{1mm x :g‘ull v3: W: 25¢ per ‘0 per item RETURNING LIBRARY MTERIALS: Place in book return to remove charge from c1rcu1et1on records Copyright by JESSIE JEAN STOREY FRY 1981 ENGLISH-LANGUAGE ACQUISITION THROUGH SOCIAL INTERACTION IN CLASSROOMS IN WHICH CHILDREN SPEAK VARIOUS LANGUAGES By Jessie Jean Storey Fry A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Division of Student Teaching and Professional Development 1981 f; L/ \wd' /' w // ABSTRACT ENGLISH-LANGUAGE ACQUISITION THROUGH SOCIAL INTERACTION IN CLASSROOMS IN WHICH CHILDREN SPEAK VARIOUS LANGUAGES By Jessie Jean Storey Fry Purpose The purpose of this study was to provide insights and knowl- edge about how foreign non-English and limited-English-Speaking stu- dents learn the English language in the classroom environment. This research study examined five questions regarding English-language acquisition. The main question looked at the social interactional experiences that foster and inhibit learning of the English language. The second question concerned the interaction that took place between Arabic limited-English-speaking youngsters and other youngsters and between teachers and Arabic limited-English-speaking pupils in the classroom. The third, fourth, and fifth questions looked at the kinds of communicative behaviors exhibited, the verbal and nonverbal behavior exhibited by the Arabic youngsters and their teachers during the day, and the instructional strategies teachers employed with limited-English- speaking and non-English-speaking youngsters. The purposes of the study were as follows: The researcher examined (l) the phases of English-language acquisition for specified Jessie Jean Storey Fry students in the environment, (2) classroom interaction and communica- tion that occurred between students and between student(s) and teacher, (3) the instructional techniques employed by teachers, and (4) a typol- ogy of the various forms of verbal and nonverbal communicative behavior. Procedure The research design combined the methods of inquiry of ethnog- raphy or qualitative participation observation and the collaboration and expertise of experienced classroom teachers. The data were col- lected and analyzed after intensive field note documentation in two selected classrooms, periodic meetings with the teachers involved, videotape and audiotape recordings, and personal teacher and student interviews. Findings The researcher found basically four stages of English-language development: (1) Associations are teacher-assigned "buddy," another LES student, siblings, or an interpreter; (2) Associations are LES or NES students who are most like them in the setting, regardless of ethnic or second-language background; (3) Associations include bilin- gually fluent peers in addition to stage two associations; and (4) Associations are with English-dominant—speaking peers in addition to associations from stage two and three. Within each of the identi- fied four stages, the selected students showed different classroom interaction and communication skills, all of which reflected change over time as the non-English and limited-English students learned and used the new language. Jessie Jean Storey Fry The researcher found that language use played an important role in social interaction and inclusion in the daily activities of classroom life. It was found that the students learned the language by being in the environment, interacting, and developing associations with English-speaking peers. As they learned more English, their interactions and associations with English-speaking students increased. They also became more active and involved in the classroom. The patterns and examples of verbal and nonverbal communica- tion of Arabic limited- and non—English-speaking students changed over time as the students progressed through the four stages of English- language development. Once the Arabic students learned English, they spoke less and less of their native language. The school did not emphasize native- language maintenance, nor did the school promote use of the native language. The emphasis was mainly on English-language development and use in the classroom. The classroom-teaching techniques employed were somewhat dif- ferent when teachers worked with non-English and limited-English- speaking students. They were not found to be basically different from techniques and strategies that might also be employed for a native English-speaking student who might have had language-proficiency problems in communicating. It was also found that the school could do more, or improve, in the area of sociolinguistics to help the non-English and limited-English-speaking student develop cognitively and affectively. Jessie Jean Storey Fry Language use and language structure were highlights of the study, with language use being the significant focus of discussion. Dedicated to my husband, Paull, and my mother, Ethel Lee. Their love and inspiring confi- dence have given me the desire and strength to go one step further in achieving my goals. ii Dreams Hold fast to dreams For if dreams die Life is a broken-winged bird That cannot fly. Hold fast to dreams For when dreams go Life is a barren field Frozen with snow. Poem by Langston Hughes iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to express my sincere gratitude and appreciation to all of the people who contributed their personal and professional time to help me with the preparation of this dissertation. I wish to thank: Dr. Perry Lanier, my doctoral committee chairman, for his facilitation and expert guidance throughout my doctoral program. I am grateful for his friendship, trust, and respect for me. Dr. Frederick Erickson, my dissertation director, for his confidence, encouragement, and knowledgeable training and guidance in ethnographic research. He has taught me a great deal, and I am grateful for his intellectual guidance and patient counseling. Dr. Philip Cusick, a committee member, for serving as a resource person and for contributing greatly to my administrative knowledge and professional development. Dr. Keith Anderson, a committee member, for his interest, support, and philosophical guidance. Dr. Donna Wanous, a committee member, for her guidance in selecting reference materials and for her support and interest in my research. Dr. Robert Docking, a committee member and my superintendent, for his leadership and encouragement as an administrator. I also wish to thank Dr. Docking and the East Lansing School Board for granting me a ten-week professional leave to work on my doctoral program. iv Dr. Judith Lanier, Dean of the College of Education, for her inspiration and initial trust and encouragement, which have deeply influenced my path toward educational achievement. My sincere thanks and indebtedness to the teachers and stu- dents in the study, for their time and cooperation. I learned a great deal from them, and without their understanding and cooperation there would not have been a study. Last, but by no means least, special thanks are due to my typists, Anne Vermeulen and Betty McCall, who helped me in many ways during the writing of the dissertation. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES ........................ viii LIST OF FIGURES ........................ ix Chapter I. INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY ............... l Rationale ...................... 2 The Study ...................... 3 Limitations of the Study .............. 3 Definition of Terms and Acronyms .......... 4 Purpose of the Study ................ 5 The Research Questions ............... 9 The Research Site .................. 10 Entry Negotiations for the Research Site ...... ll Confidentiality and Informed Consent ........ 14 Data Collection ................... l6 Time Line and Calendar ............... l8 The Teachers and the Students ............ 2l The Classrooms ................... 26 Design for Data Reduction and Analysis ....... 32 II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ............... 35 Introduction .................... 35 School Language Education Policy and Its History, Nationally and in Michigan ............ 35 Bilingual Education Approaches Organized Around Issues of Language Structure . . ...... 44 Sociolinguistics--Bilingual Education Thought of as the Relationship of Structure to Language Use . . . 54 Summary ....................... 67 III. CLASSROOM INTERACTION ................. 7l Stages in Becoming Bilingual ............ 73 A Look at the Classroom Interactions of Arabic Limited and Non-English-Speaking Students ..... 78 Verbal and Nonverbal Communication Analysis ..... l25 Instances of Code Switching in Language Communication of LES Arabic Students ....... l3l vi IV. CLASSROOM SOCIAL INTERACTIONS AND INSTRUCTIONAL STRATEGIES ..................... 146 Social Interactions and Experiences That Relate to Learning and the Development of English Language . T48 Instructional Strategies Employed by Teachers of Limited and Non-English Students ......... l63 V. CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS FOR PEDAGOGY ...................... l79 Conclusions ..................... l80 Implications .................... T90 Reconmendati ons ................... l 92 APPENDICES .......................... l95 A. INITIAL INTERVIEW MEETING ............... l96 B. AN ADMINISTRATIVE-LEAVE REPORT ON THE DUAL ROLE OF PRINCIPAL AS RESEARCHER ............. 200 C. FIELDNOTES ...................... 218 D. STUDENT INTERVIEWS .................. 273 E. TEACHER INTERVIEWS .................. 299 BIBLIOGRAPHY ......................... 306 vii LIST OF TABLES Table Page l. Time Line for Data Collection in Each of the Classrooms, January l980-July l980 .......... l7 2. Sequence of English-Language-Acquisition Stages Across Time ...................... 74 3. Number of Instances in Which Arabic Students Were Heard Using Native Language in the Classroom During Observation Periods .............. l37 viii LIST OF FIGURES Page l. Diagram of First Grade Classroom A, January 24, 1980 . . 28 2. Diagram of Team Room Classroom B, January l6, l980 . . . 3O ix CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY English-language acquisition is fundamental to the growth and progress of everyone who intends to be educated in schools in our society. Language serves many purposes, and the English language may be viewed as complex and difficult to learn if one's native language is different. Learning English as a second language becomes very important for various ethnic non-English and limited-English-speaking youngsters who find the need to interact and communicate a primary objective in dominant-English-speaking classrooms. For this reason, it seemed appropriate to study English-language acquisition in schools so that teachers and researchers may combine efforts and interest to help educate our multiethnic society. Schools across the nation in small rural and large urban school districts are increasingly being confronted with classrooms consisting of youngsters who are non-English or of limited—English- speaking ability. Bilingual and multilingual education programs have recently received state and federal support and funding. There has been little research, and little teacher education, on meeting the needs of youngsters described as foreign, non-English, or of limited-English-speaking ability, who are more and more frequently appearing in our classrooms. Teaching English in a multicultural classroom is difficult and challenging, but it is necessary if foreign-speaking youngsters are successfully to master such communi- cation skills as reading, writing, speaking, and interacting in English-dominant classrooms. Rationale This dissertation regarding the study of English-language acquisition through social interaction in classrooms in which children speak various languages came as a result of trying to provide insights and possible answers to questions raised by teachers, administrators, and other educators regarding teaching foreign non-English and limited- English-speaking students. Since bilingual programs have been man- dated by state and federal agencies under certain conditions, and since the numbers of non-English and limited-English-speaking young- sters continue 'UJ increase, school districts and educators are con- cerned about this topic and how to design and implement successful learning environments. In terms of being responsive to the needs of their diverse student populations, many schools are faced with this situation and are exploring programs to address the issue. The findings of this research could help educators understand the process and problems of English-language acquisition in multi- cultural classrooms. Furthermore, it could generate explicit implica- tions for teacher education as well as curriculum development in the area of multicultural and multilingual education. The Study This investigation was an ethnographic case study in which the participant observer worked intimately with four classroom teachers who were interested in and sensitive to the English-language acquisi- tion of foreign non-English and limited-English-speaking youngsters. The data-collection plan reflected the researcher's desire and attempt to describe and understand the interactions and communications that take place naturally in multilingual and multicultural classrooms where there are various foreign non-English and limited-English- sepaking students in dominant-English-speaking situations. The four classroom teachers participating in the study served as partners in this research, collaborating with the investigator in data-collection decisions, the data-collection process, and interpretation and analy- sis of the data throughout the field-study period. This brought about a very close collaboration between the four participating teachers and the investigator. The evolution of such a collaborative relationship between researcher and teacher was described by Florio and Walsh (1976), who were the participant observer and the classroom teacher, respectively, in a study (directed by Erickson and Shultz) of a kindergarten/first grade classroom in a Title I school in a Boston suburb. Limitations of the Study This researcher did not attempt to describe or count every- thing that happened in the natural classroom setting. During the first two weeks of the participant observation, starting January 7, l980, about six hours per week were spent observing and following the selected students and classroom teachers in various activities dur— ing the school day. The observations lasted through June 1980. This provided data that covered the total learning environment in which English-language acquisition was happening. The researcher chose to look specifically at a select number of Arabic students in each class- room, even though there were other ethnic or foreign non-English and limited-English-speaking students in the classroom. This helped to limit the focus of the study. Definition of Terms and Acronyms For the purpose of this study, the acronyms and terms are defined below. Some of these terms have also been used by the State of Michigan Bilingual Education Department. Acronyms: LES--limited English speaking ES --English speaking NES--non-English speaking ESL--English As a Second Language Identification Codes for Collaborating Teachers: T]--a classroom teacher T2--a classroom teacher 3 4 T --a classroom teacher T --the ESL teacher 5 T --the bilingual teacher aide Reference Codes: FN--field notes SI--student interview TI--teacher interview Te_rm_s_= Bicultural--Having two different cultures or cultural back- grounds. Bilingual-—Ability ‘UD speak two different languages. Foreign-~Having origins or permanent residency outside the United States; coming from a foreign country. Examples are Saudi Arabia, Libya, Sudan, Brazil, Iran, Kuwait, Egypt, and Indonesia. Limited-English-speaking--Having very little English-speaking vocabulary or English-language background. Multicultural-—Having more than two cultures or cultural backgrounds. Multiethnic--Having more than two different ethnic or racial groups. Multilingual--Ability to speak more than two different lan- guages. Non-English-speaking--Having no English-speaking vocabulary or English-language background. Purpose of the Study The investigator pursued the research questions cited in the next section by using participant-observation methods and teacher collaboration in documenting English-language acquisition as it occurred naturally in two types of classrooms. The study was based on the assumption that to provide and promote effective cognitive and affective learning experiences for foreign non-English and limited-English-speaking youngsters, we need to understand their acquisition of the English language and the methods of communication that take place between students and between student(s) and teacher. The study had the following purposes: l. to document the various phases of English-language acquisition for certain specified students in the environment, 2. to document the instructional process of teacher planning and preparation for teaching the English language to foreign non- English or limited-English-speaking students, 3. to document the classroom interaction that occurs between students and between student(s) and teacher in a multicul- tural environment, and 4. to develop a typology of the various forms of verbal and nonverbal communicative behavior that occur in the multicultural environment. The writer examined and attempted to explain how foreign non-English and limited-English-speaking youngsters in this setting learned the English language. The researcher tried to find out how these youngsters, with no American or English backgrounds, communi- cated with their peers and their techers in a dominant-English- speaking environment. The researcher also tried to find out what characteristics these youngsters displayed and to determine how the youngsters, as well as classroom teachers and others, dealt with these characteristics. It is not only necessary, but interesting, to look at the social interaction of these youngsters in the classroom and the school environment. Children in this study tended to associate and interact with others in their immediate environments. Peer relationships seemed to have a definite influence on these students as they passed through various growth and development stages. Because the researcher felt there was a relationship between social interaction in the class- room and the acquisition of language, it made sense to study the social interaction of foreign non-English and limited-English-speaking students who entered a dominant-English-speaking environment. It was interesting to observe and document the kinds and amounts of social interaction that occurred over a period of time. The typology, or the patterns that emerged, may provide information to educators that will help them understand and enhance their teaching skills in this area. Looking at the social interaction of students provided information about classroom behavior that promotes learning and encourages educa- tional growth. The study looked at the use of language as a means of commu- nicating. Communication was necessary among the non-English and limited-English students and their peers, as well as among the LES and NES students and their teachers. In this study, language acqui- sition meant the ability of LES and NES students to communicate and become "members" of the classroom and school environment by using the English language. As long as the LES and NES students lacked English proficiency, they were not able fully to participate and associate with other students in the classroom. Their associations were limited, and this interfered with their classroom experiences. In looking at the social interaction of LES and NES students in the classroom, the researcher found that language use played an important role in students' inclusion in the daily activities of classroom life. Language acquisition in this study meant, specifically, language use by NES and LES students. The study did not focus on language structure or the acquisition of syntax. The majority of literature and research in the area of language acquisition has concerned language structure. The study of language use has just recently begun; therefore, very little research in this area has been conducted by either researchers or practitioners. This language-acquisition study was an attempt to find out what methods second-language learners used to acquire the language, as well as the length of time the process took before the students became acclimated. The researcher also wanted to know what role other students had on language development and to observe the tech- niques or instructional strategies employed by classroom teachers to help LES and NES students learn the language. This ethnographic inquiry, enhanced by experienced and knowl- edgeable teacher input, provided an interesting and insightful approach for exploring the purposes outlined in the study. The rich, qualita- tive descriptions helped highlight significant areas and aspects of language acquisition in multicultural classrooms that could inform practitioners in other multicultural classrooms. The Research Questions The research questions are integrated at three different levels of comprehensiveness. All levels build on and relate to the main issue of English-language acquisition for foreign-speaking youngsters. The major research questions entailed in the study are: Main Question: In a first grade self-contained classroom and in a first/second/third grade team combination classroom in an English-dominant school, what are the social interactional experiences that foster and inhibit the learning of English language for foreign non-English or limited-English-speaking youngsters? Middle-Level Question: What interaction takes place between Arabic LES young- sters and other youngsters and between teachers and Arabic LES youngsters in the classroom? Lower-Level Questions: 1. What kinds of communicative behaviors do they exhibit? 2. What verbal and nonverbal behavior is exhibited by both Arabic LES youngsters and classroom teachers as they interact during the day? 3. What are the various instructional strategies used by teachers with the LES youngsters, and in what ways do these strategies differ with the ES youngster? 10 The Research Site The study was conducted at the Spartan Village Elementary School in the East Lansing, Michigan, School District. Spartan Village is a pre-K through fifth grade elementary school with a pupil enrollment of about 330 pupils. The school is located in one of the largest university-owned married and single adult student housing complexes in the nation, on the Michigan State University campus. The pupil population comes from more than 30 different foreign coun- tries and most of the 50 states. Approximately 28 different foreign languages are represented in the school's pupil population. The four largest racial/ethnic/foreign-language pupil groups are Arabic, Spanish/Portuguese, Iranian, and Indonesian. These groups represent anywhere from 15 to 48 pupils within each language area. The Arabic pupil population has the largest numbers, and the Iranian pupil popu— lation the smallest. About one-third of the pupils are foreign born, and many of them are non-English or of limited-English-speaking ability when they enter the school. Spartan Village School was an appropriate site for the research because it provided a rich source for the specific data needed regarding language use in this study. Because of the school's proximity to Michigan State University, its staff members had partici- pated in various research projects and seemed to have a positive attitude toward classroom studies. During the l979-BO school year, the school district was charged by the State Department of Bilingual Education with the responsibility of developing a method of learning how best to meet ll the needs and effectively teach youngsters whose native language is other than English. State bilingual funding and support for 1980-81 was to be based on the number of students who fell in the category of being deficient in English-language mastery, as determined by oral and written tests administered in fall 1979 and spring l980. Entry Negotiations for the Research Site The researcher obtained permission to conduct the study in the school district by filling out the necessary research study request form, obtained from the Director of Professional Development and Instruction in the East Lansing School District. The researcher also obtained permission from the school district superintendent to conduct such a research study. This was necessary because the researcher is also the building administrator of the research site; consequently, she performed two rules during the research project-- that of researcher and that of building administrator. An analysis of those two roles is found in Appendix B, Story and Role of Principal as Researcher. The role definitions were carefully thought out in terms of the rights and obligations of the principal as the researcher in this particular study. The researcher tried to keep the two roles separate. The participating teachers and the researcher discussed at length how the researcher intended to conduct herself under the cir- cumstances. Both researcher and participants explored boundaries and policies before the study, as stated in the time line and cal- endar. There was a degree of understanding in terms of how the 12 researcher related to the participating teachers regarding power and authority. A past record of openness and honesty had been established between the participating teachers and the researcher, so that a high degree of willingness and cooperation was found. This was not like conducting research in a far-away, unknown culture, such as Bowen (1964) did in her book Return to Laughter. Aspects of the researcher's study were within the cultural world of which she was a participant, day in and day out, over an extended period of time. The researcher's investment in this role can be seen in the time line of events that took place. (See Table 1.) Not only was the researcher in the specific setting for an extended period, but when the work was completed, she was still a part of that environment because she had to continue in the role of building administrator. A certain risk was involved in continuing in the setting after the story had been told (the findings revealed). It was difficult to ascertain how the participating teachers would feel at that point. Whyte (1955) wrote about the feelings of the informants when he revisited the site five years after his work had been published. Some of his informants were not entirely pleased with the accounts he had given of what had happened in Street Corner Society. In this study, the participant observer knew a great deal about the site. This made entry negotiations easier. Another aid used to negotiate entry was to establish a good, close relationship with the informants. Whyte also felt that a great deal of his acceptance depended on the intimate relationships he established with “C, 13 his informants. The present researcher was aware that it would be difficult to maintain a comfortable relationship with the informants, given the fact that she held two different roles--that of a partici- pant observer in their classrooms and that of their building princi- pal. The researcher knew there were some things the teachers did not feel comfortable sharing about their classrooms because the researcher was their building administrator. On the other hand, some of the teachers in the past had shared private teacher information with the principal, knowing that she had empathy for them and knowing that the information would be kept private. In regard to the ethical issues and implications, some teach- ers as an interest group might have felt very threatened by the fact that theirprincipal was the participant observer. However, to lessen this threat, tenured, experienced, and intimately known teachers were selected. Particular care was taken to ascertain their interest and willingness to participate, with clear options for deciding not to participate being made available to them. The participating teacher informants realized the power and position the researcher held. The risks involved were explained during the initial interview meeting in November 1979. (See Appendix A.) Vidich and Bensman (1958-59) talked about such issues as negative reactions after the research findings have been made public, especially from people who were seen as powerful and respected indi- viduals of the community under study. In the present study, the researcher did not intend to uncover information that might cause l4 adverse reactions from the group under study, although it is diffi- cult'UDSpeculateon what the findings might mean to various people. As much as possible, ethical issues were worked out before the study was begun. Other factors related to ethics in the study concerned the accountability to the people on the site. The researcher knew, in this instance, that the participating teachers wanted her to maintain the schedule of designated periods to be in the classroom collecting data. This was the researcher's responsibility. Before the study, the investigator discussed the possible use of the findings and the dissemination process. It was assumed that the teacher informants would provide as much factual and correct knowledge as possible. Their input and willingness to be open and to share information enhanced the quality of the study. The teacher informants realized that the researcher had certain rights and responsibilities and that, as the building principal, she was returning to the site to continue a role other than participant observer. (See Appendix B for more infor- mation regarding the role of principal as researcher.) Confidentiality and Informed Consent The teachers and students participating in the research study were contacted regarding confidentiality of information obtained in the study, including names and other participant-observation data that were to be collected. In the case of students, parents/guardians were contacted for consent via letters seeking permission for the students to participate in the study. The teachers were given similar 15 letters of consent, on which they were to indicate their willingness or unwillingness to participate in the study. An agreement was written to assure each participant that care would be taken to pro- vide confidentiality of all information collected and transcribed from the raw field notes to the typed dissertation. It was agreed that no actual names of individuals would appear on any written documentation. In regard to the videotaped materials, no public use or broadcast would apply, and no copies of the tapes or written field notes would be made for other researchers. No honorarium was given to teachers or students participating in the study. Any other uses of the videotapes, interview tapes, or written field notes would be with the teachers' consent. The teachers and students reserved the right to terminate their participation at any time during the study. None of the teachers did so, but some of the students terminated because they withdrew from the school to return to their native countries. The participating teachers and the parents/ guardians of the students involved in the study signed agreements that included the above statements. The teachers had also agreed to participate in the study during an initial interview meeting in November 1979, before the project had started. To protect the identity of the students, different Arabic names were used. To protect the identity of the teachers, the initial (T) for teacher with a different code number for each was used. It would have been very difficult to disguise the school in which the study was conducted because it is a unique and easily iden- tifiable elementary school building, and there are very few like it 16 in the area. Also, the actual description of the research site was pertinent to the study and relevant to anyone reading the study to comprehend various facts in the dissertation. (For further explana- tion, see the section entitled The Research Site.) Data Collection The methods used to collect data regarding English-language acquisition through social interaction in the classroom were as follows: 1. Participant observation, in which the investigator spent extended time (at least six hours per week) during an ll-week period in the classrooms described, taking field notes and trying to grasp the factors related to English-language acquisition taking place dur- ing the school day. The observer noted the student-teacher interac- tion and communication and also attended to other factors related to language activities in a given classroom. 2. Videotape recordings of specific interactions during group teaching sessions with the teacher and the students. Also, small- group peer-interaction sessions were taped. 3. Teacher collaboration regarding English-language acquisi- tion in their classrooms. The teachers were involved in the following activities: (a) They met once a week with the researcher to review and analyze the data, discuss the initial questions, and do short- range planning for follow-up data collection; (b) They kept a journal of their plans and thoughts related to English-language development ‘ 17 mommy omuw> ucm owczm mchxpmc< ogzumcmuwp pcmcwugma xcoz unmuaum mo copuuwppou mmcwumms 3mw>gmpcw apxmmz mcwammx Pangaea Agwsummu Ema Fv mcomm -mmm mcwzmw> mqmpomuw> mmumw coco: soocmmmpu comm cw newaeuomems .ews om-m_ ep-N_ coca: mcmgummu new mpcmuzum cup: mzmw>cmpcw umamuowua< op :ucoznmm acmacnmm mcwzmw>mc use mmao: mpwm mg“ upmwe cowpm>cmmno mcwpwmw>mm ommp .ep coco: pvgcz mcwxms use mama xmmz Lma meson m can“ chowpwnum mcwcmsumo xmmz mommp .N xgmzcma mam mcmumms emu meson m upcmpm mxmmz N umcme Lee mc_cw;umm mcwpwme mmuo: ”cowam>cmmno xmm: can mxmu e .Lzo; P -mumu 3mw>gmucm u—mwe mcwpmaeou pcmawowugma ”covum>cmmno pcmawuwpcmg uczocmxumm meumcfi ommp ommp ommp mnm~ mum— »Fawlpwca< .mm-¢~ seem: .ep cosm21>cmzcma consmuwo LmaEm>oz .ommp hpzfilommr XLmzcmfi .mEOOmemPU 9.3 *0 50mm Cw cowuumppou mumv Low warp ”Ex—.11... mpnmh 18 in the classroom and shared them with the researcher; and (c) They viewed the videotape and recordings but did not analyze the data. 4. Audiotape recordings of selected student interviews and teacher-informant interviews. 5. Samples of written work done in class that seemed approp- riate to the study. 6. Written documentation from teachers and student records relating to background information on the students and learning experiences that had occurred during the first weeks of school in September 1979 through December 1979 (information not observed by the researcher. Time Line and Calendar Table 1 gives a time line of activities and events in an out- line format. An initial contact and meeting took place in November 1979 to approach the four prospective classroom teachers selected to participate as informants and teacher collaborators in the research study. This provided an opportunity to discuss the study and to investigate the feasibility of a comfortable working relationship between the participant observer and the teachers of the selected classrooms studied. Then in December 1979, background data on the students were gathered at another meeting with the teachers. The background data gave information about the students from September 1979 to December 1979. This was documented through the teacher journals and a review of school records. During the first month of school, pertinent information salient to the research topic was not observed because the actual participant 19 observation study did not start until January 7, 1980. Therefore, it was necessary to spend a few interview meetings with the teacher informants beforehand to retrieve some background information on the students selected for observation. These meetings took place during the second week in December 1979. The specific pupils selected were from the Arabic-speaking foreign language group. Pelto (1970) wrote about the informant-interviewing technique to recover information when direct observation was not used as a source of data about the culture under study. The initial participant observations started on January 7, 1980, and took place four days a week, one hour per day, for the first two weeks, and six hours per week for ten weeks thereafter, or until March 14, 1980. Additional observations were made and documented from March 24, 1980, through June 30, 1980. The students identified for study were observed during their enrollment period in the school, and not necessarily for a full academic year (September to June). For those students who enrolled in September 1979, information was gathered from observations recalled by classroom teachers and written in their journals. Information found on the fall 1979 report cards was also used. The students who enrolled after the starting date of the study, in January 1980, were observed during the designated observation periods throughout the study until school was over in June 1980, or until they terminated their enrollment (if that occurred before June). These ethnographic classroom observations characterized the social interactions of English-language acquisition in the classrooms. 20 After each participant-observation session, time was set aside in the evening to type the raw field notes before returning to the classroom the next day for further observations. Weekly interview sessions were scheduled and held every Thursday after school, at which time the participant observer and the teacher informants shared and updated data collection and planned subsequent activities. The researcher met at least once a week with each teacher informant to review their thoughts and to help clarify any concerns about the study. These weekly meetings continued throughout the observation period. The teachers kept journals for the first month of the study. These journals were used to record activities that the participant observer might have missed, ideas or thoughts they had about English- language acquisition and the students being studied, and questions that arose that they wished to discuss about the study. Clark and Yinger (1979) discussed journal keeping as a useful technique in a study conducted on teacher planning. The teachers were encouraged to maintain these journals as valuable sources of data and as further insights into the researcher's field notes, but the teachers did not maintain their own written documentation. They found it too time consuming. During March, the researcher conducted audiotaped interviews with students and teachers. Two videotapings of the classrooms were made and viewed by the teachers and the researcher. The videotaping was structured to provide as natural as possible a portrayal of the classroom environment. 21 Some student work was collected, but not in sufficient quan- tities because they were reluctant to give it up. In April, May, and June, the research site was revisited to gather more data and to take additional field notes on new non-English students. Follow-up observations on these students took place in July as well, and were written up for this dissertation. The audio- and videotapes were analyzed in June and July. Very little information was obtained from the videotapes. Some information was gathered from the audiotapes, but not in significant amounts. The field notes comprised the majority of the data; they were written up during the end of June and throughout July, August, and September 1980. The Teachers and the Students Teachers Four teachers were involved in the study: three classroom teachers and one ESL (English As a Second Language) teacher. The teachers were selected according to the following criteria: (1) will- ingness to participate, (2) teaching experience (tenure and at least three years in this school), and (3) knowledge, experience, and organization in planning and teaching English-language development in multicultural classrooms. All of the teachers were female and varied in age and actual length of total teaching experience, from more than 3 years to over 25 years. The teachers all served as teacher collaborators in the study. They were asked to meet once a week with the researcher 22 to review and analyze the data and to discuss plans for the follow-up data collection. They kept journals of their plans and thoughts related to English-language development in the classroom and shared information throughout the study with the researcher. Each teacher participated in a videotaping of specific interactions that took place in a small- and large-group teaching session in each classroom, depicting the students and the teacher in a natural setting. This information was not used as a primary source of data in the study because it was too limiting. However, it did provide some evidence of the types of interactions that took place and were documented extensively in the field notes. Each teacher was interviewed in depth about her perceptions of English-language acquisition. Some of the information the teach— ers shared is included in Chapters III and IV. The teachers all cooperated fully and evidenced an interest in the research project from beginning to end. Students The students involved in the study were selected from the first, second, and third grades: from the first grade self-contained classroom A, and from the first/second/third grade team classroom 8. The students varied in age: some were six, some were seven, and others were nine years old. They were all operating at various levels of English proficiency. The students were all foreign born and came from Arabic native-speaking cultural and language backgrounds. 23 A total of nine Arabic-speaking children, five boys and four girls, participated in the study. A comprehensive analysis of the individual students selected, including information about their learning styles, was not provided in this study because the children who attend the school are transi- ent and very mobile. Many of the foreign students attend for only a brief period while their parents are studying in this country and completing degrees at the university. Often there are no previous academic records or background information on the foreign students because they come from various countries, and some have had no pre- vious school experience. Another reason for not conducting a comprehensive study of each student was that the research was primarily a process of discovery and learning about the characteristics of the students during their development of English as a second language. As a consequence, the unit of analysis for this study was the individual student's career in the school during the 1979-1980 academic year--however long that individual student's career lasted. The Arabic-speaking students were selected primarily because they represented the largest single foreign-language group of students in the school, with enough non-English and limited-English-speaking students to provide the kinds of data needed in the study. Fictitious Arabic names were used to protect the identity of the selected stu- dents, although each child's parents had given consent to use his/her name and to have the student participate in the study. More is said 24 about this topic under the confidentiality and informed consent sec- tion of this chapter. Although the study does mention other foreign-language NES and LES students, the focus was mainly on the Arabic-speaking children. In the conclusion of this dissertation, generalizations and compari- sons about other foreign—language NES and LES students are made, but the emphasis on these other second-language learners is limited because there were so many students for whom English was not the native language. There were 28 different foreign-language groups in the school, but many of these groups were represented by only one or two students. One of the exceptions was the Arabic-language group, which comprised about 40 students in kindergarten through fifth grade. Because the foreign NES and LES students tend to enroll and leave throughout the school year, a few Arabic students were added to the study after it had begun. Some of the students in the study had terminated their enrollment in the school or had left unexpectedly, so other students were added to provide a rich supply of data. This was another reason for selecting the larger representative population of Arabic-speaking students, as opposed to one of the other foreign- language groups. A brief background of each selected student is given below. This information includes name, grade level, age, country, how long he/she had lived in the United States, and whether the pupil was categorized as NES or LES during the study. Nashwa, grade 3, eight-year-old girl from Sudan, two years in this country, bilingual--Arabic/English. Classroom B. 25 Lobna, grade 3, eight-year-old girl from Kuwait, new to this school (had been in an American school in another state for two months), non-English speaker. Classroom 8. Hiam, grade 1, six-year-old girl from Libya, new to this school and in this country, non-English speaker. Classroom A. Layla, grade 1, seven-year-old girl from Libya, one year in this country and in this school, limited English speaker. She terminated enrollment during the study in March. Classroom A. Waleed A1, grade 1, six-year-old boy from Saudi Arabia, new to this school but in this country one year, not in school last year, non- English speaker. Classroom A. Waleed As, grade 1, seven-year-old boy from Saudi Arabia, in this school last year (one year) and repeated kindergarten, limited English speaker. Classroom A. Khalid, grade 1, seven-year-old boy from Iraq, in this school last year (one year), limited English speaker. Classroom A. Nader, grade 2, seven-year-old boy from Kuwait, new to this school and in this country, non-English speaker. He terminated enrollment in January during the study. Classroom 8. Ahmed, grade 3, eight-year-old boy from Kuwait, new to this school and in this country, non-English speaker. He was added to the study in late May. Classroom 8. From the total number of nine students, two dropped from attendance in the school and returned to their countries during the study. One was added to the study because he enrolled during the end of the school year, and much information could be collected by observing him along with the others. Four students were observed from classroom 8, and five students were observed from classroom A. It should also be noted that the selected students were not the only Arabic-speaking students in their classrooms. There were others as well as other foreign NES and LES students in each classroom, but these students were selected to focus on in particular. Chapter III includes specific case studies that describe in detail the various 26 careers of three foreign non-English and limited-English-speaking students as their classroom interaction and second-language develop- ment took place during the study. These students were Lobna, Nader, and Ahmed. The Classrooms Two classrooms at Spartan Village Elementary School were selected for study. One was a self-contained first grade classroom with one teacher; the other was a first/second/third grade team com- bination classroom with two teachers. The grade-level selection was based on where the largest numbers of non-English speaking and limited- English-speaking pupils were enrolled. Both of the classrooms con- tained a number of foreign non-English and limited-English-speaking students. The classrooms were located at opposite ends of the school building. Each was equipped with desks, chairs, audio-visual equip- ment, storage space, and various other furniture, materials, and displays unique to the classroom. For example, in classroom A, the self-contained room, the following description gives an indication of its features: A teacher's desk was located near a set of cabinets, with countertops where materials, kits, and texts were kept. There was a round reading-group table and chairs; about 20 student desks arranged in rows, all facing toward the blackboard; a carpeted area near the piano; two bookshelves; files; and a stand for books and games. There was another carpeted area near a set of inside hallway windows and the record player, table, and headphones equipment. Also in this 27 space were large floor pillows and a bulletin board. On another side of the room, near the bathrooms and coatroom, were a sink, a drinking fountain, and a storage room. There was another large bulletin board or flannel board near the reading-group table and a large bookcase with extra reading materials and student file boxes. The exit from the classroom to the other part of the building was near the blackboard. There were several hanging baskets of artificial flowers, and bulletin boards on which student work was displayed. (See Figure l, diagram of classroom A.) Classroom 8 can be described as follows: It was a large room composed of two classrooms, in which the two teachers teamed up to teach three grade levels. The room was divided into two parts for seating purposes. About 46 student desks were arranged into table clusters on the north and south sides of the room. Each teacher had a round table and chairs for reading groups. There were two big wall blackboards near each reading table and two large bulletin boards, one with a multiethnic theme of languages around the world and the other designating various student-helper jobs around the room. Cabi- nets with counters holding materials and subject-matter kits were located on both sides of the classroom, as were file cabinets and bookcases. Each side of the room had a sink and drinking fountain, and the two sides shared a coatroom. The west wall had windows on both sides facing the playground. An old piano was on the north side, and on the south side was a kitchen area—-with a stove, refrig- erator, and cabinets--used for cooking lessons and for preparing dif- ferent cultural foods as part of social studies and multicultural 28 “mm mm burs OF I 8015 STMAGE 1 Room 0060. > (.8an ' GIRLS / \ @ DOCK GAME Game: ”'3‘ 5 BOOKSHELF 1 ., n . > . ’5 5 i" ' E] E] C] D T g > :1, 1 > o , -1 ; a? r" 5 1 .1 1:] (:1 S: i [:1 f‘ :9 go» x m :3. mocaroot J, E) D 8 "1 a c: D g g ( PIAOO ) g D D o ; ‘ BOOKS I (FLAnnELfi D E] -1 D )—-1 ° ° C! [:1 E] D a 03 ° 33%; o c: 7 5485 F G -l O G‘ a I: E ‘2' ° 2 313 it; 8 53 55? g 3 F1 zm "1 <7 ,1 8 9 a g,“ r: ; .._.J U' : 4 > > L. .& > gr: 2 is. :2 > m r“ fix M "I d a 6 5 .3 ‘WU LL 4,: museums Ace emcee S Egan CABINETS WlflDCWS Figure l.--Diagram of First Grade Classroom A, January 24, 1980 29 units in the classroom. In the center of the two rooms were such unique things as two sofas, large floor pillows, and an old-fashioned barber's chair. These items had been donated to the classroom, and the children sat and relaxed on them at various times throughout the day. This area was generally used for team meetings or group discus- sions at the beginning, middle, and end of the day. There were also two large mailbox-type cupboards, in which student work was kept. The whole room was carpeted, and the teachers shared a desk. Two doors led outside to the hallway, and another door led out to the playground area. (See Figure 2, diagram of classroom 8.) Participant observation was also done in the ESL room and the bilingual tutorial room. These two rooms were much smaller than either of the two classrooms, and they could only accommodate a small number of students. In the ESL room, there were no desks or chairs. The children sat on the carpeted floor to provide more space for larger groups of students. There was a piano, a record player, three bulletin boards, and two hanging plants. There was a door leading directly into a smaller room, which was used for small-group or one-to-one ESL instruction. This room had a table and four chairs and the ESL teacher's desk and chair. The larger ESL room always had colorful bulletin boards with an international theme and one board that depicted the language-development unit they were studying. The smaller room was also used for storing supplementary textbooks for the whole building. Most of the time, this room was occupied by one of the bilingual teacher aides, who worked primarily with the Spanish/Portuguese-speaking NES and LES students on follow-up ESL 30 CLOCK lr_ CLOCK 5002 BLACKBOAKD O IUD BLACK: 4' 0 FILE 7! E “€32.35, «5111mm; g 00° “00 DD “- O o 0 o 0 E o o 0 [][:] 33% a E] E] E] . DD r [a [:1 \u EZBDD DE] 3 '58.. 3" DD :0 F32 13 s '3 5 3;: g 3“ (“a >- n W ® 03009114. :73 " DD CID [JEJ [jg g d —— PIMlO Ml Figure 2.--Diagram of Team Room Classroom B, January 16, 1980. 31 activities and one-to-one extra concentrated help when the ESL teacher didn't have the children in her group sessions. The bilingual tutorial room was located at the other end of the building, where additional rooms had been added on to the school in winter 1980 to provide more space for working outside the classroom with groups of students who had special learning problems (i.e., a speech and teacher consultant room, a Title I remedial reading room, and the bilingual room). This bilingual room was used by the Arabic teacher aide who had been hired late during the school year. The bilingual room had a table and six small chairs, a blackboard, a small bulletin board, and a teacher's desk and chair. The bilingual Arabic teacher aide also had displayed a world map and several pic- tures and papers done by the students who came to that room during the day to work with him. This room should not be confused with a regular, full-time bilingual classroom. The bilingual tutorial room in this study was designated as a place where NES and LES Arabic students went outside the regular classroom to receive additional help from a teacher aide in learning the language; they received the specific help of a bilin- gual Arabic teacher aide who was able to speak the children's native language to them as they were learning English and some Arabic lan- guage as well. In the ESL room and in classrooms A and B, English was taught without using the native language, except in cases where the Spanish/Portuguese teacher aide worked with students in the smaller room. 32 Classrooms A and B, the ESL room, and the bilingual tutorial room were the main sites concentrated on during the study. The pri- mary sites were the two classrooms, where much of the participant observation took place. These were also the major areas where the NES and LES students spent their school day; consequently, the stu- dents were quite familiar with these places. Design for Data Reduction and Analysis Because of the limited amount of data-collection time in the field, the focus of the study was rather selective. Starting in January 1980, the participant observer collected rich descriptive data of specific activities engaged in by the selected foreign non- English and limited-English-speaking pupils during the school day and noted the general patterns of these activities. The observer looked for formal as well as informal interactions between the selected pupils and their teacher and between the selected pupils and their peers. Noted were the frequency of these interactions and certain patterns that emerged from the observations. The participant observer and the teacher informants identi- fied nine Arabic pupils and one non-Arabic foreign student from each classroom on whom to focus. The participant observer followed and documented the naturally occurring activities in which these pupils engaged with the classroom teacher throughout the school day. She paid particular attention to students' use and/or nonuse of language, communicative behavior, and interactional strategies. The classroom 33 teacher's instructional style, communicative behavior, and interac- tional style were also noted and documented in each classroom situa- tion. The design of the study and the methodology incorporated provided consistent teacher collaboration with the researcher. This collaboration was valued and contributed greatly toward the sense- making of the participants involved in the study and thus led to what Erickson (1978) called a valid ethnographic study. The design also permitted the researcher and teacher collaborators to look at the initial research questions, to test those questions in the classroom, and to generate new questions, or make modifications where necessary, based on data surrounding the ongoing activities in the classroom. Thus, it was possible to formulate questions during the field-work period, as Beer (1969) pointed out. This collaboration between researcher and teacher informants regarding analysis of the data led to another aspect of the research questions in the field: "the ability for hypotheses to take the form of predictions about the future events which occur under specific conditions" (Geer, 1969, p. 157). By using information obtained from the teacher informants, the structured weekly meetings provided an opportunity to reflect on and analyze the data from the teachers' viewpoint and allowed the researcher to return to the site for further analysis and contact with the teacher informants during the compilation of the data. The tape-recorded student and teacher interviews and the videotapes provided another type of data analysis. Once various activities had been videotaped, the participant observer and the se be th be 34 teacher informants reviewed these tapes and noted the frequency of identified verbal and nonverbal communicative behavior on the part of selected students and teachers. Microanalysis of verbal and nonver- bal communicative behavior was done using the field notes because there was not enough information on the videotapes to record such behavior. CHAPTER 11 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Introduction This chapter contains a discussion of an array of literature related to English-language acquisition of children who have limited and non-English-speaking ability, as well as related research and second-language acquisition studies. The literature review focuses essentially on three issues, discussed in the following sequence: 1. School Language Education Policy and Its History, Nationally and in Michigan 2. Bilingual Education Approaches Organized Around Issues of Language Structure 3. Sociolinguistics--Bilingual Education Thought of as the Relationship of Language Structure to Language Use School Language Education Policy and Its History, Nationally and in Michigan This section includes a discussion of the law, policies, and historical development of school language education in the United States and specifically in Michigan. The Law and the Historical Aspects of Bilingual Education Bilingual education is potentially a most effective means of providing essential basic skills, the prerequisite for any social 35 36 mobility in our contemporary society. It can serve as a means for instilling a sense of self-esteem and cultural pride, which the melting-pot myth has not accomplished. Ideally, bilingual education could retain the integrity of cultural diversity. The school could show students the richness of cultural differences. Intercultural awareness leads to a pattern of understanding oneself and others that can give youngsters a broad personal prospectus for viewing the world environment. The advent of bilingual education has had a decided effect on educational programs in Michigan and across the country. The man- dates for bilingual educational programs can be viewed as beginning when the courts at both the state and federal level began to inter- vene, limiting the discretion of state and local officials to control their total school programs. School programs are now much more complex in content, as they must account for a variety of special needs for different youngsters. In the past, these youngsters were overlooked or often neglected. Van Geel (1976) pointed out that it has been the intent of the state and federal governments to improve the quality of educational programs and positively affect student achievement by intervening and mandating changes in the public school program. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 was the beginning of such changes. It states: No person in the United States shall, on the grounds of race, color, or national origin, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any program or activity receiving federal financial assistance (Van Geel, 1976, p. 51). 37 Under the provisions of the Civil Rights Act, state educational agencies are eligible for grants to establish centers to provide technical assistance in the area of bilingual education to local school districts. As more immigrants with youngsters who were non-English speak- ing entered the country, American public schools were faced with the fact that their educational programs were not meeting the specific needs of these students. Consequently, court cases such as Lau vs. Nichols were brought against local districts, charging that no pro- visions were being made to assure non-English-speaking students of special instruction to equalize their educational opportunity. These students were being excluded from the school program. The Lau vs. Nichols lawsuit was instituted by non-English- speaking Chinese students against the San Francisco School District. The Supreme Court upheld the right of the non-English-speaking students to receive special instruction. School districts receiving federal funds must include programs for non-English-speaking students or face losing their federal assistance (Van Geel, 1976). It is still unclear whether ESL and bilingual instruction meet statutory and regulatory requirements and also what the efforts and design of such programs should look like in providing special instruction for foreign-language-speaking youngsters. One of the obstacles school districts encounter in implement- ing bilingual education is the lack of sufficient funding to establish the programs and to institute the necessary changes in their existing programs to meet the bilingual educational requirements. For this 38 reason, many districts have neglected their responsibilities in this area until they have been forced or mandated to do so. It should be noted that Congress has passed two pieces of legislation establishing a grant-in-aid program for bilingual educa- tion. The first was adopted in 1968 and the second in 1974 (Van Geel, 1976). State policies are, however, quite diverse. The Report on the Status of Bilingual Education in Michigan (1978) states that Alaska, Illinois, Massachusetts, Michigan, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Texas have mandatory bilingual education programs. However, states that have bilingual instruction do not always explicitly have bicultural instruction. Bilingual Education in Michigan The discussion in this section focuses on the requirements and development of bilingual education in Michigan. State-mandated bilingual education has been in existence since the passage of Public Act 294 in 1974. This act requires that "beginning with the 1975-76 school year, the board of a school district having an enrollment of 20 or more children of limited English speaking ability in a language classification in grade K-12 shall establish and operate a bilingual instruction program for those children." Michigan has made significant progress in serving its students with limited English-speaking ability, but much still remains to be done to implement bilingual education. The goal of the Bilingual Education Office in the Michigan Department of Education is to ensure bilingual instruction programs in Michigan's schools for children of limited English-speaking ability, to improve their proficiency in 39 English and provide them an equal educational opportunity to achieve in content areas commensurate with their age, ability, and grade level. The Bilingual Education Office collects a census from local school districts, which indicates the number of limited-English- speaking youngsters enrolled in Michigan schools. The Progress Report on the Status of Bilingual Education in Michigan, 1978 and 1980, reported that 14 districts provided bilingual instruction in 1975-76, primarily under federal funding; this number grew to 57 in 1976—77, 65 in 1977-78, 80 in 1978-79, 70 in 1979-80, and 75 in l980-81. The number of students served in l980-81 was 20,390 and is still growing. Public Act 294 outlines specific requirements for each educa- tional agency having responsibility under the mandate to provide bilingual programs. The requirements are as follows: Local school districts are required to: l. insure that each child participating in bilingual instruc- tion is given instruction at his/her level of educational attainment. 2. operate a full-time program of bilingual instruction in the courses required by P.A. 294 and the courses and sub- jects required by the local board for completion of the grade level in which the child is enrolled. 3. notify by registered mail the parents of a child of limited English-speaking ability that their child is being enrolled in the program. 4O 4. establish a bilingual advisory committee to assist the local board in evaluating and planning the bilingual instruction program. The Report on Bilingual Education, 1975-76 noted that any local school district having fewer than 20 children of limited English-speaking ability that does ggt_operate a bilingual program must provide transportation and tuition for any such child in the district who wishes to enroll in a bilingual program in another district. Another option is that a local district having fewer than 20 children of limited English-speaking ability may operate a bilingual program but must still meet the above requirements. The State Board of Education is required to: 1. Develop and administer a program of inservice training for bilingual instruction programs and . . . promulgate rules governing the conduct of and participation in the inservice training programs. 2. Promulgate rules governing the endorsement of teachers as qualified bilingual instructors in the public schools of the state [and require that] the teacher . . . shall be proficient in both the oral and written skills of the language for which he is endorsed. 3. Approve an examination or testing mechanism suitable for evaluating the proficiency in English language skills of a child of limited English speaking ability. The Michigan Department of Education is required to: l. Advise and assist school districts in complying with and implementing sections 390 to 396. 2. Study, review and evaluate textbooks and instructional materials, resources, and media for use in bilingual instruc- tional programs. 3. Compile data relative to the theory and practice of bilin- gual instruction and pedagogy. 4. Encourage experimentation and innovation in bilingual edu- cation. 5. Recommend inservice training programs, curriculum develop- ment and testing mechanisms to the State Board of Education. 41 6. Make an annual report relative to bilingual instruction program to the legislature and the governor (Bilingual Instruction in Michigan, 1977). Bilingual instruction, as defined in Public Act 294, is the use of two languages, one of which is English, as the media of instruction for speaking, reading, writing, or comprehension. Bilingual instruction may also include instruction in the history and culture of the country, territory, or geographic area asso- ciated with the language spoken by children of limited English speaking ability in the program and in the history and culture of the United States (Bilingual Instruction in Michigan, 1977). In its effort to determine which districts in Michigan were most likely to have students in need of bilingual instruction as man- dated by P.A. 294, Department staff referred to school racial and ethnic census reports. The Department sent surveys to each local and intermediate district, asking whether the district had 20 children in a language classification who needed bilingual instruction and whether it wanted technical assistance. The Progress Report on the Status of Bilingual Instruction in Michigan, 1978 stated that full implementation of P.A. 294 would require the identification and allocation of new financial resources. Since 1968, the federal government has provided funding for bilingual education programs through Title VII of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act. Title VII is not the only source of funds that benefits bilingual education. Other sources available are Title I ESEA, including Migrant Education; Title IV-B and Title IV-C ESEA, the Emergency School Aid Act; and Title IV of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The Michigan Legislature has continued to demonstrate its support by appropriating money in the School Aid Act to be allocated 42 to applicant districts for bilingual programs. The financial resources for providing basic education are scarce; therefore, it is imperative that monies and resources be concentrated on those students for whom the law and appropriations were intended. In 1975-76, there was no state-level monitoring system for bilingual instruction programs. Likewise, few districts responded to P.A. 294. Reasons for this nonresponse varied, but the two main concerns were (1) lack of information regarding what a bilingual instruction program is and (2) lack of resources, including funding, staff, and instructional materials. School districts such as Lansing, Detroit, Saginaw, Grand Rapids, and Pontiac were operating with com- bination funds from federal, state, and local revenues. The Department has made rapid progress since the establish— ment of the Bilingual Education Office in 1976. It is the prime source of assistance and information to local school districts, insti- tutions of higher learning, legislators, board members, and communi- ties to help define the legal and pedagogical obligations as outlined under state and federal mandates. The most recent report regarding the Lau vs. Nichols regula- tions stated that the United States Department of Education will be starting a series of regional hearings to gain public reaction and suggestions in regard to limited-English-proficient students' equal access to education. The hearings will concern the proposal that seeks to require schools with 25 or more limited-English-speaking students from one language group within two grades to offer 911129291 instruction to these students, using qualified bilingual teachers. 43 If a school has fewer than 25 such students, bilingual instruction may be provided through magnet schools, i.e., schools with bilingual educators serving several schools. Those students who are English-superior are required only to have access to compensatory assistance with English skills. The American Association of School Administrators (1980) reported that primary-language-superior students must receive instruction in required subjects in both English and their primary language while they are learning English. As for limited-English students, the Education Department is searching for comments on whether these stu- dents should be provided with bilingual instruction or instruction only in English. Summary This section contained a discussion of the legal and the historical aspects of bilingual education, along with the growth and involvementtrffederal and state government in bilingual education, specifically in Michigan. It was pointed out how state and federal legislation has influenced educational programs affecting non-English and limited- English—speaking students. Since this nation is composed of multi- ethnic racial backgrounds, school programs are attempting to improve cultural and human relations to promote a better understanding and acceptance of similarities and differences. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 was the beginning of such changes in school programs. Then came the Lau vs. Nichols court case, which further emphasized the need for 44 schools to equalize educational opportunities. Many states now have bilingual education programs and offer instruction to NES and LES students through the regular school program. Michigan has made sig- nificant progress in this area, as was pointed out in this first section of the literature review. Although it is the responsibility of local school districts to implement bilingual education, it is the responsibility of the Michigan Department of Education to serve as the leader in providing assistance and information to help districts meet the needs of linguistically different children. Bilingual Education Approaches Organized Around Issues of Language Structure This section focuses on a discussion of bilingual education approaches organized around issues of language structure. Language structure is differentiated from the term "language use" in this section of the literature review. Language structure was defined as programs or approaches that emphasize the structure of language acqui- sition such as letters, sounds, words, and the rules of grammar and syntax. Structure can mean the basic concept from which one operates or learns a new language. Various approaches and programs are based on language structure, as is noted in the following discussion. The researcher examined English As a Second Language (ESL) programs, which empha- size all instruction in English and oral-language vocabulary develop- ment. Transitional bilingual education programs differ from ESL in 45 that the NES students in the transitional program are offered instruction in their native language while they receive ESL instruc- tion. This leads into the argument about language maintenance and language transfer. Language-maintenance programs emphasize the development of the native language in and out of school. Bilingual education programs also tend to stress this concept. Language trans- fer, however, occurs in programs when children start speaking the non- native language among themselves in school and in the home environment instead of maintaining their native language. In contrast to bilingual education programs, in monolingual language programs all of the instruction is given in one medium, with no emphasis on maintaining the native language in the school environ- ment. The instruction is centered on mastering the basic phonology, morphology, and syntax of the language being taught. Following the discussion of monolingual programs, the focus includes statements from proponents of bilingual education programs. The last part of this section includes a review of some of the earlier studies done on such concepts of language structure as lan- guage patterns and language routines and the effect these concepts have on language acquisition. Included is information regarding language-development concepts and suggestions for teachers with non— native English speakers in their classrooms. In recent studies of English As a Second Language, it has been found that non-English-speaking children of foreign native back- grounds have similar learning needs to those of native English-speaking 46 children, regardless of the circumstances of their learning (Garvie, 1976). The ideal situation for the non-English-speaking learners would be to offer their early education in their own language. This would be a difficult, if not impossible, task for school districts with large multiethnic student populations. Therefore, schools must provide educational environments that will help develop basic concepts and help non-English students toward literacy and numeracy through the medium of English As a Second Language. The suggestion here is to teach the second language through normal activities of the school curriculum. Teachers need, then, to understand and be aware of what it means to speak a new language (Garvie, 1976). Garvie emphasized the acquisition of the first language for the child. Acqui- sition of language can result from the interaction between intellectual ability and environmental factors. Margery Thompson (1980) wrote an article entitled "How Schools Are Helping Kids Who Can't Speak English." One approach is the English As a Second Language (ESL) program. This approach emphasizes listening and speaking, then reading and writing in English. All instruction is done in English, eliminating the need for teachers trained in other languages. Some people feel that mixing instruction in English with the student's native language confuses the student and slows the pro- cess of learning the new language. Thompson also gave an account of five programs that school districts have implemented to provide instruction for non-English- speaking students. Three are straight ESL programs, and the other two are called transitional bilingual education programs. The ESL 47 programs give intensive instruction to non-English-speaking students. A district may have one or two ESL teachers circulating around to schools and conducting these classes for 45 to 60 minutes each day for each student or on different days of the week. Some schools have all of their ESL students sent to one central location, where they are given ESL instruction until they are proficient enough in English to attend schools in their attendance area. In one district, the ESL teacher works about three hours a day with the NES children. In the Muscogee County, Georgia, school system, the ESL staff members concentrate heavily on math because it is an inter- national language. They also involve ESL students in any activity that doesn't stress English, such as physical education, arts, music, crafts, and some science. The transitional bilingual education program offers bilingual instruction to NES students in their native language while they also receive ESL training. Bilingual instruction can only be given when native-language-speaking teachers are available and when there are enough NES students to warrant instruction in a particular language. This is difficult if a school attempts to employ one teacher for every child who speaks a different foreign language. Transitional bilingual education also tries to provide classroom tutorial aides to help NES students in the native language. These tutors or aides, who speak the native language and English, sit in the classrooms and go over the lessons with the children in their native language and help them understand what is taking place. This helps the NES students so that they do not fall behind in concepts and provides a shortcut for them 48 to learn English. When children were taken out of class for ESL instruction alone, without the tutorial bilingual aide's help, it was harder for them to catch up with the English—speaking children in their classrooms. Not all research regarding second-language learning has advo- cated bilingual education. Experimental programs such as the one done by Lambert (1980) have indicated that for students who are deficient in the primary language, monolingual programs of instruction have shown achievements in language and other subjects within a short period of time, comparable to that of monolingual students for whom the particular language in the setting is the native language. In the Lambert study, which was conducted in Montreal, the English- speaking students experienced no inferiority or disadvantage in school. Their teachers had high expectations for their achievement, and their language and social class were respected. The project was designed to promote functional bilingualism through a policy of home-to-school language switch. The program started with kindergarten and was based on the assumption that learn- ing a second language should be incidental to learning subject-matter content through that language. This program of second-language learn- ing was assessed over a lS-year period, and the evidence showed no deficiencies in content area or native-language skills nor any lack of cognitive achievement attributed to participation in the program. The experimental pupils were able to read, write, speak, and under- stand both English and French as well as youngsters in conventional English classrooms and as well as native-English-speaking pupils who took 49 French As a Second Language. The experimental children mastered the basic elements of French phonology, morphology, and syntax without any inhibition in the use of language, which is often the case with for- eign or second-language students. The experimental children made fewer content errors in English oral communication than did the English control group. In French, oral communication was as good as that of the French control group. This fact suggests that the students learned to communicate ideas in French even though they were not native speakers. By the end of their elementary-school years, the children were functionally bilingual and at ease in both languages. When asked if such a program could be implemented in other settings with other groups of children, Lambert and Tucker (1980) proposed instead a more general guiding principle that may have a universal application. In communities that desire a bilingual or multilingual citizenry, priority in early schooling should be given to the language least likely to be developed or the language that would most likely be neglected. This idea would involve a home-to-school language switch for some children in the early years of school and a no-switch alternative for others. To turn potentially negative aspects of bilingualism into positive aspects, language training should be done as early as possible, but only when it is certain that full competency in the potentially neglected home language has been attained. This particular program gave the experimental children a chance to compete with other American children and to experience suc- cess. Aspects of this program can be compared to the ESL and bilingual 50 program in the present research study, in that the foreign LES stu- dents were competing with the English or American children in the English curriculum, the same as the French experimental group did with the control group. Lambert and Tucker (1980), however, did not dis- cuss the social factors or social conditions affecting Americans learning to speak French. Rather, their emphasis clearly seemed to be on mastering language structure. Many school children in this country have English—language deficiencies. These children, whose native language is other than English, are entitled to a meaningful opportunity to participate in public education. Gaarder (1972) stated that “children who enter school with less competence in English than monolingual English- speaking children will probably become retarded in their school work to the extent of their deficiency in English, if English is the sole medium of interaction." On the other hand, Gaarder proposed that the bilingual child's acquisition of subject matter, or cognitive growth and development, could proceed at a normal rate if the native language were used as an alternate tool of instruction. Other proponents of this belief have felt that bilingual edu— cation helps the limited-English-speaking children to express them- selves. Ballesteros (1973) argued that bilingual education also strengthens the relationship between the school and the home through a common communication link. Without the bilingual component, schools have difficulty understanding and communicating with bilingual chil- dren and their parents. 51 Routines and patterns play a major role in language acquisi- tion. In defining these terms, Krashen and Scarcella (1978) dis- tinguished between them. Prefabricated routines are memorized whole phrases, such as "How are you?" or "Where is your house?" A person may use these phrases without knowledge of their internal structure. Prefabricated patterns are partly created and partly memorized wholes, such as "That's a pencil." The main point is that, in language acqui- sition, patterns and routines play a direct role in the creative con- struction process. Documentation of routines and patterns in five Spanish-speaking children learning English as a second language was used as an example. A comparison was made between analytic (one-word- at-a-time development) language patterns and gestalt (whole parts in conversational contexts) language patterns. Frohlich-Ward (1979) emphasized the fact that rarely is it a problem to motivate foreign students to learn a second language. One useful technique is to employ various methods of introducing the new vocabulary. The author suggested manipulative objects and a variety of games like puzzle lotto, card games, guessing games, and songs, which support the exercise of newly learned structures and vocabulary. She also advocated three organizational rules for achieving the best results in teaching English acquisition: 1. a suitable and consistent teacher who comes regularly, 2. lessons taking place at the same time each day, and 3. parental visitations in which the parents do not speak in their native language in front of the children. 52 Bumpass (1965) contended that young non-English and limited- English-speaking children learn best through meaningful activities on their level of understanding. For example, when the child is ready for the reading experience, certain initial readiness experiences must be checked for completion. She advocated nine steps for teaching reading that can help students who are nonnative speakers of English. Boercher (1975) stated that language development for all children has four basic elements. Classroom teachers should under- stand that 1. Language acquisition is inevitable for children if they are exposed to a given language. It begins as the ability to understand and think. 2. Children develop language skills at different rates. 3. Children's grammatical errors reveal their control or lack of control of the systems of language. 4. Language instruction is often characterized by systematic, repetitious (drill-like) behavior in which new learnings are integrated with earlier skills. Ervin-Tripp (1973) found that the newcomer to a new language situation must master a new system. If the medium is bilingual, the learner must master the rules for alternating between the two language varieties as well as learn the new language. The person must learn the general grammatical categories, rules of arrangement of those categories, phonetic and semantic distinctions, and particular morphemes that represent semantic and grammatical categories. Learn- ers sometimes employ patterns common to neither language variety. 53 Frequently, they make omissions or overgeneralize morphemes in the new language variety. This syntactic simplification of second-language learners may correspond to simplifications common among children learning the same language. Summary This concludes the discussion of bilingual education approaches organized around issues of language structure. Various approaches and programs have been based on language structure. The researcher examined such approaches as English As a Second Language programs, transitional bilingual education programs, monolingual language pro- grams, and the concepts of language maintenance and language transfer. The debates about each of these areas were discussed as each approach was viewed and contrasted. Each approach provided insights about how schools are develop- ing and implementing programs that focus on helping NES and LES stu- dents in the school environment. Some schools provide programs that emphasize listening, speaking, and then reading and writing in English. Some provide education in the native language while students receive ESL instruction. It was found that monolingual programs focus heavily on mastering phonology, morphology, and syntax. Language structure also relates to certain patterns and routines, as was noted through a comparison of analytic and gestalt language-comprehension patterns. Analytic patterns of comprehension are those in which the child focuses on one word at a time. Gestalt patterns of comprehension are those in which the child focuses on whole "chunks" of speech in conversational contexts. 54 This section of the literature review also considered briefly the discussion by Frohlich-Ward (1979) of organizational rules for teaching English acquisition and the discussion by Boercher (1975) of four basic elements of language development for all children. Sociolinguistics--Bilingual Education Thought of as the Relationship of Structure to Language Use The third section of Chapter II focuses on sociolinguistics. It contains a discussion of bilingual education thought of as the relationship of language structure to language use. The preceding section discussed school language programs and approaches that are centered on language structure. This part discusses school language approaches and bilingual education that centers on language use. An attempt is made to show the relationship between the two concepts as well as to discuss current literature relating to language use. There has not been a great deal of research in the area of language use. This dissertation is an example of a study that deals primarily with the issue of language use. Some elements of language structure are also discussed in this study. Studying language use entails looking at the social meaning of and environmental conditions surrounding the development of lan- guage. The discussion, at this point, examines some of the literature regarding language use. Programs that emphasize maintaining the native language spoken in the home, as well as the importance of learning new kinds of lan- guage, are good. Erickson (1978) tended to agree with Gumperz and Hernandez-Chavez (1972) that being multilingual is developmentally 55 enriching. It is important to note also that some sociolinguistic research has suggested that no "normal" child is really "monolingual." Even monolingual people speak in various different ways, depending on the situation or to whom they are speaking. The manner and style in which one speaks also provide various information about language and the person. Erickson (1978) referred to Hymes (1967) when he com- mented that "language behavior is social behavior and linguistic competence is social competence." Erickson went on to discuss certain changes in language form that take place in conversations that may indicate changes in the social relationship between the speakers as time passes. This analy- sis was based on studies conducted by Blom and Gumperz (1972) and Shultz and Erickson (1973). Erickson contended that there seem to be rules that govern what and how we say things in various situations. These variations in the rules of speech behavior and the study of these rules is what Hymes (1962, 1972) called the "ethnography of speaking." Another aspect one might consider is what Erickson termed the "ethnography of the politics of speaking," which entails the social repercussions and rewards for speaking correctly, or incorrectly, in certain situations; i.e., a child might address an adult in an inap- pr0priate manner. Erickson built a strong case for language-maintenance pro- grams. He said two criteria should be examined: (1) the range of variants of both languages spoken by the students in the program and (2) the percentage of daily talking in the native language by the students. 56 Another point Erickson stressed is that a language-maintenance program should not be given an "effective" rating if nonnative English speakers in that program are being punished by peers or staff for speaking their native language rather than English. This would apply also to "nonstandard" English or regional-dialect English speakers. This type of an approach would view the school program as accepting different kinds of languages that could be functionally appropriate. Children wouldn't be punished or corrected by teachers or teased by their peers for speaking their native language, non- standard English, or a mixture of both languages in the school setting. Teachers would correct students during special language-lesson periods. Sometimes the best intentions of staff, parents, and students could inadvertently discourage first-language maintenance in the curriculum and the social organization, instead of fostering it. Erickson (1978) suggested that one method of studying and evaluating the politics of speaking would be to observe selected students in a bilingual program and then to tape and code the various forms of language used, as well as talk by students and their peers and talk by the teachers and these students. This sociolinguistic approach to evaluation would provide measures of the speech behaviors that are relevant to program effectiveness and language maintenance. The tapes could also be a data base for teacher inservice. It was Shultz's (1971) impression, based on various observa- tions in Spanish-speaking communities, that a pattern of language transfer, rather than language maintenance, may be taking place in the school environment. For example, native Spanish—speaking children 57 speak more English among themselves as well as in the home environ- ment. They tend to speak the native language only when talking to someone who doesn't speak English. Therefore, one can see that more English is being spoken outside the classroom environment as well as inside the classroom, and pressure to speak English is thrust upon students in both settings. One hypothesis that Shultz set forth in his study was that language choice depends on the language-speaking abilities of the audience in a particular situation and that the most important member of the classroom is the teacher. If we accept this hypothesis, then we would expect the students in the classroom to speak the language most commonly used and understood. Since all of the teachers spoke English and only some spoke Spanish/English, English was the chosen classroom language in this situation. Also, most of the classroom instruction was done in English. One can begin to understand why the children in this case spoke less and less Spanish as time elapsed. A "hidden agenda" regarding the use of English was discovered in the study. It was never stated specifically that children should not use Spanish in the classroom or that they should speak only English, but there was a very subtle way of communicating to students that English was the language to be spoken. This leads to questions regarding whether the children in Schultz's study and in similar situations will become functionally bilingual, given the findings of his research. Students might have perceived the native Spanish spoken at home to be an inferior lan- guage, thus adding another reason for not using it at school. 58 Shultz stated that even though the goals of the school pro- gram were those of language maintenance, the study brought out that language transfer was actually accomplished. The problem, as he described it, was that the program did not account for the socio- linguistic reality of the students' language use outside of the classroom setting. Their native language was considered inferior, and the variety of Spanish used by the teachers was unknown to them; therefore, English became the dominant medium of expression and the accepted language to use. The intentions of the people involved in Schultz's study were to have a program that maintained the native language and at the same time to teach a second language. However, it takes much more than good intentions to assure the maintenance of the child's native language. Some suggestions for change that may apply to bilingual class- rooms in general include: 1. 2. a thorough sociolinguistic analysis of the language spoken by the students, both in and out of the classroom setting. identification of the appropriate speech, both linguis- tically and sociolinguistically, before setting language norms in the classroom. use of native speakers as resources and models, giving equal value to the different variety of languages spoken. making sure all teachers are bilingual and not emphasiz- ing any one language over another. continually monitoring and evaluating language use in the classroom and including an evaluation of language use out- side the classroom. The U.S. Office for Civil Rights stressed bilingual/bicultural education, at the elementary level in particular. They did not feel that ESL is appropriate as the only remedy for English-language deficiencies. Supporters of bilingual/bicultural education have said d'r 59 that children learn English better after they have learned academic concepts in their native language. Some educators in California have said that bicultural education gives everybody's language and culture the same status. Opponents of this viewpoint have stated that bicul- tural education is just another responsibility forced on the schools that really belongs in the home. As the issue of bilingual/bicultural education versus ESL continues, educators are still faced with the problem of trying to meet the needs of these students and to stay within the law. Ramirez (1973) suggested that bilingual programs should teach jn_the culture as well as gbgut_the culture. This, he maintained, will capitalize on the interpersonal cognitive and motivational styles of the nonnative English-speaking learners to enhance and broaden their experiences and repertoires without compromising their ethnic loyalties. On the other hand, native English speakers could learn as a second language the native language of the children with limited English-speaking ability. For example, they could learn Arabic or Spanish in a second-language program. Bilingual children show great variety in their patterns of linguistic competency. Some may speak either very little English or none at all when they come to the United States, whereas others may speak and write English very well. There are certain special needs of which educators must be aware if they are to guide bilingual chil— dren toward successful school achievement. In regard to the special needs of bilingual-bicultural chil- dren, Zintz (1970) stated, 60 Many children come to the classroom with a set of values and background of experiences radically different from that of the average American child. In order to teach these children successfully, the teacher must be cognizant of these differ- ences and must, above all else, seek to understand without dis- paragement, those ideas, values and practices different from his own. The teacher of bilingual children should be in a position to change cultural differences into cultural advantages. The fact that there are many ethnic groups and cultures is an advantage that could pro- vide many resources to be used to enrich classroom learning. It is preferable that the teacher become acquainted with the children's cultures and understand and accept them. The teacher should provide many opportunities for the bilingual/bicultural child to hear and use English in different situations, such as listening to stories, sing- ing songs, and memorizing lines from school plays and poems. The acquisition of a second language has ramifications for a learner. When the second-language learner comes to school, he/she experiences a phenomenon known as "culture shock.“ With all the familiar landmarks suddenly removed, the child feels disoriented and perhaps frustrated at this new experience. Many children are able to overcome this often-traumatic experience when they enter a foreign situation, and this is often because of resourceful and sympathetic teachers. The children learn to read, write, communicate, and actively participate in school. Garvie (1976) suggested that the trouble starts in the first stages of school; therefore, children's first teachers have a tremendous responsibility for helping them over- come this problem. 61 Within the American school setting, foreign non-English or limited-English-speaking children are considered to be the minority- language-speaking group. They must adapt to the majority-language- speaking group (English) to gain social and cultural acceptance. Mackey (1979) felt that language-minority children tend to learn the dominant language according to their needs. The more they are sur- rounded in social settings by the new language, the sooner the assimi- lation takes place. The less contact, the slower the assimilative process. Clarke (1976) stated that "recent interest in 'humanism' in second language teaching and learning has produced a number of inter- esting paradigms for examination of psycho-sociological factors in second language learning." He went on to give a theoretical perspec- tive of second-language acquisition and tried to explain cross-cultural problems in terms of conflicting definitions of reality. He contended that a student's difficulties in learning a second language come not from an inability to handle stressful situations, or lack of motiva- tion, but rather from a lack of understanding of the social context of language. Clarke discussed the cultural shock that foreign non-English and limited-English-speaking youngsters experience as being the result of the differences between their country and the new country in terms of "modernity." He advocated a theory based on a description of modern consciousness, which will provide teachers with a comprehen- sive framework through which to understand and deal with isolated events. Second-language students need to understand the language and 62 the culture here. For this to occur, the teacher must help them recognize the subjective, socially constructed nature of reality. Experiences that occur outside the classroom also have significance for students' acquisition of English language. In regard to social relations and their effect on school learning, McDermott (1977) stressed the importance of understanding the way relations between teachers and children relate to the learning environment, and he looked at classroom interaction as a means of promoting or decreasing learning. He was in favor of studying class- rooms ethnographically to examine more closely what goes on in the process of teachers and students making sense of each other in the environment. Ethnographic accounts of life in the classroom might reveal that successful acquisition of literacy is like the successful use of a pedagogical style and depends very much on the attainment of trusting relations. Piestrup (1973) pointed to a case in which teachers tried to stop the use of dialect in the classroom. The result was that the children did not get to the task of learning to read. When children were allowed to use their dialect, vernacular use did not increase and reading scores increased. Whenever the teacher treated dialect as a problem, this interfered with the trusting relationship that had been established between the teacher and the student. Many minority-group children in mainstreamed, predominantly standard- English-speaking schools can learn to read even though they possess divergent communicative skills. Social relations are very important to the acquisition of learning. 63 Language skills can also be facilitatd through dramatic move- ment. Via (1976) suggested that combining dramatic movement with language use enhances learning because it reduces tension and stimu- lates thinking, enjoyment, involvement, and expression. These exer- cises can be done to develop imagination and concentration. There are certain rules for learning cognitive strategies and norms and values regarding the use of language, the role of authority, and the relations of an individual to a group. The work done by Cazden, John, and Hymes (1972) was consistent with the general pro- gram of sociolinguistics and with Hymes' (1966) study of language use, social functions, and social relationships. Mishler (1972) stated that language used by classroom teachers can be analyzed to show per- tinent aspects of the educational-socialization process. More syste- matic studies need to be done to find out if variations in teachers' verbal behavior have any effect on children's learning and cognitive development. In an article on assessing language development, Shuy (1977) described some current research in measuring functional language. He stated that experience gained from the Lau vs. Nichols Supreme Court decision, the Aspiro Consent Decree in New York City, and other bilin- gual education bills has revealed a gap in the knowledge about educat- ing children whose native language is not English. The courts seem to have responded by providing the momentum necessary to make educa- tion responsive to the needs of bilingual children, but educational technology is only in the beginning stages. For example, no testing or assessment instruments are available that measure adequately a 64 bilingual child's ability to participate effectively in the instruc- tion program. Second-language specialists feel that tests of grammar and phonology are not accurate predictors of effective participation and that functional language competence--the ability to seek clari- fication and obtain the teacher's assistance--is more important. Functional language competence allows people to use their language, accomplish goals, and understand how others respond to their utter— ances or communications. Language functions, unlike phonology and grammar, develop throughout life. In fully bilingual programs in which the child's language is respected and used as the medium of instruction, children tend to learn the language better and do well in school. Ervin-Tripp (1973) stated that a major change has taken place recently regarding lan- guage acquisition. We are now beginning to see the functions of language in the life of the speaker as being quite important in its acquisition. In a paper entitled “Language in Education," Cazden (1979) referred to a teacher talk variation: Intra-conversational code-switching is an important kind of nondeliberate language use in multilingual settings. . . . As Gumperz has said for many years, code switching is an addi- tional linguistic resource available to bilingual speakers for conveying social meaning that monolinguals convey by shifting styles within a single language. Shultz (1971) has done the most comprehensive work in the area of code switching and language use in bilingual classrooms. Code switching in this sense means the alternate use of two languages byaabilingual person. Shultz tape recorded a select group of children 65 for three or four hours. These students were of varying English- speaking abilities. The idea was to note any code switching that occurred during the process of English-language acquisition. The selected students wore backpacks containing a microphone and a tape recorder to collect data in various situations in which code switch- ing might take place. They were also observed by a researcher who was taking notes at the same time. The students spoke English and Spanish. They had a Spanish-speaking bilingual teacher and a monolingual English teacher. Shultz noted that the language these students chose to use depended on the person to whom they were talking. The children whom teachers perceived as speaking English the best were the ones who spoke the most English in the room. The children seemed to know who was able to speak and comprehend in either Spanish or English. The amount of English or Spanish spoken also depended on certain situa- tions and who was around. The children would identify the kind of audience present in a situation and then select the proper language to be spoken. As we examine the relationship between language structure and language use, the encompassing theory is what linguists term socio- linguistics. Keller (1979) defined sociolinguistics as the study of verbal, kinesthetic, and gestural ways or modes in which people com- municate or do not communicate. Sociolinguistics conceptualizes our verbal and nonverbal behavior as interacting. Insights into how individuals develop language and speak their dialects affect what happens to them and to their speech in one-to-one situations. 66 Ervin-Tripp (1973) made some summary statements regarding sociolinguistic competence that also have relevance to the present study on language acquisition in the classroom: Teacher training materials emphasizing formal categorical lin- guistic differences could have some negative effects on atti- tudes and educational practices. The formal differences between regional and social dialects are trivial and superficial in terms of the basic goals of the schools. The real educational prob- lems may lie in the structure of the school and the operating classroom, in failures of social communication in the classroom, in strong beliefs about the knowledge, abilities, and attributes of speakers judged by their regional or social dialect. If teachers mistakenly conclude that dialects are related to thought processes, that nonstandard speakers are like new immigrants and lack Standard English in their repertoire, or that all members of a given ethnic group are alike and have the same range of linguistic skills, then linguistically oriented materials will have reinforced social stereotypes and diverted attention from the real failures of the schools. For these reasons a high priority research area should be ethnography of classroom commu- nication and training about social dialects should include a sociolinguistic rather than formal perspective. The study of second-language acquisition has many ramifica- tions for the social and academic development of youngsters in school environments. Sociolinguistic development and questions regarding the varieties of language function continue to be major issues in education and research. Code switching, teacher training, the ethnog- raphy of literacy, and learning to read are only a few of the areas that play a major role in children's language acquisition. Research in the area of language acquisition and social communication in the classroom continues to provide educators with information that helps students learn. 67 Summary Bilingual education has seriously affected educational pro- grams across the country. A number of topics that pertain to English- language acquisition for a second-language learner in the classroom were discussed in this chapter. Basically, three main issues were covered: 1. School Language Education Policy and Its History, Nationally and in Michigan 2. Bilingual Education Approaches Organized Around Issues of Language Structure 3. Sociolinguistics--Bilingual Education Thought of as the Relationship of Language Structure to Language Use 'State and federal legislation has attempted to encourage educational programs to consider the special needs of non-English and limited-English-speaking youngsters. Linguistically different chil- dren have needs that can be met through various programs. Bilingual/ bicultural programs help nonnative English-speaking learners develop their second-language skills. It is important that teachers under- stand and respect the differences in these children and continue to provide opportunities for them to be successful in school. Bilingual education and bilingual instructional programs are not the only language programs being used with nonnative speakers of a culture. Monolingual as well as bilingual programs are success- fully being implemented. Research has shown that nonnative speakers can compete equally in classrooms with the dominant-language group of children. 68 All language groups speak in various ways, depending on the situation and the audience or person to whom one is speaking. Erickson (1978) stated that language behavior is social behavior, and linguistic competence is social competence. Changes in language that indicate changes in the social relationships between speakers are what Hymes (1962, 1972) termed the "ethnography of speaking." First-language maintenance was found to be just as important as learning the second language, and educators should follow certain measures if emphasis is placed on the language-maintenance program. English As a Second Language programs were examined as a medium of helping non-English speakers to achieve literacy and numeracy. This approach of giving all instruction in English has been viewed as less frustrating for the learner than bilingual instruction. A transitional program offers instruction in the student's native tongue, as well as ESL training. Each approach has its pros and cons, just as bilingual instruction does. Certain sociolinguistic factors are involved in learning a second language. One is the effect of being a minority in a different cultural environment. This is sometimes a frightening experience for children as well as adults. Gaining social and cultural acceptance is not always easy in an American school setting. Classroom teachers can play an important role in helping the nonnative, non-English- speaking children. Understanding and trusting relationships can be important in promoting a positive learning environment. Research has shown that various motivational influences play an important role in language development. Art, music, games, 69 songs, drama, and repetition are a few ways teachers can help facili- tate learning a second language. The literature review also entailed a brief discussion of language patterns and routines to provide some insights into the structural process of language. The writer also referred to cognitive strategies and language functions in the work done by Cazden and Hymes (1966). The discussion on functional language competence explained how people use language to accomplish goals and to under- stand how others respond to their communicative utterances. The literature review did not focus specifically on informa- tion regarding language phonology, grammatical structure, or morpho- logical rules, even though these terms were mentioned. The purpose was to study language acquisition and not primarily language struc- ture of non-English and limited-English-speaking youngsters. Code switching was found to be relevant to this study. Code switching is the alternative use of two languages by a bilingual per- son. It is interesting that various language groups use this medium of communication. In any language-acquisition program, one must be careful to define the goal. This is particularly true when discussing whether a language-maintenance program or a language-transfer program should be promoted. If we account for the sociolinguistic approach to the reality of the student's language outside the classroom, then we must advocate a language-maintenance program and not solely a language- transfer program. 70 In regard to sociolinguistics, we must examine more closely the social interaction and communication that take place in the classroom as far as language acquisition is concerned. The classroom teacher and others in the environment have an important role to play in understanding, accepting, respecting, and promoting growth and success for children who are deficient in the second language. One must remember that verbal and nonverbal classroom interaction is a mode of communicating, and not communicating. There is still a great deal to learn and many areas in which further research is necessary to enhance and broaden our knowledge and training in the area of social interaction and communication in the classroom and especially how limited- and non-English-speaking youngsters develop linguistically. Educators are responsible for providing an environment in which all students can participate fully in the school program. Various educational programs and teaching techniques must be incorporated throughout the school curriculum to assure all children an equal Opportunity to grow and develop to their full potential. Some of the ideas and concepts presented in this literature review could provide further information about and a better understanding of this area of language acquisition. CHAPTER III CLASSROOM INTERACTION Chapter III deals with four major areas of classroom interac- tion of Arabic limited-English and non-English-speaking students. Each section discusses in detail the classroom associations of selected Arabic students as seen over four stages of second-language development. In the first part of the chapter, four distinct stages of English-language development, as identified by the researcher, are discussed. From there, the discussion includes general comments about classroom interaction and developing associations of various foreign limited- and non-English-speaking students in the school environment. Some comments and reflections on the experiences these LES students had as they entered the second-language school environment are shared to present an idea of how they felt coming into the new setting. Along with these statements are comments from the teachers who col- laborated in the study, identified as 1', 12, T3, 14, and 15. Their comments focus on how they perceived the LES students in the classroom and the type of behavior they expected from the students, along with some of their concerns and anxieties about teaching the LES student. Three descriptive narrative case studies of NES and LES Arabic stu- dents are presented as specific examples of the second-language growth 71 72 and development during the four stages of English-langauge acquisition. One should note the similarities and differences in each of these three foreign LES students and how they generally fit the character- istics identified within the four stages of second-language learning. Along with the descriptive narrative case studies, examples and a comprehensive discussion regarding oral language—development lessons given in the ESL room are covered. This is contrasted with classroom reading-group lessons that focused on the LES students. Observations and comments, documented from both classrooms, are pre- sented as important to the associations and communicative interaction of LES students during the study. As the chapter and the story of the LES student learners pro- gresses, general characteristics of each of the four stages of language development are reviewed, with the focus on what was observed to be taking place in the two classrooms. Highlights point out specific LES peer associations and relationships that developed in the class- room and were important to one or another of the four second-language development stages. Again, the key examples focus on the three case studies as the story unfolds. The second part of Chapter III contains a brief analysis of specific kinds of verbal talk and nonverbal behavior that were the basis for the communication that took place between an NES and an LES student, their peers, associates, and teachers. Two LES and NES case studies are discussed as examples: Hiam and Ahmed. In the last part of Chapter III, the investigator discusses instances of code switching--using two different languages and 73 sometimes combining the two languages during communication or speech. Included are specific instances of LES students speaking in their native language and the circumstances surrounding these incidents, as well as a discussion of when and why the LES students switched from one language to the other. In conclusion, the focus is on why the emphasis in school has been on English-language development. Examples are given of instances in which teachers feel it is approp- riate to use the native language in the classroom. This is con- trasted with examples of the need to maintain the native language, as well as to learn the new language. Stages in Becoming Bilingual When one talks about becoming bilingual at Spartan Village School, a sequence of four stages of second-language acquisition can be described. It is important to discuss these stages in detail, to provide background information that will be helpful throughout the dissertation in discussing the non-English-speaking and limited- English-speaking Arabic students. Before discussing each of the four stages in detail, a brief synopsis of each stage is presented as an introduction. (See Table 2.) Listed below are characteristics, in detail, of each stage: Stage One - The limited or non-English-speaking children enter shcool for the first time in an English-dominant classroom. - They are given a buddy, selected by the teacher, to help them become oriented to the school, the classroom, and the 74 Table 2.--Sequence of English-language-acquisition stages across time. Estimated Time From Enrollment in Schoola Stage 2-3 months September-November Oneb 3-4 months December Twoc 6 months February Threed 8 months April Foure aTime may vary according to the individual child. bStage One: Associations are teacher-assigned "buddy," another LES student, siblings, or an interpreter. cStage Two: Associations are LES or NES students who are most like them in the setting, regardless of ethnic or second- language background. dStage Three: Associations include bilingually fluent peers in addition to stage two associations. eStage Four: Associations are with English-dominant-speaking peers, in addition to associations from stages two and three. 75 procedures followed daily (gym, recess, bathroom, lunch, library, office, etc.). This buddy may be a foreign student of the same language background, if possible, or it could be another NES or LES student who has been here previously, or it might turn out to be a friendly, outgoing English-dominant student in the class if there are no children of the same language group in the class. NES or LES students will tend to associate with this person only during school. If they have a sibling, they will associate with the LES or NES sibling after school, rather than other foreign NES or LES students from school or English-dominant students. The buddy helps the new NES or LES child with interpreta- tions and getting through the school day. LES or NES children are, or become, very dependent on this buddy during phase one of English-language development. LES or NES students may appear to be shy, withdrawn, frightened, quiet, lonely, confused, frustrated, aggressive, or sometimes even hostile. These are symptoms of cultural shock. They speak only the native language in communicating, or remain silent around English speakers. Stage Two 76 Limited or non-English-speaking children will begin to asso- ciate with other students who are most like them in the school setting, i.e., those children who are of the same English-speaking proficiency, or in the case of a non- English-speaking child, an LES student. They learn quickly who these other students are because they are grouped with them for instruction in the classroom and in the ESL room for oral English—language instruction. They meet regularly with them in the bilingual-instruction setting. They tend to play together during recess at school and on the playground. They tend to communicate in the native or first language when they interact or play together, especially if there are no ES people around. They are still isolated from the dominant-English-speaking group merely because they have chosen not to associate yet. At this point they have been in the school setting about three months. Their understanding of the English language is probably better or greater than their oral speaking ability. This can be assessed by their participation in the classroom activities and how well they follow teacher- or student (peer)-given directions. 77 Stage Three LES or NES students begin to associate with bilingually fluent students of their own native language background. This happens toward the middle of the year, after at least five months in the English-dominant setting. They still receive ESL instruction and bilingual tutoring in their native tongue when possible. These other bilingual student contacts now expand into other classrooms and even across grade levels. NES or LES students at this point can choose to speak in their native language or in English to the bilingual contact. During school hours they tend to speak mainly English with each other. At home, LES or NES students tend to speak the native tongue to parents and English to peers once they become more fluent in both languages. (These data were obtained from numerous home visitations by the researcher throughout the year, every year for the past three years.) They also speak the native language when playing with other LES students from the same ethnic group. They actively seek help from teacher aides and the classroom teacher as well as from peers. They do not seem afraid to ask for help, even though their English vocabulary is still limited. 78 Stage Four - The former NES or LES students have mastered enough English to feel comfortable around English-dominant-speaking students and will now associate equally with English-dominant as well as NES or LES students, if they so choose, in forming peer relationships. - A much stronger feeling of acceptance from the dominant- speaking English culture is now quite apparent. English students seek them out in and out of the classroom, and they seek out English speakers. - The students are no longer isolated and participate will- ingly in the total school program. - They do not exhibit the shyness, fear, anxiety, loneliness, and frustration that often are noticeable during stage one of the sequence of English-language development. - For most NES and LES students this stage is toward the end of the school year, but it may begin after six to eight months in the new language setting. A Look at the Classroom Interactions of Arabic Limited and Non-English-SpeakingnStudents Several aspects can be discussed in regard to the classroom interaction of Arabic LES students as well as general statements that were drawn from the field notes during the study. Generally speaking, the students who were observed maintained close contact with others from their own language and ethnic background. This was observed and documented from teacher and student interviews. This was very obvious 79 during the time when the youngsters first entered the school and were identified as LES or, in some cases, totally NES. These children would be seen sitting together during most group meetings, story- telling sessions, seatwork, lunch, recess, music, and physical educa- tion periods--times when group activity was the focus during the day. During the initial classroom experience or exposure in the dominant-English-speaking environment, the LES students did not really interact with other students in the classroom. They kept pretty much to themselves, or in cases where there was only one LES student, that child was a loner because he/she did not speak English and could not communicate with peers or even the classroom teacher. In some instances, LES students would appear to be quiet, shy, withdrawn, frightened, unhappy, and nonparticipatory in the classroom. Various foreign LES students who were interviewed gave accounts of their stage one classroom experiences. Rabeah, an Iranian student, stated, "I was really shy when Icame first in this school. They gave me these tests to do. I thought, what am I going to do. ...I can't read that. I'm too scared." (See SI, pp. 2,3.) Oriel, a Brazilian LES student, stated that his first classroom experiences were "horrible." "I couldn't speak." (See SI, p. 14.) The classroom teacher also recalled that Oriel cried a lot, was very withdrawn, and appeared unhappy and confused for a long time. The researcher recalls his being sent to the office a few times to be picked up by his par- ents because he was so unhappy in the classroom. During the interview he was asked, "Was there anyone with whom you could make friends?" He 80 responded, "No...just after I could speak English, Inez...then I could talk to her." (See 51, p. 15.) Inez was another LES student from Brazil. Lobna, an Arabic LES student, gave this account of her stage one classroom experiences: "First when I come I don't speak to nobody ...in recess, I don't speak to nobody...I don't know English. I just sit by myself and watch the kids and now when I speak English, I just play with everybody. Sometimes when children come up and I can not speak English...and I just close my eyes." (See SI, p. 81.) Teachers recalled that Lobna was very withdrawn and very quiet when she first came. She would not interact with others in the class. Then after Lobna had been in the classroom about two months, one of the teachers recalled an incident that showed just the opposite type of classroom behavior from an Arabic LES student. She stated in her interview: Another thing...at the beginning of the year, these children appeared to be very aggressive towards people. They were con- stantly fighting, not only among themselves, but they were punch- ing and poking and really pretty hard on kids. I suppose they could have picked that up from the modeling of the other children but they were defiant against the teachers and the first words that I heard an Arabic child say were, "I no do, so I put on desk," and this was an assignment and T2 pulled it out and said, "Oh yes, you will," but that was the first English we ever heard out of that child. There were a lot of really aggressive kinds of things...smirking...really kind of nasty. (Taken from taped teacher interview.) Another collaborating teacher, T], stated that some of the LES students were hostile and aggressive, whereas others were shy and withdrawn. She felt that it was an individual kind of characteristic. "Some children are naturally more timid and more quiet and it takes a while to get into the classroom situation. At other times, they fit 81 right in and you think that they have been there forever. Children are the same all over." The teachers seemed to expect that the LES students would interact, engage in play, and talk with other children. T1 talked about the kind of interaction she expected in the classroom. "Be polite, which means no pushing, shoving, hitting, and this type of thing...not that you get that all of the time, but work towards that ...be considerate and help your neighbor." (Taken from taped teacher interview.) The situations commented on by the ESL teacher were also observable in the classrooms. The LES children developed very close friendships with each other, more than they did with the American children. T4 felt that this was partly because they came together to her room at the very beginning of the year and were frightened by the situation in the dominant-English-speaking classrooms but found that in the ESL room there was a group of children who were having the same problems and frustrations they were experiencing individually. T4 commented, They especially stick together if they are from the same group. Even an Arabic-speaking child may become good friends with a Spanish-speaking child. I think it starts when they come to my ESL room and they sort of pair up together. They are the only ones in their classrooms who can't understand what's going on and when they come to my room, there is a very safe atmosphere because nobody else can speak either so they learn to be very good friends. There's a lot of touching. It's a small group and ngbody feels badly because they can't understand. (See TI, p. 6. T4 talked about kindergarten LES children who didn't speak the same language at all, yet they were best buddies and interacted in her ESL room and in the regular classroom. "I can't explain it, but they 82 talked to each other and they didn't speak enough English to talk to one another. They would play and they would just sort of communicate somehow. One was a Japanese boy and the other was a Spanish-speaking boy." (See TI, p. 9.) The classroom interaction at the beginning of the school year for LES children is limited because of their inability to communi- cate in the English-speaking environment. They tend to sit together and stay together because they understand each other. As one of the collaborating teachers, T2, stated, "You and I would do the same thing as American people in a different country but when they learn English, they do less and less of that." (Taken from taped teacher interview.) Some of the LES children are a little reserved and tend to keep to themselves because they can't do much. Others may act out aggres- sively and show signs of unhappiness in school for those first few weeks. Much of this behavior is attributed to the "cultural shock" of being in a strange, unfamiliar environment. The frustrations that the LES children experience as they try to talk or communicate to others is understandable and has been labeled by the staff at this school as part of the "cultural shock." (See also the literature review in Chapter II.) An example of one cultural shock is the following: The Arabic bilingual aide, T5, commented that Arabic LES students are not used to the freedom to do this or that in the classroom. This is not pos- sible in their own country; therefore, the type of teaching is dif— ferent. In the beginning, the LES student might misuse this freedom and might behave aggressively. T5 did not think the Arabic LES 83 students interact much differently than non-LES students except for the fact that they try very hard to learn English and Arabic when they are with him in the bilingual room. Observations of their interac- tions in the bilingual room indicated that the LES students use the Arabic language freely. They talk, play, tease, and work quite freely with each other. They are out of their seats, playing around with each other on the floor, or whispering to each other just as any other children might do who are not LES. They are quick to raise their hands and wave them in the air in response to a question from the bilingual aide. The difference in this situation is that the LES student is not left out of the picture or handicapped because he/she does not know the language spoken among other children in the setting. Therefore, the interaction at the beginning of the school year is some- what different in the bilingual room than in the regular classroom, or even in the ESL room, during stage one of second-language learning. This initial description of classroom interaction for LES students does not remain unchanged over time. As the LES students begin to master the English language, their social encounters in the school setting broaden. For example, they may remain in the same reading group within the classroom and yet have many different peer interactions in math grouping. One reason for this may be that math has a universal language. District and informal teacher testing has indicated that the LES students usually do quite well in math because the numerals and concepts are the same in most countries. As the LES students learn the English vocabulary, they tend to excel in math. 84 Very little language is used in math, so the LES children can compete almost equally and interact comfortably with English-speaking students. Case Studies Throughout the chapter, three specific case studies are dis- cussed. These case studies describe first an LES student, Lobna, and her assimilation into the classroom environment. Her associations during four stages of English-language development are described, and these associations are related to her behavior and classroom communi- cation with peers and teachers. The second case study observation focuses on Nader, an NES student who entered the same classroom with Lobna but seemed to have characteristics and behavior that presented somewhat of a contrast to Lobna. Lobna was quiet, reserved, and with- drawn as she first learned the English language. Nader was hostile, aggressive, and mouthy (presented a talkative discipline problem in the classroom) as he first learned English. Lobna was observed through the four stages of English-language growth, and widening associations with other students in the classsroom and school environ- ment were noticed over a period of time. Nader was observed only through stage two of English-language development. He is an example of the many foreign students who leave the school to return to their native country after a few short months in this country. The third case study is Ahmed, an NES student who entered and was observed very late in the school year, during the month of May. The observations indicated behavior through the first stage of English- language development. A comparison of his behavior at that time with u—I—u—_. “he. 85 that of Lobna and other LES and NES students in the classroom reflected similar characteristics regarding peer associations and communicative behavior in the classroom. Observations in the ESL instructional room presented a con- trasting picture regarding NES and LES student behavior. The asso- ciations changed, and more interaction and communication took place between the LES students and others who were also LES. It was also observed and noted that more native language was spoken. One reason for the increase in communicative behavior might have been related to the fact that the students were highly encouraged to talk and were given less structure in the ESL room than in the classroom because the main emphasis was on oral English-language development. Synoptic Chart: Four Stages of English Language Develgpment The following synoptic chart illustrates Lobna's widening associations with other students as she moved through the four stages of English-language development in the school environment: Stage One Associations are teacher-assigned "buddy," another LES student, siblings, or an interpreter. Ex.: Lobna was assigned a buddy, Nashwa, because they were from the same ethnic background. There were two other NES Arabic students in the classroom at the beginning of the year. These children spoke to each other and associated separately from the rest of the class. Outside of the classroom, Lobna associated only with her first-grade sister (at lunch and on the playground). Stage Two 86 Associations are LES or NES students who are most like them in the setting, regardless of ethnic or second-language background. Ex.: Stage Three Lobna associated primarily with Suzana, a Brazilian LES student, in the classroom. At the beginning of the year, the other NES Arabic students in her classroom B had been transferred to another classroom and she was left alone, except for other ethnic LES students whose English proficiency was about the same. The others were trans- ferred because they were in another grade and Lobna was the only third grader except Suzana in the group of new NES students. Associations include bilingually fluent peers in addition to stage two associations. Ex.: Stage Four Lobna associated with Nashwa, who was Arabic bilingual, as well as other Arabic bilingual students in the class who had enrolled a year before her and were English pro- ficient. Like two other Arabic bilingual boys in her classroom 8, Lobna maintained contact with her stage two associates. During ESL instructions, Lobna met with Suzana (from her classroom) and other LES students from other ethnic backgrounds. Associations are with English-dominant-speaking peers, in addition to associations from stages two and three. Ex.: Lobna associated with Nashwa, who was bilingual; Sarah, an English-speaking student; and a few other English- speaking girls in her classroom. Lobna talked to the student aide, the art teacher, and others who were English-dominant speakers. She also spoke freely to me when I was in her presence. She tried to play with other students who were not LES, as seen from the class- room observation notes. Her network of associations greatly expanded since stage one. Lobna: Case Study of an Arabic LES Student in Team Classroom 8 Let's look at Lobna in team classroom 8. Lobna entered the classroom as a third grade student in September, and the teacher 87 listed her as NES. Even though Lobna had been in an English-speaking school for a few months in Colorado, her parents indicated that she was NES. She did not speak any English in school around peers or the teachers, outside of what she was learning in ESL class. She was shy, quiet, and withdrawn for the first few weeks of school. Her contacts in the room were with two other NES and LES Arabic students in the class. These were NES Hiam and LES Waleed A1. When she spoke with them, it was in Arabic. Lobna did not attempt to associate with any of the other students in the class. The teacher collaborators stated that she would keep to herself and watch others in the class. That was during stage one. At that time, Hiam and Waleed As. were first graders in the team room and Lobna was a third grader in the team room. In November, Hiam and Waleed As. were moved to the self- contained first grade room. Lobna stated in her interviewu "Firstwhen I come I don't speak to nobody, in recess I don't speak to nobody. I don't know English. I just sit by myself and watch kids and now when I speak English, I just play with everybody." (See SI, p. 81.) After a few months, Lobna was a little more confident of her English-speaking ability. This was seen more in the ESL room with the instructor. T4 commented that there were about six Arabic children in the team room who could not speak English, so they spoke only Arabic to each other from September to November, at which time they were split up into other classrooms because of an overload in the team room. When they came to ESL class, they spoke English when they were in the room and being asked to respond to instruction. Lobna, 88 in particular, worked as a translator. T4 stated, Lobna didn't like to speak English but she thought that it was really neat that she could translate, and she spoke most of the time in Arabic. When somebody wanted to tell me some- thing and they couldn't do it, she couldn't speak very well, but she could tell me enough so that she could tell me what they meant and when I asked them something, she would quickly tell them in Arabic. (See TI, p. 7.) Shultz (1971) wrote about the use of other native speakers who are bilingual to help as translators. When a new NES student entered the team room in November, Lobna interacted with him and served as his interpreter. By this time, Lobna's peer group associations included other LES students like herself and Arabic students who were now bilingual, having mas- tered the English language. This was stage two for Lobna. It was noted that Lobna interacted in her school work with Suzana, an LES Brazilian student. They were grouped together in the classroom for language arts instruction and went to ESL class together. In January, it was noted that Lobna was very close to Nashwa and considered Nashwa her best friend. This friendship association occurred at stage three of Lobna's English-language development. When asked in the interview, "Who is your friend?", Lobna stated, "Nashwa and everybody, Nashwa, Rachel, and everybody." "Is Nashwa your best friend?" Lobna replied, "Yes, she is my _B_E_§l friend. I call her up and say, 'Youwant to go to Arabic school?‘ I tell her, 'If you don't want to go to Arabic school' ...if she say 'No,‘ I say, 'If you don't want to go to Arabic school, I don't go.'" (See SI, p. 80.) Lobna also talked about having English-speaking friends who were American, but she spent most of her time interacting with Nashwa 89 when they were in team classroom 8. Outside of team classroom 8, she still associated a great deal with her first grade sister, Mona, and other LES students with whom she had become associated in ESL class and in the bilingual tutor's room. Lobna was not at stage four just yet. Her associations were not with English-dominant-speaking children in the classroom, and the English children were not seeking her out as a main friend at that point (March 1980). Lobna was used as a typical example of the classroom interac- tion that a LES student might experience. Each one of the Arabic LES students would reveal similar data. Classroom observations also gave clues to the various kinds of activities experienced by LES students. Lobna and her sister, Mona, were in the same ESL class and went to the ESL room at the same time. There they participated in the oral-language activities provided by T4 and quite often spoke in Arabic to each other during ESL instruction. They did less of this as the year progressed. In team room B, activities normally began each day with class- room team meeting time. All of the children entered the room and seated themselves on the sofas, in the barber chair, or on the carpeted floor in the designated team meeting section of the room. Announce- ments, attendance, social greetings, and sharing of information were done at this time by both classroom teachers, T2 and T3. Children with LES backgrounds were expected to listen and participate as much as possible along with the rest of the class. Although the LES children might not have fully comprehended what was happening during group meeting time, it was hoped that as time went on and they learned 90 the language, they would imitate the listening to and sharing of infor- mation that they saw all of the other children doing. This same beginning routine took place in other classrooms throughout the build- ing at the beginning of each school day. All children learned that this was an acceptable time to receive and share information relating to various topics with their teachers and their peers before starting into the structured academic programs of the school day. During the stage one period, the LES students shared very little information until they’ had learned enough English to be able to communicate verbally. After team meeting time, the children were all dismissed to their seats. When they had settled down at their seats, the teacher introduced the seatwork assignment for the entire class. This same procedure was followed in both classrooms observed. Whenever LES or NES students entered a classroom for the first time, they wereintroduced to the class and assigned a classroom buddy, or, in cases where a student interpreter was available in the room, the student interpreter was assigned to the new student if he/she spoke the same native language. These interpreters helped explain to the new LES or NES student what was going on and became the comunication link between the LES child and the teacher. If an interpreter was not avail- able in the classroom, the LES or NES student had to sit and wait until the classroom teacher could free him/herself to work individually with the student. The LES or NES students generally sat quietly at their seats while the seatwork was being explained to the class. Once the other studentS'hithe class had started their assignments, the teach- ers began immediately to work with the LES students. It almost had to 91 be a one-to-one situation because these students were functioning on a non-English-language level during stage one. On several occasions in early January, the classroom teachers were observed working with LES students. At that point, the particu- lar students observed were still basically at stage two of their English-language development. Their associations were NES or LES students who were most like them in the setting; therefore, their assiciations centered on encounters and relationships with peers who might have been experiencing similar learning and communication prob- lems in English. LES Reading Group Lesson in Classroom 8 The following vignette describes a typical language arts or reading lesson taught by the classroom teacher to two LES students. Even though their native languages were different, each (girl) student was functioning at the same level of English proficiency. Before starting the individual reading group lessons, the teacher usually introduced the tasks or activities on which the whole class would be working during the morning reading period. Then the teacher called each of the reading groups to the reading-group table, where she instructed them separately from the rest of the class on skills per- taining to their academic pretest level. Every student was pretested when he/she entered the classroom to determine the reading and math skills level for instruction. On January 9, right after team meeting time in team class- room 8, T2 finished introducing the morning seatwork to the class and 92 then called Lobna (Arabic LES) and Suzana (Brazilian LES) for reading instruction. Each child had made experience stories on paper and verbally shared these stories with T2. T2 showed each girl a word card for vocabulary development. After each one had read the cards, T2 did another letter-sound connection exercise with the cards, in which each girl had to tell if the word began with the same sound and letter that the teacher called out. They had to look at their own cards and respond. In this exercise, both girls were successful; consequently, T2 gave a verbal praise of "good" to the girls. 12 then reviewed their seatwork assignment, which was to copy from the board some sentences the girls had made up. Each girl had to state ver- bally what they were to do. At this point, the LES students had learned enough English to respond to such beginning reading activi- ties as the letter-sound association and word card exercises done by the classroom teacher. LES Reading Group Lesson in Classroom A Similar LES student and teacher activities took place during the reading instruction period in Tl's classroom A. After the seat- work had been introduced to the whole class and they all had had a chance to get started on their papers, T1 called her first reading group up for instruction. During the observation period, there were three LES Arabic students in this group, Hiam, Kaleed, and Mona. In this activity, each student was given a word to repeat from a card held up by the teacher. These were review words that they had been taught earlier in December. After reviewing the word cards, they A. 93 opened their books to page one and were instructed to read the sen- tence. Each pupil tried to read in unison, "The cat is fat." T1 asked the students to show something skinny with their hands. Mona seemed to watch the others and then to imitate their actions. Hiam could not answer the question and seemed confused. Kaleed was able to read the sentence and demonstrate something skinny and fat with his hands as the other two children observed him and tried to imitate. T1 had them read each line together, and after each sentence she commented, "Very good." The children finished quickly because this was a review exercise and the book was a beginning-reading-level book that they had started in December. T1 gave each child a workbook and instructed them to turn to page one and to circle the picture that looked like the example. She reminded Hiam to start on the left and go to the right. (Hiam was still used to starting at the right and going left, which is the Arabic method of reading words on a page.) The students successfully completed a page by themselves, and then they were told to point to the picture mentioned by T1 and to color every- thing the same as that picture. T1 gave an example and asked the three LES students to repeat the directions for this seatwork activity. Then they were sent back to their seats to work on the assignments. T1 then called the second Arabic LES reading group to come back to the round table for instruction. This group consisted of Layla, Waleed Al., and Waleed As. She did a similar activity with them. They were shown flash cards with vocabulary words that they had to recall and repeat orally together. Next they read in unison a story of simple sentences from a beginning reading book. The sentences in 94 the book consisted of wording like "I am Mike," "I am Kent," and "I am Lee." There were pictures to illustrate each of these characters in the book. It seems to be a very slow, step-by-step process to instruct LES students in learning how to read. One reason for this may be that they have not yet learned to read in their native language. Another factor is that they are not English proficient and therefore have no English-language base from which to draw. They also lack English or American cultural experiences, which are reflected in the story examples and in the choice of vocabulary used by the teacher in the lesson. A great deal of verbal praise and reinforcement must be given throughout the instructional period or lesson to keep the students motivated and on task. It was noted that the teacher had to speak slowly and distinctly and used visual aids as well as dramatizing or demonstrating the task she wanted the students to perform during the lesson time. Layla and Waleed As. were probably the strongest of the three readers. Their stage of English-language development was within the stage two and stage three level, but more toward stage three. Waleed Al. was still between stages one and two. He seemed quite immature and inattentive and had trouble keeping his place in the book. He did not respond verbally as Layla and Waleed As. did during reading group lesson. His attention span was quite short. T1 said, "Look at page five and tell what is happening." Layla did all the talking. Waleed Al. had to be shown a few times 95 how to use the book marker. T1 used both her hands to help everyone follow along in their readers. She also read along with them, pausing often to give verbal praise and pointing to where their eyes should be looking. Waleed Al. seemed very unsure of himself. He sat on one leg on the edge of his chair and lost his place again. Waleed As. followed along, reading slowly, word by word, with help from T]. T1 gave clues to words by making the beginning sounds of the words as he tried to pronounce these words: the, I can, who, and you. Waleed Al. said nothing during the whole lesson; consequently, Waleed As. and Layla did all the responding and received verbal praise from T1. Again, T1 went to the blackboard chart and wrote, "I can get it. Can you get it?" As she pointed to the words, Waleed As. and Layla said each word separately. Their reading was not fluent or smooth at this point. Waleed Al. guessed at the words when his turn came, but other than that, he just sat quietly. He seemed to watch what was going on for a while; then his attention wandered to a bulletin board behind him, pasted with students' snowman pictures. The LES students were given various repetition and practice- type skill activities to do in their reading workbooks. Numerous pictures went along with the written activity. T1 called on Waleed Al. to find and circle the word "get." He did so correctly and got a big verbal compliment from T]. Layla got excited as her turn approached again, and she responded correctly. T1 introduced the workbook assignment: "Look at the first picture and circle something just like it or that matches." Waleed As. and Layla caught on quickly. Waleed Al. circled everything on the page as he tried to watch the 96 other two. Waleed As. said, "You are copying me," to Layla, who replied, "I am not." At the same time, Waleed Al. was copying Layla's book. They were told to finish the workbook page and to go on to the next page. On the next page, they were told to color the pictures that were identical. All three students responded correctly to the sample exercise and were instructed to go to their seats and complete the assignment. They went to their seats and began working on the pages. The first LES reading group had been working quietly at their seats, along with the English-speaking students. They had not had any conversations with each other or with their neighbors. Tl had started the reading groups at 9:45 A.M. At 10:15 A.M., the LES students in classroom A all left to go to the ESL room for instruction in English-language development. This had been a typical morning classroom experience for them since the beginning of the school year. They became very excited and lined up near the door with the ESL teacher. Oral-Language-Development Lesson in the ESL Room The format for small-group instruction in the ESL room was different from that of the classroom reading-group lesson. In the ESL room, the children sat on the floor in front of the teacher, and there they were given small-group instruction orally. The emphasis was on oral language development in English. As much as possible, ’they were taught vocabulary through visual presentations. Each child also had to learn how to take a turn, to raise his/her hand for permission to talk, and to follow the teacher's 97 directions by listening, watching, and imitating as she demonstrated. A great deal of verbal praise had to be given in this instructional setting to reinforce positive behavior and to correct responses from the LES students. The teacher used behavior modification to elicit the kind of behavior and response she wanted from the students. She used token stars, given on a card, as a reward in her class. This seemed to work well as an incentive. She reminded them about the stars during her teaching to help keep them motivated. The children all competed to gain the most stars on their cards because they could win prizes for completed star cards. In the ESL room, the LES students' interaction gave a somewhat contrasting picture to that in the regular classroom. Hiam and Layla laughed and teased each other and acted silly when they were supposed 4 and answering questions orally about parts of the body. When reprimanded by T4, they settled down. T4 tried to to be responding to T give directions again about an activity sheet on which they were to tell the body part shown. The students all talked out of turn. The game activity was similar to Bingo. It continued until each child had had a turn to be the caller; then they were told to do the reverse by taking all the markers off their colored sheets: for example, take the green marker off the leg. Waleed Al. tried to act silly in his speech as he told the others what color to take off the body part. T4 reprimanded him twice and then skipped over him. The others did very well, and T4 verbally praised them. 98 Waleed As. started talking in Arabic, and the others laughed at him until 14 quieted them. Then 14 had them do another activity as they sat on the carpet in front of her. They all began to argue over who got to be first. When they settled down and completed this matching-card activity, which involved recalling an object and ver- balizing if they had a pair, 14 had them line up to go back to the classroom. She allowed those who thought that they had been good to get their star cards and receive a star for the day from her as they left the ESL room. LES Reading Group Lesson in Classroom B Let's look at another scene in classroom 8 on the morning of January 22. The LES girls were given beginning reading instructions by teaching them letter-sound associations and connecting those sounds with an English word that they had learned written on a card. They were also being taught memory skills by remembering the word cards with the word that had the initial beginning sound. The behavior of these same two girls was also observed once they were out of the skill-building reading group and working indi- vidually at their seats. Lobna tried hard to attend to the task and her assignment. It seemed to be difficult for Suzana to do this. There were other instances of this same type of behavior by both girls, as will be discussed later. Lobna, an LES Arabic student, and Suzana, an LES Brazilian student, were instructed together during the classroom reading period. The girls took turns answering if they had a word that began with a certain sound. T2 made the sounds as 99 the girls picked up cards and matched whether they had other words like the beginning of the card each one held. T2 asked, "Who can read the rest of their cards?" The girls read simultaneously while she listened. T2 said to Suzana, "Show Lobna the ones you are having trouble with." Then T2 told them that they had learned to read forty words and that that was "very good." The girls were sent back to their seats to finish their seatwork activities. (See FN, p. 48.) When the girls had returned to their seats, it was noted that Lobna tried to model good working behavior that she saw other stu- dent in the classroom doing and for which they received verbal rein- forcement. She sat quietly at her desk, with both feet on the floor, and attended to her assignment. Suzana, on the other hand, displayed poor work habits. Her attention often wandered away from the task, and she constantly played with objects in her desk and with peers around her. She visited with her neighbors and didn't seem to be able to sit still in her seat. An example of this behavior involving Lobna and Suzana is shown in the fieldnotes from January 22. OBSERVATION NOTES 11:29 A.M. Suzana is standing at her desk and leaning on the table, rocking with one leg on her chair. Lobna is sitting with both feet on floor under her desk and writing on her paper. SEATWORK ACTIVITY CHART TITLE: WEEKENDS On weekends, Lobna goes to her friend's house. She plays. On the weekend, Suzana has friends come over to her house. Sometimes she works and sometimes she plays. 11 11 11 11 11 11 11 11 :32 A.M. :37 :39 :40 :45 :46 :47 :48 100 Lobna says to Suzana, "What are you doing...you copy this?" (She points to chart.) Suzana puts her folder up in front of her paper to make a shield or cover from Lobna's view. She then puts on a lipstick-chapstick and plays with the chapstick. The whole time she is standing at her desk. She plays with a part of the chapstick until she has broken off a piece. Lobna continues to copy seatwork chart. Suzana takes tissue and wipes the chapstick off as she leans on desk--one foot<>< February 4 13 28 Nashwa Lobna Waleed Al. Waleed As. Hiam Khalid Layla ><><><><>< March 3 10 ll Nashwa Lobna Waleed A1. Waleed As. None noted during these observation dates. Hiam Khalid Layla June 2 3 4 Nashwa Lobna X Ahmed (new) X X X Waleed Al. Waleed As. Hiam Khalid 138 Summar During the documented fieldnote classroom observation periods, the number of instances in which NES and LES students actually used their native language were very few. In Table 3, the X_marks under the dates for January, February, March, and June clearly indicate this conclusion. The possible reasons for these findings are explored on the following pages. The classroom teachers did not seem to like it when the chil- dren spoke to each other in Arabic in the classroom. Thus the empha- sis began early to speak only English; otherwise, one was left out of the communication scheme. The LES and NES students soon picked up on the necessity to learn English. This was the means for social inclusion, as well as peer and teacher acceptance. Once the LES Arabic students reached stage three, they rarely used their native language in the school setting. They were bilingual in that they learned their native language in the after-school Arabic program and spoke Arabic in their homes to their parents. At school they spoke only English, except for the short time spent with the bilingual teacher aide. Many of those at stage four of second-language acqui- sition had almost forgotten most of their native language. T5 then felt he should spend time reteaching them their native language so they would be able to function once they returned to their native countries, as most of them do once their parents complete their studies at the university. Other instances in which LES Arabic students spoke their native tongue were when they were playing with other LES Arabic 139 students away from the school classroom setting. Whenever ES stu- dents appeared on the scene, the LES Arabic students shied away from them if they were unable to communicate effectively in English. If they could speak some English, then they spoke English around their ES peers. Shultz (1971) talked about the importance of speaking the language of the audience within the environment. In the student interviews, the LES Arabic and other LES students described occasions on which they switched to speaking in their native tongue and gave reasons for wanting to become bilingual. From the student interviews and observations, there was evi- dence that LES students strived very hard to learn English and become bilingual. They learned to switch from one language to the other, depending on their associations and the environment. Let's examine some of the students' statements regarding this aspect of communica- tion. Waleed As. talked about his interactions with other ES students and adults. He stated, "I say sometimes, what are you playing? Some- times I say, can I play? And they say yes." When asked if he spoke in Arabic when he talked to people, he said, "Sometimes, but I don't speak in English before Arabic." The investigator asked him what he meant by this, and he stated, "I don't speak to English people in Arabic, because they might not know what I am saying." (See SI, p. 70.) Examples of the Need to Maintain the Native Language as Well as to Learn English Later in the interview, Waleed As. stated that he wanted to know both English and Arabic to be able to communicate with people 140 in his native country and here in the United States. He stated that he had to speak Arabic at home with his mother and father but that sometimes he could speak English with his father. (See 51, p. 73.) This was true for most of the Arabic LES students because often their fathers were studying at the university and learned English before their families arrived. Then when the families arrived, the mother and the children were NES. The mothers became housewives and only learned English out of necessity to communicate in the community. Many of them studied ESL in evening classes. The children learned ESL during the day at school. In their homes, the children and parents spoke English only when necessary. They normally communicated in their native language, which was more convenient and comfortable for them. The parents also felt this was one way for them to maintain their native language so the children would not have difficulty com- municating when they returned to their own country. The majority of the foreign families, and especially the Arabic families, do not stay in the United States, but return home after two or three years when they have completed their studies at the university. Since the children are in school most of the day, they must learn to speak English to facilitate learning and communicating in a dominant-ES environment. Waleed AS. comnented, "I Speak Arabic with my Arabic friends and English with my English friends." When asked which he would prefer if he had his way, he stated, "Both." He wanted to be able to talk to people in both language groups, although at that point he felt he spoke mainly in English. This was probably because Waleed As. was at stage three and becoming more English-fluent and 141 because he was forced to speak English for most of the day if he was to communicate and interact in the school environment. (See SI, p. 74.) Lobna was another LES student who was striving to become fluent in English but realized the need to speak Arabic at times when the situation called for it. She said, "I don't play with Arabic children because when I play with the Arabic children, then I don't learn any English, so I have to play with English children." Lobna also indicated that her father encouraged her to play with English- speaking children so she would be forced to speak English. She stated that in school she spoke English but at home she spoke Arabic because her mother didn't know English. (See SI, pp. 78, 86.) Nashwa, who had been here for three years, had forgotten how to speak Arabic fluently. She spoke fluent English and was being retaught Arabic through the after-school Arabic program and with the help of T5, the bilingual teacher aide. She stated, "I don't really know Arabic. I try to answer or talk in Arabic, and I don't know how to say it. I have forgotten most of my Arabic." Nashwa could speak in Arabic, but in a limited form. Lobna, who was LES, sometimes spoke to Nashwa in Arabic and Nashwa understood and answered her in Arabic. She said she liked to do this "because it sounds queer to other people and then they don't know what we are saying." Nashwa had been used as the Arabic interpreter for Lobna in team classroom 8 when Lobna entered the class, and she recalled helping Lobna with translat- ing English into Arabic. (See SI, p. 62.) 142 All of the interviewed and observed LES students stated that they spoke Arabic or their native language in the home with their parents or with younger siblings. If they spoke English in the home, it was primarily in communication with their fathers. Hiam stated that she only spoke English with her father and not with her mother. Hiam spoke a dialect language that came from a part of Africa. She commented, "We can't speak Arabic or English 'cause my mother don't know English. I gotta talk like we talk in our country." The inves- tigator learned that Hiam's native language was Swari, a slang dialect spoken in parts of Africa. Hiam stated that she sometimes had diffi- culty understanding her Arabic-speaking teachers in the Libyan school that was held after English school. She stated that when she couldn't understand, she asked her teacher, "What it means? What it means?" Hiam also stated that only one other boy in her Libyan school spoke the same dialect. (See SI, pp. 52-55.) Other foreign LES students gave similar accounts of when they switched from their native language to English and vice versa. All of the students who were interviewed and observed spoke the native language sometimes, and sometimes they spoke English. All were care- ful to speak only English around ES adults and peers. They all felt it was of primary importance to learn and be able to speak English as quickly as possible. This was common to all of the students, no matter what their stage of second-language development after stage one. As the LES students progressed through the stages, one heard less and less of the native language being spoken in the school set- ting. LES students would even view learning the second language as 143 fun, and they appeared highly motivated toward second-language learn- ing. (See SI, p. 9.) LES students who had been in the school for two or more years rarely used their native language at school. When they did, it was only when they were placed in situations that were sanctioned by the teacher. One such circumstance might have been when new NES students entered the classroom during the middle of the school year and the more fluent students were needed to act as interpreters. Sometimes the bilingually fluent student would make friends with a new NES student and, realizing that they couldn't speak English, they would communicate in the native language. At this stage, the bilin- gually fluent child chose to speak English only in the classroom. The desire to be like the ES student was really great at this stage, and the need to be accepted in the ES world also strongly motivated the LES students to learn English. When NES and LES students entered at stage one, their parents really stressed that they wanted their children to learn English and to do well in school. Many of them bought television sets and encour- aged their children to play with English-speaking peers to promote their picking up the English language. (See SI, p. 3.) Likewise, the classroom teachers and school staff strongly emphasized that the LES and NES students should learn English as quickly as possible. Consequently, all opportunities and everyday school experiences were geared toward that objective. One might even say that the opportunity to develop and learn the native language was really not available in the school setting. LES and NES students 144 were not made to feel comfortable switching from one language to another. They were instructed to speak English only. Some of the teachers felt the children should only learn the English language before being taught anything else. Some felt that the way to accomp- lish this was not through bilingual instruction. Others, however, thought that bilingual instruction was not bad and would not be con- fusing for these youngsters, but would be a more reasonable approach to learning ESL. There were no clear indications of LES and NES students being given the feeling that to speak their native language in school was perfectly acceptable and something to be encouraged. (See FN, p. 56.) Actually, in most instances students were suppressing and abandoning their native language over a period of a few years, as a result of their own and teachers' efforts to have them master English. Even though most of the LES Arabic students were able to code switch, they did very little of this during school. The few instances of code switching occurred on the playground, in the lunchroom, in the hallways going to ESL or bilingual instruction, and when LES Arabic students were playing with other LES or NES Arabic students. Sometimes LES students knowingly code switched when they were trying to be secretive around ES peers. At other times an LES stu- dent would code switch when he/she did not want the classroom teacher to understand what was being said. For example, when Lobna and Suzana argued about Lobna wanting to borrow Suzana's brother's pencil during seatwork time in team classroom 8, Lobna tried to get a pencil from Oriel's desk. Suzana saw her and got up and said, "No," taking 145 the pencil from Lobna. Both girls were LES, between stages two and three. Lobna returned to her seat and started to copy her boardwork. Oriel, who had been at reading group, returned to the table. Suzana spoke to him in Portuguese and gave him back his pencil. Oriel then said in English, "I don't care if she uses my pencil; do you need it? Lobna shook her head "no" and later asked if she could use his eraser. (See FN, p. 49.) In the ESL room one day, Nader said to two other LES Arabic boys who were talking Arabic to each other, "Speak English," because he knew the teacher constantly told them this when she heard them speaking Arabic. Ahmed, in the ESL room, was working with a group of bilingually fluent Arabic students who were trying to get him to speak. He responded, but not in English, as the other Arabic students told the teacher. The teacher then told the group to tell him to "Say in English." (See FN, p. 89.) The students in stage one of second-language learning were more inclined to code switch and use their native language because they were not sure of their English verbal skills and had not yet experienced the full dominance of speaking English only in school. At this stage, they were actually doing very little speaking at all. As this changed over time, one noticed an increase in instances of code switching from the native language to English and vice versa. Then, somewhere around stage four, there seemed to be a decrease in code switching because the Arabic-language-speaking students had become accustomed to speaking only English. CHAPTER IV CLASSROOM SOCIAL INTERACTIONS AND INSTRUCTIONAL STRATEGIES This chapter has two major sections. The first deals spe— cifically with social interaction and experiences that relate to learning and the development of English language for Arabic LES and NES students in the school setting. The second part of the chapter focuses on instructional strategies employed by teachers of LES and NES students. As a participant observer, the researcher examined and revised her research questions several times as the data were gathered and later analyzed. The main issue she attempted to address was: What are the social interactional experiences that foster and inhibit the learning process for LES and NES youngsters in the school environ- ment? In trying to answer this broad and potentially comprehensive question, middle- and lower-level questions were raised. Chapter III contained an examination and discussion of the middle- and lower-level questions concerning the interaction that takes place between teachers and Arabic LES and NES students. Chapter IV focuses on the main issue that led to the middle- and lower-level questions discussed basically in Chapter III. The discussion entails an analysis of the kinds of social interactional experiences that tend to foster and those that inhibit the learning 146 147 process for LES and NES youngsters in the school environment, as identified by the researcher. First are emphasized the positive kinds of experiences that help promote learning and development of the second language. These experiences in the classroom also foster positive self-concepts for NES and LES students as well as promote multicultural education. Excerpts from various collaborating teacher interview sessions are used to point out the importance of the positive learning experiences cited throughout the four stages of second-language learning for LES and NES students. The second part of the chapter focuses on specific inhibiting factors related to the social interaction of LES and NES students in the classroom. A brief explanation of bilingual instruction and ESL instruction in the school is provided to give the reader some back- ground data. Excerpts from teacher interviews help clarify one of the reasons the LES and NES children are encouraged to Speak only English in the school environment. A closer examination of this factor reveals that the strong emphasis on English may be the reason many of the foreign students tend to lose the ability to speak their native language. Before leaving this area, a few other factors that inhibit language growth are discussed. The last part of Chapter IV includes a comprehensive analysis of the instructional strategies employed by teachers of LES and NES students in the classrooms observed. A variety of teaching methods and techniques are described, as well as motivational ideas to main- tain the interest and attention of LES and NES students. Comments 148 from students who were interviewed also provide evidence regarding what makes learning a good experience in these classrooms and why this isso. The differences and similarities between the ESL teaching techniques and the classroom teachers' and bilingual tutor's approaches are discussed briefly. The use of manipulatives was indicated as an important means of helping LES and NES students learn concepts in math, and the use of language experience stories was effective in teaching reading. The chapter concludes with some relevant comments about teach- ers' use of large amounts of verbal and nonverbal praise as another incentive to promote growth and development. There are also some summary statements about the entire instructional support provided to the classroom teacher. In general, it may be noted that the instruc- tional techniques employed may be used with any student, not just the LES and NES child. However, the specific techniques mentioned in this chapter were identified by fieldnote documentation and teacher inter- views as being germane to working with LES and NES students, particu- larly in the early second-language-learning stages in this school environment. Social Interactions and Experiences That Relate to Learning and the Development of English Language In Chapter IV, the first area of focus is the social- interactional experiences in the classroom environment that foster and inhibit learning. The first question one might ask is: Do classroom teachers work differently with Arabic LES and NES students than they do with ES students? There was no specific "yes" or "no" 149 answer to this question. The classroom teachers observed were very sensitive to the needs of these children and designed their teaching techniques to fit the particular child's learning ability or pattern. Very little was done differently for the Arabic-speaking foreign child than was done for any of the other foreign LES or NES children. More is said about specific teaching techniques later in this chapter. A second question that was explored concerned what kinds of social and cultural aspects entered into the learning process. A number of interesting facts were brought up by students and teachers in the taped interview sessions and from the observational fieldnotes. The teachers promoted a great deal of multicultural learning activi- ties. They had various foreign parents come in to show films, slides, artifacts, and pictures; lecture and hold class discussions; and do cooking projects representative of their native country and culture. These types of activities, bringing in different parents and focusing on the LES or NES child's background, all helped instill in the chil— dren a positive self-image and self-concept and a feeling of sharing and acceptance of the unique differenceS'hipeOple. It is important to establish this type of a classroom atmosphere to help LES and NES students progress from stage one through stage four of second-langauge learning. These factors became highly motivational influences for LES and NES students throughout the learning process, just as they would for any student. Where there were bilingual teacher aides, the teachers used these aides to introduce their foreign language to the whole class. These activities promoted pride and understanding of ethnic and 150 cultural differences; therefore, the LES and NES students tended to try harder as they were encouraged to share and talk about their lan- guage and culture. The teachers used various media to get the LES and NES stu- dents involved socially in the classrooms. Music was commonly used, as were films, filmstrips, art, literature, and group-sharing or class-discussion periods. The following is an excerpt from a teacher interview. Teacher: There was an Arabic tutor in our school who was very instrumen- tal in our getting his program together. She did a lot of things with Arabic children...with activities. Let me think what we did with Arabic culture...She brought in speakers; there were slides and we did [several] cooking projects...This kind of went on throughout the year. She wrote all the children's names in Arabic and they had them on their desks, alongside their English written names. Interviewer: How did the other children experience this or react to this? Teacher: Well, when we get into this in Social Studies in cultures, it shows a lot of contrast and the written language is definitely a contrast kind of thing. The American children were thrilled to learn their names in Arabic. They made them into masterpieces; it was like art work. They spent a lot of time and were proud of it. The Arabic children were very proud to be able to share and to see the excitement of the other children. Interviewer: What kinds of indicators did you have that they were proud of this? How did they act or how did they talk? What were the indicators to you that it pleased them? Teacher: They could go around and help the other children who were having difficulty, and it gave them a feeling of importance; and also they taught Arabic numbers to the children and the aide had gone through and made Arabic flash cards with our numerals on the back so that the kids could check themselves and she taught them music as well. 151 Interviewer: Did the children relate to the music or did they think that it was totally different from American music? Teacher: ing It is usually a shock, initially like, they don't have any appre- ciation of it but as you repeat it here and there, it gets to be familiar to them and they like it. It just takes some time. (Taken from taped teacher interview notes.) In another interview, one of the teachers made some interest- comments that related to this area: I think that trying to do some things with the whole class on Arabic culture, the same way that I would teach about other cultures, has helped them to be more comfortable and it also helps with language development to explain to them things about their own country in English; that helps them with their lan- guage because that is something that is very familiar to them, and if they have to explain it to their friends, then it helps them to develop their language. I think as much interaction with the other children as possible helps with their English. They learn more English from the other kids than they do from the teachers, including the ESL teacher. (Taken from taped teacher interview notes.) One of the methods used to promote social interaction was to help the LES and NES students share their experiences. The teacher felt that the LES students learned first and foremost through listening and watching others and then imitating behavior of peers and adults. The same teacher commented on students who were at stage one of lan- guage development: I'm not saying that they necessarily share at the beginning, but listening to the other kids, it is beneficial for them and they surprisingly early will try to share things in sharing time. I think in team meeting, they very early on try to say things, which surprises me...even if it's just asking to go to the bath- room; they are so proud to be able to ask that. (Taken from taped teacher interview notes.) Another teacher supported the idea that the team-meeting or class-discussion times helped foster social interaction: 152 I'm sure that they watch television at home and I'm sure that they learn a lot from it. In the beginning, I think the visual thing is much more significant for they don't understand what is being said. There are a lot of rules in our room; for instance, we have team meetings and I expect them to sit down and to be quiet while we are taking attendance. I could tell the LES child a thousand times and it wouldn't make any difference. I can also show that child by getting down onto the floor, sitting down and behaving the way that I expect them to behave. I can't think of any examples in particular, but I do a lot of dramatizing situa- tions to get a point across...really going overboard. (Taken from taped teacher interview.) The bilingual teacher aide also assisted in this social inter- action for LES and NES students and Arabic students who were at vari- ous stages of second-language learning. Once he was invited to team meeting to tell a story to the entire class. He told the story of Hansel and Gretel and used some Arabic words. He called upon all of the Arabic students in the class to help him tell and interpret Arabic words in the story as he used drama in his actions. The Arabic stu- dents were all very proud and enthusiastic as he called them by name to answer questions about the story because he was an educator who was speaking Arabic and had the full attention of the entire class. Also, he made them a part of his presentation, which gave them a chance to interact where normally they would not because they did not know all the English language. The first grade teacher also emphasized the importance of making the LES and NES child feel welcome and a part. of the group in the early stages: We get them comfortable in the room and acquainted with other children. We use the "buddy" system. We pair them up and put the LES and NES child with a person who can guide them around on the playground and also in the building. If there is an errand you can send the two children together to make the child familiar with the school as well as your classroom. When we 153 have story time, we try to remind the "buddy" to go get the LES child and lead them over to the group. If they don't understand the story, they can at least look at the pictures and see the other children. Hopefully, they will develop little listening skills. (Taken from taped teacher interview.) Musical experiences were another medium of social interaction that provided the LES and NES students a way to be included in the classroom scene. This was a positive method of social inclusion for all LES and NES students, regardless of their stage of second- language acquisition. In observing the classroom interaction, it was noted that this seemed to be a good exercise for developing language and expression. There was a lot of repetition and modeling on the part of all students and the music teacher. The verses were repeated several times so that children could pick up the tune. In some musi- cal exercises, all the children sang and followed the directions of the song. Many times the LES students could watch and imitate their peers and become involved in this group activity. (See FN, p. 10.) Art was still another medium in which the LES and NES stu- dents could actively participate and feel a part of the classroom activity. For example, on one occasion as the art instructor taught a particular lesson on cutting shapes and making designs and figures out of valentine shapes, she made a point out of demonstrating in front of the class each step of her verbal explanation. She would repeat the directions and the demonstrations over and over, making a special effort to speak slowly and distinctly. The art teacher once commented that the Arabic LES and NES students were usually very quiet in the beginning when they were first learning the language. They never asked questions, but sat and waited for someone to come 154 and help them do the activity if they did not understand. She also noted that these students often sat and watched their neighbors work before they attempted the art project. Because their vocabulary was not fully developed, she stated, they were reluctant to ask questions but still seemed to be interested and willing to participate. She also felt that she spent a great deal of time demonstrating and repeating directions in classrooms with large numbers of LES and NES students. She stated that since the beginning of the school year, some of the LES students had made a lot of progress, which indicates that they were understanding her verbal directions more in February than they had in September. (See FN, pp. 14-15.) The documentation from observed fieldnotes and interviews regarding the kinds of social interaction in which LES and NES stu- dents were engaged indicated that various experiences fostered learn- ing and second-language development in the classroom. Many such experiences occurred at stages one and two and involved the LES child doing a great deal of listening, watching, and imitating what he/she saw the ES child doing. Dr. Ruth Hill Useem from Michigan State University made the following comment about LES and NES students: "When they speak about their school experience to their parents at home, they say, 'Oh, we played a lot today,’ when actually they just watched or observed." She went on to say that "music and art are important," as was pointed out earlier in this chapter. "Drama is a great way to not be your- self. Acting and learning go together--playing a part. One doesn't 155 have to be ashamed if they don't know the language." (See FN, p. 1.) Factors Inhibiting Social Inter— action of LES and NES Students This section focuses on some of the inhibiting factors related to social interaction of LES and NES students and teachers to give another perspective of what happened in this particular setting. One of the major areas of conflict surrounding the LES and NES students has been bilingual instruction. Bilingual instruction in this sense, and as interpreted by the teachers, is instruction in both Arabic and English simultaneously. The LES and NES students therefore receive instruction in their native langauge in the school setting and are not forced to abandon it for the dominant language of the school, which is English. This was not happening for the Arabic or any other foreign-speaking youngsters in Spartan Village School. In essence they were being taught to read and master subject matter in English before many of them had learned to read or do anything else in their own language. During an interview session, one of the teachers made the following comments, which were also representative of the feelings of others on the staff: Teacher: . I see the need to develop bilingual programs...English and Arab1c, because these children should maintain their own language skills in their country. Some of them are going to be here several years and need to maintain this. I don't see it as being very productive to try to teach them to read in English when they haven't learned to read in their own language and they don't know what reading is about. I know it frustrates them to learn to read, and I don't know what effect it has on their read1ng in Arabic. The language base is so important, and we force these kids to read in a foreign language and don't have them learn to 156 read in their own language. I worry about that. I think it is very good for them to have a chance to learn English but that should be secondary...the reading especially. Interviewer: Is it going to be difficult for them to speak English in an American school? Teacher: Speaking is going to come anyway. You are not going to prevent them from learning to speak English and the more we can do to help it, the better. (Taken from taped teacher interview.) The same teacher also felt that the school as a whole was starting to teach reading too soon and that the NES and LES students should be working on their reading and writing in Arabic and that this instruction should come from the bilingual teacher aide. Teacher: I think what the bilingual teacher aide has been doing up until now is fine. They learn words in English and in Arabic. They need to develop both languages. Why is that contradictory? Interviewer: I thought you were saying that the school should not do English development. Teacher: No, they need English. First they need oral English, though. You see, they can learn to write in Arabic and read in Arabic, but they can hardly speak it. So we have been jumping the gun. Not just with Arabic kids but other foreign-speaking students as well. Interviewer: You mean with the younger ones, too? Teacher: All the more so with them. The older kids have less of a prob- lem because they have started to read in their language already. You aren't expecting them to learn to read in two languages. The first graders are expected to learn to read in English and Arabic the same year, and that's asking a lot when they are also learning the language. Interviewer: Well, we are not asking them to learn the Arabic. 157 Teacher: But I think it is important. Interviewer: But you also say that it is asking a lot from them. Teacher: That's why I don't think they should be required to learn to read in English. When their English has improved, then it would be appropriate. There are other foreign-language students that this applies to also, not just Arabic students. (Taken from taped teacher interview.) Along with increased parental pressures for bilingual-type education and the increasing frustrations0 >0 >0 The second part consists of more (lO-15) new words. Some of these words are: bus, cake, cakes, cap, caps, car, cars. A fourth lesson was based on directives such as: come here, sit down. This is your seat. Stand up, sit down, get in line, go to the door, go to the board, return to your seat, open the window, shut the door, please. Turn off the light, turn on the light. Some of the new words are: cup, cups, dog, dogs, doll, dolls, drink, eat. Within a period of four weeks, they learned about 100 to 200 English words in addition to the mentioned sentences and phrases. As far as their pronunciation is concerned, they have particular difficulty in distinguishing between the letters "P“ and "B" as there is no “P" in Arabic. Generally speaking, however, Arabic students have no difficulty in pronouncing the "P." Another difficulty in pronunciation is the sound of "R" (which is rolled in Arabic). Also, distinguishing between "T" and "Th" and Ilsll and "Z. II I started, during the last two lessons, to teach Ahmed how to write and read what he wishes. APPENDIX D STUDENT INTERVIEWS (SI) 273 APPENDIX D STUDENT INTERVIEWS (SI) TAPED INTERVIEW: Rabeah (RG) -- Grade 3--Room 8 Interviewer: Jessie J. Fry (JF) JF: Do you like Spartan Village School? RG: Yes. JF: Why? Tell me why you like Spartan Village School. RG: Because we have been treated right. JF: We? Who do you mean by "we"? RG: All the children. JF: All the children? RG: Some... JF: Explain to me what you mean by "treated me right"; what is "right“? RG: We go outside on the right time...and...we do things on the right time...like...we have math in the morning...we have gym... JF: Do you like that? RG: Yes. JF: You're from...? RG: Iran. JF: And..you have been here for...one year? RG: A year and a half. JF: When you came, could you speak any English at all? RG: I could only say "Hello." (Rabeah is able to express her frustra- tions at not being able to speak English in the beginning. She 274 JF: RG: JF: RG: JF: RG: JF: RG: JF: RG: JF: RG: JF: RG: JF: RG: JF: RG: 275 remained very quiet and kept to herself a lot, just as Lobna had stated she did at first...also before she learned to speak and understand English) You could say "hello" in English? Yes. What was it like? I was really shy when I first came in this school. They gave me some tests to do. I thought..."What am I going to do?" Wait a minute...; who gave you these tests? Your classroom teacher or T ? The classroom teacher. The classroom teacher? She gave you tests in English to do... and you thought, "What am I going to do...I can't read that?" How did that make you feel inside? Oh...very shy. (For most foreign LE students, it takes about a half a year before they can really start to function in the English-speaking world.) Did you cry any? No. Did you talk about it when you got home with your mother...and with your father? Yeah...I said..."God...I'm scared. Then, the next year, I wasn't anymore. It took you a whole year? Were you scared all of last year? No, not all year...just a little while. How do you think you started to learn some English? Well...like...my father had friends from America, you know; they came over and talked English, you know; and I talked to them; then I keep on learning English. You wanted to learn English really badly? Yes. (Rabeah's parents strongly encouraged her to learn English and apparently she was highly motivated on her own to learn so she wouldn't feel so shut out by her American or English-speaking peers.) p. 2 Cbnt. JF: RG: JF: RG: JF: RG: JF: RG: JF: RG: JF: RG: JF: RG: 276 What was the main reason why you wanted to learn English so p. 3 bad1y? ‘ Cont. So...with other people from America...I wanted to learn English so I could talk to them. You wanted to talk with them? Uh huh. Why did you want to talk with them? Why didn't you think... "Well, I'll talk in my own language." Because they couldn't understand me. (Most of the non-English- speaking children quickly realize that the teachers and most of their peers can't speak their language.) Because we don't know your language...right? Uh huh. What about watching television? Did you do that? Yeah. What was that like...watching television and hearing these English-speaking people...and not really being able to under- stand? Well, first I learn how to speak English on television and next, I learn how to...and...they talk really fast. (TV watching is encouraged to promote learning and picking up the English lan- guage outside of school. Most of the children have TV.) Yes...just like I do... And I say, "What are they saying?" And they talked soooo fast ...so my father had to teach me a little, too. ********************************'k************************************* RG: JF: RG: JF: Uh huh. Po 9 That would make it easier, wouldn't it? Then you could speak Persian sometimes? Yeah. 00 you ever speak Persian? RG: JF: RG: JF: RG: JF: RG: JF: RG: JF: RG: JF: RG: JF: RG: JF: RG: JF: RG: JF: RG: 277 Year...a lot of times. (Again, note the native language is p. 9 carried on in the home to maintain native language, because cant. the majority are only in this country on a temporary basis [as students at the university]). At home? Yes. With your mother and dad? Yeah. When I go outside with my friends...I speak English. You speak English with your friends? (Reason to learn English is to be able to communicate with English peers.) Uh huh. Do you have any Persian friends? Yeah. Do you speak Persian with them, or do you speak English? Oh, Ispeak sometimes Persian, sometimes English. Which is more fun to do? Both. To do both? I want to learn another language, tyo. It will be hard to keep three. But you want to do this? Why? (Foreign students tend to view learning a new language as "fun," once they get into it.) Because it's fun. It is? To be able to talk those different languages...? To be able to talk to other people from other countries...and then I can understand things. (Another reason to be able to learn English as quickly as possible in the school setting.) It is important that you understand different people who don't speak the same...right? ' Uh huh. 278 JF: Did anyone ever make fun of you? p. 9 Cbnt. RG: Yes...my father. JF: Your father? RG: The first time, you know, I couldn't turn on the TV...I forgot it...and he was laughing at me. *****‘k********************************************************~k******* TAPED INTERVIEW--Oriel (0C) p. 14 JF: Do you ever ask somebody for help? DC: No. JF: Who do you plan with? DC: My friends. JF: Who are your friends? OC: Ghazwan, Ray, Ricardo, James . . . . (Ghazwan is Arabic, Ray is American black, Ricardo is Portuguese and James Jones is American black. Apparently he plays with racially mixed groups of kids.) JF: You have a lot of friends, don't you? They are all in the team room? OC: Yeah. JF: Do you have friends in other rooms? OC: Yeah, some of them are in fourth grade. JF: Do they talk to you? OC: Yeah...a lot. JF: Do they...what kinds of things do you do with them? p. 15 0C: No...just after I could speak English, Inez...then I could talk to her. JF: Inez? 0C: Yeah...she speaks Portuguese. JF: And you could talk to her? 279 JF: So...did she enjoy talking to you? p. Z5 Cont. OC: Yeah. JF: And you spoke Portuguese? OC: Yeah. JF: That made you feel a little more comfortable? OC: Yeah. JF: I'll bet it was really strange...; everyone was speaking English around you, and you couldn't understand them. What are some of the first things that you remember learning? 0C: (Response indistinguishable) JF: I mean...like places to go...like learning to go the bathroom; where to go to get a drink...some of those things. OC: Yeah...I can always go when some friends go with me. JF: So, the teachers always had somebody go with you? Did you know that that was what that person was doing? And that was helpful to you? (Teachers usually assign a buddy to the foreign students when they enroll to help them get acquainted and to keep them from getting lost.) OC: Yeah. JF: Did you trust that person? OC: Yeah. JF: You trusted them? You didn't think they were your enemy, did you? 0C: Nooooooo. **-k*****************************-k************************************* TAPED INTERVIEW--Suzana (so) --Room lO--Teachers: 12 and T3 p. 33 JF: Do you like Spartan Village School, Suzana? SC: (No audible response) JF: Why do you like Spartan Village School? SC: JF: SC: JF: SC: JF: SC: JF: SC: JF: SC: JF: SC: JF: JF: SC: JF: SC: JF: SC: JF: SC: 280 It's fun...got a lotta games. (Much of the learning is cen- p. 33 tered on games to motivate the children. Language games, Cont. number games are used. Teachers try to introduce concepts in a game format so students don't freeze or clam up and to moti- vate them to try new things that may be difficult.) What kinds of games are there? Checkers. Checkers? I forgot the others. What else do you do at Spartan Village? Work. What kind of work do you like? Math. Math? What kind of math? Are you good at math? 00 you get good grades? 00 you get a happy face or a star? What do you get? Ummmmm...a big star. Every day? Uh huh. Good for you. Are the other children nice to you at Spartan Village? Yeah. All of the children? How are they nice to you? What do they do? They play with me a lot. They play with you a lot? Are these American children? Yeah. 00 you play with foreign children too? (Mrs. ______, teacher aide in Spartan Village, heard this part of the interview on tape and commented that she thought Suzana didn't understand what I meant by "foreign." Mother says she plays with most kids.) No. 281 JF: No? Why don't you play with foreign children? p. 33 Cbnt. SC: They won't play with me. JF: Do you know why? SC: Uh ugh. *******************~k***~k*******~k***************************'k********** TAPED INTERVIEW-~Hiam (HE) p. 52 JF: Well, it is hard for you to know that if you don't know the English word for it...right? But, it might not be so hard if it were in Arabic. HE: Arabic is harder than English. (The Arabic school is perceived as being harder by all the Arabic students questioned, when they compare it to American school.) JF: It's harder than English...is that right? Do you learn Arabic here at school? HE: A little bit. JF: From whom? HE: My teacher. JF: Who is your teacher? HE: That Arabic teacher...who teach me...(can't distinguish name). JF: "Nathesta"? Is that in Arabic school? HE: No...when I come from English school, I go to Arabic school. JF: When you learn Arabic in Arabic school, that's hard? YE: Yes. JF: I see. HE: Everything is hard for me in Arabic school. JF: Everything is? HE: Uh huh. JF: Do you speak Arabic in that school? HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: 282 Uh huh. p. 52 Cont. You never talk English? No...I talk English and a little Arabic, 'cause I don't know Arabic a lot. What? Didn't you know Arabic before you came here? What about at home? Because I know like our country talk another way, they don't say like Arabic say "no." Say that again. (I'm confused as to what Hiam is saying here; later, it is all put together for some interesting data.) We don't say "hosh" in our country...no...we say "dedik." "Dedik"? I just said Arabic, right? "Deeeeedik." Dedik ..... no? (I'm trying to pronounce what I thought, at the time of the interview, was an Arabic word. Actually, it meant something else, as I found out later.) Deedach. It's hard for me. p. 53 It's not hard for me. Well, it's very hard for me, but I'll keep trying. What does that mean? House. House...and did you learn that in the Arabic school? No. You knew that before? Yes. Do you speak Arabic at home? (With your parents?) No...never. You speak English? HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: 283 No. p. 53 What do you speak? Cbnt' Like we talk. Like what. Like we talk in our country. How do you talk in your country? What language is that? "Swari." Swari? That's a little different Arabic...I didn't know that. (Special Note: We checked that word (swari) with T5. He said that there is a dialect for a minority group in the Arab world and comes from Africa. Most people would know Swari, plus the other Arabic standard language.) But that's what you speak when you are at home? You don't speak English...or Arabic...you speak another language? Yes. All the time? Yes. Do you ever speak English with your mother and father? My father only 'cause my mother...she don't know how to read or how to teach somebody; she don't know nuttin...my mother. English...you mean? (Many of the Arabic mothers lack English proficiency, and when the children learn English, they are always correcting them, or speak for them, when they are around English speakers.) No...my mother...she don't know that. p. 54 Does she take English classes here? Yup. But...she hasn't learned enough yet...so you Speak your lan- guage with her? That's why we can't speak Arabic or English 'cause my mother don't know English. JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: 284 She knows only what? p. 54 Cent. In our country what we talk. And that is...Libya? Yes. Would you like to speak Arabic or would you like to speak English in school? In here I like English. In Arabic school, I like to speak English. But...in my house, I got to speak Arabic 'cause... I mean...I gotta talk like we talk in our country. That's OK, though, isn't it?...that you talk both ways? Just think how smart you are going to be because you know different languages. It's easy for you? Yup. That's good. 00 you get help in learning this other language in your Arabic school? Nooooooooo. You don't get any help? Just get help...my mother...when I was a baby...my mother and my father keep trying to help me learn some words like Swari...; then my mother and my father...then talking like we talk...our language, that they want me to learn. (I found out that the lan- guage to which Hiam refers is a slang dialect of Arabic. Hiam is afraid to let us know about this because her parents are ashamed of this language [information from 15]). Does T5 speak your language? No.... He doesn't...then what does he speak? He speak Arabic. Is there anybody in this school who speaks your language? No. Nobody at all? There are some students here from Libya. But they don't speak like we speak. JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: HE: JF: 285 Who do you mean? p. 54 . . Cont. Tar1k; he's from L1bya, but he doesn't speak like we speak. What do you think he speaks? p. 55 Arabic. And you don't speak Arabic? No. But you know Arabic...do you know how to speak Arabic? Not like my teacher. (Hiam is referring to her Arabic school teacher.) Can you understand your teacher? No. You can't understand her? Sometimes I understand her, but sometimes I don't. Why is it that you don't understand her? (This Arabic is just as foreign to her as English.) Because sometimes they say hard words...and I can't understand it. What do you do when you don't understand? Just write a 1etter...I gotta write it...I don't gotta wait and wait and wait. But when she's talking to you in Arabic...do you have trouble understanding her? Uh huh...I keeps on telling her (asking her is what Hiam means here)...what it means...what it means? And how does she answer you? She tells me what that means. Is there anybody in that class who speaks your language? Noooooo. Do they know that you talk another language...do they know that? 286 HE: Only the boy...he named Tarik...he knows that...but my teacher p. 55 doesn't know that. Cbnt. JF: She doesn't know that you speak another language? HE: I don't wanna tell her. JF: Why? HE: My daddy doesn't wanna tell her and my mother doesn't wanna - tell her. (T5 says that they are ashamed.) HE: YOU DON'T TELL HER. (HIAM IS EMPHATIC AS SHE TELLS INTERVIEWER THIS.) JF: OK...I won't tell her, but I want to understand why. Why don't you want her to know that? Help me to understand that. HE: 'Cause when she says, "Talk to me," she can't understand us. JF: She can't? ‘ ********************************1:************************************* TAPED INTERVIEW--Nashwa (NK) p. 62 NK: Sometimes they talk to me in English; but hardly ever do they talk to me in English. JF: Tell me, Nashwa, why don't you answer back to them in Arabic? NK: I don't really know Arabic and I can't...I try to answer in Arabic and I don't know how to say it. I have forgotten most of my Arabic and I can't speak hardly any. (She has been in our school for three years.) JF: You can understand it, but you can't speak it? NK: Uh huh. (This is not uncommon among our foreign students who have been here three or four years.) JF: That's strange...I don't know...maybe it's not so strange. I went to a foreign country once and I learned a little bit. I first learned to understand the language before I could actually speak it myself. I was understanding more...just like you... than I could speak. What about the Arabic children who come here? Can you remember any times when you have spoken Arabic to them? I mean, the ones who could not speak any English? NK: Well...one, when I came here. 287 JF: Well, you see we get a lot of kids here from Arabic countries p. 62 who don't speak any English. Cont. NK: Well, I tried to speak to them but when I cam here, mostly I knew English but there were little things I didn't know...but ...I learned. I found some kids to speak to in Arabic when I first came here. I don't remember who because I used to be in another teacher's class and...T1's class. (Difficult to recall very first experience of not being able to speak majority lan- guage.) JF: Lobna speaks to you a lot in Arabic. NK: In Arabic? Yeah...sometimes. JF: Do you like that? (Speaking to another Arabic student in Arabic-- common communication.) NK: Yeah...I like it. 'Cause it sounds queer to other people... and they don't know what we are saying. JF: Is that fun? NK: Yeah...'cause then I can talk to her anytime...privately... JF: But, then you have to speak in Arabic. Do you speak in Arabic to her? NK: Yeah...sometimes...and then she asks me..."What does that mean?" JF: In English or Arabic? NK: She talks to me in English lots of times. JF: So...she is asking you for the English word? She doesn't quite know it? NK: No...she doesn't know. JF: You're in the team room...right? ********************************************************************** TAPED INTERVIEW-—Wa1eed (WA) p. 70 WA: Some are American. JF: Do they play with you? WA: Uh huh. JF: Which children play with you? WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: 288 Walid and Tarik...that's all I know. (Note: He plays with p. 70 other Arabic children, rather than with English children.) Cont. Nobody else? What about in the other classrooms? What about recess time? What about lunch time, or after school? Do those children play with you? Yeah...sometimes. No one else, though? What kinds of things do they do? Play with me. Sometimes they race. Do you talk to the children with whom you play? Uh huh. Do they talk to you? Uh huh. What are some of the things that you talk about? (Backpack tape on student might provide more clues to this question.) I say sometimes, "What are you playin'?" Sometimes I say, "Can I play?" Sometimes they say "Yes." Do you speak in Arabic when you are talking to them? Sometimes...but I don't speak in English before Arabic. What do you mean? I don't speak to English people in Arabic. (Wants to be accepted in this culture. One of the first acceptances is to learn the language.) You speak to them in English? Uh huh. Why? Because they might not know what I am sayin'. (The need to learn English is strong and very important in order to be able to com- municate with the other children and adults who are not Arabic.) Unless they knew Arabic...right? Uh huh. JF: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: 289 That's true. That is very considerate of you...that you try p. 70 real hard to learn English so that we'll understand what you Cont. are saying. Do you remember how you felt when you first came to Spartan Village School? Why do you like 1' '5 class p. 72 'Cause it's fun over there. What kind of fun things do you do in that room? (Writing and making pictures to develop an understanding of what they are writing are interrelated in the classroom seatwork activity.) I write...draw things...play over there...sometimes we do math...that's all I know. What about in 14's room? (ESL) We play store and then when it's time to go, she gives us stars. Why do you think that she plays store with you? Because she wants us to learn how to play store...when we go to real stores...money...and money...and that's how...(TN: For the past two weeks, 14 has been having the students learn to play store to develop more vocabulary and concepts of buying, asking for things you want or need. Stars are given for good behavior in class.) That's good. Do you think that she is trying to help you? Does that help you when you go to the store? I mean, to the real store? Have you been there? Yeah. Did it help you by playing store here at school? Uh huh. Did you talk about that to your mother and father? Sometimes I tell them what I do over there...sometimes I don't. Which subjects do you like the best...all the classes that you go to here at school? What do you mean? (I don't think he understood the word "subjects.") JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: 290 Well...like math...or reading...or art...music...or social p. 72 stud1es...those kinds of things. Which do you like the best cont. ...or learning English with T ? Learning English with T4...and even doing math. 00 you like that the best? Uh huh. Is there anything that you don't like to do? (Many of the chil- dren feel that American schools are much more flexible rather than all solid work such as in the Arabic structure.) No. Are there any things that are hard for you to do? No. Nothing is hard? Everything is easy? (If the subject matter is presented intifun and practical way, students enjoy learning.) Some things is hard and when I tell 'em, they help me to do it. (Individual attention and materials presented on the student's level are important in making them feel good about learning and growing and continuing to seek teacher's help.) What was the first think that you learned in 14's room? How to play store. (Waleed is still relating to the immediate p. 73 task being learned in ESL class. It is, apparently, hard to reflect back to when he first came to Spartan Village school.) 00 you remember what words you learned first, or what were the first pictures that she showed you? Pictures? I don't know. When she holds up some pictures now...do you know what all of them are? She has a bunch of pictures that she shows people. Uh huh. Do you know what the first ones were that you learned? But I don't remember. (This is understandable for young children --first graders--not to remember over a few months.) You can't remember? That's OK. JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: QA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: 291 Can you tell me anything that you do remember? Did you think that we talked really strange when you came here and we were speaking English and you didn't understand English? Uh huh. Tell me about that. What did you think about that? Well.... (This was very hard for Waleed to express in words that I could understand.) Did you want to be back in your country again? I want to stay here and go to my country. You want to stay here and go to your country...both? Why? 'Cause I like them both. Why did you like them both, Waleed? Because I can know English and Arabic good. (NOTE: Wants to know English and Arabic. Must be a strong incentive. This pro- vides the ability to relate and communicate in both worlds, or environments.) Is that important? Uh huh. Tell me...why is that so important? Because I can learn Arabic and English and if some people ask me in English, I can learn it. That's all I know. Well, that's learning quite a bit. Tell me this, Waleed, when do you speak Arabic? Do you ever speak Arabic? I have only heard you speak English. I speak Arabic with my mom...and my dad...sometimes English with my dad. But not with your mom? (Arabic seems to be spoken predominantly in the home, where everyone there can speak and understand the language and it is OK to speak because you are not different.) Yes. Does your mother Speak English? p. 73 Cont. p. 74 WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: WA: 292 Uh huh...she goes to school but she speaks a little English. p. 74 (Adult ESL classes are taught at the church during the day COnt. and some in the evening in Spartan Village school.) Do you speak Arabic with your friends? Uh...yeah...sometimes. When? Is that when you are out in the Village? 00 you speak Arabic with them then? Or...do you always practice speaking English? I Speak Arabic with my Arabic friends and English with my English friends. (He seems to be aware of when and how to com- municate best with various groups--in this case, peers--to be accepted.) I see...but, mostly at home, you speak Arabic; is that right? Uh huh. If you had your way, which would you like to do...all the time... here at school...would you like to speak English all the time... or would you like to speak Arabic all of the time? Both of them. You'd like to be able to talk in both languages? Uh huh. (Seems to be really sincere about being fluent in both languages and establishing bilingual status.) Right now, what do you talk the most? English. (I think this may be so because he feels he speaks English most of the time in school the majority of the day, com- municating and relating to other--peers and teachers.) Mostly in English? Uh huh. You haven't forgotten your Arabic, though, have you? No. Who helps you keep up with your Arabic? My mother. (Mothers are usually in the home and tend to take ESL classes during the day while their husbands are here studying at the university.) JF: WA: JF: WA: JF: JF: 293 Your mother? Not your father? p. 74 - Cont. Sometimes my father...I try to read it...and he says, "Right." That's very good. Well, you have been very helpful and you have answered my questions. I hope that maybe we can talk again sometime. Could we do that? Uh huh. Whenever you have something that you want to talk to me about, just let me know. Would you like to know what we have been saying? Maybe we can hear this if we have done this correctly. I will stop it now. *******************************************************************‘k'k* TAPED SESSION--Lobna (L)--2/12/80 p. 78 JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: I am really glad that you decided to come up and spend some more time with me. The questions that I am going to ask you... I would like to have you think about them a little bit and answer as best you can. OK? It will be about the times when you first came to Spartan Village School and if you can remember some of the times before you cane to Spartan Village School, you can tell me that, too; just tell me whatever you want to tell me. Do you like Spartan Village School? Yes. Why? Because it's a beautiful school. They teach us English. Who are "they"? The teachers. The teachers? T2 and T3. Anybody else? The kids I play with in recess. Are the children nice to you...the other kids? (Other than Arabic-speaking children.) Uh huh. JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: 294 How are they nice to you? p. 78 Cont. A little bit... (rest of response not distinguishable). Are these like...do you mean that the other children...not Arabic children? Do you mean American kids or some of the other foreign kids? (I think Lobna is at a loss for words to express herself as she begins to mumble here.) I don't play with Arabic children because when I play with the Arabic children, then I don't learn any English...so...I have to play with English children. (Note how she perceives herself learning English.) Why do you have to play with English children? Who told you that? My daddy, 'cause when I speak English kids...I speak English. Oh, I see...; your dad told you that...; he told you not to play with Arabic kids? Then you would learn to speak English? Nashwa...from Sudan...she speak like us (meaning in Arabic) but she don't know how she talk. (Nashwa has been here three years and speaks fluent English and very little Arabic, to my knowl- edge. I'll find out more when I interview her.) Tell me...how does she talk? I don't understand that. Nashwa...and EVERYBODY. p. 80 Everybody in the whole room or the whole school? Which? Nashwa...(Arabicgfirfl from Sudan)...and Rachel (American girl) ...and everybody. Rachel? Everybody...in the team room. Is Nashwa your best friend? Yes, she is my BEST friend. Does she go to Arabic school with you? I call her up and say, "You want to go to Arabic school?" I tell her, "If you don't want to go to Arabic school..." If she say, "No," I say, "If you don't want to go to Arabic school, I won't go." JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: 295 And you don't have to go then? Your mother and your father... p. 80 they don't care? Cont. No. And Nashwa's mother and father...don't they care? Nashwa's mother is teacher. (Nashwa's mother is one of three Arabic teachers in the Libyan school that is operated for two hours after our English or day school.) That's what I thought. So...I thought she had to come. Sometimes (response unclear). What was that? In fourth grade...girls...no boys. In our school? No...in Arabic school. In Arabic school...no boys at all? Uh uh...but 3rd grade and 4th grade...no boys...in 2nd grade, one boy and lst grade, two boys. But none in the 4th grade? Right. Is this the one in the team room? The boy who moved? Who? The one who moved? No. He not move. He don't want to come to Arab school again. p. 81 Just English in 4th grade (this part unclear). Everyday he come to T . Do you remember how you felt when you first came to Spartan Village School? Good. Good? JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: 296 First when I come, I don't speak to nobody...in recess...I p. 81 don't speak to nobody...I don't know English. (This is con- Cont. firmed by evidence about which teachers have commented and noted about the NES child.) So you went off by yourself? I just sit by myself and watch the kids and now when I speak English, I just play with everybody. (I can remember seeing children do this a lot out on the playground when they first come here and don't speak English.) How long do you think that that took before you learned to speak English? A few days. Just a few days...and this was out in Colorado, you say? Did you sit by yourself...or swing by yourself? I play by myself and sometime the teachers come out and play with me. The teachers would play with you? Uh huh. Did any of the children come up and play with you? Sometimes children come up and I can not Speak English...and ...I just close my eyes. (A form of withdrawal from communi- cating verbally with peers.) Did you cry? No...I don't cry. Did you feel sad? No...I felt good. You felt good? Did anybody make you feel good when you first came here? Uh huh. Who? Nashwa. In the team room? JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: JF: 297 Yes...because when she is seeing me...she is playing with me p. 81 ...everyday. Cbnt. But, when you came here, you could speak some English? Yes. (I didn't realize that Lobna had attended school in Colorado in June before entering here in September.) Oh...it's longer than one minute. You just think that it is p. 86 one minute. Uh huh. When we play, she say time to go. When do you speak Arabic? Do you ever speak Arabic in school? In school I speak English...a little Arabic to my mom. Your mom Speaks a little English, doesn't she? Sure...a little bit. (Her mother attends ESL classes for adults during the day.) So, when you go home, you speak English. What about at night at Arabic school? We speak English. They don't care. You may talk English? Uh huh. You don't talk Arabic at all? No. I talk English; they ask Arabic...I say, "I don't know." But you do know. No. You don't? They talk Libya and I don't talk Libya. They talk different than us. I don't know what it is called...I don't know. What about with T5? (I will check into whether or not there are different dialects in the Arabic language spoken in the Libyan school.) English. All the time? JF: JF: JF: JF: 298 Uh huh. (Can't understand this response.) p. 86 Cont. Can you say it in Arabic, too? (Can't understand response.) Would you like to speak Arabic or English (when you are here at school) if you had your wish? English. You would? Yes. Do you think that it is easy to learn English? APPENDIX E TEACHER INTERVIEWS (TI) Note: To help protect confidentiality, only a few pages are shown as examples taken from the taped teacher interview notes.) 299 JF: JF: JF: JF: APPENDIX E TEACHER INTERVIEWS (TI) That's interesting because I think that came out when I was p. 6 talking with the children too and when I asked them who their Cbnt. friends were, a lot of them would say that they had a lot of friends in other foreign language groups too and these were close friends. Normally, they...I think the older children seem to stick p. 7 together with their own group and I don't know whether that is just a coincidence. The children I am thinking of now, the Indonesian boys that I have, are very close. When you see them...when you go to get them from their class- rooms, when they speak to their friends, are they speaking in their native tongue or are they Speaking in English? Or, in class, do they speak to each other in their native tongue? Except for the beginning of the year, everybody speaks in English, if they can at all. At the beginning of the year, this is a big problem with the Arabic children. They speak only Arabic to each other and the younger children do that somewhat when they are alone. Do you mean without a teacher? Yes...when they are talking by themselves...but that did not happen at all the first two years that I was here. I am not sure if it has something to do with the changing attitude of the parents, or if it just happened that we had a lot of young new Arabic-speaking children, all thrown in together, in the classroom and I tend to think that that might be the reason. We have about Six or seven in the team room and none of them could speak English and they might have already been friends before they came here. What surprised me about that team room situation was that a couple of them had been in American schools before but the team room teachers said that they did not speak English at the beginning of the year. They spoke English for me when they came in. They worked as translators...Lobna especially. She didn't like to speak English but she thought that it was really neat that she could translate and she spoke most of the time in Arabic. When 300 JF: JF: JF: 301 somebody wanted to tell me something and they couldn't do p. 7 it, she couldn't speak very well, but she could tell me Cont. enough so that She could tell me what they meant and when I asked them something, she would quickly tell them in Arabic. So, you knew that she was understanding you.... And Mona also...but they were part of that group that talked Arabic all the time to each other when they first came in and I think that I mentioned before that I decided to give them some sort of token at the beginning of the year, five or ten tokens; every time they spoke Arabic, they would return one to me and at the end of the hour, they could have as many stars as they had tokens left, and it was such a frustrating experience for them and I really felt kind of bad about it because some of them would just give up right at the beginning of the class and they would say, "I'm giving back all of the tokens because then I can talk Arabic." What was your purpose in doing that? Were you trying to squelch...trying to completely keep them from speaking in their own native language...ever? Well, no...I wasn't really sure of what I was doing. I didn't want them to get the idea that Arabic was bad or that they should be ashamed of speaking Arabic and I kept trying to make them understand thatit was OK to speak Arabic to each other, but to me, they had to try to speak English. Why was it necessary for them to speak English to you? Did p. 8 they understand that you were not trying to put their lan- guage down? It is hard to know how much they could understand. Most of them in that group could speak and understand a little bit. Lima was one of those kids...and Hiam...all of those kids could not, except for Nader, they were not complete beginners. They were limited-English speaking? They were very limited but they could say a few things in English and I wanted them to understand that in order to talk or communicate with their teacher, that they had to try, to make some kind of effort to speak in English. You mean, and not fall back on their native tongue? If they tried and couldn't say it, then I would let them explain in Arabic to Lobna. She was better and she would tell me, but it was just that I wanted them to make an attempt. It was a very frustrating thing for them at first and then, JF: JF: 302 gradually, they would say things like, "You don't need to p. 8 31v: me any tokens today...and I am not going to talk cont. ra 1c." Did they say that? Well, I would hand the tokens to them and they would shake their heads and say, "No Arabic today." That's amazing. So...it got to be less of a problem, but it was really hard for me because I thought that maybe I was doing the wrong thing, and I'm still not sure about that for you must convince a child that his/her language is nothing to be ashamed of and at the same point, try to get him/her not to use it. So, I think that we have to try very hard in this school, after they learn English, to reinforce that their culture is good and that their language is good and that is, perhaps, why the songs are working out. That leads then to another thought; we have to try, in this School, “we" meaning myself and the teachers, so that we don't foster that type of feeling that their language is not impor- tant. Are there more things that you think we should be doing as a staff in this school to promote that? Do you think that we are over-emphasizing learning English and not giving proper atten- tion to the fact that their predominant language.... Well, I think that we are doing a good job here but I don't think that we can forget that this is an American school. We are teaching in English and we are teaching American subjects and that people who bring their children to this country, and to this school, expect that, then they are wrong...and not that we are doing anything wrong and I think that we can always do more cultural awareness, experiments...and that these things are helpful, especially to our American children who are going to live in a world and have to begin to be sensitive to other cultures and other races of people; so, I don't think that we should cut out what we do now. Maybe we should increase what we do, but, as far as the lan- p. 9 guage, I don't think that that is our responsibility. We can have language experiences due to the diversity in this school; they are excellent and we can use them to the fullest extent. Do you think that we are doing enough for their retention of their native tongue...in the sense that they will soon be returning to their country? JF: JF: JF: JF: 303 No, I don't think that we are, but, I don't think that we p. 9 can do any more than we do without splitting the day in half cont. and giving up something, and I think that that is a decision that we have to make. Are there any types of interactions that you see among the children? Do you get into some aggressive types of interac- tion between the ethnic groups? I don't think that it is because of their groups that they get into fights; I think that that is the way they solve things that they are very quick to criticize verbally, or resort to fighting...that might be because they are limited in their ver- balization, but we have a lot of acting out--a lot more than you would in a school of just one culture. 00 you feel that the foreign children tend to withdraw or keep to themselves in the beginning, before they learn the language, or is it a barrier to them in interacting with others? I don't really know because I don't ever see them all together; I only see the foreign children when they are separate from the rest of their rooms and it doesn't seem like that happens but I am not really sure. They don't seem to have any trouble making friends when they are in my room. So, in general, they make friends just like any other kids? I have had kindergarten children who don't speak the same lan- guage at all...and they are best buddies. I had a Japanese boy, a Spanish-speaking boy, and I can't remember the other one, and they just loved each other in my room. I never saw what they did when they went to their own rooms, but they talked to each other; I can't even explain it, because they didn't speak enough English to talk to one another, but they would play, and they would just sort of communicate, and somehow, there was not a problem, even though none of them spoke English and none of them spoke each other's language. What type of play...was it nonverbal communication, I mean that they were engaged in? Yes. Some of it was verbal, but it was just an easy-going friendship and it didn't seem to have anything to do with the fact that they were from different cultures. What types of verbal communication would you say that you use with the children...specific techniques that you think that you use, either over-dramatizing the use of words (English words that you are teaching), doing a lot of gestures, or something like that? 304 *****************************************************‘k************** TAPED INTERVIEW WITH T2--Team Room--3/lO/80 p. 29 JF: In regard to working with English-speaking or Arabic- speaking students, do you work differently? T2: I do work differently with the Arabic-speaking students than I do with the English-speaking students in many ways. I would say thatI work differently with the Arabic-speaking students than I do with the other bilingual students. JF: OK. Then, you can speak in general about... T : Foreign students? JF: Right, if it applies to the Arabic students. 1 : The main difference that I see between the Arabic students and the other children is, basically, that they come from a lan- guage, or are used to a language, that is oriented from right to left, instead of from left to right. They don't use our alphabet so the other foreign children can make a quicker start into our alphabet and writing than they can, but the activities that I plan, I don't plan any differently for the Arabic chil- dren than for the, say, Brazilian student, or a Korean student, or an Indonesian student. Basically, at the beginning, I just work on language development and learning the letters of the alphabet in English. We have vocabulary words so that they can get ready to read. That's very different from what I would do with English-speaking students because they already know that ...even first graders. JF: Is there a certain technique that you use because, for example, when a child first comes here and they do not speak any English at all...what are the things that you do, that you can relate to me, that you do right off the bat, that you don't normally do with someone who already speaks English? T : I think that I take more care with the foreign student to see that they know all the places in the school...the gym...and who the teachers are, and I make more of an effort to place them with a buddy who can Show them more important emergency- type things, physical things. I probably spend more time smiling and a fellow teacher's old phrase, "hugging and point- ing," for they can't understand. With an American child, I can be more subtle by the way that I'm acting to welcome them into the class, whereas the foreign child wouldn't pick up on that as much. JF: JF: 305 Let's back up regarding your fellow teacher's old phrase, p. 19 for I have used that a lot, too. Did you learn that spe- Cbnt. cifically from her...and when you came here as a new teacher, or did something else occur to make you more aware of that style of teaching? I think that that is instinctive in working with foreign chil- dren. She coined a phrase for something that we all do. It wasn't a particular technique. It's just that we must be more tactful with people who don't speak the language. If they don't understand the words, we have to do more touching and pointing. So you would say that you have gained this through experience? Yes. I think I was pretty sensitive to that problem already, for at several different points in my life, Ilived with a situation ..... BIBLIOGRAPHY 306 BIBLIOGRAPHY Ballesteros, David. Social Justice and Minorities in Teaching Ethnic Studies. Edited by James Banks. Washington, D.C.: National Council of Social Studies, 1973. Bilingual Education Office. 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