2 o 5 5 b 7 7 7‘ «will\mmmmqullnlllnjjnl 3 1293 00533 LIBRARY Michigan State University This is to certify that the dissertation entitled POLICE DIRECTED PREVENTIVE PATROL: ITS EFFECT UPON PERSONNEL MOTIVATION presented by Dennis Wayne Lund has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph . D . degree in Social Science Major professor Date August 12, 1988 MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771 MSU RETURNING MATERIALS: Place in book drop to rear \ fled? .-=~._'fi ._ a. -' i5" @157 LJBRARJES remove this checkout from “ your record. FINES will be charged if book is returned after the date stamped below. p ‘v (-9? POLICE DIRECTED PREVENTIVE PATROL: ITS EFFECT UPON PERSONNEL MOTIVATION By Dennis Wayne Lund A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY School of Criminal Justice College of Social Science 1988 5/7/57 ABSTRACT POLICE DIRECTED PREVENTIVE PATROL: ITS EFFECT UPON PERSONNEL MOTIVATION By Dennis Wayne Lund Believing that routine random police patrol is not effective, many jurisdictions have designed specialized directed preventive patrol strategies in efforts to reduce crime. Concurrently, there has been a movement to professionalize police by advocates of higher education requirements. The Pontiac patrol group has an average of over three years of higher education. It is hypothe— sized that with reduction of discretion caused by directed preventive patrol, there will be a lowering of motivation and job satisfaction of highly educated police patrol personnel. During an initial one—year project period, the researcher studied the effects of a dispatch directed preventive patrol program at Pontiac, Michigan. A pre-post attitudinal inventory questionnaire was utilized to determine job satisfaction, general perceptions, and acceptance of organizational objectives by Pontiac's patrol officers. The significance of changes of attitudes over time is analyzed by analysis of variance and correlation coefficients. On—site observation was accomplished by the researcher regularly riding with patrol units, with intensive interviews employed to better determine "real life" perceptions. For comparison purposes, on—site visitation was made to four similar directed preventive patrol projects in South Central Connecticut, and many of the attitudinal inventory questions and statements are Dennis Wayne Lund compared with nationwide patrol personnel responses. Analysis of the data shows no significant decrease of burglary, larceny, or motor vehicle theft in Pontiac because of the differing patrol strategy, and no increase in on—scene arrests for property crimes. It was found there was no significant change in the attitudes of patrol officers about job satisfaction and motivation; that they were accepting of organizational objectives, and educational considerations were inconclusive. Based upon correlation, a personnel selection model is develOped which matches patrol officer characteristics of age, length of exper- ience, dogmatism, and perceptions of citizen support to higher accept— ance of directed preventive patrol, suggesting improved performance and satisfaction for patrol officers being assigned to either a directed or routine patrol function under a "split—force" strategy. Copyright by DENNIS WAYNE LUND 1988 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS A work of this type cannot be completed without the dedicated support and assistance of many others. In particular, I wish to acknowledge the contributions of Dr. Ken Christian, the Committee Chairman for the Dissertation, Dr. Larry Hoover, now with the Criminal Justice Center at Sam Houston State University, Texas, who was my Committee Chairman during the research project, and Dr. Gary Cordner, who acted as research assistant on the study, and who stepped in toward the end of the project to collect tail—end data. Dr. Peter Manning and Dr. Charles Morrison provided much good advice during the research design phase, while acting as Committee Members. For their understanding and encouragement, I am indebted to Dr. Victor Strecher of the Criminal Justice Center at Sam Houston State University, Dr. Robert Trojanowicz of MSU, and Dr. Louis Levy of Southeastern Louisiana University. I am also indebted to other members of my Dissertation Committee, Dr. Dave Kalinich, Dr. Mary Zalesney, and Dr. Chris Sower who were able to get me to re—focus emphasis in the rewriting of this product to make it stronger. The research project could not have been accomplished without the understanding support and excellent cooperation of Pontiac Chief of Police, William Hanger and his assistant, Dave Braunschneider, now of Arlington, Virginia. The working relationships with Lt. Branton Dennis V and Det. Paul Roek of the Pontiac Police Department‘s Planning and Analysis Unit was the best. To the individual officers of the Pontiac Police patrol force, I offer gratitude for their outstanding cooperation during the research phase, and I offer my admiration to them for the fine professional work they are providing the citizens of Pontiac. I offer thanks to Bill Gay of the University City Science Center for his collaboration, and to John Gervasio, the Regional Coordinator of the Directed Preventive Patrol projects in South Central Connecticut. For her expert secretarial skills, and most of all good humor and dedication to the final manuscript typing, I am grateful to Judy Raymond of Southeastern Louisiana University. Much thanks goes out to my wife, Virgy, for not nagging when it was obvious I had about given up, and to little Tina for not complaining too much when Daddy wasn't around to play with her. And finally, thanks to my Cardiologist, Dr. Stuart Solomon of Houston, who (with guidance from the Almighty) saved my life on the emergency room table and gave me a reason for continuing. Dennis W. Lund Hammond, Louisiana July, 1988 vi TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES I Q 0 Q I O Q Q Q Q C O_ ‘ Q Q LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . CHAPTER 1. The Problem . . . . . . . . . . . . . Need for the Study . . . . . . . . . . Crime: The Goal of Incidence Reduction Q C Q 0 Q Q I Q Q 0 O O Q Patrol Emphasis Programs: Proliferation . . . . . . . . . . . Higher Education: The Campaign for Professionalism . . . . . . . Purpose of the Study . . . . . . . Statement of Rationale of Hypotheses. . Relevance of the Study . . . . . . Definition of Terms . . . . . . . . Format of the Study . . . . , . . . . . Review of the Literature . . . . . . . Toward Improved Patrol Operations: A Chronology . . . . . . . . . . . . Police Higher Education: Relationships to Performance and "Professionalismtr . Job Satisfaction: Relationship to Function and Organizational Management Sty1e I O. Q 0 O O O I Q I, Q I. Q 0 Q 0. ‘ Page xi 10 ll 18 19 24 26 26 .36 40 TABLE OF CONTENTS (cont'd) CHAPTER 3. Intradepartmental Cooperation: The Police Predicament . . . . . . . Research Methodology . . . The "Patrol Emphasis Project" . . Crime Analysis . . . . . . . . Information Coordination . . . Dispatch Deterrent Patrol . . Planning for Implementation . . Sample . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Measures . . . . . . . . . . . . . Testable Hypotheses . . . . . . . Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . Observation and Interview Analysis Project Motivation . . . . . . . Intensive Interviewing . . . Connecticut Comparison . . . . . . An Outsider‘s Impressions . . . Presentation and Analysis of Data Hypothesis One . . . . . . . . . . Hypothesis Two . . . . . . . . . . Hypothesis Three . . . . . . . . . Summary and Conclusions . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . Conclusions . . . . . . . . . viii Page 47 50 51 53 56 59 6O 61 64 69 71 75 78 78 8O 88 92 94 94 109 114 118 118 . 124 TABLE OF CONTENTS (cont‘d) CHAPTER Page Implications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 APPENDIX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140 GENERAL REFERENCES Q Q O O Q Q Q Q Q Q Q. Q \ .7 0 Q. Q C. C O Q 145 ix TABLE 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8 5.9 5.10 LIST OF TABLES Age of Respondents . . . . . . . . . . . . Education of Respondents . . . . . . . . Major Field of College Study . . . . . . . Years of Police Experience . . . . . . . . Patrol Officers Job Satisfaction . . . . Correlation of Q24 By Q3 D—Runs Effective Crime Prevention Strategy/Job Satisfaction Over Last Year . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Correlation of Q24 D—Runs Effective Crime Prevention Strategy By Amount Of Education 0 o. e I Q o \ Q e c n I q, o A First Order Correlation Coefficients For Recorded Variables . . . . . . . . . . Perceived Departmental Problems . . . . . Perceived Personal Job—Related Problems General Attitude Survey . . . . . . . . . Correlation of General, Prevention, and On-Scene Arrest Attitudes . . . Reported Crime and On—Scene Arrests . . . Patrol Perception of "D-Run" Effectiveness Page 63 64 65 66 95 97 98 99 101 102 103 106 110 113 FIGURE 1.1 1.2 2.1 3.1 6.1 LIST OF FIGURES Property Crimes 1976 - 1980 . . . . Distribution of ICAP Jurisdictions Motivation and Hygiene Factors Organizational Context . . . A Classified Split Force Model xi Page 44 52 128 CHAPTER 1 The Problem Beginning about 1975, there was increasing experimentation and implementation of different methods of police patrol in the United States. Many law enforcement experts maintain that traditional free- time patrol, which is discretionary and random in nature, does not provide optimal productivity of crime prevention and apprehension of offenders. There also has been concern that police officers have not made effective use of free—time patrol, which may be as much as 50 percent of total patrol time activity in some departments. Concurrently, there has been a nationwide movement to develop a better—educated human resource pool for law enforcement agencies to draw personnel, in the belief that higher—educated people will improve the overall effectiveness of police operations and performance. It is commonly assumed that higher-educated persons should be granted more personal responsibility and discretion in their positions, with less direction and regimentation than would be imposed upon those with less formal education. Thus, diminishing discretionary free-time patrol, while imposing a more structured and directed patrol strategy, conflicts with the apparent effects of raising the general education levels of police patrol officers. Need for the Study Crime: The Goal of Incidence Reduction During the decade of 1971 to 1981, the crime index in the United States increased 55 percent, while the population increase was only nine percent. Relating the crime volume to population, there was a 42 percent increase over the ten—year period.1 The 1980 rate per 100,000 inhabitants for property crimes of burglary, larceny-theft, and motor vehicle theft increased 41 percent over 1971. In 1980, there were nearly four million burglaries,'seven million larceny—thefts, and more than one million motor vehicle thefts reported in the United States, representing a total estimated loss of $8.7 billion.2 The City of Pontiac, Michigan, the site of this research study, had the unenviable distinction of having the fourth highest crime rate in the nation for cities of 50-100,000 population as reported in the Federal Bureau of Investigation's Annual Report for 1974.3 1Federal Bureau of Investigation, FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, Vol. 5, No. 11 (Washington: Office of Congressional Affairs), p. 12. 21bid., p. 13. 3Federal Bureau of Investigation. Uniform Crime Reports of the United States: 1974 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1974). 3 In 1975, total property crimes in Pontiac amounted to 8,121, a substantial increase from 1973 when 6,870 similar crimes were reported.4 Although nationwide property crime rates and the total crime index somewhat stabilized between 1976 and 1977 (the time period of this study), by 1981 burglaries had increased by 22 percent, larceny-theft was up 13 percent over the five-year period, and motor vehicle thefts increased 16 percent (Figure 1.1). It is a commonly held assumption that improvement of law enforce- ment practices and/or personnel will reduce the incidence of crime, particularly the "suppressible" property crimes. An astute evaluation of the Pontiac situation is presented: Although Pontiac's project and ICAP's Alphabet— Soup of Time—Tested Ingredients, in general have crime suppression goals, these are secondary for very important reasons. Probably the key reason is that there is ng£_a clear relationship between police activities and crime rates. What the police do is but one variable in a very complex social setting, and ng_aspect of that social setting was controlled during Pontiac's ICAP project. Any change in crime rates could be attributable to economic, demographic, political, or sociological causes, or to efforts of the courts or correctional agencies, just as easily as it could be attributable to the efforts of the police.5 4Branton E. Dennis, Jr. and Paul H. Roek, "1976 Yearly Summaries and Averages," (published crime and activity report, Pontiac, Michigan Department of Police, 1976), p. 1. 5Gary W. Cordner, "Final Evaluation Report, Pontiac, Michigan Police Department, Integrated Criminal Apprehension Project" (East Lansing: School of Criminal Justice, Michigan State University, 1978), p. 7. ' _ ...- -- ...._‘ WY . —wam~s¢sum , «man In moon minim: in p O . on 933133“ -.-h—— _-.-—4 - - v . l 00". ‘308388‘ __._. _-,___ -_ -1 moron mains men emu: mocx TOTAL —wvmwl‘l —c‘wmum ”unmmmomumwm .n. -.__.-._,_- -- ———-o—o---w -- , P" “ ' .'." a. _ . .T - ,___- '— , , _ _ ___r_.._ ---.- l g ..l__ .. .. .-. -L. . . . .‘uF—n-u—IQ— 0" L ' I ...,_....—..—.a ....._—.i}—.. / ' -0. O Source: Federal Bureau of Investigation, FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, November 1981, Vol. 50, No. 11 ( Washington: Office of Congressional and Public Affairs), pp. 12-13. Figure 1.1 Property Crimes 1976 - 1980 Patrol Emphasis Programs: Proliferation Prior to 1971 scant attention had been made by law enforcement entities toward patrol strategies differing from the traditional routine random patrol. With a decision that was to have widespread impact, in the fall of 1971. Kansas City Chief Clarence Kelley instructed his patrol commanders to develop new and improved methods of patrol.6 This action led to the Kansas City "Preventive Patrol Experiment." 6Thomas J. Sweeney, "The Simple Origins of ICAP Complex," Law EnfOrcement News (New York: December 21, 1981). 5 which was conducted from 1972 to 1974. The evaluation report from this study, which was released in 1974, concluded that routine patrol had no discernable impact upon the incidence of crime.7 The study was detailed in the national press and created much consternation in police circles. Most police agencies today are maintaining routine random patrol, convinced that the Kansas City study lacked validity.8 In 1974, the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration of the United States Department of Justice announced a modest Discretionary Grant Program for development of "Patrol Emphasis Program(sY'(PEP), and solicited applications from police departments which would be willing to enhance patrol operations and establish crime analysis and crime prevention units. From this solicitation, sixteen departments, including Pontiac, Michigan, received awards averaging $210,000 for this initial focus in 1976.9 In 1977, the PEP program was renamed the Integrated Criminal Apprehension Program (ICAP), with linkage of front-end patrol operations to the prosecutorial system, enhancement of the investigation function, warrant service and serious habitual offender programs.10 7GeorgeL. Kelling, Tony Pate, Duane Dieckman and Charles E. Brown, The Kansas City Preventive Patrol Experiment: A Summary Report (Midwest Research Institute, Police Foundation, 1976). 8Larry T. Hoover, "Analysis of Police Preventive Patrol" (unpublished project abstract, Criminal Justice Center, Sam Houston University, Huntsville, Texas, 1979). 9University Science Center, "National ICAP Evaluation of Memphis, Tennessee" (unpublished evaluation report, 1980), p. 1. 1oibid. 6 Between 1975 and 1981, the ICAP program was implemented in 52 cities with Federal LEAA funding.11 (Figure 1.2). Although LEAA funding for the ICAP program ceased in 1981, with the termination of the Federal agency, many of the programs were continued and other departments around the country replicated some of the program features, particularly differing patrol strategies. Enhancement of patrol management under the ICAP program is described as: ICAP represents a comprehensive effort to increase the productivity of patrol by focusing the resources of patrol upon crime prevention, deterrence and apprehension. ICAP's emphasis on the management of patrol operations is justified by the fact that patrol has the largest portion of department resources and employees and provides the greatest number of services to the public. ICAP's patrol management emphasis can be described as an effort to more productively allocate, deploy and direct the crime— specific tactics of patrol.l The proliferation of police departments across the country utilizing strategies other than traditional random patrol is expected to increase because of new knowledge dissemination from study reports of existing programs, new patrol techniques discussed at law enforcement seminars and conferences, and institutions of higher learning including more in the way of patrol strategies in criminal justice program curricula. There is a need to know, "What works and what doesn't?" 11Darrel W. Stephens and Robert O. Heck, "The ICAP Story," in the Law Enforcement News, December 7, 1981. .lerticleD-"ICAP'S Alphabet—Soup of TimevTested Ingredients," in the Law Enforcement News, December 21, 1981. DISTRIBUTION or ICAP JURISDICTIONS Source: Darrell W. Stephens and Robert 0. Hack, "The ABC's of ICAP, Law Enforcement News, December 7, 1981. Figure 1.2 Distribution of ICAP Jurisdictions Higher Education: The Campaign for Profgggionalism Beginning with the Wickersham Commission Report in 1931, during the past 50 years an additional six national crime commissions have 8 recommended the desirability of increased higher education for criminal justice personnel.1 In the 19708, there were more than one thousand colleges and universities offering degrees in criminal justice in the United States at the Associate's, Bachelor's, Master's, and Doctoral degree levels.14 The National Manpower Survey of the Criminal Justice System reported: There has been a remarkable rate of growth in the levels of educational attainment of sworn personnel over the past 15 years. The pattern has been especially marked in the last five years. The proportion of sworn personnel with less than a high school education was 37 percent in 1960, 19 percent in 1970, and only 10 percent in 1974. The proportion of sworn personnel with some college attainment went from 20 percent in 1960 to 32 percent in 1970 and to 46 percent in 1974. 15 Further, the Survey indicated that in 1974 there were 8.8 percent of all sworn law enforcement personnel who had attained at least 16 years of education, and a projection was made that by 1985 the rate would increase to 18.6 percent.1 Despite the national crime commission recommendations, the ready availability of Federal scholarships and criminal justice higher 13Larry T. Hoover and Dennis W. Lund, Guidelines for Criminal Justice Programs in Community and Junior Collegesfi(East Lansing: Michigan State University Printing, American Association of Community and Junior Colleges, 1977), pp. 7—8. 14Gordon B. Misner, "Introduction: The National Professoriate," Criminal Justice Educatibn: A National Profile (Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences, 1978), p. 2. 15National Institute of Law.Enforcement.and Criminal Justice, The National Manpower Survey of the Criminal Justice Volume Two Law Enforcement (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1978), p. 3. 16Ibid. 9 education grants during the 19703, and the general push within the profession to "professionalize, the swift growth of criminal justice programs is more properly credited to the sudden development of the community college movement. Larry Hoover proclaims: Contrary to popular belief, the emergence of criminal justice as a major recognized field of study in higher education is due to neither the recommendations of national commissions convened to study the problems of crime and consequent recom— mendations for educational up-grading of personnel, nor of federal funding of criminal justice education via the Law Enforcement Education Program (LEEP). Instead, the expansion of criminal justice to its current major dimensions is primarily due to development of the community college as a viable institution of higher education in the United States. The development of the community college and its unique environment for the expansion of this non—traditional, interdisciplinary, applied field of study. 17 Gordon E. Misner, reporting for the Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences stated. "Growth, unheard of growth, in a short period of time has created sets of problems."1 After study of differences in behavioral style between college— graduate and non—college police patrol officers in the State of Michigan, from data derived from the Job Analysis Interest Measurement (JAIM) inventory, Kenneth Christian concluded there were differences between the two groups: . . the college-graduate police officer differs from the non-college police officer. The college educated police officer likes to have less direction from supervisors, to work independently using his own methods, and to have an unscheduled or varied work routine. This may, in fact, cause problems 17Hoover and Lund, op. cit., p. 8. 18Misner, op. cit., p. 65. 10 for the organization due to his quasi-rejection of the military-like supervision and the routine activities often found in police departments. The non—college officer more readily fits into the traditional police organization, prefers to take direction, and is less of a 'problem' for the organization for many different reasons.19 Pontiac, Michigan has one of the highest educated police patrol forces in the United States. Approximately one/half of all patrol‘ officers have achieved 16 or more years of formal education, and the entire patrol force has an average of over three years of completed higher education. The problem, then, can be stated as: With higher educated personnel, should police departments adjust management practices and operational procedures to meet the goals of the organization, while concurrently enhancing job satisfaction of personnel? Purpose of the Study The main purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of a new police patrol strategy in Pontiac, Michigan, which changed from traditional random freevdiscretionary patrol to experimentation with dispatch—directed patrol. Attitudes of patrol personnel will-be explored to determine what effects the more restrictive style of operational procedure has upon individual personal goals, expectations, and job satisfaction. 19Kenneth E. Christian, "A Comparison of the Styles of College— Educated and NonvCollege Police Officers" (unpublished Ph.D. Disser- tation, Michigan State University, East Lansing, 1976), p. 123. 11 A comparison will be made of reported crime rates in Pontiac for the "suppressible" property offenses of Burglary, Larceny/Theft, and Motor Vehicle Theft for the year immediately preceding the experiment and for the first full year of the experiment. A similar comparison will be made of on-scene arrests for the property offenses. Analysis will be made of the impact of new modes of cooperation between patrol officers and detective personnel of the Pontiac Police Department during the experiment, as well as impact of a new court liaison program initiated during the experiment. Finally, the study will add to the body of knowledge about police patrol procedures, higher education for police personnel, and job satisfaction considerations. Statement and Rationale of Hypotheses Two statistically viable, and one subjectively analyzed, hypotheses are addressed in this study. They are: 1. Under dispatch—directed preventive patrol operations, patrol officers will experience a decrease in sense of personal job satis- faction and commitment to objectives of the organization. 2. There will be no significant differences in productivity measures during the experimental period than during an equal period of time immediately preceding the treatment. 3. There will be increased cooperation between patrol officers and detective personnel and the courts during the experimental period. I Rationale for Hypothesis 1: Under dispatch-directed preventive patrol operations, patrol officers will experience a decrease in sense of personal job satisfaction and commitment to objectives of the organization. 12 The two selected theories for this hypothesis, which form the basis of rationale, are both taken from organizational sources. The first is Frederick Herzberg's Hygiene-Motivation Theory. According to Herzberg, factors producing job satisfaction are motivation factors, and those producing dissatisfaction are hygiene factors. Hygiene factors are regarded to be the primary cause of unhappiness on the job. Failure of an employer to provide sufficient quantity of these factors in sufficient quality will likely result in employee job dissatisfaction. Provided in sufficient quantity and quality they will not necessarily act as motivators, but will only lead to no job dis— satisfaction by employees. The hygiene factors are: 1. Salary -— adequate wages, salaries, and fringe benefits. 2. Job security -— agency grievance procedures and seniority privileges. 3. Working conditions —- hours of work, adequate heat, air conditioning, and illumination. 4. Status —- symbols of rank and position, privileges, and job titles. 5. Agency policies -— fair administration of organizational policies. 6. Technical supervision —— whether or not employees are able to receive quality answers to job-related questions. 7. Quality of interpersonal relations with fellow employees —— social opportunities and development of comfortable operating relationships among peers, supervisors and subordinates. l3 Motivation factors are regarded to be the primary cause of job satisfaction. They relate directly to the job content, and when they are provided in sufficient quantity and quality, they provide a climate conducive to job satisfaction and greater degrees of motivation and high performance by employees. The motivation factors are: l. Achievement -- when presented with a challenge, there is opportunity for accomplishment and contributing something of value. 2. Recognition —— appreciation noted for the contribution made and acknowledgement of the worth of the effort. 3. Responsibility —— acquiring of new responsibilities and duties by job expansion or delegation. 4. Advancement -— opportunity to improve one's organizational position because of job performance. 5. The Work Itself -- opportunity for self-expression, personal satisfaction, and challenge. 6. Possibility of Growth -- opportunity to increase knowledge and develop through job experiences. The second selected theory is Douglas McGregor's "Theory X and Theory Y," which contrasts styles of organizational structure of the traditional bureaucratic form (Theory X) and a more personal integrative style (Theory Y). McGregor sets forth the pervasive elements of the theory: Under Theory X organization, proponents assume: 1. The average human being has an inherent dislike of work and will avoid it if he can. 20Frederick Herzberg, Work and the Nature of Man (New York: World Publishing Co., 1966), pp. 95—96. 14 Because of this human characteristic of dislike of work, most people must be coerced, controlled, directed, threatened with punishment to get them to put forth adequate effort toward the achievement of organizational objectives. The average human being prefers to be directed, wishes to avoid responsibility, has relatively little ambition, and wants security above all. The assumptions of advocates of Theory Y are: 1. 2. The expenditure of physical and mental effort in work is as natural as play or rest. External control and the threat of punishment are not the only means for bringing about effort toward organ- izational objectives. Man will exercise self—direction and self-control in the service of objectives to which he is committed. Commitment to objectives is_a function of the rewards associated with their achievement. The average human being learns, under proper conditions, not only to accept but to seek responsibility. The capacity to exercise a relatively high degree of imagination, ingenuity and creativity in the solution of organizational problems is widely, not narrowly, distrib- uted in the population. Under the conditions of modern industrial life, the intellectual potentialities of the average human being are only partially utilized.21 The Pontiac Police patrol force is highly educated. The National Manpower Survey of Law Enforcement observed that, "College—educated personnel are hypothesized to possess to a considerable extent qualities that are relevant to performance, such as the internalization of relevant 21Douglas McGregor, The Human Side of Enterprise (New York: McGraw—Hill, 1960), pp. 33-57. 15 values, self-motivation, and understanding of and concern for civil liberties and cultural differences."22 In essence, the organizational objectives in the experiment are designed to take away some of the patrol officers' discretion on usage of free patrol time, thus lowering the self-motivation potential and diminishing individual capacity in helping to solve organizational problems (identified as high rate of property crimes and low rate of on—scene arrests in this experiment). Rationale for Hypothesis 2: There will be no significant differ- ences in productivity measures during the experimental period than during an equal period of time immediately preceding the treatment. Two project experiment objectives identified by command staff of the Pontiac Police Department prior to implementation were to decrease crime and increase arrests. Specifically, the PEP project was to decrease the incidence of "suppressible" crimes of burglary, larceny, and motor vehicle theft by 15 percent over the prior yearly period, while doubling the rate of on-scene arrests for the three property offenses. The odds of police patrol officers making onmscene arrests for property offenses is extremely remote. Although taken in the context of discretionary traditional random free time patrol, data from the Los Angeles Police Department indicates the probability of an officer intercepting a robbery in progress is approximately 6,000:1 and would 23 occur once in every 14 years. Even with more exact information 22National Institute of Law Enforcement and Criminal Justice, op. cit., p. 14. 23William H. Beick, "ICAP Story: Cutting Down Random Patrol‘s Waste," Law Enforcement News, January 25, 1982. 16 provided by crime trend analysis converted to directed patrol strategies, it is believed the odds on making on—scene arrests would be too great to be significant. The police have very little influence on the variables of economics, political, demographic, or sociological causes of crime. In that light, the variable of dispatch—directed patrol as a differing strategy is believed to be insignificant toward causing a reduction in the crime rate. V.H. Vroom found that higher satisfaction on the job and better performance was related to persons who had a high need for independence. This personality type responded well to participation in organization goals and decisions. Conversely, those who were identified as being authoritarian-oriented and highly dependent were affected less by the opportunity to participate, and there was no evidence of relationship to job performance.2 The National Manpower Survey of the Criminal Justice System. mentioned, "The considerable body of prescriptive literature concerning the value of higher education for police occupations contends that college—educated personnel offer several advantages: (including) . . 2 less authoritarian hearing, which is related to better use of discretion." 5 Rensis Likert postulates that, ". . . a longer exposure to the values of an educational system which places emphasis on participation and individual initiative increases the likelihood that these values 24V.H. Vroom, "Some.persona1ity Determinants of.the Effects of Participation," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology (Vol. 59, 1959), pp. 322—327. 25National Institute of Law Enforcement and Criminal Justice, op. cit., p. 24. 17 will be accepted by the individual and carried over into the working situation."26 In his analysis of organizations, Joseph A. Litterer explains that involvement by personnel in fundamental organizational decisions leads toward higher degree of commitment by those charged with implementation of change.27 With the Pontiac Patrol Emphasis Program project, the patrol force and dispatchers, who were charged with carrying out the operational aspects of dispatch—directed patrol, had no participation in the project planning, and in fact had little knowledge of the change in patrol strategy until informed by edict on the first day of project implementation, November 6, 1976. The lack of participatory involvement by operational personnel, who are highly educated, in a major patrol strategy change, which was specifically designed to lower their discretionary abilities, is the major reason for the hypothesis rationale that there will be no significant increase in productivity. Rationale for Hypothesis 3: There will be increased cooperation between patrol officers and detective personnel and the courts during the experimental period. Basing his conclusions on classical management theories, John Angell explains that a major cause of poor morale in police departments is between generalists (patrol force) and specialists (investigators), and, "This situation creates tension between police generalists and police 26Rensis Likert, New Patterns of Management (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1961), p. 2. 27Joseph A. Litterer, The Analysis of Organizations (second edition; New York: John Wiley & Sons Inc., 1973), p. 643. 18 specialists and results in a lack of cooperation toward the accomplish- u28 ment of common goals. It is asserted that an increase in face—to—face contact for information sharing between the patrol force and investigative detectives and a court liaison officer (whether by edict or voluntary), where only limited information sharing previously occurred, will cause a subjective higher sense of cooperation by personnel of the Pontiac Police Department. Relevance of the Study Although there have been several research studies in recent years reporting on impact of differing strategies of police patrol in several cities of the United States, there has been very little research or study regarding the consequences of the more highly structured operation methods on personnel with respect to job satisfaction and commitment to organ- izational objectives. This is the first known study which specifically attempts to corre- late job satisfaction and commitment to organizational objectives with a police patrol strategy which is designed to diminish free time dis- cretionary patrol over a field—tested time period. The study results may have implications for police management decisions, particularly in the areas of participatory decision—making, 28John E. Angell, "Toward an Alternative to the Classic Police Organizational Arrangements: A Democratic Model," Issues in Police Patrol: A Book of Readings, Thomas J. Sweeney and William Ellingsworth, editors (Kansas City: Kansas City, Missouri Police Department, 1973), p. 229. l9 personnel selection, higher education considerations, and in selection of strategies for police patrol. The study will build upon the knowledge base of impact of directed patrol over traditional random free time patrol. Many police policy makers will be making decisions about the proper patrol strategies for their jurisdictions in years to come, and it is anticipated they will be reviewing models such as contained in this study during their deliberations. Definition of Terms TraditiOnal Patrol: Synonymous terms include "random patrol," "discretionary patrol,n "routine patrol," and "traditional preventive patrol." One succinct description of patrol activity is that traditional preventive patrol is defined as the routine movement of uniformed officers by vehicle or on foot through delineated geographic areas.29 William G. Gay, et al., report the four basic functional categories of the traditional patrol model are (1) calls for service, (2) prevent- ive patrol, (3) officer—initiated activities, and (4) administrative tasks.30 For the purposes of this study, traditional random discretionary patrol refers to that period of time (variously estimated at from 30 to 29RobertSheehan and Gary W. Cordner, Introduction to Police Administration (Reading, Mass.: Addison—Wesley Publishing Company, 1979) . pp. 60—62 . 30William G. Gay, Theodore H. Schell, and Stephen Schack, Improving Patrol Productivity, Volume I, Routine Patrol (for NILECJ, LEAA, Washington: Government Publishing Office, 1977), p. 3. 20 50 percent of all patrol time) when patrol officers are not responding to calls for service, performing administrative tasks (e.g. report writing), or attending to other officer-initiated activities, and are conducting "preventive patrol" by motoring, walking, peddling, or remaining stationary within their assigned geographic sector. Under this traditional patrol strategy, patrol officers rely upon their senses in a reactive mode, to be ready to respond to events which might occur that require their attention or intervention. With this strategy, patrol officers have a large amount of discretion about where they should be and what they should be doing at any specific period of time. Dispatch-Directed Patrol: In this study, synonymous with "dispatch deterrent patrol." This term refers to a particular patrol strategy by which central police headquarters radio dispatchers send messages to patrol officers who are not on calls for service or performing other required tasks, directing them to a specific geographical location, with additional instructions on what is to be observed or checked. This procedure is commonly referred to as "D—runs." Individual dispatchudirected patrol "runs" are predetermined by crime trend analysis as to time, location, type of offense, offender method of operation, and other considerations. An example of the typical process: The Pontiac Police Department's Crime Analysis Unit has determined through data from prior reported offenses that on Friday afternoons between the hours of 3:30 pm. and 5:00 pm.(1530 and 1700 in law enforcement parlance) there have been an inordinate number of residential burglaries between the 300 and 600 block area of Pontiac Boulevard. This information is placed on a form and given to the police dispatchers for activation. 21 At 4:00 pm. (predetermined time of activation), the police dispatcher determines that patrol car 34 is cleared from a previous call for service, and radios, "Car 34, go to the 300 to 600 blocks of Pontiac Boulevard and look for evidence of rear window entrance residential burglaries. Cruise slowly on the rear alleys twice and make one pass on Pontiac Boulevard. Suspects are W/M ages 14 to 16. Out." Suppressible Crimes: This term refers primarily to property crimes of burglary, larceny/theft, and motor vehicle theft (it also includes arson, but this offense is not included in this study). It is commonly held by law enforcement officials that crimes against the person (e.g. assault, rape, homicide) are not suppressible in that police have almost no chance of preventing such offenses due to the unpredictability of their occurrence. The incidence of property crimes is more predictable by crime trend analysis, thus it is believed the police have a better chance for prevention, thus "suppressible." Higher Education: For the purposes of this study, higher educa— tion refers to formal college or university education past the twelfth year of an individual‘s schooling. Thus, if reference is made to an individual or group as having attained fifteen years of education, three of those years would have been in higher education. Where specific major fields of study are of concern in the study, they will be indicated in the narrative. Integrated Criminal Apprehension Program (ICAP): The Federal grant program administered by the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA) of the United States Department of Justice from 1977 to 1981. 22 This program was initiated in 52 cities with LEAA financial assistance, and each contained elements of linkages of specialized patrol operations in conjunction with the prosecutorial system, bolster- ing of the investigation function, upgrading of warrant services, and incorporation of serious habitual offender programs. Beginning in late 1977, but past the period of this study, the Pontiac Police Department was one of the 52 city sites of an ICAP operation. Some police departments, which have replicated the ICAP strategies with alternate sources of funding, may refer to their operations as being "ICAP" in nature. Patrol Emphasis Program (PEP): The Federal grant program administer- ed by the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration of the United States Department of Justice beginning with calls for proposals in 1975 and operational beginning in 1976. Sixteen city police departments received funding from this initial grant program to enhance patrol operations, establish crime analysis units, and develop crime prevention capabilities. The Patrol Emphasis Program was revised into the ICAP operations in 1977, and the PEP acronym was retired at that time. The Pontiac Police Department was one of the sixteen recipients of a PEP LEAA discretionary grant in late 1976, and it is this project which provides the basis for this study. Pontiac Police Department: Although not really a "term," following is a description of the locale and the organization where this study was conducted: The City of Pontiac, Michigan is a medium-sized, industrial community of approximately 85,000 population, located 30 miles north of Detroit. Serving as the seat of Oakland County and included as part of the Detoit Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area, Pontiac's economy revolves 23 around three major auto manufacturing plants, and several additional satellite industries, and provides nearly 40 percent of the industrial employment for the more than one million residents of the County. Indeed, life in Pontiac was molded by the blue—and—white collar entrepreneurs who turned its 19th Century carriage trade into what is now the General Motors Corporation. Pontiac encompasses 27.1 square miles of land and is governed by a home-rule, council—manager form of local government, which employs approximately 1500 service workers on an annual operating budget of 22 million dollars. Pontiac‘s newest addition to its revenue—generating acquisition is the 55 million dollar Pontiac Metropolitan Stadium, which is the home of the National Football League's Detroit Lions professional football team. Unfortunately hard—hit by the general decline in the economy, which has adversely affected the auto industry, Pontiac also has a 29.1 percent unemployment rate, with 7.8 percent of its families on welfare incomes and a full 10 percent with incomes below poverty levels established by the U.S. Department of Labor. Pontiac also has the unenviable distinction of having the fourth highest crime rate in the nation for cities of 50*100,000 population, as reported in the F.B.I.'s Annual Report for 1974. While crime has decreased slightly in the City of Pontiac over the last two years, especially in the area of violent crime, the Pontiac Police Department investigates over 10,000 Crime Index Crime reports annually and responds to over 60,000 calls for service. The Pontiac Police Department has a total complement of 269 employees, including 201 sworn personnel and 68 non—sworn. It has an annual budget of approximately 6 million dollars and operates on a July-June fiscal year. The Department is divided into four divisions: Uniformed Services; Investigational Services; Technical Services; and Administrative Services. The Office of the Chief of Police also encompasses the Police/Community Relations Unit. Each of the four divisions has its individual areas of responsibility as follows: a. Uniformed Services — all patrol and traffic responsibilities b. Investigational Services - all criminal investigation 24 c. Technical Services Division — all technical support services and operations d. Administrative Services - all administrative functions The current rank structure within the Department is as follows: Chief of Police Captain Lieutenant Sergeant Detective Senior Patrolman Patrolman A separate rank of Policewoman is the equivalent of Detective and refers to a specific assignment within the Youth Section and does not encompass females on patrol who are ranked as Patrolmen. Format of the Study This study is organized into six chapters. Chapter One, THE PROBLEM, includes the need for the study, purposes of the study, statement and rationale of the hypotheses, relevance of the study, definition of terms, and format of the study. Chapter Two, A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE, contains a review of specialized police patrol strategies as opposed to traditional random discretionary patrol procedures, impact of higher education programs, and relevant studies about personnel job satisfaction. Chapter Three, RESEARCH METHODOLOGY, includes the scope of the study, the nature of the sample utilized, the nature of the data gather- ed, and the analytic techniques utilized. 31Gary W. Cordner and Dennis W. Lund, "Patrol Emphasis Project Final Evaluation Report" (unpublished report, Pontiac, Michigan, January, 1978), pp. 4-6 25 Chapter Four, OBSERVATION AND INTERVIEW ANALYSIS, contains a presentation of the researcher's interviews and observations during the study period, a comparison with similar projects in Connecticut, and interpretation of observed conduct. Chapter Five, ANALYSIS OF DATA, contains a presentation of the statistical information gathered in the study, as well as commentary regarding its meaning and significance. Chapter Six, SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS, contains a synopsis of the major findings of the study, as well as commentary regarding the nature of the conclusions. CHAPTER 2 Review of the Literature Because of the large mass of literature covering all aspects of police patrol, personnel job satisfaction, and management studies, focus will be limited to the hypotheses of this study and specialized direct- ed patrol operations. Consequently, numerous other significant contri- butions to better understanding of patrol operations are purposely ex- cluded, including topics of police emergency activation (calls for service), saturation patrol, response time, "hazard formulasu for patrol allocation, foot versus vehicular patrol considerations, and neighborhood team policing. Toward Improved Patrol Operations: A Chronology One of the first persuasive writings on the need for change in patrol operations appeared in early 1971 as a Rand Corporation publi- cation report prepared for the United States Department of Housing and Urban Development by James Kakalik and Sorrel Wildhorn. It recommended that a mathematical approach be utilized in police patrol analysis by time and geography, and outlined the steps to this approach: 1. Prediction of the incidence of crime and calls for service, by type, for each geographic area and desired time period. These would be relevant to both decisions on current deployments and the number of additional patrolmen needed in the near future. 2. Specification of a set of criteria and the desired target levels of performance for each criterion. 26 27 Any set of criteria which can be analytically related to patrol manpower can be utilized. 3. Estimation of the number of men required to achieve specified target levels of performance. Analytic methods are available for relating number and deployment of patrolmen to measures such as average or maximum response time, percent of calls not immediately dispatchable, preventive patrol frequency, hours available for preventive patrol per suppressible crime, or probability of on—scene arrest. (emphasis added). Unfortunately, basic knowledge is not available for relating manpower to arrests, crime, and public order. That basic knowledge deficiency is the weakest element of every available method. However, relating manpower to responsiveness and patrol coverage, as this suggested approach would, is an important step forward.32 The Rand Report further urged police departments to, "Undertake long—term research and experimentation to bridge certain fundamental gaps in present knowledge regarding relationships between police resource inputs and police effectiveness."33 One of the first to take up the challenge was Clarence Kelley, then Chief of the Kansas City, Missouri Police Department. Chief Kelley, in the fall of 1971, instructed his patrol commanders to explore new and improved methods of patrol.34 Funded by a Police Foundation grant, the Kansas City Police Department conducted an initial experiment from October 1, 1972 through September 30, 1973.35 32James S..Kakalik and Sorrell Wildhorn,.Aids to Decisionmaking in Police Patrol: A Summary of Study Findings (A Report Prepared for Department of Housing and Urban Development, Santa Monica, California: Rand Corporation, February, 1971), p. 8. 33Ibid., p. 10. 4Sweeney, loc. cit. 35Kelling and all, loc. cit. 28 George Kelling, et al., describe the experiment and summarize the results: Three controlled levels of routine preventive patrol were used in the experimental areas. One area, termed ‘reactive', received no preventive patrol. Officers entered the area only in response to citizen calls for assistance. This in effect substantially reduced police visibility in that area. In the second area, called t'proactive', police visibility was increased two to three times its usual level. In the third area, termed 'control', the normal level of patrol was maintained. Analysis of the data gathered revealed that the three areas experienced no significant differences in the level of crime, citizenst attitudes toward police services, citizens' fear of crime, police response time, or citizens' satisfaction with police response time.36 The Kansas City experiment report was released in 1974 (at the time this researcher began doctoral studies), and the published results received widespread attention in law enforcement circles. The Law Enforcement Assistance Administration was at that time at its peak of prestige and funding capability, which provided the impetus for experimentation of patrol strategies which differed from routine random preventive patrol. Simultaneous with the Kansas City random patrol experiment, there was another experiment in that jurisdiction directed toward apprehension of offenders. The "Location—Oriented Patrol" (LOP) element of the "Apprehension-Oriented Patrol," which had similar procedural character— istics to specialized directed deterrent patrol, apparently had more impact upon improved arrest rates than the project's "Perpetrator- Oriented Patrol" (POP) element: LOP produced more target crime (robbery and burglary) arrests per officerwhour expended than did POP; 36Ibid., p. v. 29 however, there was no substantial difference between the two Apprehension—Oriented strategies in their rates of intercepting suspects in the acts of committing target crimes.37 In 1974, the New Haven, Connecticut Police Department began experimenting with "Directed Deterrent Patrol," by which patrol officers were provided hard—copy notebooks containing strategies and tactics for individual "D-runs" activated by radio dispatch. The hard- copy tactics were developed from monthly crime trend analysis by a centralized committee, and although the program was initially resist— ed by the patrol force, early indications demonstrated a decrease in purse snatching and commercial burglaries. Relevant to this study is that, for the first time, directed patrol was integrated into tradition— al patrol operations.38 After an expanded directed deterrent patrol project began in 1975, with an LEAA grant of $310,000 (forerunner of the LEAA 1976 PEP oper- ations), the New Haven Police Department reported that residential burglaries decreased 16 percent, commercial burglaries were down by eight percent, auto thefts had decreased six percent, and purse snatchings declined by nine percent.39 (Additional information obtained by personal on-site observation and information—gathering at New Haven will be presented in Chapter 4). zTony Pate,.Robert A. Bowers.and Ron Parks, Three Approaches to Criminal Apprehension in Kansas City: An Evaluation Report (Midwest Research Institute, Police Foundation, 1976), p. ii. 38Article,,"Tracing ICAP‘s Checkered Path to the Present," in the Law Enforcement News, December 21, 1981). 39Charles D. Hale, Police Patrol Operations and Management (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1981), pp. 116—117. 30 During the winter of 1975 another type of directed preventive patrol program was launched, with LEAA assistance, at Wilmington, Delaware. The "Wilmington Split-Force Experiment," which divided its Patrol Division into 27 "Basic Patrol" and 16 "Structured Patrol" eight- hour units, utilized the strategy of Basic Patrol units responding to all calls for service, while the Structured Patrol units were to conduct preventive patrol in high crime sectors as determined through crime trend analysis, using a variety of tactics devised by planning and supervisory staff. Information relating to incidence of crime, poten- tial suspects, and crime trend analysis was presented to the Structured Patrol units at the beginning of each shift.40 The Structured Patrol (directed preventive patrol) personnel were given the additional responsibility of conducting immediate followup investigations of incidence of crimes with which they came in contact, a practice previously handled by the detective staff.41 The WilmingtOn Split—Force Experiment was deemed to be a success in improving police operations, and the program was continued at the end of the project period. Output measures from a before and after comparison revealed the Part I crime level for the city decreased by more than six percent.42 At the same time, data indicated there was a 12.2 percent increase in the number of property crime arrests for the period.43 40JamesM. Tien, James W. Simon, and Richard C. Larson, An Alternative Approach in Police Force: The Wilmington Split—FBPce Experiment (Nationa1_lnstitute of Law Enforcement and Criminal Justice, LEAA, April, 1978), vii. 41Ibid. 43Ibid. 31 However, in the Wilmington program there was a price to pay for apparent increased productivity. An extreme amount of alienation was evident between personnel of the Structured Patrol unit and the Detec— tive Bureau, because the arrest rate by the detectives decreased due to the new practice of Structured Patrol personnel making immediate investigations themselves. Also, alienation was evident by the Basic Patrol unit against the Structured Patrol unit because the former believed the latter were taking an "elitist" posture. This negative factor was reinforced in post—experiment surveys, where Structured Patrol personnel indicated higher job satisfaction, and the Basic Patrol unit reported lower job satisfaction than prior to the experiment.44 The danger of elitism pervading independent specialized preventive patrol programs is stressed in the National Institute of Law Enforcement and Criminal Justice's "Prescriptive Package on Specialized Patrol" by Schack, et. a1.45 At abbut the same time the New Haven and Wilmington programs were under implementation, Basic Books released a new set of writings by James Q. Wilson, which met with wide interest and acceptance by criminal justice practitioners and academicians. Wilson devoted a chapter on “The Police and Crime" in his book Thinking About Crime, which focused on "crime—attack" techniques, and concluded that specialized patrol for reduction of suppressible crimes held great promise.46 This seeming 44Ibid., pp. 9~l and 2. 45Stephen Schack, Theodore H. Schell and William G. Gay, Improving Patrol Productivity, Volume II, Specialized Patrol (for NILECJ, LEAA, washington: Government Printing Office, 1977). 46James Q. Wilson, Thinking About Crime (New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers, 1975), pp. 81-97. 32 endorsement from the distinguished educator probably further stimulated the movement for exploring alternatives to traditional random routine patrol. Based upon the apparent success of the "Directed Deterrent Patrol" program in New Haven, several satellite communities in South Central Connecticut became involved in similar projects. (A report of personal observation and information—gathering in the Cities of Milford, Branford, and Hamden during 1976 is contained in Chapter 4). Under implementation, at the time the Pontiac patrol experiment was initiated in 1976, was the PEP project in Cleveland Heights, Ohio. Utilizing similar features to the Pontiac strategy, namely assigning preventive patrol runs to patrol units which were not on calls for service, William Gay reported a reduction of reported Part I crimes of 13 percent for the year 1976 over 1975.47 The movement for developing specialized directed patrol programs was not limited to the large and medium sized cities. When William Franks became the new Chief of Police at Montpelier, Vermont (daytime and early evening population 24,000 to 28,000) in 1977, he decided to experiment with changes in patrol strategies which were directed at the "target crimes" of burglary, vandalism, and disorderly conduct. Having read the Kansas City study, Chief Franks decided to modify preventive patrol to his own locale. In essence, he stopped random patrol in the residential part of the city, assigned one roving patrol unit to the business district, and two patrolmen per shift walked foot-patrol in 47William Gay, "Exhibit 11: Part one — Reported Crimes," Patrol Emphasis Evaluation, Cleveland Heights, Ohio (Washington: University City Science Center, November, 1977), p. 46. 33 the highest target crime area (two patrol vehicles were parked at various strategic intersections for high visibility purposes and for emergency utilization). After nine months, Part I crimes had been reduced 37 percent in the business district, and surprisingly there was also a 23 percent reduction in the residential section (although residential vandalism increased sharply). There was no apparent displacement of crime. Further, Chief Franks was able to reduce his annual budget, as there was a 19,000 mile per year decrease for each patrol vehicle usage. Saginaw, Michigan, which was approximately the same population, numbers of police personnel, and crime index rate as Pontiac, initiated an informal experiment in late 1977. Based upon crime trend analysis, three target areas of the city were selected. A strategy of high visibility and an increase in the number of the patrol force was assigned to one, low visibility (primarily plain clothes, stakeout, and unmarked cars) was utilized in another, and the third maintained a combination of high visibility and low visibility. All of the patrol force were provided hard—copy crime analysis information about trends, potential suspects, and other intelligence to aid with individual tactics. After a short three—month test period, it was determined: . . . residential and commercial burglaries in target areas declined by 41 percent from the same period a year earlier. Even more significant was a 60 percent reduction in the incidence of burglaries during the hours of operation to the experimental control project (7 pm. to 3 am.). Of the various crime control tactics, the department found lOvaisibility patrol to be the least effective, achieving a 13 percent decrease in burglary in the 48William.D..Franks, “Mentpelier, Vermont‘s Directed Patrol Experimentfi'The Police Chief, Vol. 49 (January, 1980), pp. 24-26. 34 target area. High-visibility patrol was substantially more effective, producing a 45 percent reduction in burglary in the target area. The combination of high— and low-visibility patrol tactics was found to be the most effective, responsible for an overall decrease of 65 percent in burglaries in the target area. In a followup paper for the Rand Corporation in 1977, Jan Chaiken, discussing the Kansas City experience, stated, ”. . the experiment opens up the possibility that uncommitted patrol officers might profitably do something other than preventive patrol, as long as it leaves them uncommitted. The challenge is to determine what alternative activity would be more effective."50 After studying police patrol performance in 35 of the largest cities in the United States, using 1975 data and review of the most recent research literature, James Q. Wilson and Barbara Boland concluded in 1979: We believe that our studies, together with other research findings, are consistent with the view that police activity can reduce the rates of some serious property crimes, and at least offer a compelling case for experiment designed to test this conclusion and identify the processes by which arrest rates can be increased.51 The ICAP operations across the country, which contain elements of directed preventive patrol, increased extensively beginning in 1977. There were 46 cities involved in ICAP in 1979, representing 10,946,000 49Hale, op. cit., p. 131. 50Jan M. Chaiken, What's Known About Deterrent Effects of Police Activities (Santa Monica: The Rand Corporation, July 1977), p. 21. 51James Q. Wilson and Barbara Boland, The Effect of the Police on Crime (for NILECJ, LEAA, Washington: Government Printing Office, 1979), p. 19. 35 in citizen populations, and 29,235 police personnel.52 By 1982, the involvement had increased to 52 cities and approximately 30,000 law enforcement personnel. Darrel Stephens and Robert Heck note, ". it is the only comprehensive police program that has been implemented on a national scale that has made a direct use of the research on police operations that has been conducted in the past 10 years."53 Yet, at a working conference in ICAP for the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration, Merlyn D. Moore was able to observe in 1981: Most people believe the police have always directed their operations by 'sophisticated‘ crime analysis. They believe that radio, teletype and computer data output has been well managed; that sergeants, lieu— tenants, captains, majors and chiefs always knew just exactly what they were doing and why. It has been difficult for me to explain that in 1981 . . . the majority of police agencies still have three equal shifts. It is hard to explain why as much as 29 percent of a police force is on duty from 2:00 am. to 7:00 am., when ogly 9 percent of the calls for service are logged. The evolution of directed preventive patrol over the past decade has been described, along with research results which hold implication for suppressible property crime rates and on—scene arrest capability. It is interesting to note that, with the exception of the Kansas City studies, most of the research literature on directed preventive patrol claim reduction of crime and increase of arrests because of the experi- mental projects. It is also interesting to note that since 1974 tradi— tional random preventive patrol has been discredited in the literature 52Merlyn D. Moore, "The Integrated Criminal Apprehension Program" (paper read at Law Enforcement Assistance Administration ICAP Conf— erence, Washington, D.C., 1981). 53Stephens and Heck, loc. cit. 54Moore, 10c. cit. 36 as a viable patrol strategy, yet the majority of the police departments in the United States still employ this technique. Police Higher Education: Relationships to Performance and "Professionalism" Taking the assumption that increased responsibility for police requires increased higher education, Larry Hoover bases his argument on the need to develop more complex patrol strategies (over routine random patrol), coupled with needed changes in police management style from the bureaucratic to a more democratic model, the desirability of participatory involvement of operational personnel in management decisions, and expansion of the role of patrol officers which leads to higher motivation and productivity increase. Hoover anchors his beliefs in management research conducted over a 20—year period, and adds that the factors: . . . indicate a need to assess police performance by measurement of the attainment of objectives rather than adherence to rules and regulations; to delegate discretion to the patrolmen and involve him in the policy—making process; and to expand significantly the nature of the responsibilities given patrolmen.55 The National Evaluation Program‘s "Traditional Preventive Patrol Phase 1 Report" lamented about the paucity of information relating education to police behavior: In sum, the available information on the effects of education on the conduct of police patrol is incomplete. It is difficult to generalize about the influence of education because educated officers may differ from their peers in many ways which are potentially related to performance, SSLarry T. Hoover, "Summary: The Impact of Educational Programs in Law Enforcement," Police Educational Characteristics and CurriCula, (National Institute of Law Enforcement and Criminal Justice, LEAA, JUly, 1975), P. 60 37 and different types of education may have differential impacts on patrol abilities. At present, there is little available evidence to support the assumption which relate higher levels of education among officers to improved individual performance and patrol effectiveness.56 During the same year as the aforementioned report, Kenneth Christian was able to differentiate behavior style profiles of the non-college police officer and the college-educated police officer. It was discovered the non-college officer was more prone to follow schedules and daily routines willingly, liked to work closely under supervision rather than working by himself, believed he was more practical and sensible, and would rather have decisions made for him than collaborate with supervisors on decisions. Conversely, the college-educated police officer was described as one who preferred working alone without supervision, working varied and unscheduled work routines, enjoyed taking a leadership role, and used logical thought for processing information and decision—making.57 The National Manpower Survey of the Criminal Justice System reported, "Research evidence that would either confirm or deny the need for college-educated sworn personnel does not exist. The results 58 of several studies that were reviewed are contradictory." However, the survey explained that advocates of higher education argue that: 56Theodore H. Schell and all, "Higher Education and Patrol Officer Performance," Traditional Preventive Patrol: National Evaluation Program Phase I Summary Report (National Institute of Law Enforcement and Criminal Justice, LEAA, June, 1976), p. 59. 57Christian, op. cit., pp. 116—17. 58National Institute of Law Enforcement and Criminal Justice, op. cit., p. 3. 38 . . . college education is a prerequisite for service in agencies that intend in the future to depend more highly on the integrity, ability, and motivations of the individual rather than on para—military discipline to accomplish agency goals.59 Lawrence W. Sherman and the National Advisory Commission on Higher Education for Police Officers, while discussing the scant evidence of impact of higher education on police attitudes and performance because of too few studies and weak methodology, state: Moreover, even if the studies were more rigorously designed, there is no theoretical reason to believe that educated police officers would behave differently if the only aspect of their police department that is different is their own education. If education is only one of the many forces shaping police behavior, then it makes little sense to expect educated officers to behave differently in otherwise traditional police agencies. It is reported that nearly one/half of all police recruits now being employed have achieved at least one year of higher education.61 Sherman and the National Commission acknowledged the recent dramatic increase in educational levels of police, but their study into the matter revealed such had no impact on police performance. If there is to be change, they maintain, "No matter how high the quality of police education, education alone cannot change the police. New organizational designs, better management, and community leadership are also necessary conditions of change."62 59Ibid., p. 16 0Lawrence W. Sherman, The Quality of Police Edication (San Francisco: Josey—Bass Publishers, 1978), p. 45. 61Ibid., p. 2. 62Ibid. 39 Relating police work to education and to the more asthetic values of life, Psychologist Adrian Kinnane provides this reality-based wisdom from personal experience: If you like peace and quiet, and if you appreciate beauty and kindness, you will find precious little of it in the public places of America's cities. If you like to go off by yourself and think about life, your place in it, and where the world is going —- if you are the meditative or thoughtful sort —- policing America's cities will grate against your sensibilities and turn you a trifle sour on mankind's potential for happiness. But if you went to college to advance your career and increase your earning potential, you may well find a home in one of America's police departments. Your perspective on law enforcement is needed, as is your rational approach to the severe management and identity dilemmas facing modern police.63 Believing that a desired value system, which is characterized as "professional," one leader in the criminal justice higher education movement states that occupational practitioners in professional settings, “. . . are expected to be self-motivated. The professional ethic engendered by a college education is the best means yet found to assure such motivation."64 Dennis Smith, in his empirical studies of higher education and police performance found only twelve studies which measured higher education to actual police performance. He reported: Three of the studies found that more educated officers did better on such measures of performance as arrests and civilian complaints. Another found that more educated officers were more likely to resign or be 63Adrian Kinnane, Policing (Chicago: Nelson—Hall, 1979), pp. 98—99. 64Larry T. Hoover, "Evaluating the Impact of Education Upon Police Performance" (paper read at the Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences Annual Conference, March, 1976). 4O dismissed. A fifth study found that more educated officers received higher departmental performance ratings. The remaining studies generally report findings of no relationships between educational level and the measures of performance they used. Smith further related that all of the studies he reviewed suffered from one or more serious methodological flaws because of measurement of education as a quantity, while ignoring qualitative variations.66 Thus, both the National Institute of Law Enforcement and Criminal Justice and the National Advisory Commission on Higher Education for Police Officers have pointed out that the reliability of assumptions of higher education having a positive bearing upon police performance is questioned because: the limited numbers of research studies about the question; existing research is contradictory; and, research methodology appears to be flawed because of variations in the nature of education plus extraneous variables. Christian's conclusions, based upon a Michigan sampling, might have some comparison value to this study because of regional similarities of attitudes of police officers about their jobs, thus eliminating at least one extraneous variable of area difference. Job Satisfaction: Relationship to Function and Organizational Management Style Hoover, in discussing individual discretion of patrol officers in directed preventive patrol situations, stated: Directed patrol is not without its own shortcomings, however. Patrol officers' work motivation and job 65Sherman, op. cit., p. 239. 66Ibid. 41 satisfaction are endangered when their self—direction is replaced by managerial direction. Also, the traditional wisdom that the officer on patrol knew his beat best is not without merit. The reassignment of patrol direction and decision making up the organizational hierarchy could well lead to less 7 sensitive and less effective decisions and directions. In a collaborative arrangement, for comparison purposes, between this researcher and the evaluator of the Cleveland Heights, Ohio Patrol Emphasis Program, key job satisfaction questions were asked on a modified five-point Lickert scale. In answer to the question, "Are you satis— fied with your current job on the department?", patrol personnel responded with a mean score of 3.4 (converted to the Pontiac instrument would be a score of 69), which the evaluator attributed to satisfaction with their job, but the patrol personnel would rather be assigned to the detective division.68 In personal communication between John Van Maanen and Peter Manning about job satisfaction of patrol officers in one research study, Van Mannen reported, uMost have little regret about selecting the occupation. When I asked whether or not patrolmen would choose the 9 same job again, 78 percent said yes (N=128)."6 Manning, relating low morale and cynicism to rather high job satisfaction, points out that many "good performers" have low motivation because they have learned to "lay low" and Unot rock the boat."70 67Hoover, "Analysis of Police Preventive Patrol," op. cit., p. 2. 68Gay, op. cit., pp. 57—58. 69Peter K. Manning, Police Work: The Social Organization of Policing (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1977), p. 119. 70Ibid. 42 Except for the Cleveland Heights Patrol Emphasis Program, the issue of job satisfaction was not explored in similar projects and programs addressed in this dissertation. In other studies, the main concerns and questions asked were opinions of police officers about the effectiveness of the differing patrol experiments. A Police Foundation study of a community policing experiment (much like neighborhood team policing) in San Diego, California, found no statistically significant differences between control and experimental group responses, with both groups maintaining a 75 percent level of satisfaction with police careers throughout the experiment.7 An International Association of Chiefs of Police study explored role concepts of police officers, with sampling in the four large cities of Columbus, Ohio, Indianapolis, Baltimore, and Cincinnati, with admonision that, "Job satisfaction is difficult to assess and those who undertake the task should do so cautiously."72 Therefore, to test reliability, the IACP study posed two job satisfaction questions to police officers who had completed 18 months of experience: "How satisfied are you with your job as a police officer when you compare it with other jobs you had before you entered law enforcement?", which had a 94.7 percent positive response, and, "If you had it to do over again, and knew what you now know, would you still become a police officer?", which had a 96.4 percent positive response. 71JohnE. Boydstun and Michael E. Sherry, San Diego Community Profile Final Report (Washington: System Development Corporation for the Police Foundation, 1975), p. 46. 72James W. Sterling, Changes in Role Concepts of Police Officers (Gaithersburg, Md.: International Association of Chiefs of Police, 1972), p. 73. 73Ibid., p. 74. 43 Thus, from available information existing about recent studies on the police and the question of job satisfaction, there is a large fluxuation of from 69 to 95 percent positive response by line police officers regarding their careers. This rather large difference in the findings tends to indicate that other significant variables are present and have not been taken into consideration, such as geographic, political, and managerial style differences within the study departments. There— fore, comparison of job satisfaction from one research experiment to another has questionable value. Chris Argyris, in his "Immaturity—Maturity Theory," derived from studies of private industry, suggests that workers have the ability to develop growth upward on a maturity scale, but are prevented from maturing because of organizational management practices which are related to McGregor's "Theory X" stance.74 Based upon experiments of high maturity settings and productivity, it was found: Giving people the opportunity to grow and mature on the job helps them satisfy more than just physiological and safety needs, which in turn motivates them and allows them to use more of their potential in accom— plishing organizational goals.75 The "Motivation-Hygiene Theory,‘ which Frederick Herzberg develop— ed from studies of eleven industries in Pittsburgh, is believed to be germane to this study. "Hygiene" or "maintenance" factors were isolated from "motivators" needs of employees. Hygiene faCtors (preventive and 4Chris Argyris, Interpersonal Competence and Organizational Effectiveness (Homewood, 111.: Irwin Dorsey Press, 1962). 75Paul Hersey and Ken Blanchard, Management of Organizational Behavior (fourth edition; Englewood Cliffs: Prentice—Hall, Inc., 1982), p. 56. 44 environment) only prevented losses in worker performance because of work restriction, and produced no growth in productivity capacity. Motivator factors were found to have a positive effect on job satis- faction and output.7 MOTIVATORS HYGIENE FACTORS The Job Itself Environment Achievement Policies & Administration Recognition Supervision Challenging work Working conditions Increased Responsibility Interpersonal relations Growth & Development Money, status, security Source: Paul Hersey and Ken Blanchard, Management of Organizational Behavior, 4th Edition (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1982), p. 58. Figure 2.1 Motivation and Hygiene Factors An extensive review of work motivation articles from thirteen professional journals from 1970 to 1976 indicates: . . . most would probably agree that Herzberg was right in emphasizing the work itself; that job enrichment in practice has often increased satisfaction and productivity; that the dissatis— fiers are no less important just because other factors may provide satisfaction; and that pay may have greater significance than Herzberg7 or at least some of his supporters, have suggested. 7 76Frederick Herzberg, Work and the Nature of Man (New York: World Publishing Co., 1966). 77Gary W. Cordner, "A Review of Recent Developments in Work Motivation" (East Lansing: School of Criminal Justice, Michigan State University, December 1, 1976), p. 2 (Duplicated.) 45 Thus, the issue of the variable of salary differentials within police departments may have a significant impact upon the questions of job satisfaction when comparing departments. Research by John E. Stinson and Thomas W. Johnson indicates that a high leader task behavior (more direction and support) is more important for performance and job satisfaction for persons who have strong needs for independence and are highly educated, as is indicated in the following scheme: High leader task behavior is most effective if: 1. Followers' tasks are highly structured and followers have strong needs for achievement and independence and a high level of education and/or experience (that is, followers are over— qualified for the job). 2. Followers1 tasks are unstructured and followers have weak needs for achievement and independence and a low level of task relevant education and/or experience (that is, followers are undervqualified for the job). Low leader task behavior is most effective if: 1. Followers' tasks are highly structured and followers share weak needs for achievement and independence but an adequate level of task relevant education and/or experience. 2. Followers' tasks are unstructured and followers have strong needs for achievement and independence and a high level of education and/or experience. 78 Therefore, with respect to this study, more direction (in the form of the highly structured tasks of "D-runs") for Pontiac's highly educated patrol force, when accompanied with high leader direction, should lead to more positive job satisfaction. 78Hersey and Blanchard, op. cit., p. 136. 46 Caution is needed with the approach of Stinson and Johnson, however, making certain the "high leader direction" element is in place, or the entire concept becomes disfunctional. Simply adding more structure to highly educated employees, without the necessary direction, would probably not add to positive job satisfaction, and might actually lead to negative reactions. Classical management research studies conducted in the private industry milieu clearly establish a relationship between the restrictive bureaucratic form of management to lower productivity and less job satisfaction and motivation, while increased maturity capability, job satisfaction, and productivity is possible when less bureaucratic control is imposed, and personnel are allowed more discretion. Critical review of McGregor's "Theory X/Theory Y" shows the model to be useful as to basic assumptions about people, but that application to organizational objectives and styles of management is not clear. Cordner observed, "Because it is really a philosophy (rather than a technique), it is not easily susceptible to research and evaluation."79 The degree of commitment of employees to organizational objectives is certainly a consideration which should be reviewed when analyzing a study of this type. The old adage, "involvement leads to commitment," is probably valid with respect to police improvement experiments. The prestigeous Police Foundation had this to say: If new ideas for improving the delivery of police services are to be developed, and if good ideas are to be spread, tthe need to build an organization capable of continuing change1 is critical.. Rank—in—file officers must, whenever possible, be involved in both 9Cordner, "A Review of Recent Deve10pments in Work Motivation," 0p. cit., p. l. 47 the planning and implementation of each project. 'Street insight' is a vital ingredient in initiating and evaluating any program. Such involvement also strengthens the ability of police agencies to manage the process of change. Unless the individual police officer regards himself, not as an outsider to the project taking place about him, but as an individual with a personal stake in the project's successful outcome, the prognosis for any experimental undertaking is poor.80 Intradepartmental Copperation: The Police Predicament One particular problem which plagues many police departments is the rivalry between the patrol force and the detective bureau. Patrol personnel are generally envious of investigators, and would themselves like to be assigned to detective operations, while at the same time harboring resentment at what they perceive is an elitist posture assumed by some investigators. Detectives, on the other hand, many times look down upon patrol personnel as being inferior in the hierarchy of the organization. An example of the typical attitude of patrol officers protecting evidence at a major crime scene upon the arrival of detectives is, "Well, we all can go back to work now. The stars are here.u81 The Task Force on Police of the President‘s Commission on Law Enforcement and the Administration of Justice many years ago identified organizational fragmentation within police departments which leads to lack of cooperation, and advocated combining detective and patrol 0Police Foundation, Experiments in Police Improvement: A Progress Report (Washington, D.C.: Police Foundation, 1972), p. 23. 81Kinnane, op. cit., p. 86. 48 functions under one supervisor, or as an alternative suggested utilization of patrol officers for investigative purposes. Warren Bennis Observed: Without interpersonal competence or a 'psychologically safe‘ environment, the organization is a breeding ground for mistrust, intergroup conflict, rigidity, and so on, which in turn lead to a decrease in organizational success in problem solving.83 While following trends in investigative services, Thomas Reppetto indicates there is a clear modern tendency to reintegrate the patrol and detective functions, and states: . . . there is a clear need for followvup capabilities at the patrol level. Whether this can be accomplished by regular uniformed officers will probably depend on the level of competence within a patrol force. Where the standard of officer quality is generally high, patrol officers are more likely to assume and to achieve success with, broader responsibilities.84 Stressing the egalitarian approach to social cohesion in the workplace, Peter Blau argues that cooperative interaction through a pattern of consultation is a major source of cohesion, but cautions, "It requires constant effort to renew the fundamental equality that makes the members of the group fully accessible to one another and permits them to become interested in one another as distinctive individuals."8S 82The President‘s Commission on Law.Enforcement and Administration of Justice, Task Force Report:. The Police (washington: Government Printing Office, 1967), p. 53. 83Warren G. Bennis, Organization Development: Its Nature, Origins and Prospects (Reading: Addison—Wesley Publishing Co., 1969), p. 13. . 84ThomasA. Reppetto, "The Uneasy Milieu of the Detective," The Ambivalent Force, Arthur Niederhoffer and Abraham S. Blumberg editors (second edition; Hinsdale, I11.: The Dryden Press, 1976), p. 135. 85Peter M. Blau, "The Dynamics of Bureaucracy," Complex Organizations, Amitai Etzioni editor (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1966), p. 347. 49 Thus, measures of cooperativeness, especially between the patrol force and investigative personnel may prove to be a significant variable in the Pontiac experiment‘s operations and job satisfaction attitudes of police patrol officers. CHAPTER 3 Research Methodology Information is needed about educational levels, age, length of service, degree of job satisfaction over time, attitudes toward specific job—related considerations, and commitment to the Directed Preventive Patrol strategy of patrol personnel of the Pontiac Police Department. Data regarding rates of reported property crimes and on—scene arrests will be compared over time to determine any changes in the rates for which the differing patrol strategy variable may have application. Correlation of different variables of age, education, field of college study, years of experience, and job satisfaction to key questions on attitudes about Dispatch Directed Preventive Patrol, as its operations are believed to affect crime prevention and on—scene arrests, needs to be explored. Comparison of patrol personnel personal characteristics and attitudes needs to be made to determine similar and/or unique features with characteristics and attitudes of police nationwide. Comparisons of similar Directed Preventive Patrol operations in other jurisdictions of the United States needs to be observed to determine differing strategy tactics, productivity rates, management practices, and process evaluation. 50 51 Observation by the researcher of onvsite procedures of the differing patrol strategies will be accomplished to reveal a more accurate "real life" process orientation of what is actually being accomplished, and what is not, as well as in securing more attitudinal information from patrol personnel through ethnographic inquiry. The research methodology is designed to obtain information in all of these respects. The "Patrol Emphasis Project" With an application dated April 27, 1976, the Pontiac Police Department requested funding of a Patrol Emphasis Project by the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration. The anticipated cost of the project was $205,092, of which $184,582 was requested federal funding. The application was approved for funding by LEAA in September, 1976. Although the one-year grant award became effective October 1, 1976, implementation of the project was not fully begun until November 6, 1976, and it was several months after that date before the entire project could be considered operational. The implementation delays were primarily caused by the need to reassign and train personnel. The Patrol Emphasis Project was very broad, with diverse components. The overall, general goal of the project was to improve the patrol function of the Pontiac Police Department. In hopes of achieving that goal, the project 1) provided for additional crime analysis, 2) encouraged information sharing among all units, but particularly between patrol and investigative officers, 3) created a court liaison position to reduce wasted police time in court, 4) provided patrol officers with crime prevention training, 5) sought to "enhance" regular patrol, 6) initiated dispatch deterrent patrol, in which regular patrol units were assigned 52 anti—crime duties, based on crime analysis, during their uncommitted time, 7) supplied the plainclothes Directed Patrol Unit with additional personnel, and 8) supplied the Department with an additional crime prevention officer for training and security survey duties. All of these project components were intended to contribute to the improvement of the patrol function, which in turn was expected to lead to decreased crime and increased arrests. In particular, the "suppressible" crimes of burglary, larceny, and auto theft were targeted; two project goals were the reduction of the incidence of these crimes by 15 percent, and the doubling of the rates of on-scene arrests for the three offenses. The following diagram depicts the various project components, along with outcomes and the organizational context of the project. The components are grouped into two categories, Support and Operational. Those components in the Support category were designed to assist other project components, whereas the Operational components were expected to directly influence the community, crime, and arrests. PROJECT SUPPORT PROJECT OPERATIONS PROJECT OUTCOMES Crime Regular Analysis Patrol Information Dispatch Arrests Coordination Patrol Court Directed Crime Liaison Patrol Suppression Crime Crime Prevention Prevention ,: A Planning Training Responsibility OrganizationaI , and.Monitoring Support Figure 3.1 Organizational Context 53 Several comments should be made about the diagram. First, crime prevention appears both as a support and as an operational component. This is because crime prevention personnel served both purposes in the project; they provided training and information for patrol officers (support) and they conducted premise surveys and performed other field preventive duties (operations). Second, the operational component called directed patrol in Pontiac is a plainclothes strategy. Officers work in areas identified by crime analysis, using tactics designed to produce on-scene arrests for targeted crimes. What is normally called directed patrol in other jurisdictions is at times referred to as dispatch deterrent patrol in Pontiac. This strategy involves assigning regular uniformed patrol officers to "runs" during their uncommitted patrol time. The runs consist of assignments to go to areas identified by crime analysis and perform tasks designed to suppress targeted crimes. The dispatch deterrent runs differ from directed patrol in Pontiac primarily by their high visibility and brief duration. The third comment on the diagram is that it accentuates the process of the project, while de-emphasizing project outcomes. Crime Analysis Crime analysis in the Pontiac Police Department is a function of the Planning and Analysis Unit, which is located in the Technical Services Division. Also in this Division are the Records Section, the Property Management Unit, the Communications Unit, and the Fleet Maintenance Unit. The Division is headed by a Captain, who reports directly to the Chief of Police. The Planning and Analysis Unit is led by a Sergeant. Also assigned to the Unit are one sworn officer, 54 a secretary, and during the project period, four cadets. In the application for funding of the Patrol Emphasis Project, the Pontiac Police Department made the following statements with regard to the present and proposed operations of the Planning and Analysis Unit: Currently, crime data is generated by Planning and Analysis; trends are plotted, methods of operation are diagnosed, and suggested counteractive measures are all provided to field units for use in directing their patrol tactics and activities. Staffing levels are carefully monitored on each platoon to insure that no field unit is more than 50 percent utilized on calls for service, which leaves the remaining 50 percent of their available patrol time for crime prevention activity. Specifically, while field unit deployment is now based on crime data and call load volumes on a 168 hour graph, this data is not as current as would be optimally desirable due to insufficient manpower. This (patrol) improvement would concentrate on scientifically—planned distribution and deployment of field resources, improved crime information 86 gathering and dissemination to field units . . . Two of the stated goals of the Patrol Emphasis Project directly involved the Planning and Analysis Unit. These project goals were: 1. Make increased and improved use of crime data, generated by the Planning and Analysis Unit, by the patrol force to effectively deploy Field units; thereby, reducing suppressible crime and increasing criminal apprehensions. 2. Harmonize the efforts of the Planning and Analysis Unit, Crime Prevention Unit, and the patrol force into one cooperative working habit, which would put available resources in a more effective position to support a wide area effort of preventing crime and apprehending criminals.87 86Pontiac Police Department, "Patrol Emphasis Project" (unpublished grant application to the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration, April 27, 1976). 55 In order to facilitate accomplishment of the project goals, the Pontiac Police Department adopted four objectives. The first of these addressed the Planning and Analysis Unit. 1. The Planning and Analysis Unit will provide timely and relevant data on current crime trends and patterns on a daily basis to all patrol forces at each platoon roll call session, in order to insure that these officers are supplied with as much information as possible prior to their going on duty. Using data supplied by the Planning and Analysis Unit, dispatched crime prevention runs will be given to available patrol units on a timely basis, much the same as a call for service.88 In terms of the allocation of project funds, the Planning and Analysis Unit was authorized to add four cadets to its staff for project- related duties. The cost for these personnel was approximately $50,496, including salaries, social security, and pension contributions. The cadets were chosen from among those already employed by the Department, and they were familiar with its operations and procedures. Newly—hired cadets filled the positions previously held by these four cadets. As noted, prior to the implementation of the Patrol Emphasis Project the Planning and Analysis Unit was already engaged in numerous activities, including crime pattern plotting, manpower allocation analysis, and tactical operational planning. The project was designed to improve the timeliness and operational utility of these activities. The primary elements of the planning and analysis process as implemented during the Patrol Emphasis Project are summarized: 88Ibid. 56 1. Daily crime data and information is manually collected, plotted, and analyzed in relation to crime trend patterns by the Sergeant and Detective assigned to the unit. Large visual acetate—covered crime trend maps of the city (broken into sectors) are updated. 2. Cadets assist with crime trend analysis under direction, and prepare updated hard—copy "hot sheets" which indicate (along with vehicle theft information and residence checks) specific locations of pattern suppressible crimes, method of entry, property stolen, and any possible suspect information. 3. Duplicated copies of the hard—copy sheets are distributed by a cadet at each of the four daily roll—call line-up sessions, and any additional verbal information or clarification is also provided. 4. Cadets, on at least a once per hour basis, present directed patrol runs to the dispatchers for assignment to an available patrol unit which is not on a call-for—service. The time of dispatch, unit assigned, location of run, target information, and disposition of the dispatch request is recorded in a dispatch—directed log. 5. Strategies and tactics are worked out in advance with the special (usually plainclothes) Directed Patrol Unit. The Planning and Analysis Unit has a more direct working relationship with Directed Patrol than with the regular patrol force. Crime trend maps were maintained and updated, "hot sheets" were kept up—to—date and disseminated to patrol officers, and crime prevention runs were prepared and given to dispatchers on a regular and timely basis. The four cadets authorized by the project were employed in these activities. Information Coordination Information is certainly an important commodity in any police organization. Most police agencies, including the Pontiac Police Department, are organized hierarchically into numerous sub—units. 57 Frequently, these sub-units come into possession of information that would be useful to other units of the agency. It cannot necessarily be assumed, however, that each sub—unit's information needs are known throughout the organization, or that information sharing and coordination is automatically accomplished. The Pontiac Police Department recognized this problem in its application for funding of the Patrol Emphasis Project, as shown by the following statement. Another problem which exists is the lack of an open communication system between patrol units and investigators to facilitate the interchange of information on crimes and criminals between these two operational divisions. Quite frequently, information is possessed by either patrolmen or detectives which would be helpful and beneficial to the other, but this information is not exchanged .because no regulated system exists to permit the dissemination of it. The net result is an inefficient and frequently needlessly ineffective approach to apprehending criminals and preventing crimes. One of the goals of the Patrol Emphasis Project reflected the problem statement just quoted. 2. Improve effective communications between the patrol and the investigative divisions; there- by enhancing the cooperative effort of these two operational units to prevent crime and apprehend criminals. The project objective for this goal called for members of the Detective, Vice, and Youth Sections to attend all patrol roll-call sessions five days a week. An additional "performance goal" identified more specifically the intended activities of this project component. 891bid. 9OIbId. 58 3. Detective Supervisors at Patrol Roll-Calls. A performance goal of having Detective Supervisors attend, for purposes of informational exchanges, all four patrol platoon roll—calls on a 5-day a week basis. As this is not currently being done at all, accomplishment of this will be an entirely new one, and should impact on the mutually shared knowledge of patrol and. investigative resources. This will convene immediately with the approval of this application, and data collection will be the responsibility of the Investigational Services Division Commander. No project funds were allocated in support of this component. The Investigational Services Division developed a schedule at the outset of the project that assigned sergeants to each of the four daily patrol roll—calls, Monday through Friday. The schedule was developed by the sergeants themselves, so that it might beat accomodate their diverse schedules. The sergeants were directed to pass on to the patrol platoons information which would assist in combating crime and criminals, i.e., wants, BOL's, suspects, and crime trends, and to solicit from the patrol officers any information that they might have regarding investigative matters. To assist in the information delivery aspect of this project component, a notebook was devised in which any investigator could place information to be passed on to patrol. Sergeants took this notebook with them to roll—calls and read recent entries to the patrol platoons. Related to the Patrol Emphasis Project, although not formally a part of the application for funding, were the operational strategy sessions held two to three times a week by the Pontiac Police Department. These sessions, attended by representatives of planning and analysis, regular patrol, directed patrol, vice, detective, crime prevention, 91Ibid. 59 and other units, were designed to facilitate information sharing and develop specific responses to crime problems. Participants were encouraged to both contribute information and to utilize what they heard. The participating group, labelled CAPTURE (Crime Analysis and Prevention Task Unit Resource Emphasis), included members of the various operational and support units whose activities were most in need of coordination. Dispatch Deterrent Patrol This operational component of the Patrol Emphasis Project was probably its most innovative and controversial. It was founded, implicitly, on the belief that patrol officers performing "directed" activities, based on crime analysis, will be more effective than if left to their own devices during the uncommitted patrol time. In the words of the Department, this "directed" approach to patrol replaced former "random" techniques, and was "proactive" rather than "reactive." Again implicitly, this directed approach to patrol was based on the findings of the Kansas City Preventive Patrol Experiment, the primary one of which was that uncommitted patrol time is an important resource available to police administrators. The experiment concluded that routine, traditional, random use of uncommitted patrol time was not productive, and recommended that other uses of that resource be considered.92 After stating its directed patrol philosophy, the Pontiac Police Department, in its application for funding of this project, identified 92Ibid. 60 a shortcoming of its patrol operation. The information that is provided (by crime analysis) is left up to the discretion of the individual officer to act on and there presently exists no system to insure the follow-up activity of the officers in the fieia.93 Addressing this problem, the Department, in addition to general proposals for increased information sharing and dissemination, stated the following project objective: Using data supplied by the Planning—Analysis Unit, dispatched crime prevention runs will be given to available patrol units on a timely basis, much the same as a call for service. The dispatched crime prevention runs are not further defined or described in the application for funding of the Patrol Emphasis Project. The costs of this project component amount to some portion of the salaries and benefits of the four cadets added to the Planning and Analysis Unit. The total cost of these positions during the project year was approximately $50,496. Although the dispatch deterrent patrol component of the project was scheduled to begin operation on November 6, 1976, implementation did not actually commence until December, 1976. The delay was primarily caused by the required transfers, scheduling, and training of the four cadets responsible for the production of the dispatch deterrent runs. Planning for Implementation The project planning was largely the product of the Pontiac Police Department‘s Administrative Assistant, under direction of the Chief of 93Ibid. 94Ibid. 61 Police, and in consultation with the command staff and officers of the Planning and Crime Analysis Unit. With the exception of the Patrol Division Captain, and perhaps a few other staff officers, patrol personnel were not involved in the initial planning of the Dispatch— Directed Deterrent Patrol aspects of the Patrol Emphasis Project, and in fact the first that many heard about the new patrol strategy was in November, 1976, upon actual implementation of the project. In September, 1976, officials of the Pontiac Police Department contacted the School of Criminal Justice at Michigan State University for assistance in conducting formal evaluation of the project. This researcher was selected for the assignment, and in October the research design, data-collecting instruments, and a pre—post questionniare were developed. Throughout the project period, faculty members and selected graduate students of the School of Criminal Justice assisted with on- going analysis of the project research. Sample A survey questionniare instrument was administered by the researcher to all available personnel who appeared for duty at beginning of shift roll-call meetings during the second week of November, 1976, at the very beginning of the project implementation. The questionniare, entitled "Police Opinion Self-Assessment,u is included as Appendix A. Although sergeants, lieutenants, and cadets also completed the questionnaire, and attitudinal information from those groupings was useful in comparing perceptions, line patrol personnel responses were extrapolated to provide comparison data for this study. The number of patrol officer respondents for the pre~inventory in 1976 was 63, and 72 62 patrol officers completed the identical post-inventory instrument, which was administered in late August and early September, 1977, ten months after project implementation. Because of leaves of absences and staggered days off, it was not possible to secure responses from the entire universe of the line patrol force. For nationwide characteristic comparison, three other police opinion studies are used: "National Sample" from Changes in Role Concepts of Police Officers, by James W. Sterling for the Research Division of the International Association of Chiefs of Police, representing patrol personnel who completed eighteen months of service from the cities of Baltimore, Cincinnati, Columbus, and Indianapolis.95 "Police and Their Opinions" from Police and Their Opinions, by Nelson A. Watson and James W. Sterling for the Research Division of the International Association of Chiefs of Police, representing a large nationwide sampling of police patrol officers.96 The comparison labeled "San Diego Sample" is taken from the San Diego Community Profile Final Report, by John E. Boydstun and Michael E. Sherry for System Development Corporation, a Police Foundation Publication.97 Characteristics and comparisons of age, education, major field of college study, and years of police experience are contained in Tables 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, and 3.4. 95James W. Sterling, loc. cit. 96Nelson A. Watson and James W. Sterling, Police and Their Opinions (Washington: International Association of Chiefs of Police, 1969). 97 Boydstun and Sherry, loc. cit. 63 Respondents: Pontiac Police Patrol Officers 1976 N= 63 Pontiac Police Patrol Officers 1977 N= 72 National Sample . . . . . . . . . . N= 113 San Diego Sample . . . . . . . . . N= 120 Police and Their Opinions . . . . . N= 2,042 Table 3.1 Age of Respondents National 1976 1977 Sample Under 25 14 (22.2%) 16 (22.2%) 25-29 26 (41.3%) 31 (43.1%) 30—34 19 (30.2%) 18 (25.0%) 35-39 3 ( 4.8%) 3 ( 4.2%) 40-44 0 2 ( 2.8%) 45-49 0 0 50-54 0 l ( 1.4%) 55-59 1 ( 1.6%) 1 ( 1.4%) Approximate Average 28 years 29 years 25.9 years The average age of the National Sample is lower than the average of Pontiac Patrol Officers because the "National Sample" respondents were initial hire recruits who were studied over their first eighteen months of service. Table 3.2 Education of Respondents National 1976 1977 Sample No HS Degree 0 0 0 HS or Equiv. 2 ( 3.2%) 2 ( 2.8%) 103 (67.8%) 1 Yr. College 3 ( 4.8%) 6 ( 8.3%) 32 (21.1%) 2 Yrs. College 11 (17.7%) 16 (22.2%) 6 ( 3.9%) 3 Yrs. College 13 (21.0%) 20 (27.8%) 5 ( 3.3%) 4 Yrs. College 23 (37.1%) 20 (27.8%) 6 ( 3.9%) 5 Yrs. College 8 (12.9%) 5 ( 6.9%) 6 Yrs. College 2 ( 3.2%) 3 ( 4.2%) Approximate Avg. Yrs. College 3.4 Yrs. 3.1 Yrs. 1.5 Yrs. W The crime and arrest rate data contained in this study was collected by the researcher and research assistant at the Planning and Crime Analysis Unit of the Pontiac Police Department on a weekly basis, largely by hand tally from daily records maintained by Planning and Crime Analysis staff who collected and recorded individual incident reports from police personnel. A sampling of dispatch directed patrol "runs" was collected from dispatch log records and records of the Planning and Crime Analysis Unit. 65 Table 3.3 Major Field of College Study 1976 1977 Law Enf/Police Ad 19 (48.7%) 17 (35.4%) Criminal Justice 10 (25.6%) 10 (20.8%) Social Science 5 (12.9%) 8 (16.7%) Liberal Arts 1 ( 2.6%) 5 (10.4%) Education 0 0 Business/Mgt 2 ( 5.1%) 4 ( 8.3%) Science/Engineering 2 ( 5.1%) 3 ( 6.3%) Other 0 1 ( 2.1%) No Response 24 24 The educational levels, years of experience, major field of college education, age, plus five specific questions about job satisfaction, problem priority questions, and general attitude questions were all taken directly from the pre— and post—inventory "Police Opinion Self- Assessment" questionnaire instrument administered by this researcher in 1976 and by the research assistant in 1977. The source of comparison nationwide responses from other studies was cited earlier in this chapter. Mest of the questions on the inventory instrument are identical to questions contained in the three referenced studies, specifically designed in this manner to provide comparison, and because the questions had already been field tested. Questions 24 and 25 of the questionnaire, inquiring about opinions of effectiveness of dispatch deterrent patrol 66 Table 3.4 Years of Police Experience 1976 1977 Less Than 1 4 ( 6.3%) 10 (13.9%) 1—3 25 (39.7%) 21 (29.2%) 4-6 17 (27.0%) 23 (31.9%) 7-10 15 (23.8%) 14 (19.4%) 11-15 1 (23.8%) 1 ( 1.4%) 16-20 0 1 ( 1.4%) 21—25 1 ( 1.6%) l ( 1.4%) 26+ 0 1 ( 1.4%) Approximate Average 4.4 yrs. 4.4 yrs. on crime prevention and on-scene arrests, were contained on only the post-inventory instrument. During a ten month period while the project was under implementation, this researcher was on-site at Pontiac a total of 78 different days, usually two days per week, averaging 63 hours per month, and a total of 627 hours of on—site observation, data collection, attending beginning of shift roll-call briefings and periodic staff meetings, and riding with patrol officers during their various shifts. This researcher rode in police patrol cars during 39 different shifts, averaging 5.3 hours each. Observation riding assignments were made by the various shift commanders on a seemingly random basis, and there was the opportunity to ride with 21 different patrol units, of 67 which 16 were single officer cars and five were double officer cars. The researcher arbitrarily picked every third single officer car assignment for extended ethnographic inquiry, resulting in four structured intensive interviews. Information about effectiveness of the Directed Preventive Patrol projects in New Haven, Milford, Branford, and Hamden, Connecticut was obtained directly from law enforcement officials from the police depart— ments of those cities during on—site visitations between February 28 to March 3, 1977. Statistical information about the South Central Connecticut projects was obtained by this researcher asking questions, and most responses were made based on available records at the four departments. Direct observation of the directed patrol processes in Connecticut was accomplished by riding with various personnel on patrol assignments. Research purposes in the social sciences may be categorized into four broad groupings: l) to gain familiarity with a phenomenon, often in order to formulate more precise research problems or to develop hypotheses, 2) to portray accurately the characteristics of a particular individual, situation, or group, 3) to determine the frequency with which something occurs or with which it is associated with something else, 4) to test a hypothesis of causal relationship between two variables. Studies related to the first purpose are generally termed "formulative" ' Studies related to the second or third purposes are or "exploratory.1 generally termed "descriptive." Studies related to the fourth purpose are termed "experimental." 98 w—n— .7 98Claire Sellitz and all, Research Methods in Social Relationp (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1966), p. 50. 68 The purposes of this study relate to both (2) and (3) above. Hence the research design is descriptive in nature. Of necessity, as an entire universe and system is involved in the study, a quasi—experimental (pre/post) design will be utilized. The "historical" approach will be used to compare rates of reported property crimes and on—scene arrests, to be compared to the periods of time immediately preceding implementation of the project. Likewise, a pre/post identical attitudinal questionnaire will be administered and analyzed to determine group changes of opinion and indications of job satisfaction over time. Using similar observation techniques as Albert J. Reiss, Jr. in his classic study, Police and the Public,99 and anthropological field techniques as advocated by William B. Sanders,100 an attempt will be made to penetrate further into actual changes or differences than ordinarily would be the case with only statistical data analysis. Observation and structured interviewing of selected officers will be largely evaluated by the researcher based on extensive prior practical experience in the criminal justice field. The intuitive evaluation, based on experience, was endorsed many years ago by the Anthropologist A.L. Kroeber, who observed: "Perhaps the most vivid and impressive general- izations have been made by frank intuition deployed on a rich body of 99Albert J. Reiss, Jr., The Police and The Public (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971). 100William B. Sanders (ed.), The Sociologist as Detective (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1974). 69 knowledge and put into skillful words."101 With respect to the structured interviews, an attempt will be made to describe the relationships between actual behavior and the more generalized description of what is supposed to occur, while uSing “situational analysis,u J. Van Velsen instructs: The ethnographer should seek . . . the opinions and interpretations of the actors and also those of other people, not in order to find out Which is the ‘right' view of the situation but rather to discover some correlation between the various attitudes and, say, the status and role of those who have those attitudes.102 Testable Hypotheses Hypothesis One, which concerns itself with job satisfaction and commitment to objectives of the organization, will be statistically tested for significance by investigation of differences in responses to five key job satisfaction questions administered from identical pre- and post—attitudinal survey questionnaires. The questions are: Are yousatisfied with your career as a police officer? Are you satisfied with your current assignment? In the last month, how satisfied were you compared to a year ago with your opportunity to do interesting and rewarding work? 101OscarLewis, uControls and Experiments in Field Work," AnthropolOgy Today, the Inventory Papers of the International Symposium on Anthropology, (Chicago:. The University of Chicago Press, 1943), p. 453. 102J. Van Velsen, "The Estend—case Method and Situational Analysis," The Craft of Social Anthropology, ed. A.L. Epstein (London: Tavistock Publications, 1967), p. 145. 70 How satisfied are you with your job as a police officer when you compare it with other jobs you had before you entered law enforcement? If you had it to do over again, and knew what you now know, would you still become a police officer? In addition, thirteen general attitude statements, which are concerned with the role of the police officer and perceptions of citizen support, will be tested for significance. Personal and departmental problem statements, with rankings and degree of concern, will be investigated statistically to determine any significant change over time. Two questions, administered only on the postvinventory, will test commitment to the organizational objectives of the differing patrol strategy as a crime prevention method, and for increasing onvscene arrests. The results from these questions will be correlated with patrol officer characteristics and responses to other instrument questions and statements. The key commitment questions are: Dvruns, based upon crime trend analysis by the Planning & Analysis Unit, are an effective crime prevention strategy. D—runs are more likely to produce onuscene arrests for property offenses than are traditional routine patrol practices. The elements of Hypothesis One will further be investigated through observation and intensive interview techniques at the research site, and subjective comparison will be made from observation at four similar directed preventive patrol programs on the East Coast. Hypothesis Two, which predicts no change in productivity rates, will be statistically tested by determining the incidence of reported property crimes of burglary, larceny, and vehicle theft in Pontiac 71 for a period of one year immediately preceding implementation of the new strategy of dispatch directed patrol, compared with similar reported crimes one year after implementation began. The incidence of on-scene arrests will be similarly computed. These are the two productivity measures which the Pontiac Police Department predicted would be improved because of the differing patrol strategy. The response by Pontiac patrol personnel to the instrument statement, "D—runs are more likely to produce on—scene arrests for property offenses than are traditional routine patrol procedures," will be reviewed subjectively. Hypothesis Three, which predicts increased cooperation between patrol officers and investigators and court personnel, is not being tested statistically. Analysis Onedway analysis of variance will be used to determine degrees of significance at the .05 level of confidence, as well as the power of the F value, for responses made on the pre- and post-attitudinal inventory, from lOO—point Likert scale statements and questions, and from problem identification selection. One statistical guide in qualitative applications of statistics in the social sciences states, "'. . . today this methodology (analysis of variance) is used in every field of science and is one of the most important statistical tools of the social sciences.u103 103Gudmund R. Iverson and Helmut Norpoth, Analysis of Variance (Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1976), p. 6. 72 The rationale for the methodology is: Analysis of variance does not attempt to measure the fit between variables. Instead, it seeks to determine the probability that a predictor variable could yield results different from simple random selection. This is, of course, the logic behind significance testing. Analysis of variance, then, starts with a variable to be predicted —- measured on an interval or ratio scale —- and one or more predictor variables grouped according to some attribute.104 Lowering of the mean scores of the key job satisfaction questions on the post—inventory, which would be statistically significant at the .05 level of confidence, would tend to support Hypothesis One. No significant difference in the pre— post-inventory scores would tend to suggest that Hypothesis One be rejected. The statistical methodology of first order correlation coefficient for raw variables will be used, utilizing Pearson's r, to investigate the relationship between patrol officer characteristics and responses to the inventory, and the two post-inventory statements which postulate that "D-runs" are effective for crime prevention and are more likely to produce on—scene arrests. For comparison purposes, and to determine statistical significance, Kendall‘s tau will be used for officer characteristics and one key job satisfaction question. The correlation coefficient is explained as: This coefficient will have a specific numerical. value for any given set of paired data. Positive values of this coefficient will correspond to ‘what we have called positive correlation, and negative correlation. Furthermore high values of the coefficient, regardless of whether they are positive or negative, Will correspond to what we have called high correlation, and low values of 104Ibid., p. 5. 73 the coefficient will correspond to what we have called low correlation.105 However, it is cautioned: Although correlation research seldom shows what factor is responsible for a relationship between two variables, it is nevertheless a valuable method of measuring these relationships.106 In general, the larger the magnitude of the correlation coefficients, the stronger the relationship between the variables. Moreover, the smaller the significance level, the stronger the probability that the relationship is not due simply to chance or coincidence. The correlation coefficient may be either positive or negative; the strength of association is measured by the absolute value of the coefficient, while the direction of the association is indicated by the positive or negative feature. For example, in the correlation between age group and the positive statement that "D-runs" are effective as a strategy for crime prevention, and the coefficient is negative, the relationship between the two variables is inverse. If the magnititude (Gamma) of the coefficient is .17, this indicates a weak—positive relationship. If the significance level is .03, the probability that the observed relationship occurred purely by chance is three percent, and within the allowable limits of our selected .05 level of confidence. By using the correlation coefficient on the key commitment questions of "Dvruns" leading to an effective crime prevention strategy and likeli- hood of producing on-scene arrests (the primary organization objectives for the project), and comparing responses with patrol officer characteristics 105Janet T. Spence and others, Elementary Statistics (New York: Appleton—Century—Crofts, 1968), p. 117. 106 Ibid., p. 116. 74 of age, education level and experience, we will be able to better determine which profile groups of officers are more likely to accept or reject objectives of the organization, at least as stated in this particular project. Complementing the statistical data when addressing Hypothesis One, the ethnographic technique of intensive interviewing of selected Pontiac patrol officers is used. Analysis of information provided by the officers about their personal job satisfaction, police career, and opinions about the dispatch directed patrol strategy, will be incorporated in discussion in Chapter Four. The rationale for intensive interviewing is stated by Paul Reynolds as, "Intersubjective theoretical concepts are still required, hypothetical (unmeasurable) concepts are allowed, and scope conditions, describing when and where the causal process will occur, are necessary."107 Comparison of information gathered, and observations made, at similar directed patrol program sites in Connecticut will add to the overall strength of the findings and conculsions. Analysis of change in productivity measures of reported crime rates in Pontiac for the property offenses of burglary, larceny, and vehicle theft will be by actual count of the universe of such reporting, compared after one year of project activity with the year immediately preceding the treatment. A mathematical plus or minus percentage change will be computed, and a comparison will be made to similar reported crimes in the United States for the year 1977 over 1976, to determine if a phenomenon exists. ‘rfir 107Paul Davidson Reynolds, A Primer in Theory Construction (Indianapolis: The Bobbs—Merrill Company, Inc., 1977), pp. 97—98. 75 Hypothesis Two will likewise be tested by actual count of on—scene arrests from one year to another, with mathematical minus or plus percentage change. On—scene larceny arrests by the Pontiac Police Department is controlled by removal of all on—scene arrest data for Sector Fourteen of the city, as it was discovered that 95 percent of said "arrests" were actually made by private security personnel at the KeMart store, which had an unswerving policy of prosecuting all shop— lifters, and officers of the Pontiac Police Department simply collected the offenders after the fact. Patrol officer responses to the two key questions relating to effectiveness of uDwruns" as a crime prevention strategy and likelihood‘ of more on—scene arrests, will be analyzed to determine any relationship to actual productivity percentage change. The degree of cooperation between patrol officers and detectives and court personnel will be determined by observation and interviews with principals involved in daily interactions during the course of the Pontiac Patrol Emphasis Program. Analysis of any change in cooperation will be by subjective evaluation of the researcher based upon information received. Summary The Pontiac Patrol Emphasis Project began in late 1976, featuring elements of a new dispatch directed patrol strategy, information sharing between patrol officers and investigative personnel on a systematic basis, and development of a Court Liaison Officer. Two project objectives were to reduce "suppressible" crimes by 15 percent, 76 and to double the rate of on-scene arrests for the offenses of burglary, larceny, and vehicle theft. Based upon crime trend analysis, police dispatchers were provided information for activation of "Dvruns" on a regular basis, and selected patrol units, which were not on calls for service, were to respond, in efforts to reduce prOperty crimes in the city and to increase the potential for intercepting crimes in progress. Detectives from the Investigational Services Division were to attend each beginning of shift patrol roll—call, to share information about particular cases. A Court Liaison Officer was to improve efficiency by notifying officers of adjourned or dismissed cases for which they had been scheduled to appear to provide testimony. An attitudinal survey questionnaire was administered to 63 patrol officers at the beginning of the project, and the same instrument (with additional questions) was administered to 72 patrol officers ten months after project implementation. Questions and statements were designed from tested inventories from two previous nationwide patrol attitude surveys and one survey which was conducted at San Diego, California. Characteristics and comparisons of age, education major field of college study, and years of police experience were determined. Five key questions directed at determining job satisfaction, two questions directed at problem identification, thirteen general attitude state— ments, and two statements about effectiveness of dispatch directed patrol for crime prevention and likelihood of more on-scene arrests were among items contained in the survey instrument. 77 This researcher conducted on—site observation and data collection for ten months in 1976 and 1977 at the Pontiac Police Department, and regularly rode with patrol units on all shifts. A visit was made to the New Haven, Connecticut area to observe four similar directed preventive patrol projects. . A quasi—experimental pre/post research design was developed to determine differences over time in reported property crimes, amount of onfscene arrests, and attitudes of police patrolmen. ' I'I‘o'f'vc One—way analysis of variance and correlation coefficient are used as statistical methods to determine degrees of significance and relation- ship between variables. The~CO5 level of confidence was selected for. ‘determining significance. Intensive interview and participant observation \Jer-J’VQ— are utilized as techniques to complement the data, and to make both objective and subjective observations for testing of the three hypotheses. CHAPTER 4 Observation and Interview Analysis The presentation of information in Chapter Four includes subjective findings of: l) The real motivation for Pontiac‘s PEP project, 2) Struc- tured intensive interviews with selected patrol personnel, 3) A comparison of similar projects in Connecticut, and 4) An "outsider‘s" impressions reflecting the researcher's observations. Project Motivation Although much emphasis was placed on the patrol division‘s involve- ment in a new strategy of dispatch—directed patrol in the approved discretionary grant application to the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration by Pontiac police officials, in fact, it appears they were motivated by more basic and practical considerations of budget needs and political pressure. Pontiac had been experiencing a general decline in the economy, and was experiencing a 29.1 percent unemployment rate in the City at the time of project application.108 This was a time of city-wide budget cutting, and requests for new local taXFbased funds for a perceived need for additional police personnel would likely have been rejected. lOBPontiac Police Department. "Patrol EmphaSiS Pr°j9Ct’" loc. cit. 78 79 Likewise, an enormous amount of overtime pay was required because of police officers being summoned to court to provide testimony, with many needless appearances because of case dismissals and other routine delays. The Federal grant of $285,582 provided a convenient method by which ten new employees could be hired by the department. The grant funds paid the salaries of four cadets assigned to the Planning and Analysis Unit, four patrol positions (including a supervisor) to the elite "Directed Patrol" plainclothes unit, a favored operation of the Chief of Police and Captain of Patrol, one position to the Preventive Services Unit for training purposes, and one new Court Liaison Officer.109 For all practical purposes, half of the new personnel were assigned to project objectives, while the other half were used to augment a favored unit which had only peripheral influence on the primary dispatch-directed patrol strategy. Secondly, a major source of embarrassment to the Mayor and the Chief of Police was the fact the FBI had publicized that Pontiac had the fourth highest crime rate for cities of 50-100,000 population range.110 This revelation was inconsistent with the "All American City" image being espoused by city politicians in efforts to attract more industry to bolster a badly bruised economy. Self—serving crime statistics were reported by the Pontiac Police Department, depending on the audience. To LEAA, which had the needed funds to dispense for worthy projects in problem areas, they reported: loglbid. 110Ibid. AHMDOI'ISI‘IH 80 . . while the overall crime index experiences in Pontiac has dropped in 1975 by 1.6 percent, several areas of suppressible crime actually increased. Robberies, larcenies and auto thefts showed an overall average increase of 5 percent, and burglaries, while showing a decrease of 3.9 percent from 1974, still numbered over 3200 for the year. In short, suppressible crime is increasing in Pontiac despite previous efforts to thwart this trend.111 To the media and the general public, however, a different picture was presented: Chief William Hanger says that with capabilities such as that, the (Planning and Analysis) unit has been a major factor in the city‘s dramatic decrease in major crimes the last two years. Those results, he says, factually destroy the myth that Pontiac is one of the top crime— infected areas in this nation. The city's overall crime rate went down 11 percent last year and 32 percent since 1973, Hanger said. Burglaries alone were cut by 26 percent last year, (Lt. Branton) Dennis says.112 The new PEP project for Pontiac presented the appearance of employing modern police strategies of proactive patrol based on crime trend analysis. This project, then, could be exhibited as evidence of the "progressiveness" of Pontiac‘s police, while at the same time providing for the hire of additional personnel with outside money, and satisfying city politicians‘ concerns about a bad crime image. Intensive Interviewing When Pontiac Police Department shift commanders assigned this researcher to various patrol units for riding—observation purposes, it was naturally assumed the dispatchers would be informed about which llllbid. 112Oakland Press, April 22, 1977, Sec. A'l: C013° 173‘ 81 car he was riding in, as "D-runs" would be faithfully dispatched to each unit with which he happened to be riding. It was further suspected the command staff was somewhat nervous about having a civilian in the patrol vehicles, and the dispatchers were probably instructed to not send a patrol car in which he was riding to a serious incident, such as an armed robbery in progress. The randomly selected officers for intensive interview were all told, at the beginning of the shift, that they would be asked some specific questions about their career, job satisfaction, and the new patrol strategy, as a research method of securing better knowledge of their true attitudes, and would be used to supplement data collected from the written attitudinal questionnaire. They were informed that no information would be revealed from the interview to any other employee of the city or the police department, but that an accounting of the interview would probably be contained in a report about the PEP project, but all identities would be camouflaged. The first hour of the intensive interview was utilized in establishing rapport, and to allow the patrolmen an opportunity to "check-out" the researcher's "credentials." " who was somewhat cautious in his responses, Except for "Officer A, it is believed that the intensively interviewed respondents expressed their true beliefs. Officer A: The first patrolman subjected to intensive interview was approximately 25 years of age, Caucasian, held a bachelor‘s degree in criminal justice, and had been employed with the Pontiac Police Department for two and one—half years. Except for part time positions while attending school, this was his first employment situation. 82 "Officer A” responded that the first he had heard about the Patrol Emphasis Program, or dispatch directed patrol, was when this researcher mentioned the new program at roll-call in November when the questionnaire attitudinal inventory was administered. When asked if it bothered him that advance information about the new strategy was not provided, he replied, ”Whatever the brass wants is okay by me, as long as I get my paycheck on time." The dispatched directed "D—runs" had only been implemented the month before, and this first interviewed respondent had been sent on only one run at the time of our discussion. He stated he was instructed to go to a two—block area adjacent to one of the housing projects and look for evidence of house burglary. He said he cruised the area for about 15 minutes, circling the blocks about four times, but detected nothing out of line. When asked his opinion about the new patrol strategy over random patrol, "Officer A" responded, "It makes sense. If that's where the burglaries are happening, that's where we should concentrate our attention." He did not believe the change in patrol would affect his job satisfaction, and was not concerned about losing any of his discretionary free time on patrol. As "Officer A" put it, "If they only send me on those runs a couple of times a week or so, that's no imposition." After about three hours into the shift, and the patrolman having responded to two routine calls for service, the dispatcher radioed a directed patrol run. The officer was simply told to check a shopping center parking lot for "auto thefts." Upon arriving at the parking lot, the officer stopped the patrol car and reviewed the list of stolen cars from the "hot sheet" given him at the beginning of shift roll—call. 83 We cruised through the lot once, and circled the block, noting nothing suspicious. He explained there was a group of teenagers in the area who were on a joyriding fad. In answering questions about his career, "Officer A" said he was well pleased with his job, but on occasion he would have bad days. He particularly detested "family beefs" and working traffic control on football game days, because of the abuse he had to contend with from citizens. But, he rationalized, "It‘s all part of the job." Officer B: Approximately age 40, Black, and having completed two years of college, "Officer B" and the researcher were already acquainted, as they had previously ridden together in a two-officer patrol unit. He is a 12-year veteran of the department, and previously was employed by a cement contractor. The patrolman indicated he had participated in five or six dispatch directed patrol runs since the beginning of the program, and added, "With you being with me today, I‘ll get some more." "Officer B" was cynical about the value of the new patrol strategy, indicating that patrol officers know where the crimes are being committed, and would routinely patrol those areas anyway. He was not particularly upset about not being part of the planning process or not receiving advance information about the Patrol Emphasis Project, and reacted, "So . . . what's new?" For the first two hours of the shift, interjected by one routine call for service, "Officer B" parked the patrol car at the top of a hill and waited for vehicles to run a stop sign at the bottom. Four moving violation citations were written at what he described as his "favorite intersection.’ Having met what he considered to be his quota 84 of traffic citations for the day, we proceeded to patrol in his assigned beat. Midway through the shift a dispatch directed run was received to cruise a four-block area and watch for indications of auto theft and larceny from autos. It was 10:00 pm., and on the first pass by the target area the patrolman observed a young man sitting in a parked car in the residential section. We circled the block, the patrol car lights were turned off, and we parked some distance away to watch for any activity. After one—half hour, and the young man still sitting in the parked car, the officer decided to check him out. Coming back to the patrol car, the officer said, "I thought we had a live one there, and it would have made a believer out of me, but he was only spying on his girlfriend." Despite his skepticism about dispatch directed patrol runs being effective as a crime prevention strategy, "Officer B" indicated he was going to conscientiously participate in the new method whenever called upon to conduct the runs. When queried about his feelings about law enforcement as a career, as well as questions about job satisfaction, "Officer B" stated he had been thinking of going into another line of work, but probably would not as he already had 12 years invested in the department's retirement plan, and stated, "Being a cop really isn't so bad, but at times I just get frustrated and want out." He elaborated by saying he wasn‘t frustrated about the department's rules, regulations, or organization practices, but rather the constant misery and trouble he encountered while doing police work. He explained, "I should have been a profession— al photographer, with people dressed up nice and smiling at me all the time. 85 Instead I have drunks puke all over me." "Officer B" responded negatively to the suggestion that dispatch directed patrol would lower his motivation or job satisfaction. He mentioned, "They're (administration) trying different stuff all the time, and I can still follow my own hunches when I want to." Officer C: Approximately 30 years of age, Caucasian, and presently attending college part—time in business administration with three years of credits completed, "Officer C" had been with the Pontiac Police Department for five years. Previous employment experience included working as a private security guard, in the "pits" at an automobile assembly plant, and working with his brother—in-law in a bookstore. "Officer C" was aware of the Kansas City Patrol Experiment, having read about it in various police magazines and newspapers, and had heard a rumor that directed preventive patrol was going to be initiated at Pontiac before the project was implemented. He was not disappointed at not being a part of the planning process for the new patrol strategy, because, "You can't run a police department by committee. It‘s just like the military." He indicated basic agreement with the strategy of dispatch directed patrol, but said it wasn't being used enough, and that more precise instructions should be contained in the "D—runs" information. "As it is," he said, "All they tell me is to go to such and such a place and look for burglars or car snatchers. Some guys," he explained, "Just tool by there, and that‘s it." No dispatch directed runs were observed during the shift during which this intensive interview occurred, as most of the shift time was needed to respond to six calls for service. 86 "Officer C" stated he was very satisfied with his career, and fully intended to stay in police work until retirement. He said, "I don't necessarily want to be on patrol all my life, and my background in business administration should help to get me into one of the offices (eventual promotion)." He indicated his belief that the new patrol strategy would have a positive effect upon motivation and job satisfaction of patrol personnel because, "It's more scientific, and is an improvement of patrol procedures, and the guys are going to feel better about themselves and their work." Officer D: Approximately 30 years of age, Caucasian, and holding a bachelor's degree in criminal justice, "Officer D" had worked for the Pontiac Police Department for eight years, entering immediately after leaving the university, and this was the first and only employment situation in which he had been involved. "Officer D" stated he was averaging two "D—runs" per week, expressing satisfaction with the new patrol strategy. His only complaint was that on two occasions the dispatcher had broken into his meal break to conduct runs, because all of the other patrol units were on calls for service. He said, "I haven't heard any bitching in the ranks about D-runs, except for one guy who bitches about everything." He also said, "I don't know if its going to do any good or not, but it's about time this outfit got into the 20th century." This patrolman was somewhat disgruntled about his job situation, in that he had been passed over for promotion to sergeant twice, and his request for transfer to the Investigational Services Division had not been acted upon. He strongly indicated he was tired of police patrol, and was seriously thinking about leaving the department. 87 When queried more about these feelings, "Officer D" explained he did not want to leave police work, as that was his career, but he was interested in becoming a chief of police of a small town somewhere in the state. He did not believe that job satisfaction or motivation would be affected by dispatch directed patrol one way or the other, as it was his belief the main motivator for officer job satisfaction on the department was salary and the opportunity to work overtime. "Some of the men are making $30,000 a year with overtime," he said. He added, "When you're making that kind of bucks, you can take a lot of hassle and 'Mickey Mouse'." As was typical with patrol units, that were observed, two different "D-runs" were dispatched to "Officer D" during this observation shift. One was to an area where there had been a rash of commercial burglaries, and another was to a four-block area surrounding the high school to check on possible theft from vehicles. Nothing unusual was detected during the runs. After the second run was completed, "Officer D" said, "You know they're trying to impress you. When we get back to the station, I'm going to have a little talk with Sydney (dispatcher). I got my quota for the week today." There was mixed reaction by the patrolmen interviewed about expected effectiveness of dispatch directed patrol, but all tended to refute the hypothesis that job satisfaction or motivation would somehow be lowered by the new patrol strategy. Indeed, there seemed to be a consensus that directed preventive patrol was a more modern crime prevention strategy, and something which was desirable for the department's image. Because of the relatively few times per week the officers were subjected to dispatched directed runs, little discretion had, in fact, been taken from them. 88 Connecticut Comparison During one week in early 1977, this researcher had the opportunity to visit four different police departments in South Central Connecticut. Directed preventive patrol projects had been in operation for over a year in New Haven, and for approximately one year in the suburbs of Milford, Branford, and Hamden. Questions were directed to planners, crime analysts, chiefs of police, and individual patrol personnel involved in the projects. Except for New Haven, the researcher rode as an observer with patrol units in Connecticut cities. New Haven: Officials at the New Haven Police Department found that prior to the implementation of their Directed Preventive Patrol project, from 40 to 50 percent of patrol time per shift was discretionary free time. The project goal was for crime deterrence and displacement of crime to other jurisdictions, and not for increased apprehension of offenders or on—scene arrests. Their concept was to provide high visibility and increase the "risk factor" for potential offenders. No formal evaluation was incorporated into the New Haven program, as the Planning Director explained, "We explored that possibility, but neither Yale University professors nor LEAA officials could give us any help. They said there were too many variables to be able to prove or disprove patrol strategy effectiveness."113 113Personal discussion of the researcher with the Planning Director of the New Haven, Connecticut Police Department, February 29, 1977. 89 Prior to project implementation all of the patrol personnel were informed about the project and the procedures to be followed in classes of 15 officers each. Planning officials admitted they had made a mistake by not having line patrol personnel involved in the project planning process frbm the very beginning, as there was initial resistance from the patrol force and dispatchers, which might have been alleviated under the "involvement leads to commitment" concept. The New Haven Police Department uses computer maps to pin—point incidence of crime within 50 feet, by neighborhood. Planning and crime analysis is done on a 28vday cycle, and an attempt is made to keep "D—runs" in hard—copy patrol notebooks for a three month period. Specific tactics are listed on each activation, and are first field-tested by planning staff. A goal of 90 percent compliance, or actual activation of "D-runs" Was exceeded after initial resistance by dispatchers. About 20 percent of each patrol shift is involved in the new patrol strategy. An average of 63 "D—runs" per day occur in the city. New Haven officials expressed satisfaction with the Directed Preventive Patrol project, believed the patrol officers became supportive of the new procedures in the second half of the initial year, and reported there were approximately 6,000 reported burglaries in 1975, and only 5,000 in 1976 when the strategy was under implementation during the entire year. Milford: In this small suburb of New Haven, a cross section of units of the Milford Police Department comprise the planning team. Shift commanders are provided gross information about the incidence of crime, geographic locations and time trends, and develop their own plans 90 for concentration of "D-runs." Hard-copy information and instructions are provided to patrol personnel, and when they are not on a call for service they are expected to conduct runs corresponding to time blocks. An average of 20 "D—runs" per day are initiated by the patrol force, with an average of from 1,200 to 1,400 runs completed during a 56—day cycle. After completing a "D—run," patrol personnel report their observations and recommendations on a "feedback sheet."’ Weekly bulletins are published, providing crime trend information to the patrol force. It is reported the majority of patrol personnel are enthusiastic about the new patrol strategy, and after two years of project implement- ation there was an observed decrease in crime in four areas of the city, but no change in one. The procedure utilized for preventive patrol in Milford is one of self-initiation by the officers, and although they have precise tactical instructions, the officers interviewed did not indicate a lowered sense of job satisfaction because of decrease in full discretion. Branford: Prior to the implementation of the Directed Preventive Patrol project at Branford, police planners found only 18 percent accountable patrol time, and because of the displacement of crime from New Haven into their community, it was decided to develop a more systematic patrol strategy. The Branford Police Department's Planning and Analysis Unit is coordinated with the Crime Prevention Division, and based upon crime trend analysis "D—run" targets are developed and field tested by an analyst. There is a re—analysis of the "D-runs" every 28 to 35 days, and new instructions are issued. 91 There is a heavy emphasis on officers retaining discretion of tactics to be used during a preventive patrol run, and foot patrol, vehicle patrol, and surveillance are all utilized. On an average, there are three 20-minute "D-runs" activated for most two-hour blocks of time, amounting to about 36 activations per day. It was reported the burglary rate had not decreased much from 1976 over 1974, however, for unknown reasons the burglary clearance rates had improved from 54 percent to 75 percent during the project period. Patrol officers interviewed expressed satisfaction with the existing patrol strategy, and because of the detailed instructions believed it helped them better structure their time on routine random patrol. Hamden: Before the Directed Preventive Patrol project was implemented there was a very noticeable increase in crime in Hamden, believed to be caused by the displacement factor from New Haven. Hamden's project design was the most similar to that of Pontiac, in that "D-runs" were activated by dispatchers, based on tactics and locations developed by crime analysts. To confuse those monitoring the police radio calls, dispatchers would often send out phony directives to "phantom cars." General and special crime trends are discussed first at the beginning of shift roll—call formations, and on occasion additional patrol vehicles are added to the shift to provide more concentrated visibility. Although no concrete data about crime and arrest comparison was readily available at the time of this visit, it was reported that 92 crime appeared to be decreasing in the project period, and on—scene arrests increased dramatically from almost none to almost nightly. From interviews conducted with three patrol officers, it was obvious they were well-satisfied with their jobs and with the new patrol strategy. This researcher rode for a portion of one shift with a patrolman who was dispatched a "D-run" to check a particular area for incidence of residential burglary. Part of the run was by driving the vehicle, without lights, slowly past the area. The vehicle was then parked, and we proceeded on foot for a two-block stretch in an alley behind the dwellings. Nothing unusual was detected, but the officer mentioned that I two nights earlier on that same "D-run,' a prowler had been chased by the assigned officer. An Outsider's Impressions From the very beginning of the Pontiac PEP project, it was obvious that research and evaluation of the project was being tolerated because of LEAA discretionary grant requirements for an outside evaluation com— ponent. Despite having evaluation forced upon them, officials of the Pontiac Police Department were most cooperative with this researcher, often going beyond what was requested and needed. This ingratiating behavior of the command staff toward the researcher was interpreted as their attempt to present a picture of total cooper- ation to possibly lessen or prevent disparaging information about them, their PEP project, or the department's operations in reports or potential comments to city politicians or the media. The command staff was 93 particularly sensitive to any negative findings about their operations, and it appeared much time and effort was expended in their trying to present the best possible image at all times, to the exclusion of admitting that any problems existed. Not only were operational staff and line personnel not involved in the pre-project planning for the PEP project, they were not even informed of its existence until the very day the project was actually implemented. During the first month of operation, it became necessary for this researcher to explain the project rationale and its elements to virtually every police patrol officer encountered. The style of management utilized by the Chief of Police and carried forth by his command staff subordinates, was more closely akin to Douglas McGregor's "Theory X" organizational structure of a traditional bureaucratic form, than to McGregor's "Theory Y" personal integrative style. The methods by which personnel were incorporated into the operations of the PEP project seemed to be that they were, ". . . coerced, controlled, directed, (and) threatened with punishment to get them to put forth adequate effort toward the achievement of organizational objectives.u114 j v llaHerzberg, 10c. cit. CHAPTER 5 Presentation and Analysis of Data The data and observations pertinent to the acceptance or rejection of the hypotheses enumerated in Chapters Three and Four are presented in Chapter Five. The presentation of the data in Chapter Five follows a format of: 1) Statement of a research hypothesis, 2) Following the statement of each hypothesis, presentation and interpretation of the applicable data and information, 3) Following the presentation of each hypothesis and summary section with commentary regarding the acceptance or rejection of the research hypothesis. Hypothesis One Hypothesis One is: Under dispatch—directed preventive patrol operations, patrol officers will experience a decrease in sense of personal job satisfaction and commitment to objectives of the organiz- ation. Attitudinal Inventory Five key survey instrument attitudinal questions were asked pertain— ing to job satisfaction. As shown in Table 5.1, there were no signifia cant differences to any of the key questions by the Pontiac officers over time, and mean scores and percentage rates are comparable to the National and San Diego Samples. 94 95 Table 5.1 Patrol Officers Job Satisfaction San Diego 1975 1977 F Sig. Sample Are you satisfied with your career as a police Officer? (0=Not at all to 100=Very much) 81.3 81.6 .0087 (.93) 75.0 Are you satisfied with your current assignment? (0=Not at all to 100= Very much) 75.4 74.4 .0569 (.81) 67.0 In the last month, how satisfied were you compared to a year ago with your Opportunity to do interesting and reward— ing work? (0=Much less satisfied to 100=Much more satisfied) 62.0 62.9 .0408 (.84) 60.0 National 1976 1977_ Sample How satisfied are you with your job as a police officer when you compare it with other jobs you had before F=.0209 Significance=(.89) you entered law enforcement? Percentages Very well satisfied 57.0 73.3 74.3 Fairly well satisfied 38.0 20.0 20.4 Undecided 2.0 3.3 3.5 Fairly dissatisfied 2.0 3.3 1.8 Very dissatisfied 0.0 0.0 0.0 If you had it to do over again, and knew what you now = . . . _ know, would you still become F '0653 Significance—(.80) a police officer? Definitely yes 52.0 64.4 80.5 Probably yes 33.0 24.4 15.9 Undecided 7.0 4.4 2.7 Probably no 2.0 3.3 0.0 Definitely no 5.0 ' 3.3 0.0 96 Compared with other jobs they had prior to entering law enforcement, 95 percent of the Pontiac patrol respondents indicated they were satis— fied with their jobs in 1976, and ten months after the dispatch directed preventive patrol program was initiated, 93.3 percent indicated job satisfaction. In 1976, 85 percent of the respondents indicated they were content with their choice of a police career, and in 1977 the content factor was slightly increased to 88.8 percent. Correlating instrument questions three, "In the last month, how satisfied were you compared to a year ago with your opportunity to do interesting and rewarding work," and 24, "'D—runs', based upon crime trend analysis by the Planning and Analysis Unit, are an effective " there is found to be a strong positive crime prevention strategy, relationship. Those who are more satisfied as compared with last year are more inclined to regard the dispatch runs as effective crime prevention strategy. The correlation is illustrated in Table 5.2. Although no causal relationships are proven between the two variables in Table 5.2, it does tend to indicate that many well- satisfied patrol officers are committed to the goals and objectives of the organization. Correlation of question 24 to level of higher education is inconclusive in that those with the least and most educa— tion showed the smallest regard for the dispatched runs.as crime prevention strategy, and there was a weak gamma coefficient as is shown in Table 5.3. Further, as is noted in Table 5.4, the level of statistical significance is outside the acceptable limit of .05 level of confidence, thus the difference is not regarded as real or significant. 97 Table 5.2 Correlation of Q24 By Q3 D—Runs Effective Crime Prevention Strategy/Job Satisfaction Over Last Year Response to Q3 Response to Q24 0-25 26—50 51—75 76-100 0-25 3 8 2 8 (42.0%) (33.3%) (14.3%) (29.6%) 26-50 4 8 5 7 (57.1%) (33.3%) (35.7%) (25.9%) 51—75 0 7 5 3 — (29.2%) (35.7%) (11.1%) 76—100 0 l 2 9 — ( 4.2%) (14.3%) (33.3%) Rough Means 27.3 39.0 50.5 50.0 Gamma = .28 Therefore, relating to question 24, the older the patrol officer, the less likely he will regard the dispatched runs as effective for crime prevention. Those with the least and the most education showed the smallest regard for the dispatched runs as crime prevention strategy. The evaluation of the dispatched runs as crime prevention is highest for the least police related major group. The longer the patrol officer has been in police work, the less likely he is to regard the dispatch runs as effective crime prevention strategy. 98 Table 5.3 Correlation of Q24 D—Runs Effective Crime Prevention Strategy By Amount of Education Amount of Education Response Less Than 2 Yrs. 3 Yrs. 4 Yrs.+ to Q24 1 Yr C011 C011 C011 C011 0—25 5 4 3 9 (62.5%) (25.0%) (15.0% (32.1%) 26—50 3 4 10 7 (37.5%) (25.0%) (50.0%) (25.0%) 51—75 ,0 3 3 9 — (18.8%) (15.0%) (32.1%) 76-100 0 5 4 3 — (31.3%) (20.0%) (10.7%) Rough Means 22.4 52.1 48.0 43.4 Gamma = .09 Departmental problem—oriented concerns relating to the hypothesis changed somewhat related to management practices. "Lack of clear cut I policies" and "Reliance on old fashioned methods,' were of lower concern in 1977, as is shown in Table 5.5. In 1976, prior to the new experimental patrol strategy, the number one expressed personal problem of patrol personnel was not having enough The underlying theories, by which the hypothesis freedom of judgment. is based, advocates giving personnel more discretion toward achieving 99 Table 5.4 First Order Correlation Coefficients for Recorded Variables Kendall's tau (significance levels in parentheses) Q24a QEEE Age Group -.18 (.04)* «.26 (.01)* Education .07 (.26) .ll (.14) Field of College Study .11 (.20) .25 (.02)* Years of Police Experience «.18 (.04)* —.32 (.00)* Satisfaction vs. Last Year .21 (.02)* .20 (.02)* Pearson's Gamma Age Group -,25 -,37 Education .09 .16 Field of College Study .14 .34 Years of Police Experience -,24 -,45 Satisfaction vs. Last Year .28 .29 aQ24 = Dispatch directed patrol runs, based upon crime trend analysis . by the Pontiac Police Planning and Analysis Unit, is an effective crime prevention strategy. bQ25 3 There is an overall higher degree of likelihood that on-scene arrests for prOperty offenses will occur with a strategy of dispatch—directed patrol runs in marked cars, over the traditional discretionary procedures used during free patrol time. *Statistically significant difference at the .05 level of confidence. 100 more job satisfaction. The response to personal problem identification in 1977 on the freedom of judgment concern ranked only fifth, and was selected as the most important problem by only twelve percent of the respondents. Table 5.6 provides comparison for the two years, rank orders, and a national sample comparison. The combination of problem identification change on the departmental and personal problem inventory suggests that Pontiac police patrol personnel were more accepting of new organizational practices and were being given more discretion, or that additional paperwork responsibilities and political factors were of such overpowering concern, at the time the post-inventory was administered, that those two concerns captured first place on the problem lists. Table 5.7 is a listing of general attitudinal statements, with comparison scores from 1976 to 1977 and with National and San Diego Samples. There are no significant differences in responses by Pontiac patrol personnel over time for any of the statements, which tend to be associated with the hypothesis, except for an increased agreement by the respondents to the statement: "An officer's efficiency record should take into account the number of arrests he makes or the tickets he issues." However, even that change was not statistically significant, falling outside the .05 acceptable range. In early 1977, a new productivity measuring form was developed by the Pontiac Police Department containing a controversial entry for number of traffic tickets issued. It is believed the officers were conditioned to the new productivity measuring device and were not as repulsed with the idea as was indicated in 1976. 101 Table 5.5 Perceived Departmental Problemsa National 1976(N=59) 1977(N=64) Sample(N=1l3) Rank % Rank % Rank % Political interference in the operation of 1 25.0 1 32.8 2 15.8 the department. Lack of clear cut policies. 2 23.7 2 17.2 5 5.2 Reliance on old fashioned methods and 3 13.6 7 3.1 7 4.8 decisions. Lack of manpower; inability to recruit. 4 10°2 3 14'1 1 "4'3 Lack of understanding and support by 5 10.2 4 12.5 3 13.5 citizens. Inadequate 6 6.8 5 12.5 6 5.0 training. Inadequate equipment and facilities. 7 6 8 6 7'8 4 6 0 Lack of modern technological 8 3.4 8 0.0 8 2.2 advances. (other) 3.2 aQ22 = What is the most important problem your department faces? % refers to numbers of subjects responding that the item is the most significant job—related problem divided by the number of respondents X 100. Rank refers to the order of each item in terms of the percentage, with a rank of l signifying the highest percentage. 102 Table 5.6 Perceived Personal Job-Related Problemsa Police and . Their Opin— 1976(N=60) 1977(N=67) ions(N=2,042) Rank % Rank % Rank % Not enough freedom of judgment"t°° "any 1 30.0 5 11.9 3 14.4 orders, rules, and regulations. Too much paperwork. 2 18.3 1 28.4 2 20.6 N°t en°ugh Chance 3 16.7 3 16.4 1 27.2 for advancement. Many officers don't know what they are 4 15.0 2 20.9 4 12.3 doing. IneffeC'ive SUPer‘ 5 10.0 4 13.4 5 10.5 vision. Boredom. 6 5.0 7 3.0 7 3.0 Physical danger—- brutality against 7 5.0 6 6.0 6 8.8 the police. (other) 3.2 aQ23 = What is the most important problem you face on the job? % refers to numbers of subjects responding that the item is the most significant job-related problem divided by the number of respondents X 100. Rank refers to the order of each item in terms of the percentage, with a rank of 1 signifying the highest percentage. 103 w.qm mamamm Hmooaumz o.mm 0.05 m.mm m.qm o.m¢ N.mm mamamm owmaa sum Amm.v 3m; SN; Amm.v 3w; «Aoo.v Aso.v Anm.v SN; qwmm omao. mmmq. Hm~¢.H ommo. Como. ~m~n.m «aha. Nqoo. moaH.H ¢.mm o.¢m m.oh m.mo o.mm n.n~ m.mn 0.0m ¢.qc n.mo m.om 0.0m m.on H.m¢ w.om m.om w.~m e.m¢ hnmfi onaa A368,. 82: m Ammuww hawoouumlooa ou mouwomwv hawoouumlov .moomwvono wowoowummsvoa umoammo wowpomaaoo was mm>Hw 053 one ma omaouaaoa coow any Ammumm %Hmoouumuooa ou mmuwmmac mamoouumlov .mcaon amass zoaamu o no can» nonumu huoownuwa Hmuomaoum>om «no ca moo Hwaomumaaa am am cmaooaaom m com: xooa oaaomm xomz Ammuww %chouumuooa ou mmuwmmwv xawoouumlov .muaooaaoo onu aouw mooao nausea owns anamowaom «no mass Hammamw m m< Ammuwm zdwoouumlooa ou oouwwmfiv %chouumnov .mwamso Hmfioom saws mafiaou mo ownu on panonm huwfioom ow mHou m.:maoouaom 0:8 Amouwm mawoouum nooa ou mouwmmfiv mawoouumnov .uounwam wano a mo umSu on vasonm auowoom a“ oHou m.:mamowaom one Amouwo hawoouumlooa ou mouwomap mawcouumlov .vmcomaumvoa ma Houumm AudeHmoxmuooa ou noon huo>uov «moaaoa mofi>own mono Houuwa uso> mo muomvammu Joana 50% on uuomaom no one» owns Amouwo hamoouumlooa ou commando hamoouumloV .ooamowaoa uooammw no: on noun Houuwn woo» ca oaaooa umoz AmmoaaoZIov .m>ummno hmnu mmafiuo uuommu mono Houuwa woo» ow momuauao ho>usm opouauu< Hausaou n.n manna 104 o.Hn q.Hn mamawm Hwoofiumz CCTV Aqw.v SH; SH; am mwNN.N ammo. mNHo.N wnHw.N q.Hm m.mm H.wq m.mo unma w.m¢ w.oo m.mm m.Ho whoa .mocmofiwooo wo Hm>mH mo. um osmoHMfiowfim haamofiumfiumwwk Amouwm mawoouumuooa on mouwmmfiv mamoowumuov .uH monomow owns oofifioa .mxoon man no ma Boa m mm wooa m< Amouwm hawoouumuooa ou mouwmmwc mawaouumro .mefiuo wofiosomu Ga ommsm nonuwwm on oasos 03 .pouufiaaoo soon was oawuo m.mmmmm.oowumwfiumo>afi ouow op keno mm ooHuom>mua mafiuo coda uuomum 3098 no use onHoa NH Amouwm hawoouumnooa ou mmnwmmwp mawoouumnov .mosmmH m: muoxowu mnu no mmxma m: mumouum no “means may uaoooom ouaH oxwu vasonm ouoomn zoooHonwm m.umoamuo c< Ammuwm mawoouumuooa ou mmuwmmwp hawcouumnov .oCOp no“ mnu new ou mouoomuoua wofiumummo pumpcwum Bonn uummmv ou oms3 mBoox 0:3 0:0 mm umofiwmo umon may :vomv—UCOUV New wflfiwfi: 105 The respondents expressed a stronger belief in 1977 that "Patrol is undermanned," which did prove to be statistically significant. This change can probably be attributed to an appearance of more patrol activity because of the dispatched directed patrol runs, when in fact there was no appreciable change in patrol manpower, calls for service, or reported crime during the period. An investigation was made of the relationship between the general attitudes of Pontiac patrol personnel who believe that dispatch directed preventive patrol is an effective crime prevention strategy, and stat— istical correlation is contained in Tables 5.4 and 5.8. Using a significance level allowance of .05 allows us to make the following observations: In descending order of the strength of the relationships, those patrol officers who believe that the patrol runs are an effective crime prevention strategy tend: a. to believe more strongly that the police are supported by the residents of their patrol areas b. to believe more strongly that a good policeman is one who gives his commanding officer unquestioning obedience c. to believe more strongly that people in their patrol areas respect policemen d. to have less police experience e. to believe more strongly that as long as a law is on the books, the police must enforce it f. to believe more strongly that the policeman's role is not that of a crime fighter 106 Table 5.8 Correlation of General, Prevention, And On-Scene Arrest Attitudes Code: first number - correlation coefficient number in parentheses - significance level First Order Correlation Coefficients for Raw Variables 0248 stb Citizens in your patrol area .25 (.03)* .25 (.04)* report crimes they observe. Most people in your patrol v.28 (.02)* —.16 (18) area do not respect policemen. The police are supported by .35 (.00)* .30 (.01)* the residents of your patrol area. Patrol is undermanned. .07 (.55) .00 (.97) The policeman's role in society -.25 (.03)* —.19 (.12) should be that of a crime fighter. The policeman's role in society .24 (.05)* .36 (.00)* should be that of coping with social change. As a general rule the policeman .23 (.05)* .25 (.03)* must remain aloof from the community. Many people look upon a policeman -.ll (.36) —.18 (.14) as an impersonal cog in the governmental machinery rather than as a fellow human being. The good policeman is one who .34 (.00)* .29 (.01)* gives the commanding officer unquestioning obedience. The best officer is one who knows .06 (.64) .01 (.92) when to depart from standard operating procedures in order to get the job done. An officer's efficiency record .16 (.19) .16 (.18) should take into account the number of arrests he makes or the tickets he issues. 107 "Table 5.8 (cont'd.)." 024a stb If police put as much effort .17 (.14) .33 (.00)* into crime prevention as they do into investigation after a crime has been committed, we would be farther ahead in reducing crime. As long as a law is on the .26 (.03)* .27 (.02)* books, police must enforce it. aQ24 - Dispatch directed patrol runs, based upon crime trend analysis by the Pontiac Police Planning and Analysis Unit, is an effective crime prevention strategy. bQ25 = There is an overall higher degree of likelihood that on—scene arrests for property offenses will occur with a.strategy of dispatch-directed patrol runs in marked cars, over the traditional discretionary procedures used during free patrol time. *Statistically significant difference at the .05 level of confidence. g. to believe more strongly that citizens in their patrol areas report observed crimes h. to be younger i. to believe more strongly that the policeman's role is that of coping with social change j. to be more satisfied with their opportunities to do interesting and rewarding work, as compared with last year, and k. to believe more strongly that policemen should remain aloof from the community. 108 To summarize, there were no significant differences to five key job satisfaction related questions by the Pontiac Police patrol personnel respondents from 1976, at the very beginning of the dispatch directed preventive patrol strategy, to 1977 after 10 months of implementation. Indeed, compared with the "San Diego Sample," Pontiac patrol officers expressed more satisfaction with their careers and the opportunity to accomplish interesting and rewarding work. By correlation of job satisfaction and acceptance of "D—runs" as an effective crime prevention strategy, those officers indicating more satisfaction over the previous year also believed more strongly that the strategy was effective. Correlation of education level to strategy acceptance was inconclusive, however, the officers with the most education tended to reject "D—runs" as being effective for crime prevention. Likewise, older officers, and those with more experience, did not generally believe the patrol strategy was effective. The ranking of perceived departmental problems changed greatly in 1977 over 1976. The management concerns of reliance on old-fashioned methods and decisions and lack of clear-cut policies were relegated to lower order rankings in 1977, suggesting less concern about those two topics. In a before-and-after comparison of the key discretion statement on the perceived personal job-related problem inventory, "Not enough " there freedom of judgment —— too many orders, rules, and regulations, was a steep drop of the mean percentage of patrol officers selecting this topic as the most important problem in 1977. This suggests the Pontiac officers believed they were given more discretion during the project period. 109 The general attitudinal survey topics do not translate well to the hypothesis, but are pertinent personnel considerations when matching particular patrol officer characteristics to job satisfaction and acceptance of the directed preventive patrol strategy. This has implication for officer selection, and might be utilized in a ”split- force" strategy, by which younger officers with mid—level higher education, and who are easily regimented, would be assigned to the specialized patrol function, and the older, more (or less) educated officers would be assigned to traditional random patrol. Therefore, by all indications of comparison of attitudes over time, along with subjective observation and interview evaluation, Hypothesis One must be rejected. Hypothesis Two Hypothesis Two is: There will be no significant differences in productivity measures during the experimental period than during an equal period of time immediately preceding the treatment. Two of the Pontiac Patrol Emphasis Project goals were to reduce the amount of reported property crimes, and to increase on—scene arrests for property crimes. As is shown on Table 5.9, there was a combined slight reduction in reported burglary, auto theft, and larceny after the first year of project activity, but there was also a higher percentage reduction of on—scene arrests for the same period for the same class of offenses. 110 Table 5.9 Reported Crime and On—Scene Arrests Reported Crime 1975—76 1976—77 Change Burglary 2,598 2,570 -l.l% Auto Theft 578 569 —1.6% Larceny 4,363 3,981 —8.8% COMBINED 7,439 7,120 —5.6% On—Scene Arrests Burglary 124 103 —16.9% Auto Theft 13 15 +15.4% Larceny* 133 117 —12.0% COMBINED* 270 235 -l3.0% *Does not include Sector 14 larceny on-scene arrests, as it was discovered an inordinate number of on-scene arrests at one address —- apprehensions made by private security personnel at the K—Mart store, which had a strict policy about prosecuting all shoplifters. There was a 3.8 percent reduction nationwide in property crimes 115 known to police in 1977 as compared to 1976. If we subtract that nationwide percentage reduction from the reported 5.6 percent Pontiac 115U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of.Justice Statistics: Sourcebook of Criminal Justice Statistic3v«l981 (Albany:_ Criminal Justice Research Center, 1982), p. 293. 111 reduction, a more true reduction of 1.8 percent for property crimes in Pontiac is presented, and this is not a significant change from 1976 to 1977. If we consider that burglary and auto thefts are probably more "suppressible" than larceny, there is a stronger argument for stating there was no appreciable change in prevention of property crimes. It had been projected that more on—scene arrests would be accomplish— ed because of Pontiac's dispatch directed patrol program, and in fact the total number of on—scene arrests in 1977 was lower than in 1976. This can be partially explained by the probability there were fewer property crimes committed in 1977, and therefore less Opportunity for on-scene arrests, and with the total numbers being quite low for on-scene arrests, the ratio would cause the statistics to be somewhat closer between 1976 and 1977. From Table 5.8, correlation of.patrol officer characteristics and attitudes, in descending order of the strength of the relationships, those patrol officers who believe that the directed patrol runs are more likely than random routine patrol to produce on-scene arrests tend: a. to believe more strongly that the policeman's role is that of coping with social change b. to believe more strongly that if the police put as much effort into crime prevention as they do into investigation after a crime has been committed, crime reduction would improve c. to believe more strongly that the police are supported by the residents of their patrol area d. to have less police experience 112 e. to believe more strongly that a good policeman is one who gives his commanding officer unquestioning obedience f. to be younger g. to believe more strongly that as long as a law is on the books, the police must enforce it h. to believe more strongly that policemen should remain aloof from the community, and i. to believe more strongly that citizens in their patrol areas report observed crimes. Opinions elicited from the intensive interviews with the Pontiac patrolmen indicated mixed attitudes, from skepticism to neutral to positive, about the potential of dispatch directed preventive patrol causing on-scene arrests in greater numbers than routine random patrol, much the same as responses to the attitudinal inventory questionnaire. Observation and information gathering at the directed patrol sites in Connecticut proved also to be inconclusive about the patrol strategy causing more on-scene arrests, with two departments not having such data, one indicating a strong increase, and one department's spokesman stating his belief there was no difference in the rates. The attitudes of Pontiac patrol officers about the effectiveness of dispatch directed patrol as a crime prevention strategy, and the likelihood that the patrol strategy is effective in producing on—scene arrests, are inconclusive. The majority of the respondents disagreed with the positively worded statements, as are reflected in Table 5.10. 113 Table 5.10 Patrol Perception of "D—Run" Effectiveness __ 1977 X (0—100 Scale) D-runs, based upon crime trend analysis by the Planning and Analysis Unit, are an effective crime prevention strategy. (0=Strongly disagree to 100=Strongly agree). 45.2 D—runs are more likely to produce on— scene arrests for property offenses than are traditional routine patrol 41.7 practices. (0=Strongly disagree to 100=Strong1y agree). In summary, data about reported property crimes in Pontiac, which was collected for a one—year period immediately before implementation of the Patrol Emphasis Project, compared with reported property crimes for the first year of the project, shows an insignificant percentage change, especially when factoring-in the overall nationwide reduction of similar known crimes from 1977 over 1976. On—Scene arrests did not increase because of the new patrol strategy, as the project planners had expected, but in fact decreased in 1977 over 1976. Part of the decrease was because of probable decrease in opportunity due to lower incidence of property crimes being committed in 1977. After ten months of experience with the dispatch direCted patrol approach, the patrol officers themselves generally rejected the notion the strategy was an effective crime prevention method, or that directed preventive patrol was more likely to produce on—scene arrests than routine random patrol. 114 There were inconclusive opinions about increased on-scene arrests resulting from the directed preventive patrol, from Pontiac officers interviewed, as well as from information obtained at similar comparison project sites. There was, however, general acceptance of the concept that directed preventive patrol was an effective strategy to prevent crime by officials of the Connecticut comparison projects. Based upon the productivity measures of reported property crimes and on-scene arrests at Pontiac, along with the subjective opinions of Pontiac patrol personnel, Hypothesis Two is accepted. Hypothesis Three Hypothesis Three is: There will be increased cooperation between patrol officers and detective personnel and the courts during the experimental period. This hypothesis must be subjectively treated, based upon observa- tion and interviews. The Pontiac Patrol Emphasis Project performance goal of having an Investigational Services Division sergeant attend each of the four daily patrol roll—calls, Monday through Friday, was not completely attained. The exact percentage of roll—calls that were attended by Investigational sergeants is not known, as records were not kept by the Division nor by the Department. Observations by the researchers suggest that the sergeants attended more than half, but not all, of the weekday roll—calls. This finding is somewhat mitigated by a substitute practice that developed during the project year. The project—funded cadets, as a 115 supplement to the "hot sheets" they prepared and regularly updated, produced "suspect sheets" based on information from the Investigational Services notebook. These suspect sheets were periodically distributed and/or read at patrol rollecalls. The quality and usefulness of the roll—call informational exchange is, of course, difficult to assess. Patrol officers interviewed were generally pleased with the practice. Instances were observed by the researchers where patrol officers at roll—calls provided information about residences, hangouts, and known associates of wanted or suspected offenders to the detectives. The symbolic or attitudinal value, in terms of reducing patrol/detective competition and conflict, is believed to be significant. There are limitations on the amount of information which can be shared, and on the problem—solving capacity of information in police organizations. A researcher of policing methods commented as follows on information and police work: Improved technology of information—gathering and storage will not 'solve' or substantially reduce information organization and application problems. The technological capacities of a police department in the area of intelligence systematization are severely limited by the after-thenfact nature of the information, the generality of the information received, the ways in which information is processed by individual officers, and ways in which it is recorded and organized within the police organization. From interviews and general discussions with Pontiac patrol personnel, it was determined there was a higher degree of cooperation between the patrol and investigational forces. The patrol officers seemed to appreci— ate receiving inside information about difficult cases, and often would 116Manning, op. cit., p. 268. 116 reciprocate with suggestions or information to the representatives of the Investigational Services at roll—call meetings. Prior to the new procedure, this informal exchange did not exist. Often, while this researcher was on observation-riding with patrol officers, they would discuss perplexing cases being worked on by the detectives, and many times it was noted that patrol officers would personally seek out individual detectives to provide them leads from incidents occurring, or information obtained, during patrol shifts. The direct efforts of the new project element Court Liaison Officer were precisely measured during one two—week period of the project year. During this sample period, the Court Liaison Officer was able to notify nine on—duty and 38 off-duty police personnel that their appearances in court would not be required as scheduled. Projected over a one-year period, which is admittedly a questionable technique, this level of performance would represent an approximate minimum savings of $30,488.24 in court overtime costs, plus the avoidance of 234 unnecessary court appearances by on—duty personnel. It is also appropriate to note the reactions of interested parties to the Court Liaison Officer's activities. With respect to the potential for savings of court overtime costs, one officer told this researcher that in the previous year he had received $6,000 for overtime court appearances, of which about one/half was for cases which had been adjourned. Also, personnel of the county prosecutor's office stated the Court Liaison program was operating quite well from their perspec- tive, as officers were better prepared for court than previously, and they attributed the improvement to the case monitoring activities of the Court Liaison Officer. 117 Taken together, the available evidence points to the success of this component of the Patrol Emphasis Project. Some substantial monetary savings seems to be attributable to the activities of the Court Liaison Officer, a significant number of on—duty personnel have avoided unnecessary court appearances, and the timely appearance of needed police personnel in court has been more effectively assured. From discussions with Pontiac police patrol personnel well into the project year, this researcher determined there was a general feeling of content with the court liaison project element, and as one officer summed it up, "I seem to be getting along better now with the prosecutors and judges than before." In summary, information sharing by detectives at patrol beginning of shift roll—call was well received, and more cooperation was exhibited than existed previously. Likewise the patrol personnel appeared to accept the court liaison project element, in that it tended to alleviate the annoyance of officers appearing at court for adjourned or dismissed cases, even though the heading—off of unnecessary court appearances would probably result in decreased overtime earnings for them. Further, there was an observed sense of c00peration between court officials and patrol personnel because of the more efficient handling of court appearw ances by police officers. Because of these factors, albeit subjective in nature, Hypothesis Three is accepted. CHAPTER 6 Summary and Conclusions Summary The Pontiac, Michigan Police Department implemented a dispatch directed preventive patrol strategy to its operations in late 1976, in efforts to try to reduce the incidence of property crimes of burglary,fl larceny, and motor vehicle theft in the city, while concurrently increas— ing on—scene arrests. Simultaneously, new program elements of investi— gative staff providing information to patrol personnel at roll-call sessions, and initiation of a court liaison system to improve efficiency, were initiated. Need for the Study Based largely upon experiments conducted in Kansas City, Missouri in the early 19708, which indicated that traditional random patrol was not an effective method, several cities began experimenting with differ- ing patrol strategies. Directed preventive patrol was developed by utilizing crime trend analysis information to determine patterns of crime by type, time, geography, and method of operation, and to direct patrol units from random patrol to specific locations for specific high visibility tactics, in efforts to prevent crimes and to provide more opportunity to intercept crimes in progress. During the 19703, there was also increasing emphasis on an expressed need for higher education for police personnel, and the Pontiac police 118 119 personnel, as a group, are among the highest educated officers in the United States. It was generally believed that higher education of police officers would lead to more professionalism in law enforcement. Purpose of the Study The primary purposes of this study are to measure the attitudes of Pontiac Police patrol personnel relative to their job satisfaction, commitment to organizational objectives contained in the dispatch directed preventive patrol project, and to investigate whether or not characteristics of education, age, and length of experience have a bearing upon commitment to the objectives. The study also measures changes in the productivity rates of reported property crimes and on- scene arrests from the very beginning of the Pontiac "Patrol Emphasis Project," to a period one year later, compared with rates from the year preceding the project, when only traditional random patrol was utilized. Hypotheses Statements Three hypotheses, based largely upon management theory, were constructed as follows: Hypothesis Onez. Under dispatch directed preventive patrol Operations, patrol officers will experience a decrease in sense of personal job satisfaction and commitment to objectives of the organization. Hypothesis Two: There will be no significant differences in productivity measures during the experimental period than during an equal period Of time immediately preceding the treatment. Hypothesis Three: There will be increased cooperation between patrol officers and detective personnel and the courts during the experimental period. 120 Study Relevance This is one of the first known research studies which specifically investigates the impact of the directed preventive patrol strategy upon job satisfaction and commitment of police patrol officers. An assumption was made that taking away discretion during free time patrol, and replac- ing a portion of it with specific directives, would lead to lower job satisfaction in the ranks of the Pontiac Police patrol force. Literature Review Review of the literature reveals writings questioning the effect— iveness Of traditional routine random patrol beginning in 1971, and a number of evaluation studies and research reports about differing patrol strategies appearing after 1974. MOst studies of directed preventive or "split-force" patrol projects indicated success in reduction of property crime rates. Largely by financing from the Law Enforcement Assistance Adminis- tration, by 1982 there were 52 cities in the United States which had been involved in the Integrated Criminal Apprehension Program (ICAP), which usually included the strategy of directed preventive patrol as a program.element. Literature pertaining to the desirability of higher education for police Officers is inconclusive, with little available evidence linking higher education to higher performance or productivity. The few research reports, which included job satisfaction consider— ations, indicated high satisfaction by patrol officers involved in directed preventive patrol programs. From Herzberg's "Motivation— 7' Hygiene Theory,l we are able to determine that "motivators" of achieve- ment, recognition, challenging work, increased responsibility, and 121 growth and development lead toward more commitment to organizational objectives. Other research results indicate that high leader task behavior (direction and support) is effective for those who have strong needs for achievement and independence and who have a high level of education and/or experience. Unfortunately, specific leadership direction and support was lacking in the Pontiac study, and this element was not able to be tested. Organizational Conflict COnsiderations It is common in police departments for alienation to exist between patrol Officers and investigational detectives, which leads to decrease in organizational success in problem-solving. Many police authorities and study groups recommend better consultation between the two groups, and recommend that consideration be given to integrate the investigative function into patrol operations. Directed Patrol Operations The dispatch directed patrol element of the Pontiac "Patrol Emphasis Project" involved the Planning and Analysis Unit determining patterns of property crimes and preparing "D-runs" to be activated by dispatchers, who would broadcast instructions to patrol units during their free time when not on calls for service. Officers would then respond to the instructions, going to a certain_area of the city and checking for evidence of either burglary, larceny, or vehicle theft. Research Methodology At the very beginning of the project, an attitudinal inventory questionnaire was administered to 63 patrol officers, and an identical 122 post—inventory with additional project-specific questions was administer- ed tO 72 of the patrol force ten months later. Most of the questions and statements on the inventory had been field tested in other programs, and comparison with nationwide and San Diego, California responses was made possible. The Pontiac patrol group had over three years of higher education, as compared with one and one/half years in a national sample. Observation and Interviewing This researcher employed the method of participant—observation at the Pontiac site, and rode with patrol units extensively during the course of the project year. The technique of intensive interviewing was used to better elaborate feelings of job satisfaction and commitment to organizational objectives by the patrol officers. During a one week period the researcher traveled to the New Haven, Connecticut area, where directed preventive patrol projects were observed at four different police departments. Information obtained was used for comparison purposes. Testable Hypotheses Hypothesis One is testable by five key job satisfaction questions and responses to two key project-related productivity statements on the post-inventory, as well as through intensive interviewing of four randomly selected patrol officers. The statistical method of analysis of variance is used, along with correlation coefficient, to determine relationships between variables. A .05 level of confidence was selected to determine significance of the statistical measures. Hypothesis Two is testable by the historical method of recording actual numbers of reported property crimes and onvscene arreSts for the 123 period of one year immediately prior to project implementation, compared to a comparable period during project implementation. The two key statements added to the post-inventory, which related to "D—runs" being effective as a crime prevention method and more likely to produce on— scene arrests, is also used as an indicator of patrol officer acceptance of the strategy for improving productivity. The degree of cooperation between patrol officers and detective personnel and the courts was subjectively assessed from interview and observation methodologies. Data Analysis Hypothesis One is rejected. There was no significant difference on any of the job satisfaction questions, and observation and intensive interviewing indicated Pontiac patrol personnel were quite satisfied with their careers, and were at least accepting of the dispatch directed patrol strategy as designed by the organization command staff. Hypothesis Two was accepted, in that there was a combined property crime decrease in Pontiac of 5.6 percent in 1977 over 1976, however, there was also a 3.8 percent nationwide phenomenon decrease for the same crimes during the same period. This represents a very small change, not regarded to be significant. On-scene arrests actually decreased by 13 percent in 1977 over 1976 at Pontiac, contrary to the project Objective of doubling on-scene arrests because Of the new patrol strategy. Hypothesis Three was accepted, as better cooperation was evident because of investigators sharing case information, and from expressed satisfaction with the new court liaison project element. 124 Conclusions The interjection of a dispatch directed preventive patrol strategy at Pontiac, which took away some of the patrol officers discretionary time and decisions, did not seem to adversely affect job satisfaction. Although many Of the Officers were pessimistic about the value of the strategy for preventing crime or causing more on—scene arrests, they were generally accepting of the idea of more "modern" patrol techniques. The new patrol strategy did not significantly decrease the amount of reported property crimes from one year to another, and indeed if there had been a significant drop it would have been difficult to credit the project element for the change because Of too many intervening variables which are impossible to control (e.g. lack of citizen cooperation leads to fewer reported crimes). There was actually a reduction in the amount of on-scene arrests, when it had been predicted there would be a doubling of the rate because of the directed preventive patrol program. There was found to be a sense of increase of cooperation between patrol personnel and investigative detectives because of information sharing about cases at beginning of shift roll-call briefings. This process, which cost no additional money, accomplished much in strength- ening of departmental morale. Likewise, because of improved efficiency caused by the court liaison program element, court officials were more satisfied with the system, and patrol officers were relieved of the annoyance of appearing at court to testify, only to find cases dismissed or postponed. 125 The original impetus for the project by Pontiac Police managers was as a ploy to secure additional personnel and a sop to local politicians' concerns about bad publicity because of high crime rates. As such, scant attention was paid to planning for eventual implementa- tion of the new strategy of directed patrol. Even though the line worker police patrol officers were not privy to project planning, the new strategy appeared to be acceptable to the majority, albeit many expressing a "take it or leave it" attitude; they appeared to be accepting largely because the new strategy represent— ed a modern advance in police thinking. This was regarded by many as a bold step forward by their command staff, something which had not been witnessed often in the past. Because of the way the project was designed and planned, along with uncertainty about implementation and a general lack of leadership for implementation, there really were no line patrol officers who were enthused about project success. This ambivalent attitude undoubtedly influenced the project results. The Pontiac Police Department management staff very definitely used a "Theory X" style for coercing, directing, and controlling to goad officers into putting forth what was considered to be an adequate effort in attempts to achieve the organizational project objectives. It is believed a much greater sense of job satisfaction and commitment to the project Objectives by line patrol officers could have been achieved through a "Theory Y" style, resulting in selfvdirection and self-control toward Objectives they would probably have been committed to had they been consulted and asked to participate in early project planning. 126 Likewise, higher commitment and more job satisfaction would have been evident if a positive direction toward hygiene motivation factors had been employed. As it turned out, almost all Of the hygiene motivation factors are viewed in a negative context. There was low achievement, in that there was little feeling of accomplishment or a sense of contributing something of value by the Officers. NO recognition, in the form of appreciation to the officers, was offered by management. Further,the effort was not viewed by the officers as being part of a step toward advancement. New responsibilities by job expansion was lacking, as direction was more of an administrative order. Self- expression was missing, and personal satisfaction and challenge were not there because of lack of early involvement or understanding. Some alternative interpretations of the study results are that, perhaps, when there is relatively high salary being paid, as was the case with the Pontiac officers, high job satisfaction will prevail regardless of management's exclusion of workers' involvement in policy planning. Also, an argument can be made for the possibility that Officers, who tended to accept and believe in directed patrol (young, less experienced, and mid—level education) really still have a "pollyanna" attitude about police work, and have not yet had enough experience to know the actual realities of the law enforcement career. Further, the phenomenon of police officer career stages, correlated with degrees of cynicism, was not considered in compiling the data for this study. A case might be made that the more cynical an officer is, the less likely he or she will be to accept imposed change by management. In the Pontiac experiment, those who were the less accepting were the older officers who might be in a more cynical career stage. 127 With respect to the study productivity results, it is not unexpected that the organizational project objective of increased on-scene arrests proved to be unrealistic. The odds against an Officer making an on—scene arrest are very great under traditional normal circumstances, and would be expected to improve only slightly with the manner the Pontiac PEP project was conducted. It is also not surprising that property crimes were only slightly reduced during the study period, as the great majority of reported crimes are citizen—activated, and not generated by police patrol. However, trying to influence or control citizen cooperation was a separate concern from this study. Implications Based upon the statistical and observation findings of this study, several implications are apparent, and are enumerated here as a guide for those conducting future similar research, or for those law enforcement managers contemplating similar directed patrol programs: 1. Development of a differing patrol strategy without involvement of the affected officers during planning will probably result in minimal commitment to the objectives by those uninvolved officers. 2. Job satisfaction of patrol officers does not appear to be affected by minimal to medium loss of discretion caused by a directed patrol strategy. 3. There will probably be little change in productivity measures of lowered property crime or on-scene arrests because of a minimal to medium sporadic strategy of directed patrol using unclassified officers. 128 4. Classifying patrol officers by education, age, and experience and matching them to either traditional routine random patrol or specialized directed patrol under a "split force" arrangement, holds promise for better job satisfaction and commitment to specific strategy objectives of each patrol method, and might be a better personnel arrangement for meeting departmental crime control objectives. The following illustration depicts a recommended configuration of police patrol Officers under a very simple classification scheme of separating high and low educated officers from those with a mid-level education, older officers from those younger, and highly experienced from those less experienced. ROUTINE RANDOM PATROL SPECIALIZED DIRECTED PATROL Highly Educated or Mid—Level Education Low Education Older Officers Younger Officers Highly Experienced Less Experienced This grouping tends to This grouping generally reject directed patrol, accepts directed patrol, based on crime trend based on crime trend analysis, as an effec~r analysis, as being an tive crime prevention effective crime preven- and onvscene arrest tion and on—scene arrest strategy. strategy. Figure 6.1 A Classified Split Force Model 129 To determine if the classified split model is effective, additional research will be required. Assuming that an experiment could be arranged where one—half of patrol personnel were assigned to each patrol category, and assignments are classified according to the model configuration, testing of factors of job satisfaction, acceptance of organizational Objectives, and productivity measures might be analyzed over time. Comparisons of differences between the two patrol groupings, as well as a department—wide pre—post attitudinal inventory would give us a much better understanding of the true effectiveness of the directed patrol strategy and its impact upon patrol officers' careers. 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J .0855 505505 0055 055550 0005 0055000055 5505055050050 50505550055 055 5030 .0500 005508 55 0555 505505 00500550u50505050 50 50050550 0 5553 55000 5553 00050550 55505055 505 0500550 05000-50 5055 0005550555 50 005000 505055 5505030 50 05 05055 .mm 139 0055505 55 00555035m 05055u50505055500 5005505 50305 05055550 8055 50550505000 0508 08050055 5055503055 50505055500 0555035n 50005 :055500505 500505: 50 0050005 55555550550 0005 5080505055 50505505 0 0.55 000000055 55500 050 50555000055 035500550 0508 50305508 005505 5050555000 BIBLIOGRAPHY Angell, John E. "Toward an Alternative to the Classic Police Organiz- ational Arrangements: A Democratic Model," Issues in Police Patrol: A Book of Readings, Thomas J. Sweeney and William Ellingsworth, editors. Kansas City: Kansas City, Missouri Police Department, 1973. Argyris, Chris. Interpersonal Competence and Organizational Effective— ness. Homewood, 111.: Irwin Dorsey Press, 1962. Beick, William H. 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