . . to rismg. Paskevic of the delegati favorable dispc las' displeasul letter dated M: Tsar: I never ex agreed to ine, pleas the deputi ies will n will. henc Witt manag sincerely Nichola the Kingdom, c the comlhé‘tence the impact of country and a1 dEmagogUeS . u elm this eve Russia and fl; '4. With a postSCJ [$0 Moraw: 411 :30th , bhche ltid. aken pa \l p. 31' Lt 2 M. 69 fiubienski, two of whose brothers had taken part in the up- rising.40 Paskevich, extremely satisfied with the composition of the delegation, used the opportunity to win the Tsar's favorable disposition for Count Witt who had earned Nicho- las' displeasure by the marriage he had contracted."l In a letter dated March ZO/April l, 1832, Paskevich wrote to the Tsar: I never expected that the best families would have agreed to this. The demagogues counted on them. Imag— ine, please, their despair; they now say that we bought the deputies. In a word, the compromised revolutionar- ies will never forgive them this. Thus, these families will, henceforth, be involuntarily devoted to us. Count Witt managed to do this: He serves you, Your Highness, sincerely and faithfully.42 Nicholas, pleased to hear about the delegation from the Kingdom, conceded that he considered this a tribute to the competence of Count Witt and indicated that he believed the impact of the visit would be "very useful for the whole country and all of Europe" and could not help but "amaze the demagogues." He then went on to say that the delegation would be received in the Hall of St. George in order to cloak this event with "all possible importance in front of Russia and flatter her self-esteem." The letter concluded with a postscript requesting Paskevich to “tell Count Witt OMorawski, Dzieje Narodu Polskiego..., p. #68. nlShcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p. 55. Count Witt, a Polish aristocrat, married Sobanska, known to have taken part in plottings with Polish revolutionaries. 13314.. p. 31. “21bid.. p. 55. .43 thank you. The Poli Sunday, May 1/1 Nicholas wrote Only you we magnanimit: with glory. the word; l selves mod: deputies s: Radziwill j conduct is manski, a ' have taken modest, no‘ Alexand r , Class}tfi The rep his address to Russia doe Without re dear to he The ap; Kinngm was re ehee was Gunsi manner in Whlc Sight into the k me administrz 3 ' m era is 1832 Sofia 4t goda 11mm”: I n lb\ld up 38hChe 7O thank you."43 The Polish delegation paid its homage to the Tsar on Sunday, May 1/13, 1832, before a "vast throng of people.” Nicholas wrote to Paskevich: Only you were missing as a witness to the triumphant magnanimity of Russia, again, because of you, covered with glory. The Poles were anxious in the full sense of the word; but quieted after my reply. They conductthem— selves modestly and quietly. I no longer regard them as deputies since the mission given them has ended. Prince Radziwill pleases me very much, his whole bearing and conduct is extremely noble: also that of Bishop Choro- manski, a venerable old man. From among the rest, I have taken a great liking to young Niemojewski, for his modest, noble appearance. I gave Radziwill the Order of Alexangfir and Choromanski the Order of St. Anne, First Class. The reply which Nicholas mentioned in his letter was his address to the deputies in which he informed them that: Russia does not remember evil and all faithful subjects, without regard to nationality and religion, are equally dear to her heart. APPOINTMENT OF DIRECTORS The approval of key administrative personnel for the Kingdom was reserved to the Tsar. While Paskevich's influ— ence was considerable, it was, nevertheless, limited. The manner in which various directors were appointed affords in- sight into the attitudes of Nicholas and Paskevich regarding the administrative needs of the Kingdom and how eachbelieved . u3Imperator Nikolai k Paskevich,}lgo marta/lZgoapre1_ la 1832 goda, in Shcherbatov, Prilozheniia.... pp. 1h-15. uhlmperator Nikolai k Paskevich,}go/ngo maia 1832 soda, in ibid., p. 20. uSShoherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p. 55. these could be: Paskevit Religious Affa: Government, be Commission of ‘ was not suppor 1332. he confi Affairs Sectio tor of the Gov Affairs and Ed tion of Rauten Administrative disquieting co coarseness and the Capital al iii. Nicholas ness of these Nichol; eight days lat retain Rautem 0'11 and the 3. ment because, u i. . Alefltloh. “3 1832 71 these could best be filled. Paskevich's proposal that Rautenstrauch, Head of the Religious Affairs and Education Section in the Temporary Government, be appointed Chief Director of the Government Commission of InternalauuiReligious Affairs and Education,46 was not supported by Nicholas. Instead,on March 28/April 9, 1832, he confirmed Stroganov, who had headed the Internal Affairs Section in the Temporary Government, as Chief Direc- tor of the Government Commission of Internal and Religious Affairs and Education. Nicholas then brought up the ques- tion of Rautenstrauch. Indicating he was to remain in the Administrative Council, the Tsar voiced his concern over disquieting complaints reaching him regarding Rautenstrauch's coarseness and unfairness. Stating that these visitors to the capital also voiced doubts about Rautenstrauch's sincer- ity, Nicholas asked the Viceroy to comment on the truthful- ness of these rumors.“7 Nicholas took up the question of Rautenstrauch again eight days later. He wrote that he found it more useful to retain Rautenstrauch as a member of the Administrative Coun- cil and the State Council than to give him a separate depart- ment because: 46The Religions and Public Education Section was com- bined with the Internal Affairs Section to form the new Gov— ernment Commission of Internal and Religious Affairs and Education. . Q7Imperator Nikolai k Paskevich,28go marta/9go aprel- 1a 1832 goda, in Shcherbatov, Prilozheniia..., p. 13. He is good rude in per ular sectio To support his this opinion ar strauch correct valued Rautensi strauch would g Letters the mails so t] April 1st, pas: Posed regardin reet a Governm Rautenstrauch cerely sorry 1; RaWehstrauch furs had grie no other purpc civil SerVice, zeal and Capat 1&8 Wrote: I have bee Parably m< member, i} Where it j Sians.50 \ Q o Imper m 1832 goda, 50 1in a I“IDEr .. 3 a, in 72 He is good as a councillor overall, but too harsh and rude in personal relations to be in charge of a partic- ular section. To support his position, the Tsar indicated Engel shared this opinion and was convinced Nicholas had judged Rauten- strauch correctly. Then, as if to placate Paskevich who valued Rautenstrauch very highly, the Tsar said that Rauten— strauch would govern the Kingdom in Paskevich's absence.49 Letters between the Viceroy and the Tsar crossed in the mails so that in his next letter to the Tsar, dated April lst, Paskevich was only responding to the question posed regarding rumors about Rautenstrauch's ability to di- rect a Government Department. Paskevich's defense of Rautenstrauch elicited the response that the Tsar was sin- cerely sorry that his disagreement regarding confirmation of Rautenstrauch as Director of the Commission of Internal Af- fairs had grieved the Viceroy. Nicholas stated that he had no other purpose in his decision except usefulness for the civil service. Rendering full recognition to the evident zeal and capabilities which Rautenstrauch possessed, Nicho- las wrote: I have been and remain convinced that he will be incom- parably more useful in the general council as a senior member, instead of managing so important a department, where it is necessary for us to have our reliable Rus- sians.50 . 48Imperator Nikolai k Paskevich.31g0 marta/lZgoaprel- 1a 1832 goda, in ibid., p. 15. 49 SOImperator Nikolai k Paskevich,12go/24go aprelia 1832 goda, in ibid., p. 17. Ibid. By way < stated that f0} tine was serve all his talent less, he "neve he knew his ch sternly," Nic ness of this c that Rautensti fully only in Wise,51 To wha sion by an in and is recoun Skarbek, cust °f Education the Society v be taken to 5 en (”er to U of the Socie- appeal Was d tary GOVernm ered a "Driz as implh’ing liltionarie S 73 By way of supporting his decision, Tsar Nicholas stated that for fifteen years his deceased brother Constan- tine was served by Rautenstrauch and "knew him and reSpected all his talents." While he employed him fully, neverthe- less, he "never entrusted him with a separate section since he knew his character and limitations and controlled him sternly." Nicholas added that he had been a frequent wit- ness of this control. The Tsar concluded with the statement that Rautenstrauch was necessary and could be employed use- fully only in the way the Tsar had indicated but not other- wise.51 To what extent Nicholas was influenced in his deci— sion by an incident which occurred earlier the same year, and is recounted by Skarbek, is difficult to determine. Skarbek, custodian of the library and museum of the Friends of Education Society, stated that towards the end of 1831, the Society was disbanded and its library holdings were to be taken to St. Petersburg while the building was to be giv- en over to the Department of Finance. An appeal on behalf of the Society was made to the Tsar by Rautenstrauch. The appeal was denied and an announcement was made by the Tempo- rary Government that the property of the Society was consid- ered a "prize of war." Skarbek criticized the announcement as implying that the Society was a gathering place for revo~ lutionaries.52 Actually, it was Nicholas himself who wrote 51Ibid. SZSkarbek, Pamietniki..., pp. 206-207. ____a.———— to Paskevich: No matter.‘ the rumor revolution The Tea vioh for placi sponding offic State regardin the oonfiscati was instructed the future sir by the Russiar The Tsar reite be brought din WES all the Inc “W the 8001! made the libr: Wild return him. Nichola breach of thi From t cific EVidenc the Sooiety u new1y.f0med \ 3 £013 - Impe] 74 to Paskevich: No matter what they say, Czartoryski and Niemcewicz were the principal members of it [Society] and were first in revolution.... The Tsar used this same occasion to reprimand Paske- vich for placing him in an embarrassing position by corre- sponding officially with Grabowski, Minister, Secretary of State regarding this matter. Grabowski had been unaware of the confiscation prior to this correspondence. Paskevich was instructed to handle all such questions personally in the future since they were concerned "with commands issued by the Russian Tsar, punishing the treachery of the Poles." The Tsar reiterated that all subsequent difficulties were to be brought directly to his attention and indicated that this was all the more necessary since the petition had not come from the Society itself. To Nicholas the capture of Warsaw made the library and similar items trophies of war which he could return as a favor but which now actually belonged to him. Nicholas then ordered the Viceroy to guard against a breach of this nature in the future.5u From the dates of Nicholas' letters, there is no spe— cific evidence to link Rautenstrauch's petition on behalf of the Society with his failure to win a directorship in the newly-formed government of the Kingdom of Poland. The ques- tion of his character faults was brought up in a letter 53Imperator Nikolai k Paskevich, 5go/l7go aprelia 1832 EOda, in Shcherbatov, Prilozheniia. .., p. . 54Ibid. dated March 28' Paskevich datel petition regar curred April 5 the former Hea usefully play letter dated A the April 12th considering Ra government con drawn, it is 1 reaction to ti 0f the Friends his Chances f( Vital Post in Paskev Ra‘Jtéznstrauch ”tended his an important until his dea Genera attaching gre he bel'IEVed t watchful gm 01313. The as early as 5 JSShCht 75 dated March 28th and pursued further in the next letter to Paskevich dated March 31st. The objections to the way the petition regarding the Society's library was handled oc- curred April 5th, followed by an elaboration upon the role the former Head of Religious Affairs and Education could usefully play in the civil service of the Kingdom in the letter dated April 12th. Actually, the statements made in the April 12th letter provided sufficient reasons for not considering Rautenstrauch for a position as director of a government commission. While no definite conclusions can be drawn, it is possible to speculate that, given the Tsar's reaction to the uprising, Rautenstrauch's petition on behalf of the Friends of Education Society would not have enhanced his chances for favorable consideration for a sensitive and vital post in the administration of the Kingdom of Poland. Paskevich complied with the Tsar's wishes regarding Rautenstrauch but continued to value his capabilities and extended his full confidence to him. Rautenstrauch played an important role in the administration of the Kingdom up until his death in 1842.55 Generally, Paskevich valued competent persons, not attaching great importance to their political longings since he believed these posed little danger "where a confident and watchful government" directed the activities of its offi— cials. The implementation of this belief could be observed as early as 1831 in the affair of Count Henry hubienski, 55Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., PP. 53-54. Director of the At the e moffisrflz this letter but institution in hopes of Polan indirecting t notonly the m thnal sense 0 tube forwarde andto indicat 0f the Bank we Paskevj m in which i The Poles, long for, known fac- are no he remains o: and is Lu Newering the the Chief sou mmmfacturing through its s mme fOr the thm‘aSSertec I this: COUnQilh assistan. 76 . 56 D1rector of the Bank of Poland. At the end of 1831 a letter written by Eubienski to one of his relatives found its way to St. Petersburg. In this letter-Lubienski spoke of the Bank of Poland as "an institution in which were concentrated the last political hopes of Poland," Further, he expressed his conviction that in directing the Bank he was, at the same time, "preserving not only the material prosperity of the country but its na- tional sense of unity as well." The Tsar ordered the letter to be forwarded to Paskevich, asking him for an explanation and to indicate if retention of Count LubienSki as Director of the Bank was a responsible move.57 Paskevich's reply was made in a confidential memoran- dum in which he stated: The Poles, in general, are ill-disposed toward us; they long for, and will always long for, change. [These are known facts. That Henry and the whole bubienski family are no better than the others, this also is known. There remains only the question: Is the Bank of Poland useful and is Lubiefiski useful for the Bank?58 Answering that there was no doubt that the Bank was one of the chief sources of prosperity in the country—-promoting manufacturing and agriculture, stabilizing the money market through its support of credit, and providing a source of in— come for the treasury from its own enterprises-~Paskevich then asserted: It has to be acknowledged that the Bank benefits from the capability and work of Count Henry Lubienski. Privy Councillor Fuhrman regards him as one of his ablest assistants. Besides this, his personal conduct is 56Ibid., p. 29. 57Ibid. 581bid. praisewort Government visible . Evidenc provided by Pa hubienski had Russian langua sian service. In a word, sons who a necessary have now 1 Up to this necessary The Tsar agret mained Directl Appare with the perf my GOVernme paCities-_Fuh J1lstice. puh Finance and T Signed t0 ser Dartment of 1 p°Sition of C ldtfli Str< when he Was 5 5\ 9M 62 M 6 3Shch 77 praiseworthy; neither impertinence nor any anti- Government action has been observed, at least nothing visible.59 Evidence supporting Lubienski's outward loyalty was provided by Paskevich to the Tsar. He pointed out that Zubienski had sent his son to St. Petersburg to learn the Russian language with the intention of having him enter Rus- sian service. Paskevich concluded by saying: In a word, Count fiubiehski is one of those useful per- sons who are indispensable. Nevertheless, it will be necessary to supervise him carefully. To this end, I have now nominated two Russian Directors of the Bank. Up to this time, I could not do this because it was necessary to adequately prepare the people. The Tsar agreed with Paskevich's opinion61 and Lubienski re- mained Director of the Bank of Poland. Apparently both the Tsar and Paskevich were satisfied with the performances of Fuhrman and Kossecki in the Tempo- rary Government and both were retained in their previous ca- pacities—-Fuhrman as head of Finance and Kossecki as head of Justice. Fuhrman remained in his post as Chief Director of Finance and Treasury until 1845, at which time he was as— signed to serve in the General Assembly of the Warsaw De- partment of the Governing Senate.62 Kossecki retained the position of Chief Director of Justice until his death in 1843. 3 Stroganov remained in the Kingdom only until 1834, When he was succeeded by Adj.-Gen. Golovin as Chief Director 591nm. , p. 30. éolbid. 61 Ibid. Russkii Biograficheskii Slovar, Vol. 21, p. 254. 63Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p. 246. ofInternal an Skarbek the Kingdom, n The except General Co over this ernment. rected the of his sup thought ct his offics administr sion of I] ters with Cossack w Shcher Ngarding the Kingdom. He unortook mir Sircganov in ”ct Someone can Cummiss: ability and add“. howev Some other t Okunev or G8 PaskeVich ir \ 64 ASkl 6 5Ska 66 Oh ShC i ' Strog a lStry. He 78 of Internal and Religious Affairs and Education. Skarbek, commenting on Stroganov's short service in the Kingdom, notes: The exception among the numerous chief directors was General Count Alexander Stroganov who yet in 1831 took over this department as a member of the Temporary Gov- ernment. He was the only excellent statesman who di- rected the Commission for Internal Affairs. but because of h1s superior qualities, wisdom and noble manner of thought could not retain his high position. Resigning his office, he spoke the following words: 'the whole administration of the Country depends upon the Commis- sion of Internal Affairs and could be tolerable if mat- ters within it did not proceed in a Russian way, in a Cossack way.‘6 Shcherbatov s version differs somewhat from Skarbek 8 regarding the termination of Stroganov's service 1n the Kingdom. He writes that at the beginning of 1834 the Tsar undertook mining reforms in Russia and wanted to place Count Stroganov in charge. He, therefore, asked Paskevich to se- lect someone else to take over directorship of the Govern- ment Commission. Paskevich wrote that Golovin "has the ab111ty and could take over this position perfectly." He added however, that if the Tsar had need of Golovin for some other task, the alternate choices would be General Okunev or General Paniutin. The Tsar agreed to appoint Golov1n who proved to be an honest and useful assistant to Paskevich in the administration of the country. 6 6“Askenazy, Sto lat zarzadu.. , p. 47 65Skarbek, Krdlestwo Polskie..., pp. 67 68 n. 66Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., pp. 92- 94. Stroganov was appointed Assistant to the Minister of Internal Affairs and from 1839 until 1841 directed the Min- istry. He was appointed to the State Council in 1849 and in In cons pointments, it considerable. judiciously, a administrative opinion betwee aged to resolt allowed Paskei the competent the administr: oiling the ad then with the ence in tone, resolution of cations of pr The SL‘ \ 1854 became It as $0Vemor_( gntll hlS de; in Odessa. i 79 In considering the question of administrative ap- pointments, it would seem that Paskevich's authority was considerable. However, that authority had to be exercised judiciously, as the process of selecting people to head key administrative positions at times generated differences of opinion between the monarch and his Viceroy. Paskevich man- aged to resolve these in a way which satisfied Nicholas and allowed Paskevich a significant degree of freedom to select the competent persons he believed were necessary to carry on the administration of the Kingdom adequately, thus recon— ciling the administrative needs of the Kingdom as he saw them with the strongly-held opinions of his monarch. Defer- ence in tone, utilized by both men, facilitated amicable resolution of disagreements regarding qualities and qualifi- cations of proposed candidates for specific posts. The suspicion and lack of trust which Lubiefiski‘s 1854 became Military Governor of St. Petersburg. He served as Governor—General of Novorossia and Bessarabia. From 1863 until his death in 1891, at the age of 96, Stroganov resided in Odessa. Russkii Biograficheskii Slovar, Vol. 19, p. 485, Considering Stroganov's long and distinguished record of service, it is difficult to believe that he could have made the remark ascribed to him by Skarbek about Russian adminis- tration in the Kingdom. However, Skarbek knew him and served with him: first, in the March, 1831, Temporary Gov- ernment of the Kingdom established in St. Petersburg in which Skarbek was head of Religions and Public Education; and later when he served as a member in the Administrative Council of the newly-organized government in 1832. Stroganov was 82 years of age when Skarbek published his history of the Kingdom of Poland. The repercussions of the footnote reference in this work for Stroganov could only have been minimal considering his advanced years and distinguished service record. Perhaps Skarbek's intent was only to pay public tribute to a person he held in high regard and, thus, a private remark made by Stroganov only to Skarbek was given attention it was never intended to receive. letter generat Directors to 1 take full adve him of the op] Polish nation: In the was never in ( pointed to he: Nicholas, and wishes. Howe exchange of 8 month, and tened by the Though quite 0f the Kingdo Rantenstrauch ed him to ass ever PElSkevic infrequently. a1 State Gem of Poland rec Paskevich.s 2 presiding 0V1 very imports suing from t did not rega 80 letter generated was resolved by the appointment of Russian Directors to provide the watchful eye believed necessary to take full advantage of Lubienski's talents while depriving him of the opportunity to utilize his position to advance Polish national aspirations. In the case of Rautenstrauch, whose political loyalty was never in question, Paskevich's proposal that he be ap- pointed to head a Government Commission was rejected by Nicholas, and Paskevich yielded to the Tsar's expressed wishes. However, the decision was finalized only after the exchange of several letters which spanned a period of almost a month, and Nicholas' rejection of Rautenstrauch was sof- tened by the Tsar‘s agreeing to his playing a different, though quite important role in the administrative structure of the Kingdom. In View of the Tsar's attitude toward Rautenstrauch. it appears paradoxical that Nicholas appoint- ed him to assume the responsibilities of the Viceroy when- ever Paskevich was absent from the Kingdom, which was not infrequently--Paskevich's duties as President of the Imperi- al State Council's Department for the Affairs of the Kingdom of Poland required numerous trips to St. Petersburg. In Paskevich's absence Rautenstrauch's duties included not only presiding over Administrative Council meetings. but also the very important function of approving project proposals is— suing from the Government Commissions. Curiously, Nicholas did not regard Rautenstrauch's "coarse manners" as posing an obstacle to his holding the position of Acting Viceroy. Perhaps in th was more nece with subordin Rautenstrauch Viceroy until 81 Perhaps in that instance unquestioned loyalty to the Tsar was more necessary than an amiable disposition in dealing with subordinates in administration. Whatever the reasons, Rautenstrauch continued to fulfill the duties of Acting Viceroy until his death in 1842. While stitutions an las focused p sensitive and of unifying t Was educatior Education in COTplish and May at educa Prior scho01s were CHAPTER IV EDUCATIONAL REFORMS While implementation of changes in administrative in- stitutions and functions proceeded at a steady pace. Nicho- las focused particular attention on areaswhichhe considered sensitive and vital to successful implementation of his goal of unifying the Kingdom with the Empire. Thefirstsuch area was education. Incorporation into the central Ministry of Education in St. Petersburg took almost eight years to ac- complish and was achieved through a process of whittling away at educational autonomy in the Kingdom.1 Prior to the 1830 uprising elementary and secondary schools were under'the direction of the Piarist Order. While regarded asgoodeducators, the Piaristswereconsidered to be lFor Nicholas' ideas regarding education and its role in the development of disciplined and obedient subjects for Russia, see: Nicholas Riasanovsky, Nicholas I and Official Nationality in Russia: 1825-1855 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1967); Patrick L. Alston, Education and the State in Tsarist Russia (Stanford, Cali- fornia: Stanford University Press, 1969), pp. 30-41: Nich- olas Hans, The Russian Tradition in Education (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1963?, pp. 25-27: Kornilov, Modern Russian History..., pp. 279-282, 288-289: Paul Miliukov, Charles Seignobos, and L. Eisenmann, Historyiof Russia, Vol. II: The Successors of Peter The Great: From Cather- ine I to the Reign of Nicholas 1, trans. Charles Lam Mark- mann (New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1968), p. 266; and M. Polievktov, Nikolai I: biografiia i obzor tsarstvo~ Vaniia (Moskva: Izdatelstvo M. i S. Sabashnikovykh, 1918), pp. 226—229. 82 fanatically n2 exerted consic‘ Kingdom in a s Paskevich acm dents a spiri' ZShche lPiarist pri in educationa al consciousn nobility and Konarski's ef Reformer of E W brought into underscored t advocated by Jesus by the taking reforr Education Cor We then th. sessions sup; §YStem offer Henry. It W; ment would r 0f the Polis hr the Nati ltldid play SCl<>usness w Patriotism 1 State I‘emai 83 fanatically nationalistic and, given their role as teachers, exerted considerable influence in molding the youth of the Kingdom in a spirit of patriotism.2 In a letter to the Tsar, Paskevich accused the Piarists of instilling in their stu- 3 dents a spirit which was hostile to Russia. 2Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., pp. 15-16. A Piarist priest. Stanislas Konarski (1700-17735, pioneered in educational reforms which were aimed at developing nation- al consciousness and dedicated citizenship among the Polish nobility and gentry. For a detailed discussion of Reverend Konarski's efforts, see: William J} Rose, Stanislas Konarski: Reformer of Eduggtion in XVIII antury Poland (London: Jona- than Cape, 1929). The first partition of Poland in 1772 brought into sharper focus the deficiencies of the state and underscored the need for educational reforms along the lines advocated by Konarski. The suppression of the Society of Jesus by the Pope in 1773 provided an opportunity for under- taking reforms in education on a national scale. A National Education Commission was created by the Sejm. The Jesuits were then the largest teaching order in Poland and their pos— sessions supplied the material means for a national school system offeringaaprogram aimed at training a responsible cit- izenry. Itzwas hoped that eventually a strong central govern- ment would result which could secure the continued existence of the Polish state. While the time remaining was too short for the National Education Commission to achieve this goal, it did play a leading role in forming a new national con— sciousness which served to foster and sustain the spirit of patriotism in generations of Poles during the time that the state remained partitioned. For‘the best study of the work of the National Education Commission, see: Ambroise Jobert, La Commission d'Education Nationals en Pologne (1773—1794) __ (Paris: SociEté d'Edition "Les Belles Lettres," 1941). See also: C. Bobifiska et al.,Historia Polski, II,Czeé€ I: 1764- 179§ (Warszawa: Pahstwowe Wydawnictwo/Naukowe, 19585; chef Krasuski, "Zagadnienia oéwiatowe w prasie Piotra Switkow- skiego," Polska Akademia Nauk, V11 (1964), 39-68; Tadeusz Mizia, "Ideologia oswiatowa Grzegorza Piramowicza," Polska Akademia Nauk, I (1958), 75-98; Tadeusz Mizia, "Przepisy dla szkol parafialnych z 1780 roku," Polska Akademia Nauk, VII (1964). 22—38; Janina Ender, "Sprawy oswiatowe w okresiesejmu czteroletniego," Polska Akademia Nauk, IV (1961), 35—86; and Tadeusz Mizia, "Komisji porzadkowe cywilno—wojskowe a szkol— nictwo parafialne w okresie sejmu czteroletniegc," Polska Akademia Nauk, VI (1963), 40~92. 3Paskiewicz do Cesarza, llgo listopada 1831 roku, quoted in Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p. 16. When professors f stitutes of er education continued th siderable di Because of t the number o cent within Follc rary Governn t111188. it wc esDecially 1 dered that 2 and be I‘eple since the pi group Would uatiné’ the 1 report note< In this 1“ the l the soh< lion tit as a ter \ “8th 84 When the revolt broke out in November, students and professors from Warsaw University and other specialized in— stitutes of higher learning took part in the uprising.l+ High- er education ceased in the Kingdom and the fighting which continued throughout the following year also resulted in con- siderable dislocation of elementary and secondary education.5 Because of the many teachers who took part in the uprising, the number of elementary schools declined by almost 50 per cent within a year's time.6 Following the suppression of the uprising, the Tempo- rary Government pointed out that, given the instability ofthe times, it would be dangerous to gather together young people, especially those who would be attending upper grades,and or- dered that all provincial schools already opened were toclose and be replaced with schools containing the four lowestgrades since the prevailing thinking was that students in this age group would be less susceptible to harmful impulses. In eval- uating the results of the preceding decision, a government report noted: In this way 4 .466 students devoted themselves to study in the 4- class elementary schools in 1832 and throughout the school year order and quiet were preserved. Examina- tion time manifested the progress and good spirit as well as a tendency toward right principles and healthytheories 4Shcherbatov. Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza.... p. 16. SSkarbek, Krélestwo Polskie.... p. 20. 6Jan Kucharzewski. Eppka Paskiewiczowska: Losy Oswiaty (Warszawa- Krak6w: Sklad Glowny w Ksiegarni Gebethnera i Wolffa, 1914), p. 46. which we in this The a different Kingdom. 0 member of 1; until the m abroad for Kingdom. H lowing the September, The Uni sors ar schools forbidd are arr old pup his boo the schc Niede wrote in a 1 The Unit ences w: roams it Very his attenti 1831! he wr Since t ditribu It is n to this to Raut \ lb: \- \O H b: \— 85 which were the first fruits of the government's endeavors in this department of public service.7 The many reports which reached the emigration painted a different picture regarding the state of education in the Kingdom. One of these was given by Stefan Witwioki who was a member of the Commission for Religions and Public Education until the middle of 1832. He received permission to travel abroad for his summer holiday and chose not to return to the Kingdom. He left a description of the ten—month period fol- lowing the restoration of order in the Kingdom beginningwith September, 1831. He writes: The University and all higher schools are closengrofes- sors are denied their salaries. In the elementary schools (where the teaching of the French language is forbidden) the teachers are constantly harassed, rectors are arrested upon denunciation by21spythatsome 10 year old pupil drew thefaceof the Grand Duke or Paskevhflion his book or that he hummed a national song in front of the school. Niederstetter, the Prussian Consul to the Kingdom, wrote in a report to his government dated September 20,1832: The University, lyceums. all institutes of arts and sci- ences without exception are suppressed, and the youth roams idly to the great sorrow of their parents. Very soon after the fall of Warsaw, Nicholas turned his attention to the schools of the Kingdom. On October 5, 1831, he wrote to Paskevich: Since the education was bad and to it must chiefly be attributed the inclination of youth to the past revolt, it is necessary that we turn the greatest watchfulness to this area. Itmdll not be excessive togivean order to Rautenstrauch to prepare a plan for reforming the 71bid-. pp. 46—47. 8Ibid.. pp. 47-48. 91bid.. p. 48. entire ented t In the same as well as closed. 11 Raut the reco follow This Peters Krasinski, M mer Vice-Min their work 0 changing the a total reor don of Polan \ lo Rafa 0kI‘esie Migd HQE 1 t, ‘30. Kim-St “Hui emnVOf 86 entire educational system. This plan is then to be pres- ented to me.10 In the same month the Tsar ordered the University of Warsaw as well as all other institutions of higher learning to be closed.11 Rautenstrauch embarked upon his task at once but Kucharzewski observes that his work was useless since the Tsar. increasingly strengthened in his intention of extending the laws and administration of the Empire to the Kingdom. retaining only certain local characteristics, entrusted the working out of the reorganization of the schools of the Kingdom to a special committee in St. Petersburg. deliberating under the Presidency of Novosiltsev, with the recommendation that. insofar as possible it should follow the school regulations of the Empire.12 This Petersburg Committee (made up of Novosiltsev. General Krasinski, Minister. Secretary of State Grabcwski, and for- mer Vice-Minister of Education Count Bludov) was told that their work of educational reform should not be confined to changing the central organization only but should provide for a total reorganization of the educational system of the King- dom of Poland.13 loRafal Gerber, "Szkolnictwo Krolestwa Bolskiego w Okresie Miedzypowstaniowym," Rozprawy z Dziejow Oswiaty, III, 1962, kl llIbid., n2. 12Kucharzewski. Epoka Paskiewiczowska.... p. 49. 13Tadeusz Manteuffel, "Centralne Wiadze Oéwiatowe na terenie B. Krélestwa Kongresowego (1807-1915)." Rozprawy Historyczne Towarzystwo Naukowegp Warszawskiego, VI, No. 2, 1929. 29—30. According to Kucharzewski, Bludov was included in the Committee since he had collaborated with Shishkov, Minister of Education from 182u until 1828, in drawing up the educational reforms for the Russian Empire in 1828 and was, The and the plan committee ma Administrati minded the W this project directed the "the adaptat and conditio While its task, Pa randum dated the existing of religious six of the t‘ the Piarists the opinion be closed. of the Tsar" the Piarist than invite \ 8? The work of this committee was completed in July 1832, and the plan forwarded to Warsaw for examination by a special committee made up of members appointed by the Viceroy and the Administrative Council.lu In his instructions Paskevich re- minded the Warsaw Committee that "the major principles of this project have already been accepted by the Tsar" and then directed the Committee to concentrate its efforts solely upon "the adaptation of the accepted principles to the situation and condition of the Polish Province."15 While the specially-appointed Committee proceeded with its task, Paskevich turned to Stroganov with a secret memo- randum dated August 26th in which he pointed out that part of the existing schools in the Kingdom were staffed by members of religious orders. By way of illustration. he noted that six of the twenty-six Provincial schools were conducted by the Piarists. He then went on to say the Committee was of the opinion that at present these existing schools should not be closed. However. this opinion conflicted with the "will of the Tsar" which was especially adamant on the question of the Piarist Order continuing its work as educators. Rather than invite a direct COnfrontation with the church hierarchy therefore, in a position to see to it that the Tsar'sinstruc- tions were followed. The Polish members of the Committee, residing in St. Petersburg at the time and trusted by the Tsar. served to point out that the reforms were a unified ef- fort and could be expected to neutralize any criticisms which might be forthcoming from the European Powers. Kucharzewski, Epoka Paskiewiczowska..., p. 116. lQManteuffel, Rozprawy Historyczne..., VI, No. 2, 30. l5Kucharzewski, Epoka Paskiewiczowska.... p. 117. on this quee (hrs to main resolving t nouncement I) schools. 0 government-o vate and re could open dividuals Piarists, w accordance would be st while at th could also Church would Paske voking the C a measure 01 could then I believed thz fulfill the Warsaw was . ital‘y (lover The Pia the Cit the Str It» \ 13; 88 on this question by an outright prohibition of religious or- ders to maintain schools, Paskevich set forth his plan for resolving the dilemma. He proposed to Stroganov that an an- nouncement be made calling for the closure of all existing schools. Once all schools had complied with the order, all government-operated schools were to be re-opened and all pri- vate and religious schools were to be informed that they could open only by special permission of the government. In- dividuals and religious orders, with the exception of the Piarists, would then be permitted to re-open their schools in accordance with the new regulations. Thus, the Tsar's will would be strictly fulfilled with reference to the Piarists while at the same time the recommendation of the Committee could also be implemented. In this way opposition from the Church would, to some extent, be neutralized.l6 Paskevich's approach relied on not unnecessarily pro- voking the Church hierarchy while at the same time retaining a measure of control over it. The influence of the Church could then be used to serve governmental purposes. Paskevich believed that acting in this indirect manner he could also fulfill the Tsar's desires which were voiced shortly after Warsaw was taken. Secret instructions, conveyed to the Mil- itary Governor of the city, ordered that: The Piarist schools be closed under the guise of building the Citadel, and the monks of this order be kept under the strictest surveillance.l It was the belief of the Tsar, shared by his Viceroy, l6119101,, pp. 119—120. 17Ibid.. p. 120. I g 7‘ accomplishe izing contr unreliable for them to worked out ' On S Paskevich i the Tsar's in the King teach Russia and one for tablishing n the seven pr Very few Rue lacked a goc that at lea: for teaching \ 18 Rifle 32 oda ‘ Wish . Elsi trlct 822:0 89 that the goal of unifying the Kingdom with the Empire would be more easily achieved if efforts were directed at fostering proper attitudes in the youth of the country. This was to be accomplished by reorganizing the educational system—-central- izing control and eliminating educators who were considered unreliable and dangerous. The Piarist Order which had played an extensive role in education prior to the 1830 insurrection was held responsible for instilling hostile attitudes towards Russia in their pupils. Therefore, there could be no role for them to play in the new educational system which was worked out in St. Petersburg and approved in Warsaw. On September 5, 1832, Stroganov submitted a report to Paskevich in which he pointed out that in order to implement the Tsar's will with reference to reorganization of education in the Kingdom it was necessary to seCure instructors to teach Russian language and literature--two for each gymnasium and one for each district school. The report suggested es- tablishing nine gymnasiums--two in Warsaw and one in each of the seven provinces. In view of the fact that there were very few Russian language teachers in the Kingdom and these lacked a good grasp of Russian literature, it was proposed that at least thirty teachers be recruited in Russia-~nine for teaching in gymnasiums, the rest to be assigned to dis- trict schools.18 l8Raport grafa Stroganova Namestnikuigjgp sentiabria 1822 goda, in Shcherbatov, Prilozheniia..., p. l3fl. These teachers were to teach no less than 20 hours per week; the gymnasiums instructors to be paid 4,200 zip. annually anddis- trict school instructors wereto earn 2,400 zlp.annually.Ibid. The re the objective Kingdom and l ercise upon ‘ should be ta! a good grasp eral educatil teachers wou trict cities fluence thei to win over iour would b In or teach in the terial benef ries. He SL‘ Provided for Drew/ed these Ceeded to cc Fuhrman Obje not beCause but because 1ndiVidUals 90 The report went on to state that, in order to achieve the objective of expanding the knowledge of Russian in the Kingdom and bearing in mind the influence which teachers ex- ercise upon the formation of character in students, care should be taken to select pers0ns who, in addition to having a good grasp of the subject matter, would possess a fine gen- eral education and excellent morals. Further. since these teachers would, for the most part. take up residence in dis- trict cities among a hostile population, their ability to in- fluence their young charges would depend upon their ability to win over a portion of the townspeople. Exemplary behav- iour would be the best means to achieve this end.19 In order to attract qualified Russian personnel to teach in the Kingdom, Stroganov proposed that significant ma- terial benefits he offered in addition to substantial sala- ries. He suggested that travel expenses be paid and money provided for covering relocation expenses. Paskevich ap- proved these suggestions and the Administrative Council pro- ceeded to consider the proposals on October 26, l832. Only Fuhrman objected to the awarding of supplemental benefits, not because he opposed the principle of special privileges but because he held that these are always given to specific individuals never to a whole class of civil servants.20 Fuhrman proposed instead that the starting salary for all teachers of the Russian language be set at a higher l9I 20 bid., pp. 134-135. Kucharzewski, Epoka Paskiewiczowska..., p. 135. figure and th celled in the that such an transferring cil was incli was worked or project suggt bursement of Fuhrman's pri one year to and twenty-o aside for sa tary payment ”81.72535 to Consume a The i P011511 sehoc ically Upon the warm, ( The Rus: educati. Eduean. Dles as aim to Closer \ Ibi Waited F 45,000 Zip. ”t Hm. 22 m 91 figure and that bonuses be awarded to those teachers who ex- celled in their work. Stroganov countered with the argument that such an approach would discourage Russian teachers from transferring to the Kingdom. Since the Administrative Coun- oil was inclined to accept Fuhrman's proposals, a compromise was worked out whereby the total amount of funds for this project suggested by Stroganov was appropriated but the dis- bursement of these funds was to be made in accordance with Fuhrman's proposal. Thus, 141,600 zlp. were allocated for one year to provide nine Russian instructors for gymnasiums and twenty-one for district schools--108,000 zlp.were set aside for salaries, the balance was to be used for supplemen- tary payments.21 Since the overall annual education budget was 1,725,361 zlp., the teaching of Russian was calculated to consume almost one-twelfth of the total school budget.22 The importance attached to the teaching of Russian in Polish schools was reaffirmed by Paskevich. Commenting crit- ically upon instructions for language teachers drafted by the Warsaw Committee, the Viceroy pointed out: The Russian language constitutes the first need in the education of Polish youth. The government, organizing educational institutions in Poland on the same princi- ples as those which exist in Russia, has as its chief aim to draw the spirit of education in the Kingdom closer to education in the Empire, and next to draw 21Ibid.. pp. 135—137. The 108,000 zip. were to be a1- located in the following way: Gymnasium teachers to receive 45.000 zip. and district school teachers to receive 63,000 21p. Ibid.. p. 137. 221bid., p. 138. Poles clc Russian . He then prop< schools be it schools Whilt patterned af‘ language, H. books be lef The A dorsed these ther. For e Officer of t issue certif 0y in the Ru informed the ”W“ attainn as justifies my measure salUtary ain Pankr the Council not know Ru: 92 Poles closer to Russians, for which the teaching of the Russian language is indispensable. He then proposed that the teaching method used in district schools be identical to the one used in Russian district schools while at the gymnasium level the method should be patterned after the one prescribed for teaching the Polish language. He also recommended that the selection of text books be left in the hands of the Minister of Education.24 The Administrative Council members wholeheartedly en- dorsed these proposals. Some were inclined to go even far— ther. For example, Lt. Gen. Pankratev, Chief Administrative Officer of the city of Warsaw, suggested that the schools issue certificates to students testifying to their competen— cy in the Russian language. He proposed that students be informed that admission to civil service would be dependent upon attainment of proficiency in Russian. Pankratev cited as justification for this proposal that "without this neces— sary measure the government would not be able to attain its salutary aims."25 Pankratev's suggestion prompted the Viceroy to ask the Council to set a time limit beyond which persons who did not know Russian would not be considered for civil service. The Council, noting that "study of the Russian language does 23Quoted in ibid., Pp. 146-147. The Committee, noting that Russian had never been taught in many schools and where it had been taught it was as an elective subject, recommended that teachers, who could expect to encounter beginners at all grade levels, and local school boards be permitted to deter- mine how classes should be conducted. Ibid.. p. 145. 2411mm, p. 147. 25113101. not present : that three yt into the scht would be adm Schoo the new educ Stroganov an since the re in spoilt ch cedures whic pensate for Supporting t the first re dents Who we Permissive a f” Parental therefore' t For this tumour insofar that the thority a I" Was hoped 93 not present significant difficulties for the Pole," stated that three years after the teaching of Russian was introduced into the schools only persons who had a command of Russian would be admitted to governmental service.26 School discipline was to be a significant element in the new educational system. Two memoranda, prepared by Stroganov and the Minister, Secretary of State. noted that, since the rearing of offspring in Polish families resulted in spoilt children, government schools were to introduce pro- cedures which would, with the aid of severe discipline. com- pensate for the shortcomings of home upbringing. Evidence supporting these charges was found in the fact that in 1830 the first revolutionary symptoms were manifested among stu- dents who were believed to have been corrupted because of the permissive atmosphere in the schools which did not compensate for parental indulgence of children. Stroganov concluded, therefore, that: For this reason the school should guide youth with such authority as would resemble parental authority avoiding insofar as possible the character of state authority, so that the student would be a child subject to this au- thority concentrated in the person of the teacher.27 It was hoped that in this way the student would develop 261bid.. p. 148. 27Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., pp. 61—62. Corporal punishment especially was to be used and, since it was vital that punishment follow immediately upon the trans- gression, regulations permitted all teachers to discipline students. Expulsion was to be used rarely and prescribed for older students since there was no desire "to lose future gen- erations." When invoked, Paskevich pointed out that "such worthless students should be sent as privates into the Army, w1thout.however,losing their rightsasrmbles." Ibid.,p. 62. sumissivenes Prior mhools. Strt the Administ: established: 1. Thos of p whic 2. Thos the ment erth schc 3. PrOf cor: Plar have 4. Prof same qua] mair 5- Thr< Unr pro Med Dla Per com: sai 94 submissiveness and acquire a "childlike, silent humility."28 CLASSIFICATION OF TEACHERS Prior to recruiting teachers for the reorganized schools, Stroganov submitted a classification guideline to the Administrative Council. The following categories were established: 1. Those who are deserving of the confidence in them and of positions in the future corresponding to those which they had occupied up to the present. 2. Those who lost their positions due to the closing of the University, of the Board of the Society for Ele- mentary Books and of the Polytechnic School but nev— ertheless would be able to be employed in the new schools. 3. Professors and teachers whose qualifications do not correspond with the positions prescribed by the new plan and who, having means of supporting themselves, have no need of any assistance. 4. Professors and teachers who find themselves in the same situation as the preceding with regard to their qualifications but who do not possess any funds to maintain themselves. 5. Three professors of the Medical Faculty of the former University who, in addition to their positions of professor, also served and continue to serve on the Medical Council and who cannot be placed in the planned institutes because of the nature of their ex- perience and consequently will not receive a salary commensurate with their abilities for the work in said Council. 6. Professors and teachers who by their active service in the ranks of the revolutionaries have lost the confidence of the Government and will never be able, as a consequence. to fill again the important func- tion of public teacher.2 :8lbid. 9Ra Jort grafa Stroganova Namestniku. 13go dekabria 1832 goda, No. in Shcherbatov, Prilozheniia.... pp. 136- Strog dealt with i] l. Tead as p to b 2. Thos dism they foun 3. Thos with out 4. Pers to d ginn form 5. The beg 6. Pers with futL Ata meeting tion, The( Category We] half of 18} their Salar; 95 Stroganov proposed that each of the categories be dealt with in the following manner: 1. Teachers in the first category were to be regarded as primary candidates for vacancies in the schools to be established by the new regulations. 2. Those belonging to the second category were to be dismissed with the assurance that as schools opened they could expect that a suitable place would be found for them. 3. Those in the third category were to be dismissed with the commendation which they had earned but with- out any assurances for future placement. Persons in the fourth category were to receive.prior to dismissal, for at least the first half year be- ginning with January 1, 1833, one-third of their former pay. The three professors...in the fifth category were to be granted one-half of their former pay for 1833.... 6. Persons in the sixth category were to be dismissed without any commendations or any assurances for the future.30 At a meeting held on the following day, the Administrative Council ratified Stroganov‘s proposals with one qualifica- tion. The Council stipulated that if persons in the fourth category were recalled to service sometime during the first half of l833, their severance pay would be deducted from their salaries.31 REORCANIZATION OF PUBLIC EDUCATION On July 15, 1833, steps were taken to implement the Education plan worked out by the St. Petersburg Committee. Article 1 of the plan placed all schools in the Kingdom under 30Kucharzewski, Epoka Paskiewiczowska.... pp. l39-1h0. 311b1d., p. 140. the curectic Councilv W the Commissi tiono Thec 1. The the 2' TWO 3' TWO by 1 u. 0t“ The names °1 drawn up by with the Ad“ hr his fine call upon PE education tc choose an AC members cons Arti< include: 1, The of E as I 2, Deci 3. Sett h. The nomf \ 32 { Or: :hhahteufgg 331§i£ 96 the direction of a newly-created body, the Public Education Council, whose presiding officer was the Chief Director of the Commission of Internal and Religious Affairs and Educa- tion. The Council was to be made up of: l. The member of the Government Commission in charge of the Religions and Education Section. 2. Two clergymen appointed by the Tsar. 3. Two councillors, paid from the budget and nominated by the Tsar. L». 32 Other persons selected by the Tsar. The names of nominees for categories 2, 3, and 4 were to be drawn up by the President of the Council, in consultation with the Administrative Council, and presented to the Tsar for his final decision. In addition, the President could call upon persons with special competency in the field of education to attend meetings. He was also empowered to choose an Acting Director. The Presiding Officer and four members constituted a quorum.33 Article 6 set forth the authority of the Council to include: 1. The care and administration of all manner and level of existing educational institutions, civil as well as religious. 2. Decisions to open new schools or close existing ones. 3. Setting forth school regulations. M’- The appointment of faculty and administrators whose nominations were not reserved to higher authority. 320 . reanizac‘aRad W chowaniaPublicznego,lSlipca1833, inhanteuffel,Rozprawyhistoryczne.. ,Vl,No.2,127.Arts.l,2 33ib1d.. l27-l28, Arts. 3, b, 5. 5. Beta trat sons 6. App: the 7. Exan istr repc exis ties 8. Meas sigr 9. Anti thei othe the inst 10. Audi 11. Subr tail 12. Pre] ti01 All 1 were reserv' GWel‘nmeht < EGUCation' within the ofthe Plan and r9%Ulat the Admins PresiQEnt a in“; the min hEld WQEkly 3uIb, \ 97 5. Determining qualifications for faculty and adminis- trators; promoting, transferring and firing of per- sonnel; and granting of leaves. 6. Approving text-books and programs of learning for the various levels of schools. 7. Examining performance reports of teaching and admin- istrative personnel, as well as school inspection reports; receiving reports dealing with relations existing between the school and provincial authori- ties. 8. Measuring out punishments for transgressions, as- signing rewards or censures for superiors. 9. Authorizing private individuals to establish, at their own expense. schools, boarding—schools, or other institutions of learning. Decisions regarding the founding and organizing of private pedagogical institutes. 10. Auditing school funds. 11. Submitting a budget for salaries and costs to main- tain educational institutions. 12. Preparing a report on the overall state of educa- tional institutions in the Kingdom.3 All matters not specifically outlined in Article 6 were reserved to the Religions and Education Section of the Government Commission of Internal and Religious Affairs and Education. The Council was to be an authority unto itself within the confines of competency as outlined in Article 6 of the plan. Proposals for changes in the existing rules and regulations or the budget were to be made directly to the Administrative Council. A Secretary, appointed by the President and paid from the budget, was responsible for keep- ing the minutes of the Council meetings which were to be held weekly. The minutes were to contain all the decisions 34Ibid., 128, Art. 6. and actions to express t porated into All persons minutes. A: of the Publi President i! All ( channelled ‘ Government ( 0f responsi‘i 0f the Pres. PeSponsible Ports and p The tember and the Russian tration of are Written the Entire secondary I The Elementary 98 and actions of the Education Council. All members were free to express their opinions in writing which were to be incor- porated into the minutes after being read at the meeting. All persons attending the meeting were required to sign the minutes. Article 18 specified that the internal organization of the Public Education Council was to be worked out by the President in consultation with the members.35 All correspondence, incoming and outgoing, was to be channelled through the Religions and Education Section of the Government Commission. The classification and distribution of responsibilities outlined in Article 6 was the prerogative of the Presiding Officer of the Council. The members were responsible for preparing and presenting at the meetings re— ports and plans with respect to the areas assigned to them.36 The Public Education Council began to function in Sep- tember and Manteuffel points out that now for the first time the Russian language began to enter into the central adminis- tration of schools. He writes: "Initially, only some acts are written in Russian; gradually, however, it will take over the entire Chancellery, relegating the Polish language to a secondary place."37 The 1833 Law provided for three levels of schools: Elementary Schools, District Schools, and Gymnasiums. The first paragraph of the new law stated that "the chief 35Ibid., 129—13o. Arts. 7. 8, 9, 13. 14, 17, 18. 36 37 Ibid., 129, Arts. 10, 11. Manteuffel, Rozprawy Historyczne.... VI, No. 2, 32, function of sides moral necessary tc of elementaz essary inst] est. n39 The 1 tion in the to be devot four years. Specializat Mathematics Repc if fairs am t“mush De< \\ 38Qu pt 12“, K 3°h001 Ref the Childr were to ed elementary £0: p, See Michae DretatiOn’ We 39 p. 126, 1+ 03 Q1 99 function of educational institutions is to give youth, be— sides moral formation, the opportunity to obtain an education necessary to preserve their position in life."38 The purpose of elementary schools was identified as providing basic, nec- essary instruction for all classes of people, "even the low- est.”39 The new regulations provided that the years of instruc- tion in the gymnasium be increased to eight--the fifth year to be devoted to a review of material covered in the preceding ”’0 In the sixth year the student was to begin four years. specialization in one of two areas: Philology or Physics- Mathematics.nl Reports of the Commission of Internal and Religious Affairs and Education, covering the period Septemberl5,.183l, through December 31, 1833, revealed that, during the period 38Quoted in Kucharzewski, Epoka Paskiewiczowska..., p. 12h. Kucharzewski points out that according to the 1828 School Reforms in Russia gymnasiums were to be attended by the children of nobles and civil servants, district schools were to educate the children of tradesmen and artisans, and elementary schools were for the people of the "lowest classes. " Ibid., p. 124. For a discussion of the 1828 School Reforms, see Michael T. Florinsky, Russia: A History and an Inter- pretation,6Vol. II, (New York: The Macmillan Company,l§H7), PP. OO- O . 39Quoted in Kucharzewski, Epoka Paskiewiczowska..., P. 126 40 ulSkarbek, Krdlestwo Polskie.... p. 83. Kucharzewski points out that the actual number of years spent in study at the gymnasium was the samezusunder the oldsystem. Under the old systenxthe sixth year required two years Uncomplete while under the new system the fifth year was spentixlreview. Thus, seven years of new instruction was involved in both systems. Kucharzewski, Epoka Paskiewiczowska..., pp. 123—124, Ibid., pp. 123-124. 21's)” ”’0:- "It"? [Firm £29be .". r “‘ ‘ "1.4 "_r V.“ "sheen of transiti were 632 sc tendance. dents incre of students l10,321+ enro were lt6,850 partment of school to were so co six grades there was 2 upper class schools we: but only 2: No additim mained wit! elementary and after there were records th “21b . 44R plerwszym Dzie '6w 0 100 of transition in education in the Kingdom (1831-1832), there were 632 schools in operation with 30,106 students in at- tendance. In the following school year the number of stu- dents increased by lO,218. While the increase in the number of students was gratifying, Kucharzewski points out that the 40,324 enrollment was less than in the year 1829 when there were 46,850 students attending schools supervised by the De- partment of Education.l+2 Nine gymnasiums were opened in 1833, one in every pro- vince and two in Warsaw. This was six less than the Kingdom had in 1830. While the new regulations called for each school to have eight grades, initially only four gymnasiums were so constituted. The rest enrolled students in the first six grades only because, in the words of a government report, there was a "lack of funds and students qualified for the upper classes." According to the new law, 4-year district schools were to be established in each of the 39 districts, but only 22 were open due to "lack of funds and teachers." No additional schools were opened and thus 17 districts re— mained without this level of education.“3 The number of elementary schools, which had fallen off drastically during and after the November uprising, grew steadily until in 1839 there were more schools than in 1830.4“ The following table records the growth of elementary schools and pupils in the 42 uuRafal Gerber, "Szkolnictwo Krolestwa Polskiego w pierwszym dziesiqcioleciu rzadow Paskiewicza," Rozprawy z Dziejéw Oéwiaty, II, 1961. 167. Ibid.. pp. 165—166. ”31b1d.. p. 16?. From public scho While the n creased by mained virt but the nun by 59.7 per Possible t: Schools, tl minimum am tary schooi therefore, One lOl Kingdom of Poland: TABLE 1 GROWTH OF ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS AND PUPILS, 1833-1840a Number of Number of Year Elementary Schools Pupils Public Private Public Private 1833-34 538 69 34,108 1,589 1834-35 633 81 41.870 1,748 1835—36 765 72 45,710 2,015 1836—37 872 84 49,167 2,595 1837-38 923 64 48,490 2,115 1838—39 934 67 50,917 2,500 1839-40 957 70 51.958 2.537 aCompiled from Kucharzewski, Epgga Paskiewicz- Mv PP- 547-548. 5614'. From the preceding it can be seen that the number of public schools increased by 77.9 per cent from 1833 to 1840 while the number of students attending these schools in- creased by 52.3 per cent. The number of private schools re- mained virtually unchanged, increasing only 1.4 per cent, but the number of students attending these schools increased by 59.7 per cent. Thus, it would appear that while it was possible to obtain permissiOn to establish private elementary schools, the government was committed to keeping these to a minimum and bent all of its efforts to expand public elemen- tary schools which could be controlled more directly and, therefore, more effectively. One of the more important developments under the new school refo: the Russian riculum equ. per week we: the first 1‘ of gymnasiir struction w Gene four months nented. Hi Poland with "the newly- tions." I isfaction teaching of cizing the from a fore on assigned was not a v lieved that Russian his purpose W01 the languag Served}? \ “58114 102 school reform was the effort made to expand the teaching of the Russian language which was now to be included in the cur— riculum equally with the Polish language.45 Eighteen hours per week were set aside for Russian in district schools and the first five years in gymnasiums. In the last three years of gymnasium study the student was to receive nine hours in- struction weekly in the Russian language and literature}6 General Golovin succeeded Count Stroganov less than four months after the new school regulations were imple- mented. His first assignment was to tour the Kingdom of Poland with instructions from Paskevich to observe carefully "the newly-reformed lower and middle educational institu- tions." In his report to Paskevich, Golovin expressed sat- isfaction with what he had seen but pointed out that the teaching of the Russian language, overall. was weak. Criti- cizing the method of teaching, which emphasized translation from a foreign language into Russian and writing exercises on assigned topics, Golovin pointed out that the end result was not a working knowledge of the Russian language. He be— lieved that a better way would be to introduce the study of Russian history in Russian and pointed out that a two-fold Purpose would thus be served: a more practical knowledge of the language would result and historical truth would be pre- served.“'7 The Viceroy fully agreed with Golovin's ideas but 45Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksigcia Paskiewicza..., p. 58. uéKucharzewski. Enoka Paskiewiczowska..., p. 134. 47Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiggia Paskiewicza..., p. 107. 1. , .v. j 1 ‘ PM: a"! at 9': f . 3“ 7% ”as -"I Lliit M7? .. 4 «HI-5.:- ‘11-» r?! r, -‘ nI-Iv isplementat: as well as The by paying i An attempt issuing a D teachers of for six yea to Paskevi Minister 0 Russian Pe up with dew that he wo Moscow Cur districts. proposed I in additic 1. Cc 2. C< 3. P: 131 1+8 103 implementation posed difficulties since qualified teachers, as well as adequate textbooks, were lacking.48 The shortage of Russian teachers was offset in part by paying instructors to lecture at more than one school.49 An attempt to recruit more teachers in Russia was made by issuing a Decree in 1835 which freed persons who served as teachers of the Russian language in the Kingdom of Poland for six years from conscription.5o That the problem was far from solved is attested toby the fact that as late as February, 1837, Paskevich was still try- ing to recruit Russian teachers for the Kingdom. litresponse to Paskevich’s request for assistance, Uvarov, the Russian Minister of Education, informed the Viceroy on March #ththat Russian Pedagogical Instituteswerehavingdifficulty keeping up with demands for teachers in their own districtslmxtadded that he would turn over the request to the Petersburg and Moscow Curators who would send out appeals in their respective districts. The Minister then went on to point out that the proposed pay for teachers was somewhat low and suggested that, in addition to salary, the following items should be paid: 1. Cost of transportation. 2. Cost of meals while en ggutg. 3. Payment of an amount equal to one—half year's salary to cover the cost of setting up a new household. ”8Ibid. 49 D I ' Kucharzewski, Epoka Paskiew1czowska.... p. 177. 5OSkarbek, Krolestwo Polskie.... p. 83, fn. ’ ".'.“le:'5".“’ r rah (“Cf ‘ C'l’}_lf'.l "' r“Wm moth-t ' r3 “r lfew as pressure benefits strauch, hands wer the Kingd already a; The Russian 12 Director c when he pe to introdt at the gym \— 5th 5211 531, ily £0116? up the po: Wished to to nomina Rmd Ksi 10# 4. Providing lodging with heat, or giving equivalent cash allowance for obtaining same, until a permanent dwelling was obtained.5l Paskevich, believing the above supplemental payments would place an unbearable burden upon the Education Budget, agreed only to pay transportation costs and to secure tempo- rary free lodging for new teachers. Uvarov replied on April 27th that "no student at the University of Moscow in- dicated any desire to go to the Kingdom as a teacher of Rus- sian language and literature." This attempt by Uvarov to pressure Paskevich into granting extraordinary supplemental benefits for Russian teachers proved unsuccessful. Rauten- strauch, Acting Viceroy, pointed out to Uvarov that his de- mands were "in conflict with civil service regulations in the Kingdom," and then added that, at any rate, the Tsar had already approved of Paskevich's decision in this matter.52 The question of teaching methods with respect to the Russian language was taken up again by Okunev, Acting Chief Director of the Government Commission,53 on January 24,1838, when he petitioned the Administrative Council for permission to introduce a Russian History Course mobe taught in Russian at the gymnasium level. Hesaidthathis requestwasmotivated SlKucharzewski, Epoka Paskiewiczowska....Pp.177-179. 521bid.. p. 179. 531bid., p. 180. Okunev filled this position temporar- ily following Golovin's departure from the Kingdom to take up the post of Governor-General of the Caucasus. The Tsar Wished to appoint Shipov to replace Golovin but did not want to nominate him before consulting with Paskevich. Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza.... pp. 155-156. by the fac mar was in spreading ple who wer accent and tive Counc ful in ena sian langu would be i: Mnasium . "profitabl. necessaril; Which begi] Ear. Director 0: ‘s’ious Affa; iHlplemen‘t - “1 regard; tion Bque' I‘ies of ad: out Waitim CourSe Was Saw 0n MaI‘( 105 by the fact that experience had shown that emphasis on gram- mar was ineffective in advancing the government's goal of spreading knowledge of the Russian language among young peo- plewfluiwere experiencing difficulties "in acquiring a proper accent and in expressing themselves." While the Administra— tive Council acknowledged that the proposal might prove use- ful in enabling students to acquire proficiency in the Rus- sian language, it decreed that for the time being the course would be introduced only in the three upper grades of the gymnasium and cited as the reason for its decision that "profitable auditing of any subject in a foreign language necessarily demands a certain familiarity with the language which beginning students do not possess."54 Early in 1838 Shipov assumed the position of Chief Director of the Government Commission of Internal and Reli- gious Affairs and Education and immediately took steps to implement the decree handed down by the Administrative Coun- cil regarding the teaching of Russian History. The Educa- tion Budget was increased by 10,200 zip. to cover the sala- ries of additional teachers that would be required and,with- out waiting for the beginning of the new school year, the course was introduced in the two gymnasiums located in War- saw on March 1st.55 5“Kucharzewski, Epoka Paskiewiczowska.... p. 180. 55Ibid., pp. 180-181. Six years later the Curator of the Warsaw Educational District announced that "thanks to the school system" the youth of the Kingdom were "generally acquainted with the Russian language." Ibid.. p. 181. 0the were used 1 courses for and distric issued Dece government tions to ft 0f 1835 whe August 20, law went or Was "easy ‘ in public : Ska: evaluates - Points out rated,u poi He Went 0n unfolded g quite bEar were to ta 106 Other means, besides formal instruction in schools, were used to expand the knowledge of Russian. Free language courses for adults were set up in Warsaw and all provincial and district towns by order of the Administrative Council issued December 19, 1837.56 This was done in order to enable government employees and applicants for civil service posi- tions to fulfill the requirement of a law enacted at the end of 1835 whereby all persons not knowing Russian after August 20, 1837 could not qualify for public service. The law went on to point out that the knowledge of this language was "easy to obtain since it has been part of instructions in public schools since 1833."57 Skarbek, who observed these developments first-hand, evaluates the 1833 Public Education Plan as tolerable. He points out that while "a new course in education was inaugu- rated," Polish continued to be the language of instruction. He went on to say that because "the spirit of the new course unfolded gradually" the restrictiveness of this plan was quite bearable in comparison with the developments which were to take place in education at the end of the decade.58 56Ibid. These schools continued to function for six years. In 1839 the Tsar ordered that instructors teaching free language classes be paid: 150 rubles for those teach- lng in provincial towns and 120 rubles for those conducting classes in district towns. In 1843 these schools were closed. The reason given for this measure was that the work being done in the schools was bearing fruit and consequently the need for these classes no longer existed. Ibid. 57Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 17. pp. 408-411. 58Skarbek, Krolestwo Polskie.... p. 83. Kucharzews states thi tional edu and implem of the l9t idea that citizens w of course, committed Manifesto considered Poles and harmonious Whe new duties incomplete Study usec‘ Golovin be of the Re] M18310?" v dESired 9C \ 59KL 6 » 18} i°21°\vski‘ E e Minis. 107 Kucharzewski, however, writing some eighty years later, states this plan marked a break with the principles of na- tional education inauguratedtmrreformers in the 18th century and implemented by legislation enacted during the first part of the 19th century. These principles were contained in the idea that the role of the school was to educate enlightened citizens who would be dedicated to their country.59 This, of course, was precisely what the Russian government was committed to eradicate since, in the words of the Imperial Manifesto of February 2/14, 1832, the Kingdom of Poland was considered an "integral part of the Russian Empire" and the Poles and Russians were to constitute "a united nation of harmonious brothers."60 When Golovin left the Kingdom of Poland to assume his new duties in the Caucasus, educational reforms were still incomplete. Paskevich desired to introduce the program of study used in Russia into the gymnasiums in the Kingdom. Golovin believed that State Councillor Kozlowski, Director of the Religions and Education Section of the GovernmentCom- mission, was the best qualified person to bring about the 61 desired educational reforms. Golovin was, therefore, 59Kucharzewski, Epoka Paskiewiczowska.... PP. 121-122. 60 61Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p. 156. Kozlowski, born in 1792: began his public service in 1809 in the Ministry of Finance. In 1817 he was transferred to the Government Commission of Internal Affairs and Education. In 1833 Kozlowski was appointed Director of the Bureau of Con- trol in the Government Commission of Internal and Religious Affairs and Education. On December 29, 1834, he assumed Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 14, pp. 168-169. instructed of having cow. Pash formance w obviously company Gc It is affair goverr K02 Petersburg Spect all submitted With his 1 mented in \ the duties 0f the COD N0, 2) 80. 62 i a Uniate E Verted to 9ensured 1 $ng such n Fhls Seen in line wj 108 instructed to take Kozlowski along with him for the purpose of having him study the schools in St. Petersburg and Mos- cow. Paskevich had reservations regarding Kozlowski's per- formance with respect to religious affairs62 but allowed the obviously competent director in educational matters to ac- company Golovin. However, he cautioned: It is necessary to keep an eye on him; and this is our affair, the Viceroyalty's, for without this one cannot govern since people always have weaknesses.53 Kozlowski spent two months in Russia, first in St. Petersburg and then in Moscow where he was allowed to in- spect all educational institutions.64 Upon his return he submitted a detailed study of his findings to the Viceroy with his recommendations, which were shortly to be imple- mented in the Kingdom.65 the duties of Director of the ReligionsznniEducation Section of the Commission. Manteuffel, Rozprawy Historyczne.... VI, No. 2, 80. 62 This reservation stemmed from an incident involving a Uniate Bishop in whose diocese one hundred Uniates con- verted to the Catholic Faith. The Uniate Bishop was not censured by the Administrative Section charged with oversee- ing such matters. Kozlowski, a Catholic, was in charge of this Section and Paskevich accused him of not always acting in line with governmental policy in matters pertaining to the Catholic clergy. Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskie- wicza..., p. 157. R 631bid. Shcherbatov points out that toleration had to be exerc1sed since Russians with a university education were not eager to serve in the Kingdom even with the special privileges which were offered to them. Therefore, it was necessary to use residents of the Kingdom in all branches of administration and education. Ibid. 6“Kucharzewski, Epoka Paskiewiczowska.... p. 218. 65Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p. 158, F02 The education and prepar this decis 1839. Inv Lithuania secret soc volving pa of April, SPent almo tions cons With Uvarc the more r in the Kir destlne ac from abroz In the Tsar, 109 FORMATION OF THE WARSAW EDUCATIONAL DISTRICT The decision to bring about a major reorganization of education in the Kingdom of Poland had been under discussion and preparation as early as 1837.66 Impetus was given to this decision by events which occurred during the winter of 1839. Investigation of renewed activities of emigres in Lithuania and the Kingdom brought to light the existence of secret societies in all the gymnasiums of the Kingdom, in— volving particularly the upper grades.67 At the beginning of April, 1839, Paskevich traveled to St. Petersburg. He spent almost the whole month there and among the many ques- tions considered was the matter of school reform. In talks with Uvarov, it was concluded that these "reforms were all the more necessary, since the greater number of gymnasiums in the Kingdom showed an inclination towards unceasing clan- destine activities and connections with emissaries arriving from abroad."68 In the fall of 1839 Uvarov, upon instructions from the Tsar, came to Warsaw in order to discuss with the Public 66Manteuffel, Roaprawy Historyczne..., VI, No. 2, 32. 6'7Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p. 167. Emigres continued their‘clandestine activities in the Kingdom and the Western Provinces throughout the 1830's but never posed a serious threat to the government. See, Berg, Zapiski N. V. Berga..., pp. 40-51. Conspiracies in the Kingdom were not unexpected by the Tsar. Nicholas wrote to Paskevich in 1837 that the plots uncovered among students did not surprise him and then cautioned the Viceroy: “Never believe the false stillness of that country.“ Imperator Nikolai k Paskevich, 19go/3lgo marta 1837 goda, in Shcherbatov, Prilozheniia..., pp. 323~324. 68Shcherbatov, Rzady KsieciaPaskiewicza....DP.167-168. Education the Kingdc far as edt it propose the direct St. Peters ski, "a 31' rate admi: 1y before Pr ceived a j Accor with 1 Whole think under Prese plan not d great 110 Education Council the project outlining school reforms in the Kingdom. This project was of great moment not only as far as education was concerned but politically as well,since it proposed that the schools of the Kingdom be placed under the direct administration of the Ministry of Education in St. Petersburg. This constituted, in the words of Kucharzew- ski, "a significant departure from the whole system of sepa- rate administration in the Kingdom proclaimed so ceremonious- ly before Europe in the Organic Statute."69 Prior to Uvarov's arrival in Warsaw, Paskevich re- ceived a letter from the Tsar in which he wrote: According to our agreement, I came to an understanding with Uvarov with respect to my intentions to reform the whole educational department in Poland. He fathoms my thinking and has left to visit you in order to hear you, under your guidance to familiarize himself with the present situation, and begin the work of drawing up a plan for a new organization of this department. I do not doubt that this work which I consider of‘ the greatest importance will proceed very well.70 69Kucharzewski, Epoka Paskiewiczowska..., p. 218. 7OImperator Nikolai k Paskevich, l7go/29go oktiabria 1839 goda, in Shcherbatov, Prilozheniia..., p. 395. At is- sue here, in addition to educational reforms in the Kingdom, was the question of authority: How was the Viceroy'sauthor- ity over all the country to be reconciled with the Minister of Education's authority over all educational establishments in the Kingdom? Kucharzewski, Epoka Paskiewiczowska..., P. 219. The question was resolved by providing that the or- ders of the Minister would not be implemented without the prior agreement of the Viceroy. Also, the Curator of the Warsaw Educational District was dependent upon the Viceroy in essential matters. It was true that the Minister's au~ thority was paramount with regard to school curriculum which was to be identical with that offered in all the schools of the Empire and in matters of supervision and discipline in the schools. It was also the task of the Minister to assure a flow of personnel into the Kingdom from among graduates of universities and pedagogical institutes who were receiving their education at government expense. Shcherbatov, Rzady Les Nicholas w The P1 Depart try in hope t doubt but no Eig the Tsar. purpose 01 enter Russ public an( form the \ 1y respon: Shcherbat reaching administr \ Ksiecia 1: mm tiom as Siau in 1 Cation WE SpecificE Orders w}- W 711 1839 god; 72 EXCluded Were Sem; Hedi Cal . the Deaf 73 111 Less than a month later, on November 12/24, 1839, Nicholas wrote to Paskevich: The Plan for the future organization of the Education Department in Poland and its unification with the Minis- try in the Empire I consider very well thought out and hope that this measure will yield sure fruit. I do not doubt that the Poles will be enraged because of this, but no matter.7l Eight days later the Decree was signed into law by the Tsar. The first paragraph of the document explained the purpose of the new reform as seeking to aid Polish youth to enter Russian Universities. To achieve this purpose, all public and private schools in the Kingdom of Poland were to form the Warsaw Educational District which was to be direct- ly responsible to the Imperial Minister of Education)2 Shcherbatov notes that "this was the first and most far- reaching union with the Empire of one of the most important administrative departments in the Kingdom."73 Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p. 169. Manteuffel points outthough that while the Curator was subject to the Minister of Educa— tion, as were all Curators of Educational Districts in Rus— sia, in legislating as well as staffing the Minister of Edu- cation was to receive prior agreement from the Viceroy of the Kingdom. The Viceroy also had the power, in matters not specifically concerned with education, to issue executive orders which were binding upon the Curator. Manteuffel, Rozprawy Historyczne..., VI. NO- 2. 33. 71Imperator Nikolai k Paskevich, lZgo/Zhgo noiabria 1839 goda, in Shcherbatov, Prilozheniia..., p. 396. 72Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 24, pp. 235-237, Art, 1, Excluded from the control of the Warsaw Educational District were Seminaries, the Obstetrics Institute, the School for Medical Aides, the Veterinary School, and the Institute for the Deaf and Dumb. Ibid., p. 237, Art. 2. 73Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p. 168. Shcherbatov notes that because of this reform Paskevich ex- pected to be able to secure a sizeable contingent of Russian The the Govern and Educat tional Dis obligation missions w However. h istrative cation}!+ function a Director c gious Affe President my and t} the respoy Ma; Education 1639,76 ( \ FeaChers . 15h gymna: 112 The Public Education Section was to be separated from the Government Commission of Internal and Religious Affairs and Education and henceforth be known as the Warsaw Educa- tional District. A Curator, subject to the same rights and obligations to which Chief Directors of other Government Com- missions were subject, was to be in charge of the District. However, his participation in the deliberations of the Admin- istrative Council was limited to questions dealing with edu— 74 The Public Education Council was to continue to cation. function as before-—only the Curator would replace the Chief Director of the Government Commission of Internal and Reli- gious Affairs and Education as Presiding Officer. A Vice- President was to be selected with the approval of the Vice- roy and the Minister of Education and would assume all of the responsibilities of the Curator in his absence.75 Major-General Nicholas Okunev, a member of the Public Education Council, was appointed Curator on December 30, 1839.76 Okunev assumed his duties on January 20, 1840 and teachers thus expanding opportunities for students from Pol- ish gymnasiums to enter Russian Universities. Ibid.,;n 169. 5 7)‘FPoland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 24, pp. 239—2h3, Arts.3, 75Ibid., p. 243, Arts. 6, 7. 76Manteuffel, Rozprawy Historyczne..., VI, No. 2, 33, According to Storozhenko, who headed the Investigation Com— mission for Political Transgressions, Okunev owed his ap- pointment as Curator to the fact that he had served in Paskevich's Corps. When Paskevich took over command of the Russian Army during the Polish uprising, Okunev served as his confidential secretary. At the end of the campaign, Okunev was promoted to Major-General and served as a member of the Highest Tribunal charged with trying theinsurgents.0n was immedi tated dele May 3rd oi 0n tional st) governing 1. C1 2. V5 3. Cl 4. P1 The day-u the Chief undetemig \ July 15. and on NO' CommiSsio: In Septem Council 0 Okunev wo Wins. i Poland un ' R . “33% 113 was immediately summoned to St. Petersburg. This necessi- tated delaying the implementation of the new reforms until May 3rd of that year.77 On July 1, 18QO, Tsar Nicholas approved the organiza- tional structure of the Warsaw Educational District. The governing body of the District was to be made up of the: l. Curator. 2. Vice-President of the Public Education Council. 3. Chief Director of Administration. 4. Public Education Council.78 The day-to—day functioning of the District was entrusted to the Chief of the Chancellery, two Department Heads, and an undetermined number of clerks and officials.79 The work of July 15, 1833, he was named to the Public Education Council and on November 11, 1837, became a member of the Government Commission of Internal and Religious Affairs and Education. In September, 1839, Okunev was made a member of the State Council of the Kingdom of Poland. Kucharzewski states that Okunev won the favor of Paskevich by writing a highly flat- tering, if inaccurate, account of the Russian Campaign in Poland under Paskevich. Kucharzewski, Epoka Paskiewicz- owska..., pp. 224-226. See also: Sidorov, Russkie i Russkaia Zhizn..., pp. 99-100- 77Manteuffel, Rozprawy Historyczne..., VI, No. 2, 33, 78Organizacja Okregu Naukowego Warszawskiego, 1 lipca 1840, in ibid., 131, Art. 1. These officials were to be selected by the Minister of Education in consultation with :he Viceroy of the Kingdom and approved by the Tsar. Ibid., rt. 3. 79Ibid., Art. 2, The Chief of the Chancellery, as well as the two Department Heads were to be selected by the Curator and approved by the Administrative Council. All other administrative personnel could be nominated by the Curator himself. Ibid.. Art. 3. The responsibilities of the Department Heads 1nc1uded preparing matters for the gov- erning body to consider and being responsible for the quick and efficient implementation of laws and regulations. Ibid., 136—137, Art. 30. this body 2, 3‘ chars >orq Th expanded LR some UV (I) < L4 :1: [H 114 this body was to be divided as follows: 1. Matters which the Curator himself was to settle. 2. Matters which were to be resolved by the Public Edu- cation Council. 3. Matters which belonged to the competency of the Chief Director of Administration. 0 Article 5 of the Act detailed those areas which be- longed exclusively to the Curator: 1. All presentations to higher authority, as well as correspondence with officials or persons which in the Curator's judgment required prompt resolution. 2. Secret correspondence. 3. Presentations and petitions from private individu- als, as well as complaints against lower government officials. 4. All matters requiring immediate attention which could not be delayed until the next meeting of the Public Education Council, personal matters, and presentation of officials for awards. The authority of the Public Education Council was expanded to include: 1. Resolving of questions arising from applications of general rules and orders to specific instances. 2. Approving contracts for supplies. 3. Handling all claims against the government and ini— tiating prosecution of private individuals. 4. Censoring printed materials formerly handled by the Government Commission with the exception of periodi- cals and newspapers which the Government Commission was to continue to supervise. 5. Supervising book dealers. 6. Handling all transactions connected with former Jesuit properties. 80lbid., 131, Art. 4. 811mm, 131—132, Art. 5. the Chanc District responsit 1.} 1 c 5.4- rn >11 3. C I The admir i Partnents ‘ latter we ' Operatior i A: °f the CL Tier) to ; CounciIBE \ 82 bers cone 8 31 ~ 84Iv 85 1840’ in‘ mlll’les iember of “9 meeti all the e 27I 36, 115 7. Taking care of all other matters which the Curator ordered to be introduced at the Council meetings. 2 The Chief Director of Administration was to manage the Chancellery and Departments of the Warsaw Educational District and supervise their orderly functioning. He was responsible for: 1. Handling all correspondence dealing with the execu- tion or enforcement of laws, decrees, regulations or orders from higher authority. 2. Responding to inquiries from subordinate officials, as well as private individuals, regarding questions in which application of the law was not in doubt. 3. Gathering information and clarification for the pur- pose of preparing matters for final decision.83 The administration of the District was divided into two de— partments: Education and Administrative-Budgetary. The latter was subdivided into two bureaus: General Service Operation and Legal Councillor.84 Articles 17 through 26 outlined the duties and powers of the Curator of the Warsaw Educational District. In addi- tion to presiding over the meetings of the Public Education Council85 and participating in Administrative Council 82Ibid., 132—133, Art. 6. The presence of three mem- bers constituted a quorum. Ibid., 137, Art. 35. 83Ibid., 133, 136, Arts. 7, 28, 29. 8b’Manteuffel, Rozprawy Historyczne..., VI, No. 2, 35, 850rganizacja Okregu Naukowggp Warszawskiego, l lipca 1840, in lbld., 136, Art. 24. In the event of absence due to illness or for some other reason, the Vice-President, a member of the Public Education Council, was to preside at the meeting. In his role of Acting Curator he possessed :11 tge attributes of the Curator. Ibid., 136-137.Arts. 25, 7. 3 . meetings, instituti ing direr schools 1 by the M5 ary inspe elemental rector oi orary tri but requj tion.87 A1 ing pers< himself ( Various 5 COuld als ulum and Curator j 116 meetings,86 the Curator was required to inspect educational institutions in his district. The responsibility of select— ing directors and inspectors of gymnasiums and district schools belonged to him but the directors had to be approved by the Minister of Education. The Curator nominated honor- ary inspectors of district schools and approved trustees of elementary schools. The latter could be selected by the di- rector of the gymnasium or the provincial government. Hon- orary trustees of gymnasiums were appointed by the Curator but required the prior approval of the Minister of Educa- tion.87 Article 22 empowered the Curator to appoint allteach- ing personnel. They could be selected either by the Curator himself or upon recommendation of the administrators in the various schools. In addition, the Minister of Education could also appoint persons to teaching positions.88 Curric- ulum and school regulations were to be worked out by the Curator in consultation with local school officials prior to 86Ibid., 134—135, Art. 17. However, his participation was limited to matters which dealt with his Departmentunless he was simultaneously serving as Chief Director of the Gov- ernment Commission of Internal and Religious Affairs. Ibid. 87Ibid., 135, Arts. 18, 20, 21. The Curator could delegate the Vice—President of the Public Education Council and the General Inspectors to make school visitations in his stead, Members of the Council and persons in upper adminis- trative positions in education could also be requested to visit schools. Ibid., Arts. 18, 19. 88Ibid., 135,.Art. 22. The persons selected had to pos- sess, in addition to academic competency, moral andpolitical Qualifications. Theapplicant couldberequiredtotakeanexam- ination if the Curator believed this was necessary. Thetest would be administered by the Examination Committee. Ibid. bringing discussio expended Th and clerk Chief of persons a dismissal Chief of the minui AI the dist] Curator < District, Council 1 He Could Within 45‘ days or Adulinist A \ 89 a deCisi iirectly lOn rega 117 bringing these matters to the Public Education Council for discussion.89 Funds, reserved to the Curator, were to be expended within the guidelines set forth in the Budget.90 The care of the archives and supervision of officials and clerks assigned to the Chancellery were assigned to the Chief of the Chancellery. He was required to keep a list of persons assigned to the district, recording appointments and dismissals, and keeping an account of leaves granted. The Chief of the Chancellery was also entrusted with recording the minutes of meetings of the Public Education Council.91 All petitions, presentations,andreports dealing with the district were to be addressed either directly to the Curator or to the administration of the Warsaw Educational District. Officials and members of the Public Education Council could resign only with permission from the Curator. He could grant leaves of no more than 28 days to be spent within the confines of the Kingdom. Leaves of more than 28 days or involving travel abroad required the approval of the Administrative Council.92 All dispatches dealing with matters decided by the 89Ibid., 136, Art. 26. However, matters which required a decision by the Minister of Education were to be forwarded directly to him along with a statement of the Curator's opin- ion regarding them. Ibid. 90Ibid., 135. Art. 23. 911bid., 137, Arts. 31, 32, 33. 92Ibid., 137, Arts. 34, 37, 38. Leaves of up to six weeks could be approved by the Viceroy but permission to travel abroad had to be obtained from the Tsar himself. p0- land, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 15, pp. 167—172, Arts. 77. 78. Curator 2 lamation: Educatio tested t patches required Chief of T1 ulations ment wit U mented i °rganiza General, of the g three a: 1833 reg Sixth y, year of cedingI inStruc- \ 9 1840 I 1'. 1.37138 “Term: Ib\ld' 1 9 118 Curator and all presentations to superiors as well as proc— lamations and orders arising out of decisions of the Public Education Council were to be signed by the Curator and at- tested to by the Chief Director of Administration. Dis- patches dealing with matters reserved to the Chief Director required his signature and had to be attested to by the Chief of the Chancellery or one of the Department Heads.93 The last article in the Decree nullified all previous reg- ulations governing public education which were not in agree- ment withruuaprovisions as setforthimitheJulqu 1840 Act.94 NEW SCHOOL REGULATIONS Under the new SChOOl regulations which were imple- mented in the fall of 1840, district schools underwent a re- organization. Two categories of schools were provided: General, designed to prepare students for the upper grades of the gymnasium; and Special, or practical, divided into three areas—~Technical, Commercial, and Agricultural. The 1833 regulations which provided for specialization from the sixth year in the gymnasium were discontinued and the eighth year of instruction was cancelled. In place of the pre- ceding, a new program was instituted which provided for in- instructions in fifth, sixth, and seventh years which 930 Mg nizacja Okregu Naukoweg97Warszawskiego, l lipca 1840, in Manteuffel, Rozprawy Historyczne..., VI, No. 2, 137-138, Art. 39. The subject matter of the dispatch was to determine which Department Head was to sign the document. Ibid., 138. 94 Ibid., 138, Art. 40. correspo sixth, s under th C cises to in Russi in the E h of an Ag and prac improvir a gymnas Warsaw j to acquj Pursuing ObSerVeg oDment < high lei to his existing \ 9 9 KingGOm Dire. and mea Kinngm V01, ho ment at 119 corresponded somewhat to the course of study pursued in the sixth, seventh, and eighth years in the Philology Department under the previous system.95 Changes in elementary schools included reading exer- cises to be given "in the native tongue and where possible in Russian" and "study of measures, weights, and money used in the Empire and the Kingdom of Poland."96 New developments in education included the founding of an Agricultural and Forestry Institute where theoretical and practical knowledge could be acquired for the purpose of improving agricultural production. Also, in thefallof 1840 a gymnasium for children of the middle class was opened in Warsaw in order to provide the students with the opportunity to acquire "practical knowledge" which would prove useful in pursuing careers in manufacture and trade.97 Shcherbatov observes that both of these schools contributed to the devel- opment of agriculture and industry and cites as evidence the high level of soil cultivation in the Kingdom existing even to his day "in spite of the numerous political disturbances existing continually amidst all strata of society in the 95Kucharzewski, Epoka Paskiewiczowska.... p. 249, 96Ibid., p. 250. In 1841 the monetary system of the Kingdom was changed to correspond with that used in the Em- Pire. Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 28, pp. 4—19. Weights and measures used in the Empire were introduced into the Kingdom by the Decree of January 21/February l, 1848. Ibid., Vol. 40, pp. 130—151. 97Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p. 190. During the first yearvég students were enrolled at the In- stitute and 325 pupils attended the gymnasium. The enroll- ment at both schools continued to grow. Ibid., p. 190. Kingdom.9 On system of pire was olusively educatior into an c Minister Educatior Conce Wars the : attai fill thOSl DarEnt i get prov t0 5.00c The same sian te; °f symn; 120 Kingdom.98 One of the means by which it was hoped the school system of the Kingdom could be united with that of the Em— pire was to recruit teaching personnel for gymnasiums ex- clusively from among those persons who had received their education in Russian Universities.99 This was translated into an operating principle on November 26, 1841, when the Minister of Education wrote to the Curator of the Warsaw Educational District: Concerned that the reorganization of education in the Warsaw Educational District conform to the purpose for the formation of it, I acknowledge that the most rapid attainment of this purpose would be most favoured by filling positions of teachers in gymnasiums from among those scholars who have successfully completed their course in Russian Universities. Therefore, I recommend to you to accept as a permanent regulation that students who have been educated in Russian Universities should, upon returning to the country, be appointed first before any other candidates to teaching positions in gymnasiums. In the event that vacancies are lacking, they should be placed into district schools at the highest salaries and at the first opportunity transferred to gymnasiums.1 The emphasis placed on Russian in the schools was ap- parent in the budget as well as in the curriculum. The bud- get provided that Russian instructors be paid from 3,000 zip. to 5,000 zlp. annually, depending on length of service.101 The same budget provided that teachers of the Polishlanguage 98Ibid,, p. 191. 99Kucharzewski, Epoka Paskiewiczowska.... PP. 250-251, 100Quoted in ibid., p. 251. lOlIbid., p, 250. The salaries of the highest paid Rus— Sian teachers exceeded by 500 zip. that paid to Inspectors Of gymnasiums. Ibid. receive a riculum a 18 hours study of Ti nasiums a tached g1 that uni: forced tl T Council mass The firs 0f Educa that the Conform Educatio c°niaini MiniSteI ified t} l. \ 101 10 10 All mem' man of Were to 121 receive an annual salary of 1,800 21p. The gymnasium cur- riculum assigned 28 hours per week to the study of Russian, 18 hours to the study of German. and only 14 hours to the study of Polish.102 The new school regulations required students in gym- nasiums and district schools to wear uniforms. The Tsar at— tached great importance to this requirementsincehe believed that uniforms "facilitated supervision over students and forced them to observe a degree of moderation and docility. "103 PUBLIC EDUCATION COUNCIL REORGANIZED The internal organization of the Public Education Council was to be worked out by the Council itself. In the interim it continued to function under the old regulations. The first plan of reorganizationwasrejected.by the Minister of Education in May lBfil with instructions to the Curator that the up-dating of the Public Education Council should conform to recently issued regulations covering the Warsaw Educational District. The final form of reorganization, containing very few changes, received the approval of the Minister of Education on April 12, 1842.10“ Article 1 spec- ified that the Council was to be made up of: l. Curator, who was to serve as presiding officer. lOZIbid. 103Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p. 170. 104Manteuffel, Rozprawy Historyczne..., VI, No. 2, 36. All members of the Council, with the exception of the Chair- man of the General Consistory of Protestant Denominations, were to be appointed by the Tsar. Ibid. A1 ary Dire< tional ir Council \ be discu: required convene . decision; T Council; 1- 105 W Kréles t. 1 106 T7 107 agreeing In Writi the mim 122 2. Vice-President of the Council. 3. Chief Director of Administration of the Warsaw Edu— cational District. 4. Two Clergymen. 5. Two State Councillors. 6. Two Chairmen of the General Consistory of Protestant Denominations. 7. Extraordinary Members appointed by the Tsar.105 Article 2 gave the Curator authority to summon Honor- ary Directors of gymnasiums and General Inspectors of educa- tional institutions in the Kingdom to attend sessions of the Council when matters affecting specific institutions were to 106 be discussed. Under the new regulations the Council was required to meet twice weekly with the Curator empowered to convene extraordinary sessions when he deemed necessary. All decisions were reached by a majority vote.107 The following additional duties were assigned to the Council: 1. Inspections of elementary schools, setting up in- structions for the trustees of these schools, as well as outlining their relations with school au- thorities. 2. Reviewing evidence attesting to the inability of students to pay tuition for the purpose of freeing them from payment of tuition. ’lOSOrganizacja Wewgetrzna Rady Wychowania Publiczne o X Krolestwie Polskiem, 12 kwietnia lCHZ, in ibid., l, rt. 1. l°6Ibid., Art. 2. 107Ibid., 143, Arts. 9, 10. However, persons not égreeing with the majority opinion could submit their views In writing. These statements were then to be attached to the minutes of the meeting. Ibid., 143, Art. 10. D tion of solved b disagree was to b cil or t Council Educatio I Educatic cil was Sition c with an( Council f0ur mer Spector, in the 1 \ 10 10 C0 imme Inciden ll 123 3. Examining proposals for changes in curriculum and schedules for gymnasiums, provincial schools, and private schools. 4. Approving assignment of courses to teachers drawn up by the directors of general and special gymnasiums. 5. Generally looking after the interests of the Agri- cultural and Forestry Institute and specifically ap- proving the Institute's plan of instruction which was to be drawn up annually by its Director.108 Disagreements within the Council regarding prosecu- tion of teaching and administrative personnel were to be re- solved by the Curator whose decision would be final. Where disagreements concerned "more vital matters," the question was to be referred to the Viceroy or the AdministrativeCoun— cil or the Minister of Education.109 The activities of the Council were to be recorded and submitted to the Minister of Education in memorandum form monthly.llo Important changes were introduced into the Public Education Council in 1849. The Vice-President of the Coun- cil was replaced by an Assistant Curator. Further, the po- sition of Chief Director of Administration was done away with and these duties were assumed by four members of the Council who were to be paid a salary. In addition, these four members were to serve simultaneously as General In- spectors. At issue was the question of honorary membership in the Public Education Council. This question was debated 108Ibid., 142, Art. 4. 109Ibid., 143, Art. 11. In any event, the Curator was to immediately inform the Minister of Education of all such incidents. Ibid. 110Ibid.. 144, Art. 15. for over a District : members. cree, iss bers to s include t and two o mmmmu were to t tation wf I' crease ct rowing t in the C Sions re Weaken t cationa] Ent Prot tion to of paskt tOnOmy , Who I‘Sg arohy a Kintdom ther Cc after 1 \ l: 124 for over a year, with the Curator of the Warsaw Educational District advocating the retention of at least some honorary members. The Curator's efforts resulted in an Imperial De- cree, issued December 30, 1850, which allowed honorary mem— bers to sit in the Council but restricted their numbers to include the Rector of the Roman Catholic Seminary in Warsaw and two or three persons chosen from among administrative personnel prominent in the field of education. The latter were to be nominated by the Minister of Education in consul- tation with the Viceroy.lll It would appear the aim of these reforms was to in- crease central control over education in the Kingdom by nar- rowing the policy-making base and including salaried persons in the Council who would be more inclined to implement deci- sions reached in St. Petersburg. The net result would be to weaken the influence of the Public Education Council on edu— cational developments in the Kingdom. The Curator's persist— ent protests against this attempt by the Ministry of Educa- tion to increase its control must have had the full backing of Paskevich, who viewed encroachment on administrative au- tonomy of the Kingdom as curtailment of his authority and who regarded deliberate provoking of the Roman Catholic hier- archy as creating unnecessary problems for his rule in the Kingdom of Poland. The high regard of the Tsar for his "Fa- ther Commander" was manifested when, ten and one—half months after the original changes were approved, a modification was lll Manteuffel, Rozprawy Historyczne...,VI, No.2, 36-37. ordered on the I of the I tinued < n dom of I Manifest brother] mixed. to come ministre ented fc limited regardir the ores I‘Caucrgr his aut} 01811 re: fOT no ( the Cen~ Thug. St Strengtl CeiVe Qt Sibilit: dared a1 Nichola: 125 ordered which permitted retention of some honorary members on the Public Education Council, including a representative of the Roman Catholic hierarchy, assuring thereby the con- tinued co-operation of the Church. EFFECTIVENESS OF EDUCATIONAL REFORMS The effectiveness of educational reforms in HueKing- dom of Poland is difficult to assess. For the Tsar, whose Manifesto had set forth the goal of fostering a spirit of brotherly unity between Pole and Russian, the results were mixed. Education was the first major area of administration to come under control of the Imperial central organs of ad- ministration. But the opportunities which education pres- ented for tightening bonds between Empire and Kingdom were limited by a number of factors. The Viceroy was sensitive regarding challenges to his power and viewed steps such as the creation of the Warsaw Educational District as the bu- reaucratic arm of St. Petersburg not only whittling away at his authority in the Kingdom but also undermining the spe— cial relationship which he enjoyed with the Tsar since, if for no other reason, distance alone would give an edge to the central organ of administration over the regional one. Thus, suggestions and proposals for changes which would strengthen the Ministry of Education's position could re- ceive quicker and more persistent hearings, while the pos_ sibility was strong that those of the Viceroy would be hin- dered and impeded bytheufiles which separated Paskeviehfrom Nicholas. However, Paskevich had to proceed cautiously and prudenti dom, he with re: to reaC' arate at by the ( sible. Tsar to the Kint countrb vich th: cise in for post any pro Cation to secu Vich wa St. Pet were 10 DOSed g ity to Was cOn COUld b Salarie adequat expandi 126 prudently since, as the chief arm of the ruler in the King— dom, he was committed to the goals which Nicholas pursued with respect to the region. Because Nicholas was sensitive to reaction from the Powers, he could be persuaded that sep— arate administrative institutions in the Kingdom. guaranteed by the Organic Statute, should be maintained as long as pos— sible. A gradual reduction in this separateness allowed the Tsar to see progress towards his ultimate goal of uniting the Kingdom with the Empire but without reaction from other countries which a rapid pace might have provoked. ForPaske— vich this meant assurances that he would continue to exer- cise influence in education through approval of appointees for posts in the Warsaw Educational District as well as of any proposed legislative changes. Thus the Minister of Edu- cation was required not only to consult with Paskevich but to secure his concurrence as well. For this reason Paske- vich was able to retain a large measure of independence from St. Petersburg, since he was able to appoint persons who were loyal to him. Another factor which hindered the achievement of pro- posed goals for education within the Kingdom was the inabil- ity to maintain the level of instruction in Russian which was considered essential for achievement of unity. Teachers could be obtained only with difficulty and even attractive salaries and fringe benefits were not sufficient to attract adequate numbers of instructors. Some degree of progress in expanding the knowledge of Russian was assured by the Law of 1833, wh cate for ity befo sian. 8 well as themselv attain c ity of s achievec resolvec I 0f educ; the TsaJ 0f the 1 t.1011 th: Suited ‘ which 1‘ the Rom inating Went on Aft Spe a1 1nd to Ice 127 1833, which required a Russian Language Competency Certifi- cate for civil service employment after 1837, with a prior- ity before that time given to applicants who could speakRus- sian. Students aspiring to a career in administration, as well as those already working for the government, applied themselves either in the classroom or in special classes to attain competency in the language. But, as far as the major- ity of students were concerned, much more might have been achieved if the chronic problem of lack of teachers had been resolved. Paskevich's assessment of accomplishments in the field of education is contained in a report which he submitted to the Tsar on the occasion of the celebration of the 25th year of the reign of Nicholas. The report opened with a recollec- tion that the 1830 uprising with all its consequences re- sulted from a system of education established in 1816 under which lower schools were almost completely in the hands of the Roman Catholic Clergy who used the classroom for dissem- inating false ideas of rights and patriotism. The report went on to say that: After the rebellion, Your Imperial Highness, directing special attention to this department, deigned by Imperi- al Command to design its regulations in such a way as to indicate a proper path for education which would serve to piipare young people for genuinely useful state serv- ice. Paskevich identified the means used to achieve the 112Raport Namestnika Tsarstva Polskagnggo Impera- torskomu Velichestvu, 24 maia 1851 g., in Sbornik Im era- torskago Russkago Istoricheskago Obshchestva. Vol. 98 is. Peterburg: I. N. Skorokhodov, 1890), p.’ElO. above gc personne ings we: whose p1 governme books at notes t) books a1 1 fruits, ed the task in by-litt ing of rival o NQVEmbe being w the In; the pur To the wit Paskevj "Under of the 128 above goal as including a "stern review" of all teaching personnel and textbooks used in the schools. Library hold— ings were also subject to this scrutiny. Unreliable persons whose principles and conduct did not reflect the View of the government were removed, "libraries were purged and text- books and manuals were revised and reprinted." Paskevich notes that 50,000 silver rubles were spent on reprinting of books alone.113 When these changes failed to produce the expected fruits, further changes were initiated in 1833 which includ- ed the establishment of a Public Education Council whose task included screening all teachers and introducing "little- by-little" the Russian language into the schools. The teach— ing of some subjects in Russian was implemented with the ar- rival of teachers from schools in Russia. By the Decree of November 20, 1839, the Warsaw Educational District came into being which placed education in the Kingdom directly under the Imperial Ministry of Education. Paskevich identifies the purpose of this step in these words: To enable the youth of the Kingdom of Poland to acquire the means of intellectual and moral formation equally with the youth of other parts of the Empire.11 Paskevich noted that the Warsaw Educational District was "under the chief supervision of the Minister and the Viceroy of the Kingdom."115 Paskevich concluded his assessment of accomplishment 114 113Ibid.. pp. 610-611. Ibid., p. 611. 115Ib1d. in the f followin 129 in the field of education in the Kingdom of Poland with the following statistics: TABLE 2 TYPE AND NUMBER OF SCHOOLS AND ATTENDANCE AS GP 18518' .. Nessa? “are.“ Gymnasiums 1.994 Special Schools 5 1,663 District Schools 16 2,697 Real Schools 8 1,632 Sunday-Artisan Schools 97 Over 6,437 Elementary Schools 62,517 1 Town Schools 503 Village Schools 751 Jewish Schools 5 361 Private Boarding Schools 167 5,641b aCompiled from Raport Namestnika Tsarstva Polska- go..., p. 611. bPaskevich's report made no mention of the number of students attending the 167 private boarding schools. This figure was obtained from Kucharzewski, Paskiewiczowska.... p. 565- Epoka Paskevich also noted that 216 young people from the Kingdom were educated at Russian Universities at government expense and 439 persons had attended Military Boarding Schools also at government expense.116 Skarbek who served in the central administration of the Kingdom under Paskevich and was, therefore, acquainted 116 Raport Namestnika Tsarstva Polskago.. p. 611. with the cation i on the d which th alive i1 strength educatio to send 0f "cape l observec in the 1 for the sharply evidence tock p1, death w} But he , atainst awaited \ ll done in 130 with the statedaimsof Russification which the system of edu- cation in the Kingdom hoped to achieve, comments indirectly on the degree of success by pointing out the various ways in which the older generation not only kept the national spirit alive in the younger generation but also found. ways to strengthen it. Hestates thehomebecame theprimarysource of education for children and parents found ways and the means to send their‘sons abroad for study to ensure the preparation of "capable and upright citizens" for their country.117 From the vantage pointof sixty years, Kucharzewski observed that the "results of the system of educationapplied in the post-November period in the Kingdom were lamentable for the nation." He stated that education standards fell sharply without achieving the intended political aims. As evidence regarding the latter, he points to the events which took place in the Kingdom only a few years after Nicholas' death when the Polish nation again rose in revolt in 1863. But he notes that even during the Paskevich Era conspiracies against the government did not abate among students who only awaited a freer atmosphere in order to once again try to Change the situation in which the nation found itself.118 ll7Skarbek, Krolestwo Polskie.... pp. 86-89. This was done in spite of the fact that the law prescribed that no person under 25 years of age could be granted a passport. Those who violated the law became ineligible for a govern- ment position in the Kingdom. Ibid., p. 8 . 118Kucharzewski, Epoka Paskiewiczowska..., p. 588. Florinsky states that students provided "enthusiastic disci- ples" for the national movement which received impetus from the return of exiles during the liberalizing trend which set in upon Alexander II's accession to the throne. Florinsky, Russia: A History.... p. 910. i itants c in the I tention the com the Govv and Edw It ici: to ern the to \ gion an lng mor CHAPTER V RELIGIOUS POLICIES The influence of religion in the lives of the inhab- itants of the Kingdom of Poland and the role of the clergy in the 1830 revolt required that the government turn its at- tention early to the development of religious policies for the country.1 The Viceroy, speaking to Golovin, Director of the Government Commission of Internal and Religious Affairs and Education, set forth the priorities in this matter: It is absolutely necessary to curb the symptoms of fanat- icism among the Catholic clergy while at the same time to strive that the clergy become favourable to the gov- ernment. In addition to this, on the daily agenda is the complicated Uniate question as well as the necessity to secure a respectable position for the OrthodoxChurch.2 1For a discussion of Nicholas' attitude towards reli- gion and his views regarding the role of religion in provid- ing moral training for the purpose of developing law-abiding and devoted Imperial subjects, see Riasanovsky, Nicho- las I..., pp. 15-16, 85-86, 224-226, 231-232; Constantin de Grunwald, Tsar Nicholas I, trans. Brigit Patmore (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1955), pp. 202-207; Miliukov, Seignobos, and Eisenmann, History of Russia.... PP. 225—226. 2Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p. 96. The Uniate question reférred to the Uniate Church which had come into existence as the result of efforts by Jesuits in the 16th century to win over Orthodox believers in the Polish—Lithuanian Federation to Catholicism. These efforts bore fruit. In June, 1595, a Petition, drafted and signed by the Orthodox Bishops in the Polish—Lithuanian Federation indicating their desire to be united with Rome, wasforwarded to Pope Clement VIII. In exchange for accepting the teach~ ings of Rome and the supremacy of the Pope. the bishopsasked that the Pope grant them the right to retain their Eastern rites and ceremonies. The Act of Union was ratified by the 131 T sons, be and his ically i pected t personne dom. Tl the SP1] require dition ' Church ‘ 132 These three religions, for political and national rea- sons, became the objects of special attention of the Viceroy and his administration.3 The Russian Orthodox Church, numer- ically insignificant in the Kingdom at this time, was ex- pected to grow in membership as Russian civilianandndlitary personnel arrived in increasing numbers to serve in the King- dom. The need for clergy and places of worship to attend to the spiritual needs of these people was apparent and would require the financial assistance of the government. In ad- dition there was the expectation that members of the Uniate Church would be converted to the Orthodox Church. The Uniate Church, while not very large in numbers, Papal Bull Magnus Dominus in 1595 and the guarantees with respect to liturgy and ritual were given. The Act of Union was ceremoniously proclaimed at a Synod convoked in Bresé in October, 1596. It was renewed in the Orthodox Church of St. Michael and signed by all present. The ceremony wasthen continued in the Roman Catholic Church of the Virgin Mary where the "Te Deum" was sung. Ks. WladysIaWKrynicki, M. S. T., Dzieje Kosciola Powszechneg_, Wydanie Trzecie (WlocIaw: Nakladem Ksiegarni Powszechnej i Drukarni Diecezjalnej,l925), pp. 749— 752. See also, W. F. Reddaway et al. (eds.), Thg Cambridge History of Poland: From the Origins to Sobieski. I (Cambridge: At the University Press, 1950), pp. 285, 414, 59. However, opposition to the Act of Union developed and two of the original signatories of the Petition withdrew their support of the Union and, at a meeting held simultane- ously with the Synod, vowed they would actively work for the destruction of the Union of Bresc. This signaled the begin- ning of a long-enduring rivalry in this region between the adherents of the Union and those opposed to it. Krynicki, Dzieje Koscioza.... p. 752 See alSO. Reddaway et a1.. The Cambridge History of Poland.... 1, p. 459 3In 1827 the membership of the Roman Catholic Church was 84.1% of the total population. The membership of the Uniate Church was 1.9% of the total population. The member- ship of the Orthodox Church was .1% of the total population. Polish Encyclopaedia, Vol. II: Geography & Ethnography of Poland (Geneva: ATAR Ltd., 1921), p. 601, Table 1. was impc the Roma a policy the Cat} would s1 containv While n1 were a When th ing uni gain mo creasin Protest Orthodo was em functic revo1t ROman c Well as “One.-l ViSlOn 133 was important as a symbol to both the Russian government and the Roman Catholic Church. The government was committed to a policy of restoring the Uniates to the Orthodox fold while the Catholic Church was determined that the Uniate Church would survive in the Kingdom. In addition to these three religions the Kingdom also contained adherents of the Protestant and Jewish faiths. While neither posed any threat politically, the Jewish people were a cause of concern for religious and cultural reasons. When the official policy of the Imperial government advocat- ing unity of creed and nationality under one ruler began to gain momentum, adherents of the Jewish faith came under in- A creasing pressure to convert to the Christian religion. The Protestants were not similarly pressured because, while not Orthodox, they were Christians. The direction of all religious creeds in the Kingdom was entrusted to a Government Commission which combined this function with supervision of education.“ Prior to the 1830 revolt the Commission numbered among its sixteen members the Roman Catholic Primate of the Kingdom and two bishops, as well as two representatives from other religious denomina— tions.5 While the Commission was responsible for the super— vision of all aspects of ecclesiastical life in the country, 4In 1840 educatiOn was removed from the control of this body and placed directly under the Minister of Educa- tion in St. Petersburg. Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 24, pp. 239-240, Art. 3. 5Kutrzeba, Historya Ustroju Polski..., p. 97. the pre within creeds Instruc Affairs was alt Commiss as inte Holy S: archies Were b of nee Was de 134 the presence of clergy in the Commission and functioning within its separate sections assured the various religious creeds of spokesmen in the policy—making process. After 1830 the Commission for Religions and Public Instruction was incorporated into the Commission forInternal The organizational structure of the Commission Within the Affairs.6 was altered and no longer included any clerics. Commission a section dealing with religious affairs served as intermediary between the Apostolic See in Rome and the Holy Synod in St. Petersburg and the respective church hier— archies in the Kingdom. The duties of this section included: 1. Supervising all clergy. Nominating persons to fill high ecclesiastical of- fices. Establishing new parishes and changing boundaries of existing ones. 2. 4. Gathering information from the hierarchy of all creeds. 5. Preparing projects dealing with the direction, cere- monies, and discipline of non—Christian creeds. 6. Safeguarding religious freedom and resolving con- flicts arising in this regard. Care and supervision of funds allocated for religious purposes. The powers of the Chief Director of the Commission were broad and provided for independent decisions in cases of necessity. In instances of tie votes the Director's vote was decisive and when he did not agree with a majority 6Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 14, pp. 214-217. Art. 35. 7Okolski, Wyklad Prawa Administracyjnego..., p. 117. decision for a fi the faci quired 1 of the C positior religio serves wards t Protest a "spec Prussia is sup; Princes ber 311 Ni< 801 in PrESsu- \ 135 decision he could suspend implementation of it and appeal for a final verdict to the Administrative Council. Given the fact that only three members of the Commission were re- quired to be present to constitute a quorum, the influence of the Chief Director was considerable.8 After 1830 this position was always held by a Russian.9 PROTESTANT RELIGION Nicholas' favorable attitude toward the Protestant religion has been noted by some of his biographers. One ob- serves that the Tsar's "personal sympathies were rather to- wards the austere order and moralizing atmosphere of the Protestant Church."lo Another notes that Nicholas developed a "special liking for Lutheranism, the faith of his numerous Prussian relatives."ll Evidence to support these statements is supplied by Nicholas' wife, Empress Alexandra. The former Princess Charlotte of Prussia records in her diary on Octo- ber 31, 1817, that: Nicholas has confessed to me what he dare not say openly. Something draws him to the Evangelical service: he joins in them with more attention and devotion than at mass.12 This may have been an added factor for the lack of pressure on the Protestants in the Kingdom of Poland. In 8Ibid., p. 118. QAskenazy, Sto lat zarzadu.... p. 47. lOGrunwald, Tsar Nicholas I, p. 203. llRiasanovsky, Nicholas I..., p. 15. 12Quoted in Grunwald, Tsar Nicholas I, p. 203, n. h. any ev Evange h.¢% o concen 15 dom. tion 0 Kingdo Empire each 0 lating tion 0 lined as the were a lar be the de tents 136 any event, the Protestants, for the most part Lutheran and Evangelical-Reformed, numbered only some 182,000 persons,13 4.4% of the total population of the Kingdom.14 They were concentrated mainly in the Western Provinces of the King- dom.15 In 18fl9, Nicholas, wishing to bring the administra— tion of Lutheran and Evangelical-Reformed Churches of the Kingdom into conformity with that of these Churches in the Empire, issued a Decree creating separate Consistories for each of them.16 These Consistories were charged with regu- lating the training and placement of clergy and the direc— tion of churches, schools, and cemeteries. The Decree out— lined the responsibilities of the Church hierarchy as well as the tasks of others working for the Church. Procedures were also established for the convening of Synods on a regu- lar basis to consider and resolve questions and problems.17 In his report to the Tsar in 1851, Paskevich noted the developments of 18#9. He also recorded that the Protes— tants in the Kingdom had a total of #68 churches and that l3Shcherbatov,Rz§dstiecia Paskiewicza....p.l8, n. l. luZofja Daszynska- -Golinska, "L' Accroissement de la Population en Pologne a 1' epoque du partage (1816-1914), " in La Pologne au VII- e Congress International du Science Historigue (Varsoviez Societe Polonaise d' Histoire, 1933), . 120. See also: Polish Encyclopaedia, II, p. 601. 15The Lutherans were concentrated mainly in the Prov- inces of Augustow, Flock, Kalisz and Warszawa. Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 42, pp. 100—103. The Evangelical- Reformed Church was located chiefly in the Provinces ofRadom and Lublin. Ibid.. pp. 244—205. 16Ibid.. pp. L9. l7Ibid.. pp. 10-247. the val! only enu of Russ: diary: The Zhy por pur Rus cha hol suc hau dis eve jects w rate cu and he them th 137 the value of their holdings was 217,357 silver rubles.18 JEWISH RELIGION Before his accession to the Russian throne Nicholas' only encounter with Jews took place in 1816 during his tour of Russia. His impression of the event was recorded in his diary: The ruin of the peasants of these provinces are the Zhyds. As property-holders they are here second in im- portance to the landed nobility. By their commercial pursuits they drain the strength of the hapless White Russian people.... They are everything here: mer- chants, contractors, saloon-keepers, mill-owners, ferry- holders, artisans.. hey are regular leeches, and suck these unfortunate governments to the point of ex- haustion. It is a matter of surprise that in 1812 they displayed exemplary loyalty to us and assisted us wher- ever they could at the risk of their lives. When Nicholas became Tsar his two million Jewish sub- jects with their different beliefs and traditions and sepa- rate customs and culture became a matter of concern to him and he set about the task of Russifying and Christianizing them through the means of military service and education. 18Raport Namestnika Tsarstva Polskago..., p. 608. 20 19Quoted in S. M. Dubnow, Historv of the Jews in Russia and Poland from the earliest times until the present QEX: Vol. II: From the Death of Alexander I until the Death of Alexander IIIZ1825:1894), trans. I. Friedlaender (Philadel- phia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1918), P. 14. For the attitudes and actions of the Jewish popula- tion in the Northwestern Provinces of Russia during the Napo_ leonic Invasion, see Dubnow, Historyiof the Jews in Russia and Poland from the earliest times until the present day, Vol. I: From the Be innin until the Death of Alexander I , trans. I. Friedlaender (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1916), pp. 355-359. ouis Greenberg, The Jews in Russia, Vol. I: The Struggle for Emancipation New Haven: Yale University Press; London: OxfordUniversityPress,l94h),pp.31-34, 48-52. See Penalti Jewish ties th tion. legisle Only Be ers of bered the co to be the 18 worshi to the privii also: 15, 2 Pp. 2 U. l. m P s 01 ity ing 00111 N k c i Writ Sad‘ Dare Sett Deri 138 Penalties continued to be imposed upon the adherents of the Jewish Religion in the hope that to escape these disabili- ties the people would assimilate with the Christian popula- tion. The 1835 "Statute on Jews" codified the anti-Jewish legislation of the past and remained in force for decades. Only Baptism provided an avenue of escape.21 This Statute did not, however, extend to the follow- ers of the Jewish Religion in the Kingdom of Poland who num- bered 420,000 persons, some 10 per cent of the population of 22 The Jewish people in the Kingdom continued the country. to be the object of separate legislation before and after the 1830 uprising.23 Article 5 of the Organic Statute granted freedom of worship to all persons. This freedom of worship extended to the Jewish, people as well. However, the rights and privileges of residents of the Kingdom applied to also: Dubnow, History of the Jews..., I. p. 390; II. pp. 14- 15, 26-29, 44-45, 50-51, 58-59: and Riasanovsky,NicholasI..., PP. 227. 231-232. 21Dubnow, History of the Jews..., II, pp. 39-41. 2ZShcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p. 18, n. 1. See also: Artur Eisenbach, Kwestia Rowpouprawnienia Zydow w Krélestwie Polskim (Warszawa: Instytut Historii Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 1972), p. 62. Due to the unreliabil- ity of census tabulations, percentages reported differ, rang— ing from 9.3% to 10.1% of the total population. Daszynska- Golinska, La Pologne au VII-e Congress International du Science Historigue, I, 120; Polish Encyclopaed1a,II, p. 601. 23Dubnow, History of the Jews..., II, p. 88. Dubnow writes that: "Taken as a whole, the lot of the Polish Jews, sad though it was, might yet be pronounced enviable whencom- pared with the condition of their brethren in the Pale of Settlement, where the rightlessness of the Jews during that period bordered frequently on martyrdom." Ibid., p. 110, Christi by omis residen cal. so over th gion we were it 139 Christians only.24 Thus, the Jewish population was excluded by omission from the rights and privileges accorded to all residents of the Kingdom of Poland. All the legal. politi- cal, social, and financial restrictions which had accrued over the centuries against the followers of the Jewish Reli- gion were retained after 1832.25 Among these disabilities were included the inability: 1. To serve in any public office or governmental posi— tion. 2. To hold a teaching position in public schools. 3. To engage in such professions as carpentry, phar- macy, medicine, or practice in hospitals except in Jewish hospitals. 4. To serve as witnesses in judicial proceedings against Christians. 5. To act as guardians or trustees for Christian chil- dren. 24Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. lh, pp. 178-181, Art. 5. 25For the evolvement of these various disabilities,see Dubnow, History of the Jews..., I, pp. 66-85. Thelot:of the Jewish people was not mitigated during the Duchy of Warsaw period. The Constitution of the Duchy proclaimed that all citizens were equal before the law. Poland, Ustawa Konsty- tucyjna Ksiestwa Warszawskie 0..., Art. 4. However, persons who opposed including the Jew1sh people in the category of citizens succeeded in obtaining a ten-year delay in the grant- ing of political rights for the Jews "in the hope that dur- ing this time they will eliminate in themselves traits dis- tinguishing them so greatly from the characteristics ofother inhabitants. " The Minister of Interior justified this delay in his report to the State Council by pointing to the "lower level of civilization of these people in our country than in other West European Countries. " Eisenbach, Kwestia Rownou- prawnienia Zydow.. ., pp. 26- 27. See also Dubnow, Histor of the Jews..., I, pp. 298- 300. The 1815 Constitution grant- ed to the newly- created Kingdom of Poland by Alexander I pro- claimed freedom of worship to all religious sects. But the ‘enjoyment of civil and political rights" was confined to persons professing the Christian faith. Poland, Ustawa Konstytucyjna/Charte Constitutionnelle (1815), Art. XI tend t dom of in the forts sible into t eral d acknow tion i need i 0f bot strict Kingdc a regx tionai \ (1790. (ed. >. 255~2j 140 6. To participate in guild or artisan gatherings.26 Government authorities in St. Petersburg tried to ex- tend their control to include the Jewish people in the King— dom of Poland by attempting to introduce measures implemented in the Pale of Settlement into the Kingdom27 but these ef- forts were opposed by Paskevich, who resisted whenever pos- sible the encroachments of the Ministers in St. Petersburg into the Kingdom. The Viceroy succeeded in obtaining a gen— eral directive from the Tsar in January, 1845, which, while acknowledging the desirability of unifying Jewish legisla- tion in the Kingdom with that of the Empire, recognized the need for "certain modifications arising from the specifics of both countries."28 However, in the years that followed a number of re- strictions in force in the Empire were introduced into the Kingdom. In March, 18h5, the Administrative Council issued a regulation requiring Jewish people to give up their tradi- tional dress and assume attire worn by the Christian 26Artur Eisenbach, "Prawa obywatelskie i honoroweéydow (1790-1861)," Spoleczenstwo KrolestwarPolskiegg, Witold Kula (ed.). (Warszawa: Panstwowo Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1965), I, 255-256. 27The genesis of many of these efforts to assimilate the Russian Jews was the establishment on December 27, 1840, of a "Committee for Defining Measures looking to the Radical Transformation of Jews in Russia." A three-point program was adopted by the Imperial State Council to secure this goal: 1) Cultural Reforms: 2) Abolition of Jewish Autonomy: and 3) Increase of Jewish Disabilities. Dubnow, History of the Jews..., II. pp. 49-66- 28Eisenbach, Kwestia Rownouprawnienia 2ydow..., pp‘ “9'50- popule in the For tb garb c ages 2 In Jur marria August alties where were E profes they v 141 population. This regulation, patterned after one proclaimed in the Empire the previous year, waS'u>take effect1111846.29 For the payment of a special fee, however, the traditional garb could be worn.30 Also, for the first timeJewishnmles, ages 20 to 25, were made subject to military recruitment.31 In June, 1853, a regulation forbidding Jewish women entering marriage to shave their heads, in force in the Empire since August, 1852, was made binding in the Kingdom. Severe pen- alties were imposed upon rabbis who officiated at weddings where this regulation was violated, while the women involved were subject to fines of 5 silver rubles.32 There were many special burdens which persons who professed the Jewish faith had to bear. By way of example, they were subject to special taxes such as those levied on 29Ibid., p. 226. 30Jan St. Bystron, Warszawa (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Ludwika Fiezera, n.d.). P. 219. See also Dubnow, History of the Jews..., II, p. 110. Another means used to encourage the Jew1sh people to comply with the dress regulation was to deny individuals the right to hold certain positions, such as toll collector, if he wore the traditional Jewish attire. Adam Szczypiorski, Warszawa: Je os odarka i ludnosc w latach 1832- 1862 (Wroclaw-Warszawa- Krakaw: ZakZad Narodowy Imienia Ossolinskich Wydawnictwo Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 1966), p. 222 31Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 33. pp. 55—87. Because married men were usually recruited only when the assigned quota could not be filled with single males, and the Jewish men tended to enter marriages at quite early ages, the mini- mum age for Jewish recruits was lowered to 18 years of age in 18u7.1bid., Vol.39, pp. 334 339. 321bid., Vol. 47. pp. 28-33. A first offense called for a jail sentence of from two to three years; a second violation was punishable by either recruitment into military service or a ten to twelve year sentence in a correctional prisoner corps. Ibid.. pp. 28-31, Art. 1. the purchase of Jewish pe one-third oi day's stay v capital.3b’ thorities ir ished in the people in tlr in the Empii lation had r did not allc burg or in h I‘9glll'cltion 3 abolished 1: With that "diffe1 Valid marri; tian faiths 3' Christian 142 the purchase of kosher meats.33 Also, to limit the number of Jewish people settling in Warsaw, where they constituted one~third of the city's population, a visitor's tax for each day's stay was imposed upon all Jewish people entering the capital.3u When the suggestion was made by the central au- thorities in St. Petersburg that this particular tax beabol- ished in the interest of equalizing the rights of the Jewish people in the Kingdom with the rights of the Jewish people in the Empire, the Viceroy argued that this particular regu- lation had no relevance for the Empire since Imperial laws did not allow Jewish people to settle either in St. Peters- burg or in Moscow. Paskevich's argument prevailed and this regulation remained in force in the Kingdom until it was abolished in 1863.35 With regard to marriages, the law specifically stated that "differences of religion" served as an impediment to a valid marriage. This meant that persons of differing Chris- tian faiths could enter into a valid marriage contract but a Christian and. a follower of the .Iewish faith. could 33Szczypiorski, Warszawa.... p. 225. These payments which were introduced during the Duchy of Warsaw period were finally abolished in January, 1863. Ibid.. PP. 225—226. 3“Ibid., p, 227. Certain categories of Jews were exempt from the payment of this tax, for example: persons who had earned the privilege Paskevich, revealed above all else the fanaticism of the Catholic clergy. The clergy, believing that such marriages posed dangers for Catholicism and Polish nationalism, took a strong stand against them. But for the same reasons the Viceroy regardedmixedmarriages as highly desirable since at the very least the mutually hos- tile inclinations of the two nationalities might be weakened and atthenmst a union ofthetwo peoplescouldbe achieved.99 97Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza. .., p. 237. The following figures prepared in 1828 and presented to the Diet deputies provide a point of reference for the numbers cited for 1842. In 1828 there were 156 monasteries with 1.783 monks and 20 convents with 354 nuns. The number of Catholics was listed as 3, 471, 282. Krynicki, Dzieje Kosciola. p. 606, n. 98Raport Namestnika Tsarstva Polskago.... p. 608. Thus it can be seen that from 1842 to 1851 the number of monastic houses declined by only one while the number ofper— sons dedicating their lives to the Church had increased by 117. However, it is not possible to tell from the figure cited in this report whether the increase was in the monas— tic orders or the clergy or both. 99Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza...,pp.96—97. Whi regarding during the the uprisi Podlask a' Catholic ( In his Pa: not "to bi er faiths Consistor; which pro} such marr Bishop."l‘ Th the 00mmi hibit bis Struction eI‘hment c UCation, n°t follo governmen tiVeS whi \ 100I I‘y label; broken am were incl also Sher 101 gege in Blshou 6 0111—4 L 165 While no specific decrees or regulations were issued regarding marriages between Catholics and Orthodox believers during the period immediately following the suppression of the uprising, a Pastoral Letter prepared by the Bishop of Podlask at the end of 1832 would seem to indicate that the Catholic Church feared itself threatened by such marriages. In his Pastoral Letter Bishop Gutowski ordered the clergy not "to bless marriages between Catholics and persons ofoth- er faiths." In accordance with this directive the Diocesan Consistory issued instructions "in the name of the Bishop" which prohibited the clergy from "announcing the bans of such marriages without first obtaining permission from the Bishop."100 The government's response to this action was to have the Commission of Justice rescind the instructions and pro- hibit bishops and diocesan consistories from issuing any in- structions without first obtaining the consent of the Gov- ernment Commission of Internal and Religious Affairs and Ed- ucation. The government stated that if this procedure was not followed there was a danger that "a government within a government" could develop, resulting in conflicting direc- tives which would bring confusion and disorders.101 100Ibid., p. 97. In a second instruction the Consisto- ry labeled non-Catholics as "'doubtful Christians' who have broken away from the true faith." The Orthodox believers were included in this category of non-Catholics. Ibid. See also Shcherbatov, Prilozheniia..., p. 200. IOlIbid., pp. 200—201. Paskevich, not wishing to en— gage in a head-on confrontation with Rome by dismissing Bishop Gutowski from his post, persuaded him to recall his Hom nize the 1 that the l the Cathoi those ole: extremism to the Ts the "Roma then offe There of th ment. I con your most Polan paid Paskevich Curia" ar 0r Secretary VlCh tha.‘ \ Pastoral Pp. 97-95 119d to b6 transmit- ‘r’ accus: 11c Chun 166 However, it was not Paskevich's intention to antago— nize the Roman Curia. Therefore. steps were taken to show that the Russian government was concerned about the needs of the Catholic Church and its clergy and only acted to restrain those clerics who exhibited religious fanaticism or political 102 extremism. To this end, early in 1833 the Viceroy wrote to the Tsar that the Vice-Chancellor had informed him that the "Roman Curia is not wholly satisfied with us." Paskevich then offered this recommendation: Therefore, I regard it as necessary to win the hierarchy of the Kingdom of Poland over to the side of the govern— ment. According to the Vice—Chancellor, and with which I concur, the first step towards this end would be if your Highness, in approving the budget for 1834, would most graciously order that the Bishops of the Kingdom of Poland, in addition to the pension they now receive, be paid 10,000 21p. yearly.10 Paskevich saw such a measure as being "pleasing to the Roman Curia" and certain to make an "excellent impression."lo)+ On April 14, 1833, Count Grabowski, the Minister, Secretary of State of the Kingdom of Poland, informed Paske- vich that: Pastoral Letter. Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., PP- 97-98. Bishop Gutowski acqui§sced. However, he contin- ued to be a thorn in the side of the government and when he transmitted a letter of complaint to the Holy See in which he accused the Russian government of persecuting the Catho— lic Church in the Kingdom, the government exiled the Bishop. He was permitted to spend his final days in Austrian Poland. Lescoeur, L'Eglise Catholique..., pp. 211—215. See also L1sicki, Le Margpis Wielopolski..., pp. 224-228. 102Shcherbatov, Rggdy Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p. 98. 103Paskiewicz do Cesarza, quoted in ibid. loulbid. His Ma; paid 1( budget aside : mess.“ The tion of op priests. logical De following ary 31, 18 gious Affa pare a prc Which wou] nary,106 With seveJ til Septel presented tion. Th Came an i pr09°sal Th rec(lgnizi aluthority Cult fOr \ 105, q“Wed 1; 106 See alSo 107 167 His Majesty has ordered that the Catholic Bishops be paid 10,000 zlp. from funds assigned in Article 5 of the budget for the Kingdom of Poland, that is from funds set aside for the personal disposition of His Royal High— ness. The government also turned its attention to the ques- tion of opening an academy for the training of Roman Catholic priests. This institution was intended to replace the Theo- logical Department of Warsaw University which remained closed following the suppression of the 1830 uprising. 0n Janu- ary 31, 1833, the Government Commission of Internal and Reli- gious Affairs and Education was requested by the Tsar to pre— pare a proposal for the creation of an academy in Warsaw which would serve to replace the pre-uprising Major Semi- nary.106 A special committee was appointed and, together with several members of the Catholic hierarchy, labored un- til September, 1835, to prepare the proposal which was then presented to the Administrative Council for its considera- tion. The question of who would administer the academy be- came an important issue during the Council's review of the proposal in October, 1835.107 The Council contended that the Catholic clergy while recognizing the authority of the monarch also accepted the authority of the Pope. This dual allegiance made it diffi- cult for the government to place complete confidence in any 105Grabowski do Paskiewicza, 14go kwietnia 1833 roku, quoted in ibid., pp. 98—99. 106Kucharzewski, Epoka Paskiewiczowska..., pp. 422-423. See also Gerber, Rozprawy z Dziejow oswiaty, II, 1 7. 107 Kucharzewski, Epoka Paskiewiczowska.... p. 423. administra event of a ties, the be doubtfu sary" thai on the Adm sponsibili ment direc tendencie: authoriti Th trative C 9d the su the Acade Sition we Cation Se Religious signed t1 \ 108‘ This obj‘ GOVemmee that, Wh 0Verall nal and Place 50 Who Q0111 of the C ters whi pel‘suade erarchy ment aft governme Rome. l‘ l0< 168 administration made up exclusively of clerics since, in the event of a disagreement between civil and spiritual authori- ties, the allegiance of the clerics to the government would be doubtful. Consequently, the Council regarded as "neces— sary" that a lay person representing the governmentlxeplaced on the Administrative Board of the Academy. His “chief re- sponsibilities would be not only to watch that all govern- ment directives were observed but also to protest against tendencies incompatible with the views and objectives of the authorities."108 The following summer, on July 25, 1836, the Adminis- trative Council accepted the final proposal which incorporat— ed the suggestion for a lay representative on the Board of the Academy. The first person to be chosen to hold this po- sition was Kozlowski, the Director of the Religions and Edu- cation Section of the Government Commission of Internal and Religious Affairs and Education.109 When Kozlowski was as— signed the task of preparing for the incorporation of the 108Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p. 100. This objection was raised by Fuhrman, Chief Director of the Government Commission of Finance and Treasury, who argued that, while it was true that the Academy would be under the overall jurisdiction of the Government Commission of Inter- nal and Religious Affairs and Education, it was essential to place someone in the Academy itself with a decisive voice who could observe classes and would bring to the attention of the Chief Director of the Government Cemmission all mat— ters which might require his attention. Fuhrman's argument persuaded the Council which agreed that while the Church hi— erarchy had given assurances of their loyalty to the govern- ment after 1831 this loyalty could not be relied upon by the government if only because the hierarchy was dependent upon Rome. Kucharzewski, Epoka Paskiewiczowska. , p. 4. loglbid.. pp. 426—u27. educationa 1839, Anto Shipov, Ch mended Hle words: This recor approval ( pointed tv Board of ‘ 1847.111 Th Roman Cat 0f reconc demonstra for" the( \ 110 public 5% he Was tr a Member line. DL Sia- Bet Highest ( lS‘tering the Educ; visitor < V I NO. 1 1111 112, 169 educational system of the Kingdom into that of the Empire in 1839, Antoni Hlebowicz was selected to take his place. Shipov, Chief Director of the Government Commission, recom- mended Hlebowicz to the Administrative Council with these words: This civil servant merits my complete confidence. He has been used by me constantly for various assignments and for conducting investigations and he has always ac- quitted himself with suitable accuracy and achieved good results.110 This recommendation was sufficient for Hlebowicz to win the approval of the Council and on April 2, 1839, he was ap- pointed to serve as lay representative on the Administrative Board of the Academy, a post he held until his death in May, 1847.111 This gesture of establishing an academy to train the Roman Catholic clergy was viewed in some quarters as a sign of reconciliation. Paskevich saw this move "as necessary tor demonstrate the regime's complete confidence in and respect for" the Catholic Church in the Kingdom of Poland.112 Others, llolbid., p. 426. Hlebowicz, born in 1802, began his public service in 1823 in Lithuania. Very soon thereafter he was transferred to the Ministry of War and in 1827-28 was a member of the Investigating Committee in Warsaw. In 1829 he was attached to the General Staff of Grand Duke Constan— tine. During the 1831 campaign he fought on the side of Rus- sia. Between 1831 and 1834 Hlebowicz held positions in the Highest Criminal Tribunal, the Committee in charge of admin- istering schools in the Kingdom, and served as Secretary in the Education Council. In 1834 Hlebowicz was named General Visitor of Schools. Manteuffel, Rozprayy Historyczne..., V1, No. 2, 76—77. 111Kucharzewski, Epoka Paskiewiczowska.... PP. 427-428. 112Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p. 100. however, 1 lost hope of the his as an inS‘ litical l! Uh! tnuh. A in the Ki: predomina erarchy t had to be 1v. For role of s 0f a reli dime gave the situe Just allc some deg] II the Depa in St, P, forth f0 Catholic marriage differen Protesta \ 113 170 however, viewed this as a sign that the "government had not lost hope of securing for itself the favorable disposition of the hierarchy" and that actually the academy was to serVe as an instrument for training the clergy in a spirit of po- litical loyalty to the regime.113 Undoubtedly, both positions contained an element of truth. A Major Seminary was necessary to assure the Church in the Kingdom a continuing source of priests to serve the predominantly Roman Catholic population. For the Church hi- erarchy the lay representative on the Board of the Academy had to be tolerated if the Church was to function effective- ly. For the government, which remained vividly aware of the role of some of the clergy during the uprising, the placing of a reliable person to look after the interests of the re- gime gave assurances that the government was in control of the situation. In addition, the government believed that just allowing the academy to be established was bound to win some degree of support from the Church and the people. In March, 1836, after three years of preparation by the Department for the Affairs of the Kingdom of Poland in St. Petersburg, new marriage regulations were set forth for the Kingdom. Of significance for~ the Roman Catholic Church was the section. which dealt with, mixed marriages, that is marriages contracted between persons of different faiths. Marriages between Roman Catholics and Protestants were to be performed in, the church. of the 113Kucharzewski, Epoka Paskiewiczowska..., p. 427. t... l4 bride.1 the fathei mother's 1 party pro: quired th: Orthodox l were to b promise i spouses t of their vert them Tr pected o; 0f the R: Promulgat arations lic clerj between ‘ \ 114 In cases Church r then be Art. 194 115 116 Fesulati 1n the c p- 23. Russian marria G V01. 1%, ll? 171 4 . . . ll Sons born to such a un1on were to be ralsed 1n bride. the father's faith while daughters were to be reared in the mother's religion.115 Where mixed marriages involved one party professing the Russian Orthodox faith, the law re— quired that the marriage ceremony be performed by a Russian Orthodox clergyman and all the children born to such a union were to be brought up in the Russian Orthodox faith.116 A promise in writing was to be made guaranteeing Orthodox spouses that they would not be subject to any abuses because of their religious beliefs nor would coercion be used to con- vert them to the faith of the non-Orthodox spouse.117 There can be little doubt that the government ex— pected opposition to the new marriage regulations from some of the Roman Catholic clergy. Several months prior to the promulgation of these regulations the government began prep- arations for establishing a place of confinement for Catho- lic clerics who opposed the regime. Letters were exchanged between the Minister, Secretary of State and the Viceroy l”Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 18, p. 237, Art. 192. In cases where the bride was Roman Catholic and the Catholic Church refused to perform the ceremony, the couple could then be married in the groom‘s church. Ibid., p. 239, Art. 194. ll51bid., p. 239, Art. 195. 116Ibid., pp. 245—247, Art. 200. Prior to these new regulations, children of such marriages were often baptized in the Catholic faith. Sidorov, Russkie i RusskaiaZhizn..., p. 23. Further, Section 3 of Article 200 stated that the Russian Orthodox Tribunal determined the validity of such marriages and their dissolubility. Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 18, p. 247, Art. 200. ll7ibid.. pp. 247—249, Art. 201. regarding up and me can Monas of August renovatir tion as 2 quest was annual e: for the ] clerics V tions we: Which wa: diocese. havior u T P011811 n son prof eI‘nment Might be Poles an the P011 \ llE in Shche later a} 11°“ anc a Paskié llS 141, Ir pastors} in that th! 172 regarding possible locations and costs involved in setting up and maintaining such an establishment. A former Domini- can Monastery located in an isolated section of the Province of Augustdw was selected and 25,000 zlp. was requested for renovating the monastery to prepare it for its future func— tion as a correctional institution. At the same time a re— quest was presented to the Tsar asking his approval for an annual expenditure of 59,000 zZp. from the public treasury for the purpose of maintaining the institution.118 Those clerics who voiced objections to the new marriage regula— tions were sent to this special prison in Augustéw Province which was placed under the supervision of the Bishop of the diocese. The charge leveled against them was that of "be- havior unbecoming to their calling."119 The consequences of the new marriage regulations for Polish nationalism could have been significant since a per- son professing the Orthodox Faith was considered by the gov- ernment to be fully Russian no matter what his nationality might be. Thus, in the view of some, marriages between Poles and Russians could eventually lead to obliteration of the Polish Nationality.12O 118Paskiévitch a Grabowski, 23 janvier/4 février 1836, in Shcherbatov, Prilozheniia..., pp. 341-343. Eleven days later approval was given by the Tsar for the choice of loca- tion and the expenditures of funds as requested. Grabowski a Paskiévitch, 3/15 février 1836, in ibid., PP. 344 345 119Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza. ... pP-140- 141. In addition, these priests were also deprived of their pastorships. Ibid. p. 140. 120I_b_id. , pp. 137 138 It should probably be noted that the Tsar and his Viceroy were undoubtedly at least Giv terpretati why some c attempt t< danger whf concern tv religious regarding in what f authority Kingdom 0 Russian g clergy ar nal insti marriage a remote h°pe to minimum T from the fact the Dire dic \ equally .elng 0: 1n the 1 of marr man Cat perform Such a RusSian Given the possible long-range threat that such an in- terpretation posed for Polish patriotism, it is easy to see why some of the more nationalistically-inclined clergy would attempt to work against these marriage regulations. Another danger which these regulations posed, which was of far more concern to the Church hierarchy, was their impact upon the religious character of the nation. The various provisions regarding where the marriage ceremony should take place and in what faith the children should be raised would erode the authority and strength of the Roman Catholic Church in the Kingdom of Poland. Therefore, it is not surprising that the Russian government expected opposition to develop among the clergy and prepared for that eventuality by setting up a pe- nal institution for clerics who would be opposed to the new marriage regulations. With the outspoken critics removed to a remote part of the Kingdom, the administration could then hope to achieve implementation of the new directives with a minimum of popular reaction. That more vigorous opposition was not forthcoming from the Catholic Church could perhaps be explained by the fact that attempts to incorporate the Kingdom into the Em- pire did not proceed in a straight line but were mingled equally concerned about the spiritual and cultural well— being of the Russian military and civilian personnel serving in the Kingdom, fearing they might become Polonized because of marriages to Poles who were, for the most part, also Ro- man Catholics. Thus, by insisting that such marriages be performed in the Orthodox Church and that the children of such a union be brought up in the Orthodox religion, the Russian nationality would be preserved. with conc< the care 1 lieve tha‘ 1y triump Th dom was 0 ary, 1837 I bel whole Metro ion a an in man r him i P: and wrotv Raga and‘ woul Curi such N tW0 arch \ 121 183? god N1CholaE a union Archbisl atoV. } OPS Wer} Archbis} v a: scene. that th 174 with concessions which could have led those entrusted with the care of the Roman Catholic Church in the Kingdom to be- lieve that the Church and Polish nationalism would eventual- ly triumph over all efforts progressively to weaken both. The Tsar's goal for the Catholic Church in the King- dom was outlined in a letter written to Paskevich in Janu- ary, 1837. Nicholas wrote: I believe that in time it would be well to place the whole Catholic Church in Russia and Poland under one Metropolitan in order thereby to achieve a stronger un- ion and more easily find a worthy person to fill such an important post. Here we have Bishop Pawlowski--a man nearly Russian and most worthy; I will designate him Metropolitan. 1 Paskevich thought differently regarding this matter and wrote to Nicholas in January, 1837: Regarding the joining of the two archdioceses,Petersburg and Warsaw, into one, I am pleased to tell you that this would be a very good thing; but I believe that the Roman Curia would never agree to this since it would see in such a step a lessening of its own authority.l22 Nicholas did not succeed in his idea of joining the two archdioceses but periodically he raised the question 121Imperator Nikolai k Paskevich,l4go/26go genvaria 1837 goda, in Shcherbatov, Prilozheniia..., pp. 318-319. Nicholas was quite serious in h1s desire to bring about such a union and the events of 1838 testify to this fact. The Archbishop of Warsaw died in February of that year. Shcher- batov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p. 145. Auxiliary bish- ops were dhosen’toifill the vacancy created by the death of Archbishop Choromanski, but no Archbishop was named until 1856, after both Nicholas and Paskevich had passed from the scene. Askenazy, Sto lat zarzadu.... pp. 52—53. Also, from that time on the Russian administration sought increasingly to have the Pope designate a Catholic Archbishop for the whole Russian Empire. Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskie— wicza..., p. 145. —_t * 122Paskiewicz do Cesarza, styczen 1837 roku, quoted in ibid., p, 146. 1___ with his 1 bility of sue the m: when the the Catho tical Con new Metro one or tw stated tr as membe1 consider; in the K: 123 godav in 124 125 godav in Vich had SUCh a C polltan the King essary, consecre portuniw ‘tlon t0 nieS in had 8611 to the . B‘lshop 1 l°nger V1Ch Sa dOUbted Consist it is °f Kali Paskiew ShChert Metropc seating 175 with his Viceroy. In 1840 Nicholas pointed out the desira- bility of such a move to Paskevich and stated he would pur- sue the matter further when he visited Warsaw.123 In 1841, when the Pope elevated Bishop Pawlowski to Metropolitan of the Catholic Church in the Russian Empire and an Ecclesias- tical Consistory was created in St. Petersburg to assist the new Metropolitan,12u Nicholas requested that Paskevich send one or two bishops from the Kingdom to St. Petersburg and stated that when they arrived he would appoint them to serve as members of this Consistory. Once this had been done then consideration could be given aS'u>how ecclesiastical affairs in the Kingdom could be transferred to St. Petersburg.125 123Imperator Nikolai k Paskevich,lgo/l3go maia 1840 goda, in Shcherbatov, Prilozheniia.... PP. 435—436. lZLFShcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p. 203. 1251mperator Nikolai k Paskevich,5go/l7go aprelia 1841 goda, in Shcherbatov, Prilozheniia.... pp. 479-480. Paske- vich had not changed his opinion regarding the dangers of such a course. He also knew that for the Petersburg Metro- politan to have canonical jurisdiction over the dioceses of the Kingdom of Poland a decree from the Roman Curia was nec- essary. However, since the Tsar insisted, the occasion of a consecration of a new bishop in June, 1841, provided the op- portunity for the Metropolitan himself to issue an invita- tion to two bishops from the Kingdom to attend the ceremo- nies in St. Petersburg. Paskevich informed the Tsar that he had selected the Bishops of Kalisz and Augustow to respond to the invitation. Paskevich also told Nicholas that the Bishop of Kalisz had indicated his willingness to remain longer in St. Petersburg if the Tsar would so desire. Paske- vich said that he was not sure of the Bishop of Augustow but doubted that he would be willing to sit in the Petersburg Consistory. He concluded his letter with these words: "If it is possible to get along with one bishop, then the BishOp of Kalisz is willing to fulfill all government commands." Paskiewicz do Cesarza, 20go czerwca 1841 roku, quoted in Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., pp. 203-205. The Metropolitan himself resolved this sensitive question of seating bishops from the Kingdom in the St. Petersburg A1 Tsar cont Roman Cat Monseignv Nicholas in St. PI this que Is 1 Oath sayi ligi B in St. P tered it and peti Ple, the the Wars 10 be he had thrg 0f the ( Orating arch" 11 damned remaine \ with th stances 12 law 12 176 An event which took place in 1844 illustrates why the Tsar continued to be thwarted in his desires to bring the Roman Catholic Church in the Kingdom under his control. The Monseigneur of Lublin was elevated to the rank of Bishop and Nicholas was determined to have the consecration take place in St. Petersburg. Paskevich responded hathe Tsar by posing this question: Is it worth irritating the Roman Curia and giving all Catholic intriguers the opportunity to slander us by saying thgt we wish to convert them to the Orthodox re- ligion?12 But Nicholas insisted and the consecration took place in St. Petersburg. In the months that followed Rome regis- tered its displeasure by responding negatively to requests and petitions from the Russian government. By way of exam- ple. there was the question of naming an administrator for the Warsaw Diocese. Paskevich wanted Monseigneur Kotowski to be named to the post.127 It was Monseigneur Kotowski who had three years earlier preached the sermon on the occasion of the ceremonious unveiling of a monument in Warsaw commem- orating the "Poles who had given their lives for their Mon— arch" in 1831. In his sermon, Monseigneur Kotowski "con- demned the Poles for the revolt and praised those who had remained faithful to the legitimate government." He called Ecclesiastical Consistory without provoking an open conflict with the Tsar by citing the need for delay until circum- stances became more favorable. Ibid., pp. 205-206. 126Paskiewicz do Cesarza, l7go marca 1844 roku, quoted in ibid., p. 127Ibid., p. 267. upon alI without was rejq ter in \ Instead not be r pointme1 Church I < Rome.12' In V tiox the aIS( str: do a the "st fruit 0: Shm thi: the yie \ 12 diS'tI‘ES: 0f Cour: l2 13 quOted 13 godal it NiChOla trator F0llowi bethen appoint octobeI‘ 17? upon all to render obedience to the Monarch ”sincerely and without hypocrisy."128 The candidacy of Kotowski for bishop was rejected by Rome and as a consequence the Diocesan Chap- ter in Warsaw did not appoint him Diocesan Administrator. Instead, the choice fell upon a Bishop Fijalkowski who could not be charged with favoring government interests. The ap- pointment stood since Paskevich did not want to irritate the Church hierarchy in the Kingdom nor provoke a conflict with Rome.129 Paskevich wrote to Nicholas: In vain did we use all means in order to have the selec- tion fall on Kotowski. The reasons for this are that the Pope did not want to make him a bishop and there was also the influence of Canon Dekert whom we should re— strain bpt the government does not have the power to do so. The Tsar's response was an angry one. Stating that the "stupid selection by the Warsaw Canons is probably the fruit of intrigues or fear," Nicholas asked: Should we consent to it? I do not know how to resolve this question. There is apparently a nasty spirit in the country; we must not yield to it and we will not yield to it.131 128Ibid., p. 208. The inhabitants of the Kingdom were distressed by the tone of the sermon. The government was, of course, favorably impressed. Ibid. 129Ibid., p. 267. 130Paskiewicz do Cesarza, 8go sierpnia 1844 roku, quoted in ibid. 131Imperator Nikolai k Paskevich.lgo/l3go avgusta 1844 goda, in Shcherbatov. Prilozheniia.... PP. 520-521. However, Nicholas did yield and Bishop Fijalkowski served as adminis- trator until 1856. Askenazy, Sto lat zarzadu.... p. 53. Following the death of Nicholas and Paskevich, negotiations between the Holy See and the Russian government led to the appointment of Bishop Fijalkowski as Archbishop of Warsaw in October, 1856. Ibid.. pp. 57—58. He remained at this post «- 1 to which stance. spiracy trict 01 end Scie the King bility v cality, thoritie ing. T1 ers int< archy, ‘ exercis< berating \ until h; Krynick 13 Church . torial Klelce death-- Tétomir hle'sz 13 AbOut t Warsaw that, a 1°n£er time be W1Cz do DD. 269 13 178 The intrigues and the "nasty spirit in the country" to which Nicholas made reference appeared to have some sub- stance. In the fall of 1844 the government uncovered a con- 132 in the dis— spiracy organized by a Reverend éciegienny trict of Kielce. Using a falsified Papal Encyclical, Rever- end Sciegienny urged the peasants to drive the Russians from the Kingdom and also to massacre the landowning Polish no- bility which was oppressing them. Two residents of the 10— cality, a landowner and a peasant, informed the military au- thorities of the location where the armed rebels were meet— ing. Troops were sent to scatter them and take their lead- ers into custody.133 The disapproval of the Church hier— archy, which deprived Reverend éciegienny of the right to 134 exercise his priesthood, did not dissuade the Tsar from berating the Catholic Church in the Kingdom. Nicholas until his death in October, 1861. Ibid., p. 62. See also Krynicki, Dzieje Kosciola..., p. 12. 132The Reverend Peter Sciegienny was pastor of a parish church in Chodel located in Lublin Province. His conspira- torial group was made up of peasants from both Lublin and Kielce provinces. The Reverend Sciegienny was sentenced to death-~the sentence changed to life imprisonment. Adam Tatomira (ed.), Tysiac lat dziejéw Polski i przeglad waz— nie sz ch darzen z historii i kultupy (Wloclaw: Ludowa Spold21eln1a Wydawnicza, 19647, pp. 191. 192. 133Shcherbatov. Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p. 269. About thirty persons were taken into custody and sent to Warsaw for questioning. As more persons were implicated more arrests followed. The Viceroy had to inform the Tsar that, as a consequence, the investigation would have to take longer than originally anticipated and that it would be some time before the accused could be brought to trial. Paskie- wicz do Cesarza, 25go grudnia 1844 roku, quoted in ibid.. pp. 269-270. 134 Tatomira. Tysiac lat.... p. 192. threatens the dire: in St. P1 to Paske‘ meantime T he had v He then of the S son." N "frighte harmful With the that the not be a able to they cal Tsar wre tor's c to be g COME to \ 13 7&0 dek pp, 526 la 4 a 180 get 9°“Cerr 179 threatened "to muzzle" the Church hierarchy by centralizing the direction of the clergy in the Ecclesiastical Consistory in St. Petersburg. Writing that his plans would be outlined to Paskevich at another time. Nicholas cautioned him in the meantime to say "not a word about this to anyone."135 The following month Nicholas wrote to Paskevich that he had visited the Roman Catholic Seminaryixlst. Petersburg. He then proceeded to relate his conversation with the Rector of the Seminary whom he described as being a "very fine per- son." Nicholas wrote that their discussion centered on the "frightening spirit" of the clergy in the Kingdom and the harmful influence which the bishops from the Kingdom brought with them when they visited the Seminary. Nicholas related that the Rector had requested that students from the Kingdom not be sent to the Seminary. stating that he would not be able to vouch for the reliability of his own students if they came into contact with students from the Kingdom. The Tsar wrote to Paskevich that he sympathized with the Rec— tor's concerns but. nevertheless. consideration would have to be given on how to aid the Rector "since the time has come to think about the future clergy of the Kingdom and 136 prepare such as will serve us." 135Imperator Nikolai k Paskevich.25go noiabria/ 7go dekabria 1844 goda, in Shcherbatov, Prilozheniia.... 136Imperator Nikolai k Paskevich.20go dekabria/ 1go genvaria 1844/5 goda, in ibid.. pp. 528-529. The Tsar's concern regarding the formation of the Roman Catholic clergy in the Kingdom stemmed from the fact that the clergy in the Kingdom continued to be the prime educators and exercised a young me Nicholas ministrz Second 1 sistory the Fir: only th ganizat that R01 bodies jurisdi Roman C 0f the Permiss jurisdi \_ COnside 180 To facilitate the transfer of control for preparing young men for the priesthood from Warsaw to St. Petersburg, Nicholas conceived of a plan to change the title of the ad- ministrative body of the Catholic Church in Warsaw to the Second Department of the St. Petersburg Ecclesiastical Con- sistory. The Petersburg Consistory would then be designated the First Department. The intention was to change initially only the titles of these bodies without altering their or- ganizational structure or functions.137 It was believed that Rome would not object since titles of administrative bodies were of little concern to the Holy See so long as jurisdictional control remained fixed until such time as the 138 The Tsar apparently was Roman Curia authorized a change. of the opinion that. given the passage of some time, special permission could be obtained from the Holy See to transfer jurisdictional control to St. Petersburg. However. nothing came of these various plans to considerable degree of influence on the youth of the country. The role of the clergy in the education process is borne out by the following statistics compiled for 1842: 56,000 out of 65,000 elementary school children were taught by clerics. So long as the clergy refrained from involvement in politi— cal matters, there was no problem since in general they were considered to be excellent educators. Transferring the training and supervision of the clergy to St. Petersburg was expected to develop in the clergy a more favorable outlook towards the regime and could not but produce a more accept- able climate in the country as a whole. Shcherbatov. Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., pp. 202-203. 137Imperator Nikolai k Paskevich, 24go iiunia/ 5go iiulia 1845 goda, in Shcherbatov. Prilozheniia.... pp. 539~540. 138Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p. 272. centralf Kingdom. Holy Seq antagonf winning Concord: 1847 co the doc Church the sup narians tions 0 sion to to subm since 1 181 centralize control over the Roman Catholic Church in the Kingdom. Nicholas hesitated to provoke a conflict with the 139 and. consequently, Paskevich's ideas of avoiding Holy See antagonizing the Church hierarchy in the Kingdom and thereby winning a measure of good will for the regime prevailed. A Concordat entered into between Russia and the Holy See in 1847 contributed to the casing of tensions. Article XI of the document affirmed the separate status of the Catholic Church in the Kingdom of Poland while Article XXI recognized the supremacy of the bishops in the matter of training semi- narians in their dioceses in accordance with the "prescrip- tions of the Council of Trent, Chapter 18, 23rd Session."ll+0 The occasion of the Tsar's 25th anniversary of acces— sion to the throne provided an opportunity for the Viceroy to submit a report on progress within the Kingdom of Poland since 1831. Included in this evaluation was a section on 139Smolenski. Dzieje Narodu.... p. 511. It would ap- pear that the Tsar's visit to the Pope in December, 1845, which brought about an improved climate between Petersburg and Rome, was reflected in the Tsar's dealings with the Cath- olic Church in the Kingdom. During this visit Pope Grego- ry XVI pointed out to Nicholas that "I have taught subjects to render unto Caesar that which is Caesar‘s; I remind Cae- sar of what belongs to God." Nicholas responded that he was in full agreement with the Pontiff and assured him that in Russia the Tsar served as the "executor of the Holy Father's laws." Grunwald, T§a3_Nighgla§_l, pp. 220-222. lLwConcordat de 1847, in Lescoeur, L'Eglise Catho- 1igue.... DP.'430-456. Critics of Russian policies in the Kingdom of Poland hold that this Concordat. like the Organic Statute, was never observed. Lisicki, Le Mar uis Wielo- polski.... p. 230. Others, however, p01nt out that there was a temporary improvement in the situation of the Catholic Church in the Kingdom as a result of the Concordat. Kukiel. Dzieje Polski Porozbiorowe.... p. 306. the con The sec clergy ward th order h cleanse sent to had bee the Tsa lion am Catholi Tsar ha damages Cathedr at a to Paskevi to repa ment al In all repaire rubles. Were 1, PIECed \ 11 11 182 the condition of the Roman Catholic Church in the country. The section began with an indictment of the majority of the clergy within the Kingdom for their "spirit of hostility to- ward the lawful government" and went on to state that after order had been restored in 1831 it became necessary "to cleanse the ranks of the clergy." Consequently. many were sent to a corrective monastery in Augustdw Province which had been especially prepared for that purpose“;1 The report then went on to praise the goodness of the Tsar who did not allow the continuing spirit of rebel- lion among the clergy to deter him from aiding the Roman Catholic Church wherever there was a need. For example, the Tsar had ordered that all Catholic churches be inspected for damages and repairs made where required. In this way the Cathedral in Warsaw and the Bishop's residence were rebuilt at a total cost to the government of 110,000 silver rubles. Paskevich noted that another 22,500 silver rubles were spent to repair the Church of St. Charles Borromeo. The govern- ment also undertook to construct new churches where needed. In all 69 new churches were built and 1,259 churches were repaired at a total cost to the Treasury of 637.942 silver rubles. In conclusion. Paskevich noted that in 1851 there were 1,974 Roman Catholic churches in the Kingdom and he placed the wealth of the Church at 1,539,355 silver ru- b1es.lu2 141 . Raport Namestnika Tsarstva Polskago.... p. 607. 142 Ibid., p. 608. dition reflect well-be aid eve and cle Church the pri giance the re] the att SUpport help it the dir gy cont Politic helped eI‘nment measure this CO in the ski op; marriag long-re jects. 183 The report presented an optimistic picture of the con- dition of the Catholic Church in the Kingdom of Poland and reflected an administration which was concerned about the well-being of the Church to the point of extending generous aid even though the political allegiance of the hierarchy and clergy remained doubtful. In reviewing relations between the government and the Church following the 1830 revolt, notice has to be taken of the priority which the regime placed on the political alle- giance of the Church. No doubt more was at stake than just the reliability of the individual clerics. As molders of the attitudes of the faithful, their role in securing loyal support for the government was a vital one. Of considerable help in restoring political stability to the country were the directives of the Pope to the Church hierarchy and cler- gy contained in the Encyclical of 1832. By subordinating political questions to religious questions. the Encyclical helped deprive agitators who advocated overthrowing the gov- ernment of sympathy and support among the people. Where deviations among the clergy occurred, extreme measures were considered and sometimes implemented where this could be done without antagonizing the Church hierarchy in the Kingdom or in Rome. For example, when Bishop Gutow- ski opposed attempts by the Russian government to use mixed marriages between Catholics and Orthodox believers for the long—range purpose of achieving politically reliable sub- jects, the government was able to bring about his dismissal and eve instanc to it. of the Thus, t Kingdom was nev perhaps benefit have be opposit er COUK not as there i better maintai ern PFC regult there c dimeL Viewed many be Cmild E 184 and eventual exile from the country. Apparently, in that instance the Church did not believe this was a major threat to it. Where the question involved administrative control of the Church, Rome would not budge and the Tsar gave way. Thus, the hope of controlling the Catholic Church in the Kingdom through the Ecclesiastical Consistory in Petersburg was never achieved. This is not to say that Nicholas, and perhaps even Paskevich, did not continue to believe in the benefits which could accrue to Russia if such control could have been achieved but both recognized the possibility that opposition from Rome could well involve opposition from oth— er countries in Europe to whom the Pope might appeal. While the condition of the Church in the Kingdom was not as free as many clergy and faithful would have liked, there is little question that the Catholic Church fared far better in the Kingdom, where separate administration was maintained. than did the Catholic Church in the former east- ern provinces of Poland, which were joined to Russia as a result of the partitions of the 18th century. But because there continued to be close ties between the two areas. the difficulties of the Church in the eastern provinces were viewed with great misgivings by the Church in the Kingdom-- many believing that what befell the Church in the provinces could also befall the Church in the Kingdom. separat the Kir olas us 1841, 1 two nev which v functic Highest stitutf tion, V instih rial 11 first ( organit this 9 would' be imp be to . POWer \ 214, Step t the Em CHAPTER VI In 1841 the Tsar proceeded more openly against the separate administrative structure which had been granted to the Kingdom of Poland by the Organic Statute in 1832. Nich— olas used the occasion of his visit to Warsaw in September, 1841, to explore with Paskevich the feasibility of creating two new departments in the Governing Senate of the Empire which would take over certain administrative and judiciary functions heretofore performed by the State Council and the Highest Court in the Kingdom. Thus, an administrative in— stitution, separate and distinct from the Imperial institu- tion. was to be abolished and in its place administrative institutions. a part of and directly controlled by an Impe- rial institution, were to be established. This was the first open assault on the form of administration which the Organic Statute had granted the Kingdom in 1832.1 Once this step had been successfully taken other measures. which would blur the distinction between Kingdom and Empire, could be implemented with much greater ease. At issue then would be to what extent the Viceroy would be willing to allow his power and authority to flow to central governmental organs lShcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., pp. 213— 214. Kutrzeba characterized this action as "a significant step to move forward the assimilation of the Kingdom into the Empire." Kutrzeba, Historya Ustroju Polski..., p. 112. 185 in St. ing the Governi the dec was ex1 resider ered te create< a Decre ViceroI since I been c< the Ki! Russia] State( his de tablis that t \ 22L22 disagr PeCted 11 Wit Polish 1'18le~ set up I‘eView Ib\ld‘v 186 in St. Petersburg. WARSAW DEPARTMENTS OF THE GOVERNING SENATE The Viceroy personally undertook the task of explor~ ing the question of establishing the new departments of the Governing Senate and the possible political ramifications of the decision simultaneously to abolish the State Council. It was expected that some unrest might be forthcoming from the residents of the Kingdom since the State Council was consid- ered to be "an inseparable part of the autonomous system“ created by the Organic Statute.2 The Tsar's reasoning in this matter was set forth in a Decree issued September 6/18, 1841, addressed "To Our Viceroy in the Kingdom of Poland.“ The Tsar noted that since 1832 all more vital matters concerning the Kingdom had been considered by a separate Department for the Affairs of the Kingdom of Poland--a section in the State Council of the Russian Empire. Therefore, Nicholas contended, a separate State Council in the Kingdom was superfluous. Also. it was his desire that the Court of Appeals in the Kingdom be es- tablished on a more solid foundation. Thus. it was decreed that the State Council and the Highest Court were to ‘be 2Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., Pp. 214, 221-222. The author states that, probably to neutralize the disagreeable impression which the intended reform was ex- pected to evoke, two other decrees were issued simultaneous— 1y with the decree abolishing the State Council. One named Polish members of the former State Council to sit in the newly—created Departments of the Governing Senate. Theother set up a special Commission in Warsaw, made up of Poles, to review petitions of residents of the Kingdom to the Tsar. Ibid., pp. 222-223. replace< Senate ' called‘ were to Council submitt fairs < burg, a organs, Council to reme Council Of the the G0. Court there X Depa nal ma 187 replaced by two newly—created Departments of the Governing Senate to be designated by the numerals IX and X.3 The two departments. meeting in joint session and called the Warsaw Departments of the Governing Senate, were to take over‘ all the functions of the former‘ State Council with the exception of the Budget, which was to be submitted for approval to the Department for the Af- fairs of the Kingdom of Pbland sitting in St. Peters- burg, and the Reports of the Directors of administrative organs, which were to be examined byr the Administrative Council. The meeting format of the Warsaw Departments was to remain the same as that observed. by the former State Council.“ Article 3 of the Decree specified that the attributes of the Highest Court were to pass to the IX Department of the Governing Senate which was to serve as the highest Court of Appeals whose decisions were binding and from which there was no further appeal. Article 4 stipulated that the X Department of the Governing Senate was to resolve crimi— nal matters. The attributes and scope of authority of this 3Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 27, pp. 331—333. nIbid., pp. 333—335. Art. 1. The Viceroy was to pre- side over the joint session of the Warsaw Departments. The persons serving as senators were to be chosen by the Tsar from among holders of the first three ranks. In addition, the members of the Administrative Council and the Warsaw Military Governor were included in the membership of this body. Ibid.. pp. 337-339. Arts. 5, 6. The privileges which the senators in the Empire enjoyed were bestowed upon the senators of the Warsaw Departments of the Governing Senate. Ibid., pp. 341-343, Art. 11. departm two or Viceroy departn ing up of Sept Tsar fc was abi Petersl zation the se< courts aPprovl Propos ments! \ 0Ctobe the Ts H1ghes be WOI‘ inadvi 188 department were to be outlined at a future date.5 Each of these departments could be subdivided into two or more sections as needed. Upon recommendation of the Viceroy. the Tsar was to appoint a senior member for each department. aswe11.as for each section in the departments.6 The Tsar entrusted the Viceroy with the task of draw- ing up the details of the projects implementing the Decree of September 6/18th. These were then to be submitted to the Tsar for his ratification.7 By February, 1842, Paskevich was able to send two projects to the State Council in St. Petersburg for its consideration. One set forth the organi— zation of the Warsaw Departments of the Governing Senate and the second dealt with the manner in which appeals from lower courts were to be reviewed.8 On March 26, 1842, Nicholas approved these projects and at the same time agreed to the proposed staff for the Chancellery of the Warsaw Depart- ments.9 A letter to that effect was forwarded to Paskevich 51bid.. pp. 335—337. Arts. 3, 4. On September 23/ October 5, 1841, the Administrative Council, in the name of the Tsar, issued an order staying the dissolution of the Highest Court until the details of the new departments could be worked out and approved by the Tsar. At issue was the inadvisability of interrupting the judicial processes. Ibid.. pp. 347—351. 61bid.. p. 341, Arts. 9. 10. 71bid., pp. 343-345. 8Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza...,Pp. 223-224. 9Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 29, pp. 287-291. The Tsar also sent the Governing Senate notice of his approvalof the work Paskevich had done and ordered that the Senate take the necessary steps to announce and implement these projects. Ibid.. pp. 292-297- by Nick Governi of eacl ing joi latter State ( acting General Member: Governr their 1 made fl on a m deal w the Ge their \ in She COntem Senato VICe. Nears "a hog W1tho A. de Lond0n I! Art. 1 189 by Nicholas on the same day.10 The Decree establishing the Warsaw Departments of the Governing Senate dealt with the organization and attributes of each department separately and the two Departments meet- ing jointly in a so—called General Assembly. It was this latter institution which took over the major work which the State Council had performed in the Kingdom. The Viceroy, acting for the Tsar. presided over the deliberations of the General Assembly which was to be made up only of Senators.ll Members of the Administrative Council and the Warsaw Military Governor were to attend meetings whenever matters concerning their departments were being considered. There was provision made for persons with specific competence to attend sessions on a consultative basis to provide the expertise needed to deal with particular questions.12 The presiding officer of the General Assembly decided when this body was to meet.13 The General Assembly and each Department were to have their own chancelleries with a Chief Procurator in charge of loImperator Nikolai k Paskevich, 26go marta 1842 goda, in Shcherbatov, Prilozheniia.... pp. 502-503- llPoland. Dziennik Praw, Vol. 29. p. 301. Art. 3. A contemporary observer states that to achieve the position of Senator a person had to reach the Third Rank in public ser- vice, that of Privy Councillor. This required some thirty years in public service. He concludes that the Senatebecame "a hospital for civil invalids" and that most Senators were "without any fitness or mental energy for this work." Count A. de Gurowski. Russia As It Is, 3rd Edition (New York and London: D. Appleton & Company. 1854). p. 76. 12 Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 29, pp. 311-313. Art. 16. 13Ibid., p. 309, Art. 12. each ck chance] Governn be made and cle Governi They we Octobel "wide-1 pire," higher roy's 1 K and me] admmi: not re: reQUih ties t 226. 190 each Chancellery. The overall administration of the three chancelleries was entrusted to the Chief Director of the Government Commission of Justice.lu Each Chancellery was to be made up of secretaries, under—secretaries, translators, and clerks.l5 The establishment of the Warsaw Departments of the Governing Senate was announced on July 25/August 6, 1842.16 They were scheduled to begin functioning September 20/ October 2, 1842. With the implementation of this Decree, "wide-ranging powers unparalleled in the entire Russian Em- pire," were granted to the Viceroy in the Kingdom. All higher officials were appointed by the Tsar but on the Vice- roy's recommendation and answerable directly to him.17 lulbid.. p- 385. Arts. 97. 98. 99. While the senators and members of the departments were in no way involved in the administration of the Chancelleries, and consequently were not responsible for the actions of their staffs, they were required to inform the Chief Procurators of any irregulari— ties they might observe. In the event that the Chief Proc- urators failed to act on the complaints, the Chief Director of the Government Commission of Justice was to be informed. Ibid.. p. 387, Art. 100. l5Ibid., Art. 101. Candidates for these positions were to be selected by the Chief Procurators. Their names were to be submitted to the Chief Director of the Government Com— mission of Justice who would then obtain final approval from the Viceroy for these candidates or others whom the Director himself proposed to fill the positions. Ibid., pp. 389-391, Art. 105. 16 Ibid.. p. 397. l7Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., Pp. 224- 226. See also, Ochimowski, Prawo Administracyjne, p. 222. consta: ity of Kingdom of all duced. standa Paskev into c script after that t "there to act abolis decree life ( cree 1 tive 1 k°Pem ernmm \ 1832 191 MONETARY REFORMS Russification of the Kingdom of Poland remained a constant in the long—range goal of the Tsar. As the author» ity of the Russian government became more entrenched in the Kingdom, a number of changes which touched the everyday life of all the inhabitants of the Kingdom were gradually intro- duced. The first of these was concerned with the monetary standard in the Kingdom. As early as October, 1832, Nicholas had written to Paskevich regarding the usefulness of placing new currency into circulation in the Kingdom with Russian and Polish in— scriptions.18 Nothing further was done at that time butnow, after ten years of rule by Paskevich, when it was believed that the "more sensible Poles" had become convinced that "there could be no talk of self—rule," the time seemed right to act along these lines.19 On September 3/15, 1841, three days before the Decree abolishing the State Council was issued, a series of lesser decrees with perhaps more profound impact on the day-to—day life of the people of the Kingdom were promulgated. One de- cree provided for a change in the monetary standard. Effec- tive December 20/January 1, 1841/2, the Russian ruble and kopeck was to replace the Polish zloty and grosz. All gov- ernment ‘bookkeeping was to be calculated in terms of 18Imperator Nikolai k Paskevich, lOgo/22go oktiabria 1832 goda, in Shcherbatov, Prilozheniia.... pp. 2- 3. l9Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza..., p. 222, rubles gold 0 "Half- Mint w rubles cree 1 served pare E 100 si render script ’00 api man, I Papers rubles to co: in by Stand Fermi Dear 192 rubles and kopecks.20 A second decree permitted the Warsaw Mint to issue gold coins but with the inscription "Half-Imperial." The "Half-Imperial" was to be valued at five rubles. The Warsaw Mint was also allowed to produce silver coins in values of rubles, half-rubles, and 25, 20, 10, and 5 kopecks. The de- cree listed the content specifications which were to be ob- served in the minting of these coins.21 A third decree authorized the Bank of Poland to pre- pare Bank Notes in denominations of l, 3, 10, 25, 50, and 100 silver rubles. The denomination of the note was to be rendered in numerals, as well as with Russian and Polish in- scriptions. On the reverse side of the note the amount was to appear in figures and inscribed in three languages—-Ger- man, French, and English. A fourth decree dealt withstamped papers and stipulated that these were to be drawn up in rubles and kopecks. The water markings on these papers were to contain the Coat of Arms of the Empire and inscriptions in both the Russian and Polish languages.22 RE-DIVISION OF THE KINGDOM At the beginning of 1837 Paskevich had drawn up a project to change the term used to designate the provinces 20Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 28, pp. 4-19. 211bid.. PP. 20—33. Since Russia had adopted the Silver Standard in 1839 (Florinsky,Russia: A History...,p.787), permission for the Warsaw Mint to issue gold coins would ap- pear to have been a concession to the Kingdom of Poland. 22 Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 28, pp. 34~47. of the mean; the cha tration pire.23 issued Paskevi reducti eight ‘ this mt minist Provin to tra Purpos number 'the gc reside by the Commel ins t1 Weste 193 of the Kingdom from the Polish wojewodztwo to the Russian ggberniia. The explanation offered for this step was that the change would simplify the future union of the adminis- tration of the Kingdom with the administration of the Em- pire.23 The Tsar concurred and on February 25/March 7, 1837, issued a decree implementing this reform.2£IL Six years later Paskevich submitted a proposal to the Tsar providing for a reduction of the number of provinces in the Kingdom from eight to five.25 Economic as well as political considerations prompted this move. By consolidating the provinces the cost of ad— ministering the country could be reduced and enlarging the Province of Warsaw would force greater numbers of landowners to travel more frequently to the city of Warsaw for business purposes. Paskevich was of the opinion that having greater numbers of persons coming to the larger cities would enable the government to maintain a better surveillance over the residents of the Kingdom.26 These thoughts were expressed by the Viceroy in 1845 in a letter to the Tsar in which he commented on the complaints of Adj.-General Rudiger regard- ing the political disloyalty of the Polish nobility in the Western Provinces. The general lamented that the Poles re- sided on their estates, totally out off from Russian 23Shcherbatov,RzgdstieciaPaskiewicza....pp.147-148. 2Ll'Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 20, pp. h13-hl7. 25Shcherbatov,RzadstieciaPaskiewicza.... p. 259. 26 Ibid., pp. 259—260. society, ness of ‘ This whic ty c the pose join have is n n change i the Kin country to go i for the the prc 0f the inces; and Ki Kalisz ferret nicat Rusgi quote 194 society, and were able in that way to escape the watchful— ness of the government. Paskevich wrote: This demonstrates that the same thing is occurring there which I foresaw as happening in Poland, that the nobili- ty can be more harmful living in the countryside than in the cities. This is why I had the good fortune to pro- pose to Your Imperial Highness that Kalisz should be joined to Warsaw Province so that the nobility would have to come here for their business where surveillance is more careful.27 The Decree of August 9/21. 1844, explained that the change in the division of internal administrative units of the Kingdom were being undertaken for the good of the whole country. The provisions of the Decree, which were scheduled to go into effect on December ZO/January 1, 1844/5. called for the provinces of Augustow and Plock to remain unchanged; the province of Lublin to be enlarged by the joining to it of the province of Podlask; and the creation of two newprov- inces: Radom, made up of the former provinces of Sandomierz and Kielce; and Warszawa, made up of the former provinces of Kalisz and Mazowie.28 COMMUNICATIONS, WEIGHTS AND MEASURES, CUSTOMS, POSTAL SERVICE REFORMS Other areas of administration were gradually trans- ferred to central control in St. Petersburg. In 1846 Commu- nications in the Kingdom passed under the control of the Russian Department of Highways and Public Buildings.29 On 27Paskiewicz do Cesarza, 13go kwietnia 1845 roku, quoted in ibid., p. 276. 28Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 34, pp. 453-459. 29Winiarski, Les Institutions Politique.... p. 120. January 1 that Imp‘ Kingdom that: As a rela and of v more ( boundar: ished. In ind com tio pir pir is? the The oh; that t5 Russia ary fa the ma manu fa \ ment ( Sla a‘ Skarb also. 1% 195 January 20/February l, 1848, a decree was issued ordering that Imperial Weights and Measures be introduced into the Kingdom effective April l9/May l, 1849. The decree stated that: As a result of the expanding commercial and industrial relations between the residents of Our Russian Empire and Our Kingdom of Poland, the need to unify the system of weights and measures used in them is felt more and more each day. On November 10, l850,ifl:was announcedthatthe customs boundary between the Kingdom and the Empire would be abol- ished. The reason for this measure was stated as follows: In Our continuing concern for the expansion of trade and industry, we have recognized as good for the greater ac— commodation of foreign as well as internal trade rela— tions between Our faithful subjects in the Russian Em- pire and the Kingdom of Poland, to establish for the Em- pire and the Kingdom one common customs tariff, abol- ishing at the same time the customs boundary between them. 1 The change was to go into effect on January 1/13, 1851. At that time the direction of customs was to be placed under Russian administration.32 The lifting of the customs bound- ary facilitated the economic expansion of the Kingdom since the markets of Russia and Asia became more accessible to its 33 manufacturing and commercial interests. 30Poland, Dziennik Praw, Vol. 39. pp. 388-393. 31lbid.. Vol. 43, pp. 349—351. 32Ibid., p. 351. Skarbek notes that, with the replace- ment of Polish Customs personnel with Russian officials, Rus- sia acquired a common border with Prussia and Austria. Skarbek, Kr61estwo Polskie.... p. 159. 33Kukiel, Dzieje Polskie Porozbiorowe.... p. 307. See also, Kieniewicz, Historia Polski..., pp. 153—154; and P01— ish Encyclopaedia, III, p. 390. formed the di: Russia in the to cel the th corpor pire. ficati into 1 reign Pasket catioz rule, to tht Tsaru 0f un SEI‘Ve and 0 diree 603' 196 In 1851 the Postal Service of the Kingdom was trans- formed into the 13th Imperial Postal District. Included in the directives of the decree was the requirement that the Russian language be used exclusively in the Postal Service in the Kingdom.Bu Paskevich wrote in his report to the Tsar, compiled to celebrate the 25th anniversary of Nicholas' accession to the throne, of the progress which had been made toward in- corporating the administration of the Kingdom into the Em- pire. All of the preceding were cited as evidence that uni- fication of the Kingdom with the Empire was being advanced.35 ROLE OF THE VICEROY IN THE INCORPORATION PROCESS Complete administrative incorporation of the Kingdom into the Russian Empire was finally achieved during the reign of Alexander II. Both critics and supporters of Paskevich acknowledge that without his influence this unifi— cation would undoubtedly have been achieved during Nicholas' rule. However, there is disagreement among these persons as to the reasons for Paskevich prevailing in light of the Tsar's avowed goal, as stated in the Organic Statute of 1832, of uniting the Kingdom of Poland to the Russian Empire. Skarbek, who knew both Nicholas and Paskevich and served in a number of important administrative posts in the 34Skarbek, Krdlestwo Polskie.... p. 161. The disorder and confusion which resulted led to the revocation of this directive several years later. Ibid. 35Raport Namestnika Tsarstva Polskago.... pp. 601- 603. t... Kingd minis d-m s 3 ha Skarb But P5 manhez degree fers u °°Urse \ 197 Kingdom, while noting the erosions of various separate ad- ministrative institutions, observes that: The Tsar himself thwarted the fulfillment of his goal by naming as his Viceroy in the Kingdom a person to whom he was greatly indebted and to whom he had granted too much authority and whom he indulged far too much in every- thing.36 Skarbek writes: Paskevich was actually the ruler in the Kingdom and had to be because in the whole expanse of the Russian Empire there was not a single suitable position to which he could be transferred without humiliation.3 However, Shcherbatov, author of an authoritative biog- raphy of the Viceroy, in the preparation of which he had ac- cess to Paskevich's archives, notes that while Nicholas had given Paskevich almost dictatorial powers in the Kingdom of Poland, this situation was the subject of frequent discus— sion between them. The Tsar's contention was that: While such a system of governing was completely satis- factory in the circumstances and confidence as well as the moral reputation which Paskevich possesses, 'neither one of us is eternal, we have to think what will be af— ter us.'38 But Paskevich, believing that "in the long run the usual manner of central administration by ministers is in a high degree harmful in the border areas of Russia because it con- fers upon the whole government an overly-slow bureaucratic course, and besides loses sight of local conditions," did not agree with Nicholas and tried whenever it was in his 36Skarbek, Kr61estwo Polskie.... pp. 75-76. 37Ibid.. pp. 76—77. 38 Shcherbatov, Rzady Ksiecia Paskiewicza. .. p. 310. power dom. miniS‘ mental beliei bracir tion ' ditiox concei civil taken local authoi not a< Shou1< regarc tI‘ali: haVim giVen could \ 198 power to retain the reins of control in governing the King- dom. Paskevich asserts that: In the Kingdom of Poland, where events unfold quickly and often suddenly and very often commands take on alto- gether different meanings, it is necessary to concen- trate strong exceptional authority in Warsaw, enjoying the full confidence of the Tsar.3 In Paskevich's opinion "misunderstandings between ministers and local higher authorities always reflect detri- mentally on matters and retard their solution." Also, he believed that ministers, with their outlook necessarily em- bracing the whole of the Russian Empire, were not in a posi- tion to concern themselves with all the particulars of con- ditions in the border areas. Consequently, these regional concerns were left to be tended by “second—rank bureaucratic civil servants, that is, persons exclusively cabinet-level taken up with formalities and completely unfamiliar with local conditions." Therefore, the Viceroy concluded "the authority of the ministers is not sufficient, interests will not advance if we will be asking for permission when we should be acting.“+0 Undoubtedly Paskevich was motivated by his convictions regarding the greater efficiency and effectiveness of decen— tralized administration for the border regions. However, having to give up some of the almost total powers he had been given by Nicholas to various ministers in St. Petersburg could not have been an appealing thought. 39Ibid.. pp. 310-311. uglbid., p. 311. Paskev pean P the Ki suit 0 the Co and te on beh the Ru istrat intere reaucz tersbt proces nants until diffi< 199 Another consideration which neither Nicholas nor Paskevich could totally ignore was the reaction of the Euro— pean Powers in the event of a major change in the status of the Kingdom of Poland which had come into being as the re- sult of an international agreement among the major powers at the Congress of Vienna in 1815. This reaction was probed and tested and as the possibility of European intervention on behalf of the Poles dimmed steps were taken to alter what the Russians regarded as the more sensitive areas of admin- istration. Areas viewed as especially hostile to Russian interests were the first to feel the weight of central bu- reaucratic control. As authority began to shift to St. Pe- tersburg, Paskevich attempted where he could to halt the process and was in large measure responsible for the rem- nants of self—administration which survived in the Kingdom until his death in 1856.}+1 Skarbek points out that Paskevich's position was a difficult one: Having achieved the pinnacle of importance and success that a person not belonging to the royal dynasty can achieve, the Prince of Warsaw had to use every influence and endeavor in order to retain his position. This was a difficult task because he could retain the favor of the monarch only insofar as he fulfilled his expecta- tions and intentions of incorporating the Kingdom into the Empire. However, in acting to fulfill this demand, he thereby undermined his own personal power.“2 Skarbek saw in this the explanation for Paskevich's ambivalent lOchimowski, Prawo Administracyjne, pp. 213-214. See also, Kukiel, Dzieje Polski Porozbiorowe.... p. 305; and Winiarski. Les Institutions Politique. .. p. . 42 Skarbek, Krolestwo Polskie.... p. 77. behavf one h: cept 1 fault: clinet Kingm maint: despo sever admin princ rate. Vides 0 deson c+r—‘m <31» m F4:)Iecm >> Game from 200 behavior regarding the inhabitants of the Kingdom. On the one hand he sought to win over individuals and groups to ac- cept Russian rule by displaying forbearance for character faults and attitudinal shortcomings and being favorably in- clined toward separate administrative institutions in the Kingdom. On the other hand peace and tranquility had to be maintained in the country so Paskevich acted willfully and despotically. He ruthlessly put down disorders and dealt severely with insurgents. But he as vigorously defended the administrative institutions of the country and became the principal champion of maintaining the last vestiges of sepa— rate administration which the country retained.)+3 Winiarski, writing some seventy—fiveyearslater, pro- vides a somewhat different appraisal. He states that: All the legislationcxfthis period proves that the sover— eign treated the Kingdom as a part of the Empire and acted in a manner consistent with unification. The competence of the organs of the Russian government extended inanever larger measure to the Kingdom so that soon there existed side by side in the country two hierarchies: the Polish and the Russian. The Polish authority emanated from the Crown, just as the Russian authority, because represent- ative organs born of elections had never been estab- lished. The government regarded the Polish authority as the organs of Russian government which, for reasons of general political interest, possessed an organization apart, somewhat different, and functioned by virtue of laws distinct but Russian, enacted with the concurrence of the Russian Council of State. However, the manner in which the Kingdom of Poland came into existence placed it in a position which differed from that of other regions in the Empire and therefore: “BIbid. 1 pp. 77‘78~ “uWiniarski. Les Institutions Politique.... p. 121. tion not 5 1853 that pODu Prob 201 It was impossible to abolish entirely the separate po— litical character of the Congress Kingdom and incorpo- rate it into the Empire of the Tsars. The Treaty of Vienna was there and the Russian Government did not wish or did not have the power to violate openly that which was being guarded by the Western Powers. It attempted incorporation via facti, by legislation which tended to __ make of the Kingdom—simply a part of the empire, without expressly breaking with the principle which regulated the relations between the two states. Undoubtedly, the possibility that the European Powers might be aroused by an outright attempt to incorporate the Kingdom of Poland into the Russian Empire served to restrain Nicholas and helped Paskevich in his efforts to persuade the Tsar to discard or at least delay plans to eliminate the sep- arate administrative institutions in the Kingdom. Paske- vich's own personal convictions regarding the advantages of decentralized administration were an important factor in his ability to convince Nicholas that it was more prudent to move cautiously in this matter. With the outbreak of the Crimean War in 1853, Nicholas was diverted from affairs in the Kingdom and Paskevich was then able to maintain the status qgg in the administrative institutions of’ the coun- try.46 For Nicholas and Paskevich the question of incorpora— tion of the Kingdom of Poland into the Russian Empire did not survive the conflict upon which Russia had embarked in 1853. Both died before it was ended--the Tsar's death 451bid., pp. 121-122. néskarbek, Krélestwo Polskie.... p. 165. Skarbeknotes that actually at issue was also the desire not to arouse the populace of the Kingdom which would have contributed to the problems which the Russian Government was then facing. Ibid. preced months Novemt Februe tratix by Ni< Russkf ing, ' Commi: came 1 which suffe the U dom. 202 preceding that of his "Beloved Father Commander" by eleven months, occurring in February, 1855. Paskevich fell ill in November of that year and died of cancer on January 20/ February 1, 1856.“? The question of the separate adminis— trative status of the Kingdom of Poland was finally resolved by Nicholas' successor to the throne, Alexander II.“8 ”7Skarbek, Pamietniki..., p. 277. See also Sidorov, Russkie i Rugskaia Zhizn.... p. 117. “8Following the suppression of the 1863 Polish upris- ing, the Administrative Council and the various Government Commissions were abolished and administration in the Kingdom came under the direct control of St. Petersburg. The fate which the Uniate Church and the Roman Catholic Church had suffered earlier in the Western Provinces was now visited on the Uniate Church and the Roman Catholic Church in the King- dom. The Uniate Church was abolished and its clergy and members reunited with the Orthodox Church. The administra- tion of the Roman Catholic Church passed under the control of the Ecclesiastical College in St. Petersburg. Russian became the official language of the country--"public notices, names of streets, advertisements, receipts, names of sta- tions, everything became Russian." Polish Engyclopaedia, Vol. I: History of Poland, (Geneva: ATAR, Ltd.. 1926), pp. 545-547. See also, Maxime Kovalevsky, Russian Political Institutions: The Growth and Development of these Institu- tions from the Be innin s of Russian Histor to the Present Time (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 19025, p. 281. Even the name Kingdom of Poland was replaced by the designation "Vistula Territory." Ibid.. p. 277. Paske spite risir brot} aim c Empi: velo; the 5 cause the E Was 5 CZar1 Were Ventj Engle matte and j the 5 P011: Rusz CONCLUSIONS The Kingdom of Poland succeeded in maintaining a de- gree of administrative autonomy throughout the period of Paskevich's Viceroyalty. This autonomy was maintained in spite of Nicholas' express declaration that the Polish Up- rising of 1830 freed him from any obligations assumed by his brother in 1815 with respect to the Kingdom and his stated aim of incorporating the Kingdom of Poland into the Russian Empire. A number of factors were responsible for this de- velopment. The Tsar was reluctant to act quickly in abolishing the separate administrative institutions in the Kingdom be- cause in 1832 Nicholas was not certain of the reaction of the European Powers if the separate status of the Kingdom was abolished. Polish emigres, among them men like Adam Czartoryski with important connections in Paris and London, were using their influence to gain French and English inter- vention on behalf of the Kingdom. While neither France nor England had any intention of actively interfering in this matter, sympathetic statements in their legislative bodies and in the newspapers of the countries served to point out the sympathies of the peoples and their governments for the Polish cause. This, coupled with notes of protest to the Russian government, served to restrain the Tsar from acting 203 swift remai placi addit Counc Russi dom. ropes in hi Kingc tive yout} area trol tern; arous Chur< Oppos ROme an g pFeV< istm Feta: e I‘nmn 204 swiftly and directly. Thus, the administrative institutions were allowed to remain but steps were taken to assure their reliability by placing Russians or trustworthy Poles in charge of them. In addition, a new department was created in the Imperial State Council to take charge of affairs in the Kingdom, giving the Russian government control over developments within the King- dom. As, with the passage of time, the interest of the Eu— ropean Powers in the Kingdom waned. the Tsar became bolder in his moves to achieve his stated goal of incorporating the Kingdom into the Russian Empire. Education, a very sensi— tive area important for molding positive attitudes in the youth of the country toward the government, became the first area of administration to be transferred to the direct con- trol of St. Petersburg. There was no reaction from the in— ternational community and the change was implemented without arousing unrest within the Kingdom. As far as the administration of the Roman Catholic Church was concerned, the Tsar was not successful. Here the opposition of the Holy See, with the added pressures which Rome could generate through her influence with other Europe- an governments, proved sufficient throughout this period to prevent any major changes. However, while control of admin- istration remained in the Kingdom, the Russian government retained considerable influence over affairs since the gov- ernment commission responsible for church affairs in the Kingd Churc cover Chris where what Cleri were betwe chang betwe end c addit becan tle t in re more lems seek term 18th the‘ on m: dim. WoUlt 205 Kingdom was directed by a Russian. Thus, the Roman Catholic Church had to go along with, for example, the new regulations covering marriages contracted between Catholics and other Christians which reversed the Church's position regarding where such marriage ceremonies were to be performed and in what faith the children of such a union were to be raised. Clerics who opposed these and other governmental regulations were subject to imprisonment and exile. The Concordat signed between Russia and the Holy See in 1847, while notrevoking changes already introduced, brought a respite in the struggle between the Church and the government which lasted until the end of Nicholas' reign. As the political climate in the Kingdom stabilized, additional internal changes were implemented. By then it became apparent to Nicholas that in such matters he had lit— tle to fear from the European Powers. But now another factor in retarding centralization of administrative control emerged more clearly. The Viceroy, who firmly believed local prob— lems could best be solved locally and who had no desire to seek for permissions and approvals from ministers in St. Pe- tersburg, sought increasingly to retain the separate admin- istrative institutions which the Kingdom possessed. Because the Viceroy enjoyed the high esteem of the Tsar, he was able on many occasions successfully to persuade Nicholas that for diplomatic or political or administrative reasons changes would best be set aside or their implementation delayed. Paskevich's efforts met with a high degree of success because of the complh ing Pa Empire recogn arch w to sta reasor course this, havin‘ land roy f in th Persc cese sist< bish< of t Opin apt SUCC Char and swi 206 because over the years he had won the trust and confidence of the Tsar by his important military and administrative ac— complishments. There was no doubt in Nicholas' mind regard- ing Paskevich's devotion to him personally and to the Russian Empire. Also, the Viceroy's integrity and abilities were recognized by the Tsar. In addition, Paskevich knew his mon- arch well enough so that he knew when to give way and when to stand firm. His firm positions were supported with sound reasoning which stressed the long-range consequences of a course of action for the Russian Empire. When, in spite of this, Nicholas insisted on having his way, as in the case of having the consecration of a bishop from the Kingdom of P0- land take place in St. Petersburg, the consequences the Vice- roy feared occurred. Rome resorted to pressures of its own-- in this case by not approving the nomination as bishop of a person selected by the government to administer the Archdio— cese of Warsaw, with the result that the Ecclesiastical Con- sistory in Warsaw selected as administrator of the diocese a bishop whose reliability was questionable from the viewpoint of the government. As a result, in the next difference of opinion between the Tsar and his Viceroy, the Tsar was more apt to take heed of his Viceroy's advice. Perhaps, more importantly, Paskevich's high degree of success in influencing Nicholas regarding administrative changes in the Kingdom was his ability to maintain stability andorfler'in the Kingdom. Threats to peace were dealt with swiftly and severely by Paskevich and earned a reputation for h emigr 1853. an ec ment in tt stabi is dc for : sian this auto jor What to f gion main hope the evez isti bol Vi01 Con Wou 207 for him with both the inhabitants of the Kingdom and the emigres which bore results in 1846 and 1848 and again in 1853. The revolts and unrests of 1846 and 1848 did not find an echo in the Kingdom and the Russian government's involve- ment in the Crimean War did not result in any disturbances in the Kingdom. If Paskevich had not been able to maintain stability and order in the Kingdom throughout this period it is doubtful if he could have succeeded in resisting pressures for administrative incorporation of the Kingdom into the Rus- sian Empire. However, separate administrative institutions during this period did not mean that the Kingdom of Poland enjoyed autonomy since Russians and "reliable" Poles filled the ma- jor administrative posts. Their primary concern was not what the inhabitants of the Kingdom desired but rather how to fulfill the will of the Tsar and his Viceroy in this re— gion. However, so long as administrative institutions re- mained separate from St. Petersburg, there was always the hope and possibility that eventually these could come under the influence of Poles who could use them to achieve an ever—increasing degree of independence from Russian control. As long as Paskevich remained Viceroy of the Kingdom, admin- istrative separateness was maintained and served as a sym- bol and a hope for all Poles that the measures of the pre- vious years could yet be reversed and the true intent of the Congress of Vienna with respect to the Kingdom of Poland would be realized. It" out: 113' hi .. -"'z"r~":'.' I|'..... 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