w: ".1 . . u. ENR‘Q 1:. ‘2» . 2 \ "W MW FL .. ‘* Mg" ' u. .. m 2 0‘ . ." Van Y.-{‘L'.eiu.. ' ‘ .zL s. . " j '_ "" . ‘f’gfi—KC:' “W firm ”at“ 5222:” -. 2w» - -. 2:22. " «.3 :‘wSfikbfiw-m 2: -: ’- “i . "2‘ 4. .. .42: F... «.W ~ "4‘ 3'3, H; 7:. Wk, . V ‘ m 2 : : ~53. . ’iz’v. 1%: . V‘K‘é 43113;“. 2. y. , . $1 $223: “‘ ,.- m.“ h r- . K ~$T§3r5§¢z *1. m ‘M. flfi‘m‘mrw‘ bang» w s. \4 ‘u ‘u «a: ‘ 5.».- TC? “Jun. 'Mta‘fig‘: ~‘L~¢“‘*' .2 - mu- 2 s“ Llama»? 'L‘L fir '>- ‘ha I ‘1 ~ ' ”z‘iu fifififia‘x‘fl ~ 1“ “I&§§,“¥.I'=E{i=~§‘uw "2 C‘ "gas-hm.» -. ”Ll-:1 . ‘_. ‘ Q \ ,".hh I an» ,, ,_“ 5.. K \ :«31, v. 4 “1.3,.qu A. 133“.“ w ¢“' . 1 11"“ ‘fll m . V \v‘ ‘ 52-43.. 3“}? a2?“- 22m g ,"m k , ‘ h| «1 . @2312 c fifiifi 7" ("i 3} 22$ 2;; --¢, 4» 3:2: -‘- fl). "" 4.3. ~: a7 .4 #1:. «x. ..t .32: .‘T w .353! M 1:: .—- .aIL’" » 2.‘ ‘. ~ 5: - A '2‘ "' a -2 ’ , .2 ~. . v :1'2' 4-" ' ‘, A, - I" " V c - ‘ J. 2%?" . ”'2‘: 1:?2 ’27 *5: . ‘3 ~. ,1-.. .42; ‘ hf ‘ "E13523: ' > ‘ ‘ m, an A ~.‘§- ‘Jflff‘o"; THESIS This is to certify that the thesis entitled NYARAFOLO PERSONAL NARRATIVES AND PROCEDURALS: A DISCOURSE ANALYSIS presented by Linnea Eleanor Boese has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for M.A. Linguistics degree in l fig 244 Major professor DateMF / 7 /%_ f 3. 0.7639 MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution l illflllfllllHilllfimlllfilllllfllfl'lilllmfllll l 75,; 7172533719739 4516 bViESl.) RETURNING MATERIALS: Place in book drop to LIBRARIES remove this checkout from 4-! your record. FINES will be charged if book is returned after the date stamped below. NYARAFOLO PERSONAL NARRATIVES AND PROCEDURALS: A DISCOURSE ANALYSIS BY Linnea Eleanor Boese A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Linguistics and Germanic, Slavic, Asian and African Languages 1983 :a.'iit'li=|'..-'-'."'._..-I"i Cm’a ct'ziV‘: ':'-.'--. '. " -;~‘u.r'.- ‘. u ' ' . _ , . .l'n. .L‘...l.‘- 5‘ ABSTRACT NYARAFOLO PERSONAL NARRATIVES AND PROCEDURALS: A DISCOURSE ANALYSIS BY Linnea Eleanor Boese This thesis analyzes the referential or deep structures of five Nyarafolo personal narrative and procedural mono- logues and relates syntactic features of the texts to them. Deep structures organize discourse content; the grammatical (surface) structures expound the deep structures. By relat— ing them, certain aSpects of syntax are clarified which may not otherwise be understood. A blocking chart lined up propositions from the text with syntactic features and lexical content, and was used to determine and study the two levels of structure. Network diagrams describe the organization, thematic line and climac— tic points of each deep structure, as well as the genre and content of each section. A procedural plot—like structure was posited and proved applicable to the procedural texts. Nyarafolo paragraphs of different genres demonstrate distinct characteristics. The tense/mode/aspect system, linking words, participant reference system and such devices as paraphrase and repetition were found to be important in the marking of theme. as:n$ou:13-g99b so Iaiinsxeaew -n-um [ianHacvzg ;:= evinixfinn p‘vs‘: .:--'_1 :Fl: a. or: errgisns aiaeflJ aid? Ian- 3-2.1 (- r... .-_‘.4 lDedicated to my partner in life and in Nyarafolo analysis, Glenn Ross Boese ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I gratefully acknowledge the assistance of the members of my committee, Dr. Grover Hudson and Dr. James Stalker, and especially of my chairperson, Dr. Ruth M. Brend, whose comments and encouragement were of great help. Many thanks also go to iLaji Silué, of Tiepogovogo, Ivory Coast, whose patient help in Nyarafolo made this analysis possible. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures . . . . . . . . . . List of Abbreviations . . . . . . . Introduction to the Orthography and Tone Symbols 1.0 Introduction . . . . . . . . . 2.0 Theoretical framework . . . . 2.1 Discourse genres differentiated . 2.2 Deep structures of discourse types 2.3 Theme . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4 The composer's role; skewing of deep and surface features . . . 2.5 The grammar of discourse 3.0 Description of the deep structure of five Nyarafolo oral texts . . . . . Heuristic . . . . . . . Personal narratives . Procedurals . . . . . . Procedural/Narrative . . . wwwww I O Ulgbwwl" 4.0 Nyarafolo surface structure as it relates to deep structure . . . . . . . . 4.1 Paragraphs . . . . . 4.1.1 4.1.2 Linkage . . . . . . . . . 4.1. 3 Structural characteristics 4.2 Tense/mode/aspect . . . . 4. 2.1 The Nyarafolo system . 4 2 2 Tense/mode/aspect use in personal narratives 4.2.3 iv Phonological features 0 o 0 Concluding remarks on the deep structure Tense/mode/aspect use in procedurals. vi vii .ix .24 .24 .27 .33 .44 .49 50 .50 .50 .51 .59 .60 .60 .62 .64 Participant reference Mystery particle . . . . Marking of surface structure Target, Peak and Peak' . . . 4.3 4.4 4 5 4. 5.1 Inyam Planting——Peak 4. 5.2 Funeral--Peak and Peak' 4.5.3 Rice Cultivation--Target 4.5.4 Birth——Target . 4.5.5 Peak' . . . . . 4.5.6 Summary: 5.0 Conclusion . . . . . . . Appendix: Nyarafolo texts . . Bibliography . . . . . . . . . Marriage--Peak (Target) and grammatical devices which mark deep structure climax I o o o O .68 .73 .74 .74 .75 .76 .78 .79 .81 .83 .89 119 "-0 I I I I . O I. I C C . :ieziivsb [Staiisnmziap :‘nismua 9.3.) .. . . . . 3mm: In :=".:'.’:Iu1.4=: .---,-_,{:. :hE-r I.""if’¥. . . 'in-Q Figure 1: Figure 2: Figure 3: Figure 4: Figure 5: Figure 6: Figure 7: Figure 8: Figure 9: Figure 10: Figure 11: Figure 12: LIST OF FIGURES Referential tagmeme . . . . . . . . Expository scripts . . . . . . . Narrative plot . . . . . . . . . . Procedural plot . . . . . . . . . . Vividness scale . . . . . . . . . . Sample blocking chart . . . . . . . Inyam Planting——network diagram of deep structure . . . . . . . . . . Funeral-~network diagram of deep structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rice Cultivation——network diagram of deep structure . . . . . . . . . Rice Cultivation—-field structure Birth—-network diagram of deep structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . Marriage—-network diagram of deep structure . . . . . . . . . . . . vi .25 .29 .31 .36 .39 .42 .45 .r- --‘ nupi'i . E? I: - H! J a;— 7 —;_..L :_.A quantum-ca :S 9.pr Abbreviation 139 239 359 lpl 2pl 3pl accomp Ad anaph anter asp aux bi—TCl bkgd Cl comp compl cond'l conj cont def dem DTM desid displ away displ to emph evid excl exp'n fut habit hort indef juxtap mar N neg non—pres nuc num P part LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS Term first person singular second person singular third person singular first person plural second person plural third person plural accomplished adjunct anaphor anterior aspect auxiliary bitransitive clause background clause complement completive conditional conjunction continuative definite demonstrative dependency terminal marker desiderative displacement away from reference point displacement towards reference point emphatic evidence exclusive explanation future habitual (or customary mode) hortatory indefinite juxtaposed margin noun negative non—present nucleus number phrase participant vii 3“: - . ”- axe? ncgiggugiddg - - uuffipnla noean 1’11? pal I “singing nor-3'6»:- '; "---. per } ‘tilut. h? ":(.'-' " . .I [:88 ' I ,_. " 55-21:“: H... _- ' x;yi~ t" in? man-I.- -.t. 1". --'- L"- . 4;. . . :,,.. f -.l r specifier specifier transitive clause _ -. time his ' tens e/mode/aspect V verb ~ viii INTRODUCTION TO THE ORTHOGRAPHY AND TONE SYMBOLS Consonants p t c k kp ? b d J 9 910 f s m n n km ny nw l y w r Vowels 1 in u un e o e en 3 on a an (Note: an 3 following a vowel or vowels marks it/them as a nasal vowel, except when the n is also followed by a vowel. Nasalization is left-to—right iterative and goes through liquids, glides and glottal stop; i.e. the marked nasals are non—predictable and the following derived ones are not marked.) Tone Symbols / S super hi ’ H hi ‘ MH between hi and mid M mid (unmarked) ' ML between mid and low ‘ L low ‘ D deep low (Note: phonetic tone is marked on these texts, as tonological analysis has not been completed.) ix qsl :4 1: .1 9’. ainsnouzoa q d ‘1' ‘.-’.| 'J 1.0 Introduction It is not simply that systematic analysis and study' of units larger than the sentence is pos— sible, nor even that such analysis is desirable, but rather that discourse analysis is a rock bottom necessity, i.e., all linguistic structure must ultimately be related to the structure of context. (Longacre 1978, p.249) The essential nature of discourse analysis is becoming clear to an increasing number of linguists. If a scientist is worth his salt, according to Talmy Givon, once he has established the rudimentary facts about a language on the basis of domains smaller than the paragraph, he will enlarge his data base to include more natural ranges such as dis— course (1979, p. 25). For syntax cannot be understood or explained without reference to its use in communication, since its structural properties are so linked to the properties of human discourse (ibid., p. 49). Phenomena which can only be adequately understood with— in the context of discourse include: definitization and the use of deictics; pronominalization; use of tense, aspect, mode and voice; word order phenomena; use of location and temporal expressions; uses of adverbial clauses; sequence signals and conjunctions; variation in length of syntactic units; and certain mystery particles and affixes (Longacre 1978). ‘_--_ _ __i ,' p- "a . 1' I _ "" fills akfitI-bfis' 5133*!“ 11-.":' qunta 3:." a! 1! .5 -azfi 31' Ganesha: ens' nan: zoruri enLna 10 {toss 1! .éidsiianf- e'i amino-z. 11:». -' = .-2- ‘:.-.1 ”fr.” - '1 1901 a a1 aietiafip -=.v---; -r -:- - ! ' a ' stifling-:1- 2 EreE-.-pr- ,F- .. - .. ‘ n‘ s _ \- 3 :2 anti-mm 9 2 Nowhere is this "rock bottom necessity“ more apparent than when one is working on an undescribed language. Espe- cially in cases where translations of elicited material are inadequate, certain of the phenomena listed above will re- main neaningless or at best hazy to the analyst until they are viewed within larger contexts. By determining the structure of discourse and looking at syntax in its relation to that structure, two interlock— ing corridors of discovery are opened. One relates the posited universal properties of human communication to dis- course in that language, and the other analyzes the language— specific ways of encoding those properties. This thesis is an attempt to do just that. Following an introduction to the theoretical framework used (tagmemic discourse analysis) in section 2.0, the notional or deep structure of five Nyarafolo texts will be described in sec- tion 3.0. Section 4.0 will focus on the surface structure of the texts as it relates to the deep, with special atten— tion to the way in which theme is highlighted. Nyarafolo, spoken by about 25,000 people in the area surrounding Ferkessédougou in the northern Ivory Coast, is a Gur or Voltaic language of the Niger-Congo family. Some— times called "Eastern Senari," it has usually been grouped with the Central Senari dialect cluster. Cebaara, desig— nated a regional language by the Ivory Coast government, is considered the central dialect of that cluster. A survey conducted by Boese, Boese and Mills in 1982 showed 3 approximately 78% mutual comprehensibility between Cebaara and Nyarafolo. Extensive linguistic work has been done on Cebaara, while Nyarafolo has not been described. The texts forming the data base for this study were elicited in Ferkessédougou, Ivory Coast, in 1982 from Laji Silué, my Nyarafolo language helper. They were tape— recorded, then transcribed and verified with the help of Mr. Silué. A brief sketch of the general structure of folk tales hi a Senufo language of Ghana is given in "Nafaara Tense— Aspect in the Folk Tale," (Jordan, 1978), and a forthcoming description of the phonology of Cebaara includes phonology at the discourse level (Mills, forthcoming). Two analyses of discourse in languages of the Ivory' Coast, outside the Gur group, exist: Béarth (1969) and Lynell Marchese's M.A. thesis on Godié discourse. In a paper presented at the African Linguistics Conference in 1983, Marchese deals with full noun and pronominal referents in Godié folk tales. The analysis presented here, with its wider scope and focus on personal narratives and procedurals, therefore represents a new step in the study of discourse in the Gur languages. 2.0 Theoretical framework Pike and Pike (1982) include three hierarchies in the principles they posit for the analysis of human (linguistic) behavior: phonological, grammatical, and referential. The referential hierarchy is defined as "a part-whole relation- ship between concepts. . . and their including structures of purposive behavior (e.g., identities which interact in events)" (p. 446). This hierarchy is characterized by net- work. or matrix structures or outlines, in contrast to the horizontal linear structures of the grammatical hierarchy. Depending on the language and purpose of a discourse, it may be organized as a particle, wave or field referential structure. When. a monologue has a clear progression and balance between themes or actions, with parts well—defined, it has a particle structure. An overlapping wave structure is posited for' a mono- logue in which a series of anticipating margins precede the nuclear high point, and the source of the emphasized (or nuclear) point is visible from the beginning and developed right to the end. A detective story which has clues planted from the start is given as an example. 5 A field structure is found in a monologue in which themes interlock only at crucial points in the discourse, otherwise acting as independent components which occasional- ly relate to each other. The interwoven structure results in a texture rather than an "outline;" Pike and Pike posit such 53 structure for the Sermon on the Mount in Matthew 5 (1982, pp. 240—242). The referential hierarchy includes the speaker's sum total of knowledge. Its study deals with the content of what a: speaker says, or his attitude or purpose in making his statement (ibid., p. 321). Its structure is that of the events which the stream of speech refers to, as opposed to grammatical structure which is that of the text as it is told (in which events may be out of chronological order) (Pike and Pike forthcoming, p. 61). Pike describes the constituents of constructions in all hierarchies in terms of a four—celled tagmeme whose features are slot, role, class, and cohesion. These features are filled in according to the level of a given constituent in the hierarchy. Since this analysis focuses on the refer— ential hierarchy, Pike's four—celled referential tagmeme is reproduced in Figure 1 below. Class refers to the substance of reference, what is seen or heard (events, identities, place relations, etc.) Slot denotes where those happenings are going on in time, space or the larger context, and with what prominence. Role refers to the purpose behind the events, and I a r . '3- .1'1 ‘S‘B‘IJ 6 cohesion to the system controlling the kinds of substance which can occur (Pike and Pike forthcoming, p. 31). Figure 1: Referential tagmeme (Pike and Pike 1982, p. 325) Slot: Where is the item on Class(es): Who or What, the including wave? specifically, is the form of the action; or the specific individual or thing performing it? Role: Why is the action Cohesion: How does this performed — to do what, item relate to others with what purpose? within the system; how Or what is the role does it govern them or identity of the actor how is it governed by or item? them? The analysis of the referential tagmeme is much less developed than it is for the grammatical tagmeme, and tagme— micists differ in their use of it, the notational technicali— ties, and even in their interpretations of what constitutes "role" and “class." This analysis draws from the work of Robert Longacre, Linda Jones and the Pikes, each of whom uses slightly different terminology and interpretations of how discourse structure should be described. The central disagreement concerns where the "notional", or role, relations belong. Pike and Pike maintain that "the referential form of (a) story involves, among other ele- ments, the kind of plot structure, the pattern of interweav- ing of events," and the identified characters and setting (Pike and Pike 1982, p. 7). The grammatical forni of the 7 story involves its order of presentation and the specific kinds of sentences, etc. chosen. For Longacre, the referential hierarchy has these ascen- ding levels: concept, frame ("script," in Jones' terms—-a repeatable, predictable sequence), universe of discourse, and the entire language (Longacre 1983, p. 334) Longacre feels, however, that all of his "notional" categories, including such discourse level features as plot structures, belong to the grammar of discourse, believing the grammatical surface structure and the notional structure to be more similar to each other than to referential—content structure (Longacre 1983, p.308). He describes the notional and surface structures as poles rather than as a dichotomy, using the metaphor of deep and surface to allow for expres- sion of intermediate or relative levels of depth. The deep structure categories are posited to belong to a universal catalog, applicable to all languages, though some languages may not use all of them (Longacre 1983, p. 91). Pike and Pike include Longacre's narrative deep structure features (such as exposition, inciting moment, developing conflict, etc.) as "roles" in their framework (Pike and Pike 1982, p. 247). Linda Jones, in her discussion of English expository discourse (1977), follows the Pikes' interpretations but uses different fillers for the classes--script—types rather than content—linked, substantive script names. 22 :2 1 .Wéfifl l5 eh“ ail-«mu cinnamon mid-3mg: (fitt'.g {EDIT 919590113 egsupnsi euinne ad: has l . ".[BflCL't'HMIu 314‘ 3') 11.5 fist-“l .,‘.r__“.--_'-'.a:ori .?i‘5 ~ (afffifnfiod . '; "Jam "r- 'r.‘-:.'IL-":'~:‘-T la-vr-E =-r-'.‘.:'-;.-; .i. ":-': ' -= 23”-: .22" mpg-=35:- I ' 1'1 ":2 5" -" .' _' --.-:‘..L-.r"' f ‘1'. I J . 8 To avoid confusion about hierarchies, I will adopt the term "deep structure" to refer to the notional categories of plot-like structures used by all of these scholars. Follow- ing Jones and Pike, "slot" will refer to the placement of the constituent on the "including wave," using such terms as nucleus, margin, pre-margin, post—margin. Discourse deep structure will be described using tree diagrams modelled on Jones' diagrams of referential structure but with content— specific discourse genres, paragraph or expository script types as class fillers, marked at the nodes. 2.1 Discourse genre differentiated Deep structure purpose may be expressed in terms of per- formative verbs which underlie the whole discourse, whether or not they show up in the surface structure. For example, the intention which nmtivates a narrative ndght be "I re— count," for a procedural might be "I prescribe," and for expository, "I explain" (Longacre 1976, p. 208). In analyzing a monologue, the performatives implied by the context in which the nwnologue was recorded need to be considered. If the discourse was prompted by an interroga— tive utterance, or by a proposal, it will contain evidence of that situation. For instance, it might lack the features of title and aperture that a discourse which was itself an initiating utterance would have (Longacre 1983, p. 264). Longacre differentiates narrative, procedural, exposi- -tory and hortatory discourse by the intersection of two .- 11:..- 9 primary parameters, chronological linkage and agent- orientation, and two secondary parameters, projected time and tension. The features of the primary parameters for the three kinds of discourse relevant to this analysis are (Longacre and Levinsohn 1978, pp. 103, 104): Narrative [+ chronological linkage] [+ agent orientation] Procedural [+ chronological linkage] [- agent orientation] Expository [— chronological linkage] [- agent orientation] The chronological linkage of procedurals is a function of time intervals, while it involves elapsed. time in the case of narratives (Longacre 1976, p. 201). Where the feature is [— chronological linkage], as for expository discourse, one finds logical linkage. Procedural is goal— or patient—oriented, and expository discourse is oriented towards those roles which go with equa- tive and descriptive clause types, in other words, subject~ matter-oriented. These generalizations characterize the dis- course as a whole, though embedded discourses of different genres, and various clauses throughout, will differ. Narrative, being [+ agent—orientation], features the agent or experiencer as the subject. Use of person is also correlated with this feature. Narrative normally uses first or third person, but person is non-specific or unnecessary for procedural and expository. In certain cultures it is entirely irrelevant for some procedurals (Gustaffson 1978, pp. 283-297). 10 The secondary parameter of projected time differen- tiates sub-types within genres. A story is a narrative which is [— projected time], while prophecy is [+ projected time]. A how—to-do—it procedural is [+ projected time], while a description of past customs is [- projected time]. An expository is usually [- projected time], but if the discourse explains future events it is [+ projected time]. The fourth parameter, tension, also differentiates sub— types within genres. A discourse which is [+ tension] will most likely have a climax of development which will be marked in the surface structure. In a narrative, this cli— max might be the point of confrontation, with a second cli- mactic point being the denouement or decisive event which makes resolution possible. These marked points in the sur— face structure are termed Peak and Peak' (Longacre and Levinsohn 1978, p. 105). An episodic narrative is [- ten— sion], with no build—up to a turning point, confrontation or point of heightened interest. Other discourse types can also be [+ tension]. Climax in a procedural is the target (or goal). In a hortatory discourse it. is a climactic exhortation, in an expository, the culminating or most satisfactory explanation (p. 105). This tension reflects a certain struggle, whether it be to persuade or to achieve clarity in spite of a difficult subject or lack of background on the part of the audience, 11 or a struggle to produce a product or carry through an activity (Longacre 1976, p.228). Each climax will be marked in language-specific ways in the surface structure; this is discussed in greater detail in section 4.5. 2.2 Deep structures of discourse types The levels in the referential hierarchy, with reference to discourse, can be summarized as follows (cf. Jones' dis— cussion in Jones 1977, pp. 132,133): performative interaction story/script event/points identity/concepts The first term in each of the pairs of terms is Pike's, geared to narrative discourse. Many intermediate levels have been added to these in the Pikes' forthcoming Text and Tagmeme; they are not necessary for this analy— sis. The second term is Jones', geared to expository dis— course. "Performative interaction" refers to the including context of the discourse. The second level, that of story or script, is the level at which the content of the discourse is organized. The term "script" is borrowed from computer science; it refers to the repeatable, predictable sequences which make up a referential configuration. Some scripts are culture- specific, such as the restaurant script which Jones' cites 1r u\. ._ .. .. .L. .3. .J— . . . _ . _ . . . u _ r . .. I. .w. ...\_ p. on F .. «all- 1.... ( I? 3". 12 as an example: in American culture, the sequence of entering a restaurant, ordering, being served, eating, paying the bill and leaving is predictable and repeatable, and part of the encyclopedia of knowledge of an American (Jones 1977, p. 116). Other scripts are universal. They are patterns of universal human behavior. These are the scripts of nmst interest for discourse analysis. Jones posits certain scripts within the domain of expository discourse, along with their constituents ("points"), and determines which point is nuclear or prominent for that script (Jones 1977, pp. 130-168). These script structures are summarized in Figure 2. A "script," then, provides the deep structure framework which organizes an expository discourse, whether it be an entire monologue or an embedded discourse within 21 mono- logue. It is comparable to the deep structure plot which organizes a narrative discourse, outlined in Figure 3 along with the terms for the surface structure which usually encodes it (Longacre 1983, p. 22). "- .. , . .L .'.. SCRIPT COMMENT l3 CONSTITUENTS NUCLEUS 2) Contrast 3) Description 4) Paraphrase 5) Evaluation 6) Explanation Subtype: Definition 7) Informal proof Subtype: Syllogism 8) List Figure 2: Expository scripts (Jones 1977, pp. Differ only in purpose Purpose: to inform Differ only in purpose Purpose: to persuade Item (2 or more) Facts about items Items (2 or more) Facts about items Thesis Details Thesis Restatements of thesis Thesis Thesis Evidence Item classification Contrast (to other items in same classification) Theorem Argunents Presuppositions Premises (2 related arguments) Theorem (deduced conclusion) Examples (Optional: classification) Synthesized statement Synthesized statement Thesis statement First statement of thesis Thesis statenent Thesis statement Item Theorem Conclusion Classification statement if present or: Balanced themes: list 130-168) l4 PLOT SURFACE STRUCTURE (surface features only) Title Aperture 1. Exposition Stage 2. Inciting Moment (Pre—Peak) Episodes 3. Developing Conflict 4. Climax Peak 5. Denouement Peak' 6. Final Suspense (Post—Peak) Episodes 7. Conclusion Closure (surface feature only) Finis Figure 3: Narrative plot (Longacre 1983, p. 22) It should be noted, once again, that the correlation between the points of a plot-like deep structure and the corresponding surface structure features is not exact, and the deep structure points may be encoded in varying ways specific to the given language or to the purpose of the composer of the discourse. For instance, Exposition may be encoded as an exposi- tory paragraph or discourse setting the stage, as a narra— tive paragraph or discourse, or as the introductory time and location margins of a paragraph which encodes the Inciting Moment. While the "usual" expectation is that Climax will encode as Peak and Denouement as Peak', Climax could encode as a Pre—Peak Episode and Denouement as Peak, or Climax as Peak and Denouement as a Post—Peak Episode. This kind of variation is pinpointed once the analyst begins to recognize the language—specific grammatical devices used to encode these points and that language's way of fleshing out the plot-like structures (Longacre 1983, p. 22). 15 This analysis does not deal with hortatory discourse, but several of the Nyarafolo texts are procedurals or include them. Thus we also need a point-structure for a procedural: Point-structure Constituents Nucleus Procedural Target Target Steps (Alternate pro- (Alternate Target) (Alternate cedure) (Alternate Steps) Target) Figure 4: Procedural plot The Target is the nuclear constituent, correSponding to the Climax of narrative plot; its content, whether in the form of a procedure or step—like point, represents the goal of that procedural. The steps are marginal in the sense that they are other-than—nuclear. "Marginal" as used in this analysis does not connote optionality, though it does connote non—prominence. Alternate Targets and Steps occur when differing condi- tions or cirucumstances lead to a different procedure (as in the text "Birth;" see description in section 3.3). When an alternate procedure occurs, I treat the two parallel proce— dures as nuclei of the main procedural. For an example of the way in which such a plot—like structure works in the same way as a script, we can look at the Nyarafolo text on “Marriage", which includes a sequence of embedded procedurals (see Figure 11, p. 47, section 3.4). Each of them can be given a culture-specific referential la— bel, such as the marriage—arranging procedure, the 16 cultivating-for-future-in-laws procedure, the final-gift- exchanging procedure, the living-with-fiancée procedure and the in—laws—consent procedure. Yet underlying each of these is the formal structure which is probably universal. While I have not found this particular procedural point- structure specified elsewhere, other analysts have recogniz- ed the climactic nature of the target procedure (using that term) and have analyzed the procedural paragraph as consist- ing of a series of steps (cf. West 1973, on Wojokeso proce— durals, cited in Longacre 1983, pp.32-33,300). As will be specified later in section 4 on paragraph structure, Nyarafolo procedural paragraphs have the same deep structure framework as procedural discourse. In those cultures where the procedural genre of dis- course exists, it is usually considered a teaching device. However, it can also be used to tell an outsider how any- thing is done by that society or an individual within it (Gustaffson 1978, p.283). In some non—literate communities, procedural discourse is rare or non-existent; there, learn— ing is done by participation rather than instruction and the verbal components do not become a monologue. However out— siders have not found it difficult to elicit procedurals, perhaps because of the genre's usefulness in explaining acti— vities, leading to the rapid development of the genre in that language (Longacre 1976, p.206). 17 2.3 Theme Longacre and Levinsohn describe cohesion in discourse in terms of interwoven strands which run throughout the discourse. For a narrative, there is the event-line, also termed the "backbone" of the narrative, which is formed of the successive events; this is opposed to background, which may be formed of successive times or places. The agent-line tracks the major participant, with minor participants off the line. When conversation is part of the discourse, a repartee—line is also present. For hortatory and expository discourse the conceptual or logical development forms a strand (Longacre and Levinsohn 1978, pp. 106,107). For proce— durals, the step—line (including the target) is a strand as opposed to the background margins (as for narrative). Another strand for which clues might appear throughout the discourse is that of focal intention, or the performa— tive context of the discourse (why it was told, how elicited etc.) (Longacre and Levinsohn 1978, pp. 106,107). The most important strand, and that on which this analy- sis is focused, is the structure—defining strand which makes a particular discourse that discourse and not some other one. Jones asserts that this is theme (Jones 1977, p. 112). She defines it as referential prominence, paralleling focus as grammatical prominence and emphasis as phonological pro— minence. These are often mutually reinforcing in a text. The job of the author or composer of a discourse is to build on the abstract outline (or "backbone"), expanding it l8 inns a whole story, etc. The analyst's job is to reverse this procedure, abstracting the "backbone" from the finished product (Longacre and Levinsohn 1978, p. 105). What is structurally-defining will differ for each genre of discourse. The key to unearthing the deep struc- ture of a discourse is determining what is thematically prominent, for the theme of a construction is its nuclear constituent. In Figures 2 and 4 the nuclear constituent of the point-structures was indicated. In each case that constituent corresponds to the focal point, or peak, of a discourse. Thus the nuclear constituents of deep structure plot are Climax and Denouement (when it is included). These are the most prominent points in a discourse, and are usual— ly the most marked in the surface structures. Highest—level themes are the most general; the highest- level theme of a text will be the one which spans the entire text, within which all of its parts relate or towards which they move. Below that are n—ary themes, numbered upwards in a pattern following a general to specific gradation. The lower the level of the theme the more specific it is (Jones 1977, pp. 155,156). Relating this concept to a procedural discourse, the highest level theme will be the Target. Where there is a strand of targets running through the text, as is true in the Nyarafolo texts, this target—line would have secondary thematicity. Within these secondary divisions, other l9 discourses may be embedded as well; the nuclear constituents of these tertiary levels will be tertiary themes, and so on. For a narrative, the Climax and Denouement have primary thematicity and the event—line carries the secondary-level themes. The nuclear constituents of configurations embedded at various levels within the span of the event-line have corresponding n-ary thematicity. Jones' applied "theme" to expository discourse, but noted that the narrative event-line is thematic in the same sense (Jones 1977, p. 112). The further applications of the notion are my own. 2.4 The composer's role; skewing of deep and surface features The influence of the composer, or speaker (the "narrator" for narratives), is pervasive; he has many stylistic options open to him. On the clause level he can encode various cases as the subject or object, for example, making the patient 111 a procedural the experiencer for at least part of the text. He can choose active or passive voice. A concept can be encoded as a sentence or a paragraph. He may also appeal to himself as an authority or interject his own experience. Deep structure purpose may be disguised by being en— coded as a different surface structure form than that to which it usually corresponds. A deep structure hortatory may be encoded by a narrative (as for fables). A procedure 20 may be encoded as a. narrative, the underlying purpose of telling how-it-is-done being disguised by the telling of a story, as of how—I—did-it or how—a-master—craftsman—did—it. The importance of the composer and the choices that he makes as he encodes the discourse cannot be underestimated. In these cases, he chooses to skew deep structures when do- ing so results in increased Vividness. On a “Vividness" scale the discourse genres would rank (Longacre 1976, pp. 208, 209): (drama) MOST VIVID narrative procedural expository hortatory LEAST VIVID Figure 5: Vividness scale The fact that narratives and procedurals are not uncom— monly encoded as each other implies that they do not differ much in Vividness. Narrative, however, is more specific, while procedural is more general. Drama is a sub—type of narrative, with different surface structure features; it is the most vivid of the genres. Such skewing increases the network-like nature of some referential configurations. _fi 1,, .1 . 21 2.5 The grammar of discourse The tagmemic belief in a trimodal structure is: ...a belief that the whole of language may be de- scribed by any one component, (i.e. the whole dis- course may be handled in terms of its phonology, the whole discourse in terms of its grammar, or the whole discourse in terms of its content or colligational structure) (Longacre 1983, p. 332). A main assumption of discourse analysis in this frame- work is that a discourse has grammar, that there exist gram— matical discourses and paragraphs, and. that 'this structure can be described in terms of slot—class units which are de— rived from a deep structure (though, as discussed earlier, interpretations of it may differ). These units have a tree- structure and the surface structures can be marked overtly (Longacre 1983, p. 333). The surface structure outline of a discourse consists of functional slots. For a narrative, these are episodes (acts, for drama); for expository and hortatory discourse, they are points; for a procedural, procedures (Longacre and Levinsohn 1978, p. 105). These slots may be given more precise names depending on their place on the discourse wave, such as Longacre's terms "Pre-Peak Episodes" or "Closure." Ordinarily these slots are each expounded by a paragraph or an embedded discourse. An embedded discourse may not have exactly the same structure as an independent, unembedded one, just as an embedded sentence may have a different structure than an independent one. 22 Compound discourses are also possible, consisting of two or more embedded discourses forming one whole (the Epistle to the Ephesians is given as an example: an exposi— tory and then a hortatory discourse make up the text) (Longacre and Levinsohn 1978, p. 104). Many discourses have a formulaic way of beginning, termed the "aperture," and a formulaic ending, the "finis." The slot following the aperture is Stage for narrative, Introduction for other genres. Closure, containing a discourse—content—specific conclusion, precedes the finis (p. 104). The paragraph is the developmental unit of discourse, not to be confused with the orthographic convention of indenting a text. The "point" that it expounds in the case of a hortatory discourse can be characterized as argumenta— tion or exhortation, as explanation or exposition in the case of an expository discourse, as episode for narrative (Longacre 1983, p. 295) and as procedure for procedural. These paragraphs may include sections as long as "chapters", in the case of a novel or other book. But it is not necessary to use such intermediate levels as chapters and sections; one only needs discourse, paragraph and sentence plus the possibility of recursion, according to Longacre (p. 272): Thus the constituents of a discourse are dis— course level slots which are filled either by a pa— ragraph or an embedded discourse (with the latter ultimately composed of paragraphs as well). Simi— larly, the constituents of a paragraph are para- graph level slots which are filled by sentences or 23 paragraphs (with the latter ultimately composed of sentences as well). The outline structure of a paragraph will include a nucleus, differing depending on the discourse genre, and margins. A pre—margin of a paragraph could be a sentence or one—word link such as "Now..." or "First...;" post-margins are also possible (Pike and Pike 1982, p. 234). A minimal paragraph is a sentence; a maximal one is a discourse. The paragraph is thus defined as the constituent normally filling a surface structure slot of a discourse, for this analysis. 3.0 Description of the deep structure of five Nyarafolo oral texts 3.1 Heuristic Deep structures provide the framework which is encoded on the surface in grammatical and phonological ways. One can expect the surface structure to have features similar to those of the deep structure but to mark them less consis- tently (sometimes roles are not marked overtly in a lan- guage; this does not mean that the relations do not exist (see discussion in Pike and Pike 1982, p. 247)). The purpose of this part of the analysis was to extract the bare bones of the deep structure framework from each of five texts, working from the surface structure. A blocking chart, an adaptation of the kind of chart used by Linda Jones for expository discourse, proved a use— ful tool (see Figure 6). The text was copied into the left—hand column, putting each phrase marked off by pauses on a separate line. The "structure" column was left blank until the last step. The following columns permitted the pinpointing of grammatical features for each phrase and sentence. Concepts/identities/events were isolated in the last column by writing in key words from each phrase, usually the subject, object and verb (though this varied 24 25 E: Jam .55 2:8. .83 :5 1 u: oi. ...a .95.»?! 3.583 m as. cw 952:5... “SNINVFK; 0559. .w: 000.. w: a: .3.” .85 2 2:85 to B San E :3 is 2% .2: Sons 3 533128.628:3~. n3 3:8 BB 152.“. a one we 2: .2855 as no.3 bid.— a 3 ya 2 95 333382 3.5g 3 r : $6 1. i=3: ms 3 a .2 9.160: 95 Fonda: 6‘5 2:: 5:5. 98 339...: 39:8 in: 5,5. ax... 2;. 23: 1:66 2;: 1. «8 zen: o .533 >53 05 E fibula—:0 ans : ..E S S 3. :88» z...) :95 7535 :28. firm—m. 5 >53 391:3 “and. 3 c7 a~m> on a: £11... :3 AS: .12” $3ch ufi E 3 ya no 50> an)! 332 5 8:535 2n :.....6. 2:8. 2;: «.5 1. {5.1—m fl can u: w» .0 :83: :22 5. x its. .35 22:: our 5 16:633. 2:8. .1: .83 e. a A .n J. 05105:) EEC; Pi: >w£u GT! 11: 73$. 21:: ..m::._ 2.8.1.2:533. .55. 2a: 5.3 77255 mi! we. I. a: .5 153. 4.. 0 .Sn [Subscripts in participant reference column are Figure 6: Sample blocking chart keyed to participants] 26 according to the clause type). Certain ideas as expressed by verbs and participant interactions grouped naturally to— gether, especially when one particular strand of related events or concepts could be traced through repeated words or verbs of the same semantic class. Circles were drawn around these groupings, together with the grammatical devices noted for that portion of text. Within these circles smaller groupings were evident. In this way the paragraph divisions were determined (“paragraph" being the unit of theme— development). Of the ideas grouped together certain ones were promi- nent, standing out as most important in a section, often by the emphasis given them. These were posited to be the nuclear constituents of a configuration. The less prominent concepts/events then filled out the point—structure and the script— or plot—type was identified. In some cases the non—linear and superimposed nature of the deep structure was finally untangled through reference to the performative context in which the text was elicited; the repartee relations corresponding to that context gave the necessary clue to the composer's purpose, and thus to the overall deep structure type. The deep structure was then mapped out visually via a tree or network diagram. Given the network—like nature of deep structure and the possibility of the surface and deep structures being out of phase with each other at certain points, these network diagrams sometimes have lines that 25 “3:832. F)... .3! 795 13 E 8 3. 5,.) .5... L1! 7:5 5;...— chfin A ...2: I] , Er— # cumin... :5: 1.3 H: E. 52.. 7.55.521. .24....4157. in: £05 awn. aa> ac: Jun. .55 2:8. in: :5 M> u: 5.. .QCLEEB 3:293 m “Em aw Bias have; M: 88 x. as. .88 8 sad to 3 2n. 3 :3 8» 28 .1... 2.5% S span 2.8. :8 28:33 2.. $23 Rs: 13.2.“. we Bo we 2... .2335 g “68 >:mflu c 3 um um vac 39:3 .852 303% on i 2 $6 we find: m» a. a £460: 6:0 macaw—d: 5.5 :2: 52:: ME ~58: anion .33 6:! L911 nzx was: T550 25>: 1. 43 guns: n .533 >53 as 5 .Ouuiia 50> E imam .0233 __m..n= Age: 5 >52 sgqfla .93. 3 as «is on E .31: :8 3.. a Juiced—m up: 5 S Di. 3 50> 7315 Dean. 5 8.5.5.5 use 2.123 2:8. SAN. ...a 1. £5}: 2 can u. 2 IE :05 rd. 3 >58 >w£u .955. an... 5 End .83 28. 2a: .025 1. u: mu. .fi 3165:) “522:: Yin >29 51.! Trim. :5: 5...... 283 19:5 3m: .56. .33 55 3.. we. a .c .3 25.. w. a yarn—WK?! . Ann .umn . a: .3.“ Figure 6: Sample blocking chart [Subscripts in participant reference column are keyed to participants] 26 according to the clause type). Certain ideas as expressed by verbs and participant interactions grouped naturally to- gether, especially when one particular strand of related events or concepts could be traced through repeated words or verbs of the same semantic class. Circles were drawn around these groupings, together with the grammatical devices noted for that portion of text. Within these circles smaller groupings were evident. In this way the paragraph divisions were determined ("paragraph" being the unit of theme— development). Of the ideas grouped together certain ones were promi- nent, standing out as most important in a section, often by the emphasis given them. These were posited to be the nuclear constituents of a configuration. The less prominent concepts/events then filled out the point—structure and the script— or plot—type was identified. In some cases the non—linear and superimposed nature of the deep structure was finally untangled through reference to the performative context in which the text was elicited; the repartee relations corresponding to that context gave the necessary clue to the composer's purpose, and thus to the overall deep structure type. The deep structure was then mapped out visually via a tree or network diagram. Given the network—like nature of deep structure and the possibility of the surface and deep structures being out of phase with each other at certain points, these network diagrams sometimes have lines that babes: awzwb 519i seismic 59300 annivaf Teo{:smnsap relisms reiswio .93- {Hi-5 .arslw aixnnmea ems: ed: 10 sdiui fr? r'u . r {-17.9 ME" -_;m-':p $83111 nifin.“ H'. '- -'i 1.- :‘*'H =n. sci 27 cross, points that are out of their order in the surface structure wave, and themes that are split (often through the use of paraphrase or repetition). Some of these networks are better understood as field structures rather than as particle or wave structures. Three of the texts which were studied, "Funeral,“ "Rice Cultivation" and "Marriage," are provided in the Appendix along with both word-for—word and free translations. 3.2 Personal narratives Two of the texts studied proved to be straightforward personal narratives. The performative context for them was similar, as I asked Laji Silué, "Tell me about what you did this last year when you planted your inyam crop," and, "Would you tell me about your trip to the funeral a few weeks ago?" The only verb expressing performative intent oc- curs in "Inyam Planting", in the aperture mi be juu ("I will speak/tell"), and this verb expresses more the intent to "discourse" on a topic than to "narrate" or "recount." (It also occurs in the procedurals.) Both "Inyam Planting“ and "Funeral" have the features for narrative genre: [+ chronological linkage] [+ agent orientation] [- projected time] [+ tension] The third and fourth parameters occurring together classify the discourses as stories which move toward a climax. The surface structure marking of both Climax and I 7"}‘3. flan} u humans-ii ' ' ' I .fiexu39u*3n mm: :o 91: 1 . ._ l . 1 III lhfflig - . “411 se'xil'l' ‘ :- " v 931E“ ".Iecernfi" .batbuse Lisa "93'; - 1: 30 I fifl VJEHNQfiA .=* in ‘5 iiflla 15 '.-'-'-xr} .- -"="'i#i04 28 Denouement, and of the corresponding nuclear constituent of other plot-structures, was similar in all five texts and facilitated the identification of these points (see detailed description in section 4.5). The rest of the framework was then similarly illuminated. “Inyam Planting" has a pre—margin, filled by an aper- ture and culture—specific greeting script (points: voca- tive, appropriate time reference), and a post-margin which is filled by a finis and a farewell script (similar to the greeting script). These expound the deep structure perfor- mative introduction and performative conclusion. The body of the text (between the pre- and post- margins) has a narrative plot structure, with a nwrgin—as— Exposition filled by a phrase, margin—as—Inciting Moment filled by a narrative paragraph, margin—as—Development filled by a narrative paragraph (which includes three em— bedded. paragraphs), followed by a. nucleus—as—Climax. filled by a narrative paragraph (which includes embedded definition and explanation scripts), then a margin—as-Conclusion filled by an expository paragraph. A summary of the content is as follows: This year, my father and I spent two days preparing the mounds. The third and fourth days, with the help of my wife, we cut and planted the stored inyams. The fifth and sixth days the women made shelters for each mound with leaves to keep off the sun (Climax) so the shoots could grow. Then my mounds were finished for this year (Conclusion). o_".‘éfl. “1190B”!!! . .- '- .be:tontlmi!l until-ll tau-i} .ntmsm—om e. 'n’i "wni‘nLI-i main!" ' . Jain-Q) 1qiana :n‘_9.jz ' I.‘ ' ' '1'” .7]U: iT'l-i‘ Iii'. . ri:..- I- "--.:"rrr—"r‘rrrr: v - -- ' ' '. - ' - V23 . i l Paragraph Mounds ’2; ’0 I 4’» Z 0 o 5 - zu-l 17 18 Post—Mar Perlormalive Conclusion' Mar Conclusion Explanafion: Shade Contrast With/without Shade #9, 19a 19b 20 21 larntive Paragraph Finished Mounds : '2 = '5- 0 fl - - : k: :0 u as: 2; i 5 22a 22b-e 23 30 The schematic for "Funeral" is similar but the encoding of the network differs. There is no pre—margin-as-performa- tive introduction, and the post-margin—as—performative conclusion consists of the simple finis. Perhaps this is because the performative context, including Mr. Silué's exchange with me as I made clear the topic to be treated, made a greeting and aperture superfluous. This was one of the earlier monologues elicited; in later sessions Mr. Silué relied less on my preliminary support--he would help to decide the topic and then treat the discourse as a formal monologue. The nargin—as—Exposition is filled by a reported dia— logue which sets the stage for the story. Margin—as—Incit- ing Moment is filled by a narrative paragraph, as is margin- as—Developing Conflict. Nucleus—as—Climax is filled by a narrative paragraph which inludes embedded paraphrase and explanation scripts. The deep and surface structures are out of phase in the following slots; deep structure Denoue— ment is encoded as the second of two post-Peak episodes, each slot filled by a narrative paragraph. The narrative paragraph which expounds Denouement, however, includes an embedded explanation script. The margin—as—Conclusion contains three back—reference and time margins in the sentence which concludes the story (bringing the travelers home), and then a short embedded explanation script. Briefly summarizing, the story begins with the report of a friend's request that Laji Silué come to a funeral "' "@395: . ___. Jam-".9... magi.» a Ii- 13’ Wt " ’ grams .11! reliant-Sni- air-dune munitions; at! ' Junie"? 9.6 or 2:40“. .r-rlzt In P- 95:54- ! as an (Hi. 99“ d I s 3]] “m e'nr- "ea; -'::.:' _;.. ..r '7‘.'-q-"._ .1. -s " . 22:53-19 5 3* “i! *h :-aae. . iii“ -. J..‘ I f, _- a «I .I’al’a“ They p Narrative Ate Paraphrase: They played 19a 19b 1 '5'. -: ‘.‘ if 3556!} IQI‘M dial!" 1mm: 94!! ‘30 a'finlie .11 raibvhnt .txdnc': furifimrxai'lsq MI: E .bfijb'wfi 9d n3'22303 adj 1rw!* 21a; 7 $5 an d4iw e:nndaxo' -;| . -. -.|: "m {ry- .m. i. :‘ .e-u-u‘ ilk-3;":- -.., '5 "= . :. :1-- '- “ham :lll .“H .fi;aa9- - .' :1u_- . n -: 4' :1 2 J‘ I ;:- r, 5 x a' l Na rrative Ate Pa raphrase: They played 17d 18 19a 19b 1' 32 celebration planned by his wife's relatives. In the Incit- ing Moment, Laji meets the friend in town and sends the friend's wife back to his village ahead of them; there (Deve— loping Conflict) they meet her, load up with her baggage (including sacks of rice) and proceed to the funeral. The Climax is the long trip by motorbike, emphasized through a lengthy paraphrase script and an explanation. In the Final Suspense section the rice gift is given and accepted and the musicians play all night, then (Denouement) the visitors eat some beef provided by the funeral hosts, a custom which is explained with attention to the relative wealth of the hosts and the number of cattle they kill. Afterwards the visitors take their leave and go home. The personal narratives thus contain no surprises in terms of their deep structures. The use of expository scripts in expounding the Climax and Denouement is note- worthy, especially since it occurs in the other texts as well. In the one Nyarafolo folk tale to which I can refer, this does not seem to be a feature of either Climax or Denouement. It seems likely that the explanations and definitions, especially, were included for the benefit of the foreign audience, perhaps to make sure that the big point was not being missed. Further comparisons in the field, to texts recorded in more naturalistic contexts, are called for. A description of the structure of the folk tale in Nafaara (a related Senoufo language) by Dean Jordan (1978) “f: 33 discussed the use of tense and aspect in relation to the following general outline of the folk tale (p. 85): i l) performative introduction 2) story introduction 3) body 4) summary : 5) conclusion In the optional performative introduction and conclu- sion, the composer or narrator interacts with his audience, and interjects himself. In the introduction he greets them, introduces himself and describes briefly what he is about to do. In the conclusion he may use just the formulaic finis ("It ends") or he may add a personal comment or two to the audience as well (pp. 87,88). This is a perfect description of the performative sections of the Nyarafolo texts used here, indicating that the monologue structures recorded were fairly naturalistic. 3.3 Procedurals The texts "Rice Cultivation“ and "Birth" are procedural discourses. To elicit them, I asked Mr. Silué to tell me about rice cultivation, and at aa later date, about birth, among the Nyarafolos. The resulting texts are both proce- durals of the type that explain current customs to an out- sider, not with the intent of prescribing a set of steps to accomplish a goal but intending to outline the steps normal- ly pursued within that culture. The features of the four parameters differentiating genres are, for these procedur— als: no-tanlonoo (E :- ] I -- ' i - flue-arr mt: :-. it"s: - ~ - :m '3".i'1‘.‘m1C-_1'2GC 15110] no 963 a! ' ".11.- .. . _=. __ '.. ',__,.. - -_ 73'. '53 .15- -:I v: I“ '_3,._-. 1.3'.‘ rid? .301: "- I n p ”I. I .‘ D ..1 '.I :3 u. C- 3 J = ' . .“r I . I , .i . , ~.I 1 . l 34 [+ chronological linkage] [— agent orientation] [+ projected time] [+ tension] They are [— agent orientation] in that the focus is on the goal, for "Rice Cultivation," and on the process of giv- ing birth, for "Birth". However, there are times in the texts when the agent does come into focus, when it is impor— tant who is performing the action, for instance. The sur— face structure marks these points through the kind of par— ticipant reference used, phrase fronting, etc. (see section 4.3). They are [+ tension] in that both of the discourses mark a climax, a Target, as do the embedded procedurals which they include. The expression of performative intent comes in the aperture for each text, going something like this: r a; \ IN -\\ \ Sll Laji wi jee sienré d J de ("Laji Silué he intends to say certain specific words/a certain specific discourse") ("Rice Cultivation," line 2). It is repeated in the closure of each discourse: kré mi 'uu aa e ("That specific 'stuff' is what I have spoken")("Birth," line 45). As noted earlier, 133, to "speak/say", is the general verb of intent for producing a monologue. The performative introductions and conclusions for these texts are more extensive than for the narratives, in— cluding an introduction of the narrator and, for “Birth,“ a title. "Birth" lacks the usual finis, concluding with a ...- 439 in east-01:1 and as has Knohmvhm hh' lb! .-_ 911:! (‘1 39mm 931-: man-um} _._? 'i -- go out on the fourth day, they gave the child her name, a female one.“ (When conditional margins are not used to delineate the contrasting situations in these alternate procedurals, topicalization is used to bring about the change of focus.) Longacre and Levinsohn note that in Inga, change of location or temporal discontinuity indicate a paragraph break. However, breaks can also be marked by the absence of a link element: when this occurs, the analyst must decide whether the two elements are very closely associated and therefore juxtaposed or whether a major paragraph break occurs between them (Longacre and Levinsohn 1978, p. 118). The same situation exists in Nyarafolo. Usually para— graph breaks are marked by the kinds of margins noted above, with major breaks often characterized by a piling up of I _I . - gm _oigyrir-‘i E fII 7 '1‘; .3? .qq .M’u .Wu I -: .g ‘ I ‘ 'Ii ‘ 5L1: '13 'r -- ‘- _1-3 ‘-'_ _i " gag-(3!: fr? .‘ r rm: 1.7!, ...:n {£31.13 ‘ Lib-95'“ H: '-- J" " " " "m: ".-. . nod: 56 these margins. However there are times when no link at all is present. Most of the time juxtaposed sentences are very closely related; juxtaposition is even used within the ana— tomy of the sentence itself to tie together closely related ideas or events (cf. Longacre 1974, p. 263, for a discussion of this kind of conjoining). But occasionally a major para— graph break is marked by the absence of a time margin or linkage; the change of focus is expressed in the simple jux— taposed sentence which serves as introduction to the follow— ing paragraph. This occurs in "Rice Cultivation" in line 25, where the break is also marked by intonational features (the preceding sentence ends with very low intonation; this sentence is markedly' higher). The preceding paragraph de— scribes the calling together of male friends for a day of work on your farm; the paragraph beginning with line 25 describes the procedure of threshing the grain. Line 25 introduces the new verb, Egg, "thresh,", and the aspect of "movement towards," which indicates change of location and the approach to a new event: é ne énni mub wuu sén we ("you come to thresh yours (your rice)"). The other occurrences of juxtaposed paragraphs also come within major discourse breaks, in other words, between embedded paragraphs within the major sections of a dis- course. When a monologue is a compound, made up of several discourses, the parts are linked by phrases which refer back nnlaanaaih s 1 -r~1r_:_ '.'-F ur' - y.':_-:vr.:'-.--"..:.::o $08 .(xz-nimlotnoz: in huh! 81d! 30 ,E' -=' wifl - '. q?!fl'ufi 9’ gr w;wsm e; Ans-1 quup ‘unj ru- r =-- - . 9' 'n - v.1u4v an! :spnmz I . ..-_,: ;' if)" '1 r' :3' . I . . 57 to the entire preceding content (usually using a .52. pro- noun). Therefore the sentence margins are a good indication of the orientation of the monologue or of embedded discourses, revealing a focus on time, events, participants, or logical linkage. In addition, the linking words themselves have genre—specific uses. A, indicating temporal succession (the notional "and then" relation), is used almost exclusively in the personal narratives. It introduces an independent sentence and con— joins clauses which have a different subject. When the subject is the same for two conjoined clauses, it does not occur; the tense-mode—aspect particles of the verb phrase function as the conjunctions (cf. Boese 1983, pp. 28,29). For example, see “Funeral," line 17, where a conjoins two clauses (each with a different subject) to the initial clause, which is also introduced by a. In line 8 of the same text, however, the conjoined clause (having the same subject as the initial clause) is realized as a verb phrase with 22 functioning as the conjunction. This use of a occurs only once in any of the proce— durals, in "Rice Cultivation," line 40, where it links two clauses (with differing subjects) in the dependent sentence which fills the cause margin. (When the subject changes within the sentence nucleus in other incidences in the procedurals, the clauses are separated by pauses and no conjunction is used.) In every other case a functions I). _ ‘.': r ti Isa-1‘90]. ‘.n . ainsqm‘ 915g . aimsw-v .mn-‘H no 01:90! I' pull-"flu 1"" l‘ _-3 svmi 51+ 1.11:1 zefi'n'vw {miz'n'rs' ‘21-: .-'H."‘-’bb§ r'I .apulnfl ‘ " ' a' \ - I _ I - .| . I ‘i n ‘P- ‘.' 1 ..A f! ..' . n' I I u'. . ... IIIA a - ..‘1 E,““ _ ' . .o".'-' . 58 either as "when", in an adverbial clause filling a time margin, or as "if" in a conditional margin or sentence. These usages also occur in the narratives (the latter usu— ally in embedded expository discourses, however). The two genres are thus distinguished by the extremely rare use of a to conjoin clauses in a procedural, and the complete absence of its use as "and then" to link sentences. Another word indicating temporal succession, b_a, was an analytic enigma before this discourse study was under- taken. The translation given by Mr. Silué was "when," just as for a, and the usage was seemingly the same. It occurs most frequently in the "Birth" procedural. When the contexts were compared, it became evident that g is used when the event or situation described in the clause happened at a time anterior to the time frame of the larger including context, or which had been discussed earlier in the dis— course. It could be translated "when, previously." In line 21, the action of the preceding clause (having an affair with another man) happens after the woman is already preg- nant by her husband, so be; is used in the second clause to indicate the anterior nature of the conception. In line 28, the use of ha is less straightforward, as similar adver— bial clauses use a (see line 36), but the aspect particle kenni places the action of that sentence in the accom— plished past, and the use of E to introduce the clause most likely reinforces the fact that the business of giving birth is completely finished before the husband is called. h--..-: far-s ..‘rtzr-zv-r. a ri cam-Jo niol'noo 0;! i I ' --v-:-*--r-.+'=..':- and " 1 E15" :2! ‘.'-en mi 3.0 abused: .- , - : .; V l . ' 59 In line 35, this interpretation is reinforced by the use of 92. in a similar context but where ‘gg, the anterior past particle, is used in the clause. In lines 41-42 g; is used again, this time in a paragraph referring specifically to traditional custom by contrast with more modern practice (see line 40). Ea does not occur in the narratives studied. 4.1.3 Structural characteristics Paragraphs belonging to different genres of discourse have identifying characteristics beyond the nature of their sentence margins. The narrative paragraph in Nyarafolo is episodic, usu— ally consisting of a sentence or sentences made up of long chains of verb phrases, each one representing an event or contributing to the macro-event of that paragraph. This is particularly true in the monologue "Funeral," where all of the narrative paragraphs except the one encoding Climax are characterized by verb phrase chains which each express an event (see network diagram, Figure 8). “Inyam Planting" has similar long chains. The procedural paragraph, by contrast, has the same basic structure as a procedural discourse. It usually be— gins with a margin—as—Background (a time margin, etc, cross— referencing to the previous paragraph), then Steps and a Target, not necessarily in that order. The subject and patient of a paragraph are usually the same throughout, and . ii 12$1Jnoa {a MD} 1:." .. -' '15:: .(cn en.l can) ‘.' :r:-. {—.'-")1: :5 u: Juan-1m . .u' 60 the location may change at the end of the paragraph. Each major paragraph represents one time frame. Expository paragraphs may place the thematic statement anywhere in the paragraph, though it is usually at either the beginning or the end. The rest of the paragraph develops or exposits this main idea. Paragraphs of this genre stand out mainly by virtue of the predominance of equative, identive, and descriptive clauses and conditional sentences. The repetition of events, identities or concepts pro— vides a strand of lexical ties which shows the relatedness of grammatical parts and thus aids in the identification of paragraphs (cf. Pike and Pike forthcoming, p. 25). The kind of lexical item repeated also correlates with the paragraph type. In the procedurals and narratives the repeated verbs formed the key strands, though in the procedurals and the narrative "Inyam Planting" the patient was also important. However, the patient is often not repeated, especially in the long chains. In the expository paragraphs nouns and adjectives most often form1 the lexical ties, but in some cases, as when the normal activities allowed a pregnant woman are being described ("Birth," lines 6—15), the verbs and adverbs are in focus. 4.2 Tense/mode/aspect 4.2.1 The Nyarafolo system Many deep structure notions are expressed in the tense/mode/aspect system of the Nyarafolo verb phrase, 61 including spatial relationships, time, phase, purpose and other modalities. This complicated system still has many secrets, but several of its features were elucidated by looking at them in the context of discourse. First, we will briefly summarize this system and the verb phrase. The simplest verb phrase is described by this formula (for a fuller discussion of the verb phrase in a different theoretical framework, cf. Boese 1983, pp. 22—36): _ Mar TMA P Ad NP Nuc v VP ‘ + TMA i + Pred The TMA P is the tense/modality/aspect phrase, the initial element of the verb phrase. When an object noun phrase, or adjunct (Ad), occurs, it follows the 'HMA ZP and precedes the verb. (Any postpositional phrases expressing location, instrument or accompaniment follow the verb.) The TMA P is obligatory; when it does not appear on the surface it is filled by the present completive tense, marked by ¢. The TMA elements include aspectual tonal melodies in addition to the other particles. Past and future tense are marked by the aspect par- ticles and also by anterior/projected time morphemes; it is not necessary that both be present to mark past/future. The continuous/completive (or possibly perfect/imperfect) dis- tinction is extremely important. It is marked by tonal melo- dies, aspect particles, and also by alternating continu- ous/completive suffixes on some verbs. ilflfi 4 r: a aid: swimming: '{Iiend Uh! or -”K 31 naaxflq dwsv fasrqmie sdT _. C- Mien-1"." 'r.‘ fifi.‘ '1 15 .:.-r-:'- - ' --- - --.‘ 1:3) (tutti; 11.13 -._- :3"? .onndq d1" ' 5111mm) :neue‘iib 62 Displacement towards or away from the time or location reference point (in the discourse context) in the perfor- mance of an action is also an important aspectual feature. In English an equivalent would be something like: “X, going, V—ed" or "X, coming, V—ed," for spatial displacement, and "until X happens," or "it comes to happen," for temporal displacement. Both the continuous/completive and the spatial/temporal displacement distinctions can also be expressed by a verbal construction involving auxiliary verbs (other notions ex— pressed via these constructions include inception, termina— tion, and success). Modals also occur, expressing obligation, necessity, ability, and continuation. Expressed (verbalized) intent, purpose/volition (desiderative) and hortative particles occur TMA—phrase- initially. 4.2.2 Tense/mode/aspect use in personal narratives Each discourse type favors a certain selection of TMA particles for the thematic strand of development, using dif— ferent selections to mark other strands. The TMA system thus provides the discourse with cohesion, and may indicate what genre of discourse a particular text represents or the part of the discourse or paragraph to which a sentence be- longs (Longacre and Levinsohn 1978, p. 107). . .. . EM . I ' u 3*; ". a 0‘. canon :1" to ' ' - ~ . . ' . ' 'H '(1:"-c:n.:“ ‘. r I l' i f‘ 1' r , \ . ~ . ‘ r 9' TE“: moo" ' m" 'M-rr- mm " ' was?“ 1 932-!" M- .iaamEDEIfiFrb [azoqmes 'i 11* :dn jflgfl - "r "z.- u= t ; ....— .n ..... \ \ 63 For the personal narratives, the present tense marks the backbone, the event-line. The time frame is set in the time margins of the Stage section, as in the opening phrase of "Funeral", line 1: Lelé laa ni mi kadonwb waa en baa mi maa . . . (Some time Iago my friend came to me. . .). The first action in a series of conjoined verb phrases is in the present completive (which is best transla- ted by the English past tense), and the rest are in present continous, joined together by the present continuous par- ticle pg. Displacement to and from the locational point of reference in the discourse is marked frequently on the event line, most often by aspectual particles. Time margins use the present completive as well, but often also use the accomplished past particle kenni (see “Funeral," lines 4,5,and 9), which is rarely used elsewhere. Past tense, expressed by the anterior particle 9g, is used in the "Funeral" text at the beginning of the Peak para- graph, in three consecutive sentences. Rather than report— ing main events it is used for cohesion, summarizing the event (and the setting for it) which is about to be in focus as the climactic one. In the paragraph preceding the Peak, preparations for departure 1x) the funeral celebration were completed and the group set off. In this section, the narrator says, "Those ones of us, we had gone to the funeral and went to get there. They had said it is far. They had said to LE it is really far." The rest of the paragraph .11. ’W..1' 6H .__.__ a 1.. u-" ..., 'g' *en-ri~~w lo 293199 5 11 noiswr 337:: eflT .(. . .9. at 3 W -I' FA = ’ -1 21 fluidwi svi‘riatr 1-srrw- --f n* a} agaaxdq 1" «...... "4 1:. . - -- - e.'."r.r'.:i :rH Lo; ‘ "f ' if ’ C a I turn.: - ‘ ’ Io ‘.' Jul‘ I l . . . 64 emphasizes the length of the trip and the completion of it (see "Funeral,“ lines 8-16). Intent to do something is expressed by jg (see "Funeral," lines 1,2). It is sometimes used in conjunction with ea displacement particle, s3, or with the desiderative be (which indicates volition or purpose). The particle ga is hortative: "that I should join him," and, "that she should go back to my village," ("Funeral, lines 2 and 4). Both of these occurrences are in the context of indirect quotations. The future tense, 92! is used to refer to events which have not yet taken place at that point in the story (as in "Funeral," line 1, the last embedded sentence). Anything) which is not in the immediate completive or continuous tense (except for the aspect particles expres— sing displacement), is off the event—line. It either re— ports background material, describes future intent or possi— bilities, or links sections. 4.2.3 Tense/mode/aspect use in procedurals The use of the TMA system in the procedural discourses is more complex. The present continuous tense, marked by the particle pg, carries the procedural step—line in most cases. Variation in the use of the customary' or habitual mode, nee, makes it difficult to make broader generaliza- tions. 65 The use of ne_e is consistent within a discrete dis— course, but may vary from embedded discourse to embedded dis- course within a monologue. It is used least frequently in "Rice Cultivation," where it marks a general truth, a piece of information off the thematic line about the customary manner of doing something. In lines 8 and 24, it stresses that it is the Nyarafolo custom to help each other with major farming tasks by going to each one's field in turn. In line 21, the way the grain gets from the field to the threshing floor is by being carried on the women's heads. In line 32, the customary mode indicates that nowadays a basin is used to winnow the grain (by contrast with tradi— tional baskets). In "Birth," the use of tie—e varies by section of the monologue. In the margin-as—Introduction, it is used in lines 6-9 to describe the customary activities of a woman in the early months of pregnancy: she keeps going to the fields, she keeps joining the collective work team, she keeps doing work, she keeps going to market. This is an expository paragraph, where the particle again has this gnomic function of indicating a generalization. gig is not used at all in the procedurals expound— ing the Target, but is frequent again in the margin as Step, the "recovery" procedural. There every step and the first statement of the Target use the particle: the husband goes to look for certain leaves, he comes and puts them in a water pot, they heat them, the woman bathes with them, and ”3.". 66 she recovers (lines 19—34). Each one of these clauses uses the customary mode, yet each one is definitely a step that moves the discourse forward to the Target, and includes the Target. This is radically different from the kinds of infor- mation it marked in the discourses already cited. The particle is used again twice in the last Step in the traditional procedural, each time in a way not dupli— cated in any of the other texts. Nyarafolo is character- ized by frequent chains of verb phrases, used especially often in the narratives studied (see previous discussion in section 4.1.3). This device is used in the two parallel pro— cedurals in lines 36-37 and lines 38 and 42. The detailed housecleaning steps which accompany the end of the mother's confinement are expressed in a sentence in such a chain. The first ones use the present continuous, n_e, and the last uses ne_e: "She picks up the rubbish, sweeps the whole house and picks up the rubbish, and, as is custom, throws it in the road" (line 37). Here it pinpoints what might seem to be peculiar, and what certainly goes against normal daily custom, as an integral part of this particular tradition. It is thus a variation of the gnomic function, identifying a truth, but is accompanying a step rather than background information. The "Marriage" monologue uses the particle in yet ano— ther way. The step—line (also the narrative event—line in the overlay) is marked by the present continous E- The Target of each procedural in both the pre— and post-Climax 67 sections is marked by Egg, which sets it off from the steps and events. Sometimes these Target statements are re- statements of an event, emphasizing its importance to the procedure. The customary mode is not used at all, however, in the Climax section (which includes the overall Target). In summary, BEE is used in procedurals to set off information from other information in that context, whether it be to emphasize manner, the appropriateness of some beha— vior, a general truth, or the Target in embedded discourses. The composer seems to be free to use it as he wishes pro— vided he is consistent within that section of the discourse. The customary mode is not used at all in the narrative mono- logues. Prior time margins in the procedurals use the accom- plished past, kenni, or the present completive (marked by ¢), sometimes in conjunction with the auxiliary verb con- struction indicating termination (V ne kua: "V—ed and finished"). This auxiliary construction may also be used in the time margins in conjunction with an aspect particle mark- ing displacement. The anterior particle pg is used for events happening before the action being discussed or for traditional prac- tices which have been modified in modern times; present com— pletive is also used for this purpose, especially in refer— ence to events occurring before that point in the discourse. The desiderative be refers to a future action (which may be (M1 the step—line, especially in the Target section—-see 68 "Marriage," line 17) and is used with .gpg ("be able") to indicate future capabilities. It also marks purpose mar- gins. The future continuous particle pg is also used with gpg in the Target statement in a. procedural cast in the future tense, ("Rice Cultivation," line 44'), paralleling the use of present continous pg in a procedure in the pre- sent tense. 4.3 Participant reference Nyarafolo's rich array of noun classes, pronouns and "anaphoric pronouns", demonstratives and demonstrative pronouns, specifiers, and definitizers yields an intricate participant reference system. It could be the object of an entire study in itself; a few preliminary generalizations must suffice here. The procedurals "Rice Cultivation" and "Marriage" are told in the second person. In the first of these, the ini- tial Step paragraph of the first procedure begins in second person plural, but the singular is used to refer to the cen— tral character-—the rice cultivator-—in the rest of the discourse. The singular is also used in "Marriage." Use of singular pronouns is related to greater specificity of parti- cipant reference, correlated with the use of plural pronouns in specific reference to other participants. The procedural genre in general would not be expected to emphasize Specific participant reference unless it is important which member of a group does what (Longacre 1976, p. 200). In all three 69 procedurals, but especially in these two, the identity of the participants is crucial. In Marriage the central character is the man seeking a wife. His parents, and then his chosen bride, are identi- fied by their relationship to him. The woman is of next greatest importance, and all of her relatives are identified in terms of their relationship to her. In the first refer— ence to the two main characters they are identified as sien we and caliwa we (noun + specifier), "a certain man" and 'V1 certain woman;" after that the second person singular is used to refer to the man (except in material off the step—line, as in the background information of lines 3c—4) and third person singular refers to the woman. The central character in “Rice Cultivation“ is also a man, expressed by second person. Male friends and relatives who participate are identified by their relationship to him, as is his wife. Her coworkers are identified in relation to her. Both of the above procedurals were addressed to a fe- male (singular) audience, yet the second person was used, re- ferring to a man, and giving the impression that the audi— ence conceivably could implement the procedure (e.g. ". . . you (2 sq) gather certain men together, the men. You go to reap it. Women, as is customary, carry it (on their heads) and go to the threshing floor" (Rice Cultivation, lines 19c-21). The third procedural, "Birth," contrasts sharply. It is entirely in the third person. Perhaps this 70 is because the central character is a woman, while the composer is a man, who cannot identify himself or the audience with a woman who is giving birth in the context of Nyarafolo culture. Central and secondary characters are introduced with a noun and specifier consistently. Thereafter they are re- ferred t1) by simple pronouns unless the preceding paragraph featured ea different agent; they are then reintroduced via topicalization in the subject noun phrase, as in "Birth," line 33: caliwa wi nee ti gbinni, (woman — she customary — them - bathes with) "The woman, as is cus— tom, bathes with them." Agents and patients new to the discourse (or being rein— troduced) are presented by these topic—shift constructions, such as "my friend, he. . ." In "Birth,“ when the focus of the discourse shifts from 'traditional Nyarafolos 'UD Muslim Nyarafolos, a lengthy topic phrase introduces the new participants, at the beginning of a new procedural: Praan wée, béli bele, cu?313 beléé . . ., (now — specifier, those(def) — verbal, Muslims — specifier) "Now, there are those other ones, the Muslims . . ." ("Birth," line 39). New participants are introduced in "Rice Cultivation" through topic shift in the object noun phrase, and repetition after the sentence: négfiola m” ne pali li?i négfiala bele, (men you pres.cont. - those(indef) - gather men — specifier) 7l “Men-—you gather certain men together, the men," ("Rice Cultivation," line 19c). Though the men have a patient role in that sentence, they are agents in the following sentence. The introduction of a new patient receives less focalization: me né tikelé ke miéni wéli, (you pres.cont. - affairs - them - all - watch) "you consider all of the affairs.“ It can be seen from the translations that the topic-shift has the effect of definitizing the noun. According to Givén, a normal definite subject and a topic—shifted subject are equally definite (i.e. assumed known to the bearer), but. it seems likely that topic—shift constructions are more marked in terms of the degree of difficulty that the composer assumes his hearer will have in identifying the referent (Givén 1979, p. 65). Reference to specific times or seasons, etc, is by means of topic-shift and a specifier in a clause, or noun plus demonstrative plus specifier in a phrase: yie naa eee nwu?5 kl 'ii éee a kasa ell e ki an e, (year — that(def) — specifier rainy-season — it - enter - specifier when first—rain — it come specifier) “This year, the rainy season having entered, when the first rain had come . . ." ("Inyam Planting," line 3). In the narratives, a person known to the audience who is presented by name in the discourse is introduced as a participant by the addition of the suffix —ye on the 72 name. This is a plural suffix in a different noun class, but could be some sort of presentative suffix here. The noun class system of Nyarafolo, which consists of five major classes, three of which are subdivided into singu- lar and plural, makes it easy to refer to previously identi— fied participants by means of pronouns. The pronouns agree with the noun in class and number, so all that is normally necessary to clearly refer to nouns from different noun classes, even within the same sentence, is their pronoun. In "Rice Cultivation," during the discussion about sacks of grain (ki class, plural), rice (wi class, singular), finan— cial affairs (ni class, plural) and the granary' (ki class singular) their different pronouns keep the referents straight. When the interacting participants all belong to the same class, however, as when they are all human, other methods are needed. Nyarafolo uses a special group of ana- phoric pronouns, formed by adding the suffix :pg to the pronoun, which refer back to a certain preceding agent. This has the effect of thematicizing (at a low level) the participant in focus. A good example is found in "Rice Cultivation," lines 39—40, where the cultivator's wife, "she it is who" shares some of the harvest with her coworkers, the ones who came to help pgp, making pgp happy. The addition of a definite prefix to an inanimate noun has a similar back—referencing effect, as in g u ; \ kicenge k1 pénni n3 weeé, (when that-day 73 it coming — arrive DTM) "When that day (which was already mentioned) has come to arrive. . ." ("Rice Cultivation," line 12a). Paraphrase, though used extensively elsewhere, is rare— ly used in participant reference. The only participant which has a paraphrase set, in these texts, is the fiancée in the "Marriage“ monologue, and that is because of her changing status as the action progresses. In the opening, she is "the woman“ that the man is seeking tx> marry. In line 10, she is "the child", since she is quite young, but she is also "the child" at the end when her father is told that her fiancé has stolen her. After a certain point in the engagement proceedings, she is "your fiancée" (lines 12 and 22), and in line 29d she is called "your wife," the first indication :h) the text that, for the Nyarafolo, the marriage has become official at that point. 4.4 Mystery particle The occasional occurrence of the particle pi_ at the ends of sentences was an enigma elucidated by discourse analysis. It occurs at the end of the Finis, and twice in the Closure of the "Marriage" text, but nowhere else. Other occurrences had been noted on sentences in isolation. I therefore posit a summary- or closure—marking function, or at the very least an emphatic function, for the particle. 74 4.5 Marking of surface structure Target, Peak and Peak' The grammatical devices used to mark deep structure Climax, Denouement or Target are similar, for either proce— durals or narratives. On the surface, these sections are essentially "a zone of turbulence" in the flow of the dis— course (Longacre 1983, p. 25). They will have peculiar fea— tures that can take precedence over the normal marking of any of the strands of discourse: participant reference, tense/mode/aspect, etc. Devices such as rhetorical underlin- ing, a concentration of participants, shifts along some para— meter to heighten Vividness, change of pace in the text, and change of vantage point or orientation may also characterize this section (Longacre 1983, pp. 25—42). The grammatical devices used to mark the Peak and Peak' (where it is encoded) or the surface Target, which is a kind of Peak, will be described for each of the five discourses. This will be followed by a summary of the features which characterize this phenomenon in Nyarafolo monologues. 4.5.1 Inyam Planting-—Peak This monologue is the shortest of the five, yet the Peak is in a paragraph which includes seven of the twenty- four lines of text. The use of rhetorical underlining is thus the most obvious device used. The event in focus is the providing of shelter for the sprouting inyam. This is a task delegated to the women, who gather certain leaves and cover the mounds with them. An embedded discourse, an . - ' ' :!_ \.-._ 1.»?- :_- .-,-. ,- : .._ . _ .__: . ‘Ueg-l 9“.‘5‘fl°¢1) 981”“ 5.“... ‘ ' Ten'u- j: '.'-'2 * - “la-"z r-r'. 35rd 3511M . ... v ' - - U " l" '0: , - . . .. - .- i - . I 75 explanation script, expands on the reason for this step: without this protection, the sun would scorch the earth and the inyam sprout would not appear. A definition script which identifies the leaves used, along with this explanation script, provide the extra words to emphasize the climactic event. There is also a change in the identity of the major participants in this section. The women are the agents in the narrative paragraph which heads up the section, whereas the action was narrated as it related to the men, the narrator and his father, in the preceding paragraphs. A change in orientation marks the second explanation paragraph. It involves a shift of the patient from adjunct to subject (cf. Longacre 1976, p. 227); the inyam is intro— duced as the new central character by a topic noun phrase. It is the subject in the following clauses, except in line 20 ("When the leaves are there, it becomes shady") and in the dependent clause in 19c (“if the sun is able to find it in the earth). This last clause demonstrates a second shift, encoding instrument as subject. 4.5.2 Funeral—-Peak and Peak' The Peak of this narrative is again marked by rhetori— cal underlining. Embedded in this narrative paragraph (lines 9—16) is an extensive paraphrase script which begins with aa report of the evaluation of unnamed others who had told the group that the trip to the funeral would be long. . jug-m .mi innit: I. .. -. v- -' .' -" —_.‘ - 21! --i ‘i'uDHT ~ -- _ ' ‘_ ‘ :;.;’n_i_;‘msq _ .r' .--.-. - . ... h‘n 76 I The verity of their statement is then affirmed, rephrased and exclaimed over five times. An explanation script adds yet more underlining, calculating the time that the trip required. The device is extended into the statement of the nuclear event (line 14) as well, with the repetition (six times) of the verb "run/ride." The Target of "getting there " (sénni y‘ r‘ ) is also repeated three times , in the beginning, middle, and near the end of the paragraph. There is a tense change in the first three lines of the Peak; the usual present completive ((5) is replaced by the anterior g which marks the thematicity of the travelling and sets the stage for the discussion of its duration. The reported monologue at the beginning also heightens the vivid—- ness of the section. Peak' (lines 19-22) is characterized by a change in the participants in focus—~the switch is from the funeral—goers to the woman who cooks for them, initially, and then more pertinently, the funeral hosts who kill the cattle to provide the feast meat. Rhetorical underlining is evident in the embedding of an explanation script and recalculation of the number of cattle killed for that particular funeral. 4.5.3 Rice Cultivation—-Target The third procedural of this tripartite discourse is marked as the climax in the deep structure by its intricate field-structure-like network. This is in turn encoded in 77 the surface structure by' means of rhetorical underlining: paraphrases, parallelisms and tautologies. These link the several embedded discourses in the section, which include paraphrase, explanation, procedural, contrast and definition scripts. Heightened Vividness is attained by a tense shift. The Peak indicates to the audience the way things, ideally, should work out. Though several of the thematic statements use the present continuous, normal for procedurals, the three main statements of the Target feature the modal gpg ("be able"), as does the embedded procedural "providing for yourself." The procedural is in the future tense, using the desiderative pg, which also indicates purpose. The time margins that go with two of the thematic statements (lines 44' and 45) use the hortative. The negative mode is also used frequently throughout the Peak. These TMA changes cor— respond with the overall casting of this section in exposi- tory scripts, with an overlay of hortatory/behavioral features. A correlating feature is the shift in participant focus to the ideal (wise) farmer and the non—ideal one, who are contrasted throughout. Pseudo—dialogue is another device which moves the discourse up the Vividness scale, with ordered values as follows (Longacre 1983, p. 30): narrative ——> pseudo—dialogue —-> dialogue --> drama The use of a posited dialogue between narrator and audience 78 (lines 51-52) involves the bearer more intimately in the struggle to achieve clarity. A change of orientation, achieved through the use of expository script types, is revealed in the greater propor— tion (ME equative, identive and descriptive clauses in the Peak as well as by the marked increase in conditional margins and sentences. The repetition of concepts and identities (chief, intel- ligence, management/oversight, affairs, selling, providing) is particularly evident here as a device for tying a section together. 4.5.4 Birth—-Target Rhetorical underlining is again a key device. The ex- pression of the Target-~giving birth-—is itself remarkable by its simplicity. It covers three lines of text, and is marked km? a radical change of pace from long sentences to simple ones without conjunctions or time margins linking them. The extra words come in the alternate procedure which is linked to this first. one. The Target statement. is re— peated and paraphrased at intervals in the alternate proce~ dure, linking it to its partner. Paraphrase and explanation scripts add to this lexical weight. The Vividness is heightened by the use of the future tense, negative mode and the modal gpg (“be able") at certain points. 79 The alternate-Steps and —Targets are characterized by conditional margins (also paraphrased and repeated), which change the pace and nature of the section. A change of orientation is achieved through topicalization of the difficult, "bad," affair that labor would be if a pregnant woman were unfaithful to her husband. This is underlined in the conclusion, which explains the prohibition against adultery during pregnancy for Nyarafolos. The contrasts and warnings add a great deal of tension to the Peak. 4.5.5 Marriage—-Peak (Target) and Peak' The Peak begins in much the same way as did the Peak of "Birth," with a short, smoothly flowing and simple presenta— tion of the climactic event. In this case a long sentence, beginning with four dependent clauses (transitions and prior time margins), encodes the steps-—stated tersely at the end. The Target statement (line 18) is a simple four—word sentence. Rhetorical underlining, again, comes in the lengthy expository discourse which the preliminary account introduces. This embedded discourse, an informal proof script, is characterized by conditional margins and contrafactual sen— tences, a change of pace with corresponding change of orien- tation manifested by sentence types appropriate to the genre. The key verb, dali ("get acquainted"), is repeated throughout, linking the section lexically and contributing 80 to the underlining. Rhetorical questions, along with a rhetorical question and answer pair, contain the same verb and emphasize the theme. As mentioned earlier, this pseudo—dialogue also height- ens the vividness. Other devices with this effect include a tense shift into the future and the use of the negative mode (including the negative hortatory particle). Longacre notes that some stories have a didactic or the- matic peak as well as an action peak (Longacre 1983, p. 24). The didactic Peak is presumed to be 51 special. elaboration of an episode which comes before or after the action Peak. The Peak and Peak' in this monologue could be understood in this way, the Peak qualifying as the elaboration of a theme and the Peak' consisting of the action which "closes the case." The Peak' is much shorter, and its only use of rhetori- cal underlining consists of morphological reduplication with- _in its second line. The other three lines of the paragraph are short simple sentences. Except for the short initial time margin, each sentence begins with the third person singular pronoun 3;, with no conjunctions or other mar- gins. This is a sudden shift from the usual pattern of long coordinate sentences and causes the text to move more swift— ly. The pi also indicates a change in the focal partici- pant, from the previous second person singular (the fiancé) to the father of the bride, who was the indirect object in the previous paragraph. A change of vantage point 81 goes along with this; the listener is called upon to under- stand the father's role in finalizing the marriage, and the cultural expectations which he must fulfill. 4.5.6 Summary: grammatical devices which mark deep structure climax The use of rhetorical underlining, especially through embedded expository scripts, is the most consistent charac- teristic of the marking of Peak and Target in Nyarafolo. This contrasts with the marking of Peak', which is character— ized by a shift to juxtaposed simple sentences and economy of expression. Paraphrase is frequently used to mark theme at any n—ary level; split themes are therefore the norm rather than the exception, especially at. the higher levels. The para- phrase which unites them functions to give cohesion to the discourse. Lexical repetitions correlate with this. When tense/mode/aspect changes occur in the Peak, the negative and abilitative modes, and desiderative or anterior particles, are most commonly used. The hortative may also occur. Discourse-genre—specific marking of the thematic line in other parts of the discourse is often suspended in favor of other devices to mark the Peak or Target Proce— dure. Pseudo-dialogue and the casting of parts of the section in different script genres contribute to heightened 82 Vividness. Changes in orientation are achieved through the encoding of patient as subject in some discourses. 5.0 Summary and conclusions This paper has described the notional or deep structure schematics of five Nyarafolo personal narratives and proce— durals, identifying the different types of plot—structures which organize them and indicating the relative prominence or thematicity of the constituents. These were related to the referential (content) substance of those texts and dis— played in network diagrams. It was discovered that Nyarafolo has certain prefer— ences hi deep structure network design: the use of para— phrase to convey thematic content and link different sec— tions of the discourse; of expository scripts and parallel— isms to add weight to the climactic point; and of field—like structures to tightly unite these and reinforce the impact of each part. The universal deep structure frameworks proposed proved applicable to Nyarafolo monologues, with the addition of some refinements to the procedural one to deal with alter— nate procedures. It is also evident that independent dis— courses of the procedural genre have the same beginning and ending features as those in Longacre's narrative plot: pre— and post-margins as performative introduction and conclu- sion, margin-as-Exposition (or Introduction) and margin—as— Conclusion. It seems likely that these would occur in all discourse types, making them part of a more general 83 84 description of monologue structure rather than of individual genre plot-structures. The deep structures organize the discourse content; the grammatical, or surface, structures expound and enflesh the deep structures. By relating the two, certain aspects of syntax are clarified which may not be understood if viewed solely within the context of the sentence. Paragraphs, defined as the developmental units of dis- course, are marked in the Nyarafolo surface structure via particular sentence margins. Lexical repetition forms a strand which also aids in identifying paragraphs. Change of location or agent indicates a break as well. Narrative paragraphs are characteristically episodic, while procedural and expository paragraphs mark: a climax. This climax may be highlighted through a. change of tense, mode or aspect or of sentence structure, or emphasized via repetition, paraphrase or exposition. The tense/mode/aspect system expresses many deep struc— ture notions and marks several. developmental strands. The immediate tense is used to mark the event— and step-lines of the monologues, with the present continuous the characteris— tic tense for procedurals. Past and future tense and aspect particles normally mark background events, but may also be used to thematicize a particular event, indicating the cli— mactic section of the discourse. The accomplished past and anterior particles, the present completive and the auxiliary verb construction expressing termination identify prior time . '.'-J “I 13mm“ dvdflflna 535- WI” ”“3903.“ mosh». flII .ZflIiII- 3'0 3:")I-‘fg‘53. "Luis-J .0” mi? .‘r'i- . '-.‘: .eewukmzfla J '._".- i -. Irfil . : . _. . . .. t:e:*1_ 5. nut-1 s.'-.' ‘-" =' "1.0“ L». . ' ' I?“ ‘. . ' ! 1 -..-'. -‘- ‘5 xsjnva "=__ .I_' I‘ ‘ f I': l D w'.r ' - .-' . ifsfoa ...—'7?“ ‘._ ,. -... i ...- nu- 85 margins; the displacement particle marking (temporal) dis- placement toward the point of reference is especially used in concurrent time margins. The customary or habitual mode is used to set off information from its including context, in procedurals. Linking words are used in discourse-genre specific ways. A indicates notional "and then" relations in the narratives, and is also used sentence—internally as a con- junction when the clauses have different subjects. In proce— durals, however, it is used in adverbial clauses to express "when." The particle pg_ is used only in the procedurals to express "when" in an anterior context. The analysis of the participant reference system in the monologues pointed up the importance of topic-shift construc- tions in introducing a change of agent, and the introduction of new characters via a noun—specifier sequence as noun phrase, relationship to a central or secondary character, or topicalization. A presentative suffix for named characters and a definite prefix to refer to already mentioned times or items were also identified. The thematicization of partici- pants through the use of special anaphoric pronouns was noted, but more study is required to determine why it is used when it is used. The Climax and Target sections of the monologues were marked by rhetorical underlining, tense/mode/aspect changes, pseudo—dialogue and the casting of information in other genres. 86 Denouement, however, was characterized by a change of pace, a shift to simple constructions and economic expres- sion. Change of agent and morphological reduplication also occurred there. Thus much was learned about variation in the length of syntactic units, choice of TMA phrase, pronominalization, word order, sentence margins and sequence signals and con— junctions. In addition, the posited correlations between deep and surface structure, and the applicability of the plot structures to discourse in another of the world‘s lan— guages, were verified. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, the "rock bot— tom necessity" of discourse analysis has been demonstrated one more time. Without it many aspects of Nyarafolo grammar would have remained unexplained. It was especially illumi— nating in regard to the meaning and use of tense/mode/aspect and linking words, and of various modes of participant refe— rence. For this analyst, who has the goal of learning to speak the language well, the discovery of the importance of repetition and paraphrase for the expression of key ideas is truly helpful. All of these will also aid in comprehension. This analysis was thus extremely worthwhile, adding much to my former understanding of Nyarafolo and its structure. These findings should be of interest to those working on related languages as well, particularly to those who are involved in translation. They can serve as a springboard in checking for similar phenomena which would aid in 87 communicating naturally, in the manner of the given language. The heuristic employed here can be used as a model for related research. There were, however, some weaknesses in the analysis which beg further study. A wider variety of texts is called for in verifying these conclusions, drawing on folk tales and on monologues given in natural settings to Nyarafolo audiences. The texts used here were all delivered. by 'the same speaker; the styles of other speakers could well vary to some degree. The translations agreed upon with the speak— er of the discourses should be tested with other speakers. In addition, the meanings of certain tense/aspect words, pro— nouns, conjunctions etc. which were ascertained as a result of their analyzed usage in these texts should be tested against other texts and with several language helpers. Nevertheless this analysis forms a good base for fur— ther research as well as clarifying many aspects of Nyara— folo discourse deep structure and syntax which will prove immediately helpful. It also demonstrates the usefulness of the tagmemic approach to discourse analysis and of comparing deep and surface discourse structure. The applicability of the plot-structures, and the discovery' of their expounding grammatical features as predicted by the theory, underscores tagmemicists' claims to the universality of such phenomena. 88 As more such studies are undertaken, our knowledge of the relationship of syntax to the properties of human dis- course will expand. The findings of this Nyarafolo dis— course analysis contribute to that pool. APPENDIX APPENDIX NYARAFOLO TEXTS FUNERAL (STAGE) la. 1612-: laa ni mi’ kadbnwb waa pen baa mi maa time (dem) in (159) friend (dem) come there (159) at (indef ) (indef ) Sane time ago one friend of mine came (there) to me, b. pe wi yée Caakorro (3pl) (389) call (name) they call him Caakorro, c. né jéo (cont) say(comp1?) and said d. wré cu) wuulo pe jé sa kfigo kpi?ile (3sg) wife ones (3pl) say, go funeral do, make (araphor ) (relatives ) intend his wife's relatives, they were going to celebrate a funeral e . cegbfi?lilo taanri né weeks 3 in in three weeks f. oegbu?filo sin gua taénri né weeks 2 finish 3 on (when) 2 weeks finish, on the third, 9. pé ba kL’lgo kpi?ile ge (3pl) (fut) funeral do (spec) they would celebrate the funeral 2a. a wré je bé ki juu mi ne So(3sg) say, (desid) it say me on (anaph) intend ThLB he intended to say to me, 2b. mi ga bins ne wré ni (lsg) (hort) join, (acc) (359) with accompany (anaph) (that) I should accompany him. 89 90 3. amijoo bénmiti lu?u so (lsg) said OK (lsg) it hear (words) And so I said, "Okay, I hear it." (PRE-PEAK EPISODES) 4a. cegbu?ulo taanri wolu, ne ke’nni pén no weee weeks 3 one (emph) come arrive (DMI‘) (non-pres) The third week having come and arrived, b. a mi' pen ka?a meee then (lsg) come village to then I came to town c. kicenge gaa we be ge kfigo ma geeé that-day (dem) (lpl) (desid) go funeral to (spec) (def) that certain day when we were to go to the funeral a mi pen k5?a ma gee then (lsg) come town to (spec) then I came to the town, d. ne toru baa, pe‘ vago Ira geeé (cont) pass there (3pl) village at (spec) and passed there by their village, 7'7) e. ne senni wi cu) yé we‘ , wi gari waa (cont) (displ) (3sg) wife speak, (spec) (3sg) (emph—fut) go (away) say (cont) (cont) and went to say to his wife, (that) she should go mi kurfigu baa wéli vogb ma ge (lsg) behind there (lpl) town at (spec) (excl) back to E village. 5a. a wi cu) ke’Inn7iI keri baa when (359) wife (emph-) go there ( non—pres) When his wife had gone there .. 7‘ 2‘ . . .. b. m senni w1 cu.) lie weee (lsg) (displ) (3591) wife take (spec) (away) I went and got his wife c. a wré tugoro pub re (and (359) head— tie, (spec) then) (anaph) baggage attach and loaded her head baggage (on the moped) 6a. 7a. (PEAK) 8a. 10. 11. 12. 91 51 WE) ke and (lpl) go then andwewent me’ni gbéngbeye si in wré cé dugo rice basins 2 (3sg) (anterior) carry (anaph) on head Two basins of rice she had carried (on her head) a mi wi cu) lie we when (lsg)(3sg) wife take (spec) (compl) when I picked up his wife. wo pu ne’gual‘a kbgunb (lpl) (non—pres) men 5 (be) We were five men, ce’lilé taanri women 3 three women wéli ba’li we ce ga kugé ma gé (lpl) (dem) (lpl) (anter) go funeral to (spec) (excl)(def) Those ones of us we had gone to the funeral 7‘ z‘ . ne senni yiri (cont) (displ) exit (away) and got there . pe cé jéo ki li?i (3pl) (anter) say it far They had said, it's far! pe cé wéli ye ki li?i dé? (3pl) (anter) (lpl) say it far (excl) They had told us, it's really far” kayi'n?e sin dinigi truth ? really (noun — reality) It is true, in reality. ki 51 n djni ne pu‘ 1i ?i it ? really ( cont ) be exit (non-pres ) It truly was far. _. ....— --r-—-» .5? 13. 14. 15a . 16. 92 ki li?i kayin?e né it far truth on It is far, in truth. a weli fe’ ne’ fe ne fe’ ne’ fe and (lpl) ran (cont) ran (cont) ran (cont) ran (excl) (moped) And we rode and rode and rode and rode ne fé ne’ fe ne sénni yiri céngu?3 (cont) ran (cont) ran (cont) (displ) exit afternoon (away) and rode and rode and got there in the afternoon. weli ye" r1523 a gi ye (lpl) rose here when it be (excl) We rose here when it was, tujbuulo mfi pe be jéo European at (3p1) (desid) say the French would say, "deux heures " legé 1e ni 2 hours time in two o'clock, . I 2' . . , . . ne Senni yiri "quatre heures" legele n1 (cont) (displ) enter 4 hours time in (away) and got there at four o'clock mobileti lé ne belé moped on (spec) on the mopeds ne’ waa we go (DTM)? (cont) and were travelling. ki li?i kanyi?e it far truth it is far, truly (POST—PEAK EPISODE) 17a. wéli sgInniI yiri weéé (lpl) (displ) enter (D'IM) (away) We got there, 93 17b. a we méni ken we and (lpl) rice give (spec) then And we gave the rice wéli cu) wi yaa wi tuu ma we (lpl) wife (3sg) mother (3sg) father to (spec) to our wife's mother's father né wali sira kéli and money 1,000 1 (1X) and 1,000 francs, c. a wi ti su'.) and (359) it take and they took it d. a pé pur‘a, pilige ni ge‘ and (3p1) play night in (spec) and they played in the night. 18. a pe ptirfi ne para ne pura he and (3pl) play (cont) play (cont) play (cont) then And they played and played and played and 2' pe’nni kpieme tuu be (displ) light fall (D‘JM) (away) (shine) the dawn came. (PEAK') / 2 19a. kpi'eme kenni tuu wéeé light (emph) fall (DTM) (non—pres) The dawn having come, b. a we yée a weli cui) wi ni ne’ 5625 then (lsg) rose and (lpl) wife (3sg) again prepared food then we rose and our wife she again cooked c. ne’ weli ken (cont) (lpl) give and gave us (food), d. a weli lii and (lpl) eat and we ate. I ~ 9. "r1 w p '.'-w 20a. 21a. 21f. 22a 94 wi kini né wo kén piligé ni gé a we Hi (3sg) once again (lpl) give night in the(spec)(lpl)eat She previously gave us (food) in the night and we ate ne paske pe nfiwa kpuu (cont) because (3pl) cow kill because they killed cattle; niye sin pe gbuu cows 2 they kill they killed two cows. Nya?af<51ilo ma be’le a nwii wi taa weéé Nyarafolo among (spec) if certain (3sg) succeed (spec) def. one Among the Nyarafolos if a certain one is successful a kugo sién taa weee when funeral man find(?)(spec) succeed when a funeral comes his way, niye siceri valéma taanri cows 4 or 5 four or five cows, 51 nwii si wi taa we if certain (neg) it succeed (spec) if a certain one is not successful, wi né kpuu niye sin (3sg) kill cows 2 he kills two cows walama nigbé or one ni'ye taanri pé Ce gbuu cows 3 (359) (anterior) kill three cows they had killed. imp 1h I ill at ' I-‘- ..I' .UJI '15!!! S - -'II ‘,. ' -|I- ‘I-fi "tr .:--r.:. as) uuuwsmI "7. . '. a :I- "'.’." of" I“ '.II- ’ ' I II ' 5? I 9.". 'I,I :G¢fi"fl .E-Ig ' c. -‘ - 'uf-g ' ( ' 9:- -' I' ' ‘ ,I _‘v."_.'_-‘ '5. .-.-.I I. . .‘W I I ’ “h "' ‘aJC’Au I V i 3 : Ii ' ‘ '.'. 95 (CLOSURE) 23a. a pie kaara taa ken we m'a‘, men (3pl) meat (dem) give (lpl) to Whentheygavesomemeattous, a we su?3 ne lii, kpiendu geéé when (lpl) prepare and eat dawn (spec) (next) when we cooked and ate at dawn, b. a we ne’ ye’ ne Iii then (lpl) (cont) rise (cont) eat then we rose and ate c. ne yéeé (cont) rise and rose, d. né kolugo naari I ge kLigofali 1115 we (cont) road ask (spec) funeral— from (spec) host and asked our funeral—host for the road (asked to leave), e. né pan (cont) come and came. 24a. a weli yé baa "neuf heures" legele hi and (lpl) rise there 9 hours time in And we rose at nine o'clock there b. he penni jii miri né (cont) (displ) enter noon at and, coming, entered at noon 24c. mi ti?‘e ni gé (lsg) place in (spec) at my place. 25 a we fali ne kolugo ya?a wi ye ma senni so (lpl)therefore (cont) road leave (3sg)(pres)at then So we therefore (or, continued and) took our leave from him then. (FINIS) 26 . ti kn.) wi it end (summation) The end (it ends) RICE CULTIVATION (GREETING, APER'I‘URE) l. Lini mi ma sieri Linn (lsg) (259) greet Linn, I greet you. Silué Laji wi jee sienre daa juu de (name) (359) intend words (dem) say (spec) (def) Laji Silué, he is going to say a certain discourse be’ lé méitéléfani he we (desid) put cassette on (spec) player to put it on the cassette recorder. yi ?e’le’ togo ne kataanri years 20 and 8 Twenty-eight years old Silué Laji wi kon Tiepogovogo a (359) come (village name) at,from from Laji Silué, he comes from Tiepogovogo (PRE-TARGEI' PROCEDURE) 5a. C. Nya?afoli16 béle" Nyarafolos (spec ) The Nyarafolos me’nicbr Bngaara déee rice-tranSplanting— ( spec ) work rice transplanting ti ni?émé ye mi nyéni‘ taa cen ti ni it abundance be (lsg) be find know it in (asp) its complexity I have been finding out about. 96 97 6a. yé ne va?a kfinb gé (2pl)(cont) marsh plow (spec) You plow the marsh b. ne ki waa ne’ pus ne ki kfing (cont) it throw (cont) tie (cont) it plow ( make rows ) andmakerows and plow it. 7a. a 111?) kenni jii ki ni ni?ege geéé when water (accomp) enter it in much (spec) (past) When the water has entered it in great quantity, b. yé ne meni waa we kayabuga kaa ma (2pl) (cont) rice throw (spec) area (dem) in (sow) (indef) you broadcast (sow) the rice in another area. 8a. caliwa weee woman (spec) The woman, wi ne’ jii sa?ara nii (3sg) (cont) enter work—sharing in team she enters into the work—sharing team, b. pé naa péé sari ne' mari (3p1)(habit) (3p1) help (cont) turn (refl) they, as is customary, help each in turn. 9. péli tégo ge (3pl) 20 (spec) (excl) They (number ) twenty . 10a. a mi) cu.) wi ke’InnI cenge tengé geeé when (25g) wife (3sg) (accomp) day arrange (spec) (past) When your wife has arranged the day, b. mu.) né senni v5?a caanri gé (ZSg)(cont) (displ) marsh prepare (spec) (away) you go to prepare the marsh c. nie’ né meni kalfigi né caanri before rice dig up (cont) prepare before digging up and preparing the rice 10d. 12a. 13. 14a. 15a. 98 sénni céngé ki na‘ until day it arrive until the day arrives. N z a kicenge ki pghni n5 weéé when the day it (displ) arrive (spec) (to) When the day has come to arrive, mus né va?a caangé né taa ni?egé‘ (ng)(cont) marsh prepare (cont) find mmmh you prepare the marsh and find it a lot ne’ m‘éni kolugi wé‘ ne ta} ni?éw€ (cont) rice dig up (spec)(cont) find much and dig up the rice and find it a lot. pé né penni meni c3ru we (3p1)(cont) (displ) rice transplant (spec) (to) They transplant the rice. a pa penni c3ru ne cenge kua geéé when (3p1)(displ.to) transplant (cont) day finish (spec) When they have transplanted and finished the day, pé ne ye‘ (3p1)(cont) rise they rise né ké‘ (cont) go and go pe tieye ni (3pl) place in to their homes (places). ménicorukéle geléé rice—transplanting (spec) affairs The rice-transplanting affairs nya?af61i16 ma belé (name) among, (spec) for among the Nyaraafolos kéli gele mi juu gali gélé they (class) (lsg) say (dem) (spec) (verbal) (def) they are what I explained, those ones. In... -l .I 99 (PRE-TARGEI‘ STEP) 16a. ki k6 praan wee it becomes now (DI'M) So now (it becomes now) . . . y 1' x b. mu) sa fanra waa w1 ne (259) go fertilizer throw (3sg) on (aux) you go throw fertilizer on it. 17a. a mu‘a se’nni fanra waa dé wi ne deeé when (ZSg)(displ) fertilizer throw (spec) (359) on (DI‘M) (away) When you have, going, thrown fertilizer on it, b. mé ne’ wi ya?a baa (ZSg)(cont)(3sg) leave there you leave it there. rxv 18a. a 111le wi caru weee when (25g) (3sg) transplant (DIM) When you transplant it, a yfié awn am amm n; months 3 (389. anaph) behind at three months after that, v c. w1 ne seli ne ciri it (cont) begins (cont) grow it begins to grow. 19a. a wi péhni ciri né kms weee when (3sg)(displ.to) grow (cont) finish (DIM) When it has come to finish growing, b. né pe’nn’Ii nye’nigé weee (cont) (displ,to) ripen, (DI'M) redden and has ripened , 19c. néguala muj ne pali li?i ne’guala belé men (259) (pres) (dem) gather men (spec) (indef) you gather certain men together, the men. 20 . yé né‘ senni wi kinu (2pl)(cont) (displ) (3sg) reap (away) (cut) You go to reap it. 21. 22a. 23. 24. 25. 26a. 100 célilé pe naa wi tfiru wrmmai (3p1)(habit)(3sg) carry on heads Women, as is customary, carry it (on their heads) ne waa kasfib ma (cont) go threshing to floor and go to the threshing floor. .. 7 a . . a mu) penni w1 kanu ne ku) when (259) (displ.to) (3sg) reap (pres) finish When you have come to finish reaping — a célilé pe wi tugo ne ku5 wééé when women (3p1) (3sg) carry (cont) finish (DD!) on heads when women have finished carrying it (on their heads), ma ne mu) kadbmhnS pali li?i céngé kaa (ZSg)(cont)(ZSg) friend (dem) gather day (dem) (indef) (indef) you and your certain (group of) companions gather some day. ki ne’ pu ye ma sewers" it (cont) (non—) (2pl) at work-sharing (pres) It will be work—sharing at your place. yé ne’e yeé sari n‘e' t‘jrlIi (2pl)(habit) (2p1) help (cont) turn, (refl) pass YOu, as is customary, help each other in turn. . 1' ’7 1 1 , . ye ne penni HILL) wuu sen we (2pl) (cont) (displ.to) (2sg) one thresh (spec) (rice) You go to thresh yours (your rice). A y cenge kaa day (dem) (indef) One day I \ ye né kagbeligelé kumgna (2p1) (cont) threshing rods cut you cut threshing rods ,2» ne wi kmuari (cont)(3sg) beat and beat it. 101 27. kiré gi ne wisé'ngi we (35g. anaph)(class) (cont) the threshing (spec) That is the threshing. 7 28a. :5 ye kéInni ' se’n ne kua fewi wé‘eé when(2pl)(acccmp)(3sg) thresh (cont) finish completely (um) (past) I When you have compeletely finished threshing it, b. me’ né wi ya?a baa (ZSg)(pres) (3sg) leave there you leave it there. 30a. ce’lile belé women (spec) The women b. pé n€ deliye lie (3pl) (cont) winnowing take baskets up they take winnowing baskets , c. déliyéee winnowing baskets winnowing baskets d. né wi fii (cont)(3sg) winnow (blow) and winnow it - 30e. ne jfi?;)lb (cont) big baskets and big baskets. 31. fa?a ge long ago (spec) Long ago (in the “olden days") tasala si jé fie bu na?a we basin (neg)(anterior) not, be here (spec) yet (non—pres) the basin was not yet here. 32a . praan we tasala ye na?a weee now (spec) basin be here (DTM) Now, the basin is here, b. pé nae wi fii ne tasala ni (3p1)(habit) (3sg) winnow (Instr) basin with they customarily winnow with a basin 32c. 33a. 34a. 35a. 35b. 36. 102 kasub né we threshing on (spec) floor on the threshing floor. I 7‘ a pé kenni wi‘ fie ne ku5 wee when (3p1) (emph) (3sg) winnow (cont) finish (DEM) (spec) When they have finished winnowing it, pé ne wi tugo’ (3pl) (cont) (3sg) carry on head (comp) they carry it (on their heads); 2' ye ne sghni 1e sikéénye ni ye (2pl) (cont) (diSpl) put granaries in (spec) (away) you go put it in the granaries. . . ’ . . . a mu) fali nwu?3 n1 ge va?a ge if (289) cultivate rainy in (spec) marsh (spec) season If you cultivate, in the rainy season, a marsh gaa ki nyeni etaari nigbe kua wééé which (389) be(asp) hectare one finish (DTM) which measures one hectare a ki ye kitan?a gé die? if it be the good (spec) (spec) one if it is a really good one (season), mfii né gbé ne ganvaaye tégo felige tee (2sg)(cont) can (cont) sacks 20 about find, get you will be able to get about 20 sacs. kaa ne togo né kogfino sometimes 20 and 5 Scmetimes twenty-five, muo ne yi taa (259) (cont) them get, find you get them. sikan?a geeé granary (spec) The granary, 36 37. 38a. 38b . 39a . 103 a ki kpu?3 geéé if it big (DIM) if it is big, ki né gba nyi‘ ? ganvaaye tégo né? it (cont) can fill sacks 20 with (neg) (neg) it (annot be filled with twenty sacks. a ki yelige ki teni ki ne nyi if it medium it perhaps it (cont) filled if it is medium—sized it will perhaps be filled. kiméni nwaa weéé the rice (dem) (spec) (def) (DIM) That (specific) rice, a mu") wi lé ne ku‘) sikan?a ni geeé when (259) (359) put (cont) finish granary in (spec) (DI'M) when you finish putting it in the granary, muj ne’ béli ne célilé liele bele (259) (cont) begin (cont) women divide (spec) among you begin to divide (some) among the women. mu) cfii wiré wi cii (259) wife (3sg.anaph) (359) confirm (certainly) your wife, she is the one who celilé liele belé women divide (spec) among divides it among the women, bali pe penni wire sa?a we (dem) (3pl) (displ.to) (359.anaph) kelp (spec) (def) those who have helped her, . .1' .. ne pe mieni ken (cont) (3p1) all give and gives (some) to them all, ce’ ce‘ a little a little a little to each. 104 . . 7 2‘ . , 40. gaa ne pe penni w1re sa?a because (3pl) (displ.to)(3sg.anaph) help Because they came to help her a wire kibaara kua de’é" and (359.anaph) the work finish (spec) and her work is finished, wiré fungo ki nyigi (3sg) stomach it cool. (anaph) she is happy. 41a . kiré ne wi we ne pé miéni 11515 (359) on (359) (spec) (cont)(3pl) all divide among (anaph) That is why she divides some among them all, 41b. saangub‘fi therefore(?) —90 and finish(comp) therefore c. pe sa lii they go(aux) eat they will go eat. (TARGET) 42a. ki gaa ne geéé it because (spec) Because of all that, 8 b. me’ni wi né' kfia baa sikan?a n1 ge rice (3sg) (cont) finish there granary in (spec) the rice rests there in the granary 43a. a kungo kenni pen weee when chief (accomp) come (DIM) (past) When the chief has come, 43b . mui) wZ) gbé waa kan baa (259)(inclus) can (dem) scoop there (of 3rd pers) (indef) you will be able to scoop out some there. V f N ’ NV 44a . se’nni kungo ga ban weee until chief (hort) come (DTM) Until the chief should come, (than) . 1?.qu 51 ads ‘ ' '.3 ’ (a . . ' . § ' I'. .1 9.: ;- l’ .u N: :"12‘! -. -'_1"r‘)‘.’I-:: '. ‘1' ‘ -- .29") '- F"'—.. \I I - . . - " _ _‘ . .Ifil _' .C. L 105 43b. ma ne’ me’ni weli we (259)(cont) rice look at (spec) you consider the rice, c . génvaéya nyaa nyu‘a sacks (dem) now (def ) many mm‘J‘D be gbai bari (259) (desid) can how many sacks you will be able to sell bé meye sea we (desid)(259.refl) help (spec in order to help yourself, 44d . be gbaa ja bé (desid) can look (desid)(2sg) protect (Instr) them with(spec) for ) meye lie (refl) ne sell yi in order to be able to support yourself with them, e. ganvaaya nyaa nyub sacks (dem.def) now sikan?a ni ge kibe gba 9;) baa ni it (desid) can retain there how many sacks will be able to remain there granary in (spec) in the granary , 44 ' mu) gba ri mey‘é (259) can (fut) (259) (cont) (refl ) sari help ( cont ) You will be able to help yourself. 45a. senni mé‘ni waa ge n5 we until rice (dem) (hort) arrive (spec) Until the other rice should arrive, b. mé ne’ tikele ke miéni weli (259)(cont) the affairs (3p1) you consider all the affairs. 46 a me ye siciliwe we if (259) be smart (spec) If you are smart, me’ ne ké kjrgsi (259)(cont) them oversee you will oversee them well. 47a. a mu) we siciliwe weee if (259) neg smart If you are not smart, (spec) all look at, watch ce’ ngé well ’ Ye . . '.H' Eff l'u- I!" u IIIIEI .i:_- ' . wm=- r'I-ad (Ha-1. V'SHEaifi) 3"; . .7.-e...1::'¢ glad a: net-:5 mi ‘5. . r_ .. . '-'. p €-' fizz-z =:- 9d .5” : 1' '--' " z - \ ‘ *' "-'- i. ' 4 ‘ -'- ) mi :21) .biesi) -_= (_r ..., - ..a 1: -._ m P.‘ i - l - . Fl. r few; .c— I; ) I ‘ '-. ..III' .-I . c. )f? ‘ v 106 47b. mub né gba ja? bé ké kjrasi (25g) (cont) can (neg) (desid) them oversee you will not be able to oversee them. 48a. sicilige kre gi gi intelligence (3sg) wrat it is (anaph) This is what intelligence is, 48b. weli tafaliwa né tea ni we (lpl) farmer (cont) find with (spec) our farmer has it. 49a. sien nwa’a wi nyeni ta?a ne li’i man (dem) (359) be (asp) find (cont) eat (def) (comp) This certain man has succeeded and eats wé kungo we wi ne we (lpl) chief (spec) (359) with (spec) with our chief, 49b. kpuwa we great, (spec) important the important one. 50. wire wi siciliwe we (359) (class) smart (spec) (anaph) (verbal) He is the smart one. 51a. :51 mi ti juu ne j66 siciligé gééé if (159) it say (cont) say intelligence (spec) If I explain it all and say, “intelligence," b. a 111le ki nyaa mug bé jc’xS du?5 when (259) it see (259) (desid) say that when you observe it you will want to say that c. sicilijéngé gi yfigo wu?L‘1 good (class) head one intelligence (verbal) it is the intelligence of the head. 52. kiré be"? (anaph) (neg) (pro) (verbal) That is not it. I“: - fiW‘ m ' Iii-TI finapifizdnj menu-u “III“ ‘ . .- - ' = - .- :-. n: E 5 ‘13.? 11h! f...‘ : " . . - .* -' '= '- ( 1:3!) I I . . .':-'- '1'. I? “we 107 53a. sien nwaa wi nyeni ta?a me Hi we person (dem) (3sg)be (asp) find (cont) eat (spec) (def) (cont) This certain man has succeeded and eats 53b. ne wi kungo la?a1a wé wi newe (cont) (3sg) chief (reach?) (spec) (359) "himself" and is worthy of accompanying his chief - he we né £1125 lii sien waa ma we (neg) (cont) loan take persons (dem) from (spec) (indef ) doesnottakeloans frcmsomeman. 54. wiré wi wi ne gbe ne' meni wee ya?a baa (3sg) (class)(359)(cont) can (cont) rice (dem) leave there (anaph)(verbal) (indef) He is the one who is able to leave a large quantity of rice there ni?ewe sikan?a ni 983 much granary in (spec) in the granary. 55a. :51 ki nyga fuora ye muo he re do if (3sg)happens loans be (259) on (spec) (DIM?) If it happens that you are in debt, b. mu) bé wi kpuam') pari wii (259) (desid)(3sg) greater sell (summary) part (particle) you will sell the greater part of it, c. wa’a he cen ni wi miéni pari (sometimes) knowing (359) all sell maybe (asp?) sometimes you may sell all of it né wi kua (cont) (359) finish and finish it. (CIDSURE) 56a. menicarukélé ne nwuukungéle rice—transplanting and its harvesting affairs arrairs Rice—transplanting affairs and its harvesting affairs b. ne nwuuparigélé and its selling affairs and its selling affairs c. ne’ nwfifikele ke mie’ni gele and its affairs (3pl) all (spec) and all its affairs in general, 108 r r I 56d. kéli gele mi nyeni jfili yéli ma (3p1) (class) (159) being say (2p1) to (verbal) (asp) (exclle) They are what I have told to you, those ones. (FINIS ) 57. Lini ma ti lfi?l‘1 Linn (259) it hear Linn, you hear it. 58. nya?af<51il<5 tiré di (name) (words) (class verbal) They are Nyarafolo words. 59 . ti ku'.) wi it end (summary particle) The end (it ends). MARRIAGE (GREETING, APERTURE) 1 . Lini cangfi?5 Linn afternoon Good afternoon , Linn . l' Silué Laji wi jee sie’nre daa juu (162 (name) (359) intend words (dem) tell (spec) say (def) Iaji Silué he is going to say certain special words; yi ?e 1e tégo ne kataanri years 20 and 8 28 years old (Laji is 28). 1" ye miéni ye cangu?c (2p1 ) all (2pl ) afternoon Good afternoon to all of you. (P: PRE—TARGEI‘ STEP) (N: STAGE) [where P = Procedural, N = Narrative] 2a. Nya?afolilo ma béleé (name) among (spec) Among the Nyarafolos 2' b. a sien we jéé caliwa caa we’e when man (spec) say, women seek (spec) intend when a certain man intends to seek a certain woman, c . pé naa waa ne caliwa naari we wi wuulo (3pl) do go and woman court (spec) ( 359) ones (cont ) (relatives ) they customarily go and negotiate for the women ma be’le at, among (spec) among her relatives . (N: PRE—PEAK EPISODE) 3a. mu.) tfiu né mu.) yaa ni weee (259) father and (259) mother with (DIM) Your father and your mother, 109 110 3b. pe bé ki juu sien wag maaa (3p1)(desid)(359) say man (dam) to (indef) they will tell it to sore other man; c. wiri waa re caliwa naari we wi wuulo (359 fut) go (fut) woman regotiate (Spec)(3sg) ones, (cont) (cont) (cont) relatives he will go and negotiate for the woren among their relatives, ma bélé among (spec) d. di wiré din p515 that (359) ? child (of whom) (emph) whose daild she is. 4a. wi pu yi?e 15 lei siiin (359) be years 5 2 (non-pres) She will be seven years old, b. walama yi?elé kaceri or maybe years 9 or maybe nine years old, c . di pé ri waa de wi naari that ( 3pl ) (fut) go (cont) ( 359) negotiate ( cont ) when they are negotiating for her. 5. pé nae wee m2: wi néEuci suuri (3pl) do go and (359) court often (cont) They, as is custom, go to negotiate for her a long time(or often). 6a. a wi wuulo pe keIn niI yeri ki ne geeé if (359) ones, (3p1)(accomplished)agree (359) on (spec) relatives (past ) When her relatives have agreed on it, b. pé né penni ki jam m.) yaa ne (3p1)(cont)(displ.to) (3sg) say (259) mother and (asp) they, coming, tell it to your mother and mu") tuu ma wéeé ( 259 ) father to (DIM) your father ; 111 6c . pé ne’ subli) caa (3p1)(cont) millet seek they seek millet, d. 56315 gbagbenyeni nigbe millet basin—measure one one basin—measure of mullet, e. ne fénilé taanri and cloths 3, and 3 cloths, f. ne wali siraa sii and money 2,000 and 2,000 francs, , . 4 V \ \A g. ne S€nn1 ken pua ma we (ommfl (displ) give child to (spec) (away, asp) and go to give it to the child. (P: FEE-TARGET STEP) (N: PRE-PEAK EPISODE) 7a. a nwu?5 kénni jii weee when rainy (accompl) enter (DTM) season (past) When rainy season has entered (has begun) b. mué né muo kadbmfina pali li?i (259) and (259) friends (dem) gather , (indef) call you gather some or your friends, c. siénne kié he kataanri feligé' people 10 and 9 about about 19 people, d. wala siénne togo or else people 20 or 20 people. 2‘ 8. ye ne sénni fali tuu—fali ma we (2pl) (cont) (displ) plant father-chief for (spec) (away asp) You go cultivate for the father—thief(future father-in—law) 9a. a nwu?5 ki penni yeye taanri kua when rainy (3sg)(di5pl.to) months 3 finish Again, when the rainy season has come to finish 3 months, cigi ni weee repeat with (DEM) h J '.' -' ,--\'l 'u': l . I . . ' I 'LI I i .. ' It § 9b. 10a. 109. (P: 11a. PRE—TARGET STEP) 112 muo nee né kolu ne pali li?i (259)(habit)(cont) turn (cont) (dem) call, (indef) gather you, as is custom, turn and gather your friends; yé ne senni fali baa (2pl)(cont)(displ) farm there. (away asp) you go to cultivate (farm) there. mu) nee waa né fali baa (259)(habit) go (cont) farm there (cont) suuri ma geeé often at (spec) You, as is custom, go to cultivate (farm) there often; a séri n3 weee when Ramadan arrive (DTM) when Ramadan has arrived, mfij né fenile sua (259)(cont) cloths buy you buy cloths, ne fatari and scarves and scarves, ne wali ta?a baa” and money put there and add money to them, I r f I \ at \ ne senni ken pug ma we and (disp) give child to (spec) (away) and go to give them to the child. baa wi muo kini we when (359) (259) fiancee (spec) then when then/since she is your fiancee. kiré kenma ne (359—anaph) knowledge on It is knowing that, a sari cenge kénni n5 (N: PRE-PEAK EPISODE) weee when Ramadan day (accomp.past)arrive (DTM) when the day of Ramadan has come, 11c. 12a . 13a. 14a. 113 mu) né me’ni gbéngbenyeni nigbé a5 ne kaéra seek and meat you seek one basin—measure of rice, and meat. (259) (cont) rice basin—measure a mu) kaara taa weee when (259) meat find (DIM) When you have gotten neat, me’ he wali tea baa (259) (cont) money put there you add money to it, one né‘ senni ken muo kini ma and (displ) give (259) fiancee to (away asp) and go give it to your fiancée. cenge kaa day (dem) (indef) Ore day, wi be 513?) (359) (desid) cook she will cook, be him mus ken (desid)(fut) (259) give and will give (it) to you mfii lii (259) eat you eat né mu) kad‘omun’j né' belé and (259) friends with (spec) with your friends, na?a mfib ti?e ni ge here (259) place in (spec) here at your place. kire gee kre ne mu.) (359) (dem) (359—anaph)(cont) (25g) (anaph) (def) All that being done by you, a wi kén ni pen lie when (359) (accomp.past) come grow when she has matured, wé (spec) ne ( cont ) xv weee (DIM) pufi be (non—pres ) «a m- u .44-q '{Hi-J! (munch. ..-.'i a: germ lbs uq ,1 . '~ ‘ :':'- r3.“ Tanya Tm .9 ‘-- '- -'-..-'~' . ' -‘ '11.) to: N- ha 14c. 141 . 15. 16. 114 a yirigelé ke kpuola gélé' when breasts (3pl) big (Spec) when the breasts are large, main nee ne’ fenile sun (259)(habit)(oont) cloths buy you, as is custom, buy cloths, ne 506 and bucket and a bucket, ne buru-feni and blanket-cloth and a blanket, ne fatari and scarves and scarves, ne wali and money and money, né déngéle and spoons and spoons, ne siétileeé and dishes and dishes, ne dasala and basins and basins, ne sénni kén wi ma and (displ) give (359) to (away) and go to give them to her. pali pe ne ka ti ni (dem) (3pl) (cont) go (3pl) with (indef) Some others take them! mu5 time be? ma be 9a (259) yourself (neg) (259)(desid) go It is not you yourself who takes them. die? (excl) ti ni (3pl) with 115 (P: TARGET PRECEDURE) (N: PEAK) 17a. ki ne ku55 (3sg)(cont) is left (finish—) flfisromne: b . cenge kaaa day (dem) (indef) one day, c. a pilige ken ni wu5 when night (accomp.past)dark when night has darkened — a mu5 lii ne kua weee when (259) eat and finish (DTM) when you have finished eating, d. mus be ga beeé (259) (desid) go there you will go there e. baa sfiSn baa (fut) lodge there and lodge there. 18. yéri dali yé a: (2pl—fut) get (2pl) on (cont) acquainted You will get acquainted with each other. 2‘ l9. 9i né pe i job m3 ré waa baa béri su5n (359 on) (3pl) ? say (259) (fut) go there (desid) lodge why (cont) (cont) (fut.cont) That is why they say you will go there to stay there. baa there 20a. yéri dali yé ne' (2pl-fut) get (2pl) on (cont) acquainted You will get acquainted with each other. b. 9i ki be di yégé dali ye n2 we (3sg)(3sg)(desid) that(?) (2pl) get (2pl) on (DTM) that—what acquainted that is what is desired, that you get acquainted with each other. 21a. weli bali nya?afoli16 bele si?i ni geeé (lpl) (dem) (name) (spec) field in (spec) Those of us Nyarafolos who live in the fields (country), mum .1555” -'= . é-r-H kg m 4.3 1. : . _~;--.----.- - minim mm ': .:I1|-' in rl‘.'|11' I‘.I . . I 21b . 22a . 23a . 24. 25a . 116 we’li negebigéli' ne picapigele ni géleé (lpl) men—young and . girls-young with (spec) our boys and girls pé né bu dali daa n‘e' pie né (3p1)(cont)(non—pres) get easily (3pl) on ("be" neg) acquainted they do not easily get acquainted with each other. \v muo koni weee (259) fiancee (spec) your fiancée, wire ne muo ni weee (359-anaph) and (259) with (spec) she and you, yé ne’ de ye sieri yé ne’ ja ti nyuu (2pl)(cont)(neg)(2pl) greet (2pl)(cont) (neg)(pro)spea.k (must not) (forbidden) you are not to greet each other - you are forbidden to speak (to each other). a pé si mi) ya?a m3 ne waa if (3pl) (neg) (259) leave (259)(cont) go (cont) If they did not let you go he suim baa wee ( cont ) lodge there (DIM) stay there , yé 9a dali ye ne? (2pl ) (hort ) get ( 2pl ) on (neg ) acquainted (neg ) you would not get acquainted with each other. me’ni si m.) baga bu bé wi taa? how (neg) (259) (fut) be (desid) (3sg) win (hort) (non-pres) (neg) How else would you ever win her? a ye’ dali ye ne 066 if (2pl) get (2pl) on (neg) ‘ acquainted If you do not get acquainted, m5 bé wi' tee sié me’ni (259)(desid)(3sg) win ? how how will you win her? I3 '5 N: 117 (P: POST-TARGET) (N: POST-PEAK EPISODE) 26a. a muo ne waa baa weee when (259) (cont) go(cont) there (DIM) When you go there, b. a ye pe’nni dali ye ne weeé when (2p1) (displ) acquaint (2pl) on (DIM) (to asp) when you have come to get acquainted with each other, c. m5 né kenni wi ye cenge kaaa (259) (cont) (accomp) (3sg) say day (dem) (past) (indef) you say to her one day d. wi yé mmi‘a se wi k;‘)ri cenge kaa pilige ni (3sg) wait (259) go (359) stealaway, day (dem) night in (aux) kidnap ( indef ) she is to wait for you to go steal her away some day in the night. 27. wi né yéri ki ne‘ (3sg)(cont) wait (359) on She waits for it. 28a. m5 né senni wi yfifi ne kSru ce'nge kaa (259)(cont)(displ)(359)steal(cont) kidnap day (dem) (away asp) (indef) You go to steal (her) and snatch her one day pi li ge ni night in in the night , b. ne wi yfifi ne k5ri yoé and ( 359 ) steal and kidnap carefully and steal and snatch (kidnap) her secretly, c. né pen m3 ti?e ne’ ge and core (259) place on (spec) and come to your place, d. ne’ pe’n ni' ki jfifi m3 baba ma we and (displ. to)(3sg) tell, (259) father to (spec) (asp) say and coming, tell it to your father. 29a . kpi endu simbinimé ni beeé light morning in ( spec ) In the morning light, J . _ III“‘ (are) m quS) aim (”9'- (gas m) lj, name we: "Mia! m1. imp-w -!j‘ 9'? m Elva! M M' 35'. . = ' 5.6.3.5 Ea- ‘imz' ‘5' . ill .9" II‘I'I L | v. .j ,....-.,1 ,._ .;\ . .. . . - .- ' -I:'I _. . ”..., tuna. - -2) (see) I. -- ( .5. . I 3' I' ' 1 '.E'JJ 57. . l ' ' .’ - _ ’.t- 3'... .15 l i 'I ‘ I . 29b. 30a. 31. 32. 33. 118 muo baba wi ne yeéé' (259) father (3sg) (cont) rise your father, he rises ne gooli k‘e'n liewE-z waé maaa and chicken give old one ( dam) to (indef ) and gives a chicken to an old man; wi né ka baaa (3sg)(cont) go there he goes there, ne’ senni ki jfifi m5 cu) wi tuu ma weee and (displ) (3sg) tell, (259) wife (3sg) father to (spec) (away asp) say and, going, tells it to your wife's father, né je di and say that and says that, wire jaa wi nye’ni wi pug kari we (359) son (359) (recent past)(359) child kidnap (spec) (anaph) (asp) his son has just snatched his child. _____________ I(N: PEAK) praan weee now (spec) now wi né fan yeri ki ne kicenge ge (3sg) (cont) must agree (359) on same day (spec) he must agree to it that very day. wi ne’ taa ju—ju baa cfi?3r;)—cf1?5r5 (359) (cont) finds say—say there rotten—rotten He grumbles here and there ce-ce a little—a little a little. wi nee né kenni kolu baa (359) do (accomp.past) return, there turn, change He, as is custom, then turns there (changes his mind). \ wi ne senni gooli su5 we (3sg)(cont)(displ) chicken take (spec) (away asp) He goes to accept the chicken. 3:! *- ear} and \ co Iflmoflgiti ml 4 ._.. .27-1) N.- 03 m l ”I. Mad awed" f. 1 :mm 119 (CLOSURE) 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. (FINIS ) 39. praan wee wi k6 mil?) cu) wi now (spec) (3sg) becotes (259) wife now, she has becore your wife. praan wée mu) nyeni wi pari wi now (spec) (259) be (359) husband (recent past) now, you are her husband. wéli nya ?afolilo ma béle ce’pbrug‘a gi (lpl ) (name) among , (spec) marriage it is at Among us Nyarafolos, it is marriage. tuabulo ne jod "nérfé.§i" Frenchmen ( cont ) say " marriage " Frenchmen (white men) say, "marriage." nya?af61i 16 he joo cep‘arug5 (name ) say " cep‘arug‘a" Nyarafolos say, "cep5rf19‘3" ti ku) wi it finish, end It ends. Hang 3W) I I --:I; ‘ .I-rJ'iam wed an new mi . . r- ~-.’--‘-_»~ '* - -"»J.I.II'.‘=é'55Yfl new .II. --II .: 5.} "'._ Jf_I_'1’ (’-‘:, .s.'_" (5.13 5' jg . . rnr. ..ql') '. ' I‘ I-L - I - .'-.t _ - -' "mar-i ‘.‘r 1.. .. ‘ ‘ awn-.15"- .TF.‘ ,. . ' I - 'F I s -- .1: i I I o I l ( I ll - BIBLIOGRAPHY I II n\.\. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bearth, Thomas. 1969. "Phrase et discours en Toura." Cahiers Ferdinand de Saussure 25:29-45. Boese, Linnea. 1983. "Description of Basic Nyarafolo Syntax." Unpublished paper. Givon, Talmy. 1979. On Understanding Grammar. New York: Academic Press. Grimes, Joseph E. 1978. "Narrative Studies in Oral Texts," Current Trends in Textlinguistics, pp. 123-132. Edited by Wolfgang U. Dressler. New York: Walter de Gruyter. Gustaffson, Uwe. 1978. "Procedural Discourse in Kotia Oriya," Papers on Discourse, pp. 283-297. Edited by Joseph E. Grimes. Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Jones, Linda Kay. 1977. Theme in English Expository Discourse. Lake Bluff, 111.: Jupiter Press. Jordan, Dean L. 1978. "Nafaara Tense-Aspect in the Folk Tale," Papers on Discourse, pp. 84-90. Edited by Joseph E. Grimes. Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Longacre, Robert E. 1974. "Sentence Structure as a Statement Calculus," Advances in Tagmemics, pp. 251—283. Edited by Ruth M. Brend. North— Holland Publishing Co. Longacre, Robert E. 1976. An Anatomy of Speech Notions. Lisse: The Peter de Ridder Press. Longacre, Robert E. 1978. "Why We Need a Vertical Revolution in Linguistics." Fifth Lacus Forum, pp. 247—269. Longacre, Robert E. 1983. The Grammar of Discourse. New York: Plenum Press. ll9:& c “nu-02:?“ ' .:- ' .939! 0"“ ._-p—_‘_ _E’: - 1 .' _' -_-'.' tunr'jf'a‘gw 9.1911153 .saool- ' F ”I; ' - -- - Ur'ij . -'. -. II . 'ar. v ..F-FJI'Di’J “- , -_.. . -. - " _-._.-,'-. .. ._. _ _- .' ‘ilb‘iia ! I . u A I . 120 Longacre, Robert and Levinsohn, Stephen. 1978. "Field Analysis of Discourse," Current Trends in Text— linguistics, pp. 103-122. Edited by’ Wolfgang U. Dressler. New York: Walter de Gruyter. Marchese, Lynell. "Pronominalization and the Appearance of Full Noun Referents in Godié Discourse,“ paper presented at the Fourteenth Annual Conference on African Linguistics, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis., 9 April 1983. Mills, Elizabeth. Forthcoming. Senoufo Phonology, Discourse to Syllable. Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Pike, Kenneth L. and Pike, Evelyn G. 1982. Grammatical Analysis. Second Edition. The Summer Institute of Linguistics and The University of Texas at Arlington. Pike, Kenneth L. and Pike, Evelyn G. Forthcoming. "Toward the Systematic Exegesis of a Text—~The Detailed Analysis of its Grammatical and Referential Tagmemes," Text and Tagmeme, pp. 1—61. The Summer Institute of Linguistics and The University of Texas at Arlington. General References Grimes, Joseph E. 1972. “Outlines and Overlays." Language 48:3.513—524. Grimes, Joseph E. 1975. The Thread of Discourse. The Hague: Mouton and Co. Halliday, M.A.K. 1977. "Text as Semantic Choice in Social Contexts," Grammars and Descriptions, pp. 177- 225. Edited by T.A. van Dijk and J. Petofi. New York: Walter de Gruyter. Halliday, M.A.K. and Hasan, R. 1976. Cohesion in English. Longman. Jones, Linda Kay, ed. 1979. Discourse Studies in Meso— american Languages. Dallas: Summer institute of Linguistics. Miller, Helen. 1973. "Thematization in Mamanwa." Linguistics 110:55—73. 352m ”Minimum who; :11 an: as“ 1“} ‘I'fiflS-“W’ifld? jay, 1.-3'. [L ”199115.53? ._nhnoru .-. 'i-o ..9- A‘ "it. a. . maiduupri-I claim - . -‘-r_. i. in. 99:12:59qu on: his catamaran-am? ! i .1 !'-'qf-. E‘ ..‘aiw meatball ‘-"‘-""1-"L"" I '.'..‘i'...’_'-';'f’f._ .:.--m.. .fl'5d53'T5 «In! ""' ' " . -. . - - .-'. -..- .5 “pg-951g ". .. 1.f_, 5. !,| 1'- :.. .!| I: ' I l I .I i I . in-.. "IflfllufififlfiflmgilgflfiflmullMW 94516