‘UilLJHIWIHf II" \J—\ \]_3 '—4 I _cnoocn l\TT"l’ifilfiT m WW 3 1293 00069 9052 This is to certify that the thesis entitled RACIAL ATTITUDES,PERSONAL NORM,RESPONSIBILITY DENIAL AND THE EFFECTS ON PRO-SOCIAL BEHAVIOR presented by Lydia G. Mallett has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Master of Arts degreein Psychologx Major professor Date W179.“ é , \Clgo 4‘3 07639 a I...“. 11.-..4—A-é' ‘-‘"‘,~““ - -..-..-—A g-v-v— ‘1:t~.‘-" -' .fi‘_.._‘_11'..‘n'o ‘_._—A __ 3J3 idi‘efii Stag: £1an , i___—-.x um RY “g i amour FINES; . X , P" W per it. L” A If???" . RETUMIM; ”a RARY mrsams ‘ ‘ ‘ ‘T‘Q‘n",’l”:’u W: ~ "mm to new ”90 {M Circulznt‘o“ "co. \., '[(.c|| \ {.ll‘lll I -llltl.‘ RACIAL ATTITUDES, PERSONAL NORMS, RESPONSIBILITY DENIAL AND THE EFFECTS ON PRO-SOCIAL BEHAVIOR By Lydia G. Mallett A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE Department of Psychology 1980 ABSTRACT RACIAL ATTITUDES, PERSONAL NORMS, RESPONSIBILITY DENIAL AND THE EFFECTS ON PRO-SOCIAL BEHAVIOR By Lydia G. Mallett Black and white college students were provided with an opportu- nity to volunteer their services to three target organizations under varying conditions of the racial make-up of the organization. Two hypotheses were tested: 1) that there would be a significant interac- tion between subjects' racial orientation and their personal norms, such that an individual with a high same-race orientation would also display a high personal norm for helping members of his or her race, and 2) a high personal norm would lead to overt pro-social behavior. This behavior was expected to be moderated by the responsibility denial (RD) variable, such that subjects high on RD would help less regardless of their personal norm, while subjects low on RD would help according to their personal norm. The personal norm variable and the responsibility denial variable were drived from Schwartz's (1973) nor- mative theory of helping behavior. The empirical design of this study is similar to that used in his previous research. The first hypothesis was not confirmed; there was no interaction between racial orientation and the personal norm. Lydia G. Mallett When a ANOVA was performed the correlational analysis results showed a regative relationship between the racial orientation variable and the personal norm for black subjects. The second hypothesis was confirmed. Subjects with a high per- sonal norm exhibited more pro-social behavior. In addition there was a race organization interaction. In other words, black and white sub- jects chose organizations composed of members of their own race signi- ficantly more than the other two groups. RD had absolutely no moderating effects on the pro-social responses. Results are discussed in terms of their implications for Schwartz's theory, the importance of culture and an ethnic support system within a majority population, and the necessity of comparative studies using racial variables. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS By the time a master's program and thesis are completed there have been so many individual contributions that it is impossible to recognize them all. However, there are a number of sources of support which demand recognition. With this in mind, I would like to thank the following individuals. For intellectual stimulation throughout my entire graduate program and especially throughout the thesis process, my committee chairman William Crano. His continuous support and interest in my research kept my motivation level high and he always offered timely suggestions and direction. For personal support, particularly Cosandra Douglas, George A. Vary and especially my brother and sister and my parents. In addition I would also like to thank the other members on my committee, Lawrence Messe’and Joel Aronoff. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES ........................... iv INTRODUCTION ............................ 1 METHOD ............................... 13 Design ............................ l3 Subjects ........................... l3 Procedure ........................... l4 RESULTS .............................. l6 The Dependent Measures .................... l6 Scale Construction ...................... l6 Preliminary Testing .................... l6 Psychometric Analysis of Final Scale ............ l8 Psychometric Analysis of Additional Scales .......... 20 Responsibility Denial Scale ................ 20 Personal Norm Scale .................... 22 Correlational Analysis of Scales and Dependent Variables . . . 23 Test of the Hypotheses .................... 25 Hypothesis 1 ........................ 25 Hypothesis 2 ........................ 27 DISCUSSION ............................. 29 REFERENCES ............................. 36 APPENDIX .............................. 38 TABLE 10 ll LIST OF TABLES PAGE Intercorrelations of the Subscales Within the Racial Orienta- tion Questionnaire ...................... l7 Intercorrelations of the Subscales Within the Racial Orienta- tion Questionnaire ...................... 18 T Value for Differences Between Black and White Subjects on Racial Orientation Questionnaire ............... 19 Coefficient Alpha for the Scales Used for Convergent Validity 20 Intercorrelations Between the Primary Scale (Racial Orienta- tion) and Additional Scales Used for Convergent Validity . . . 2l Intercorrelations Between Racial Orientation, Responsibility Denial and the Personal Norm Scale .............. 23 Significant Pearson Correlation Coefficients by Personal Norm (Norm l-6), Racial Orientation (Three Subscales), RD, and Pro- social Behavior Score (Okemos, Otto, Teach a Brother ..... 38 Significant Pearson Correlation Coefficients by Personal Norm (Norm l-6), Racial Orientation (Three SUbscales), RD, and Pro- social Behavior Score (Okemos, Otto, Teach a Brother) for Black Subjects ........................ 39 Significant Pearson Correlation Coefficients by Personal Norm (Norm l-6), Racial Orientation (Three Subscales), RD, and Pro- social Behavior Score (Okemos, Otto, Teach a Brother) for White Subjects ........................ 40 Significant Pearson Correlation Coefficients by Personal Norm, Racial Orientation, RD, and Pro-social Behavior Score Significant Pearson Correlation Coefficients by Personal Norm, Racial Orientation, RD and Pro-social Behavior for Black Subjects ........................... iv . 4] 42 I2 13 I4 16 I7 18 Significant Pearson Correlation Coefficients by Personal Norm, Racial Orientation, RD and Pro-social Behavior for White Students ........................... Significant Pearson Correlation Coefficients by Combined Per- sonal Norm Score, Racial Orientation, RD, and Combined Pro- social Behavior Score .................... Significant Pearson Correlation Coefficients by Combined Per- sonal Norm Score, Racial Orientation, RD, and Combined Pro- social Beahvior Score for Black Subjects ........... Significant Pearson Correlation Coefficients by Combined Per- sonal Norm Score, Racial Orientation, RD, and Combined Pro- social Behavior Score for White Subjects ........... The Mean Helping Score for Each Organization ......... The Mean Helping Score for Each Organization by Race ..... Analysis of Variance Summary Table for Dependent Variable Page 43 44 45 46 26 26 28 INTRODUCTION In recent years there has been an increased interest in research on pro-social behavior-~behavior that benefits other people. Studies addressed to this behavior have explored both individual differences in the tendency to exhibit pro-social beahvior and the situational deter- minants of a pro-social response. Much of this research has focused on such determinants of helping behavior as modeling (Bryan and Test, 1972; Hornstein, l970), norms (Berkowitz, T972; Schwartz, l970), tem- porary states (Berkowitz, l972; Freedman, T970; Isen, T970), and the actual or implied presence of other onlookers (Barley and Latane, l969, 1970; Ross, l97l). Several field studies have recently been done in the United States on people's response to black and white help seekers. Bickman and Gaertner (l97l) showed that blacks received less help than whites when calling strangers and seeking help with their own problem. It was also found that blacks tend to receive fewer donations than whites when serving as salvation army kettle solicitors (Bryan and Test, 1972). In Cohen and Katz's (l975) experiment,white subjects favored black over white help seekers when both displayed socially valued characteristics. In a study which investigated the relationship of race, sex, and the racial composition of the neighborhood, victims of the same race were helped faster in both black and white neighbor- hoods (West, Whitney, and Schnedler, 1973). In another study at a (‘ 1 predominantly white university black subjects assisted black victims in picking up computer cards, whereas white subjects helped both races equally (Wegner and Crano, l975). There have also been several field studies where there were no reliable differences in the racial targeting or pro-social behavior (Piliavin, Rodin and Piliavin, I969; Graff and Riddell, 1972; Thayer, l973; Wispe and Freshley, l97l). In summary, the results of the experiments that have looked at the role of racial and sexual factors in helping behavior are contradictory, precluding the possibility of generating valid empirical generaliza- tions. A possible explanation for the divergence of the results in the literature is that the experimental designs do not yield unbiased esti- mates, due to important methodological problems. One of the problems of all of the studies, with the exception of Thayer (T973), West et al. (l975), and Wegner and Crano (1975), is that both racial and sexual characteristics were not varied for the potential helper as well as the person in need. With the exception of Wegner and Crano (l975), the researchers who did have a complete factoral combination of race and sex had confederate victims nested in race and sex. In addition to the methodological problems, the strikingly different contexts of help--for example help in picking up computer cards (Wegner and Crano, l975) and strenuous physical help in a subway (Piliavin et al., l969)--must have contributed to the problem of integrating and generalizing from these studies. Although the aforementioned studies have serious methodological problems, some interesting hypotheses can be derived from them. Bryan and Test (T967) found that black solicitors elicited a statistically significant lower percentage of donations than did white solicitors. The researchers concluded that the results supported the hypothesis that interpersonal attraction may affect donations, even when the solicitors are not the eventual recipients of such contributions. It would be interesting to observe the behavior of black subjects in this situation. West at al. (T975) found same race helping when a stranded motor- ist was in predominantly black and predominantly white neighborhoods. They also conducted an experiment near a black college campus and a white college campus. Again same race helping was evident. The researchers used the Piliavin model (T969) of helping behavior to make predictions of their expected results. Piliavin et al. (l969) proposed that the sight of a victim elicits a state of physiological arousal or distress in the observer. The amount of distress experienced by the observer is a function of such variables as the severity of the emergen- cy, the distance of the observer from the emergency, the personality of the observer, and the similarity and emotional attachment of the observ- er to the victim. As the amount of distress increases, the probability of the observer making a response to the situation increases. The nature of the response is determined by costs and rewards for helping and not helping. West et al. (T973) applied this model to the race and the helping area. They predicted that one factor at each stage of the process was relevant. First the similarity of the observer and the vic- tim should be greater if both are of the same race. Thus, the observer should experience greater distress if the victim is of the same race. However, the similarity of race should be minimized if the emergency is severe and distance minimal. Second, the race of the victim should par- ticularly influence the costs of helping and not helping attributed to the situation by the observer. With the use of this model the research- ers predicted that same race helping should occur in a situation where the emergency is not severe and the costs of both helping and not help- ing are low or moderate. The Wegner and Crano (T975) study was motivated by a concern for the lack of appr0priate design tactics used in previous studies concern- ing racial factors in helping behavior. The confederates of the experi- ment dropped a deck of computer cards in the hallway of a university building. Under these conditions a significant level of same race help- ing was found for blacks but not for whites. The authors offered two possible hypotheses for their results. One, same race helping within a minority might occur more often in a situation when minority group mem- bers comprise only a small fraction of the immediate population. This hypothesis was derived from the research of Gerard and Hoyt (T974), who found that increasing minority group cohesiveness was a function of the decreasing size of the minority to the majority. The second hypothesis suggested was that the behavior of the observed black college students may indicate that the negative feelings toward other blacks and towards blackness in general, that blacks have been found to feel, indicates that intragroup sentiments of the black minority are changing. The aforementioned hypotheses are not mutually exclusive because pro-social behavior is probably moderated by many variables. This researcher is primarily interested in why intentions to help are ini- tially formed. Shalom Schwartz has offered an interesting theory that addresses the question of how people initially become involved in the cognitive process at making a decision to help another person. This researcher also feels that through the addition of other variables to Schwartz's theory, one would explain some racial differences feund in studies of helping. An explanation of Schwartz's theory, and the relevance of racial variables, follows. Schwartz's (T973) normative explanation views pro-social behavior as the outcome of decision making in which cognitive processes play an important role. It assumes that information about another's need may lead to the activation of internalized values or norms advocating help- ing regardless of external reinforcements. Most research based on this type of explanation attributes pro-social behavior to compliance with general social norms presumed to be widely shared: social responsibi- lity (Berkowitz, T972), equity (Walster, Barscheid, and Walster, T970), and the norm of giving (Leeds, T963). Schwartz argues that the activa- tion of more specific internalized norms intervenes between awareness of someone's need and altruistic behavior. Schwartz (T977) discussed the three basic propositions of his theory. They are: an obligation proposition, an activation proposi- tion and a defense proposition. He relates his propositions to altru- ism the following way: l. Altruistic behavior is influenced by the intensity of moral (personal) obligation which an individual feels to take specific helping actions. 2. Feelings of moral obligation are generated in particular situations by the activation of the individual's cognitive structure of norms and values. 3. Feelings of moral obligation may be neutralized prior to overt action by defenses against the relevance or appropriate- ness of the obligation. Schwartz also offers three corollaries from which testable hypo- theses can be derived. T. Individual differences in feelings of moral obligation to perform particular actions leads to individual differences in overt behavior. 2. The impact of feelings of moral obligation on behavior is a function of conditions which influence the initial activation of the individual's cognitive structure of norms and values. 3. The impact of feelings of moral obligation on behavior is also a function of conditions which influence defense against the relevance or appropriateness of the actvated obligation. The most distinctive feature of the Schwartz approach is the designation of feelings of moral (personal) obligation as the motiva- tional construct energizing altruistic behavior. He proposed that individuals sometimes act in response to their own self-expectations, i.e., their own personal norms. He distinguishes personal norms from social norms by proposing that the sanctions attached to personal norms vary from one individual to another and that internalized norms are standards for behavior which are self-reinforcing. In his full theore- tical model Schwartz (T977) incorporates different aspects of other researchers' theories, for example, assessment of costs and evaluation of probable outcomes (Walster and Piliavin, T972), and competency (Latane and Darley, T969). Of particular interest to this study are Schwartz's second and third propositions, i.e., obligation norm con- struction and generation of feelings of moral obligation and defense steps: assessment, evaluation, and reassessment of potential responses, respectively. The research involving these steps of his theory will be focused on. Schwartz has postulated that in a situation when norms are con- structed and feelings of moral (personal) obligation are generated, they have a causal impact on altruistic behavior. He purports that support for this causal link would be evident if altruism covaries with personal norms measured at the individual level, under conditions conducive to norm activation. Schwartz (T973) tested the hypothesis that the relationship between potential helpers' personal norms and their overt helping behavior is stronger the greater their tendency to ascribe responsibi- lity to the self rather than to deny responsibility. Subjects were sent a questionnaire that supposedly was part of a national survey of “’ 'public attitudes toward organ transplantation. The control group was sent a questionnaire on littering. _Three months later subjects were mailed an appeal to join a pool of bone marrow donors. The personal norms of the subjects toward six Specific acts of transplant donation were tapped by asking "whether you personally would feel a moral obligation to be a transplant donor." The key ques- tion involved a bone marrow transplant. The response format for the question consisted of the obligation not to donate, to a strong obliga- tion to donate. Ascription of Responsibility (which Schwartz now refers to as Responsibility Denial) was measured by agreement on a four-point scale with 28 opinion and self-descriptive items. Each item mentions or alludes to actions with interpersonal consequences and provides a rationale for ascribing (some) responsibility for the actions and/or their consequences away from the actor. The responses of subjects to both of these measures were attained through the first questionnaire. The appeal to donate bone marrow was sent and subjects had one of four alternatives to select, each alternative was given a score. The options ranged from an individual being interested in joining a pool of donors and willing to set up an appointment with a doctor, to an individual indicating he was not interested and requesting no further contact. The sample was trichotomized on Responsibility Denial (RD) and also sub- divided into four groups on Unepersonal norm help. The relationship between the variables was such that the level of volunteering predicted would be the same for an individual high on RD regardless of the norm. Differences due to norms were expected to emerge as RD to the self decreased. The results were also analyzed in terms of correlations between personal norms and volunteering by trichotomizing on RD. The expected increment was found. The literature concerning personal norms and responsibility denial has been fairly consistent. One would expect that when most people in a population hold positive personal norms toward an action, as they probably do with helping behavior, RD should correlate negatively with that action because high RD scores signify a tendency to neutralize personal norms (Schwartz, T973). Support for the Operation of RD as a moderator of the impact of personal norms on behavior was found in another study of everyday peer relations among college students (Schwartz, 1968), where personal norms were significantly related to altruistic behavior only among those lowest on RD. To gain support for this contention in a different cultural setting, Hebrew University undergraduates were administered question- naires tapping RD and personal norms toward tutoring blind children. The questionnaires were written in Hebrew. The predicted relationship between RD and personal norms was substantiated. RD scores and personal norms have also been related significantly to everyday considerateness and helpfulness (Schwartz, T968), and pledging time to raise money for Head Start (Schwartz, T974). Although there have not been any studies that involve covariation of race, RD and personal norms, one would imagine that attitudes towards race would mediate one's personal norms towards helping members of the same or different race. There has been a lack of research in this area concerned with predicting an individual's personal norms. Although individuals differ on the personal norm variable, it seems plausible, intuitively at least, that personal norms would be a subtype of a more encompassing attitudinal variable. Individual differences in personal norms to help members of the same or different races should indicate a more general attitude towards one's own, and other, races. To examine these expectations, an attitude scale was developed that taps individual's feelingstoward their own,and other, races. The reliability and validity characteristics of this scale are reported in the results section of this paper. In the Wegner and Crano (1975) study mentioned earlier, the second hypothesis suggested that the behavior of the observed black college students may indicate that the negative feelings toward other blacks, and blackness in general, is changing, and that intragroup sentiments of the black minority are changing. It is the hope of this researcher, black Teaders,and peOpTe involved in trying to solve pro- blems of black people,that this is true. The concern for black people TO by other blacks can conceptually be exolained by Nobles' (T974) Afri- canity theory, or it may be that mutual aid is a prerequisite to survi- val for minority status groups in a hostile environment, and the fact that hostility along strengthens the ties of kinship. It is also possi- ble that in light of the black movement, a group identification and collective orientation would prevail in black individuals' perception and recognition of help needed by other blacks and possibly by those who are sympathetic to minority problems. In relation to personal norms, those who have been affected by such an orientation possibly would feel a personal obligation, in a helping situation, to help a black individual. It would also seem that one who has not been affected by the various consciousness raising efforts would not feel a strong personal obligation to help. Although black consciousness or race consciousness is difficult to operationalize, the attitude scale mentioned earlier was developed in an effort to identify black and white subjects' orientation to their own, and other, races. The other variables of interest are identified by the personal norm and responsibility denial variables. Before pre- senting the hypotheses of this investigation, a description of the variables involved shall be presented. An individual's score on the racial attitude scale was used to assign the subject into one of three racial orientation categories. A same race orientation means that the subject responded in a more favorable light towards people of his own race. A score in the middle level means that the subject did not reSpond more favorably or nega- tively to any particularly racial group. The anti-race orientation score means the Subject responded in a more favorable light to other 11 races and unfavorably to his own race. The personal norm measure allows the subject to indicate if feelings of personal obligation have been generated. The personal norm is tapped during the second phase of Schwartz's theory, i.e., the obli- gation step. The cognitive structures of norms and values have been activated and the obligation phase is initiated. In the present study the subject is exposed to descriptions of three similar volunteer situations and asked to indicate if he feels either a strong obligation to volunteer, no obligation either way, or an obligation not to volun- teer. The Responsibility Denial (RD) variable identifies the tendency of an individual to deny that s/he is responsible for the consequences of an action and his/her feelings of personal obligation are neutralized. RD is measured by agreement with or rejection of a set of 28 items which provide rationales for ascribing some responsibility for the actions and/or their consequences away from the actor. Acceptance of the rationales is coded as indicating a tendency to deny responsibility. The predicted relationship between the above variables makes this investigation unique, because previous literature that employs the Schwartz paradigm makes no effort to predict what an individual's personal norm will be. The hypotheses for this study were generated by an interest in making such a prediction, and analyzing the interaction of the norm and overt helping behavior. The hypotheses are: 1. There will be an interaction between racial orientation and the personal norm. Subjects who have a same race orienta- tion are expected to indicate a strong personal obligation to volunteer for the organization that helps members of his race; subjects whose racial orientation is neither favorable or unfavorable to any particular racial group is not expected 12 to display a strong obligation to any particular organiza- tion; subjects whose orientation is unfavorable toward their own race and favorable toward others are expected to display an obligation not to volunteer for the group that helps members of their own racial group. The effect of the personal norm will be moderated by the responsibility denial variable. Subjects who are high on RD are expected to display the same amount of helping regardless of the individuals‘ personal norm. Differences due to norms are expected to increase as RD to the self decreases. METHOD Design A 2 X 2 X 2 X 2 X 3 factorial design with repeated measures on the last factor was used to explore the effects of race of subject (black vs. white), racial orientation (high vs. low), personal norm (high vs. low), responsibility denial (high vs. low) upon the dependent measure: helping behavior toward three organizations (Okemos, Otto, and Teach a Brother). The two levels for the variables racial orientation, personal norm and responsibility denial were created by using a mechan-split procedure. Each subject's racial orientation score was determined by using the first subscale (institute) of the racial orientation question- naire. This subscale was used because of the nature of the items within this subscale, and the highly significant difference between black and white subjects on this scale. Subjects Subjects were 154 undergraduate students enrolled in an introduc- tory psychology course at Michigan State University. There were 15 black men, 10 between the ages of 18-20 years and five were 21 years of age. Fifteen black women participated, 12 between the ages of 18-20 years and three were 22 years of age. There were 35 white males, 23 between the ages of 17-19 years and 12 were between 20-23 years of age 13 l4 and 89 white females. There were 68 between the ages of 17-19 and 21 were between 20-21 years of age. Participation in the experiment partially fulfilled a course requirement. Students in this course received extra credit for partici- pating in psychological experiments. Procedure Subjects were told initially that their assistance was needed to help a friend of the experimenter. Two forms were then distributed. One was labeled "volunteer survey." Included in the survey was a des- cription of three organizations with tutoring programs for children. The three types of programs summarized imply the recipients of the volunteer behavior would be black (Teach a Brother), white (Okemos School) or racially mixed (Otto School). The next section of the survey requested that the individuals indicate their personal obligation to volunteer in all the programs. The personal norm variable was in fact assessed at that time. The page following the description of the organ- ization contained six questions asking the subjects their personal obligation to help either someone they knew or a stranger in each organ- ization. The last page of the survey was a form that subjects could fill in giving their name, address and telephone number if they were interested in volunteering immediately, simply requesting more informa- tion, or committing themselves to volunteer activities at a later time for one or all of the tutoring programs. The subjects' responses on this form were the dependent measure of the study. The volunteer survey was then collected and the subjects were thanked by the experimenter for helping her friend. The experimenter l5 then distributed a questionnaire booklet containing five scales. The scales were presented in the same order each time and the order follows. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Responsibility Denial Internal-External Identification with the Underdog Racial Orientation Scale Social Distance Scale The scales in this booklet of importance to this study were the Respon- sibility Denial Scale and the Racial Orientation Scale. The other three scales were used to validate the Racial Orientation Scale. RESULTS The Dependent Measures The analyses presented below focus on an examination of the effects of the three independent variables—-racial orientation, respon- sibility denial and personal norm--on the dependent variable, subjects' pro-social responses. Additional analyses examined the instrument developed to assess the validity of the racial orientation measure. The independent and dependent variables were obtained from several questionnaires that subjects completed in one experimental session that lasted about 45 minutes. Appendix A presents a copy of the four ques- tionnaires that were used in this study. Scale Construction Preliminary Testing An instrument to measure subjects' attitudes toward race, i.e., the racial orientation variables, was developed by the researcher. Pre- liminary construction of the scale was based on a sample of 269 under- graduate students. The questionnaire consists of 35 items worded in such a way that individuals of any race can respond to them. The following two items provide an example: I. I am concerned with the welfare of peOpTe whose race is different from mine. 2. At sports events I cheer for members of my race. 16 l7 The total scale consists of three subscales. A principal component factor analysis with varimax rotation was performed on the original items and three subscales were identified. One scale contained items concerning institutions such as marriage, work situation, neighborhood composition, political preference, trustworthi- ness and parent-child relationships. This subscale consisted of 16 items. The second subscale contained items concerning cross-cultural interest, worldwide minority concern and the necessity of minority struggle. This subscale consisted of ten items. The third subscale contained items concerning the existence of ethnic cultures, racial equality, and the mentality and ability of other races. This subscale consisted of nine items. The alphas for the subscales are .86, .76, and .63 respectively. The intercorrelations among scales were below .44 (see Table 1). Table 1 Scale 1 Scale 2 Scale 3 Scale 1 1.00 .43 .39 Scale 2 .43 1.00 .40 Scale 3 .39 .40 1.00 Both black and white subjects were used in the scale construction process, and the difference between these respondents was only signifi- cant for the first subscale. Black subjects scored higher on this scale than white students. A high score on the first subscale indi- cates a positive attitude toward the respondent's own race. 18 On the subsequent two scales, a low score indicates a positive attitude toward the respondent's own race. White subjects scored higher on the last two scales but the difference was not significant. Psychometric Analysis of Final Scale After the subscales were refined to acceptable levels the instru- ment was used to assess the racial orientation variable in this study. The characteristics of this analysis are as follows: the new sample consisted of 128 undergraduate students. The internal consistency coefficients (Cronbach's coefficient alpha) for the subscales in the same order as above were .85, .65 and .39. The original 35 items were used. The intercorrelations between scales were below .43 (see Table 2). Table 2 Scale 1 Scale 2 Scale 3 Scale 1 T.OO .3220 .4248 Scale 2 .3270 1.00 .3923 Scale 3 .4248 .3923 1.00 The difference between black and white respondents was significant for the first two subscales (see Table 3). Black subjects scored higher on the first subscale than whitesubjects and lowercnithe second sub- scale than white subjects. The scoring formula is the same as men- tioned in the preliminary scale construction section. The validity of the 35-item racial orientation scale was assessed by the method of convergent validity. The scale was expected to corre- late positively with Schuman and Harding's (1963) Identification with 19 Table 3 standard T 2-tail mean deviation value prob. Black 30.6000 9.427 5.31 .000 Scale 1 White 21.2339 8.490 standard T 2-tai1 mean deviation value prob. Black 12.7667 3.692 -2.72 .002 Scale 2 White 15.3790 4.936 the Underdog, and the Bogardus (1956) Social Distance Scale. The scale was not expected to correlate with Rotter's (1966) Internal- External scale or the Schwartz (1968) Responsibility Denial Scale. The psychometric characteristics of these latter scales were derived from a sample of 155 subjects who were administered the ques- tionnaires at the same time. The internal consistency coefficient of each scale and the intercorrelations between the scales are presented in Tables 4 and 5 respectively. The Racial Orientation Scales correlated significantly (in the appropriate direction) with the scales measuring a similar construct, i.e., Social Distance Scale and the Identification with the Underdog Scale. The alphas for these scales were quite high also. It is important to note that the scales differed in question format and scoring proce- dure from the racial orientation scale and from each other, and, therefore, the significant correlation between the three scales is noteworthy (see Campbell and Fiske, 1959). 20 Table 4 Scales Cronbach's coefficient alpha Racial Orientation .81 Identification with the Underdog ' .82 Social Distance .87 Responsibility Denial .76 Internal-External .27 The racial orientation scale was not expected to correlate with the Internal-External Scale or the RD; however, there was a low positive correlation for the former and a negative correlation for the latter. It is possible that the internality-externality and responsibility denial constructs are not independent of one's attitude towards his or her race and other races, and therefore, the scales may have not been appr0priate to use within this convergent validity method. In summary, the results of the reliability and validity study showed that the 23 item racial orientation scale had sufficiently good psychometric properties for use as a research instrument. Psychometric Analysis of Additional Scales Responsibility Denial Scale An instrument used to measure subjects' tendencies to deny responsibility for the consequences of an action was developed by Shalom Schwartz (1973). The questionnaire consists of 28 Opinion and self- descriptive items. Each item mentions or alludes to actions with inter- personal consequences and provides a rationale for ascribing (some) responsibility for the actions and/or their consequences away from the actor. The variable called responsibility denial (R0) was assessed through the use of this scale. The statistical characteritics of the 21 oooo.— o~o~.u ammpm. Fume. «mpoF. ommp.u oooo.~ mmm—.n mnoo. «vmmm.u aNMFN. mmwp.u oooo.~ memo. «swam. —ch. mnoo. memo. oooo.~ «mumm. «m—m—. avmmm.u anmmm. scumm. oooo.p pmccmuxm Pmpcmo ”mmcmmfln museum_o :o_umpcm_go -chemu:H zuwpwawmcoamwm cowpmu_ewwcmuH . _mwoom ”swung acmmgm>cou to; new: mmpmum —mcowumuum use Acowumucmwgo pmwommv m_mum ma «_nae —oo. v ma Pmcgmuxu -Pmccmu:~ _a_=ma »u___a_m=oamma acetate: as» ;S_3 cospau_c_ucou~ mucaum_o _aauom copuaucmwgo —mvocm .sa_u__a> agms_ga ms» cmmzumn meowumpmggousmucm 22 RD scale were based on 155 subjects. The internal consistency coeffi- cient (Cronbach's coefficient alpha) was .76. There was no significant difference between the means for black and white subjects on RD. Personal Norm Scale An instrument to measure subjects' feelings of personal obligation toward a specific group was developed by the researcher. On this instrument the subject is exposed to descriptions of three similar volunteer situations. With that information in the mind the subject is asked to indicate on a Likert response format, if s/he feels an obliga- tion to volunteer to assist the goals of the organization. The follow- ing two items are examples: 1. If a close friend or relative of yours attended or had chil- dren who attended school in the Okemos School District and that child needed a volunteer to help them with his or her problems and you were qualified for the job, would you feel a personal obligation to be a volunteer? 2. If a stranger to you attended or had children that attended in the Okemos School District and that child needed a volun- teer to help and you were qualified for the job, would you feel a personal obligation to volunteer? There were four additional questions worded in the exact manner, except that Otto Junior High School and Teach a Brother program replaced the words "Okemos School District." The purpose of using the personal norm scale is to examine the relationship between subjects' personal obliga- tion to volunteer and subjects' pro-social behavior when given an oppor- tunity to volunteer. The coefficient alpha for this scale was .84, based on a sample size of 154 subjects. A t-test was performed for this scale, and no difference between responses of black and white subjects was found. 23 The intercorrelations between racial orientation scale, i.e., subscale institute, responsibility denial (RD) scale and the personal norm scale are presented in Table 6. Table 6 0,4232%“ RESPSZN-Eiw ”i132.“ Racial Orientation 1.0000 -.3836* -.O478 ReSponsibility Denial -.3836* 1.0000 .2045* Personal Norm -.O478 .2045* 1.0000 *p < .005 Correlational Analysis of Scales and Dependent Variable In order to investigate the relationship between the aforemen- tioned scales and the dependent variables, subjects' actual volunteering behavior, a series of Pearson Product Moment Correlation Coefficients were calculated. The first series of correlations were performed with- out dividing the sample by race. The independent variables were broken down as follows: A. Racial orientation scale (three subscales) 1) Institute1 2) Interpersonal2 1Institute: items concerned school, work, and neighborhood issues. ' 2Interpersonal: items concerned political participation, world- wide minority concerns and marriage issues. 24 3) Equality3 8. Personal Norm Scale (three groups) 1) Okemos Elementary School 2) Otto Junior High School 3) Teach a Brother Program The dependent variables were the subjects' scores for volunteering in each of the three groups (Okemos, Otto, Teach a Brother). The subjects could check one of the following for each group. a) Interested in volunteering immediately (value = 3) b) Commit themselves at a later time (value = 2) c) Requesting more information (value = 1) d) Not volunteering at all (value = 0) One score per group, per subject, was calculated for the pro- social behavior score. (See Table 8--for the coefficients that were significant at the .05 level.) Table 9 and Table 10 list the coeffi- cients significant for black and white subjects respectively. The personal norm items were highly intercorrelated with each other. Scores on the two items for each group were thus added to create a measure of personal norm for each group, i.e., total norm score for Okemos Elementary School, total norm score for Otto Junior High School, and a total norm score for Teach a Brother. See Tables 11 to 13 for significant correlations for total subject sample and black and white subjects separately. The personal norm items were still highly intercorrelated even when scores were added by group. The items were thus combined to 3Equality: items concerned racial equality, affirmative action, and need for change issues. 25 create a summary score for the overall total norm, i.e., one score for three groups. The helping scores were also similar in nature and were thus combined to create a total helping score. See Tables 14, 15 and 16 for significant corelations for the total sample and black and white subjects respectively. Test of the Hypotheses Hypothesis 1 Hypothesis I predicted that there would be a significant relation- ship between racial orientation and the personal norm. The predicted nature of this relationship was such that subjects who had a same racial orientation were expected to indicate a strong personal obligation (per- sonal norm measure) to volunteer for the organization that helps members of his race; subjects whose racial orientation was neither favorable nor unfavorable to any particular racial group were not expected to display a strong personal obligation to any particular organization; subjects whose racial orientation was unfavorable toward their own race were expected to diSplay an obligation not to volunteer for the group that helps members of their own racial group. Analysis of variance of three independent variables and the dependent measure was performed. The results follow. There was a significant main effect of organization on the helping variable, F (1, 146) = 5.883, p < .003. The relationship was such that there was more volunteering behavior exhibited toward the Teach a Brother organization. The mean helping score for each organization is found in Table 17. However, a significant organization X race, F (2, 146) = 14.333, p < .0005, modified this main effect, indicating that black subjects 26 Table 16 '7 Teach a Brother .59 Okemos School .30 Otto School .14 volunteered for the Teach a Brother organization significantly more than the other two organizationsand white subjects volunteered for the Okemos organization significantly more than the other two organizations. See Table 18 for the mean helping score for each organization by race. Table 17 .Black White Okemos School .1770 .3820 Otto School .1770 .1055 Teach a Brother .9836 .0537 There was also significant main effect for race, F (2, 146) = 5.586, p < .019 which indicated that black subjects exhibited more pro- social responses than white subjects. The means for each race according to a total helping score follow. Black White Combined helping score mean .4459 .1804 There was also a significant main effect for personal norm, F (T, 146) = 9.102, p < .003 which indicates that subjects with a high personal 27 norm, X'= .4459, exhibited more pro-social responses than subjects with a low personal norm, 7'= .1804. The hypothesized realtionship between racial orientation and per- sonal norm did not reach significance. However, organization X racial orientation X race almost reached significance, F (2, 146) = 2.637, p < .073. An investigation of the correlational analyses indicates that black subjects in the low racial orientation were high on the per- sonal norm variable, r = -.34, p = .03. Although the ANOVA did not support this relationship further, this finding was contradictory to the hypothesized relationship. See Table 19 for the F table. Hypothesis 2 Hypothesis 2 predicted that the overt helping behavior of the subjects would be moderated by the responsibility denial variable (RD) such that subjects high on R0 are expected to display low amounts of helping and the helping behavior of subjects low on RD would not be affected by this variable. Analysis of variance revelated that the effect of R0 on helping was not significant (F < 1). The typical Schwartz method to investigate the effects of R0 on pro-social responses is to perform a correlational analysis using the high and low levels of R0 and their relationship to helping behavior. This in addition to the ANOVA produced no significant differences in the correlations. Apparently, RD did not exert a major influence in this experiment. 28 Table 18 Analysis of Variance Summary Table for Dependent Variable Source* DF 55 MS F Ratio fipg:g§: 0 2 .690055E+Ol .345027E+Ol 5.883 .003 DP 2 .141494E+OO .707469E-Ol .121 .886 OR 2 .165768E+02 .82884OE+OT 14.133 <0.0005 OA 2 .188958E+Ol .94479OE+OO 1.611 .201 OPR 2 .245255£+01 .122627E+Ol 2.091 .125 OPA 2 .185719E+OO .928594E-Ol .158 .854 ORA 2 .309252£+01 .154626E+Ol 2.637 .073 OPRA 2 .108006E+01 .540028E+OO .921 .399 05 292 .171244E+O3 .586453E+OO P 1 .815544E+OT .815544E+OT 9.102 .003 R 1 .500497E+Ol .500497E+01 5.586 .019 A 1 .165336E+Ol .165336E+Ol 1.845 .176 PR 1 .210048E+Ol .210048E+Ol 2.344 .128 PA 1 .166542E+OO .166542E+OO .186 .667 RA 1 .116612E+Ol .ll6612E+01 1.301 .256 PRA 1 .190271E+OO .190271£+00 .212 .646 s 146 .130814E+O3 .895985E+OO * Key to letters in source table: 0 - Organization P - Personal Norm A - Racial Orientation R - Race DISCUSSION This study tested the hypothesis that racial orientation can moderate an individual's personal norm to help members of the same race. The results did not confirm the expected racial orientation X personal norm interaction. It was also hypothesized that a high personal norm would lead to overt prosocial behavior. However, this relationship was expected to be moderated by subjects' responsibility denial (RD) such that subjects high on RD would help less regardless of the personal norm, and subjects low on RD would help according to their personal norm. These predictions were partially confirmed: subjects did not display differential personal norms toward the three target groups. However, subjects who did diSplay a high total norm (summary score) did exhibit significantly more overt prosocial behavior than subjects who dis- played a low total norm. The results showed that there was no effect of the responsibility denial variable on overt prosocial behavior, personal norm or the racial orientation variable. There were no particular hypotheses concerning race because it was expected that there would be same race helping by subjects who had a high same race orientation and a high same race personal norm, i.e., they would feel a strong personal obligation to volunteer for the organization that helped members of his or her race. However, 29 30 the relationship between racial orientation and the personal norm was not confirmed,and the personal norm variable was not divided by the racial makeup of the target organizations; therefore, a discussion of the characteristics of the subjects who did exhibit overt prosocial behavior follows. Results showed that black subjects diSplayed more helping than white subjects. However, black subjects exhibited more prosocial responses for the Teach a Brother organization and white subjects exhibited more prosocial responses for the Okemos organization. The intended perception of the racial makeup of these two groups was such that the Teach a Brother organization was composed of black indivi- duals and the Okemos organization was composed of white individuals. This finding suggests that there was more same race helping for both racial groups regardless of the other variables, and is substantiated by the organization-race interaction. In the same race helping situation it was expected that sub- jects would exhibit a high personal norm in the situations where members of their race needed help. However, the personal norm main effect was based on a summary score for the personal norm variable because subjects did not differentiate between organizations. It is possible that the subjects high on the personal norm variable felt they were being asked about members of their race in each situation. For example, this item may have been misleading: if a close friend or relative of yours attended or had children who attended school in the Okemos School District and that child needed a volunteer to help them with his or her problems and you were 31 qualified for the job, would you feel a personal obligation to be a volunteer. This item was intended to portray a situation where the per- son most likely in need of help would be white. However, black subjects may have perceived the situation such that the person most likely in need of help was someone black in a predominantly white environment. The wording above was exactly the same for the Otto Junior High group and the Teach a Brother program except, of course, the group names were interchanged. On the other hand, since the wording was the same for Otto and Teacha Brother, white subjects may have perceived the situation such that the person in need of help was someone white in a mixed or predominantly black environment. Although it is not quite clear exactly who these subjects felt a personal obligation toward, it is clear that when given an opportunity to exhibit pro-social behavior, they chose an organization that was com- posed of members of their own race. This is interesting because through an examination of these subjects' racial orientation they were not identified as prejudiced against other races, or particularly biased toward their own race. In fact, results from the correlational analysis showed that the black subjects who exhibited pro-social behavior had a lgw_same-race orientation and were high on the total personal nonm variable. These results suggest, to this experimenter, that the familiarity of one's own racial and cultural group in this potential student-teacher relationship is apparently a strong factor in the determination of an action response. It is not surprising that black subjects chose the black organi— zation. There is a history in our society for oppressed minorities, be they black, Spanish-speaking, American Indian, etc., to try and 32 maintain an appearance of group solidarity and support. However, the fact that white subjects singled out the white organization suggests that regardless of their majority position in this society there is an allegiance to their own race. This would be contrary to the notion that white people in this society do not have a strong "ethnic" group feeling and that they do not particularly notice the whiteness of them- selves or other people. The finding that black subjects low on the racial orientation variable exhibited more same race helping than any other subjects was contrary to the hypotheses, but may be explained by the findings of Marx (1971). Marx found that the variables closely related to racial consciousness and militancy were intellectual sophistication, high morale, and a positive self image, which was correlated negatively with anti-white sentiments. Perhaps the black subjects in this study have been affected by the black movement, race consciousness raising efforts, and a push toward group identification. It would appear that black subjects who endorsed items such as "I would like to attend school," "live in the same neighborhood," "frequent the businesses" and "work with the people of my race," would also feel a strong group orientation. However, the results showed that these subjects did not help members of the same race, nor did they feel a personal obligation to help. It is plausible that a social norm exists within the black community to, at minimum, endorse the rhetoric or language surrounding their social struggle as a minroity group in this society. In light of Marx's findings, the black subjects who were low on the racial orientation variable were possibly more realistic in their endorsement, more know- ledgeable, and more honest in their opinions. Perhaps their awareness 33 of need was stronger and, therefore, more likely to contribute to an action decision. These subjects did in fact offer more same race assis- tance and exhibited a high personal norm. Although the validity of the racial orientation scale was substan- tiated by the high correlations of this scale with other scales assess- ing racial attitudes, another explanation of the particular attitudes tapped is plausible. It may be that the black subjects high on the racial orientation scale had a strong orientation to their own race that was more ethocentric in nature. More specifically, in the tradi- tional view of ethocentrism as defined by Adorno, these subjects might have felt that black people were superior or equal to other races and have a strong identification with the black race. However, these feelings of group membership do not ncessarily include an obligation or norm to help the unfortunate members of their race. The old cliche of pulling oneself up by one's own boot straps may be applicable in this situation. In conclusion, some support for Schwartz's (1973) theory can be derived from this study. Schwartz contends that in a situation when norms are constructed and feelings of moral (personal) obligation are generated, they have a causal impact on altruistic behavior. This was true for black and white subjects. Since Schwartz's theory involves a cognitive decision making process, those subjects may have decided, through reassessment and reevaluation, that it would not be very costly to them not to volunteer to assist in one of the organizations that did not service the same race. Since black subjects high on the total personal norm variable only exhibited same race helping, they may have decided that the costs to their self concept were too high to violate 34 their personal norms, at least toward other blacks in need of help. In light of the results, one may also conclude that the personal norm variable is a useful predictor variable for same race helping among blacks and whites in a non-emergency situation and when the choice of an action response is based on race. The responsibility denial (RD) variable and the personal norm variable have been significantly related consistently in Schwartz's research. The RD variable identifies the tendency of an individual to deny that he is responsible for the consequences of an action and his feelings of personal obligation are neutralized. However, the results showed that there was no relationship among RD, personal norm and overt altruistic behavior. In the majority of Schwartz's studies, the dependent variable was a measure of extratordinary help for example donating bone marrow. It is possible that the responsibility denial variable is activated only in a situation where an unusual situation for pro-social behavior exists. These findings suggest a number of important questions to be considered in future research. First, that there was same race helping by black and white subjects suggests that ethno-group behavior can exist within the majority population. This is also the only study which demonstrates same race helping by whites in a non-emergency situation. Additional studies investigating the circumstances for same race helping would be interesting. Second, given that there were dif- ferences in helping among blacks, it is obvious that race alone is not a strong enough predictor of same race helping. It is, therefore, important to investigate other variables that contribute to same race 35 helping. Waddell (1971), for example, found a significant relationship between values and attitudes measuring black militancy. He also found that changes in the importance of values were related to changes in the intensity of attitudes toward black militancy. It would be interesting to investigate changes in a personal norm to help with value change and ideology change. In addition to these suggestions, it would also be interesting to validate the racial orientation scale using measures of ethnocentrism to investigate the alternative explanation that the specific attitudes assessed by this scale,for black subjects, concerns group identifica- tion and allegiance toward their own race without an obligation to help an unfortunate member of their race. REFERENCES REFERENCES Berkowitz, L. Social norms, feelings, and other factors affecting help- ing behavior and altruism. In L. Berkowitz (Ed.). Advances in experimental social psychology (Vol. 6). New York: Academic Press, 1972. Bickman, L. and Gaertner, S. L. Effects of race on the elicitation of helping behavior: the wrong number technique. Journal of Person- ality and Social Psychology, 1971, 29, 218-222. Bryan, J. A., and Test, H. A. Models and helping: naturalistic studies in aiding behavior. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 1967, g, 400-407. Cohen, S., and Katz, 1. Some determinants of cross-racial helping behavior. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 1975, 329 964-969. . Darley, J. M., and Latane, B. Bystander intervention in emergencies: diffusion of responsibility. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 1968, 8, 377-383. Darley, J. M., and Latane, B. Norms and normative behavior: field studies of social interdependence. In J. Macauley and L. Berko- witz (Eds.), Altruism and helping_behavior. New York: Academic Press, 1970. Freedman, J. L. Transgression, compliance, and guilt. In J. Macauley and L. Berkowitz (Eds.), Altruism and helping behavior. New York: Academic Press, 1970. Horstein, H. A. Social models and interpersonal helping behavior. In J. Macauley and L. Berkowitz (Eds.), Altruism and helping behavior. New York: Academic Press, 1970. Isen, A. M. Success, failure, attention and reactions to others: the warm glow of success. Journal of Personality and Social Psycho- logy, 1970, 15, 294-301. - Leeds, R. Altruism and the norm of giving. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 1963, 9, 229-240. 36 37 Piliavin, I. M., Roden, J., and Piliavin, J. S. A good samaritan: an underground phenomenon. Journal of Personality and Social Psygho- logy, l969,.12, 289-299. Riddell, J. C., and Graf, R. C. Helping behavior as a function of interpersonal perception. The Journal of Social Psychology, 1972, 86, 227-231. Ross, A. S. Effect of increased responsibility on bystander interven- tion: the presence of children. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 1971, 12, 306-310. Schwartz, 5. H. Awareness of consequences and the influence of moral norms on interpersonal behavior. Sociometry, 1968,.21, 355—369. Schwartz, S. H. Normative explanations of helping behavior: a critique proposal, and empirical test. Journal of Experimental and Social Psychology, 1973, 2, 349-364. Schwartz, 5. H. Awareness of interpersonal consequences, responsibility denial and volunteering. Journal of Personality and Social Psygho- logy, 1974, 29, 57-63. Schwartz, S. H. Normative influences on helping behavior. In Leonard Berkowitz (Ed.). Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 1977, 10, 221-279. Shaw, E. M., and Wright, M. J. Scales for the Measurement of Attitudes. New York: McGraw=Hill, 1967. Thayer, J. Give me your ears: racial and sexual factors in helping the deaf. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 1973, 28, 8-11. Waddell, Charles. The functional relationship between values, attitudes and black militancy. Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State Univer- sity, T971. Walster, E., Berscheid, E., and Walster, G. W. The exploited: justice or justification? In J. Macauley and L. Berkowitz (Eds.), Altruism and helping behavior. New York: Academic Press, 1970. Wegner, D. M. and Crano, W. D. Racial factors in helping behavior: an unobtrusive field experiment. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 1975, 22, 901-905. West, 5., Whitney, 6., and Schnedler, R. Helping a motorist in dis- tress: the effects of race, sex, and neighborhood. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 1973,.21, 691-698. Wispe, L., and Freshley, H. 8. Race, sex, and sympathetic helping behavior: the broken bag caper. Journal of Personality,and Social Psycholggy, 1971,.12, 59-65. APPENDIX A TABLES 38 mme_.- NNm_.- meme. Foo_. eem_. Kemp. e_me. Pomp. ~_e_. weep. ooem. mme_. “_em. eeem. Nemm.- memm.- me_m.- hemp. memm. em_e.- eemm.- meme. meme. NNMF.- memm.- ewem. seem. _Pm_. eom_. meem.- meme. eemm. _om_. meme. oeee. e_ee. meme. e_~m. ease. Nem_. Kemp. oeee. mmem. meme. some. omee. ewmp. weep. e_em. epee. mNeN. Nome. emwe. meow. Nem_. meme. meme. Nome. eeem. meme. Nme_. e_eN. meme. “_Nm. oeem. emme. eeem. meem. e.m_. Doom. _Pme. 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Feee. eeeeeeeee oocN. om_N. ssoz Pesomsms _eeoe :e as _eeee .Leese .mes Suez ee=6eses Peach cup u z oo. v s muumnoom mews: sow msoom soe>esmo PeeUOmuoss umseoEoo use .om .soepeusmeso Peeoem .msoum Esoz _esomsms umseosoo mo mesmeuwemmoo scepepmssoo somsems pseoeeesoem op mpoee APPENDIX B 47 SURVEY ON VOLUNTEER ACTIVITIES Okemos Friends Teach a Purpose: involves Okemos School District children and MSU students focusing on a relationship between the child and the volunteer. The children are from single parent families foster homes, those who have had contact with the juvenile court, those with family problems and those who are new to the community. Time commitment: 3-4 hours per week two term minimum Transportation: provided Qualifications: Volunteers need to be mature and reliable Brother Purpose: to enlarge upon the educational opportunities of junior high aged students in southwest Lansing. The goals are to assist young Black children in their immediate academic needs and to raise their level of Black awareness and encourage them to explore wide ranging possibilities for their educational and occupational futures. Time commitment: 3—4 hours per week Two term commitment Transportation: provided Qualifications: Volunteers need to be mature and reliable Otto Junior High School Purpose: Volunteers at Otto, a large racially and socio—economically mixed junior high on Lansing's north side, have an opportunity to provide a variety of educational experiences to the students of the school. The program is structured to encourage all who are involved to move beyond the old concept of tutoring as being the mere communication of facts from volunteer to student. Time commitment: 3-4 hours a week Two terms or more Transportation: provided Qualifications: Volunteers need to be mature and reliable The following questions ask whether you would feel a personal obligation to be a volunteer under various circumstances. Do you think that this is something you ought to do or something you should Egg_do? After each question mark on the answer sheet the number that best describes how you would feel. If you would feel some personal obligation not to volunteer mark the number (0) zero. If you would feel a very strong obligation to volunteer mark the number (6) six. Mark the number (1) one only if you would feel no obligation to get involved one way or the other. 1. If a close friend or relative of yours (parent, child, brother, etc.) attended or had children who attended school in the Okemos School District and that child needed a volunteer to help them with his or her problems and you were qualified for the job, would you feel a personal obligation to be a volunteer? Obligation No obliga- Strong obliga- Not to tion either way tion to volunteer 0 l 2 3 4 5 6 2. If a stranger to you attended school in the Okemos School District and needed a volunteer to help and you were qualified for the job, would you feel a personal obligation to volunteer? Obligation No obliga- Strong obliga- Not to tion either way tion to volunteer 0 l 2 3 4 S 6 3. If a close friend or relative was either a participant in the Teach a Brother program or had children in the program and you were qualified to be a volunteer would.you feel a personal obligation to be a volunteer? Obligation No obliga- Strong obliga- Not to tion either way tion to volunteer 0 l 2 3 4 S 6 4. If a stranger to you was either a participant in the Teach a Brother program or had children in the program.and you were qualified to be a volunteer *would you feel a personal obligation to be a volunteer? Obligation No obliga- Strong obliga- Not to tion either way tion to volunteer 0 1 2 3 4 S 6 5. If a close friend or relative attended or had children who attended Otto Junior High and that child needed a volunteer to help with his or her problem and you were qualified for the job would you feel a personal obligation to volunteer? Obligation No obliga- Strong obliga- not to tion either way tion to volunteer O 1 2 3 4 5 6 6. If a stranger to you attended Otto Junior High School and needed a volunteer to help with his or her problem and you were qualified for the job would you feel a personal obligation to volunteer? Obligation No obliga- Strong obliga- not to tion either way tion to volunteer 0 l 2 3 4 S 6 Bow costly (inconvenient, problematic, etc.) do you think or imagine the following to be? Convenient . . . . .Inconvenient 1. Transportation not provided . . . . . . 1 2 3 4 5 2. A.maximum of 3-4 hours .. ..... ....... l 2 3 4 5 3. One term commitment . . . . . . . . . . l 2 3 4 S 4. If the volunteer time was all in . one day . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l 2 3 4 S S. If the volunteer time was during the we ekend O O O O I O O O O O O O O O 1 2 3 4 5 6. werking with school age Children 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 1 2 3 4 S 7. Vblunteering for a different kind of organization . . . . . . . . . . . . . l 2 3 4 5 If you would like to volunteer for one of the organizations please check the group and write down your name and phone number. A representative from the group indicated will contact you. Okemos Friends Name Otto Junior High School Phone Number Teach a Brother Please write down your name and address if you would like a member of an organiza- tion to contact you periodically during the school year (1978-79) to see if you are interested in volunteering. Okemos Friends Name Otto Junior High School Address Teach a Brother If you would like more information about any of the organizations please check the group and write down your name and address. Okemos Friends Name Otto Junior high School Address Teach a Brother Each of the items below is a statement of an attitude or opinion some people have. There are no right or wrong responses to these statements. For each item mark on the answer sheet the number which best indicates the extent to which you agree or disagree with it. If you are not certain, answer agree or disagree according to which comes closer to your opinions. Strongly Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Disagree 1. If a good friend of mine wanted to l 2 3 4 injure an enemy of his, it would be my duty to try to stop him. 2. Failing to return the money when you 1 2 3 4 are given too much change is the same as stealing from a store. 3. I wouldn't feel that I had to do my 1 2 3 4 part in a group project if everyone was lazy. 4. If I hurt someone unintentionally, I 1 2 3 4 would feel almost as guilty as I would if I had done the same thing intentionally. 5.‘ Gossiping is so common in our society 1 2 3 4 that a person who gossips once in a while can't really be blamed so much. 6. When a person is nasty to me, I feel 1 2 3 4 very little responsibility to treat him well. 7. I would feel less bothered about 1 2 3 4 leaving litter in a dirty park than in a clean one. 8. No matter what a person has done to l 2 3 4 us, there is no excuse for taking advantage of him. 9. When a man is completely involved in l 2 3 4 valuable work, you can't blame him if he is insensitive to those around him. 10. If I damaged someone's car in an 1 2 3 4 accident that was legally his fault, I would still feel somewhat guilty. 11. When you consider how hard it is for l 2 3 4 an honest businessman to get ahead, it is easier to forgive shrewdness in business. 12. When a person is pushed hard enough, 1 2 3 4 there comes a point beyond which anything he does is justifiable. 13. Even if something you borrow is l 2 3 4 defective, you should still replace it if it gets broken. Strongly Agree Agree 14. You can't blame basically good people 1 2 who are forced by their environment to be inconsiderate of others. 15. No matter how much a person is pro- 1 2 voked, he is always responsible for what- ever he does. 16. Being upset or preoccupied does not 1 2 excuse a person for doing anything he would ordinarily avoid. 17. As long as a businessman doesn't I 2 break laws, he should feel free to do his business as he sees fit. 18. Occasionally in life a person finds 1 2 himself in a situation in which he has absolutely no control over what he does to others. 19. I would feel obligated to do a favor l 2 for a person who needed it, even though he had not shown gratitude for past favors. 20. With the pressure for grades and the 1 2 ‘widespread cheating in school nowadays, the individual who cheats occasionally is not really as much at fault. 21. I wouldn't feel badly about giving 1 2 offense to someone if my intentions had been good. 22. thenuating circumstances never com- 1 2 pletely remove a person's responsibility for his actions. 23. You can't expect a person to act much 1 2 differently from everyone else. 24. It doesn't make much sense to be very l 2 concerned about how we act when we are sick and feeling miserable. 25. You just can't hold a store clerk 1 2 responsible for being rude and impolite at the end of a long work day. 26. Professional obligations can never 1 2 justify neglecting the welfare of others. Disagree 3 Strongly Disagree 4 .3 Strongly Agree Agree 27. If I broke a machine through mis- 1 2 handling, I would feel less guilty if it *was already damaged before I used it. 28. When you have a 16b to do, it is l 2 impossible to look out for everYbody's best interests. Disagree 3 Strongly Disagree Below are a series of pairs of statements. You are to read each pair carefully and then mark on the answer sheet the number of the statement, of the two, that better typifies your opinion or belief. Each statement represents a commonly held opinion so there are no right or wrong answers. Please make certain that you have marked a number for all pairs of statements. 1. (1) Children get into trouble because their parents punish them too much. (2) The trouble with most children nowadays is that their parents are too easy with them. 2. (1) Many of the unhappy things in people's lives are partly due to bad luck. (2) People's misfortunes result from the mistakes they make. 3. (1) One of the major reasons why we have wars is because people don't take enough interest in politics. (2) There will always be wars, no matter how hard people try to prevent them. 4. (1) In the long run people get the respect they deserve in this world. (2) Unfortunately, an individual's worth often passes unrecognized no matter how hard he tries. S. (1) An idea that teachers are unfair to students is nonsense. (2) Most students don't realize the extent to which their grades are influenced by accidental happenings. 6. (1) Without the right breaks one cannot be an effective leader. (2) Capable people who fail to become leaders have not taken advantage of their opportunities. 7. (1) No matter how hard you try some people just don't like you. (2) People who can't get others to like them don't understand how to get along with others. 8. (l) Heredity plays the major role in determining one's personality. (2) It is one's experiences in life which determine what one is like. 9. (l) I have often found that what is going to happen will happen. (2) Trusting to fate has never turned out as well for me as making a decision to take a definite course of action. '10. (I) In the case of the well prepared student there is rarely if ever such a thing as an unfair test. (2) Many times exam questions tend to be so unrelated to course work that studying is really useless. 11. (l) Becoming a success is a matter of hard work, luck has little or nothing to do with it. (2) Getting a good job depends mainly on being in the right place at the right time. 12. (l) The average citizen can have an influence in government decisions. (2) This world is run by the few people in power, and there is not much the little guy can do about it. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. (1) (2) (1) (2) (1) (2) (1) (2) (l) (2) (1) (2) (1) (2) (l) (2) (1) (2) (1) (2) (1) (2) (1) (2) (1) (2) (1) (2) (1) (2) When I make plans, I am almost certain that I can make them work. It_is not always wise to plan too far ahead because many things turn out to be a matter of good or bad fortune anyhow. There are certain people who are just no good. There is some good in everybody. In my case getting what I want has little or nothing to do with luck. Many times we might just as well decide what to do by flipping a coin. Who gets to be the boss often depends on who was lucky enough to be in the right place first. Getting people to do the right thing depends upon ability, luck has nothing to do with it. As far as world affairs are concerned, most of us are the victims of forces we can neither understand, nor control. By taking an active part in political and social affairs the people can control world events. Most people don't realize the extent to which their lives are controlled by accidental happenings. There really is no such thing as "luck.” One should always be willing to admit mistakes. It is usually best to cover up one's mistakes. It is hard to know whether or not a person really likes you. How many friends you have depends on how nice a person you are. In the long run the bad things that happen to us are balanced by the good ones. Most misfortunes are the result of lack of ability, ignorance, laziness, or all three. With enough effort we can wipe out political corruption It is difficult for people to have much control over the things politicians do in office. Sometimes I can't understand how teachers arrive at the grades they give. There is a direct connection between how hard I study and the grades I get. A good leader expects people to decide for themselves what they should do. A good leader makes it clear to everybody what their jobs are. Many times I feel that I have little influence over the things that happen to me. It is impossible for me to believe that chance or luck plays an important role in my life. People are lonely because they don't try to be friendly. There's not much use in trying too hard to please people, if they . like you, they like you. There is too much emphasis on athletics in high school. Team sports are an excellent way to build character. 28. (1) What happens to me is my own doing. (2) Sometimes I feel that I don't have enough control over the direction my life is taking. 29. (1) Most of the time I can't understand why politicians behave the way they do. (2) In the long run the people are responsible for bad government on a national as well as on a local level. IDENTIFICATION WITH THE UNDERDOG How do different groups react in typical situations? Below are some situations involving various groups. After each situation four possible choices are given. On the answer sheet mark the number that corresponds to the choice that you feel is the bggt_answer to the question asked for each situation. Leave the other three choices blank. This is a questionnaire rather than a test: your own personal opinion is the best way to answer each question. This questionnaire takes only about eight minutes to complete. Do not sign your name. 1. A colored man born in New England goes South for the first time and sees in a Mississippi bus station two waiting rooms, one for colored and one for whites. How do you think he would be likely to react to this? (1) He probably thinks it is a good thing at present, since it prevents trouble from arising. (2) He may notice it at first, but after a while he probably gets used to it and it doesn't make much difference to him. (3) He very likely feels hurt by it, and perhaps angry. (4) It is hard to know exactly how he would react to such a situation, though with more information one might be able to tell. 2. A Jewish man walking through a store hears one woman say to another, "That Betty, she's always trying to Jew the sales price down." What do you suppose the Jewish man's reaction is likely to be? (1) Underneath he doesn't like what he has overheard. (2) Very likely the comment goes in one ear and out the other. (3) It is difficult for a non-Jew to know exactly how a Jewish person would react to this. (4) If he is interested at all, it might be in several things—-for example, I... ‘-..--.1__ -L- —--— ----‘- - n.--‘ L-_--‘_A_ A.- nuk—L m.-.- A- “‘1‘ 3. r, O A Chinese couple open a Chinese restaurant in a large American city. The restaurant is quite successful, but often customers mispronounce the names of Chinese foods when ordering meals. How would Chinese owners be most likely to react to this? (1) They would feel hurt that their customers do not take the trouble to learn to pronounce Chinese words co-rectly. (2) They would understand why Americans are likely to have trouble with a language like Chinese that they have never studied. (3) Without talking to the Chinese couple about the matter, it is impossible to know how they would react. (4) Probably the Chinese couple never even notices such mistakes in pronounciation by Americans. A colored man who is working on a construction gang is always called "boy" or "Black Sambo" by the Superintendent, whereas the white workers doing the same job are called by their actual first names. How is the colored man likely to react to this? (1) It probably makes little difference, since over the years he is likely to have become used to it. (2) He probably resents it and may even hate the Superintendent for talking to him in this way. (3) He may well regard it as a friendly, informal way of speaking to him, especially if the Superintendent is generally a nice person. (4) The story does not give enough information to tell how he would react in this particular case. A Jewish person reads that some teen-age boys have painted anti-Jewish slogans on a Jewish clothing store. What is his reaction likely to be? (1) One cannot judge fairly without knowing more about the particular Jewish person and his make-up. (2) Unless it was a store that he owned or traded in, he would probably not pay too much attention to the incident. (3) He probably regards it as a harmless boyish prank, something the boys will grow out of in time. (4) He takes this seriously and doesn't like it at all. Two Chinese girls get jobs in a large American business office. The white girls in the office are polite, but do not want to become too friendly with them. What is the reaction of the Chinese girls likely to be? (1) They might prefer it this way, since they have each other as friends and would rather not mix too much with white people. (2) Probably it makes little difference if the job is good in all other ways. 7. 59 (3) The Chinese are so different in some of their customes that it would be difficult for a person who is not Chinese to figure out exactly what they would think. (4) They would almost certainly feel sad or angry or both. A Jewish boy graduates from his religious school. A Christian family that lives down the block hears of this and decides to send a small gift to the Jewish boy. What will be the Jewish family's most likely reaction when the gift arrives from the Christian family? (1) The Jewish parents probably will not like having Christians try to take part in what is usually just a Jewish occasion. (2) Since it will be only one of a number of gifts received by the boy, the Jewish family will take little or no notice of it. (3) The Jewish parents will very likely consider this a nice act by the Christian family and will be pleased. (4) The Jewish parents will probably be a little suspicious and wonder just what is in the mind of the Christian family in sending the gift. A Puerto Rican in New York is trying to find an apartment and goes to an attractive apartment building. The agent meets him, and explains that he would like to rent to him but that the tenants wouldn't like having a Puerto Rican in the building. The agent suggests another very good building that specializes in apartments for non-whites. How do you think the Puerto Rican is likely to react to this? (1) He will probably appreciate the agent's help in recommending another good building. (2) It is not easy to know what such a person would really think. (3) He may well be sad to learn that the people in the building don't want to live near him. (4) Very likely he would think nothing special of it, but just keep on looking until he finds a good place that takes Puerto Ricans. A group of colored teen-agers decide to picket and ”sit in" at a drug store where coloreds are not allowed to sit at the same part of the soda counter as whites. What is the most likely reason for their acting in this way? (1) They strongly dislike the drug store's policy and want to get it changed. (2) They are probably out on a lark, doing this mostly because it seems exciting. (3) The average white person in a different city cannot really understand the situation completely. (4) It is likely they are being put up to this by some radical organization. 10. 11. 12. The daily newspaper carries a story describing how a certain club in another city refused to admit a woman to membership because of her Japanese ancestry. How do you think Japanese readers of the newspaper are likely to react when they read the story? (1) The Japanese are so different that it is hard for a person who hasn't really studied them to know for sure how they would react. (2) They might very much resent having a Japanese person treated in this way. (3) They would probably read the article with interest, but not worry over it if the people in the other city were not known personally to them. (4) They would probably think that the woman was wrong in trying to join a white club in the first place when there are plenty of fine Japanese clubs. The white school board in a community builds two new schools and fixes the school lines so that almost all the colored children go to one new school and all the white children to the other new school. How do you suppos' most of the Negroes in the community would react to this? (1) While there are some exceptions, many Negroes are mainly concerned with getting money for food, rent, and other things, and so do not have too much interest in the matter of schools one way or the other. (2) Every community is different, and it is almost impossible for some- one not living there to know enough about the situation to judge. (3) The average Negro mother or father would not like what the school board has done about drawing school lines. (4) The average Negro parent would.simply be pleased to have a new school for their children, especially if it were equal to the white school in every way. A Jewish couple is out for a drive in the country, and they pass a fine private club. The club has a sign out front describing the advantages of membership in the club, and at the bottom it says "Membership reserved for Christians only." How do you think the Jewish couple is likely to react to this? (1) It makes them unhappy to realize that they are not wanted in the club. (2) They might think that they could easily join a Jewish club with twice the advantages of the club they are passing. (3) It is hard for a Christian to know for certain just how Jewish people react to a sign of this sort. (4) They may read the sign quickly, but probably wouldn't think much of it for very long. 6) l3. Auwell—dressed colored man answers a "Home for Sale" advertisement in the newspaper. It happens that the home is in an ellvwhite neighborhood. Despite the fact that the real estate agent clearly doesn't want to sell the home to him, the colored man.asks to fill out an application to buy it and to leave a deposit. What is most likely the colored man's real reason for this action? ____.(1) He may have connections with a business group or some other kind of group that is trying to scare white owners into selling their homes at lower prices. (2) He probably thinks it is a good house for his family at the price and convenient to his work. (3) Probably he is well-meaning enough, but just hasn't realized that the neighborhood is completely white and wants to stay white. (4) It is impossible to know in this case whether the colored person is simply making a mistake, or has some scheme in the back of his mind-only a careful investigation of his real motives could answer the question. Here is a series of attitude statements. Each represents a commonly held opinion and there are no right or wrong answers. You will probably disagree ‘with some items and agree with others. we are interested in the extent to which you agree or disagree with such matters of opinion. Strongly Agree - l - SA Agree - 2 - A Neutral - 3 - N Disagree - b - D Strongly Disagree - 5 - SD First impressions are usually best in such matters. Read each statement, decide if you agree or disagree and the strength of your opinion, and then mark on the answer sheet the appropriate number. Give your opipion on every_state- ment. 1 2 3 4 5 SA A. N D SD 1.) Given a choice, I would attend a university whose student papulation was composed of my race only. SA. A N D SD 2.) It is important to learn about the culture, history and language of other races. SA .A N D SD 3.) It is good to see people working together whose racial composition is mixed. SA A. N D SD 4.) The liberation of a single oppressed group of people is not sufficient; all oppressed people should be liberated. SA A. N D SD 5.) At sports events I cheer for members of my race. SA. A. N D SD 6.) I don't like people‘who are of a different race than mine. 8A. A. N D SD 7.) The oppressed people of the world should begin.to develop a power base to fight discrimination. SA SA SA SA SA SA SA SA SA SA SA SA SA SA SA SA SA SA SA SA SA (.3 SD SD SD SD SD SD SD SD SD SD SD SD SD SD SD SD SD SD SD SD 80) 9.) 10.) 11s) 12s) 13.) 14.) 15s) 16.) 17.) 18.) 19.) 20.) 21.) 22.) 23.) 24.) 25.) 26.) 27.) 28.) (,2 My enemies are people who are of a race different from my own. If the community I live in is composed of people of my race, the businesses (in the common.) should be run & owned by people of my race. The majority of crimes in the U.S. are committed by people of a race other than my own. I am concerned with the welfare of people whose race is different from mine. Minority groups should close ranks with white people to be effective in the struggle for equality. Racial equality exists in the U.S. There is no such thing as Black or other ethnic subcultures. Interracial marriage has many positive benefits for society as a whole. It is important, in terms of effective outcomes, for the race of the teacher and student to be the same. I might not vote for a political candidate whose race is different from my own. I cannot trust people of another race. The problem of minority groups in other countries is a concern of mine. The U.S. system or society has changed to the point that minorities have less cause to complain. I like to attend cultural events that are primarily attended by people of another race. The parent-child relationships among people of my race is better than those of other races. If possible I support businesses that are owned by people of my race. Given a choice I would move to a neighborhood where only people of my race live. People of my race are just as intelligent as people of other races. People of my race are more qualified and capable of holding the top leadership positions in this country. I would not mind being evaluated by a personnel director of another race. The physical characteristics of people (i.e., skin color, hair, etc.) are probably not related to mental and moral traits. SA SA SA SA SA SA SA SD SD SD SD SD SD SD 29.) 30.) 31.) 32.) 33.) 34.) 35.) L3 Manual labor and unskilled jobs seem to fit the mentality and ability of people of other races. It is doubtful that there is much difference in body odor between races. People of other races are apt to disregard the rights and possessions of other people. I would not object to minority people in positions of supervision in industry. Moral standards concerning sexual practices of my race are higher than those of other races. A business owner ought to have the right to decide who to do business with. I support affirmative action personnel practices with respect to racial minorities. H SOCIAL DISTANCE SCALE You are urged to give yourself as complete freedom as possible. In fact the greater the freedom you give yourself, the more valuable will be the results. Seven kinds of social contacts are given. You are asked to give in every instance your first feelings reactions. Proceed through the test without delaying. The more you "stop to think,” the less valuable will be the results. Social distance means different degrees of sympathetic understanding that exist between persons. This test relates to a special form of social distance known as personal-group distance, or the distance that exists between a person and groups such as races, occupations, and religions. 1. Remember to give your first feeling_reaction in every case. 2. Give your reactions to each race as a group. Do not give your reactions to the best or to the worst members that you have known, but think of the picture or stereotype that you have of the whole race. 3. For each particular race, put a mark on the answer sheet in as many rows as your feelings dictate. 0 l 2 3 4 5 6 Category would would would would have as have as would marry have as have as' work in speaking visitors debar into close 'next door same acquaint- only to from.my group friends neighbors office ances only (my nation nation 1) BLACK 8) WHITE 15) MEXICAN 22) INDIAN HICHIGQN STATE UNIV. LIBRARIES ‘lVWIWWIWWNHmHIUWIIUIWUI 31293000699052