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TROPICAL GARDEN AND W WASTE:
DARWIN'S EARLY VIEW OF NATURE

presented by
Lynette L. Schumaker

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TROPICAL GARDEN AND OCEAN WASTE:
DARWIN’S EARLY VIEW OF NATURE

BY

Lynette L. Schumaker

A THESIS
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of History

1988

ABSTRACT

TROPICAL GARDEN AND OCEAN WASTE:

DARWIN’S EARLY VIEW OF NATURE

BY

Lynette L. Schumaker

Darwin’s view of nature, previous to the fieegle
voyage, contained elements found in early 19th century
British landscape aesthetics, which divided landscapes
into the sublime or grotesque and the beautiful or
picturesque. On the neegle voyage, Darwin unconsciously
used these categories to divide the useful and beautiful
tropical landscapes from the useless and sublime
landscapes and seascapes whiCh he observed. waever, he
also feund landscapes which blurred this distinction and
led him to speculate on the relationship between an
environment and the well-being of its inhabitants.
Ultimately he would develop a more mixed view of nature in
which struggle in an environment which contains both
sublime and beautiful elements leads to the evolution of

improved forms of life.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Thanks to Peter Vinten-Johansen and Lynn Nyhart for

their thoughtful comments and helpful criticism.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION
I . NATURE AND THE LANDSCAPE GARDEN
II. LANDSCAPES AND SEASCAPES ON THE m VOYAGE

III. ENVIRONMENT AND INHABITANTS: GALAPAGOS AND TIERRA
DEL FUEGO

CONCLUS ION
ENDNOTES

BI BLI OGRAPHY

iv

INTRODUCTION

I often think of the Garden at home as a

Paradise...
(W. 331)

In DQ:E1DL§..212L§: Gillian Beer observes that
Darwinian theory "rearranges the elements of creation
myths, for example substituting the ocean for the
garden..."1 An examination of his early work shows that
Darwin unconsciously used elements of the ocean and the
garden to build a particular view of nature. He expressed
these elements in terms of two opposing landscape
metaphors: one of the wild and fecund garden and the
other of the barren and forbidding wasteland--the
unproductive wilderness or the ocean.

These metaphors indicate a dualistic view of nature
that paralleled that of early 19th century BritiSh
landscape aesthetics. Landscapes were judged with a
concern for ‘the relationship Ibetween. nature and. human
beings that was expressed in them. Landscape aesthetics
included utilitarian and moral components, with landscapes
divided into opposing categories based on their effects on

human beings both as inhabitants and as viewers. People

2
lived well or ill within different landscapes, but as
"viewers" they were also morally disturbed or improved by
the view.

Darwin’s early descriptions of nature contained
opposing landscape metaphors, which changed in response to
observations he made on the Beagle voyage. After the
voyage he combined conflicting elements of these metaphors
into the view of nature which underlies the evolutionary
theory expressed in W. Elements of
the wild and fecund garden were combined with elements of
the barren and forbidding wasteland in a larger whole
which emphasized the productive struggle of life and-
death.

I. NATURE AND THE LANDSCAPE GARDEN

Darwin’s early view of nature forms the crucial
background for the development of his later work. To
construct a picture of this view, I have examined the
scientific notebooks he kept during and immediately after
the voyage of the Beagle, his correspondence during the
voyage, and the diary that he kept as a means of
preserving the memory of his travelsfor his family and.
friends. Because it was a travel narrative rather than a
scientific work, the piezy is especially useful as a means
of examining the broad cultural influences on Darwin's
view of nature. Darwin composed an account of his travels
using popular terms and analogies to describe and analyze
the elements of the scenery. Among the terms he used,
three predominate in his descriptions of landscapes--
"beautiful," "picturesque," and "sublime."

In the early 19th century, these terms found a home
in three areas of British and European culture--landscape
painting, landscape garden design, and scenic travel. In
undertaking the Beegle voyage, Darwin participated in the
traditions of both scenic and scientific travel, being as
much a gentleman companion for the captain as he was the
ship's naturalist.2 His notebooks reflect the observing
and collecting activities of. the naturalist, making
references to scientific works, while the men follows

the tradition of the ‘travel narrative, describing' the

3

4
scenery with references to familiar European landscapes
and landscape art. Despite these broad differences, both
the notebooks and the m use a terminology common to
British landscape aesthetics, a terminology that had
developed in a particular political and social context. ‘

During the Enlightenment, British landscape gardeners
took the French formal garden--exemplified by the royal
gardens at Versailles--as their standard. In these formal
gardens nature 'was carefully' confined, and forced into
symmetrical patterns which reflected the popular concept
of an orderly universe. If one could grasp the "higher"
reason which underlay the apparent chaos, one could
control nature and make it serve human purposes. Gardens
were made to look as controlled as possible. Gardeners
designed symmetrical avenues lined with trees giving onto
views of equally symmetrical bodies of water.
Geometrically shaped beds of flowers often surrounded the
central buildings. Small hedges called "box" surrounded
the beds of flowers; these hedges were grown in the form
of knots--carefully shaped plantings designed to look like
the embroidered patterns found on tapestries. Shrubs were
pruned into geometrical shapes or into the shapes of
animals. All of these elements expressed the theme of
human control over nature, as well as a belief in an
underlying, inherently rational order in the universe.

By the mid-18th century, however, this theme of

control lost popularity in British garden design, giving

5

way to a trend toward "naturalness." This preference
reflected a view of nature critical of that of the
Enlightenment. The object now was not to impose an idea
of order, but to detect a "natural" order. Gardeners came
to "despise all that was acquired, artificial or
conventional,"3--things which they associated with the
Enlightenment--preferring instead to bring out the
possibilities they believed were inherent in particular
landscapes. The Enlightenment gardenand the gardens that
had preceded it had always been distinctly separated from
the unimproved land outside the garden. The Romantic
notion of a "natural" order led gardeners to look again at
the "wilderness" outside the garden, to leap the fence--as
Horace Walpole put it--and find that all nature was a
garden.‘

At the same time that Britons were developing a taste
for this kind of naturalness, they were also developing a
taste for landscape art, acquired during travels on the
Continent. Britons began to speak of real landscapes as
"picturesque" when scenery met the expectations acquired
from landscape painting. Two types of the picturesque
dominated tastes before the 19th century--one based on the
paintings of Claude Lorrain and another based on works by
Salvator Rosa. Rosa painted wild scenes of tangled trees
and mountains, often inhabited by hermits or by highwaymen
conspiring to waylay travellers. Lorraine painted serene

rural landscapes with ancient ruins overgrown by nature:

6

he was famous for his subdued colors and vistas bathed in
a gentle, golden light. Travellers of the time often
carried a "Claude glass"--a viewing instrument which
transformed. real landscapes into "Claudes," by 'tinting
them with the appropriate subdued colors, evoking .a
contemplative mood in the viewer.5

Gardeners soon began to emulate these painters,
producing picturesque landscapes. Following Lorrain some
gardeners introduced classical bridges, monuments, and
fake ruins into the landscape garden. Capability Brown
was the chief garden architect of this“ style. Brown’ s
landscapes showed respect for the natural, often at the
expense of the artificial elements of a property. Vast
expanses of lawn would sweep directly up to the house
without intervening walls, balustrades, or flower beds.“
He eliminated many of the French formal elements in the
gardens he was hired to improve, cutting down or planting
trees to break the symmetry of the tree-lined avenues or
reshaping' the symmetrical bodies of ‘water' into :more
natural serpentine lakes which mimicked the lines of
natural rivers. He designed natural looking plantings in
order to frame views of the landscape around the house.
Visitors walked through the garden, often by a prescribed
path which enabled them to view the features of the garden
from the best perspective-~and the idea of what

constituted such a perspective derived from Lorrain’s art:

7
...the visitor is intended to stroll
round. the. garden, gazing, thinking,
responding to the poetic stimuli of
the natural landscape and of human
memorials--statues, inscriptions and
the like--scattered along the path.7

Gardeners intended that these memorials shoud evoke a
sense of the fragility and brevity of human existence
relative to the power of nature, as in Lorrain’s paintings
of Roman ruins overrun by weeds. Thus, Brown’s gardens,
though serene, contained elements intended to evoke the
viewers' fears of mortality. which ideally caused them to
experience serious and, morally improving thoughts and
feelings.

Other gardeners emulated Rosa's notion of the
picturesque by building grottoes and fantastically shaped
mountains into the landscape garden. These wilder
landscapes were sometimes supplied with a hermit's cottage
and a "hermit" paid to live there and leap out at
visitors.a These "grotesque" gardens were intended to
cause the visitor to experience such emotions as
astonishment and fear. 1

Although gardens were being designed to be
‘"picturesque," writers on aesthetics did not yet recognize
the picturesque as a separate category. Edmund Burke’s
influential WWW; defined
only those two terms and the variety of emotions evoked by
them. He developed a dualistic notion of these concepts,

defining them in opposition to each other and equating the
"great" with the "sublime":

8

...sublime objects are vast in their

dimensions, beautiful ones

comparatively small; beauty should be

smooth, and polished; the great,

rugged _and negligent; beauty should

show the right line, yet deviate from

it insensibly: the great in many cases

loves the right line, and ‘when it

deviates it often makes a strong

deviation; beauty should not be

obscure; the great ought to be dark

and gloomy; beauty should be light

and delicate; the great ought to be

solid, and even massive. They are

indeed ideas of a very different

nature, one being founded on pain, the

other on pleasure...9
The sublime, or the great, evoked serious emotions in the
viewer, according to Burke, because it is "founded on
pain." Beauty evoked more pleasant emotions--cheerfulness
and happiness. The sublime could also evoke delight, when
its painful and frightening' qualities are “at. certain
distances."‘° This delight, however, was a more serious
and reflective mood than that experienced when viewing
beautiful objects and does not blur the opposing
categories of the sublime and the beautiful.

Although it was not recognized as a separate category
by Burke, the picturesque did not fall comfortably into
either of the aesthetic types he discussed, but exhibited
a combination of both characteristics. Brown’s
picturesque landscape gardens emphasized the beautiful,
with their smooth expanses of lawn and serpentine lakes
which deviated from the right lines found in the avenues
and bodies of water in the Enlightenment gardens.

However, their "human memorials" evoked reflection about

9

human mortality. The grotesque garden landscape fell more
completely into the category of the sublime, with its
gloomy grottoes and fantastically shaped mountains. Both,
however, were the sublime in ‘their 'tendency' to allow
natural elements to overwhelm human elements in the
landscape, often completely banishing the artificial from
view except for the house itself. In Brown’s gardens the
vast expanse of lawn often seemed to overwhelm the central
buildings, while in the grotesque gardens the only human
element might be a hermitage overgrown with vegetation and
a hermit with shaggy beard and wild countenance.

At the turn of the century, however, gardeners re-
introduced the artificial into the landscape, and the
theme of nature overpowering the artificial productions of
humanity was replaced by an emphasis on the harmony
between natural and human elements. Humphrey Repton was
the chief architect of this new style. Nature remained
wild by human elements, reminiscent of the orderly
Enlightenment gardens, were harmoniously integrated and
even at times allowed to dominate the landscape. As
Repton wrote: "...I advised the removal of a few tall
trees near the house at Longleat, but that the character
of greatness in a work of art, like this Palace, should
not be obliterated by the more powerful agency of
nature."11 He cut down tall trees and broke up Brown’s
sweeping expanses of lawn with terraces, balustrades, and

beds of flowers.12

10
Repton's style was at first perceived as a move away

from the taste for the picturesque in garden design. A

review of Repton’s W
Landssape__§ardsning. published in 1816, applauds his

preference for the "habitable" over the picturesque:

Repton thinks [the picturesque]
ridiculous--we must make our parks and
gardens mm: "But in the next
place, the beauties of nature itself
which painting can exhibit, are many,
and most of them probably of a sort
which have nothing to do 'with the
purposes of habitation, and are even
wholly inconsistent with them. A
scene of a cavern, with banditti
sitting by it is the favourite subject
of Salavator Rosa. But are we
therefore to live in caves? or
encourage the Neighborhood of
banditti? Gainsborough’s country girl
is a more picturesque object than a
child neatly dressed in a white frock:
but is that reason why our children
are to go in rags?"13

Repton’s focus on habitable landscapes was connected to a
renewed interest in the utilitarian aspects of gardens.
Kitchen gardens, orchards, and outbuildings were kept
hidden from sight in the Romantic garden: peasant villages
might be moved if they spoiled the view. Although he did
remove villages from time to time, Repton also argued for
their inclusion in the view, framed in such a way as to
gratify the estate owner’ 8 sense of property. Repton’s
disparagement of banditti and rags along with his emphasis
on habitable comforts expresses a movement towards the
conflation of garden beauty with property and utility--and

towards an accompanying view of nature which played down

11

its sublime aspects. In a debate over the worth of
picturesque landscape design, Repton credited the
questionable taste of his opponents to the fact that they
lived amidst "bold.and picturesque scenery." "I will not
arraign your taste, or call it vitiated," wrote Repton,
"but your palate certainly requires a degree of
’irritation’ rarely to be expected in garden scenery."“
So much for the extremes of the Romantic temperament.

Although Repton and others viewed his style as
habitable rather than picturesque, the idea of what was
picturesque began to reflect this change in aesthetic
standards. Landscape painting ultimately bifurcated into
two styles, one maintaining much of the earlier Romantic
view of nature and the other fixing on nature's more
utilitarian possibilities. The paintings of Constable and
Turner, to a large degree, reflect these opposing
attitudes--Turner emphasizing nature’s conflict and
violence and Constable focusing on productive, though
rough and rustic, country scenes.1s

In the early 19th century, the notion of the
picturesque still largely coincided with Repton’s garden
landscapes--combining the habitable and the natural, the
beautiful and the sublime. Scenic travel guides also
reflected this standard in landscape aesthetics. William
Gilpin wrote popular guides to the wild landscapes of
Britain which employed these standards. His advice to the

traveller in search of picturesque views emphasized that

12
the sublime must contain something of the soft and
pleasing aspects of beauty in order to be picturesque:
rocks and mountains are not picturesque, but lakes and
valleys are.“ The greater habitability of landscapes
with lakes and valleys may provide a clue to Gilpin's
preference for them.

During his travels, Darwin, too, preferred lakes and
valleys to the mountainous landscapes he observed. His
use of the changing terminology of his time, however, was
not nearly so conscious nor so precise as that of writers
like Repton and Gilpin. To say more about Darwin’s taste,
it is necessary to examine the ways that his particular -
usage of such terms as sublime, beautiful, and picturesque
might be better understood in the light of this landscape
tradition.

II. LANDSCAPES AND SEASCAPES ON THE W VOYAGE

Darwin’s analysis of the scenery on the Beegle voyage
shows the influence of contemporary standards in landscape
aesthetics. As he observed in the Diary:

...there is a growing pleasure in

comparing the character of scenery in

different countries, which to a

certain degree is distinct from merely

admiring their beauty. ‘It more

depends on an acquaintance with the

indidvidual parts of each view. I am

strongly induced to believe that, as

in Music, the person who understands

every note, will, if he also has true

taste, more thoroughily enjoy the

whole: so he who examines each part of

a fine view, may also thoroughily

comprehend the full & combined

effect."
He carried out this analysis of scenery not only in the
Diary but also after his return, including an "analysis of
pleasures of scenery" in the M Notebook in 1838.18 He
also included "taste for fine scenery" among the higher
aesthetic tastes such as appreciation of music,
literature, and art which he ascribed to his younger self
in the Autobiography.19 Indeed, he singled out
appreciation of scenery as the one taste that he has
retained in old age. Thus, in his own eyes, landscape
appreciation was an important taste and one for which he
had had a lasting affinity. .

Darwin used the term "beauty" most often for certain
types of landscapes he observed in the tropics. His

analysis of the elements of tropical scenery parallels in

13

14

many of its respects the new garden aesthetic introduced
by Repton:

The elements of the scenery are so

simple, that they are worth mentioning

as proof on what trifling

circumstances exquisite natural beauty

depends. The country may be described

as a quite level plain of about three

hundred feet elevation which has been

in every part worn into flat-bottomed

valleys. The whole surface is covered

by ‘various kinds of stately trees,

interspersed with patches of

cultivated ground, amidst which stand

houses, convents & Chapels. (416)
In this description, nature is calm and "stately" as in a
Claude Lorrain painting, rather than sublime or
frightening as in Rosa's work. Furthermore, cultivated
ground and human habitations find their place among the
trees and wilder areas much as beds of flowers, fountains,
and other signs of human presence found a place in
Repton's gardens. Darwin’s ideal of natural beauty is as
habitable as a Reptpon garden. Although the sublime and
frightening aspects of the picturesque are absent from
this tropical scene, perhaps an element of the grotesque
garden of the Romantic style remains: "...I must add that
the houses & especially the sacred edifices are built in a
peculiar & rather fantastick style of architecture." (416)
Possibly he was using "peculiar" and "fantastick" in
pejorative sense, for he added this description almost as
though it spoiled his earlier statements concerning

beauty, perhaps as Burke used the term "fantastick" to

indicate the extravagantly fanciful.20

15
The natural vistas, so important in both Brown's and

Repton's landscape gardens, also form a part of Darwin’s
view of ideal scenery:

From the edges of the plain there are

distant glimpses either of the ocean

or of the great bay, bordered by low

wooded shores. . .Excepting from these

points, the range of vision is very

limited: following the level pathways,

on each hand alternate peeps into the

wooded valleys below can alone be

obtained. (416)
Perhaps he would have preferred a properly framed view to
the alternate peeps which the pathways allowed him. When
he notes the unfortunately limited range of vision from
the path, he is applying standards appropriate to the
landscape garden, in which the viewer followed the path,
enjoying a succession of carefully framed views.

Host of Darwin's examples of beautiful scenery contain
references to bodies of water and/or valleys, suggestive
of Gilpin’s standards for picturesque beauty. The plain
is "worn into flat-bottomed valleys" (416) and "the bay is
scattered over with large ships" (39) in some of these
descriptions. The element of habitability infuses
Darwin's concept of the beautiful landscape because of the
utilitarian qualities implied in these descriptions:
"Flat-bottomed" valleys are those best suited for
cultivation, and the image of ships scattered over a bay
evokes the bustle of commerce.

Although Darwin valued the presence of human elements

in the natural landscape, he also valued the wildness of

16

the natural elements:

It must be remembered that within the

tropics, the wild luxuriance of nature

is not lost, even in the vicinity of

large cities: the natural vegetation

of the hedges & hill sides overpowers

in picturesque effect, the artificial

labor of man. (416)
Nature's order, rather than the artificial order imposed
by humans, controls this scene. The natural elements are
wild, but in a luxuriant rather than a forbidding way, as
in a Repton garden.

Darwin's aesthetic standard of wild luxuriance also
parallels that of Milton. He carried Bezegiee_Lee§ on all
of his inland expeditions during the voyage.21 Milton's
Eden held a place in the popular consciousness of the
early 19th century and was often mentioned in articles on
gardening. Paradise was a medieval garden containing
artificial elements such as fountains and a wall, but
which otherwise showed little evidence of human design.
What it was about Milton's Eden which appealed to the
early 19th century British public can be discerned from
this poetic image:

The river

Ran nectar, visiting each plant, and
fed

Flow'rs worthy of Paradise which not
nice art

in beds and curious knots, but nature boon
Poured forth profuse on hill and dale

and plain...

Thus was this place,

A happy rural seat of various view.22

As in Darwin's descriptions of tropical scenery, water is

17

present in the form of a wandering river, and nature' s
wild fecundity is expressed in. the image of nature's
bounty ("boon") pouring out in profusion over the
landscape. According to one scholar writing of the
period, "Bacon's 'sweet and sightly' wilderness of
sweetbriars and honeysuckle and Hilton's description of
”Paradise" were examples of the "constant affection for
irregularity and naturalness" held by the British.23
Milton casts in a negative light the beds, knots, and nice
art (ungenerous, not luxuriantly bountiful) which early
19th century Britons criticized in the Enlightenment
garden. .And the "happy rural seat of various view" ‘
corresponded with the rural estates of the wealthy,
improved by Brown's and Repton's framing of the view.

The unbounded profusion of nature’s bounty was an
aspect of tropical landscape which Darwin believed
contributed to its beauty. This luxuriance of nature
reflected the notion that a habitable landscape was not
only a comfortable place for human habitation, but also
one which provided sustenance, emphasized in ‘Repton's
refusal to hide kitchen gardens and peasant villages.
Darwin shared this sense of utilitarian beauty; as he puts
it, "...& in this [tropical] class of views, the knowledge
that all conduces to the subsistence of mankind, adds much
to the pleasure of beholding them." (42) In one of its
senses current at the time, "beauty" contained the notion

of utility. "(Intrinsic beauty] is a perception of sense

18
merely," according to Lord Kames, but "...relative beauty
is that of means relating to some good end or purpose."
And when both of these kinds of beauty occur in one
object, that object "appears delightful."“’

Although later Darwin may have been influenced by
Wordsworth's aesthetic critique of science,25 he did not
entirely share his aesthetic view of nature. When in the
Die:y_ Darwin exclaims that. a solitary' cottage or 'the
sailors' tents on the beach of a wooded cove in Tierra dell
Fuego are picturesque, he shares Wordsworth’s belief that
a wild scene is more beautiful with a few signs of human
habitation. Wordsworth preferred that the valleys possess
a few cottages.“ However, Darwin did not share
Wordsworth's preference for the wilder and more sublime
landscape. Wordsworth, for example, found mountainous
scenery the most interesting of all scenery and believed
the best aspects of this scenery were revealed in winter
when the "rich green" of summer had passed away, leaving
only subdued and subtle colors.”’ Darwin, however,
preferred bright colors and wooded mountains in scenes
which he considered beautiful:

...The aspect of the island equalled
the expectations raised by the many
well known descriptions of its
beautiful scenery. The sloping plain
of the Pamplemousses, scattered over
with houses & coloured bright green
from the large fields of sugar cane,
composed the foreground. . .Towards the
centre of the island groups of wooded

mountains arose out of the highly
cultivated plain.(401)

19
The "bright green" emphasizes the fertility of the "highly
cultivated plain." Wooded, and therefore useful, the
mountains in this description share in the habitability of
the entire scene.
Darwin also judges mountainous scenery by a standard

of propriety:

Group masses of naked rocks, even in

the wildest forms, for a time they may

afford a sublime spectacle, but they

will soon grow monotonous; paint them

with bright & ‘varied colours, they

will become fantastick: clothe them

with. vegetation, they’ must form at

least a decent, if not a most

beautiful picture.

(427)

According to Darwin's taste, naked rocks must be clothed
with vegetation in order to be decent and beautiful. He
disapproves of the fantastick, perhaps because of its
association with the questionable taste for the grotesque.
He may have shared with Repton a moral disapproval for
this earlier taste for novelty and surprise in garden
landscapes. Writing of the grottoes and fake mountains of
the "grotesque" garden, Repton had moralized:

Novelty usurps the place of

propriety...'But the man of good taste

endeavors to investigate the causes of

the pleasure he receives, and to

inquire whether others receive

pleasure also. He knows that the same

principles which direct taste in the

polite arts, direct the judgment in

morality. . . ’23

Darwin’s interest in scenery, however, was not

limited to the beautiful landscapes of the tropics.

Sublime scenery, sometimes moved him as well, even when

20
human elements were missing:

Amongst the scenes which are deeply
impressed on my mind, none exceed in
sublimity the primeval forests,
undefaced by the hand of man, whether
those of Brazil, where the powers of
life are predominant, or those of
Tierra del Fuego, where death & decay
prevail. Both are temples filled with
the varied productions of the God of
Nature. (427)

Darwin appreciated sublime landscapes and the emotions
they evoked: "The state of’ mind. which grand scenes
formerly excited in me, and which was intimately connected
with a belief in God, did not essentially differ from that
which is often called the sense of sublimity..."29 He
also speaks of the ”wonder, astonishment & sublime
devotion" that fill and elevate the mind at the sight of
the Brazilian rainforest.” Burke defines the sense of
sublimity to which Darwin refers:

The passion caused by the great and

sublime in nature, when those causes

operate most powerfully, is

Astonishment: and astonishment is that

state of the soul, in which all its

motions are suspended, with some

degree of horror...The inferior

effects are admiration, reverence and

respect.-"1
These sublime and grand (or large) scenes in nature evoke
serious emotions as opposed to the more cheerful emotions

evoked by the beautiful (which is also necessarily

small).32 \
One important difference between Burke's and Darwin's
taste for the sublime, however is the degree of terror

each found proper for the appreciation of scenery. For

21

Burke, anything terrible is also sublime, if it is large:

An even plain of a vast extent on

land, is certainly no mean idea: the

prospect of such a plain may be as

extensive as a prospect of the ocean:

but can it ever fill the mind with any

thing so great as the ocean itself?

This is owing to several causes, but

it is owing to none more than to this,

that the ocean is a object of no small

terror.”
Darwin, however, finds the ocean’s vast extent "tedious."
"And. what are the boasted. glories of the illimitable
ocean? A tedious waste, a desert of water, as the Arabian
calls it." (426) The phrase "tedious waste" gives a clue
to his lack of enthusiasm--in his view, the ocean does not
participate in nature's wild fecundity, at least not in a
way which might improve its scenic value. Nor does a
storm at sea move Darwin as much as he expected:

I confess, however, my imagination had

painted something more grand, more

terrific in the full grown storm. It

is a finer sight on the canvass of

Vandervelde. . .On a forlorn & weather

beaten coast, the scene is indeed

different, but the feelings 'partake

more of horror than of wild delight.

(426)
His constant struggle with seasickness no doubt blunted
the thrill of riding out a storm aboard ship. (426)
However, one also senses in Darwin's lack of "wild
delight" a parallel with the more moderate tastes espoused
by Repton--in a painting, banditti make the scene wild and
picturesque, but in reality they are not practical to have
lurking in the neighborhood. A weatherbeaten coast may be

sublime, but think of the destruction!

22
Darwin prefers the plain as a sublime and elevating

sight:

In calling up images of the past, I

find the plains of Patagonia most

frequently cross before my eyes. Yet

these plains are pronounced by all

most wretched & useless. They are only

characterized by negative possessions:

without habitations, without water,

without trees, without mountains, they

support merely a few dwarf plants. Why

then, 8 the case is not peculiar to

myself, do these arid wastes take so

firm possession of the memory? (427-8)
Darwin is puzzled by his reaction to Patagonia, for its
plains have no utilitarian value to recommend them, and
preference for utilitarian value in a view has dominated .
his earlier descriptions of scenery. He goes on to say,
"I can scarcely analyze these feelings: but it must be
partly owing to the free scope given to the
imagination...who would not look at these last boundaries
to man's knowledge with deep, but ill defined sensations."
(428) It is not terror, perhaps, but "the free scope
given to the imagination"--perhaps the freedom from danger
which allowed him to engage in reflective thought--that
made the plains of Patagonia a more sublime and memorable
object for him than the ocean.

Because Darwin does not find the terrifying aspects
of the sublime as pleasing as Burke and others of more
Romantic taste, it appears that his notion of the
picturesque has shifted in much the way this notion

generally shifted in response to Repton's utilitarian

concerns. The picturesque contains a combination of

23

sublime and beautiful elements, but Darwin’s idea of the
picturesque contains fewer of the terrifying aspects of
nature and more of the agreeable and beautiful. His
response to the Fuegian landscape illustrates this shift:

I determined to penetrate some 'way

into the country...For an hour I

continued to follow the stream, & was

well repaid by the grandeur of the

scene. The gloomy depth of the ravine

well accorded with the universal signs

of violence...a seaman (who

accompanied me) & myself, being armed

and roughly dressed, were in

tolerable unison with the surrounding

savage Hagnificence...The view was

imposing but not very picturesque.

(121)
The scene he describes bears a striking resemblance to the
landscapes in Rosa's paintings, right down to the bandit-
like costume of Darwin and the seaman. However, he does
not find this scan picturesque. Only quieter, less savage
scenes invite him to use that term.

Thus, Darwin preferred landscapes containing many of
the habitable, utilitarian elements found in Repton's
gardens. Although he appreciated both the beautiful‘and
the sublime in landscape scenery, he found the more
terrible elements of the sublime displeasing and left them
out of his concept of the picturesque. Wildness in the
landscape was one of those terrifying elements, and Darwin
hesitated to call picturesque those scenes that were too
wild and savage. A closer examination of his response to

the wildness of natural landscapes reveals what he

appreciated and what he feared in it.

24
When he spoke of beautiful or picturesque scenes,
Darwin described scenes in which nature's wildness
expressed itself as abundance. This abundance captures
both the element of utility and that of propriety (the
covering of the land with vegetation). However, abundance
also expressed itself as irregularity, or the overflowing
of artificial boundaries. This was sometimes called
"roughness" and, according to Gilpin, defined the
difference between the smooth regularity of "beauty" and
the irregularity of the picturesque. Gilpin used
Hilton’s description of Eve's hair as an example of this
quality of roughness:
...to her slender waist
Her unadorned golden tresses were
Dishevelled, and in wanton ringlets waved.“'
Irregularity was valued by early 19th century
landscape designers for more than the utilitarian reason
that it expressed nature's abundance: it also lent variety
and interest to the view. Repton's elements of variety,
novelty, contrast, and intricacy relate to this aspect of
irregularity as sources of pleasure derived from the

3
landscape garden. 5 All of these elements, but

particularly intricacy , provide scope for the viewer ’ s
imagination, according to Repton, and Darwin used a
similar standard to judge the view:

Learned naturalists describe these
scenes of the Tropics by naming a
multitude of objects...To a learned
traveller, this possibly may
communicate some definite ideas: but
who else from seeing a plant in an

25

herba‘rium can imagine its appearance

when growing in its native soil? Who,

from seeing choice plants in a

hothouse, can multiply some into the

dimensions of forest trees, or crowd

others into an entangled mass. (416)
As Repton puts it, ". . .the eye is never long delighted,
unless the imagination has some share in its pleasure: an
intricacy and entanglement of parts heightens the
satisfaction."“ Neither the intricacy nor the
entanglement of tropical scenery can be evoked by the
naturalist's naming of objects nor by the specimens singly
displayed in a hothouse.

Irregularity also carried with it the connotation of
"liberty,” and Repton lauded the British for their
appreciation of the natural liberty expressed in the
landscape garden.37 Too much liberty, however, could lead
to a dangerous--perhaps even revolutionary--wildness.
Darwin implies that this danger exists when he worries
that Australian society might become like society in the
United States if the colonists continue to allow their
sons to associate with convict laborers. (387) Democracy
of the type attempted in the South American countries he
visited also prompted his displeasure, and he hoped they
would soon give it up for the greater likelihood of
progress under the "iron hand of some Dictator." (199) As
Repton puts it in a passage on the connection between
politics and taste:

The neatness, simplicity, and elegance

of English gardening, have acquired
the approbation of modern times, as

26

the happy medium betwixt the liberty

of savages, and the restraint of

despotic government: but so long as we

enjoy the benefit of these_ middle

degrees betwixt extremes of each, let

experiments of untried theoretical

improvements be 'made in some other

country.”
Repton was concerned about the egalitarianism and
disrespect for property rights he believed were expressed
in the French Revolution. Darwin's feelings towards the
revolutions occuring in South America were similar.

However, danger resulted from wildness of the

picturesque and the sublime as well as from the political
kind, and the liberty of savages was often on Darwin’s
mind. Standing night watch on a wild beach in Tierra del
Fuego, Darwin imagines "that the Fuegians may be prowling
close to the tents ready for a fatal rush." (134) The
uncontrolled power of the sea was another kind of wildness
that more than once earned his enmity: "I find I have
suffered an irreparable loss from yesterday's disaster in
my drying paper & plants being wetted with salt water."
He complains that "Nothing resists the force of an heavy
sea: it forces open doors & skylights, & spreads universal
damage.” (128) Even the bright green of the tangled
growth of a mangrove swamp fails to win his appreciation
because of another kind of danger, that of disease, which
the British had little success in understanding or
controlling at the time:

The channel...is bordered on each side

by Mangroves which spring like a
miniature forest out of the greasy mud

27
banks. The bright green color of
these bushes always reminds me of the
rank grass in a Churchyard: both are
nourished by putrid exhalations: the
one speaks of death past, the other,
too often, of death to come. (419)

The dangers of the Beagle voyage may have been too
immediate for Darwin to appreciate the wildest aspects of
the scenery. In the midst of unfamiliar wildernesses, he
found himself in much the same position as Britons of an
earlier generation travelling across Europe to Italy
before the route became safe. Not until the 1750s did
"Gentlemen on the' Grand Tour [begin] to peep under the
blinds of their carriages to enjoy the visual horrors of,
the Alps..." Burke's essay on the sublime and the
beautiful helped them to make sense of what they saw, for
”Burke's Sublime covered those elements that created
feelings of fear and wonder and aroused the instinct of
self-preservation...” However, these elements "could only
be enjoyed as travel became less hazardous.m” MacCauley
noted the difficulty of appreciating the landscape when
one passes the mangled body of a dead traveller who might
have as easily been oneself."o As Darwin observed of a
road in Brazil: ”Instead of milestones, the road is often
marked by crosses, to signify where human blood has been
spilled." (57)

The hazards of the wild, sublime landscape went
beyond the known dangers of disease, drowning, and hostile

locals. The unfamiliarity of the wilderness was itself

sometimes a problem, particularly for a curious scientist.

28

Darwin became aware of his ignorance and the consequences
of his highly developed curiosity when the sailors poked
fun at his naivete on the fieegle. The consequences might
not always be comic'from the point of view of the victim:
Commenting on a fox that he killed with his geologist's
hammer while it watched a pair of fieegle surveyors, Darwin
says, "This fox, more curious or more scientific, but less
wise, than the generality of his brethren, is now mounted
in the Museum of the Zoological Society.“1 Focused on
his own scientific obsesrving, Darwin may have identified
with the fox and its failure to see its danger.

The unfamiliarity of wilderness landscapes also
demanded a great deal of mental energy for their
enjoyment. At first Darwin responded with delight at the
novelty of his experiences. Describing his early
reactions to the tropical landscape, which he first saw in
its full glory at Bahia, he separates those elements for
which he has associations from those which leave him
confused (though pleasantly so). The "magnificence" of
the landscape around the city of Bahia reminds him of John
Martin's paintings--"views" of natural landscapes which
were so sublime as to raise "distrust" in the mind of the
viewer. (39) Describing the city itself, he notes the
luxuriant wood that embosoms it, its elegant houses, and
the ships that dot the bay--all together "one of the
finest views in the Brazils." However, "these beauties

are as nothing compared to the Vegetation..." he notes as

29
he turns to look at the forest. His attention jumps first
one way and then another as he tries to see everything in
the complex and unfamiliar forest scene--"strange " trees
and fruit, "stranger" flowers, and "gaudy" butterflies.
He concludes:

The delight one experiences in such
times bewilders the mind...The mind is
a chaos of delight, out of which a
world of future 8 more quiet pleasure
will arise. (39)

Only Humboldt provides him a foothold in this unfamiliar
landscape: "I am at present fit only to read Humboldt: he
like another sun illumines everything I behold.” (39)

With time his delight developed into more complex
emotions. Three weeks after his overwhelming experience
in Bahia, he notes the "higher feelings" excited by a walk
in the rainforest near Rio de Janeiro. (56) waever, a
great effort is required to achieve these higher feelings:

Many of the views were exceedingly
beautiful: yet in ‘tropical scenery,
the entire newness, 8 therefore
absence of all associations, which in
my own case (8 I believe in others)
are unconsciously’ much. more frquent
than I ever thought, requires the mind
to be wrought to a high pitch, 8 then
assuredly no delight can be greater:
otherwise your reason tells you it is
beautiful but the feelings do not
correspond. (60)

At times, he wearied of the effort to make sense of the

unfamiliar impressions:

I often ask myself, why can I not
calmly enjoy this: I might answer
myself by also asking, what is there
that can bring the delightful ideas of
rural quiet 8 retirement, what that

30

can call back the recollection of

childhood 8 times past, where all that

‘was unpleasant is forgotten: untill

ideas, in ‘their affects similar to

them, are raised, in vain may we look

amidst the glories of this almost new

world for quiet contemplation. (60)
In Darwin’s mind, "rural quiet" and scenes familiar from
childhood demand less energy fer their comprehension and
enjoyment. Furthermore, his mention that ”all that was
unpleasant is forgotten" while contemplating such scenes
implies that tropical scenery does not have this effect on
him: it may have been difficult for him to avoid thinking
about the unpleasant dangers and surprises lurking in the
wild scenery.

Although Humboldt at first "illumined" this
unfamiliar wilderness landscape for Darwin, they differed
in their taste for wilderness scenery. Both refer to the
fascinations of the "otherworldliness" of the tropics,"2
but each saw something different when he looked at
tropical scenery. Part of this involved the choice of
views: Humboldt concentrated on descriptions of complex
forest scenery, building from myriad detail a picture of
the whole--"a vast, sublime tropical wilderness, unrelated
to humanized landscapesW“-- while Darwin focused more on
scenes combining both artificial and natural elements.

Humboldt's preference for the sublime view is also implied

in the title of one of his books-- e s ' o

‘4

so ‘u! -. 09.: 0! t1: -9 . e ,!‘l°llT!-. 0‘ ‘2 0.!

However, even when looking at similar scenes, each gee

31

something slightly different. Of a garden in the tropics
Humboldt observes that it resembles a "copse"--a thicket
of small trees-- more than a piece of cultivated ground.“
However, Darwin focuses on the cultivated ground, seeing a
garden, even if a wild one:

One of the great superiorities that

tropical scenery has over European is

the wildness of the cultivated ground.

Cocoa Nuts, Bananas, Plantain,

Oranges, Papaws are mingled as if by

Nature, 8 between them are patches of

the herbaceous plants such as Indian

corn, Yams 8 Cassada... (42)
Darwin observes not only the copse-like qualities of the
fruit trees in the garden, but also the garden plants
among them, later going on to speak of the utility which
is a vital aspect of the beauty of the whole.

Another difference in Darwin’ s response to tropical
landscapes may be his liking for scenes with familiar
associations: the wilderness contained few such~
associations while the habitable parts of the tropics
contained many. As he notes in his summary’ of the
landscapes he has seen, "It is probable that the
picturesque beauty of many parts of Europe far exceeds
anything we have beheld." (427) This preference parallels
Repton's view of the importance of familiar associations
in garden landscapes. As he states of "Association":

This is one of the most impressive
sources of delight, whether excited by
local accident, as the spot on which
some public character performed his
part: by the remains of antiquity, as

the ruin of a cloister or castle: but
more particularly by that personal

32

attachment to long known objects,
perhaps indifferent in themselves, as
the favourite seat, the tree, the
walk, or the spot endeared by the
remembrance of past events: objects
of this kind, however trifling in
themselves, are often preferred to the
most. beautiful scenes that. painting
can represent, or gardening create.

Thus, even more than the picturesque beauty of European
scenery, Darwin preferred the familiar associations of the
gardens of England. In Bahia, he exclaims:

It is now the Spring of the year, 8

every thing is budding 8 fresh: but

how great a difference between this 8

the beautiful scenes of England.--I

often think of the Garden at home as a
Paradise...

A few years after the Beagle voyage, Darwin settled in
just such a scene as Repton describes, full of familiar
associations: Down, with its garden and its "Sandwalk"
around a little "wilderness"--a copse of trees with a view

of cultivated fields in the English countryside.

III. ENVIRONMENT AND INHABITANTS:
GALAPAGOS AND TIERRA DEL FUEGO

Darwin's reaction to landscapes shows adualistic
view, contrasting the beautiful or picturesque garden with
the sublime or grotesque wasteland--his idea of the
picturesque containing more of the beautiful than the
sublime elements of scenery recognized in landscape
aesthetics. Beautiful and picturesque landscapes resemble
Milton’s Garden of Eden in their wild luxuriance, safety,
and harmony, while sublime and grotesque landscapes are
often characterized by danger, disharmony, and decay. The
mental states evoked by these contrasting landscapes are
also opposed. The beautiful and picturesque inspire
happiness and improved moral sentiments--a sense of
harmony betwen nature and humankind, a sense of
propriety, and the hope of human progress. The sublime
and the grotesque evoke a serious mood and reflective
thought in the viewer-~morally elevating, in the case of
the sublime, but including a sense of human vulnerabilty
to danger and degeneration. Darwin himself reports these
feelings in response to landscape--fear and disapproval at
the danger or barrenness of mountains and ocean, but happy
approval of the luxuriant, cultivated regions of the
tropics. Furthermore, the sublime beauty of the
rainforest evokes a mixed reaction from him--at first a
"wild delight" and feelings of devotion to something

higher, but ultimately a feeling of exhaustion

33

34
higher, but ultimately a feeling of exhaustion
and discomfort because of the absence of familiar
associations from the English countryside.

The inhabitants of these landscapes, in Darwin's view
, also participate in this dualism. Describing the
Indians of the Pampas, he notes that they are a tall, fine
race, "yet it is easy to see the same countenance rendered
hideous by the cold, want of food, 8 less civilization in
the Fuegian savage." (162) Later, he is more specific
about the cause of the Fuegians’ degeneration. In a
detailed account of the climate and subsistence problems
of the region, he observes: "Their country is a broken
mass of wild rocks, lofty hills 8 useless forests, 8 these
are viewed through mists 8 endless storms." (212) A wild
and useless landscape obscured by mists and storms could
hardly stimulate higher moral sentiments or happiness in
the viewer.

The influence of environment, however, is also
relative to the nature of the inhabitants: Darwin at least
partly subscribed to a theory of racial suitability to
climate, noting the degeneration of Europeans in the
tropics and the contrasting health and strength of
Africans. Eighteenth century theories of the relationship
between climate and race ranged from the view that racial
characteristics had been acquired by Africans through long
exposure to tropical conditions (Buffon) to the view that

"God had created the varieties of men in order to adapt

35
each to a particular climate" (Names) .‘8 These theories
remained influential in the early 19th century.

Although climate could not be controlled, other
aspects of the environment could be improved in order to
improve the inhabitants, in Darwin’ 3 view, much as a
garden could be improved in order to produce a certain
affect in the viewer. He often notes the civilizing
influence of the introduction of agriculture and, in
particular, the creation of gardens. Throughout the
Diem, the missionary's garden functions as a symbol of
this civilizing process of cultivation, both of
environments and inhabitants. In "A Letter, Containing
Remarks on the Moral State of Tahiti, New Zealand, etc.,"
which FitzRoy and Darwin composed for publication during
the Beegle voyage, the authors describe the work of
British missionaries, through FitzRoy’s observations and
extracts from Darwin’s Qiezy. In a natural paradise like
Tahiti, the missionaries' task was relatively easy,
cultivating an already gardenlike environment and
Christianizing a peaceful, semi-civilized society.”
However, in New Zealand--a purgatory of cannibal savages
and degenerate Europeans living in a landscape composed
chiefly of useless fern forests--the missionaries had
accomplished little less than a miracle. FitzRoy comments
specifically on the English appearance of the houses,
barns, and mills: "In the gardens all English vegetables

seemed to thrive. The farmyard was thoroughly English":

36

and Darwin comments on the moral effect of this on the
natives.” He leaves the reader with final, reassuring
images of the young New Zealanders playing cricket with
the sons of the missionaries and the natives taking tea in
British fashion.51

Working in the missionary’s garden improved the
morals of the inhabitants of the tropics by turning them
into pious, industrious, and therefore very useful
workers. However, another element of the landscape
gardens of the early 19th century was used by the British
to improve and make useful the plants of the tropics--the
hothouse. The hothouse--a regular feature of botanical
gardens at this time--was used by the British to display
their botanical booty from the tropics and eventually to
develop plants for use on colonial plantations. Erasmus
Darwin makes verses on the subject, to "Imperial Kew"
which nurses "stranger flowers" in "glass-built fanes"
while "Obedient sails from realms unfurrow’d bring For her
the unnam' d progeny of spring. . . "52 The improved products
of these hothouses contributed to the agricultural
improvement of the tropics, which Charles Darwin so often
noted--the tropics becoming a kind of missionary's garden
on a large scale.

Nature, however, did not always look like a
missionary's garden in the lands visited by the Beagle.
In Tierra del Fuego--pounded by storms and surrounded by

the tedious waste of the sea--the tangled beech forest

37
seemed to Darwin neither beautiful nor useful. He found
only a handful of plants of any benefit, and he noted that
the pitiful Fuegians were the only people who had a fungus
as a staple of their diet.” The sublime and grotesque
elements of landscapes predominated, providing a stark
contrast with the useful and beautiful tropics.

Darwin hoped for the success of a missionary’s
garden in changing this bleak environment and its
inhabitants: f

If the garden succeeds, this little

settlement may be yet the means of

producing great good 8 altering the

habits of the truly savage

inhabitants.

(137)

In this hostile environment, however, the project of
civilization seemed as doomed as the fragile, impractical
supplies that the missionary carried to the country with
him:

. . .the yawl carried the outfit given

to Matthews by the missionary society.

The choice of articles showed the most

culpable folly 8 negligence. Wine

glasses, butter-bolts, tea trays, soup

tourins, mahogany dressing cases, fine

white linen, beavor’ hats 8 endless

variety of similar things, shows how

little was thought about the country

where they were going to. (129)
Unlike the situation in the tropical landscapes, this
environment refused the ideal harmony between natural and
human elements. Cloth given to the Fuegians was
immediately torn up and distributed among them in pieces

too small to be useful. (136) Even the Fuegians’ own

38
artificial products seemed crude and inadequate, in
Darwin's eyes: Their shelters failed to keep out the wind
and rain, and their fragile canoes had not been improved
for centuries. (213).

The Fuegians themselves fit this hostile environment
just as banditti and hermits fit the grotesque garden
landscape. Like hermits, who symbolized a retreat from
society, and like banditti, who prayed upon it, the
Fuegians either evaded or attempted to disrupt the
civilizing efforts of the missionary. Darwin repeatedly
employs an imagery of demons in hell to describe the
Fuegians and the other "savages" he considers low on the
scale of civilization. "From their dress 8c. 8c. they
resembled the representations of Devils on the Stage. . ."
he says of an early encounter with the Fuegians. (119)
This imagery may also suggest a moral judgment on their
anti-social behavior. He notes their disrespect for
property and their constant begging and stealing, traits
they share with banditti. The relationship he saw between
the rough Fuegian landscape and the savagery of its
inhabitants is paralleled in contemporary observations on
the moral effects of landscape on manners:

Rough, uncultivated ground, dismal to
the eye, inspires peevishness and
discontent. May not this be one cause
of the harsh manners of savages?“
However, it is just on this point--the relationship

between environment and inhabitants--that Darwin’s

observations may have challenged the dualism in the

39

British view of landscapes, causing him unconsciously to
move towards a more mixed view. A note of doubt enters
his mind when he reflects upon the savage state of the
Fuegians:

There can be no reason for supposing

the race of Fuegians are decreasing,

we may therefore be sure that he

enjoys a sufficient share of happiness

(whatever its kind may be) to render

life worth having. (213)
In an environment marked by the preponderance of decay and
death, the human inhabitants--although degenerate in other
ways--are not decreasing in number.

The problematic character of the relationship between
environment and inhabitants becomes clearest in Darwin’s
reactions to the Galapagos Islands. In the Diem, he
emphasizes the hellish appearance of the landscape and
often describes the inhabitants as demonic. Of his first
view, he observes that "the country was compared to what
we might imagine the cultivated parts of the Infernal
regions to be." (334) He notes the unpleasant smell of
the plants and the "most disgusting, clumsy Lizards,"
calling them "imps of darkness" and concluding "They well
become the land they inhabit." (334) The naked lava
surfaces were rough and horrid--"aptly compared to a sea
petrified in its most boisterous moments." (335) Naked
rock and stormy ocean are together captured in a picture
that must have been repugnant to Darwin.

However, these descriptions also contain the

suggestion that lava rock carried other meanings as well.

40

He compares the volcanic chimneys to the iron furnaces of
Wolverhampton--a hellish industrial landscape in England.
(335) Craters and cones have a "work-shop appearance."
(339) The suggestion of industrial blight and a nearly
uninhabitable landscape is foremost in these images, but
this industrial metaphor contained other elements that
Darwin later made explicit. The factory was first and
foremost a source of productivity. When comparing a
Galapagos scene to a factory landscape, Darwin may also
have intended this positive element. As he speculates in
the 3eg_Neeebeek at the end of the voyage:

Volcanoes blend all substances

together: 8 products being similar

over whole world, general circulation.

But volcanic action separates some

suphur (perhaps lime) salt, and

metallic ores.--which mingling and

separating is well adapted to use of

mankind...so is Volcano a useful

chemical instrument. . .What more awful

scourges to Mankind than the Volcano 8

Earthquake.--Earthquakes act as

ploughs volcanoes as marl-pits. . .55
Here metaphors from science, industry, and agriculture
combine to describe the productivity of a process that
only in the short term makes the landscape uninhabitable.

Thus, the factory metaphor for the Galapagos

landscape contains a mixture of elements usually
segregated into different landscapes--productivity and
sterility. This mixing of elements is accompanied by a
similar mixing of characteristics of garden and hellish

landscapes when Darwin speculates on other anomalies he

noticed in the Galapagos. At first, he describes the

41
usual dichotomy:

The constitution of the land is
entirely Volcanic: and the climate
being extremely arid, the islands are
but thinly clothed with nearly
leafless, stunted brushwood or trees.
On the windward side, however, 8 at an
elevation between one 8 two thousand
feet, the clouds fertilize the soil: 8
it there produces a green 8 tolerably
luxuriant vegetation.

In the Diary, he enthusiastically comments on this scene,
that the eye is "refreshed by a plain green as England in
the Spring time." (336) This contrast of the arid,
volcanic wasteland with the fertile, almost English-
looking areas used for settlement fits ‘well with. the
dualistic view of landscapes. However, Darwin's
expectations concerning the suitability of .these
environments for habitation are not met. Speaking of the

green areas he notes:

In such favourable spots, 8 under so
genial a climate, I expected to have
found swarms of various insects: to my
surprise, these were scarce to a
degree which I never remember to have
observed in any other such country.
Probably these green oases, bordered
by arid land, 8 placed in the midst of
the sea, are effectually excluded from
receiving any migratory colonists.
However this may arise, the scarcity
of prey causes a like scarcity of
insectivorous birds 8 the green woods

are scarcely tenanted by a single
animal . 57

He finds himself in a green desert, inhospitable to bird
and animal life. On the other hand:
The greater number of birds haunt, and

are adapted for, the dry 8 wretched
looking thickets of the coast land.”

42

The dry areas thrive with life despite their wretched
look. He goes on to speak of the many finches that live
on the seeds of the stunted-looking plants of the region,
and in the Diary remarks on the swarms of turtles: "These
islands appear paradises for the whole family of
Reptiles." (334) As in Tierra del Fuego, the grotesque
and demonic inhabitants thrive, despite their appearance
and the apparent misery of their environment. The garden
and the desert, paradise and hell, have in some respects
reversed places, each containing elements usually
associated with the other.

Although it remained a tedious waste to Darwin during
the Beagle voyage, that other desert--the sea--also came
to contain elements associated with the garden landscape.
During the voyage, Darwin was not particularly interested
in the productivity of the ocean, concentrating far more
energy on the collection of land rather than marine
specimens.” After the voyage, however, he spent
considerable time thinking about subjects having to do
with the sea, including writing a book on coral reefs
based on his observations from the voyage and conducting
research on barnacles and their odd reproductive habits.“’

The beginnings of this change of interest may lie,
strangely enough, in his observations of Tierra del Fuego.
In the Diary, the sea is mentioned primarily in terms of
its harmful effects--its danger to sailors and the

difficulties it creates for the Fuegian trying to survive

43
in a hostile land. Reading this account, it is easy to
forget that the Fuegians lived largely on the products of
the sea, especially when Darwin disparages the minimal
skill required of the Fuegian "To knock a limpet from the
rock..." (213) However, five years later, in 1839, he was
to describe the ocean around Tierra del Fuego in very
different terms. In the first edition of the Jeernai_er
Beeearenee, he describes the land of Tierra del Fueago as
poorly stocked but the sea as particularly abundant in
that region.“ He mentions the extraordinary length of
some of the specimens of kelp pulled from the water and
the wide 'variety of life 'he found. clinging' to ‘their
branches:
Innumerable crustacea frequent every
part of the plant. On shaking the
great entangled roots, a pile of small
fish, shells, cuttle-fish, crabs of
all orders, sea-eggs, starfish,
beautiful Holuthuriae (some taking the
external form of the nudibranch
molluscs), Planariae, and crawling
nereidous animals of a multitude of
forms, all fall out together."’2
He then compares the forests of kelp with the forests
of the tropics, describing the kelp in terms appropriate
to a tree of life:
I can only compare these great
aquatic forests of the southern
hemisphere with the terrestrial ones
in the intertropical regions. Yet if
the latter should be destroyed in any
country, I do not believe nearly so
many species of animals would perish,
as, under similar circumstances, would
happen with the kelp.“

The ocean, described as a tedious waste in 1836 at the

44
end of the voyage, now contains forests and, in the kelp,
a tree of life, which is an element more appropriate to a
garden landscape.

The inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego have also
undergone a subtle transformation from the Diary to the
learnai. Although they are still described as "savages,"
with Darwin taking the opportunity to expand on some of
his descriptions of their disgusting habits, the Fuegians
are now viewed differently in terms of their relationship
to their environment. As the "miserable lord of this
miserable land," the Fuegian now takes a place at the top
of a chain of life dependent on the sea:

Amidst the leaves of this plant

numerous species of fish live, which

nowhere else would find food or

shelter: with their destruction the

many cormorants, divers, and other

fishing birds, the otters seals, and

porpoises, would soon perish also: and

lastly, the Fuegian savage, the

miserable lord of this miserable

land, would redouble his cannibal

feast, decrease in numbers, and

perhaps cease to exist.“
By giving full weight to the abundance of the sea around
Tierra del Fuego, he has developed a clearer notion of how
the Fuegians thrive in that apparently inhospitable land.
The ocean, once a dangerous and desert landscape, shares
elements of productivity with the more gardenlike tropics.

The kelp as a tree of life or a forest within the
ocean functions as a kind of mixed metaphor, combining

elements of both the beautiful garden landscape and the

sublime and barren landscape. The most thorough and

45

compelling blend of the elements of these landscape
metaphors occurs, however, in the "entangled bank"
metaphor which ends the Drigin_g_£__§peg_ie§. In this
passage, opposing elements--both sublime and beautiful,
terrifying and pleasant-~combine to form a larger view of
the whole of nature and its processes. The early
development of this metaphor can also be found in
Darwin's observations of Tierra del Fuego.

In the book of plant notes he compiled at the end of
the voyage and shortly after, Darwin describes this scene
in the beech forests of Tierra del Fuego:

...The extreme dampness of the climate

favours the coarse luxuriance of the

vegetation: the woods are an entangled

mass where the dead and the living

strive for mastery.‘-"s
A mixture of elements from landscape metaphors can be
detected in this passage. The vegetation is luxuriant,
though coarse, and the term, "entangled," resonates with
both positive and negative meanings. In the wild garden,
tangled vegetation provided variety and teased the curious
eye to look deeper. However, from Darwin' s irritation at
the difficulty of making one' s way through the Fuegian
beech forests, it is clear that he often found them an
impediment to his curiosity and an unpleasant aspect of
the rough and broken landscape. Similarly, there is a
balance of positive and negative implications in the rest

of this description of the forest as a place "where the

dead and the living strive for mastery." Darwin comes to

46
no conclusion as to ‘which is ‘winning in the Fuegian

forest.

However, when the Fuegian forest is described in the
Diary, it appears only as the sublime side of a dualistic
view of landscapes:

Amongst the scenes which are deeply
impressed on my mind, none exceed in
sublimity the primeval forests,
undefaced by the hand of man, whether
those of Brazil, where the powers of
life are predominant, or those of
Tierra del Fuego, where death 8 decay
prevail. Both are temples filled with
the varied productions of the God of

Nature.
(437)

This passage was written in 1836 at the end of the voyage.
One wonders why Darwin chose to depict such. a stark
contrast, in light of the more mixed view expressed in the
plant notes. Perhaps in the public voice of the travel
narrator, he could not express the more mixed impression
he received as a lone scientific observer.

The balanced view of a struggle for mastery between
life and death which is found in the plant notes is
remarkably similar to the description of nature found in
the "entangled bank" passage in The Wee.
Darwin begins with a description of a pleasant scene--one
that could be found in any wild and luxuriant British
garden:

It is interesting to contemplate an
entangled bank, clothed with many
plants of many kinds, with birds
singing on the bushes, with various

insects flitting about, and with worms
crawling through the damp earth. . .56

47

Variety and interest--"entangled," "many plants of many
kinds,” "various"--combine with images. of happiness--
"singing," flitting,"--and utility--a bank that is
decently "clothed," "worms crawling through the damp
earth." All is as it should be in this garden landscape.

Behind this pleasant scene lie laws which require a
"struggle for Idfe" and the extinction of "less-improved
forms.”7 The birds singing on the bushes live by laws
that require "famine and death.” However, the happiness
of the birds singing on the bushes is not merely a surface
appearance: It is also a product of the struggle, famine,
and death. The image of death and life striving for
mastery in the Fuegian forest has been resolved into an
image of life (and the progressive improvement of life)
following from struggle and death. "Thus, from the war of
nature, from famine and death, the most exalted object
which we are capable of conceiving, namely, the production
of the higher animals, directly follows."“ Death is
necessary for evolution to function, for "natural
selection acts by life and death."“

The realms of life and death, happiness and misery,
are not the only areas in the entangled bank ‘where
elements of the dualistic landscape metaphors have been
mixed. Darwin invites the reader 'to contemplate the
entangled bank with its familiar associations from the
British garden, yet behind its reassuring and beautiful

surface lie all the sublime elements which were so

48
difficult to "contemplate" on the Beagle voyage--the
complex struggles and violent landscapes of the
wilderness, whether the overwhelmingly productive
rainforest or the decaying gloom of Tierra del Fuego. All
of these can be subsumed and contemplated in the form of a
familiar microcosm--the entangled bank of a garden. The
laws Darwin lists include both the happy ones, .of
reproduction and variation, and the less happy ones, of
struggle and extinction, but he advises us to take these
laws in their "largest sense.“m
The largeness of view, however, comes ultimately from

Darwin's ability to blend harmoniously-~in a law-governed
way--the sublime and the beautiful elements of nature. To
do this in a manner that appeals to the sensibilities of
his readers he applies an overt comparison between
Newton's law of gravity and his own evolutionary laws:

...whilst this planet has gone cycling

on according to the fixed law of

gravity, from so simple a beginning

endless forms most beautiful and most

wonderful have been, and are being,

evolved.71
Harmony is implied by the discovery of a law-governed
order underlying nature’s complex appearance.

However, Darwin also appeals to the sensibilities
of his readers in a less overt way--through his choice of
aesthetic terminology to describe his "view." He manages
to harmonize conflicting aesthetic elements and subsume

them under one term, much as landscape aesthetics had

earlier subsumed elements of beauty with elemnts of

49
roughness and decay in the notion of the picturesque.
Darwin, however, harmonizes a deeper, more disturbing
conflict of the sublime and the beautiful, subsuming it
under a differnt term: "There is grandeur in this view of
life...”2 A grand view is a large view, but grandeur
also includes in its meaning a sense of orderliness in the
view. By using this term, he may also have intended to
evoke a mood of seriousness in the reader: The small
beauties of the garden evoke happiness, and the large
horrors of war and famine evoke fear, but to understand
that from these horrors arise the "endless forms most
beautiful and wonderful" as well as the "most exalted
object which we are capable of conceiving" requires

seriousness as well as largeness of vision.

CONCLUSION

Darwin’s early view of nature contained elements
found in early 19th century landscape aesthetics. This
tradition of landscape aesthetics had undergone a long
period of development in which frightening aspects of
nature had at first been recognized and segregated into
the category of the ”sublime." Later, elements of the
sublime were combined with elements of the "beautiful" in
the concept of the "picturesque." With a change of taste
in landscape design, however, this notion of. the
picturesque became part of a new set of oppposing
categories--the picturesque vs. the habitable. The
meaning of "picturesque" ultimately shifted in the usage
of some to include elements of the habitable. Darwin's
use of the term on the Beagle voyage reflects this shift.
When describing landscapes, Darwin unconsciously divided
them into opposing categories--the beautiful or
picturesque tropical landscape and its opposite, the
sublime or grotesque wasteland. The inhabitants of these
landscapes "fit" their environment in much the way the
viewers of landscape gardens were expected to be
influenced by the view.

However, Darwin noticed when his expectations of the

50

51

relationship between environment and inhabitants were not
met: In the Galapagos Islands animals and birds thrived
inthe barren-looking regions, and in Tierra del Fuego the
ocean teamed with life, even supporting the humans who
lived there. Beginning in the Beagle scientific notebooks
and continuing through the W, one
finds Darwin using "mixed metaphors" combining elements of
the previously dualistic landscape metaphors. The
culmination of this development is found in the "entangled
bank" metaphor at the end of The_9rigin_ei_§peeiea. In
that passage, he uses the term ”grandeur" to describe a
view of nature in which the sublime struggle yields
beautiful and improved forms of life.

Darwin's use of an aesthetic terminology familiar to
his audience lent power to his explanation of evolution in
The_Drigin_er_Bpeeiee. As Gillian Beer observes of this
text, "...interaction and the formation of significance
takes place not only within a single metaphor but Beryeen
W.” This interaction--
and, indeed, tension--between metaphors plays a role in
the process of discovery, as well. Although he did not
consciously recognize the dualism in his view of landscape
while on the Beagle voyage, Darwin did notice when the
characteristics of a landscape blurred that dualism. In
the view of nature he expressed in the image of the
"entangled bank," he found a way to account for those

anomalies while combining elements of the old dualism into

‘ 52

EN DN OTES

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

ENDNOTES

Gillian Beer. DarsinLa_2lptsi__EXQIHtipnarx_Narra§ixs
iLWlipt—andJinfissntth
Biggien (London, Boston, Melbourne and Henley:
Routledge 8 Kegan Paul, 1983), 9.

Harold L. Burstyn, "If Darwin Wasn't the Baagla's
Naturalist, Why was He on Board?" The__Bririan
Ipurna1___fer__JauL__flistprx__JuL__§sienss

8
(1975)28:62-69.

Kenneth Clark, Langeeape_inre_5rr (London: J. Murray,
1976), 19.

Author unknown, review of Humphry Repton's Bragmenra

Gardeninslilin_tne_.RsspEEEJUua__£udaio The.
Quarrerly_3eyiey 16 (Oct. 1816-Jan. 1817): 417.
Peter Bicknell. BeautxI__Bprrer__and__1mmsnsitxi

(Cambridge, England: Cambridge Univeristy Press,
1981), xiv.

Christopher Thacker. The_flistprz_pf_§ardens (London:
Croom Helm, 1979), 200.

Ibid., 203.
Ibid., 198.
Edmund Burke,
(London: G. Bell 8
Sons, 1902), 115.

Ibid., 13.
Humphry Repton. Esqc. An_Ensuirx_intp_rhe_§nansss_2f

I are: as: - 0‘9 l' 1 0 r- s " *1“: e

M (London: T. Bensley and Son for J. Taylor,
1816), 28.

Thacker, Hierery, 227.
53

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

54

Author unknown, Quarrerly_3eyiey 16: 427.
Repton. mm. 155-

Ronald Rees, "Constable, Turner, and Views of Nature

in the Nineteenth Century, " fine—Geograenieal
Beyiey 72 (July, 1982) 3:253.

William Gilpin. WW

'9 ‘ u.’ -. ‘ ' 21°. 0! I: 1° 110.5 -_.-°

0
I - - D
Q . e u e, ,ge .e- . Q ’0 ‘ , Le r“:

addedl- (London, 1808).-

Charles Darwin,
:Beagle" (Cambridge, England: Cambridge at the
University Press, 1933), 427. Hereafter
cited in the text by page number only.

Paul Barrett. WNW

Mien
Daryin (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1974), 12.

Gavin de Beer. editor: W
' (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1983), 83.

, (Oxford: Oxford At the
Clarendon Press, 1978).

De Beer. MW. 49-

John Milton, °

. Edited by Scott
Elledge. (New York: W.W. Norton 8 Company, Inc.,
1975), 84.

Clark. Landscape. 16.

Henry Home (Lord Kames) . Windmills—in
Memes (Edinburgh: Printed for A. Millar,
London: and A. Kincaid 8 J. Bell, Edinburgh, 1762),
Vol. I, 244-46.

Edward Manier. WW

0 . ' - -I - - - -
- x -’. ’ O - I I Q 1,,9 '. 9°... !'

.-.I’l.e.” 2!! 3' °- ’3 . . v. ‘ ' !‘
Wen- (Boston: D- Reidel
Publishing Company, 1978), 94-96.

!;°‘

William Werdsworth, Breee_flerke. Edited by William
Knight. (London: MacMillan and Co., Ltd., 1896),
Vol. II, 31.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

32.

33.

34.

35.

36.

37.

38.

39.

40.

41.

42.

43.

44.

45.

46.

47.

55

Ibid., 28.

Author unknown. Quarrerly_3eyiey 16: 429.
De Beer. Autsbissrsphiss. 53-

Ibid., 56.

Burke, yinaiearien, 41.

Ibid., 96.

Ibid., 43.

Gilpin, Three_Beeay§, 9.
Repton, Bngniry, 161-4.
Ibid., 129.
Ibid., 56.
Ibid., 147.
Bicknell, Beanry, xiv.
Ibid.
Darwin, Diary, 437, note 40.
Edmunds V. Bunkse, "Humboldt and an Aesthetic
Tradition in Geography,"
mm 71 (April, 1981) 2: 134.
Ibid.
Alexander von Humboldt, Yi§W§__2£__N§§nI§I____QI
Q9ntsmp1atiena_9n_5he_Sub1ime_£hsnpmena_pf_smsatien

with__asisntifis__111ustratipns (London: Henry G-
Bohn, York St., Covent Garden, 1850).

Alexander de [von] Humboldt and. Aime Bonpland,
B:I§QDA1.INQJDElQ11EL——91L——113UULL§——Jazr-Juui
o

Esuin9stiaI__Bss1ene___1L_Jaui__Neu__£Euuurmuua.
durins_the_xeare_1122:1891- (London: Longman.
Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, 1814-29), Vol. II,
185.

Repton. Ensuirx. 164.

Frederick Burkhardt and Sydney Smith, editors: The

9prIssuuunuanai__pf__32uuflusL__narsin (Cambridge.
England: Cambridge University Press, 1985),

48.

49.

50.
51.

52.

53.

54.

55.

56.

57.
58.
59.

60.

61.
62.
63.

64.

56

Vol. I, Letter to Carolina Darwin: September
1833, 331.

Philip D. Curtin, -
and—AW (Madison: University of
Wisconsin Press, 1964), 40-43.

Robert FitzRoy, "A Letter Containing Remarks on the
Moral State of Tahiti, New Zealand, etc.,"

Philosophisa1_1rasts (London. 1836). 224-230-

Ibid., 233-34.
Ibid., 234.
Erasmus Darwin ,

.. (London: Printed
for J. Johnson, 1791), 207.

Charles Darwin. Ipurna1__pf__Bsssarshss__intp__the
9sp1psx__and__Natura1__Histpr2__of__tne__Yaripus
szauuaduaLIxisited_JuL_BIMISI_JEssu:ssudnrhuL_the
(London:

spmmand__pf__Qaptain__£itzBoYI__Blul
Henry Colburn, Great Marlborough Street,
1839), 299.

Home, Elemenre, Vol. III, 320.

Charles Darwin, The_3e§_fierepegk. Edited by Sandra
Herbert. (Ithaca and London: Cornell University
Press, 1980), 60-61.

Charles Darwin, "Birds," The Beagle Notebooks. DAR
29-2. Cambridge University Library Darwin Archives:
Cambridge, England: 71.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Burstyn, "If Darwin...," 64.

Stanley Edgar Hyman, °

(New York:
Atheneum, 1962).

Darwin, legrnal, 303.
Ibid. I 304-50
Ibid., 305.

Ibid.

65.

66.

67.

68.

69.

70.

71.

72.

73.

57
Charles Darwin, ”Plants," Darwin's South American

Plants. 1836-39. Uncatalogued. Cambridge University
Library Darwin Archives: Cambridge, England: 3.

Charles Darwin. Qn__ths__Qrisin;_pf__§pesisslila
Lassimile:ef__JauL__InJEUL__EdisdsuL__xith__Jmn

Introdustipn.bx.£rnst_uaxr (New York: Atheneum.
1967), 489.

Ibid., 490.
Ibid.
Ibid., 194.
Ibid., 489.
Ibid., 490.
Ibid.

Beer, glare, 96.

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