.r 71.5%", n. 1.1... 51": '. 1“. ' .1' ' ‘ “2:11.? A

’5', 5. “55’5": . 1",,. 2:52;," :';"__-.‘,A-’ 'C" 3/

,I 5 , ‘-".“ ‘g '1 ‘ 3:,- ~ I I - pa' '1 ' .W‘."i‘\ .‘~' '1
‘5”: .vwr --‘ f ‘ ~ ' ‘F 2 cc." ' ' -' ‘ ””533 5 " .-..

-. 1
-.-....3,:..'.

I I 43' I l

[A

‘

3'
or u .'.'4I'a _

91.“
.tllu .

v’
. 7. f . '7‘ _.
A f ‘ 1 1- “ ‘ - A.
’.,r. (:5, ' . . 5 .. -' , . A. A ,-".'f‘” 3:12.. 5r:
'/?51,:'1"‘l..”‘ " ‘ . _"_ ' W. I, 1 . 5"”11'1‘
‘ ‘ - . . . A 1. . .,:’.'-0_‘
’1’ If. . 5‘" 1. ’1 . QM . H "’1. 5, . '. V .‘: fitflhy' “7.94
I - '1’1'. 5 n :12}; car: -- , . - 44 '1 “
‘ r'ub - .b 5 - 1_ 7 "'r‘ ".2391” ‘1', .

....

2‘! f: 1’ ‘4'“;

‘ «5-,;
. ’2. 3‘? (Mr.
_ an"; v5.5.5: {J’l‘ai‘

AMI-1)”! \-
2W1:

‘iug- 0“,.1
2:2?

 

.A. 5.5,
. “:25.
$95 0‘"? I V{; zilli"(1«V-5 "i; 3
“a" t”. $5 " ‘ 5P ("‘3
0 I}? 1' y.» 1,3 5'1”}? 1’;- '2:4’£P ‘fi
$1,?) 5*?” 10‘5"“: . :4'“ 3:" '(:“ in", ‘1'"‘5‘:
4‘)" . ,,.{::.,,q,..‘;,+ «:3 A 5,... ..'." sic-‘55:. . ‘
l

J :1 I_ - . I ’3 , . | ‘ ('3’
5‘55?» . , "’3‘ an?” ' 555 .- ~. 5 “2:155:33?“ (”‘4‘ ' “fl
5 .‘ ‘ K?;'"“‘ . l-~ .‘ 3a ‘33; larva-{)5 1‘;- ( int, '3 "1“}? 'ifz: ‘3 :'%2;&"
'. ‘t ‘f "Am 1:" 5 "
' ., 1...! 1.. . 7‘.' .‘fl “\.. 5;"

s 5 5’< 4-5 "
5535525335., A.
'3: "r
V'

 

["01 5-21:2: M "$1 Aft?) ‘ff . 1.; £1.13
a} ‘6’ . rfl. ...r .2{ )1?

1"? ‘1‘??? I 1‘. ‘. ‘ ‘""‘:§:Tl 1";
If I n ‘ ' - ' v. - . :
' $5543“ ”Wk?- 9.; "g 33:13:: " ' (I). “Ff-m ' “’ ‘; 5‘ ’, "3 :3 " “f.“
‘, 2' a} )‘fi Efflnh {£3 ”'6 ‘ v.1- (VD-J" 1“ 'u 11" ‘ O: "(115 ? ‘13.»:113
5_ . . ‘,.‘ .I-‘af . :... "ajflffix . .“(1 ‘.’f “5.1. ("I 5.1),; yvfié
_ xii. 31.15, ' ”3:3,; I“ f""("‘u'¥1 A"? I”? 7.34.45; ‘5’. J I}.(’l‘ i'
' '4W‘::: 4‘05””. 331.2529”? C; far? ‘1" 5*”..2.”
1’" 1' - ?/€4 4“..- :mn l_l{/( '1! ,H-{U'I
.701 A, .55 5: I 27:3
3%??? v 2%":
"40%;” V“ ( 1‘5 ’ “.3”;- ”I ‘
n I, u _' 1;:.,:
”gm’fiwfir‘f {f "M“ 555‘}? . . .‘f .v.‘ " 1555.3.
5... 535552;. . I?“ 1.5? '53“ $551 - '
4". ”2",“ ‘51::“Sl _ {727125. .5 1,?
1‘. )‘l ,1

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

nm‘ r—VM‘-‘ 5 ‘

X

1 ' ‘ r5".
5‘5" ". .‘ I 51B."
f‘. ”(19" .' , ', _ . I . . 04 n 1': 2'. 3M$:(,;‘1lufl:xi.
5,5,1”. . 1: I A" ‘5' £5,

.. 5,5. A...” :5, .555
‘1‘; .V 'J

is

1
n
n

4.2:

.555

.-£>1

.§< “9.,”J'U‘yfq .5:

A: 1
5.255152: *

‘vi. .5. .‘Av-‘r-r-zi:

 

fl
r .5 5 {r 59':- .
' .. 2 5. . 5 5 W,
'M‘ u. n, 'f 0"
42:, "’o/:/.U”" - ’4‘” A‘ “‘1 ‘fl-if -5 14,1; :’1' “’7' {riff
‘ ”'35:? (:LI'), ,3...” (rk’f (n>’UIa-- if; fig/.351 .1!

a

 

 

 

.,
‘- 4:33;“... A (1' ‘.‘
1‘ --"' .1124; r . 5 I. . .'
":19". ., «xx - :fl;.7.'.15.§..

' Wm.

.' ' 75..

‘ r-‘fi.

k

I.

.'-~

5.35:. 51.9153; . ‘ '

.
H’j' "- :‘f."
.h ’D’ '5‘4’5.
m 5 15.. '5’. 12,-,
, W. . . . .5 x1 cw: I~ — . .. ~ “It“
5.2/5.5... 5..- ' ~ _ 15/5. .- ,; ~5 45.117.71.555! ..5 .f g ‘I
{1“} 1v .{ff'f-‘g 5 .'1".‘:tf»’a"’l""“‘,l ;, ~
. "H ‘s J
at“ m" "9

1

4.4

MV". "1:19;.

ml ‘n‘ .
f.‘ ..
"j"" [isn‘t
'-‘f ‘5". 'J-‘-'(I 5' , v
5 -"" 515-1535355542 ."'
1'.’1~..-'..,,.:,5 ‘5
. ‘5‘

53'...) .

 

‘. I
In VF".

l n .
I}. 3‘2.

 

I
“’55: \K‘ 55;. ‘1‘ '.'.-.~. :0;

 

lllllllll Hll Illlllllll..1.|Hl|| M w V \W I” '

3 1293 00538 1094

 

usmm w
Michigan State
University

 

 

 

This is to certify that the

dissertation entitled

THE CULTURE, URBAN CONTEXT AND ECONOMICS OF
WOMEN'S FRESH PRODUCE MARKETING
IN HARARE, ZIMBABWE

presented by

Nancy Ellen Horn

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph - D- degree in Juthxopolagy

 

2% AZ,“

 

Major professor

 

Dateébl A; /7 Ir

MS U it an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771

 

 

remove this checkout from
your record. FINES will
———* be charged if book is
returned after the date
stamped below.

MS'U!‘ gglunNING MATERIALS:
Place in book drop to
LIBRARIES
I“

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

wave 2 1:333; “12. :Js‘éiti'bfi
I‘.
[hi “ a: ‘;
‘J
1 (V) t
l
'1
.. L,
$25» 5
.41» O t

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

'DHE CUIEURE, URBHN’CONTEXT‘ANDIEOGNOMICS OF
‘WUMEN‘S FRESH PRODUCEIMKRKETING
IN'HARKRE, ZIMBABWE

Nancy Ellen Horn

A.DISSERTNTTGN

Suhnitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR.OF’PHILOSOPHY

Department of Anthrquology

1988

l m»

We
uuf‘J Q

_,a
1- _ *

4

Am
'IHECIJHIURE,URBANWANDWGOF

W'smmm
INHARARE, ZIMBAHVE

By
Nancy Ellen Horn

WhydosomanyvmneninurbanAfricagenerateincanesthrough
snallscalefoodmarketing? IIhisdissertationseekstoanswerthis
questionintermsofthefemalefreshpmduceverflorsinflarare,
Zinbabwe.

'Iheanalysisofcultural,urbancontextualarxieconmic
variablestoexplainflnisfinernnenmtakesitsleadfrunassertiors
in marketing anthropology put forward by Plattner (1985zxi):

. . . individual econanic behavior [113 the outcane of a
anti-causal, goal-driven decision procedure, where the

actor is operating in relative ignorance and uncertainty,

with canplex goals and constraints.

Since this econanic slot is occupied almost exclusively by
wunen, the first part of this analysis explores the historical
backgramithatbraightwunentothefreshpmduceverfling
enterprise. Subsequent chapters analyze data generated through
participant observation, the administration of an interview sdnedule
and collection of pricing data. 'Ihese chapters discuss the cultural
beliefs about wcmen's work roles in Shana-speaking societies, the
urbancontextual factorsmakingitnecessaryformnentogeneratean
incane, andtheecormicsofthefreshproducevendingbusimss. The
critical factors determining wanern's participation in these
enterprisesareidentifiedastheurbanneedtogeneratecashincane

in order that wunen can fulfill their family food provisioning roles
ardcancareforthewell-beirgofflneirdnildren.

‘Ihe conclusions forms on the outcanes and inplications of
wunen's narketing activities as they apply to their families and to
urban food security. Policy mggestions are made in order that m
cancontixmetogenerateincanesinthisnamerardtofulfilltheir
provisioning and child-welfare roles.

MDICA‘I'IGW
Idedicatethisdissertationtomyson, Andrew, forhis
mitivenessandhisjcytobeinAfricaonceagain, andtomy
mther and father, Lilla and Richard Horn, who did not survive long
enmghtoseethehanorconferreduponmeonthedayIreceivedmy
degree.

ii

'Ihis studymnldnorthavebeenpossiblewitlmttheassistarne
of many people. A Fulbright-Hays Doctoral Dissertation Award and a
National Scieme Foundation Dissertation Inprovenent Award provided
thefmflingtocorrmcttheroseardireportedinthisdissertatim.

Professor Charles Dbrrison, Associate Dean, Social Science, arr!
Professor mvid Wiley, Director, African Studies (latter, and:
cantritutedtothecastructimofmyproposalardwereiistrmnental
inmyreceivingthe fnmdingaclmledgedabove.

Professor William Dernnan, Acting Dainty Director, African
Studies Center, and Professor, Anthrqaology, served as my camittee
Chairperson and research advisor througtmt the period of research
arrl writing. throld Riley, Professor, Agrioiltural mics,
provided significant guidance in analyzing the ecormic data.

'Professor Mandi Rukuni, Dean, Faculty of Agriculture, am
Professor Kingston Nyamapfene, Chairperson, Land Panaganent, both of
tlsUniversityoninbabwe,welcanedtheroseard11caductedin
Zinbabwe, and provided me with an office and naterial support to
curator. this sturdy.

My research assistants, Elijah mauka, 'I‘akawira m, Edias
Cherera, Florence nmdhlande, and Jtmior Homers, were all extremely
helpful and insightful during the course of research.

The friends who provided moral support and editorial

iii

assistance, namelyNancyRadtkeandJoyoeWood, willremanberthe
year ittookmetowritethisdissertatim.
Lastly,Iwishtoackrmledgethepatienceanderrhranceofmy
son, Arrirew, “nose zest for life in Africa, as well as his
perceptiversssdurirgtheperiodofwritirg,prwidedmethetineard
space—as well as the tacit encouragement—I needed to fulfill my

goals.

iv

6mm 0 I O O O O O O I O O O O O O O O ....... O O

WanenardbhrketixginAfriea

Introduction ..... ..... . .......
EconmicAnthropologyarriMarkets.... .........
Wanen,IncaneGenerati1gardtheInformalSector..
InformalSectorandMigr-ationm
WanenandInformalMarketsW...”
WmnenandMarketsinAfrica....... ..... .
1. IowsandFocusofReseardi........
2. TradeinFoodccmnoditiesW
3.Pricirg............ .
4. VisibilityardWanen'sIncaneGeneratim.
5. DisposalofIncane.. ............ .
DataGeneratmn ..... .
ResearchAssistants........... .........

Data Analysis and Chapter Organization ......... .

mm. 0 O O O O O O O O O O OOOOOOOOOOOOO

Agrioaltural and Urban Development: Historical Backgmmd
to Fresh Produce Vending in Harare

‘me Rural Division of labor and Pre-Oolonial Tradirg
Practices .................. .
LardAlienationarritheIaborReserveEconauy.......
Migration, Urbanization and Raising. . . . ........
'meFormalardInformalSectorardFreshProduceMarketirg
Wanen'sRetailVendirgNiche........ ..... ..

mm. 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O .....

'nneFreshProduceMarketingysteminHarare

Introduction........... ............
‘IheFreshProduceMarketingSystanW ......
Productim and Marketirg System Based on Color ......
FormalSectorWholesalers......... ........
InfomnalSectorWholesalers................
'Ihe Production/Marketirg System and Retail Vendors
l.Seasonality...... ....... ..

2. Qiality
3. OamdityAccess

V

35

35
38
44

49
55
57

59

59
59

66
73

77
78
78
78

4....MarketAccess....... ........
5. Reliability of Published Prices. . ...... .
6. mm. 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O

7 O mum O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O

ml‘JSim O I O O O O O O O O 0

mm 0 O O O O O I O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

Produce

Wanen, Migratim, inking Sense of the City and Fresh
Marketing

Ianguage,Birthp1aceandEtrmicity.......

Marriage.............. .......
MigrationtoHarare ...................
FandlylifeandChildren ................
LinkagestoRnralKin....... ..........

Widcwhood, DivoroeardRenarriage. . . . . . . .
' EcormicSenseoftheCity. . . . . . . .
”Fonnal" and "Infernal" Sector Inccme Generation

Gm FIVE O O O O O O I O O O O I O O O O O O O I 0
Economic Aspects of Wanen's Marketing Activities

Introductim........ ......

Grosskrgins.......... ........
Casel—Anailhniel............
Casez—Anai'rendaim.
Case3—AmaiGeorge........
Case4—AmaiDino.............
Chseé—AmaiPaul.............

Analysis of Variability inGrossMargins. . . .

1. Variation in Wholesale Price Dee to Seasonal

'Ihe Conduct of Rnsiness. . . ...............
Conclusion and the Ethic of Work .............

Mly. O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O
2 . Variation in Wholesale Price Due to the Place

3. OmnodityDifferentiation..........
4. Physical Properties of and Vendor Position in

m mm1m O O O O O O O I O O O
5. Physical location of the Marketplace.
6. Dnrationofmterprise........

7. "Regulars"ardCredit....... .....

9 O mtitim I O O O O ....... O
10. molesaler Cheating .

11 0 mr O 0 O O O O O O O O ........

vi

80
80
81
82

84

84

86

91
93
96
100
106
109
110
113
122

124

124
125
132
134
136
137
139
141
143

144

146
146

147
148
149
152
153

SmmaryofOonstraintstoIncreasirgGrossMarginsand

Remrnstolabor.....

CostofDoingBusiness. . ......... . ......
Wastage . ...................

1.
2.

msm O I O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O
Onltural and Contextual Variables Determining Wanen's
Fresh Produce Vending Activities in Harare

Q11ture,WorkandWcmen'scnoices. . . . . . ......
UrbaniifeandtheNeedtoGenerateanIncane.

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.

Marriage and Marital Status ........
'Ihe Family and Female Fertility .....

MaleEmploymentIevels........
'meMythofthe'flouseholdEcamy".
me Disintegratian of the Family Unit

mmeenBecuneFreshProdweVerdors. . . . .

1.
2.

3.
4.

5.
6.

Parole Employment Writy Structures
Warren's Provisicnirg Roles and the Divisim

of

'IheinturalValueofthesubstanceEdnanged.

Ebreroisirg "Psychic Control" Over an Urban

EconunicActivity. . . . . . .........
OtherIncanesarrlProfessionachrds. . .
Wmen'sNeedsardcnildcare.......
Smunaryarriconclusions...... .....

WW I O O O O O . . O . . . . . . . O . O O

'Ihe Consequences of Wanen's Marketing Activities
Introduction

Arguments
VhyVendorsDovmat'IheyDo..... ..... ..

Stmnaryofonltural,UrbanOmtextualandEcannic

Inplications of Wcmen's Activities. . ..........
'Ihe Family and Nutrition. . ........
Urban Provisioning. . . ............
Urban Food Security . ........ . .

1.
2.
3.

vii

156
156
157

161
163
164
165

167

167
167
168
169
171
178
179
183
185
187

188

192
193

198
200
201
201

205

205

205
208
210
210
211
212

Wmnen'sMarketirgActivitiesardDevelqment....... 213

1. EEC-Funded Project: hashonaland East
Snallhclder Fruit and Vegetable Programne . . . 213
2. Zinbabwe Wanen's Bnreau Musika Oo-QJerative . . 215
OaslusiasandPolicyRecamnerdations.......... 216
APPENDIX A—Interviav Schedule. ....... . . . . ..... 227
APPBIDDKE-PrichIJSdnedule . .......... ...... 242

mm. . . O . . O . O . . O O O O . . O O O . . O . O . 245

viii

1.1—Populatia'n Distribution in Harare Based at Ethnicity.
1.2-Smnurban Distributim of Harare Population . . . . .
1.3—Suburban Distribution of Stall and Table Vendors. . .

3 . 1—dnaracteristics of Informal/Forml or 'Iwo-Circuit
3.2—Estimated Volume ofCropsBeingSold'mroughFormal
SectorMarleetingChannelsinI-Iarare, Ju1y1985-

m1986......................
3 . 3—Average Wholesale Prices for Selected Cannodities,

DecanberlQBS—Novanber1986.............
3 . 4—Cmparative Wholesale Prices Per Kilogram of Selected

FreshProduce, IndependentMarketflM) andeareMusika

Farmer'skrket (M4),Mardnthrouthuly1986 . . . .
3.5—‘Iypical WholesaleTransportOoststoSelectedAreas .

4.1—Distribnntion of Zinnbabwean Languages Spoken by Vendors.

4.2—vemr "imam m We . . . . . . . . . O . . .

4.3--Vendor Fertility Expressed in Nunber of Children Alive.

4.4—Nunnber of Children Living with Vendor-Parents . . . .
4 . 5—Distribution of Other Residents in Vendor Households.
4.6—Frequency of Verdor Visitation to Rural Kin . . . . .
4.7—Amounts Verdor Pays for Transport "flare" . . . . . .

5.1—Fresh Produce Being Sold at Retail Marketsites

‘IhroughoutHarare.......... ..........

5.2—Gross Margins per Kilogram of Sixteen Crops, March 1-

July 24, 1986 . . . ...................

5.3—Acunal Wholesale Unit Purchased and Retail Mark-Up
5.4—Gross Fargins—Amai mniel—Week of March 3, 1986
5.5—Gross Margins—Ami 'Iendai—Week of April 1, 1986
5.6—Gross Margins—Ami George—Week of May 19, 1986
5.7—Gross Margins—Amai Dino—Week of June 9, 1986. .
5.8—Gross DhrgiIB—Anai Tatu—Week of July 7, 1986. .
5.9-Gross Margins—Anal Paul-duly 24, 1986 . . . . .

attheLocationWhereInterviewed. . . . . . . . .
5.1l-Ctnstcmer Pool for Selected High DensitySuburbs . .
5.12-Sannp1ePercentageof Omnodities Discarded. . . . .
5.13-NetReturnstoCapitalPerWeekforSixCaseSt1dy

Vendors
5.14-MeanNetRemrnstoCapital for 40 Vendors. .....
5.15-Weekly Expenditures for SixVendorCaseStLdies . . .
5.16-Mean Weekly Expenditures for All Vendors. . . . . . .
5.17-Other FinancialRescurcesfor SixVendors . . . . . .
5.18-Weekly Mean of Additional Vendor Financial Resources.

5.10-Sunnmary of the Ntmber of Years Vendors Have Been Selling

5.19-‘Iotal Weekly Net Incanes and Expenditures of Six Vendors

ix

21
23
27

62

70

72

73
75

85
91
93
94
95
97
98

128

129
131
133
135
137
139
142
143

151
157

159
159
161
162
164
164
165

5.20-'Iotal WeeklyNet Incanes and Expenditures of Vendors. . .

6.1-4nneHighDernsitySuhnrbsofHarare. . . . . . . . . . . .
6.2—MaritalStatusofWaneninzinnbame. . . . . . . . . . .
6.3—M'nrital Stat-ins of FemaleFroshProduceVendorsinHarare.
6.4-Marita18tausofmneninHighfield'IWrship. . . . . .
6.5—Iobola/RooraRequiredforMarriage. . . . . . . . . . . .
6.6—Fertility levels of AfricanWaneninHarareandofFresh
6.7—EdnmtimofMalesinHarare...............
6.8—Educational Levels of Male Spouses of Fanale Fresh
ProduceVendorsmI-Iarare
6.9—National EducationallevelsandUnanployment. . . . . . .
6.10—Average Monthly Ebnperditures for Harare Vendor Houshmds.
6.11-McxnthlyInccnnesGeneratedbyMaleSpouses. . . . . . . .
6.12—EducationallevelsAdnievedbchmeninI-Iarare. . . . . .
6 . 13-Educationa1 levels of Female Fresh Produce Vendors in
6.14-MaleandFanale Unemployment LevelsinUrbanOenters. . .

165

171
172
173
173
176

179
182

182
183
184
185
189

190
191

m
11-HarareSuburbs22

3.1—FormalardInformalFreshProduceMarketirgcnamnels. . . 61

ammonia

W

'nnragtnnturbanAfrica,wunencanbeobsenredsellirgfresh
andcookedfoodsbnffsfrmpavenents,streetcornersandmarket
stalls. While circumstances bringing African wanen to cities vary
broadly,thecontentofurbanlife,theneedforcashonadaily
basis, andtheculunral considerations denaroating vmnen'sworkare
aspectsthathelpdeterminewunen'smarketingroles. Miatarethe
socio-historical events that bring wanen to this econanic role? Why
havesonanywunenchosentoestablishthesesmallscale
enterprises? Given their ubiquitous presence and the competition
between vedors selling similar cannodities, do when experience
returns to labor sufficient to meet their financial obligations?

'IhisstndyfocusesonaparticularsubsetofmarketW
thosewhcsellfreshproducefrmthemarketstallsardstreetside
tables locatedthrangtnntthemanysuburbscanprisirgGreaterHarare,
the capital of Zinbabwe. The core questions explored are: whether
orncttheretumstolaborgeneratedbysellingfreshproducemeet
urbanwunen'scashneeds; and, iftheydonot,whydosomany
participate? In effect, if ecornnic retur'rns do not sufficiently inset
mn'simanegesratingneeds,whatflnenarethemlmralandurban
cantexunalvariablesthatnustbeamlyzedtomderstardwhywmendo
whattheydc?

A problen ensuing frun the identification of these questions is
which body of literature to draw uporn. While the anthropological

1

2
rationale to study markets enanates fran the literature of econanic
anthropology, whathasbee'nadvancedinthissub-fielddoesnot
adeqlatfflycovertheqnestiors explored.

Thefeninist literamremwaneninAfricatedstorstma
Marxist rationale of the subordination of wanen to capitalist forces
overwhidnwunenhavelittleornocmtrol. 'missbndy, m,
castswunenaspositiveactorsderivingthemeanstomeettheir
financialneeds fruntheironlunraleqnertiseandtheirabilityto
createanurbanniche for thenselves.

'Ihemarketphencmermsondiedissiunatedintheso-called
"informal" sector, originally delineated by econanists, in which
transactionsandincauesarenotrecordedard, therefore, arenot
subjecttogovernmnenttaxationorinclndedinstatestatistics. 'Ihe
argumentspositedinthisshdy, however,donctdea1withthe
theoretical morass in which these small-scale enterprises are
situated.

'nnephysical settingofthisnarketingactivityisurban, an
arealesssudiedinthepastbyanthropologiststhanby
sociologists. While anthropologists have considered a number of
urban topics on migratiorn and social relations, this study only
peripherallycasiderstheseisenesinthearslysisofrmwunencame
toocanpytheiroccupatianal niche.

The geographic locatim of this study also differs signifi-
cantly fran other market wunen's studies. Earlier studies, primrily
conducted in West Africa, reflect the exploration of social theory of
interestatthetinue: capitalistpenetration ofthemarket, central

3

place theory, the relationship between social structure and social
organization of the marketplace, charging social structure in
accordamewithdnangesinaccesstothemearsofprodtctioryard
Marxistfeninisttheory. 'nnecaseofzinnbabwediffersfranthosein
WestAfricaduetoitsmiqnesettingwithinthelaborreserve
econauy and policies of racial segregation instituted during the
period of British colonization. Thus, theoretical corsideratims
reflect the socio—historical cirumstances of the labor reserve
ecornuythatcreatedaneedforvnnentogenerateanincmewithmt
adegmtely'I-‘nt'tim'nh'.ngtl'nemearstodoso.

'Ihespecificfocusofthisshdyisawunen'sincanegeneratirg
activity, a subject considered by researchers in many disciplines
mderthegeneralheadingofmnenindevelopnent. Firdingsinthis
fieldfocuslargelyonconstraintswcmennustcveroanetogenerate
theinncanestheyneed. 'Ihissttdycorsidersjusthownnuchinncane
wmen generate in operating these micro-enterprises. Morewer,
follwingrecentreseardnmtnvvnnendisposeoftheirincanes,this
studyalsopresentsananalysisofhowincanesareutilizedto
fulfill female provisioning roles and to contribute to the well-
beingoftheirchildren.

Insnmrary,thissttdydoesmthaveonetheoretical"tune."
Instead, itdrawsuponmanytheoreticalandenpiricalbasesinorder
tofocusonanennpirical problem. "License"topresentsuchan
analysis on marketing, hmnever, rests within the discipline of
anthropologyitself:

An anthropological econcnnic analysis should, almost by
definition be grounded in broad mledge of local

4

content. . . . Inexplaining econanic behavior people
drawideasasbefitstheneedfrunfornnalecormic

theory, econanic geography, political econmny and

econanichistoryaswellasfrmailmral anthropology

(Plattner 1985:viii) .

The content out of wl'nidn an anthropologically explored ecancmic
behaviorisge'neratedisasinportantasaretheanlonraland
econanic variables forging wanen's narketing roles. While the focus
isthevmnenthenselves, ornennustnotlosesightofthevaried
emeriencesthatbranghtthemtowheretheyare:

. . . individual econcnnicbehavior [i]stheoutcaneofa

milti-causal , goal-driven decision procedure, where the

actor is operating in relative ignorance and mdertainnty,
with catplex goals and constraints (Plattner 1985:xi) .

NW

The stndyofnarketsbyanthropologists derivesfraninquiries
attenprtirgtodiscernthe”econanic"inculunralgroups (Malinowski
1922). The debates in econmic anthropology arose as the result of
Raymond Firth's attenpt to apply "formal," nee-classical economic
theories of maximization to a pre-capitalist society (Firth 1929) and
Herskovits' (1940, 1952) consideration of what constitutes "ecornanic"
as opposed to sinnply "rational" behavior in another pie-capitalist
society.

AnalternativetothisamroadnoccurredinSouthernAfrica
with Schapera's (1928) work on the effects of the labor reserve
econnannyofSanthAfricaonthe'IswanainthethenBedmanaland
Protectorate. Ensuirg studies by Dalton (1961) in Africa asserted
that neo-classical econanic theories cannot be applied to the stndy
of ethnic econmies because of the nature of the institutions
governing the "econcnnic." He argued for a more "substantial"

5

definition of the econonic in pro-capitalist societies, that is, the
econoniccamnotreallybeseparatedfrunotheraqnectsofsocial
organization.

milethissudydoesnctectendthispolenic, itdoescocern
soneoftheissuesraised. “creastheformalist/substantivist
debates concerned the analysis of pre-capitalist societies, the
present analysis concerns the range of variables forging a partionlar
econonnic behavior within a capitalist framework. While prior
literature addresses the determinative instance—culture or
econonics—of a society's collective behavior, this study cosiders
both the onltural and econonic variables contributing to individual
behavior.

Althoghthepolenicdevelopedfurthertoirclndetheargtments
of Wm, decision theorists, and the like,1 this arnalysis
theoretically branches off at this juncture to address the
anthropological literature on markets that arose out of these
debates. As colonial econonies, and later independent econonies,
intruded upon rural production, transformation in the division of
laborandmodeofproductionoccnrred. 'Ihecreationofthemarket
eoormygaveanumoponogiststhsoppommitytosmdymensmicmrai
comectiosbeoveenecononictrarsactiosandtherestofonlmreard
social organization" (Bdnannan and Dalton 1965:1) .

'Ihestudies incorporatedintheBohamanardDaltonvolume
illustrate, on the one extreme, the inability to separate the

 

lForadiscussionofthevariousrountesthispolennictookin
its early years, see Firth (1967); and for later years see Orlove
(1985).

6
"econonic" fron patterns of social organization within ethnic groups,
ardontheother,howtheedsteceofbothmarketplacesanda
marketoreadnangeprincipleservetoenharceeconouicdevelogment
throghthesaleofcashcrops. Interestingly, themainquestion
posedintheseearlyyearsofmarketanalysis issimilartotheone
this stidy explores:

[D]otransactiosinmarketplacesorbythemarket

principle provide sellers and producers with the bulk of

their naterial livelihood, or do they nnot? (Bdnannan and

Daltm 1965:5) .

While the findings in the Bohemian-Dalton volume indicate the
decreased iuportance of market "place" and the subsunnption of human
innteraction under the market "principle" (exchange) , this study,
because of the particular characteristics of zinbabwean history,
arguesthat "place" isaveryinnportantvariableindeterminingthe
ethos of the narket "principle. "

Incone ion 0

Many studies of markets in Africa focussed, beginning in 1972,
on whether markets fell under the purview of government regulation-
"formal markets"-or not—"informal narkets." The latter, labelled
as a "residual" of capitalist developnent (Setlmraman 1976),
incorporates enterprises characterized by: an ease of entry: self or
family ownership: relianceonindigenous resources: ahighdegreeof
carpetition: andaMfaigattitndeonthepartofgovernenent.
Inconesgeneratedarencrmallyconparedtothelowestdntainable
salaries for unskilled workers in the fornnal sector (Davies 1974).

'Iheformal econony, andmarketswithin it, ontheotherhand,
are dnaracterized as: protected by legalized barriers to entry:

7
owncdandoperatednndergovenmcntregulatiourelyinguponboth
indigenous and inported resonrms: oligmolistic or mocpolistic: and
regulatedbygovernmentstandardsandtaxationalo 1972:8eealso
user 1978, and Peattie 1980).

Researdncoductedonenterprisesintheinfornnalsectorhave
exploredfurtherthethenesidentifiedbySetlmranonandtheIlD.
BendtardFermn(q.ctedinTinfl<er1981)arguethattlcdevelqment,
grwth,ardcontimedecisteceoftheinfornalmarketisattributed
to the structural inbalance of the formal econouy—"to a failure of
thedistritntionandpricirgsystenstoadjustandserveareasof
unmet needs" (mixer 1981:54) .

milethisargumentisinntegraltoonrmderstandingofthe
linksbetweentheformalandinfornalsectors,dnatitdoesrct
cosider is how government regulation itself can create the informal
econcruy. In Zinnbabwe, policies of racial segregation were
inplenenntedtocontrolthennmberofAfricansconingintothewhite
donain of cities. legislation sought to make Africans invisible in
thewhitencrthernsuburbsofflarare. AlthonghAfricanlaborwas
cncialtotheecononicdevelopnentoftheconntry,theirpersonal
needsforfoodardlmsingweredealtwithoneitheramorge
jm basis of invisibility. ‘Ihat is, stcps catering to white
clienteledidnotselltherangeof foodstuffsindenandbyAfricans.
SirceAfricanswerenotlegallyallowedtooperateenterprisesinthe
mitesuhnrbs,t1cysoghttomeettncirrcedsintlclegallycreated

Africantownships. Bygovernmnentregulationpreventingtheissuance
of licenses to Africans to sell in white donnains, Africans,

8
particularly African mmen, provisioned African labor doniciled in
Additionally, since the number of provisioners seated to
mltiplyinaccordancewithdenandandthencedforvnnentogenerate
an income, and since different townships fell under the purview of
various regulatingbodies (GreaterHararewasnctincoporateduntil
1972), by-laws governing stall marketing and hawking were both
annbiguous in their innterpretation and difficult to enforce. 'Ihus,
this study illustrates that the historical develoment of such a
sectoryis' -a-*v;§' retail freshproducen‘arketingisequallyinnportannt
toanmderstandingofthisphenonencnasanecomicanalysisofits
creation as a "residual" in capitalist developnent.
Mom; Seagr and Miggtion
Asub-theneininformalsectorstudiesisitspre—eninenceas
the first linne of employment for newly-arriving urban migrarnts. A
conparative study by Sethuranan in Africa (1977) and a partionlar
case study of Nairobi by Werlin (1981) attribute the growth of the
infor'nal econouy to increased rural/urban migration:
Avastmajorityofmrkersintheinnformalsectorare
migrants, often fronregiosnotfarfronntheurban
centreswheretheynowlive. Apartfronthelimited
amount of enployment available in the fornnal sector,
theirreasosforenteringtheinformal sectorinsuon
large numbers—despite their expressed preference for
seonrewageenployment—seentobeconnectedmainlywith
their level of education, age, skills and training
(Sethurannan 1977:345) .
As this study illustrates, the econonic history of zinbabwe
createdstruconral inbalancessuchthatmigrationbycertainmenbers

oftheruralhonseholdawayfronthefamily farmwasnecessaryfor

9

econonnic survival . mile forced migration was an initial strategy of
mine owners (see van Onselen 1976) , later strategies to generate more
African labor ircltded land alienation, forced relocation, and
differential pricing for agricultural comnodities. Once in us city,
racially-based structural imbalances reflected in African salaries
(kept low for white indnstrialists to acomulate capital)
newssitatedthatfamilyinconesbegeneratedbothbyarural
producerandanurbanlaborer. Whenitbecamepossibleforthe
entire family to migrate to the city (when it was found industrialist
needs could be better served when families resided with laborers),
geder-based biases in hiring prevented wonen fron obtaining formal
sectorenploymentenceptonacasualorseasonalbasis.

Informal sector activities, characterized as they are as having
largely escaped recognition, enumeration, regulation and protection
bygovernnnnents,havenctbeeninclndedinnationalecocnic
statistics (Davies 1979) . Data on ircones generated by many national
bureaus of statistics do not cosider the mtegory ”self-enployed" as
relevant. Assuch, tteinconesgeneratedthroghpettycomcdity
production and marketing retain invisible to the state.

‘Ihis neglect and oversight in data collection most critically
affects our understanding of wonen's urban econouic activities, since
itiswonenmcconprisetremajorityofownersandenployeesinthis
sectorinSub-SaharanAfrica. Forinstance,MilimoandFisseha
(1986:52) found that in Zanbia wmen own 60% of small scale
enterprises, and constitute 54% of the employees. If only marketing
enterprisesarecosidered, thenwonenom75% ofenterprises, and

10
constitute 69% of the ennployees.
MW

mile onlyahandfulofshldiesconductedinAfrica specific-
ally concern wonen's work in the informl sector, H (see miles-
Rosette 1982), the majority of studies of female vendors and
entreprenalrs do fall within the purview of this sector (Hill 1963;
Hodier arri Ukm 1969: Johnson 1973; Wood 1974; Bide 1979: (1130 1980:
miles-Rosette 1981; Kaba 1982; African Training & Research Centre for
Wonen 1984: Robertson 1984; and Clark 1986) . 'Ihese studies clearly
document the significance of wonen's activities in the urban econonny.
Since the studies are not specifically situated in the informl
sector, however, they do not idenntify limitations to further
development the informal sector inposes (for exanple, the size of the
enterprise or access to credit).

Forinstance, asthisstuiypointsout,wonnen'sabilityto
accmmlatecapitalardeupandtheirretailingoperationstomre
profitable wholesaling enterprises is onrtailed by several factors,
mg which are: the structural limitations of capital availability:
transport that is costly, tine-cosmning, and inamropriately routed:
and faulty designn annd location of marketplaces. An additional factor
concemstherelatioehipbetmentheverdor'sgenderanucosistant
supply. If female vendors sought to establish a wholesale operation,
acrnlcialvariableindeternninirgthesuccessofsudnanenterprise
is the relationsip established with suppliers. Since African
producers nust overconne many obstacles to market their harvests,
trading relationships would have to be established with the

11
comercialproducersintheHarareerNircns. That is, anAfrican
fanalewolldhavetocreateanagreanentwithawhitemalecomercial
producer, arelationslnipthatwonldconennrderolestionbothon
cultural and historical grounnds.

More inrtensiveresearchonactivitiesinthissectorhas
delineated a gender-based division of labor according to materials,
inplennents annd conformity to culturally-based perceptions as to what
constitutes wonen's work and what constitutes men's work. For
innstarnce, nen, ontheonehannd, generallyusewood, metal, rubber,
andspunthread (carpenters, furnituremakers, shoemakers,weavers
annd tailors) (Howard 1986) . ‘Ihey are also innvolved in electrical
repair, tinsmithing, building and upholstery (Mayo M 1934).
Wonenn, ontheotherhand, usestraw, fibers, andclay (baskets, nets,
and pottery). 'Ihey also bran her, make confectionery itons, knit,
and crochet (Milinne & Fisseha 1986). Marketing activities are not so
easily divided, although it appears that volume of trade, annd thus
returnsto labor, playarole inwhetnerwonenhaveacmss: wonen
are generally the retail traders, while nen are the wholesale
entrepreneurs. Sudnisprinarilytlecaseamogtnefrcshptrcduce
vendors in Harare.

MW

" . . . tieworldoftlemarketisawonan'swcrld" asserted
Gloria Marshall/Niara Sudarkasa (1969:249) in tl‘e conclusion of her
dissertation. Her conclusions parallel those of Frolidn (1940/1932) ,
Jonnson (1973), Gore (1978), Trager' (1979), Obbo (1980), Kaba (1982),
the African TraininganriReseardn Centre forWonen (1984), Robertson

12

(1984) annd Clark (1986). Each of these studies foonses on various
aqnects of wonen's marketing activities, primarily in West Africa.
While noe specifically asks the questions explored in this study,
findingsoftl'eirresearcharepertinent. Relevanttothiss‘bddyare
tteirdisonssionson: 1) thelocusanrifoonsofreseardn; 2) trade
in food conmodities; 3) pricing; 4) visibility and wonen's inncone
geeration; annd 5) disposal of incone.

1. W. Datawerecollectedinthis
studyfronthenarketmnsolelyinnthemarketplace, similartot’he
amroach utilized by Johnson (1973), ‘I‘rager (1976), Kaba (1982) and
Clark (1986) , each of whonn followed the suggestions of Polly Hill
(1970:11-12) that "market wonen should be intervieved in the market."
'ne rationale for following this advice for the current sandy is
basedontleprofitabilityqnestionslsonghttoanswer, andthevery
long hours vendors spend in the marketplace.

Otterresearchers, however, songhttoascertaindatatoanswer
different onestions. Otter studies conducted in tte narketplace
concerned the following: the ways in whidn uarket wonen in Nigeria
enplcyedvarionsgoalsandtacticstoneettleobjectiveof
acquisition, accunmlation annd manipulation of money capital to
enhancetleirpositioewithinthemarketingstnncture (Jdnnson
1973); the utilization of central place theory in consideration of
the relatioeip between market spatial structure annd the social
organizations it enhances in Yoruba narkets in Nigeria ('I‘rager 1976) 3
the generation of a data base on wonen's socio-econonic activities in
Liberia (Kaba 1982); and how Asante wonen's position in IQnmasi

13
CentralMarketinananatelpsdeterminetteircapacityforautonnons
social action (Clark 1986) .

Studies that sought to contextualize wonen's marketing
activitiesortomeasuretteireffectuponsocialrelationsboth
within annd outside the marketplace (findarkasa 1973; dabo 1980:
Robertson1984)inelnriedinterviedngnarketwonenintnenarketsand
intheirhones. Bysodoing,Sudarkasacouldascertain"theeffect
oftradebywonenontnestructureof,andthebehavioralpatterns
within,thekinanriresidentialmnitstowhidnwonenbelong"
(Sudarkasa1973:2). ObbodeterminedhowardwhywoneninUganda
migrate. In identifying tteir "struggle for eoononnic independence,"
slefon’rimanywonenbeconeself-enployedegaginginmrketing
activities so as to reduce male dependence (who 1980:125).
RobertsonsetouttoanalyzesocialonangeamongGawoneninAccra,
Ghana, "[B]utbythetime1hadtriedan initial pre—surveyin1971-
72,tnecverweeninginportanceoft1adingactivitiesinpervading
everyaspectoftnewonen's livesnadeaconsideration of econonnics
inperative. . . . IstartedonttoworkwithwnnennIendedby
workingwith traders" (Robertson 1984:25).

2. W.flemlm1amhistorical
cironnstaneesforgingtlelinkbetweenwonenandfreshproonoe,and
tiesocio-historicalaccomtofhowmenduringtnecolonialerain
Zinbabwetere"permitted"tosellthesecorncditiescostitnnteapects
of uniqueness in the exploration of market woren. mile wonen's
marketing activities are specifically linked to yarns and kola nuts in
Nigeria (Trager1976),andtovarionsfreshfoodcrrpsinanana(core

14
1978; Robertson 1984; Clark 1987), the linnk betnueen wonen and
specific foodcomoditiesgoesbeyarithatwhidntheyarecbservedtc
narket.

Kaba (1982) in Liberia, and Gore (1978), the African Training a
Research Centre for Wonen (1984) and Ronertson (1984)in Giana, and
Schildkront (1979) in Nigeria have all linked wonen to food narketing
via their roles as rural food producers annd family food provisioners.
In particular, Sdnildkrout denonstrates how the cultural values of
Hausa society validate tne categorization of mrk. She successfully
argues that the onltural expectations of mslim wonen's behavior in
Kanodeterminewhatmnencandotogenerateincones. 'Ihese
emectationsorbondariesreqnireaninternediaryforemhangeto
take place: tie wonen's children.

Although tie current disonssion primarily concerns writings on
Africa, trelinkbetweenmenardfoodmarketinghasbeen
established inotherplaces. InPapua/NewGuinea, wonenaresaidto
beinnvolvedinthefoodtradebecauseoftheirrurallinktofood
cultivation and distribution (metein 1982) . In Jamaica, wonnen are
saidtosupplyat least 80% offreshproducereedsbecausetheyare
traditionally the gardeners of the society (Brant-Gonzalez 1976) .
InOostaRica,vmenenterthesebusinessesbecausetherhythmof
buying and selling is conpatible with woten's damstic dnores (Ashe
1985).

Whilethissundydoesnottrytoestablishatinewhenflm-
speaJdngmnbegantleirinvolvenentinfoodtrade, itdoessuggest
an ideological link between woten annd food production. It is highly

15
likelythatsudnafood/narketlinkisestablisredforwonenbecause
oftleirenpertiseinfoodproductionintneruralareas. Guyer's
statement seems toapplytothis situation: ". . . nevtasks [are]
subsumedmnderecistingonltural categories . . ." (Guyer1978z6).
'nnatis,whentteonltnnalcontentontofwhidnwonen'secomic
activitieshavebeenderivedcharges,theexpertisetheyhave
acqnirediscarriedwiththentotteirnevewironments. mns,wonenn
whoarelinkedtofoodproductionintneruralareasthmnghtl'eir
onlturallyascribedrolescarrywiththentotheurbanareasthe
enpertisethathasbeengeeratedintheirforneroontects:

...thoseregioswterewonendoninatethefoodtrade

ofruralanriurbanmarketsareusuallytheregioewhidn

are characterized by fenale farming traditios (Boserup

1970:91).

3 . Pricg’ . ‘Ihe dynamics innvolved in price determination of
anygivenconmodityrestupontneelenentsofsupplyanridetand.
While these econonnic principles go far in explaining price
variability, otter factors contribute to fluctuation. In Zinbabwe,
anaspectofthisdynamicconcernstneexpectationaconsnmerhasof
Mats/tewillberequiredtopayforagivenqnantityofa
counodity. Clark (1986) found that wonen vendors annd onstoners
egagenotonlyinpricebutalsoinquantitybargaining. For
emple, a heap of tonnatoes might be offered at a certainprice, but
aconsnmermight"bargaindown"thatpricemntilslereaonesalevel
shewishestopay. milettevendoriswrappingthepurdnase,she
"dashes"hercustoneranextraannumt. Ifthatamounntis
insufficient in the custoner's eyes, shewill ask for more. 'Ihus,

althoughtlepriceofaparticularqnantityofacomcdityhasbeen

16
agreedupon, ttetaciturderstandirgisthatthatprice innclnriesa
certainextraportion.

'ne Zinnbabwe case offers little evidence of this dynamic.
Whilecertainveriorsineluieafreetonatowhenaleapispnoesed,
t1eaddedquantitygenerallyconesfronapilethatis"goingoff“
(spoiling) thatttevendorkeepsunderlerstall. Inonlytwo
innstaneesdidchservevedorsgiving"fr'esh"tonatoestoenticethe
cusonter's retanrn. mile pricing is not absolute, ttere is less
variability in Zinbabwe than in West Africa.
inking "visible"

 

the incone geerating activities of wonen who have been "invisible"
to national statistics annd to developnent planners (see Ievis 1981)
was targeted as a research challege specifically by Boserup (1970)
interseninalworkonwonenindevelopnennt. Inmostinetan-ss, the
ecomiccontrihntionswcnenmaketotleruralrnnseholdareas
invisible to national statistics as their activities in the urban
infornnnal sector:
A significant part of women's actual econonnic
contribution goes unrecorded in nnational statistics and
itisontnebasisofthesestatisticsthatdevelopnent
plarns are devised (Gill 1984:9) .
'nnereisthedangerthatthisinvisibilitytothenational
econonic eye precludes wcmen fron enjoying tl'e fruits of
"development." While studies conducted subsequent to Boserup's
publication have identified the nanny econonnic activities in which
«men are egaged in rural Africa (see, for Cameroon: Guyer 1977,
1980: Henn 1978: Bryson 1979: Ferguson annd Horn 1984: for Botswana:

Fortnann 1980, 1981: Horn 1984: and cotparative works on Africa:

l7
Staudt 1979: Bryson1984), otterresearchcontinnestopoinntontthat
wonenarestillnotappropriatelycoeideredinthedesignand
inplenentation of development programs (see mlansey and Austin 1984:
Cloud 1984).

Genderblindnessisalsodnaracteristicofdevelopnentprograns
inzinbabwedesignedtoenhancetneprommionanimrketingof
horticultural crops. Little recognition, if any, has been accorded
the najor producers of these crops—wonen—and nee planns for
distribution annd marketing stqa with nale wholesalers.

mile the focus and major bodies of literature upon which this
studydramarenotcenteredoannnenindemlopnetflthe
consequencesofwonen'sfreshproducemarketirgactivitiesneedtobe
enamined in this light. Government failure to consider wonen's
contributions to urban food provisioning and family maintenance
perpetuate wonen's innvisibility in the developnent process. making
tte consequences of wonen's marketing activities more visible is oe
of the goals of this study.

5. W- Methodological difficulties created
problems in incone data collection in Zinnbabwe. Polly Hill has
captured tie essence of this diffionlty:

. .an[African]marketisoneofthemost
unconfortable and inconvenient places in the world in
which to conduct respectable field work—tie difficulties
are the extreme fluidity and conplexity of the
undocnnnented situation annd the need to trouble informants
attheirmonentofmaximnnamciety,wnentneyare
concluding transactions (Hill 1963:444) .

These difficulties had to be overcome if anything amroncimating

accurate incone data could be collected. Unlike other stndies that

18
attenptedtocollectinomedatafronrecall,lco'ducteddafly
weighirg,conntinganrirecordingenerciseswitheadnoftneveriors.
‘nneseactivitiesproducedtl'eineonesreportedindnapterFive.

Having collectedthisdata, itwas of theoretical inportanceto
ascertainwhatwonendowithtneinconestl'eygeerate. Anaseertion
mdeandattestedtointhiswritingruneparalleltottefinriingsof
Blunberg (1987): thatnnenandwmneninAfricahaveseparateincones
andseparateobligationsforsperiingit:wl'erewouenhaveresonroes
undertheirinriepedentcontrol,tneyteri,mrethanmen,todevote
themtc feedingtheirfamiliesandtotheir children's well-being:
andgivensomanyAfricanwonnen'sneedsforresourossforfamily
provisioning, they tend to allocate their labor toward activites that
pntinnconeannd/orfoodm'dertneirdirectconntrol(811mbergl987:2).
WhileRcbertson relied mainlyonreported honeehold inncone, ste found
similarly that nanonen's incone was disposedof largely inmeeting
Innseholdecperiimresanriimestirgintlewell-beingoftleir
children (W1 1984:2216) .

Inemnary,thissbxiybothparallelsandcontrastswithotler
shndiescoriuctedonmarketwooen. Itdivergesfronothersuriiesin
tnecpestions asked, nethodologies enployedandnanyof the findings.
Renarkably,however, itissimilartootlerstudiesinthatmst
appeartodrawtneconclusiontlettleinconevnnengeeratethrogh
marketingactivities largely remainsunriertheircontrol, anndthat
incones are utilized to satisfy tl'e needs of family provisioning and
child welfare. In its conclusion, this study conplenents otter
shriiesonmrketvnneninthatitsuggestspolicydnangestoehance

19
W's ability to geerate greater inorne, thus enabling than to
better provision tl'eir families and to invest in tl'eir children's
fuhnre.
We!

Econonic activities in African society cannot be

place (Bell 1986:170).

'Ihissuriyconsiderstleculunral, contentualandecononic,
variablesthatcontributetoonrmflerstandingofanurbanecononic
behavior in Africa. How this analysis proceeds is a reflection of
tie research methodologies employed.

In line with the anthropological , econonic, and sociological
nature of this research, the methodologies enployed in data
collection reflect a challenge Polly Hill advanced 18 years ago:

Iftheinnvestigatorisanecomist,neshould
usually discard his traditional procedure of collecting

most of his nnaterial through field assistants using

questionnairesinfavorofanethodlearnedfron
anthropologists which mainly relies on questioning and

observing inndividuals while they are at work.

Marketurrnensholldbeintervienedintnemaflcet. . . .

'Iheprocedureshonldbeseni-statistical, inthesense

that similar, even identical, questions should be put to

nanny informants independently, with a view to conparing,

even totalling, their results (Hill 1970:11-12).

Myconcernasananthrtpologistcoriuctingthisresearonwasto
ascertain infornnnation on the African population of Harare. Given
Zinbabwe's relatively recent independence—April 18, l980—I was
innterestedinidentifyingsoneoftleonangesthathadtakenplacein
tie city, especially as they affected wonen.

Myassnmptionthatnnmanbehaviordoesnotreslltfronasingle

lineofreasoningledmetoconsiderthebroadcontextsinwhidn

20

wonen in Harare rake decisios. mile I explored an econonic
activity, I did so in tie sociological context of the city, the
ecomiccontextoftheinformlmarket, andthecnlmralcontext,
primrily, of the belief systes annd patterns of behavior of Shona-
speaking people (although the information reported is not limited to
Shonaspeakers). SinceAfricanwonenhavenotalwaysbeenapar-tof
tneurbanecononic landscapeinthesanewayastheyaretoday,
settirgthehistoricalcontextfortheseactivitieswasalsoseenas
innportant ifIwastodeterminevtndtdnangeshadtakenplace. These
approaches, assmnptiosanniconcernslednetodesigntnereseardnin
the mannner reported below.

oeofthefirsttasksofthisreseardnwastoidentifytle
distribution of tie population delineated for research. Colonially-
inposed African urban influx legislation created a segregated city in
which population distribution effects are measurable in Harare today.
According to the 1982 census, the population of zinbabwe at the tire
of enumeration was 7,501,470 (Zinnbabwe, (SO 1985:8). 'Ite population
of Harare was reported as 658,364 (Zinrbabwe, C30, Table 20, January
3, 1984).2 ‘Ihe distribution of this population, reported in
acoordancewithtnecategoriesusedbythecesus, ispresentedin
Table 1.1.

 

1'Ihesefigmesarebasedontl'e1982 Census. 'nepopulation
ofHararehasincrasedamnally, althoughatarangeofestinnated
rates of between 4.8% and 10.5% (Rhodesia, Ministry of Finance
1979:6). A current estimate of the population of Harare is sonevhere
bemoan 800,000 and 1,000,000.

 

Colored 3,932 4,271 8,203
Otter (non-

specified) 1,000 929 1,929
TOMS 354,829 303,535 658, 364

 

* Source: Zinn'babwe, (:30, Table 20, January 3, 1984.

'nnispopnlationisdistrihntedamogtlenanysuhnrbsof
Harare. Africans live primarily in the sixteen or more high density
suburbs (in earlier years called "tomships") , Um of which have been
costructed sinnce independence—Hamliffe annd Parloicge/Pontainbleu
(see Figure 1.1). Psople of European descent live in the seventy
plus low density sublrbs. Table 1.2 illustrates this population

'Ihe distribution of tie African population in Harare presented
ne with certain nethodological problens in determining an apprcpriate
sanple. Eadnanburbcontainedbetweenoeandeightmarkets. How
could these be identified and enunerated?. How I resolved this issue
ispresentedinttedescriptionofthereseardnprooess.

'Ihereseardnincluded: personallyadministeringanopen—e'ded
set of questios asked of fresh produce vendors identified throughout
thecity; delineatingasub-sannpleof 325vendorstowhonamore
intensivesurveyquestionnairevasadministeredbymyreseardn
assistants annd myself; personnally collecting pricing information on

22

index of large scale maps in through roads
[IMAM n"
. SN LL I

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 1.1. Harare Suburbs (taken fron ’me Guide to the Streets and
Buildgg‘ s of Greater Harare, Vol 6, No. 2, Revised October 1983,
published by the National Marketing & Publishing Co. (Pvt.) Ltd.) .

 

Low Density
Adylinn
Alexandra Park
Amy/Hamly/Bhelew
Arcadia*

Ardbennie*

Avenues“

Avcnndale**

Avondale West
Belgravia/Milton Park
Belvedere

Bluff Hill
Borrowdale

Braesidek
Gnadconbe/Meadowlands
cnisipite/Iewisham
City Center

Colnne Valley
Crowborough
Eastleigh

Glen Iorne
Greencroft

Greendale

Greengrove
Greystoe

Gunn Hill

Hatfield

Helesvale/Iuna/
Garrick Creigh

Highlannds

Hillside

Horley

Houghton Park

Industrial Area

Kopje

Mabelreign/Hazel Park/

Meyrick Park

Marlborough
Mt. Pleasant
Groonbridge
Northwood
Parktown

 

3 Zinnbabwe, Central Statistics Office, Table 41, January 26, 1984.

459
1,499
955
524
470
7,347
3,949
929
1,495
2,739
651
1,979
1,493
1, 157
701
1,747
1,547
159
2,518
1, 154
1,072
3 , 198
1,110
1,276
488
2,903

659
3,406
876
181
442
911
878
472

5,232
1,054
2,220

2,923
1,231
671

1,291
3,673
2,965
2,138
2,052

17,128

9,019
2,326
3,669
7,976
1,954
5,698
5,292
3,984
1,858
4,192
3,794

703
6,268
3,485
2,883
8,243
3,725
3,388
1,178

10, 236

2,129
8,448
2,404

774
1,854
2,247
2,646
2,000

17 , 397

3,030
6,954

7,649
3,243
2,708

0000000.... .000...0..0..
meqeoqomemeqeowommmuuen-nn—nuno

UNNUNNUN-DNNNUUNUNNNNNbbUNN
.

NOUIEVUQUIN

huNhfiNNU
0

an? 9N“
OmG H‘Ow

24

Poland 390 1,033 2.6
Prospect Hill 1,049 3,929 3.7
gleesdale 406 1,567 3.9
Rietfontein 383 1,148 3.0
Ridgeview 792 2,995 3.8
Rolf Valley 435 1,238 2.8
Sontlertonir 92 4,132 4.5
St. Martin'sit 225 995 4.4
Sn.mnningdale* 278 1,485 5.3
Strathaven/Monovale 867 2,137 2.5
'Be Grange 467 1,333 2.9
mm 580 2,504 4.3
University 54 179 3.3
Uplands 156 754 4.8
Vainona 769 2,186 2.8
Waterfalls 1,768 7,186 4.1
Westwood*** 247 874 3.5
Willowvale 239 l , 030 4 . 3
Wilmington Park 227 782 3.4
1m IINSITY 'ICIAIS 74,832 220,088 2.9
High Density****
Chikurubi 1,347 5,131 3.8
Cranbourne 1,322 5,479 4.1
Dzivarisekwa 4,818 22,718 4.7
Glen Norah 11,265 45,668 4.1
Glen View 15,960 59,775 3.7
Highfield 19 , 201 73 , 501 3 . 8
Kannhnzuma 6,607 25,521 3.6
Mabvuku 9,151 38,958 4.3
Marinnba Park 813 3,342 4.1
mare 14,211 59,366 4.2
mfakose 9,291 44,703 4.8
Rgare 1,475 8,362 5.7
Tafara 4,602 21,069 4.6
Warren Park 3,301 13,672 4.1
HIGH IINSITY 'ICIAIS 103,364 427,265 4.1
HARARE TCIALS 178,196 647,353# 3.6

 

* Suburbs formerly reserved for "colored" people.
** Aparnnent dwelling doninate these suburbs.
***'Ihissuhlrbwasraciallymixedfronthetimeofits
establishment.
****‘Ihislistdoesnetinclnde1mohighdesitysuhnrbscreated
after the cesus was taken, i.e., Parloidge/Fontainbleu and
Hatcliffe.
# It is unnclear to re why the official published census figures do
nottallywiththetableswithwhichIwassurpliedbythe
Census Bureau.

25
wholesale and resale transactios: and personally coducting partic-
ipannt observation and informl interviewing at 23 different market-
sitesthroughouttlecity. 'nnereseardnwascoductedinthree

 

Hyenpirical
concernswiththeHararevedingpopulationstemedfronftn’ded
researdnproposalsthatsoghttolinkurbanmimntvegetable
vedorstotheirruralkin. Ihypothesized,contrarytonnuchofthe
literature on the disintegration of tie family as a result of
migration, that rural/urban family ties would be stregthened as the
resnltoftlecreationofadualdepedencybetweenruralproducers
andurbanvedors. ‘Ihatis,ruralfemaleproducerswouldbe
deperhntupontleirmsbandsforcashrenittanoes,butnalemigrannt
vedorswculdbedependentontheirruralkintosurplythenwith
cropstosell.

Myinitial foraysintothefieldindicatedmytotalmiscon-
ceptionoftteenterprise. MarketingfreshproduceinnHararedidnot
restuponawife/nmsband,mral/urbankinednange,bntupon
comercialtransactiosbebweenAfricanfenaleretailvendorsand
African and/or white wholesalers. 'Iims, I developed a set of
guestios designed to elicit information on the nature of tie
enterpriseanditsententthrogtnntthecity. 'Iheresultsofthis
initialnappingandfact—findirgreseardnappearinaworldngpaper
Witwfawmstmummmmmmof
the University of Zinnbabwe (nnow known as tie Agrionltural Eoononics

Department) (Horn 1986) .

26

Intheprocessofridingupanddomallthestreetsandbyways
of Harare, I nnoted the relatively sparse distribution of vedors. In
coducting earlier research at Midnigan State University and at the
National Archives and the University of zinbabwe, I learned that the
city had been divided alog racial lines and that certain regulatios
prevented the spontaneous establishment of snall scale enterprises.
Figure 1.1 illustrated tre division of the city into high and low
density suburbs, while Table 1.3 illustrates where and how many
vendors were identified.

'lheresposeslreceived fronconducting initial interviews led
netotheinvestigationoftheactual inconeswonengeerate. It
amearedthattnelargemmberofvedorsinanyoemarketsite
selling similar conmodities precluded wonen's oneness of nesting
theircashneeds. Ifreturnstolaboraresolimited,1
hypothesized, Mnyaresomanyworenegagedintheenterprise? 'Ihis
qnestion, alogwithmanyothers, lednnetodesignthenextreseardn
phase.

MW- ‘Ihe need to discern
anthropological , econonnic and sociological information, as well as to
identify variables affecting wonen's nerketing enterprises in
particular, led Ire to creating a legthy interview schedule and a
pricing data sheet (Appendices A and B, respectively). My problenn,
having geerated these informatim-gatlering tools, was identifying a
relevant sanple of the 3,462 vendors.

'lb meet the time criteria inherent in participant observation,
Ihadtostayatavendinglocationlogerthanthetineittookus

 

Ardbennie/Maare 8 30 3 60
Downtown &

Sortnerton 4 52 3 106
Dzivarisekwa 9 59 3 51
Glen Norah 1 8 5 137
Glen Viev 8 157 4 108
Hatcliffe 1 8
Highfield 14 117 5 245
Kanntxnzuma 4 35 4 60
Habvuku 4 108 3 86
mare/

Pedzan'hamo 3 1209
Mufakose 6 138 5 106
Parkridge/

Fonntainbleu 4 88
Rigare 1 7
Tafara 1 8 3 101
Warren Park 1 4 3 54

SUB-’ICIAL 60 716 50 2426
MW
Arcadia 1 10
Braeside 1 10
Kllwinning/

Hatfield 1 16
Other Suburbs 40 248

ans-mm 40 248 3 36
'ICI'AL 100 964 53 2462

TOTAL W OF moons W3,426

 

*‘Belocationofvedingsitesinthelowdensitysuburbsissnxfin
that by ennmerating then I would be revealing their identity. Since
thesevedorsarenotregisterednordotheyomvalid liceses, the
presentation of their locatios might possibly subject them to
harrasenennt. Sudnpresentationisnotrestrictiveintlehigh
density suburbs wtere vedors are located in many different sites.

28
toinnterviev. 'Ibunderstandtheinnternaldynamicsofeadnmarket—
site, itwasnnecessaryto intervieweveryvendorata selected site.
How to incorporate these two necessities of anthropological research
in a survey that would produce statistically reliable results
presentedresearchdesignprcblens.

With the assistance of Dr. Jae: Roseberger, then statistician
intreDepartnentofIandmnagenentattnemniversityoninbabwe,I
developedasanplingstrategythatbronghttnesedivergentreseardn
nethodologies togetter: a directed randon cluster sanple. For the
highdesitysuhnrbs,thistermtranslatedintodnoosingoeveding
sitepersubnrbonarandonbasis. Forttelowdesitysuburbs, it
nnneannt grouping all vending sites and randouly choosing eight. At all
selected sanple sites, all vedors coducting business were defined
astte "cluster" andallwere interviewed. Atotalof 325vendors
conductingtl'eirtradeat 24 nnarketsiteswereselected. Inntesive
innterviedingwascoductedatoesitetmdaysperweek, while
participant observation, infornnal conversatios, and information
gattering on wholesale and retail pricing were conducted the
reminingdaysoftheweek. 'nneamounntoftimeittookusto
innterviewallvedorsattleselectedsitenelpeddeterminelcwlog
wrenained.

At interviewing day's end, a Polaroid picture was taken and
giventoeadnrespodentasawayofenpressingmythanksfortneir
help. Asanadditional indication ofmygratitude, Ibakedcakesand
cookies fronn the produce vedors were selling—bananas, carrots,
zucdnini,nangoes,apples—anddistribltedsonetoeadnvedorduring

29

theirmrningteabreak.

'nleseanalltdtersofthankshadaprofamdeffectmthe
relaticnshiprasabletoestablishwithmnyoftheverdors. AsI
subsequntlyleanled,mlyaveryfewmitepeop1ein21nbabwehave
everlearnedhowtospeakanyoftheShalaorNdebelelanguages. My
facilityinSha'laardmycasualdlatswithvaflorsavertaamadethan
feelmreateaseandmeirrterestedinmywork.

Ihadfo.md,duringmase0ne,thatqestionsposedmfldoftm
elicit expansive responses. In training my research assistants, I
instnlcted than to nark direct responses to questions on the
interviewsdiedule;eaq>ardedrespalsesveretobereoordedina
mtebookkeptopmduringthecourseoftheinterview. 'Ihisvery
rich data source provided me with intonation the interview sdledules
omldmt—ardalsoclearlyillustratedtonemyshortoaningsin
glestionnairedesign.

WW. 'meobjective
ofthefinalphaseofreseardlwastoasoertaintheinstiwtional
oartextinwhidlthevmencperate,theanalysisofmidlamearsin
Chapter'Ihree. 'Ibdetenninetheextentofwholesalingenterprises,
andthedegreeofcontmltheyhadindeteminingwhatgetsmrketed
where,Imriertookaninforna1surveyofsme50wholesalers
omductingtheirtradeinboththeinfonalamiformalnarketsof
Harare. 'Ibmflerstardmreabmttheproductia'mrketingproblals,
I interviened approximately 175 farmers either on their farms, at the
fanners'naflcetatmare,orattheadhocfanrers'maricetheldevery
weekendat Mabvukn. Oomrersations with leaders ofthe famer unions,

30
agricultural extension (W) personnel, the marketing manager of
the para-statal involved in horticultural crop production, and
officers of the Mmicipality rounded out my knowledge of the
institutional context of the wcmen's activities.

Beforeconcludingthissectim,sanenentimneedstobemade
ofthepeoplewhoprcvidedmewiththedepthoflmderstaniihgl
adlievedinthisreseardlmidertaking-fiuymeardlassistants.
mmistants

How I identified and chose my assistants/informants is a
relevantpointtodisalssinadissertatimsinoetheqnlityof
informationgenerateddepends,inlargepart,mwhoisasldngthe
questions.

I found Eddie selling strawberries outside of a downtown
medical office block. Heentreatedmetopirdiasehisfinalthree
bomessohecafldcztduanearlylmsharetodmibmgwizmtheurban
locatimofSeJdOammmlAreascme30lms.franI-Iarare. AfterI
engagedhiminaBO—minrtecmversatimabalthistrade,ardafter1
pudlasedthethreebmaesofstrawberries,weagreedtomeetthe
followingdaytocontimletalking.

Elijah appeared the following day, selling string bears and
potatoes. I-lereportedthatEddiemshlsysellingfruitatanearby
school. Indie had told Elijah of our conversation, and Elijah
omtinledtofurthermyknowledgeoftheverdingenterprise. Hehad
beenengagedinthetrademandoffforthepastlayears. Iasked
ElijahvmetherheardEciiiecalldgowithmetohelpneooniuctthe
firstphaseofthereseamh. AfteroonSIJItingwithead‘lother,they

31
agreedtohelpme.

Forseveraldayswetravelledupanddownttestreetsof
Harare. Withintimateh'lowledgeoftletradeardmarketing
locations, Elijah and Eddie pinpointed nany marketsites I might have
misssed. Itseetedemldhavetwover-yresalrcefulreseardi
assistantswlemtanlylmawtlecityverywethrtwlealsoknav
manyofttevendorsfrantheirmsualinteractimsattle
wholesalers.

Without warning, Elijah absented himself fran our forays into
the city. In his place, Eddie brought Taka, another friendwhowas
selling fresh produce at the sane location. Since Eddie was more
oanfortable withsaleorealong, Iagreedtohire'rakaaswell.
Unbelomettoneattletine,the"plan"wasfornetohireall
ttuee,buttlegentlemencouldmtfindtlenearetoasknemtright.
Instead,t1eymerelyplayedsubstitutesolcouldseetleteadlof
tlethreewouldbeeqiallyresalrceful.

Iwasscmevtethesitanttohirethreemlereseardlassistants
since the methodological training I had received on conducting
researdamvnnenstressedthatwmenmightfeelmreoanfortable
beinginterviaedbywanen. Isharedthisconoernwithmy
assistants, the reply to which offered me the first cultural insight
ofmyfieldresearch. 'neyargueduiathona-speakingwanenare
trained "frat: Stall up" to talk to men. W in political
hierarchies daninated by nen, participating in patrilireal,
patrilocal lireage and marriage systets, wcnen acquire tle rules of
male/female interaction as a part of the socialization process.

32
Interactionsbeuaeenvmenoftentiltes, Iwasinformed, ledto
jealousy, misurderstanding, and witchcraft accusations. 'Iheir
wamingsinpliedttetfriendshipintremrketplaceamqvelflors
wouldnotbepossible. WhileIdidmtreoessarilyagreewithwhat
t1eysaid,tleirdesiretohavepaidalploynentarrltleinsightsinto
uneveujngmsixessrbelievedlwmldreoeivefmttmledmeto
hireallthree.

Ialsohiredtwowuraitolelpintteintervials. aehadbea'i
apersalalfrierdofmineatnidliganstateardtleatlerhadvnrked
forammberofotlerforeiglersinZinbabwe. 'Ihesixofuswould
allbetogetlerintervialingtmdaysperweek,milejustoreof
thanacocmpaniednetlerelainingdaystotelpwithweighirg,
custanercomrts,andotheractivities.
WW

‘ne data generated by the inplanentation of these nethodologies
havebeengreupedtoresparltotlevarimsquestialsifl'erentin
this analysis. 'ne information collected in the archival research
appearsinChapter'Im,tleplrposeofwhidlistoidentifytle
caltnlralarrihistoricaleventstretledtotreastablislmtoftte
freshproducemarketirgsystanardtowunenoowpyingtteeoamic
nicteofretailvendor.

MaterialcollectedinPhase'Ihreemtleiretiurtialal
structureoffrashproduoenarketingappearsinclapter'mree. 'Ite
purposeofthisdlapteristosimatetheretailvendorsinan
iretihrtiorelomtexttletcenbothinpedeardenlereewmen'simme

generating activities.

33

Information gathered fran tie administration of the interview
schedule, participant observation, and informl interview
cmstitutestledatabaseforolapterFmr. 'nemanyexperierees
thatbrulghtverdoretotleireoamicmrldaretlefoalsofthis
depter,whidlcoreiderstrennalorigireofvendors,tlenanyplsh
and pull factors that precipitated vendor migration to Harare, how
familylifeadaptedtourbanlife,tletiesvetrlorsmaintaintorural
kin, how vendors established their fresh produce marketing
enterprises, and tie problems of doing business. ‘Ite discussion
providesabroadcontexmalbaclogmmdtotlespecificpoints
analyzedind'eptersFiveandSix.

mildirgmsmeoftleeootrmicparanetersofttefresh
prodteeveniirghlsiresspresentedinnarrativeformastlewunmsee
ttminclapterl‘our,dlapterFivediscussestteqlestion: doestl'e
eoonanic activity of selling freshproduoesatisyurbanmnen'scash
reeds? 'n'eanalysisprooeecbinsixsections: grossmargireandthe
mn-eootmic variables that cartribute to gererating those margins;
retretimetolabor,thatis,subtractingfranweeklygmssmargire
the cost of doing business: reusehold expenditures; adiitimal
ireanesfrmspaeesarrlkinaswellasfranotlervendorsmrces;
additional expenditures: and tie portion of household expenditures
netbywmen'sireane. ‘Ihefinalpartofthisanalysisseeksto
determirewtetlerornotmen'seamingsaresufficienttoueet
householdcashreeds.

'Iteaimofdlaptersixistoanalyzettecnlmland
contextualvariables cartrihrtingtovmen's decisiontosellfresh

34
produoeasanurbanireanega'eratingstrategy. Urbancartextual
elanents affecting this decisim include: Harare's population
distribution and housing policies; marriage and marital status: tle
family and female fertility; mle atploymait levels; cosh reads; the
household econcmy; and tte disintegration of tire urban family unit.
Elanents of why wanen beoate fresh produce vendors, specifically,
include: female exployment opportunity structures: wmen's provis-
ioning roles and the division of labor; the cultural value of tie
substanoeeocchanged; emercising"psyd1iccontrol"overanurban
econanic activity; other inoanes and professional bonds arising out
of tle produce vending experience; and vnlen's reeds and childcare.

'neconcludirgdlapterconsider‘stl'eanswerstotleoore
qtestionsamnrivmidithisstudyisorganized. ‘Iheconsequenoesand
the future of wanen's activities are then considered fran a policy
perspective. As tte result of irereasing developnent activities,
will narket wunen's inoane gererating activities be attenuated?

Drawing caelusions fran tie arguments presented in preview

depters,t1eanswertothisquestimisbasedmmypersael
assessmentofttefutureof mien'smarketingactivitiesinflarare,

Zinbabwe.

 

'nlischapterdisctesesthehistorical developnent offresh
producevendirginHarareJ-bycoleiderirgthequestions: whatare
theeventsthatledtotheestablishnentofthefreshproduce
marketingsystaninflarare,aniwhydowunenoowpytleeoamic
nicteofretailvendor? 'nehistoricalbackgrumdtotledevelqnent
ofwunen'sfreshpmdwenaricstingrolesintleinformalmrketsof
Harareinoorporatesanmberofthanes. 'Iheseinclude: tler'ural
division of labor and pre-colonial trading practices; land alienatim
and tte labor reserve eocrmy: migraticn, urbanizatim and Musing;
arritleestablistmentoftleformalandinformalfreshproduoe

 

minzinbakmearemwarrialwayshavebeenactive
participantsintteecormicmainterereeoftleirtndseholds. 'ne
oartributioretleymadeinpre—colmialtinesaroseartoftlemral
division of labor practicedmthefarming harlestead.2

 

1Millethecapital of ZinbahaewasfirstnanedSalishlry, and
tie country itself was at different times called Southern Rhodesia
arriRhodesia, thmgtmtthisdissertatimIslellcaeistentlyuse
WWW, Zinbabwe—regarldlessoftl'etimeperiodIam
discussing.

2 nesteadislerereferredtoastredefinitimofm
(hare) that incorporates several houses generally occupied by members
of an extended family, fields for plowing, gardens, and a grazing
area (du 'Ibit 1981) .

35

36
Pre-colonial Shana-speaking farmersgravawidevarietyofboth
grain and horticultural crops. Carp diversification derived frcn
several aspects of Shana life: individual taste, rimal cycles (more

green, leafyvegetablesareeatenbypregnantarrilactatingwmen),
tradewith reighboringgralpsandwithtlePormglese, andperiodic
draght(m)thatmadeforapreoariwsexista1oe.

. . inspiteofyearsofexperiemoeoftlesarttern
Zanbezianenviroment, andinqliteofthewiderangeof
crops known and tie effectiveress of hoe cultivation,
Shore agriculture was remarkably fragile (Beach 1977:43;
see also mila 1982:62) .

'Ite basic staples during the period included (Palmer 1977a):

finger millet - W bullrush millet - m
50m - memes naize - m
rice - 11m

Horticultural crops included:
pireapples pmpkins lemons zucdlini

papaya Gamers melons gmnrinuts
peas yams beans cassava

sweet potatoes

Cultivation of these crops was divided spatially aooording to
land allocaticn practices among Shae-speaking groups. Married men
were allocated hmestead lard by the heainan W) (Hollanan
1951:362). ‘ne hanestead area included a plot each for tte
cmstmctionofualearrifanalehouses, akitdenardagranary:tle
cultivation of rain-fed field crops: the pasturage of cattle (in
cannulwith otters); andaylei, (wetland) areaforvegetablearrl
fruit cultivation (Truscott 1986:30) . In turn, men allocated to each
of tleir wives their own fields—teal—over which trey exercised
danain. Wives cultivated crops to feed their families and could
dispose of any surplus in trade (Hansen 1951). Traditional law

37
ascribedtomldanainovertleirgardenplots (I-Iolleman 1952) and
overanyharvestseeuirgtherefrunaspartofmaaborofthe
hamsmtyahylaenfi

A wanan is dependent on rer husband for tie

allocatim of land and will be given a plot for a garden.
Sl'ehasca'ttrolhereoftleproduceoverarriabovetle

reedsofterfamily,anipropertygairedthroughoutside
transactionsbelongstoheralore. Stewstalsotill

herhusband's fieldsani,altlnlghsledoesnotowntle
produce, stehascontrolofttegranarywreretlefamily
staple food is stored. Wanenareresponsible forthe
productimoffoodfortlefamilyandtleircontrolover

has,astleproduoeroffoodforlerfamilyfran

cultivation ttuough tie stages of preparatim to tie

final serving, coreiderable autoncmy in its production

(May 1983:26-27) .

Agricultural tasks during tie pre-contact period were
delireated according to gender. Men were concerted periodically with
lard clearing, tree felling, and soil preparation, while wunen were
ever occupied with planting, weeding, harvesting, shelling and
wimowing (Weinrich 1979:13: Englard 1982:58) . Native Ccmnissicners
ith. Darwin, Mutare, arthokoasearlyas1903disoerredthat
wmenaretletillersoftlesoilarritlet itisduetotleirefforts
that family food consrmptim is ensured (England 1982:5) .

Agriallmraltradewasconluctedbetveenvariwssmre-ard
Ndebele-speakirr; groups. Documentation fran tte 16th century
indicates Shae-waking cultivators also traded with tte Portuguese.
'nePortugueseestablistedtradingfgiLas, atwhichbothmetalsand

crops were eacdianged (mila 1982:74-75). African farners respcnded

 

3Mpropertyixeluiedanythingamnaoq3iredviacraft
productim, actingasamidwife, orinheractivitiesasam
(traditional realer/herbalist) or a spirit medium (see May 1983:65) .

38
positively to the stimlus of this nerket:

'nebazaarswereoperatedmaweeklybasisarriitisnot
mlikelythatMeretteAfricanpeasantproducerstook
golddusttotlebazaartleyalsobroughtwiththensane
agriwlturalproduoe. Orecanonlyguessthatthismet
have stinulated production of surplus grain, neat and
vegetables for tie resident Swahili calamities in tle
various bazaars (Blila 1982:253).

Africanwanenalso figuredintheseexchanges (see, also,
Schmidt 1987):

‘Iherewasperhaps, asintl'emarketsinWestAfrica, a

segregatimofnerchantsacoordingtotreproductstl'ey

soldandalsoacoordingtosex; thatis, satewmen

traders probably sold different articles firm those sold

by men (Elila 1982:77).

During tl'e pre-colonial period, therefore, Africme had
exdenprelatiaehipswithoderAfricareaniwithPormgleseam

Swahilitraders. 'Ihistradewasinagricllturalcmmditiesarriin

metals. Agricultural trade was made possible by surplus crops
produced largely through tle labor of wunen.

 

Initial relationships establisled between Africans and matters
oftrePioteerOolmmmentleyarrivedinlsmweretleseoftrade
in both grains ani vegetables (Riddell 1978; Beach 1977:55; England
1982:24). Wmen's trading activities in these and other food crops
weredescribedinaaires' diaries: mmldgatlerarounitle
wagons with "eggs, corn, honey, nealie-neal more or less firely
poinded, white, dullgreyorpirflcinoolmracoordingtotleglality
of the corn" (Baires quoted in 31113 1982:208).

IteUnimJackwasteistedoverttearealmowntodayasI-larare
onSeptatberlz, 1890, bythePioreerColmmoowpyingtl'eareamlder

39

tte atepices of the British South Africa Cmpany (SAC) (Salisbury,
nmicipal Oaneil 1932:1). Shore-speaking Africans living m ard/or
reartlechjearrth.PleasantareasofSalisburysettlanentcaneto
tlefort/towntonarketorbartertteircropstomiteswhoreaned
tte produce of African lands (Tanser 1965:14-16). ‘ne BSAC, more
often than not, failed to transport sufficient food staples to tie
Fortarrilnmgerwasacamnonproblemtotlesettlersintleearly
year's.4 African surplus production was thus able to buffer white
starvation (Tanser l965:50).5

AltlnlghAfricareclainedowrershipviatleirareestorstotle
landsooalpiedbyttesettlers,whitesettlersdidmtagree.
Ostensibly to protect Africans "fran cmpetition with Europeans m
land" (Kay 1970:50), the EAC created tle first African Reserves in
1892. It was anticipated that African labor would be obtaired fran
treseneservestoworkattlemiresfrunwhiditlepiaeerssarghtto
extractgreatrides. Anattaxptwasnadetooo—optAfrioanlaborby
inposingalmttaxof 10 shillingspayableinooin (OrdinanceNo. 5

 

4Parsonsarguesthiswasdtemainlytoproblalswithrinierpest
andothercattlediseasesinBotswanathatpreventedwagontrains
movingnorth: "‘lmrrireds'ofwagonsvereabardoredwithooaenrotting
intteiryokes—tlevalue ofgoodsabarriaedbetweennafeldngarri
Helapye(adistanoelessthan400]ou)wasestimatedat125,oooin
April 1896. . ." (Parsons 1977:126).

5mm» earlyUnitedStateshistoryinwhid'itteIndiare
provisioredtheoolonialsardhelpedprovidetteneatanicropsfor
thefirst'lhanksgiving, sotoodidAfricansassistinthefirst
festival in Zinbabwe l‘eld on St. Patrick's Day, March 17, 1891. "Be
nenu inclrred mslm fowls, roan antelope and sable cutlets,
, sweet potatoes, green mealies and Mashona rice" (Tanser
1965:33).

40

of 1894) (Johnson 1968:79).6 Instead of producing a labor force to
servettereedsofwhitealterprises,however,tteordireree
stimlated an increase in African agricultural productim and trade.7
Africanability"torelatetotl'eneweootnnyaspeasantsratlerthan
as workers" (Ranger 1985:25) frustrated settlers who were in read of
African labor.

The sale of laborwasattractive mlywlenitirereased

thetotalrealinome, i.e., menitaddedmrethanit

subtracted from the incane achieved through agricultural

production (Janbwa and Sinners 1980:2).

InabidtoentioeAfricanlabor, miningoaxpaniessteadily
increased vages between 1899 and 1902 (Phimister 1977:258-9: Arrighi
1970) . 'Ihe recessity for tie rising supply price of labor was based
mfleabilityofAfricanpeasantstogenerateinoaneswitl'mt
selling tteir labor (Mosley 1983) .

The basic contradiction between capital and African

peasantswasthatcapitalrequiredwagelabalrard

peasants resisted this by producing for the produce

market. Pedsantswwlddothisaslongastreirunity

withtleirneansofproductimwasmttornasmier, as

long as they remained on tie land (Sibanda 1985:17).

'Ihus, itcanbearguedthattl‘epatternofAfricanrespoleeto
eoormicstresswasincreasedagricllmral production. Detonar'ket

demand, predictimwasexpardedtoincltrieavarietyofcropstlet

 

511eoontinedattalpttoiniuoeAfricanlaborviataxatimled
tosubsequentirereasesinlevies. In1904tletaxwasexpandedto
include all mlesoverls, andeveryadditional wifeoverttefirst.
Ammtsdenardedwerealsoincreasedfmntenshillingstoaepami
eadl (Johnson 1968:79).

7It is highly likely, becausewmencoretitutedtlebulkof
agricultural labor, thattleirmrdensincreasedtoneettl'edenands
oftlemrket (Schmidt 1987).

41
appealed to tie Eircpean palate—potatoes, cabbage, cauliflowers,
onions, cucumbers, bears, etc. (Native Calmissia'er, Untali 1898).8
Increased and exparded agricultural production by Africans
created an opportunity for settlers who had little ability or desire
to farm:
Most "fanners" were primarily trareport riders,
or traders, who bought—and sanetines stole—
-food fran their African reighbours, while even 'the nest
elaborate farm consisted of little more than a collectim
ofthatdedtnrtsarrluptotenplalgledacresof land'
(Palmer 1977a:228) .
Attimes, whiten-adersreoeivedfivetinestleamolmttleypaidto
anAfricanproduoerforgrainsandotterproduoe(Phimister
1977:261) . Though aware of being exploited by tre traders, Africans
grewevenneretoselltoreducetleirriskofhavingtobecmewage
labor (Ranger 1985:22-28). ‘Ihe trader's ploy, in response to
increased African production, was to offer goods—not cash—in return
for produce (Schmidt 1987:22). Perhaps this was the inpetus for
Africans, bothmenandwanen, toestablishtleirowntradingretworks
in which tley could assert greater control over pricing.
SeparatingAfricarsfrmtleirmeansofproductimwasa
systemtic policy of tie Redesian goverrlnent and its forerunrer, tie
British South Africa Cmpany.
. . . aeoftl'emainstrategiespuraedbyttecolmial
administration was to alter]: on a deliberate policy of
digessessingAfricans oftheirland, arrialsomwing

themtomarginalandpoorlands, wlminatingintl'e
creation ofReserves. Thiswasfortwonotable reasms:

 

8 Africanfarnersdidnotgrowttesecrepssolelytotradewith
thecolmials; byl921 itwasdoczmentedthatttesesanecrcpswere
being consmmdbyAfricans themselves (Ranger 1985:37).

42

to force them into the labor market and here

significantly to undermire tteir ecornnic power and

potential thus ensuring that they did not ompete with

the merging white farmers (Shava 1986z6).

If white farmer goals were to be realized, African cmpetitim
had to be stifled (Ridiell 1978:6). In 1925, as a result of the
reoamerdatiae oftre MorrisCarterCannission, tteentirecountry
wasdividedalcngracial lites. WWW
1939, sale 48 million acres were set aside for tle habitation of
250,000 non-Africans, while only 39 million acres were made available
as Reserves for sane 2-1/2 million Africans (Brown 1959:5) . Africans
wereranovedfrmtleirhighpotatialarablelarrbaniresettledm
to much less productive Reserves. Between 1931 and 1941, long after
t1e19ZOgoverrmentreports iniicatedtheReserveswerefull, sale
50,000 more families were resettled; these were followed between 1945
arr! 1959 with another 85,000 families; and fran 1964 to 1977, anotter
88,000 families joired this population (Riddel 1978:8-9) .

If limiting tie amount of land Africans could cultivate and
forcing Africans to deal with a radically different farming systan
were not sufficient to stifle cametition, the W
Wamtmfmmjw- 319W
Win19“ fan'dthatwhitefarmerswerepaid
proportionately for tleir maize while Africans were paid at set
prices less the trader's fee for tie "identical product" (Johnson
1968:48). Moreover, African farners living in the Reserves had to
travel longdistancestonarkettteirmaize. 'Iheironlyotheroption
wastobarterwithlocaltraderswhowerenotwillingtopaycashfor

deliveries. Water: who oarplaired of having to carry various neasures

43
ofgrainontheirleadstotteseuaderswerehelplesstoaltertre
newly-inposed pattern (Schmidt 1987:22) .

fieWwfleffielmtofm
Africansintobecaningfull-timelabor. Ostensiblypassedtoprcvide
forareasmablestandardcfgoodmebamryandfortteprotectimof
mtnalresourcesintteaeserves, thelaweffectivelygavelicaee
togovermenttoforcetl'edestocldngoffamilyterds (Parleredand
vm Manerty 1955:103-105). Harrassed by thee new pramlgatia'e that
cut into their incale generating abilities, farmers (both male and
fanale) sought livelihoods elsewtere. alceafarnerbecaneanurban
laborer, however, tleActprcvidedthatsmhaworkercalldnotown
lard, i.e., no split vocatims: gm tle fam, 9: tie jd). In
effect, tleActcreatedaclassoflardlessproletariatinwhidl
Africanurbanlaborersweredegrivedoftterighttoclltivateintle
mserves (flash and Cliffe 1982:2: Rifkirrl 1968:97). Amarettly,
Africansfomrimanywaystonaintaintleirtoeholdintteruralareas
while, attl'esametine,govermentfomriittoodiffimlttoenforce
treprcvisimsoftte1951Act. Itwasscproblelatictoiuplemrt
that it was ultimately W in 1962 (Weinrich 1975:29) .

The effects of these agriwlun'al ard labor policies mum's
rural ecormic roles were significant. 'lhe cmbination of late
alienation and male labor migration meant that many wanen were left
behiniintlelriballrustlarristomltivatepatchesoflanithat
were decreasingly fertile. mere male and female labor was

sufficient, anattarptwasnadetoexpandgraincmpprocmctimfor
tl'enarket. rIhisexpansiontookplaceattheexpenseofwcmen's food

44

croppr'cduction:

‘neintroductimofmshcrcpsarflgeterallardsl'ertage

intlepeasantsectorcartrihltedtottedisappearancein

manyareasandreductiminafalottersofttewunen
designated pieces of land and tl'eir crops (zinbabwe,

Ministry of Calamity Developnent arri Wanen's Affairs

1982: 5).

The crerous nature of cultivation, tl'e low ecormic returns to
tleirlabor, trelimitedcashtleyreceivedfrantl'eirsalaried
husbands, plus tle difficulties of nanaging a geographically split
household precipitated wanen' s movenent into cities. The
difficulties in fulfilling their econanic roles as food provisioters
wmenereomteredintlecities,however,wereequallyascmbersane
asthcseintheruralareas.

on tion

AsaconsequenceofthereedfcrAfricanlaborinHarare,in
1894t1emmicipalardTownManaganent0rdimreewaspassedtletgave
power to local authorities to set aside land for African occupatim
intheurbanareas(Gargett1977). AllAfricarewhocauetoI-Iarare
totradeortoworkwererequired,asaresultoftlepassageoftle
Registration of Natives Act of 1896, to register their mvements in
order that ”malingering" wrauld not becane a problem (Mitchell
1969:162).

By 1899 tre first African tomehip—Harari—was created for
African workers (oiristopier 1977:18).9 ‘Ihe miship was situated
satefalrkilanetersfruntletlentowncenterarrivascatposedcf

 

9'IheurbanIocatimwassonanedafteraShae-speakingdlief—
Meme-Mehadcreeocclpiedtlearea, butwhowas, justsmbsecpent
totlearrival ofttePicreerColumn, forcedtoleaveastheresult
of a battle waged with another chief, Gutsa (Tanser 1965:14-16).

45
sanesomrtsarriabridcbarrackssaidtobesuitabletohmsezza
Africans (Patel and Adam 1981:5) .

Hararibecanenotmlytledwellingplace fornaleAfrican
labor, butalsctl'eweekmdneetingplace forAfricanscaningfran
cutoftown (Hit-dell 1969). Overtleensuingdecedes, tlegrowirrg
concentration of Africans in this area who were unable to cultivate
gaverisetoademandforAfricangrwnfoodcrops. Wanmwhotraded
in these caunodities sought to neat this demand.

While the bulk of legislatim reqliring passes arc/or
registration certificates was directed at males, 10 females were not
so controlled.

In Salisbury nunicipal authorities only minimally

enforced legislation that was passed to help African

wmenoutoftown, andthiswascalpledwithapersistent
refusalcnthepartofthecolonialstatetorequire

African «men to carry tl'e registration certificates with

which African men were burdexed (Barnes 1987:10-11) .11
In tle 1950s, legislation was passed making it necessary for wives to
carry certificates indicating their spouse's workplace and residence.
This was also not enforced:

Inmsingleareaweretreprcvisionsrelatingtoan

"approved wife" being enforced strictly, if at all
(Southern Rhodesia 1958:112).

 

10 See, especially, Ordinance 16 of 1901, tie 1901 am 1913
Registration and Pass Ordinances, and tie 1906 Native Urban Iocatims
Ordinance (No. 4) (Devittie 1974, Gargett 1977).

11 A similar situation prevailed in South Africa shortly after
formation oftl'eUnion in 1910. Altl'nlghpasseswererequiredof
menintleOrangeFreeStateforabriefperiod,tleirdefianceled
totlelaw'ssubsequentrepeal.Agovermentalcaunitteeto
InvestigatetlePassIawsdelireatedtlereasonswhypasseswerenot
requiredofwunen:terrasanent,interferencearricontroltowhidl
police subjected m1 (Wells 1982) .

46
Sirceurbaninflmrandregistratimordinarceswererctenforced
againstAfricanvnnen,t1eywereabletccanetoHararitoselltteir
surplreharveststoAfricanlaborers. InthismannerAfrimnwm
establisl'edtheireconanic rolesasurbanfreshprodiceprovisia'ers.

Asurbanirriustrialdevelomentexparried,ncreAfricenlabor
wasrequiredforlorcerperiodsoftine. Astledeaardforpernamnt
wagelaborircreased,sodidtledetandforfamilyhmsing.

...wehavehadanpleevidelcetoslmthatmnymore

families would in fact came into Salisbury if
accamcdationwasavailable forthenandthusthe
existing structure of tte population is conditiored by

tIe type of accamnodatim available (Scuttern thdesia

1958:18).

'ne legislative Assembly debated tl'e reed for ncre African
haeing in 1935 onttebasis that:

. . .tlenativeisavisitorinourwhitetowrefortle
purposeof assistingttepeoplewlcliveintownsand
thatrcotlernativesstculdbepresentinthetowns
unlessl'eisofsaleassistarcetotlewhitepeople
inhabiting than (Scutlern Rhodesia, legislative Assabley
Debates 1935: cols. 583-584).12

 

12 Beliefs Ield by many white settlers in thdesia followed
ttcseoftheircolmterpartsinSouthAfrica. Forinstarce,tte
Stallard admission of 1921, reported in the 1921 Transvaal
Cannissicner's Report, declared that

'BeNative slmldmlybeallowedtoe'rtertleurban
areas, whichareessentiallythewhite man's custan, Men
Ieiswillingtoenterandtoministertotlereedsof
thewhitenanarrlshoulddeparttl'erefrmwlenteceases
sotominister.

nlrray (1979:341) found that Africans rct so "ministering" were
desqaatdedtotleirhanelarris:

Blackpeoplein"white"areaswcarerctengagedinwage
elplcyment are rct "ecumically active" and my
therefore be "endorsed out" to tie "hcrnelands" without
loastottewhiteeconauy.

47

Between. the two» Wbrld. wars, (Africans became increasingly
dissatisfied with.their urban circumstances. Salaries paid.to urban
laborers were insufficient to ccwer the costs of either the single
‘male or his family. The combinationmof lcw'wages and lack.of family
housing arrestively permeated largerscale nfigmation.<mf females to
Harare. Iknewer, the irrzeasing demands for longwtenm, stabilflaal
Adkican.1abor made necessary the presence of African families. The
passage of the Adiican (Urban Areas) Accommodation and Registration
Act (No. 6) of 1946 attested to tie official recognition of this
fact. 'n'e Act catpelled local authorities to: 1) set aside lands
for urban "Native Areas", as provided in tie 1930 Iand Apportionment
Act: 2) provide adequate housing fcr all.Africans in urban.areas: and
3) equalize rental payments made by'empflcyers regardless of whether
hallsirg was for married or single employees (Cormack 1983:79) .

The passage of this act.neant that more African families were
legally allowed to live in Harare and would be able to find suitable
.acoommodation. Indra: tr» the: 1946'4Act «rug; tar» townships.*were
available iknr.African teuutaricn: Harari (mksufio,v«establmdnei in
1899: and Highfield, established in 1934. It was not until 1952, a
full sixyearsaftertle1946Actwaspassed, thatmbvukuwas
establiShed, snare 17 lama. from 11:3 city czaflzue—enrl jcbs (Drudge:
1978:83-84). In this township Africans, for the first time, could
acquire freetcld title to housirg in townships (Holler 1978: Barber
1967:101).13 What did rct occur, however, was significant salary

 

13 'nedate forurbanfreermldisdisputedintheliteramre
(see Kay 1970: Davenport 1972) .

48

ircreasestoreflecttlefinancialreedsofanurbanfamily.

Although habitation for Afrians continued to expand over the
ensuing decmdes,14 the only ackncwledgment that enployment oppor-
tunitieswererctkeepingpacewithircreasedurbanmigratimwas
tlecpeningin196lofallAfricantowrehipcenterstcAfrican
trading (Rifkind 1968). With Independence in 1980 all restrictions
onAfricanmovenentintotlecitywererencved, withtleresultant
"Explosion in tte Cities. "

'n'ecapitalhadanercrncus interited Icusing backlog:

it was deliberate past policy to ercourage lodging rather

 

14 mfakose was founded in 1960 sane 14 kms. fran the city:
Dzivariselavatowmshipwasestablishedin1961sane13kns. frantte
city: Kanhlznma was opened in 1963, 9 kms. frcm town: Tafara was
constrnctedasatowrshipoftteGreerdalecourcilsanelBkms. frun
tlecity; andRugare, 7kns. franthecity, wasestablisl'edintte
sane period (see Kay and anoint 1977) .

All told, during tte 1960s sane 16,462 new lensing units for
Africans were added to the already existing 18,217 units, plus 51
hostels (with an addition of 2,846 at St. Mary's, a township never
incorporated as part of Greater Harare), for a total of 37,525
dwelling units and 51 hostels available for an Afrimn pqnulation in
1969 of about 280,000 (lbller 1978:83-85: vanitsun 1980). an a per
housing basis, each dwelling unit, canposed largely of one or two
roans, housed 7.5 Africans (slightly less wren tie rcstel population
is deducted frcmn tie total).

Census results and pqnulatim estimates for the 1961/62 and 1969
surveyshavebeendnallergedmttebasisthatdatawascollected
"during tie harvesting period when it is 10mm that a significant
mmberofAfricansreturntothetribalareastotelpwi‘thtre
harvest" (Rncdesia. Ministry of Finance 1979: ff. 4). Tie
population of Highfield is cited as an elanple. In 1969 52,560
African were enunerated, and 7,424 dwelling units were counted.
Because the African pqnulaticn was under-reported, an uncfficial
estimte of tte real population of tte township was 72,280 (Stcpforth
1977) . This would bring the housing density for Highfield Township
to 9.7 individuals per dwelling unit.

In tre 19705 Glen Norah was established 12 kns. frcmn tl'e city,

providing 6,444 ncre housing units: subsequently, Glen View was
established, and otters were put into the inplenentation stage.

49

tranbiildmrelmes—thenewfreedanoffamiliesto
ointheirnenfolkworkirginthecity, andthenmberof
pecpletoopcortoaffordeventhedieapestrents, the
growth of squatting rust follow ("Ebcplosion in the
Cities, 3332, Sept. 1982:6).

Rising mloyment, in cmbinatim with salary levels that did

U-

nct meet urban household hadgets, precipitated further creation of
small scaleenterprisesmthepartofbcthnenandwmen. Howthese
informal mterprises merged, especially those concerned with food

provisioning, is a consequence of the historical events discussed.

 

'mefreshproducepmvisioningsystemwassharedintheearly
settleryearebetweenAfricanfarnersardwhitetraders. 'lhe
develqmentofadtal,color~basedprcvisimingsystanintoaforma1
arriinformalsectorhasitsoriginsin1893wtmthemrketnallwas
constructedinfiararetoprovideapemarent,centrallo<ationat
which agricultural cmmdities could be traded:

Frunitsinceptimandmanyyearsthereaftertheflarket

Hall wasusedalmstentirelyforthesellixgofmarhet

produce. 'miswasgrownbymiresearxinfliarematall

holdings along the banks of the Makabusi (Ibwland

1963:40).
ItappearsthatAfricamweremtallowedtotradeinthis"formal"
narket,butl~mlandprovideemfurtherinsightastowmy. Itcanbe
arguedttatAfricansdidmtpmducethegrade,qualityorquantity
ofproduceindatand,wtmre1ikelyisthatAfricansweremt
allowedtodanmstratetheirecamlicpcwerinmdxamblic forum.
'me followingcpctemight axpportalchanargmrent:

Intheearlyyeare,thenarketwaswellsuppcrtedby

grwersandhlyers. Itwasaweeklyeventtolook

forwardto. 'medrawback,hcwever,wasthateverything
wassoldbyauctimardlargerbuyers,a1chashctelsand

50

retarlers,m10polisedtheproceedirgsarriitwasvery
difficult fortleordinarypersontoddtainhis small

requirements. 'Ihe small custmer, therefore, transferred

his custan to hawkers who had gardens outside the

mmicipalbamdary. Hawkersbecameneremmerms, andby

about 1918 no further supplies of vegetables were brought
totteMarketHallandsaloecametcanerd (Hanan!

1963:40).

SubseqenttottecloseoftleMarketI-Iall,whitetraders
saaght to cartrol the provisioning of white inhabitants (see
Christopher 1977, Smith n.d.). 'Ihose taking greatest interest were
Hellenoe who had migrated into the area via Egypt, Mozanbiqe,
Tanzania, and South Africa (Kosmin 1974:69). Many settlers of
Hellenic origin did not have a very high regard for farming are
ml work, both of which were associated with low-level peasant
status in their hatelands.15 It is this non-farming, tar-mining
population who becane the traders, and later, wholesalers, of fresh
produce and other carnedities (Kosmin 1974:109) .

As far as the "formal" retail trade in foodstuffs is caeened,
in 1936 twenty-six ethnic Greeks amlied for and were granted bakery
licenses in Harare. Bakeries constituted the cornerstae m which
general provisioning dealerships were built (Kosnin 1974:108) and,
subsecpently, greergmcersthatsaaghttoereureasteadystreamof
white custaters by selling only the finest qaality produce.

Asfarastradeinproduceintte"infornal"nerketwas

concerned, GreekshawkershadcarpetitimfrmAfricanwunenwhowere

 

15'Iheexceptiontot'l'iisdisliJ<eof farmingwasintobaccc
growing. Havingacqairedthissldllintrecwrseof
history, Hellenes excelled in the cultivation of this crop which is
still today are of the most profitable crops earning foreign

exdxangeintl'ecamtry.

51
rutconterrttosellfreshprodlnejustinflarari. By1927wmenwere
regularly found hawking in Salisbury Ominous (Barnes 1987:33). By
1930anAfricanspokeananregisteredhisooncernattheleng‘ths
Africanwcmenweregoingtosell pmduce. Herequestedthat "native"
narkets be $12le officially "80 girls dar't have to warder
around hawking" (Barnes 1987:33). airing the 19305, especially, a
markedincreaseintlemmberofwmensellingfreshpredncewas
observed throughout the city (England 1982:55).16 perhaps the
contiruouspressireexertedbynanyAfrican fathersandhusbandsof
fenelehawlaersprovidedtteinpeuisfortteestablistmentofamre
structured marketing setting for Africare in Harare.

The Native land Board in 1931 argued that Africare slmld
receive preferential consideration in the granting of trading
licenseswithintheAfricantcwrehipsandTribalmistlaIds
(Hollenen 1969:143) . Since Africans were denied licenses to cariuct
business in tle exclusive white suburbs, Government indicated a
willingness for Africans to trade in their own towmhips. 'Dcward
thatend, ardinresporeetothemanycmplaintsttemmicipality
received about the plight of African females hawking fresh produce,
in 1932 a "Native Market" was established at the earlier abandoned
Market Square. 'Ihe tenure of the waten at that facility, similar to
their predecessor, was short-lived: by 1942 all the faxele traders
were moved to the newly established towmship of Highfield where

 

l6Itappear'sthefligl'itofsomanywunentctcwhwas
objectionable to traditional leaders in the rural areas. The "chiefs
wantedapasssystanforwmenintmducedtorestrictthemnberof

wmm who ‘escaped' by taking trains" (England 1982:53).

52
market stalls were allocated (Koanin 1974:260). 'Ihe blildirg, ard
thus a "formal" African trading location outside the townships, was
abarrkned.
Inttatsaneyearmlyfwrgeneraldealer's licenseshadbeen
granted to Africans (Kosmin 1974:217). lbsmin speculates m why this

wasthecase:

Iackofcapitalforpurdiasesandtranspcrtalso
inhibited African trader participating in produce buying.
'meproblemwasthatinordertodcabiggermnmerard
irereasethesizeofhisbusimssthetraderneededto
increasehisselectimofgoodsbutthisreededcapital
towhichhisaccesswasseverelylimited (Kosmin
1974:220).
Asmretowmshipswerecreatedatagreaterdistareefrm
Harari, ademandaroseforthesale of foodstuffs locally. Asthe
tamshipsexparded,fe:aleverdorabilitytoneettlesereechbecane
prdalaietic: hcwcaildcartinialrestocldngtakeplacewtm
dimmbetraveledthruighandaitoftcwntottefarnewas
made problematic by the systan of transportation? 'Ihe Native Trade
and Production Report of 1944 discerned what happened: African
farnerssoldtleircmpstoAfricanmiddletenwhcinturnrescldthan

to female vendors.”

 

17mileIammiabletoprcvideananalysisofwamardhow
Africannmdevelopedtlewmolesaletradeinfreshproduce, Imight
spewlatethatthisoccurredasmreAfricanmenbecamemmplayed,
asthepopilatiminthetowmshipsgremandastlesmrceof
African-denardedfreshpmducebecanemcredistantowingtolard
alienation by white farmers. African hale fear of what might hamen
totheirwanenwhiletravellingfardistareesarriwhileranainingin
the cities overnight in order to sell their surpluses might have
guidedmalesintoassmirgfliewl'iolesaler role. Othersmightargue
fletnelespereeivedanearebywhichtheycwldgererateanincme
fmntlesurplusestheirwivesproduced,therebyus1rpingttefatale

incane-gererating role. Afurtterargmnentmightbethennbility of
malesinbeingabletoleavettemraltunesteadforlargerperiods

53
Greektraderscreatedtheirownnidieintleformlmarketsof
the white calamities of Harare. when locally-produced foodstuffs
were iJBufficient to satisfy danam, traders established excharge
linkageswithtleirldnfolkwhowerefruitgrowersinSarthAfrica.
'mefirmofMaltasaniDivaris,Dtd.,wasaveryactiveinpcrterof
fruitsfrunSarthAfricawhensettlerfarnershadmtyetbegm
large-scale fruit productim in zinbabwe in the 19208 and 1930s

(SalishIry Municipal Oomeil 1932) .
Asmrewhiteccmnercialfarnerstookaninterestingrowing
horticultural calmcdities, the need for wholesale operations to
market those oamndities also developed. The minicipality
establishedanauctionatwhidiwhitegrwerscouldcaneintothe
cityardselltheirharvests. Altl'nlghthismarketfellmtobad
tinesowingtoenbezzlenent,fiellerestookgreaterinterestin

 

than, say, a wanan who had responsibility for small children. Also,
maleknowledge ofthecitymighthavemadethenmreperoeptivein
trading at the wholesale level, since male informational networks
weremcreoonstantowingtottepatternofetploynentincities
biasedinfavorofmales. Wanen, attheearlystages, nevedinand
out of the cities; they were not necessarily permrent city dwellers
able to develop strong oamunication and support netwnrks that would
provideoertainecotmicinfometimtotlm. Men, ontheother
hand, while at first oscillating migrants, becane permanartly
ensconcedintlecityarriomlddeveloptiesmthebasisofworkor
residence.

A very different argunent might entail identifying who the
producers were. there caeistent wholesale supply necessitated
nakinganagreenentwithawhiteproducer, husbandsofvendorsmight
not have consented to an African fenale negotiating with a white nale
producer. “meseagreenentsomldbeenteredintobetweenAfrican
male wholesalers and white male peroducers with little or no hither

agendas.

54
promoting local production and subsequent nerketing operations.18

Oartimled expareion of fresh produce wholesaling and retailing
bywhitesocclrredoverthestressfuleconanicyearsofUDI
(Unilateral Declaration of Independence) . In the late 19608 and
early 1970s, after sanctions were inpcsed agairet Rhodesia in 1965,
inportation of fresh produce fran South Africa became problanatic.
Greekmarketeerswereinstnmentalindevelopingfurthertheloal
production of these oree-inported oarmcdities. (rice an importing
business, wholesale Fruiterers was transferred into a local and
export market enterprise.

Today Hellenes maintain their wholesaling and retailing
businesses under general dealership licenses throughalt Harare.19
Wholesalers, who either purchase their caunodities outright frun
farners or who, as agencies, act on behalf of famers, are subject to
government incale taxes. It is this factor, in particular, that
characterizes these enterprises as "fennel." In contrast, African
wholesalersandretailerswhosell MWoroflervendim
sitesthmlghalttlecityaremtsubjecttotaxatimardtlmsdomt
fall Lmder the purview of rational statistics. 'Iheir non-existence

 

18'IheBabliokos brothers, whoseparentscanetoziubahaevia
Mnanificpeatthetmnoftlecenbrrmwereinvolvedintleproduce
trade beginning in 1953. At that tine they established Wholesale
miterers, an outright purchase wholesaling heiress, and inported
manyfreshproduceoameditiesfrantreirkininSouthAfrica. In
1970,flleyestablishedtle1rdependentuarketasanagereyactingm
behalfofproducers.

19Fouroutof six oftlewholesalingenterprisesareeitler
owredormanagedbyHellenes,whiletregreengrocersanisnall
groceryslmsthrmgharttrelmdereitysuburbsaremedalmst
exclusively by numbers of this ethnic ocmmnity.

55

to any officially recorded goverrnent documentatim is the factor
that diaracterizestheseenterprisesasfinformal."
W

mileitcanbearguedthatwanenhavebeenselling/trading
freshproduceinI-IararesincethearrivalofthepicneerOclrmnin
1890, tleimreasingnmberofverriorshaspresernzedprdalars at
various tines. For instance, once family hasingwasmadeavailable
toAfricans,wmenfoundtlesalestheyconductedintheir
reighborhoodswerelimitedbecausetoonenyotherwcmenweredoing
thesamething. Ifttewmencrossedtherailwaylineintottecity
carterorthemrthernwhitemhirbstosell,theywerefired(see
mg, Janary 14, 1964).

Fran the mid-19705 on, the population of Africans in Harare
grew considerably as a consequence of the liberation struggle being
wagedintheruralareas. By1977,thepolicewereunabletodea1
with the mater of infornal sector activities that had been
establishedinthecity (seefiggld,May 13,1977). Pressuretofind
suitable outlets for the merwtehning mmbers of these spartarewsly—
established businesses resulted in the designation of ten sites at
which informaltradingcouldtakeplace (see m, June20, 1978).

Certain city councillors who sought to provide a voice for
Africansarguedthatthesesitesweretoofarfranpedestrian
ttnmlghfares,ardpointedoxtt1atregardlessofwhetlerspaoeshad
beendeeignated,Africanswould sellwherecustalerswere. Asale
aldermanargued:

56
Doymreallythirflcthatyouaregoingtodirecttl'ese
Africans to go to these out-of-the way sites? (mg,

June 24, 1978).

An editorial four days later reported the following:
'Ibsetasidemly 10 sites forthewholeofSalisburyis
quite iredequateaniwtenpeoplearestrugglingtonakea
living itseanspointlesstointroducenewlawswhidl, if
they mg be enforced, would restrict their activities
(mg, June 28, 1977).

'Ihesetensites, Imightadd, weretobedistrihrtedammgvegetable

vendors, wmenwhomakeardsellcrodetitale, andmenwhosell

fresh flowers.

To avoid conflict over designated selling sites, as new
townships were planned, marketsites were included. Moreover, in
1981, Eddison 2vogbo, then Minister of Hate Affairs, advocated the
construction of "people's markets" in pre—existing townships. Iater
inthesaneyeartheHarareCitycouncil elicited suggestiae forthe
location of 25 new market stalls "in the high density albirbs to
cater for the 1,300 wmen selling without a liceree" (mm,
Septatber 1981). At that tine, there were 2,300 stalls at 28 markets
throlghout the city, but there were an additional 1,300 wmen selling
at 40 other streetside sites without the approval of the Cornell.

Throughout the period 1977 to the present, nany incidents of
police interventionintovendinghlsinesswererqaorted.'1bprotect
themselves frun police harrassnent, in 1982 many wanen were enticed
into joining the Fruit am Vegetable Vendors (Jo-operative by Mr. M
whoguaranteedtewulldpersonallystoptleharrassxent. Vendors
paidajoiningfeeofSlO, plusamonthly feetomaintaintteir

nerbership. In 1984, however, when the harrassnent didn't stcp, and

57

umbership records mysteriously disappeared, as did mattership fees,
the co-operative disintegrated.

InAugust1982anattelptwasnadetotakeacerelsofall
vendors. At )bare, 1,035 were identified: and 1,344 were counted at
26marketsinotlerhighdereitysubirbs (atmarketslocatedin
Dzivariselma (1), 61m Norah (5), Glen View (2), Dhare (2), Kanblzuma
(3), mbvuloi (5), Highfield (7), and Warren Park numerals), mist
20, 1982). With pressures for more stalls oontiming to mount, by
thetimeIcorductedmyresearchI fomdllOmarketardtableverding
sites thrcnghout the high density suburbs, with 1,209 vendors at
mare, 1,933 in other high density suburbs, and 284 in the low
density suburbs (see Table 1.3, Chapter One).
mimic:

Ihavediscissedhoweadlnerketingseotorevolvedarflhow
African wunen, in particular, cane to occupy their retail niches.
mile wmen have steadily sought other neans of atploynent, salaried
jobsintteformalecormuyofflarareweremtgexerallyopento
mlskilled and uneducated females. ‘Ihe reasons cited most often for
wanen's maploynent during the colonial era include the following:
1) nenwereper'oeivedbywhiteelployersasthe"breadwimers" of
their families (Karena 1982: Elgland 1982): 2) wmen who were still
in the child-bearing years of the life cycle were considered high-
risk individuals since pregnancy pmrpted dismissal: and 3) medical
examinations required for darestic work acted as a disincentive to
many wanen to seek such exploynent.

Asaresultofformalenploynentmtbeimanoptimfor

58
wunen,2°nanysalghttogererateanincateinthe"infonal"sector—
"a lifeline to security in the urban setting" (England 1982:119):

Warren workers regard informal sector trading as a
substitute for unobtainable wage exployuent, or see it as
nere ompatible with halsehold responsibilities, as it
naylargelybecarriedoxtinorreartherme, orthe
drildrenmayaocalpanytlemthertothetradingplace.
Itisoftenseenasanactensionofdanesticworkandthe

accepted sex-role, the using of normal "wanen's work" to
exploit the urban situation (May 1979:48) .

Mratnanywmentradedwasprenisedmwhattleyrevbest: fresh
produce. Besetwithfinancialproblaleintrecitybrougl'ltabmtby
thepclicies ofthe laborreserve ecornuy, watenwere faced witha
dualeconanicproblem: howtogenerateanincmearrihowto
provision their families. For many, selling fresh produce helped
resolvethisproblen.

 

2oEvenwhere formal sectoralploylrentwasopentowunen, they
oonsistentlyreceived lowerwages forthesaneworkperfcrmedbynen
(England 1982:115) .

 

'Ihe institutional arrangelent facilitating the movement of
omnoditiesfrantheproducertotheconsmer,ardtheretail
vendors' place within it, are the subjects of exploratim in this
chapter. Specifically, how does the marketing systan limit or
cmstrainwcmen's abilitytosell freshproducethrouglmttl'ecity
ofHarare? 'Iheanswertothisquestimbeginswithananalysisof
themrketingsystanitself, andthenexplorestheprobleneand
cmstraints vendors nust overocme to participate.
mm

A narketing system includes

. . . exdlange activities associated with the tramfer of

property rights to ocmnodities, the physical handling of

products and the institutional arrangenents for

facilitating these activities (Harrison M. 1974:4) .
Institutionalarrargatentsareommflyreferredtoasnerketim

chamels:
. . .aseriesofstages,oraotivities,throughwhidla
m)passesingomfrmproducertocoremner(swtt

'Itedeveloprentofabifurcatedsetofnerketingdlamelsin
Harare originated in the context of a city divided along racial
lines. 'nedualdlamelsystemisd'laracterizedinttefollowirg
manner: white, large-scale camercial producers sell the bulk of
their harvests to white "formal" sector wholesalers, who, in turn,

sell to white "formal" sector retailers (supermarkets, greengrocers

59

60
and "cafes" (neighborhood grocery stores”, institutia'ns, and
cansumers. African, small-scale camercial and oamunal farnners sell
their oanmodities to African ”informl" sector wholesalers, who, in
turn, sell largely to "informal" sector retail market vendors and/or
oansuners (see Figure 3.1).1

Ihavedlosentousethedistinctianbemeen'TorneNand
"infonnal" markets because, as an analytical tool, certain
characteristics of trading can more easily be identified. Moe
(1973), adapting the characterization of the urban econauy geerated
by Santos (1972), explains what he terms the "he—circuit" urban
econany. An analysis of the "lower circuit" indicates a close
resanblance to the informal sector (see Sethuraman 1981; Fortes 1983)
(see Table 3.1).

In Zinbabwe, the nest significant factor differentiating the
twosectorsisthattheformalisgovernnertregulatedvia
registration, licensing and the inposition of taxes, while the
infornel is not. Most other characteristics are variable. For
instance, orefornalwholesalingenterpriseisnmbyaGreek-
inmigrant family that utilizes family labor, calls upan family
markers for learns, varies prices in accordance with the relatia'ehip

 

1 I found little, if any, evidence of shops in the high density
African suburbs selling fresh produce. General dealership licenses
to sell in the African townships historically were granted to
Africans. Supermarketsestablishedintheladdensitysubirbshave
ncdirectecpivalentinthehighdensityareas. Inthelowdesity
suburbs, apermarketssellfreshproduce,hxtinttehighdensity
areastheydornot. Itwasassnmed,intheAfricanareas,thatwmen
would occupy the role of retail fresh produce vendor; therefore,
shopsanisupernarketsintrehighdensitysuburbsdcmtsellthese
cannodities.

61

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

   

         
      

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

600m

maoccono acauexue: oucooua doeum HosuoucH one Hosuom .H.n mucosa
moaom unassuma
can uoamnoaonz nnnnn
moans nooaooua
\\
\ \\.I all! \\
RX, p. \r/
nexus: anagram unusnsm .\ ,
muesuom auancoo huamcoo . acou—
muoosooua exams: sad: 30A manouoao>
ucoa when: mudgucoo nuegncou a one ”nigh— ‘
noauuomoa .8 .\ wueosooua
Hosoaeoo .. H Howouwsssoo
Hoaouosaoo - h r , ovens
confined
macaw escape»
Hamper nuance
\i) h
_ uuoaxm ¢l
Lmuoumeooum T

 

 

a e I u o u e H

n e l u o h

 

 

Inventories large Snell

Government Regulation No Regulation
Financial Resources Banks Personal
Hours of Work Regular Irregular
Pricing Fixed Variable

 

* Source: Adapted franMoGee (1973) incalparisanwithSethuraman
(1981) annd Fortes (1983).

oftl'efamilywiththealstaner, doesnnotreguireformal educational
qualifications to conduct business, and works irregular hour's. 'Ihus,
for my purposes, what I term as "fornnel" include those enterprises
that: are formlly registered with the government; have dealers'
licenses to trade and/or eXpOI't: pay taxes on the recorded profits
nedeinthecalrseoftraneactia'ns: andcaneunriercertaingoverment
pricing regulations. Marketing enterprises classified as ”infornel":
aresubjecttominimalgovernnnentinterventian (intheformof stall
or table rent paid to the Municipality, or in the negative form of
harrassnlent and oanmodity canfiscation if a "spantaneous" marketsite
has been developed without approval of the Municipality): have nnc
licensestotrade:paynotaxesasinncaaesarenotrecorded;anddo

nnct fall under the purview of government pricing regulatians.

63

Individuals who have spantaneously developed their marketing
enterprises in the informal sector are nnt officially acknowledged in
goverrnnentdcamentatianandnotinclndedinnatianalinnane
statistics (Davies 1979). Moreover, there is re government body to
hirntowhenindividualsaremistreated, nnsecurityofteureandnn
neans of ensuring an innate (levies 1979) .

Structural inbalances in the urban ecanany are generally
identified as the underlying cause for the creation of the infoer
econauy:

Capitalist develqment requires an adequate surply of

low-cost labour. In typical third-world ecananies, and

particularly in Rtndesia, this sunnly is ensured throngh
maintaining the underdeveloprent of the peasant (tribal)

ecanauy. Overthedecades, theresultofsuccessive
policies has been to force people fran the land and to
becane workers in industrial, plantatian and mining
industries (Davies 1978:20-21).
KeepingAfricanwageslowwasaeindicateofastnnctural
inbalance. Another was legislative policy that created the informal
marketinfreshproduce. UrbaninflmnlawsinposedupanAfricans
sanghttonakethetheirpreseineinflarareinvisible. Although
African labor realized provisions, retailers in the licensed shops
didnotcatertotheirneeds. mfactoanichewascreatedinthe
townships for provisioning enterprises to be established. Thus, the
caseoninbabweillustratesnntanlythestructuralecananic
inbalannesthatcreatedtheinformalecancmy, hrtalsohowgovermnent

regulatia'ns contributed directly to its formatian.

 

The racial bifurcation of the marketing system actually has its
roots infarmingsystenspractioedbyAfricansandwhites. People of

64
Eiropean descent established large scale cameroial fame, gaining
accesstothemostproductiveland, water, credit, inprovedseed,
fertilizer, and other manner of technnlogiml inpnts. With virtually
unlimited supplies of African labor, oamercial farnners developed

trading relationships with food crop exporters (generally
wlnlesalers) , food processors, institutions requiring steady surnlies
of fresh produce (for exannple, the army, lnspitals, boarding
sdnols), retailstnpsandsuperuarkets, and, insanecases, with
individualcansumers (wtereproducersopenedafarmkiosk).

African farnners practice at leastbdotypes of farming systane,
neitherofwhidncanprodwethequalityandqnntityofproductas
ttewhite largesmlecamercial farm: shall salecauneroialand
canunnal. 'Ihe forner entails cultivatingbothcashand subsistence
crops an land that has been individually pirc'hased. 'Ihe locatian of
theselandsisoftentimes siulatedasabufferzaebetmeenwhite
cannercial and African camunal farnne. As buffers, anall scale
cannercialfarnersanltivateansoilsthatarenotasgoodastlnse
oflargescalecameroial farnnebutbetterthantlnseofcannmal
farms. Sudnfarnnersmayormaynothaveaccesstopermanentwater
sources, credit, inproved seed, fertilizer, etc. With limited
resources, suall scalecanmeroial farnersarenotabletoproduce
freshproducecropsoansistently. Linitedamamtsoflabcrandroads
sanewhat innaowssibletomintlnraghfarespreventthesefarnere
frangainingaccesstntherangeofnarketantlets.

Oannmnal farnners cultivate primarily for hare cansunptian, but
alsosellsaneoftheirharvestscanneroially. Wanenhavedannain

65
overgardencrops,anditistheywtnnarketthannanneighboring
farmsandinlomlmrkets. Ifaharvestissufficient,itwillbe
banedandbraghttotteHararefarners'narketforsale. Harvests
arelimited, however, owingtotheamalntof land available for
l'nrtialltural crop cultivation under oannunal tenure—between ae-
fourthtoawtnleacre. Seedsplantedaregenerallytlnsesavedfran
previous harvests, and the ally fertilizer that might be amlied is
manure. 'Iednnnlogicalinpntsarealmostnonecistent,andlaboris
thatofthewmnanandherdlildren. Harvestsarenotalways
dependable, andneitherareannnmtsavailable for sale. Transport is
difficult sinne oamunal areas were historically situated in
mnroductiveareasnenykilinetersdistantfrantleroadsandlines
ofrail.

WhilethefarmingsystaneIdescribeappeartobebasedan
class divisions, in fact they reflect an historical divisian of land
based on color. Production systems differentiated by color gave rise
tonarketingsystensbasedanthesaneprinciple. ‘IheAfricanwanen
wtnsellfreshproduceinI-Iararearebothapartofthissystenand
victimsofit. Priortoindependenne,theywerepermittedtosell
anlyinthetamships. Sinneindependence,theyhavebeengranted
the right to sell at certain designated locations in the low density
aiburbs. 'Iheirairplylines,hanever,havenotyetdnanged
sufficiently to provide than a wider dnice to make their wlnlesale
purchases. 'Ihe following discussian of the formal and informal
wlnlesalers shalld illustrate why the market wanen are still victims
of an historically-biased supply system.

66

Were

Formal sector wlnlesalers generally fall into on categories:
outright purchase wlnlesalers and marketing agencies. The former may
make individual mlyarrangeentswithprodnersand/ormay fetcha
cropattineofharvest. 'nnelattergenerallyrequiresmarketing
agency delivery where camcdities are sold an a canlnnissian basis.
he foruer category included, in 1986, unlesale Fruiterers, P 8 P
thlesalers, PGS, ndjgiwa, and Ramanlal: the latter, for the sane
timepericd, imlldestheIndependentMarketandtheNatia‘nal Fruit
and Vegetable Marketing Agency.

Cancerning outright purchase wtnlesalers, transactians are
basedanasupply/danandpricethatisregotiatedwiththeproducer
generally at the time of delivery. m1 agreeents are generally
arrivedatwith largescalecaunercialprodnnerswhilepmdnasesfran
others are nnrnnally an an ad Inc basis (PTA Oamltannts 1982:99). It
isnntmnanmnforantrightplrdnasewnnleealerstoobtaintheir
cannndities frann the marketing agencies. Ore wlnlesaler indicated
all the vegetables he supplies cane frann one agenncy, while another
wtnlesalerreportedthatanlyzsfik ofhisrequirenentscanefrantte
agencies, while 50% canes frann white cannercial farnners, and 25% frann
African producers.

Upuntilrecently, a15%salestaxwasleviedagainstthesale
of all food caunodities. Payable at the wl'nlesaler level, the amount
oftletaxwasinnorpcratedintoretailerpricesandpassedantothe
cansumer (see Cheater 1979:12). ‘Ihe tax was done away with an

vegetableswhenthennewb.dgetwasintrodnnedin1986;itrenains,

67
however, on fruits, althongh the rate has been reduced to 12-1/2%.
'Ihistaxisrntpayableinmarketagencytransactiansastleagenies
arenntbuyingandsellingwirathentheyaresellingfor—or
on behalf of—the farmers. A handling fee of 12-1/2%, however, is
chargedtotheproducerforallcamnditiessold. 'Ihetaxis
ultimately leviedbytheretailersincansunertransactians.

When sipplying sipernarkets, wtnlesalers must weigh and package
camncdities purchased.2 (me wlnlesaler indicated that this extra
taskcanbeveryproblematic. Herelatedthatabottleneckin
operatianshadoccurredaeseasanwhenapermittoinportthe
plasticsnecessarytoproducethesmalltraysusedinpadcaging
retailamanntswasnntissuedintinetomeetrarketirgneeds.
Mnlesalers,asaresultofsuchtardinness,trytohaveatleasta
bwo—yearsunplyofpaclagingmaterialsanhand. Owingtotheirhigh
ccst,awl'nlesalernnusttieupaportionofhiscapitalinorderto
satisfyhiscustaners.

Outrightpurdnasewlnlesalersmlstalsofactorintotheir
pricestheccstofwastagesinnethegoodstheysellhavealready
beenpaidfor. Altlnghthesebusinessesallhaveccldstorage
facilities, a wrnlesaler assures a great deal of risk in pira'nasing

 

2 Uptothispoinntverylittle, if any, weighing of camnodities
iscaducted—itisassnmedthatabmoftanatcesweighlelgs.,a
pccketofpeasweighsGkgs., etc. Farnersareresponeiblefor
purchasing relevant sacks, pockets, bones, etc., and then filling
than accordingly. Major problens in filling containers with
appropriatenunberof kilograns have arisenowingtothefact that
fewfarmersowmscales. 'IhesamecanbearguedfortheMazoecitrus
syndicate:whenweighingannallpocketsofcrargesataeretail
vedingsite (purchaseddirectlyfranthedistriblntorwlnhadnnt
repackagedthen),Ifandeadnweighedanywherebetween3.5and5.0
kgs.,yeteachwaspricedthesane.

68
camndities outright. As a result, their demand is for very high
qualityproducethathasagreaberlikelirnodofbeirgsoldthan
produceofalesserqalityorgrade.
Iffarnersaremnabletoproducetop—qualitycamncditiesana
cansistent basis, an alternative marketing outlet is dnsen: the
marketingagencies. Fadnofthetwoagenciesinflarareactasthe
farmer's agent, selling cannndities broughtinbytheproducerana
12-1/2% canlnissian basis.3 Each agency has a cold storam facility
so perishables such as deciduous fruits and green leafy vegetables
can be stored. Cartoodities are sold on a supply/deuand basis with
priwschangingasnanyasfourtimesperday. Awrnlesalerthathas
thelargestportianofstockatanyonetinemightbedeanedthe
narketpriceleader,butpricingisverydynamicandmarket
leadership shifts with the arrival of additional supplies of a given
ccmnodity—flnidncanocamananhanrlybasis. Geeralpractices at
theIndependentMarketareasfollows:
Providedproduceisaccepted,itisthensoldbyaneof
foursalanen. 'IheyarecontrolledbyaMarketMaster
who, incansultation withhisassistantandtheowner,
fixthepricesfcrtherangecffruitandvegetablesthey
enpecttoselleadnmcmirg. 'Ihisorganisationowesnuch
of its success to a very efficient market intelligene
nebvorkwhidnnakesanacalrateassessmentofthevolmne
ofall fruitandvegetableslikelytoappearonthe
wtnlesale nerkets in Harare every day, before prices are
decided (Pm 1982:96) .
Incaductingthispcrtianofthereseardn, Iattenptedto

ascertain the volune of catnndities sold through these formal Harare

 

3'nneoperatorsofaenarketingagencyinformednethatthey
areattemtingtoattractnnreAfricanproducersbyreducingtheir
camission.

69

durmels. Iaskedwholesalers,basedmtherecordstheykeptm
disbmsenentstopmducers,whatprcpoxtimofsharesflieyfeltthey
hadofagivenccmnodity. 'mislineofquestimingprcdncedthe
smprisingrespmsethattheydidmtcalwlatevolmmtraded:they
mly calculated cash flow. (me wholesaler, however, provided me with
theirrecordsforcnefullyearandeasabletocalcnlatejusthow
unhofagivencmmditytheyharflle. Basedmtheserecordsard
wholesaler/agency perceptions of the percentage of their market
stares,thevolumsin'rable 3.2werecalculated.

AltimghtlmeestinetesareverymfleIraticrulize
Wthanmtwocomts: mprodwticnrecordsexistanywhere
forthesecmmditiesardflmsuxeirpresentatimcnnbeinterpreted
asmesetofworldngfigmestobemnipalatedasrecordirg
pmecticesarefurtherdeveloped:andinfomtimmcropdeliveries
arripricesissharedanrngwholesalersatseveraltimesdurirgthe
daysothateadamlesaler/agencyisacxtelyawareofwhosecrcps
arebeingbruaghtdmeamatmtpricemeyarebeixg
pn'dlased/soldfor.

'Ibenticecmstaners,orpemapsnerelytoprcvideabaselim
wholesale price for fruit and vegetable crops sold, the It'deperrlart
Marlaetpablistmitspricasinthemgonceortwiceaweek. A
figure is alsoprlished inthe weekly EM E Gazette. Howthese
prime fluctuate over the year December 1985 through November 1986

mam 3.2
M’ Vglgm o m Begg' Sam M
ket' '
W
9:99 W
Avocadcpear 31.427
Baby Narrows (zucchini) 35.547
Green Beans 253.280
Beet Root 81.040
Brinjals (eggplant) 30.520
Broccoli 7.555
Butter-rut Squash 66.073
Cabbage:
Drum Head (449,422 heads) 224.711
Sweet (74,547 heads) 27.955
(Errata 540.476
(huliflovaer 75.636
Celery (3,111 burxmes) .778
(numbers 279.503
Gan Squash 167.970
Gooseberries 5.605
Grapefruit 302.818
Green Pepper 64.504
Hubbard Sqiash 25.745
Ianons 128.610
lettuce (101,970 heads) 25.493
Mealies (maize) (507,670 cobs) 126.918
micns: Dry 1,406.943
Spring (16,612 bunches) 4.153
Oranges 3,716.500
Peas 106.574
Potatoes 83,174.523
Pumpkins 112.708
Spinadi (32,482 birdies) 8.121
Sweet Potatoa 735.340
'mmatoes (gen/jam) 102.345
Mamas 1,434.070
Tumips 223.125

 

*‘Ihesefiguresrepresentonlyanestimatimofgoodsthat
tluoughtheformlvmolesaleuarketsofnarare. 'Iheydonot
intoacoamtthecannoditiesthatneverreachtlwsemrketsas
aremarketedelsahere;mrdotheycmsiderdirectretail
consumer, food processing, andexportsales.

33%?

71

forselectedcmmoditiesispresentedin'rable 3.3.4

For ccuparative forml/infonnal sector purposes, Table 3.4
illustrates the forml sector wholesale prime per kilogram published
inflamgmvaricusdates,aswellastheacunlpriwsl
thainedvmeninformlsectorretailverdorsreportedhmatmeyhad
paidforaparticilarwxolasalequantityofacannodity. 'lhisreccrd
coverstheperiod ofmyintensive research, MWMy1986.

‘meproducesoldbymostformalsectormaolesalersinlarge
partneetsthedamndsofthesupemarkets, greengrocers, cafes
(grocerystores),ardcthersmpsinthewhite-danimtedlwdensity
suburbs. mileonemlsalernadeaconcentrated efforttohave
Africanfarnersbrirqinalltheircrops,notjustthoseindamniby
pewleofflmopeandesceflt,diffia11tyinsellingthecroperaled
sinceasufficientnmberofretailershadmtyetbegmtosellm
cropsinlargequantities.

Producershavemanymoreopticrstoselltheircamditiesthan
toformlarriinfcrnelsectorwholasalers. 'nnseincludeexport
markets, food processors, the Fruit and Vegetable Growers' Oo-
qzerative, itstiuxticns, directlytoretailers ortoconsuners.

Sincethissmdycmoernstheeffectofthemarketingsystan
upmtheAfricanretailverdors, Iwillsinplyamnarizethese
differentneflcetingqrticnspointirgaxthwvendorsareaffectedby
producers exercising a particular choice. Adiiticnally, I will

 

4 A price analysis for tanatoes, onions, cabbages and mangoes
wasperformedaspartoftheEECproposal fortheyeaxs1979-84 (Am
1985:75-76). These prices related to the seasonal variation in
harvesting noted in PE 1982:30.

 

my a lab
Apples
Case (18 kg.)** 19.88 17.63 18.00
Tray (6 kg.)** 4.25 3.44 2.44
{A
Tray (5 mo)
Large (4.00 4.19 4.25 3.25
Snell ( 2.22
Pkt. (12 kg.)
Cabbage (head)
Small .04 .05 .07 .06
Medium .08 .10 .13 .12
Large .13 .18 .25 .22
Lenons (Pocket (10 kg.))
Grade 1 (am) 4.38 4.46 4.16 3.81
Grade 2 (rf) 1.31 1.38 1.31 1.25
Onims (Racket (10 kg.))
Grade 1 3.25 4.50 5.38 6.38
Grade 2 2.38 3.81 4.53 5.41
Oranges (Pocket (10 lg.”
Valencia 2.25 2.25
Naval
Potatoes (Pocket (15 kg.))
Grade 1 4.00 4.53 3.39 2.84
Grade 2 2.25 2.69 1.97 1.53
Grade 3 1.75 1.94 1.50 1.63
Sweet Pots (Pocket (10 kg.))
Grade 1 2.29
Grade 2 1.25
'IUnatoes
Tray (6 kg.)**1.75 2.50 4.75 4.50
Box (10 kg.)***.75 2.56 5.06 5.88

18.75
2.25

1.94
.88

19.00 17.50

1.75

4
5

00
13

2.03

4.23
6.25

2.08

2.83
4.75

2.75

.88

5.00
4.25

3.53
5.42
3.79
3.00
2.25

3.38
4.25

*Source: cmpiledfranWice-weeldypublishedprioasinthem.

** First grade mly.
*** Second grade only.

 

6
4
3

2

.63
.75
.70

.75

5Whilesixteeacropshavebeenselectedforfurtheramlysis,onthe
basisoftheminincmegeneratirgcropsmsellretail, mlysevenof
thesearesoldatthelrdepaflentmrket. 'matmtallcrqasindemrdby
African retailers are sold by forml sector wholesalers is an iniicatim of
thebifurcatim of croppingardnarketflqoutlets, andaccmpelling feature
directingretailerstonaketheirpn'daaseselsewhere. ’Ihesefigures,
however, willbecarparedwithpricasmrqaortedpayimforthesane
carmodities, atthe informlnarlnetatmaremsika.

3.25
3.25
.05
.09

5.50
3.75

2.50
1.88

73

‘Iable 3.4*

 

(in Zinbabwe Dollars)

9129 hard: April—May Joly
MMMMM

Apples 1.00 .53 1.02 .64 1.04 .77 1.10 1.10 .97 1.32
Inmxrxigs .46 .53 .20 .56 .24 .43 .20 .79 .22 .47

cabbage .13 .20 .14 .21 .15 .21 .18 .26 .17 .22
Lemons .13 .26 .13 .25 .13 .26 .09 .22 .10 .27
Onions .54 .82 .73 1.30 .73 .93 .73 .90 .73 .65
Oranges .23 .72 .23 .50 .30 .48 .31 .43 .33 .45

Potatoes .13 .25 .18 .25 .20 .26 .28 .28 .27 .32
Sweet Pots. .18 n/a .13 .22 .18 .21 .18 .29 .21 .21
Tomatoes .51 .70 .59 .67 .43 .86 .59 .85 .51 .61

 

* Source: Cmpiled fran twice-weekly p.1b1ished prices in the
mg and fran field notes and pricing questionnaires administered
tO‘vendors.
indicate where farmer choices reflect participation in either the
tonal or informal sector.

W

Historically, conflicting the wholesale trade in fresh produce
shifted geographically for the African camunity between Mbare
(Harari) and Highfield. Ultimately, in 1979, mm was built
to provide informal wholesale mrheteers a more permanent site
(mg, February 19, 1979). Each of the 148 spaces inthe open-air
marloetisrentedmadailybasistosani-pemarentmaolesalers.
Slotsaresaidtoberentedonafirst—caue, first-servedbasis. To
gainacoesstoaspace, however, theerrtrepreneurhastoconstmcta
tradingshed, athisowncapital expense. 'Ihosexmohavecmstmcted
sheds receive priority treatment for rental by the nmicipality. If

74
rentsareinarrears,however,thenmicipalitywilllmockdownthe
shedandre-allocatethespace.

Lbststallsatthemarketplacearemopmgromflwith

mshelterfruntherainsandtheblazmgheat. Allthe

verdorssaidtheyhadmmeanstopreservetheirwares

(mg, Noverber 20, 1980).
Sirnethereisnowaterinthisnarketaninoadeqaatemeansof
overnight storage, onewholesaler reported:

EVerydaywettmamyaboutathirdofthecmmodities

becausetheywillhavegonebad. Wealsohavetoreduce

the prices of the times because people becane reluctant

tohlyasdaysgobyardczstanerswxousiallyhxyin

btflkstartreducingtheirordersmg,Novatber20,

1980).

Wholesalers erdiase their caunodities either at the farm gate
(fran white or African farmers) or await producer delivery at the
wholesale market at W. (In-farm wholesale purchasing takes
place at the farm gate. A wholesaler may arrive with his own
transport,maybewillingtopicktheportimofthecroptobe
purdaased,ardmayhavehisownpad<agingmaterials. 'Ihepriceof
ommoditiesatthefarmgatearegenerallylowerthanthatpaidto
theproducerattheHararenerketsbeoausewholesalersabsorbthe
costs of packaging and transportatim. Table 3.5 illustrates acme
typical priess paid to transport commodities frau given destinations
bywholesalerswhopirdaaseatthefarmgate. 'Ihetypeofvehicle
hiredisgemllya7-tmtnnk, although largervehiclesare
satetimesusedtomakepxrdaasesatfantsagreaterdistanceaway,

e.g., Chinaninani, (hipinge, Nyanyadze.6

 

6InresearchconductedinNortheastBr'azil, peasantproducers
nerefamdtoprefersellingtheirharveststowholesalerswhocame
theirfarnstopurdmase. mismapparentlybeoausemiddlelen

 

Mutare 265 tanatoes 400

Bindura 88 tanatoes,oarrots 300
Shamva 90 tanatoes,carrots,cabbage 350
Borrowdale 15 mbbages, carrots 45
nitoko 143 tanatoes, mions, guavas 150
Chinaninani 523 bananas 750
Nyanyadzi 350 tanatoes 500
Mazoe 40 tanatoes 60
Rusape 180 sweet potatoes 112

 

*Source: Fieldnotes.

The risk wholesalers take in using relatively scarce capital to
nakefamgatepurdaasesentailswhetherornottheresalepricewill
coverthecostsinwrredinpdrdzaseardtrarsport. Wholesalers,
eitherhavinghiredtransportorpaidforthefuelfortheirown
trarsport, areatadisadvantagemsbargairdngpositim. Itis

 

paidcashfortheirpurdmases,albeitatlmerrates,whilenarket
Place middlenen in urban areas only offered credit (Fenian and

Riegelhaupt 1970:205) .

7Information forthistablewasprovidedbyseni—permanent
unlesalerssellingfrunhmaremsikawhogotothefarnstonake
flaeirpdrdxasesanywherefranaxetofmrtimesperweek,deperding
on sales, distance, availability of capital, etc. The cost of
transportingcaunoditiesfrmthefarmgatedependsmwhetherormt
thewholesalerownsorrentshis/her vehicle, thesize ofthe
vehicle, and the distance to be travelled. Not all vehicle rentals
arereckonedinkilatetermanomernaydiargeaflatfeefor
vehicle rental , or vehicle rental plus driver expenses. Rental
transactions are generally undertaken with individual ovmers, as
opposedtotransportcatpanies. 'Itms,withrentalfeesmtreckoned
mstaxflarddxargesperkilmeter,who1esalersmaypayabovewtnt
rental agencies would charge if vd1icles were available for such

traImort.

76
higmymlikely,soitwasreported,thatmceawholesalergoesto
urefannhewillmtccmetosanesortofagreenentmpriceforthe
camoditiesoffered.

unlesalerscana‘voidtheexpenseoftrarsportbyamitingthe
arrivalofproducersatmm. Anacwratemmberoffarmrs
caningintomareulsikamadailybasiscouldmtbeascertained
beausethosecaningtosellatthefanner'smrketaremtidentified
as either producers or wholesalers. Between 65 and 232 famers/
wrnlesalersperdaymrerecordedduringthelatternarthsofthis
research.8 The 143+ sani-pernenent wholesalers, however, are
extrenely cmpetitive inbidding foratruckload of cammdities. 'Ib
brimsaleordertothechaos,producers(or,inthecaseofwhite
omnercialfarners,theirdriversorfarmmnagers)nakeagreemts
withdifferentmolesalerstomlythanmacmtixnalbasis
thrcugtmttheseason. Problmarise,lrmever,Mthereisaglut
ardcartractedwtnlesalerscnmnthardlewtetaprodnerdelivers.
miletherearemwrittenagreelents,theverba1agreenrtreuaed
betwemprochicerandwholesaler normally suffices. m, inthis
sector,ifthism1derstandingisbread1ed,thereismrealrecomse
foreitherparty.

mileIhavedxaracterizedthedualmarketingdaamelsintenm

 

8 ‘Ihis informtion was available beginning only April 1986 when
adungeocmrredintheadministratimoftheneparonentoffiorsin;
and Social Services, a division of the I-hrare Municipality in charge
of collectingrerrtatmm. Inorderthat
rentals could be levied against farmers for their daily 5:00 - 10:00
a.m. sales, farmer names, origins, and cannodities to be sold were
recorded. Sincethesystemwasanewone, therewerescmegaps;
therefore, mmbers of farmers selling a given modity should be
taken as an indicator rather than an actual fact.

77
of white producers selling to white wholesalers and African producers
selling to African wholesalers, this is not totally the case. mite
canneroialproducersnaximizemtheirmrketirgoptiasbysorting
andgradingtheirharvests. 'metopgradesaredeliveredtothe
whitewholesalerstodartaintoppriws. lessergradesaremarlneted
atmmoratirdividml,retaflmrketsflmigtrntmecity.
Inthesameway,Afrioanprodwerswhohavecreatedaformalsector
nerketing option deliver their higher quality cauwdities for resale
inthissector,aniselllowergradeseitheratthefarmers'narket
ortothewholesalersatmm. Whiletheincidenceof
Afrioanproducersdeliveringaportion oftheirharveststoformal
sector wholesalers is increasing, the color bias generally sets the

 

Africanmwhosellfreshproduceinthenerhetplacesof
Hararearedependentupmboththepmducersardmarketingsysten
operationalinthecity. Wrichcropissoldbymidiproducerto
which wholesaler are all factors in the curtiruum strongly affecting
feneleretailvendors. Omsidering thattheproductimardmarketin;
systamhavebothbeenbifimtedintheirdevelqmentalongthe
linesdisassed,certaincaunoditiesneverread1certainmrkets.
For instance, in times of scarcity, high-quality tamtoes do not
amearontheinformalnarketbecausetheyareeitherexportedor
solddirectlytoformlsectorwholesalerswhoresellthemtoforml
sectorretailers. Inotherinstances, nanyformalsectorwl'xolesalers
domtsellthegreen,1eafyvegetab1eeatendailyinAfrican

78
wiseholdsbecausewhitecamercialfarmersdomtgrowtlm.

'Iheproblensnarketwunensellingfreshprodiceermmter
relatebothtothebifurcatedstructmreofthemrketingsystanard
theperishable nature ofthecarmditiestheysell.

1. mm. Itisclear,frantheconstraintse|qaeriauced
byseveraltypesofproducers,thatmlythosefarnerswhohave
irrigatimorpernanentmtersancesoanbringtheircmmditiesto
marketvmenthereisahighdenarriardverylwmpply. Thismeam
thatthepricesnarketvmenmzstpaymiringseasasofsoarcityare
veryhigh. Inoertainirstances(e.g.,mionsduringthewinter
months),acamndityisnotpirohasedwholesaleasitissinplytoo
expensive. Retail prices might not cover the wholesale purdiase
price.

2. mm. Ithasalreadybeenstatedthathighgiality
produceiseitherexportedorsoldtofomalsectorwholesalerswtn,
in turn, supply greengrocers, cafes, and supermarkets largely inthe
lowdensitysiburbs. mileitoanbearguedthatcooldngpractices
ofAfrioanvmendomtrequiretopqualitypmduce,itoanalsobe
argued that such qualities are available to high dersity suburb
dwellers only at great expense. However, during glut periods, forml
sectorwholesalersmaybemmabletomoveallthehighqualitystodc
attheirdisposal. Atthisjmrcture,aproducernayattalpttosell
hisfruitsandvegetablesatthvearmers'market,“
fetaleretailveroorsmighttakeadvantageoftheogporumityto
purchase first quality produce at lower prices.

3. Wm. Verdorstravelnanykilanetersfran

79
theirhcnestothewholesalenarkettopirdasetheirdailyneeds.
Wislocatedsouthofthecitycenterseveralkilmaters
distantfrunthenarketagenciesardartrightpndasewholesalers.
Since neither oftheselattersetsofvmolesalers selltheartire
rangeofcamnditiesindanarflbyAfricanretailvendors,and
malesalersatmm,wunenopttopirdasemttheyneedat
m. 'meemoeptimmightocwrumenthedioicesathIgareso
limitedthatwmenmistgoelsewheretofirdwlattheymed.

4. m. AswillbediscussedincapterFive,
retailverflorsmaypayaneanof$1.30perdaytotrarsport
thetaelvestoardfranthevmolesaler,ardanywherebemeen$.20ard
$2.00totransporttheirpirdasesfranmmtheretailsite.
Trarsportoanentailtakingareortwomsesfranhmetom,“
thesameforthereoirntotheretailsite,ortakingan"anergency
taxi" (aPeigeot404 station wagon), along with neighbor verdors,
franmmtheretailverdingsite.

‘Ihewayinwhidrtheurbantransportationsystenvasdevised
also reflects the racial divisions of the city. 'Ihe depot for buses
travelingthrouglmtthelowdensitysiburbsislocatedinale
sectimofthecity,whilethedepotsfortlnsetravelingthmgtnrt
thehighdensitysmmrbsarelocatedinothers. Nobusgoingtothe
highdensitysuburbsinGreaterHarareorigiratesatorneartta
formal sector wholesalers. Only the depot for buses going to
driumgwizaisnearthelrdeperdentbarket,theNatioralmiit&

Vegetable Marketing Agency, and Wholesaler Fruiterers.
Retailersvmowould liketoprrdasetheirdailyneekfrunthe

80

formal sectorwholesalers wouldhave to pay for additiaal Wt.
wreover,tliesem1esa1ers,asriotedin(2) above,donotse11a11
thecamuoditiesretailersneed. 'I!ms,atriptommdbe
regdired, inaddtiontoatriptothewholesalers. 'Iheinoanes
geraratedbyretailersareirsufficienttoabsorbstxhanexperdiune
formansport. 'misnearstlat,regardlessofwhetheracmmdityis
dreaperatthefornalsectorwl'aolesaler,aretailverdorwilloptto
parehasefraanecausesheoansatisfyall,oralmstall,of
hercalmoditydarandsthere.

5- WW “10196318“in
bytheIniepeniertMarketintherawspapersonceorhviceperweekdo
not neesssarily reflect wholesale prices thraagtmt the city.
Retailersreportedthefollowing:

- Day-to-day coumodity price fluctuation may be the result of
the cannodity "going off" overnight at the wholesaler if it had not
beenproperlystored.

-m-the-spotpricereductimsmightbegrantedtothosewho
wishtopurdaseanentirelotofacmmdity.

-Pricesnayvaryfranhmrtohmrofbusinessoperatim,
deperriirgonwlattineardhwnudiofacamodityisbmlghtinto
themarket.

- Certain wstauers may receive preferential pricing, thus
reducirgtheaveragereportedinthenewspaper.

6. mm. milevaflorsstatedtheyprefertopn'dase
theircaunoditiesatm,theyalsoreportedanajorproblaninso
doing. So-mlled W—tmiggish middlemen who exercise

81
controloverafarrer'scropsbeforethefarmerismllypaidfor
theng—cartimallyharrassthewanenastheymaketheirpndases. I
msinfornedttatifaverdorwishestoirspectaparticularqrantity
oftanatoes, formanple,shewillbenadetop1rdasetlmassoon
asshetoichesthen. 'mereasonforsmhbelaviorbecamecleartone
axedayvmeanasinterviavingproducersatthefarrers'narket.

Iwasobservingananpackingtatatoesinacardboardbmc. At
onepoint,helookedupardsawnevatd1inghim. I-Iebegantourpack
thetcmatoes. Ardthenherenovedaratherlargelayerofgrass.
0ncethegrasshadbeentossedaside,herep1acedthetalatoes,this
tinefillimthebootwithmretanatoestlangrass.

W are extremely abusive "b.1yem'-sellen"' operators
mmtheumicipalpoliceoamotwrperlapsaremtwillingto)
control. ‘meirnmbersvaryatanyonetimebetweensixand
fourteen,arrlead1isveryactiveasfarmersarriveattheadjacent
busstoporlorrypark. 0nanymmberofoccasions,1watdredthan
jmtpatopanarrivingbusardbeginoffloadingbeforethebushad
evencanetoastop. flaeytossthepocketsanibooaesoffruitsard
vegetablestotheircolleagues,a1fithenproceedtosellthe
cmnnditiesbeforethefarmertasevenalightedfrunthehls.

7. W. 'Ihe physical location of marketplaoss, the

 

9Asimi1arp1ermermwasobservedinthehighlardnarketsof
Bolivia, especially intheIaPaznarketwhere:

farm people dismounting fran lorries in the area of the
mainwholesaleardretailnarketsoflapazareoften
seized by wholesalers or retailers and forced to sell
their goods at a low price (Preston 1978:118) .

82
cmsmnerneedtopirdasefreshproduceprovisiaxsdailyarflthe
urbancontenchalneedformtogererateimmeallcmtribateto
the proliferation of vendors throughout the high density sutnrbs.
Alfinghneanaflcetsiteswerecastructedoverthepastdeoade,“
morewillbebuiltinthelowdensityareasinthenearmture,
problalsravearisarwiththemmberofstallsdesigrad. 'mereare
twosidestothisargunent.

mtheoneharri,theumicipa1ityrasresporded,inpart,to
theexpressedneedofnanymnenforstalls. Insaneases,asmany
as1055tallswereconstructedatonesite. 0ntheotherhand,itis
extrenely difficult for that nany wunen to generate an adequate
income when eadi sells, more or less, the same typeof camadities.
Desireonthepartofmmicipalplannerstodesignarriconstmct
marketsadjacenttoslmppirgcenters(seemofu1979)rasprevented
tranfranseeinghmmrecamicmdidesignsareforthewanenwho
operatetheirmsinessesfrunthen. mileitmaybeeconanicto
construct one, centralized narketplace, it is very inefficient frau
theperspectiveofthevendor.
gingham

Boththeproductiontlatfeedsthenarketingdannelsardthe
bifurcation of the marketing system itself inpose limitations on the
incanestlatcanbegeneratedbyAfricanretailvendors. As
discassedabovefortalatoesardgreen,1eafyvegetab1es,thedual
systenbringscertaincamoditiesintoaresector,withtherenairfler
enteringtheother. 'n'xeurbantransportatimsystanalsoinpinges
upon the accessibility of cannodities. Variable pricing between

83
fornalandinformalwholesalenarketsleaveswmeninaqandryasto
whethertohlyalimitedmmberofcaunoditiesatalowerpricefran
afornalsectorwholesalemorwhethertohxyalargernmberof
outmodities, perhaps at a higher price, fran the informal wholesale
market. Ifthelatterisdlosen,thenwmennustoverccmethe
problenofmmovmlddzeattlm. Arriwtmnnnenreturn
totheirrespectivenarketsitestosell,theynustcmpetewiththeir
colleaguesforcustaners. Waternwhowishtoa'rterorcmtimein
thistradeasanincauegeneratingactivitymstthereforecopewith
ammberofstnicturalobstaclesiflrerentinthesystenitself.

Wcmenmstalsocopewiththebarrierstoentryinposedupm
than by virtue of the limited mnber of "legal" spaces available to
then. Shortlybeforemydeparhne,the@l§reportedttatthe
natiaal political party, ZANU, alsohad sarething todowithwman
getting a place in the market. In a brief informal investigation of
thisassertim,Ifourdinonemarketplaceallthewunenwhohad
agreedtobecaerAMJmetberswereallocatedstalls,milethe
remixdervhohadbeensellingthereformanyyearswtndidmtagree
tobecatenetberswereforcedwtofthenarket. Ifoundthen
selling "illegally" on an adjacent street.

Watenthetselvessetupbarrierstoentryforothervmen. At
menarketsiteinthelwdersitysuburbsIaskedthemenWatthey
muddoifotherscanealongandwantedtojointhen. Iwasfrankly
told"Wewoulddasethenamy. Wearealreadytoomanyhere.”
‘Ihiscatplainted'xoedtluunglmtthecorductofthissufly.

 

This chapter explores the individual experiences of narket
wanenfonmdsellingfreshproducethmnghoutGreaterHarare. By
ecparrlingontheseveralthetesintroducedinpreviousdapters,
several sub-thenes are considered: language, birthplace and
ettmicity of vendors; growing up in Zimbabwe; marriage: migration to
Harare; family life and dnildren: linkages to rural kin: widowhood,
divorce and marriage; making economic sense of the city; "formal"
and "infornral" sector enployment; establishing the fresh produce
businesses; and doing business.

WM

Sluaspeakerscanbefwrrithroughoutzinbabwe,butthey
resideprimarilyinthenortherntwo—thirdsofthecountry. Forthe
325 wanen interviewed, 82 birth places were identified. While the
preponderance of vendors were born in Zinbabwe, 6.2% (20) came fran
Malawi, 5.2% (17) fran Mozanbique, and 1.2% (4) frmn Zanbia. 0f the
renaining 87.4%, 14.15% (46) were born in Harare. 'Ihus, almost 74%
of the population surveyed originated in rural zinbabwe.

Ethnicityis largelyrelatedtotheareainwhidnoneisborn.
Table 4.1 illustrates the percentage and amber of vendors who
reportedtheirnativelangnageaseitheravariantofShoraor
Ndebele. 'Iherenaining58 respondents indicatedtheirmthertongue

84

85

ME 4.1

0m ibution of Zimbabwean m §po_ke_n m Vendors
We 3 of Vendors No. of Vendors
(hi-Zezeru 45 . 8 147
Chi-Ndau 3 . 1 10
Chi-Kararga 10 . 3 33
Chi-Manyika 8 . 1 26
Chi-Urgwe 3 . 4 11
Cl'ni-JIbko/ 5 . 9 19
Chi-Endya
(hi-Korekore 4 . 0 13
Sirdebele 1 . 2 4

is a language spoken inMalawi (Chi-Nyanja or Chi-chem), Zanbia, or
Mozanbique.

languages spoken are closely related to hane areas of origin.
Forinstance,thosewhospeakChi—Ebko/ani-B.flyaarefanndinthe
mtokoenvirorsardareaflmrallydistinctfrunthosewhospeakdni-
ManyikaintheEastemHigtflarrisardthosemnospeaani-Ndauinthe
Sabi Valley region. Sindebele speakers are found largely in the
mlawayoregionardinthesouthwestqtadrantoftheccmntry. Eadn
ofthesegrwpsrasadifferenthistoryofocwpyirgZinbame,and
differentwlunraltraditiorns.1

'Ihelarguagebrirgirgtheseculmregrunpstogetherinthe
marketplaceistlatspoleninthel-Iarareenvirons,dni—Zezeru. Until
a custaner establishes his/her origin through larguage in a
pnrohasirg transaction, thevendorsuseChi-Zezuru. If a custaner is
krmnascanirgfrauthesamehaneareaasthevendor,thenthe

 

1 For an aralysis of various cultural traditions represented in
Zinbabwe, see Beach 1980; see, also, Bourdillon (1976) and Ian (1985)
for cultural background of the VaKorekore pecple, and Rarger (1985)
foranaralysisofpeoplewhospeakcniUrgweintheRusapearea.

86
mothertotgueisused.
E . I! . Z'l!
Asvendorsweregrowirgup,goirgtosdnoolwasaninportant
myinwhichparentsinvestedinthefumre. Wherepossible,girls
aswellasboysweresenttosdnool,but,inonevendor'sestination,
educatingboysseenedmoreinportant.
1agback,onlyboyswenttosdnool. Ifawmanwas
educateditwasanlytoteadnherhowtowrite. Boysare
moreeducated. mlymenweremrkinglongback,sothe
boysweresenttosdnoolsotheycouldgetwork. Girls
didn'tknowtheycould also benefitfrungoirgtoschool.
Itwasalwaysthaghttlatonlyboyscouldtakecareof
theirparents. ‘Ihegirlsweresenttoherdoattlesothe
boyscouldgotoschool.
Familyfinancesseenedtobetheoverridirgprobleninsendirg
dnildrentoschool. Asonevendor,whoseparentshadbeenworkirgon
ateaestate, reported:
Noneofuswenttosdnoolbecausetherewasnonnney. My
parentswerefarmersatcnipingeontheJerseyTeaEstate
pastMt.Se1inda. 'Iheyjustweren'tpaidenaghtosend
ustoschool.
Althoughsane18.8% (60) ofveflorsrneverwenttosdnool,63.4%rad
adnievedbetweengradeoneandgradeseven,whilealmst18%hadhad
sanesecondaryeducation. 'nnepreponfleranceofvegorswittmt
education are either older (over 40) or cane fran Mozanbiqne or
Malawi where fewer educational opportunities existed.
qucanmentselicited,itappearswmnenborninruralareas
might have receivedsane formal schooling, butnotasnudnasnales.
0fthe238 vendor spouses, 18.9%hadnotbeentosdnool, 48.7%had

receivedbetweengradeonearrigradeseveneducation, and32.4%l‘ad
adnievedsomesecordaryeducation. Incalparingpercentages,there

87
isaparallelbetweennenardwunenwhodidnotattedsdnool,but
differencesenergeinthernmberofyearstheyattended. Mm
tohavebeeninsdnoolseveralmreyearsttannmnen.

Vendorsweresocializedintotheworld of wanen's work. ltney
leannedfruntheirnothersnotonlytheirdannesticdnores,butalso
l'nwtogrowgardenandfieldcrqns. 'Iheylearned,inhelpirgtheir
mtherstoproducefoodcrcps,t1attheirresporsibilitiesintheir
families of creation “wonfld be similar. Moreover, the winen learned
their acceptenceintotheirtmsbands' families of originismeasured
internsoftheirownabilitytogrowfoodtoprovisiontheir
families. As wcmen would narry, they would be allocated a well-
wateredplotonwhidntogrowvegetables,theaburriantharvestsfran
midnwouldstardasaneasureofspiritnalacoeptameintotheir
hnmbands'patrilineages. Ifadnharvestswerenotforthcanirg,then
divinationbyammightocwrwithsubsegnentgiftsbeirg
offered to the vadzinnu (family ancestors) to pray for a secord
chance.

Anotherskillwuuenacquiredastheygrewupmsrmtobrev
beer. Beerservedbothanecormicardariunalfunction. menthe
caunmityhadtobeactivatedtohelpatpeakagriorlturaltimes,a
work party wonfld be called—WWy by a nale
headofhousehold. mileacertainwillingnessanthepartof
neighbors to participate was in evidence, the prunise of good beer
and/oragoodmealaspaymentfortheday'slaboractedasafurther
incentive.

Ritnally,wwnenarereq.niredtobrewbeerformanyritnal

88

celebratimsp imluding the w (bringing the Spirit 1m)
cerenunyabwtayearafterthedeathofafamilymenber. 'Ihearana
of the beer, the active gathering of people, annd the ritnals
performed collectively woo the spirit hate to care for the living
menbersofthefamily.
Merges

Asverlorsgrewup,theyalso1earnedthatwhentheynarried,
theywouldlavetomvefrantheirparents'lmestothatoftheir
husbands. 'Ihe groann's 33th (father's sister) was especially
inportantashertaskwastosocializethenevbrideintopartienlar
istics ofthegroan's patrilinneage,andtopnysicallybringthebride

Marrying required thepayment of 191521; or -z—bridevealth.
Anumtsvariedaccordingtowhethertheyongwmanhadbeenednmted
andforlmwnanyyears,ani/orwhetherthewunancenefruna"good"
familyinwhidnpeoplewerelomntobetuest,hard—working,andmt
tainted by any spirit possession. Additianally, the ability of the
negotiatorshelpeddeterminnethe"price"agroann's familywastopay
forhisandtheirpatrilineage's rightsoveranyensuingohildren.

While lobola is being contested rigorously by uany of Harare's

 

educatedwmnen, ofthe281vendorswhoreportedancehavingbeen
narried, only 28% indicated that their husbands had finished paying
Ma. 'Ihismeans, technically, thatanydnildrennensuingfranthe
retaining 72% of the narriages "belong" to the wife. I-Msbannds/

 

2Icaloola is thetermfor bridewealthinsinndebele, whilerm
istheterminShona. Forreasonstasmabletodiscern,1_o_l&lais

thetermgenerallyused,evenby$honaspeakers.

89

fathershavefullrightsovertheirdnildrenonlyoncem

paymentshavebeencanpleted.
Qnevendorarguedverystronglyttatlgglaisgood:

mnenawunangivesbirthitwillbeherhusbandwhopays
for school. mg is the first inndicatian of

responsibility. Mg is responsibility annd authority
over the rights of the child.
WhilethisistheidealinMedangedapterFiveconsiders
whetherthisisthecaseamgvendorsinfiarare.
Marriagestakedifferentforns,amagwhidnare Mani
w. Mistlnepracticeofmosistersnarryingthesame
man. Suchanarriagemighttakeplaceif: thesisters'parentsare
financially unable to support then; a younger sister is desired when
theelderhasnotyetbeennarriednortnmwivesaredesiredtohelp
withthefarm.
IwasnarriedtogetherwithmyeldersisterandIhad
problemswithher. Myparentsforcedmetogoandstay
with my sister because her husband was helping my father
witheverything.Myhusbandthankedmyfatheralotand

gavehim$30mre,notapartoflobol,b.ntthanksonly.
Mysisterwastoldtogohaneandplow,butshestarted

screaming saying "I can't leave you staying with my
misbandnbetteryougornneandplwbecauseymare
Mo"
Inherentintheeldersister'sbenaviorisherbeliefthather
sister,astheyomgerofthetwo,nmldnotbeabandanedifshewere
to go "heme" and plow, inplying that the elder would be forgotten
onceshewasintheruralareas.
Anongtheve'dorstheincidergeomearriages (thegroan
"kidnaps" the bride annd pays "damaga" to the bride's parents
afterwards) is relatively high, especially among the younger, more
educated wcmnen. Menpay "damages," inlieu of 1m, whichare

90
invariably lowerthantheannmtsrequiredinuarital prestaticns.
MavensanetimesnotevenLaLizaisreqnired:
Ican'tgetmoneytoeducatemydnildren. IfIget
scrneonetonarrymeandhelpmewiththechildren,1
couldlikeit. 'nnistime,myyo.nngsistersarehelping
mewithsdnoolfeesandallotherthingsIneed. 'Ihis
timeIdon'twanttohaveadnild—onlyaboyfriend.
Finally, Ihavesaneonetogivemyproblers to. Idon't
wanttobegivenlawsbysaneone. Itaveonelooking
aftermennow. Hegivesme$10aftertwoorthreeweeks.
Hecaneshaneeveryday,sowenearlystaytogether.
'Ihls' naniskmwnbymybrotheranritheygiveme
pennissiontosleepwithhim.
Inthisinstance,thenmanhadalreadybeendivorcedfranthefather
ofherchildren. Knnowingthatsheisnmlikelytofindananwhowill
take on the financial responsibility of her children, or saneonewho
mildactuallypaylobolatoherfather,sheacceptedthenectbest
thing—saneone who will live with her, listen to her prrblens annd

helphersolvethenn,andwhowillalsogivehersanefinanncial
support.

Vendorswhospokeaboutpolygamy didnnot favorthe institution,
perhaps because of the canplicated econanics of runnnning two
householdsinthecity. OUnersrelatedtheirfearsensuingfrunsnxnh
narriages:

'Ihisotherwifeusesalotofmagic. Sheoncewantedto

killme. AfterIlefthcmebeingsick,Ihadthree

operations. We nnever stayed prqnerly with that lady. I

alsoleftmypropertythere. Iameverscaredtogoannd

takemythings. Myhusbandknowsttathissecondwife

usesnagic. Mymnsbanndwasalsogivenmedicinnessohe

reallydoesn'tlonowwl'attodo.
'Bne"nedicines"tomidnthisvedorrefersarepowerfulherbs,or
"nagic,"pntintothetmsband'sfoodtomakesurethenanthinfl<sanly

ofthewunanwhogavehimthe"teaspoonful."

91
Honsingalsoactsasadeterranttopolygamy:
Myl'msbandistryingtodasemeashetookamtherwife,
butwegotthehansetogetherandgovermentvm'tlet
thendnaseme.

Whenananapplies forMnsingfrantheHarareCityOouncil,his
wife's name rust appear on the applicatian. If the couple
subsequentlydivorces,thewmanisentitledtorenainlivinginthe
houseasnudnasherhusband. Mnoultinatelyrerainsinthehouseis
nowamatterforthecourtstodecide.
Miggtglpntogarangngng
Mostnnnnen(63%)reportedhavingcanetofiarareaftertheywere
married. 'IhevnnenreportedmigratingtoI-lararebegimningasearly
a31939. 0fthe270verdorsmnosaidtheyhadbeenmigrants,'lable
4.2presentsasmmaryofwhenvendorslefttheirhanesforfiarare.

mam 4.2*
v a H' ! . ! n

W m m
1939 1.2 3
1940-1949 3.0 8
1950-1959 11.1 30
1960-1969 24.5 66
1970-1979 30.4 81
1930-1935 16.0 43
1986 14.1 38

 

*Source: interviev sdnedules.
'Ihe preponderance of vendors (68.9%) reported having moved fran
their places of birth only once—after marriage—caning directly to

92

Harare.3 Another23.9% saidtheyhadmadeapriormove, mostofwhan
hadgonetotheirhnabands' hanesteadsatmarriage. ‘nnerenaining
7.2% have moved several tinnes, for the following reasons: parents
werengvedfrantheirhcmnesteadMuringHitler'svarn" "thelardwas
not fertile, so we had to find a place to plow" "my father lost his
job sowehadtomove;" "thewhite farmersoldtheplacemyparents
wereworkingann" "tornmawayfrmnthemflardtomigratetoa
nunberof other, smallerurbancenterstolook forwork.

'nnewunenMnocametoI-Iarareontheiromlooldngforwork
(17.6% of 273) said they migrated for a number of reasons: "I ran
away fromthewarn" "myl'nusbanddied, soIcameherewiththe
dnildrenn" "I didn't like living in the rural areas any more, so I
ranaway;" and"I justknewtherewasabetterlife formeinthe
city."

Onceinthecity, thewunenreportedlinldngwithanrmberof
relatives and/or frieds. Sinnce finding accanmodation ras been and
still is highly problenatic, migrants usually resided with kin when
first arriving. A significant portion of vendor spouses (34%) who
migrated first, however, resided in hostels or found sane sort of
lodging. Wane-n, when they migrated, either joined their hnsbands at
whatever accamnodation they had found (55.3%), or stayed with
relatives. Only .7% said they found lodging, and 1.7% said they had

 

3 Drakakis-Smith and Kivell (1988:21), in their s’cndy of
Mabelreign, Glen View and Epworth, reported that about half of their
population interviewed had "nngved in directly fran village or rural
settlement . . ., whilstamther40percentmoveddirectlytofiarare
franasmalltown,missingoutthelargerinternrediarysettlenents,
such as Mutare or allawayo."

93
nobody to stay with.

While accatmodation for Africans has lag been a problem (see
Chapter M for the historical developnnent of this problen) , vendors
reportedhaving livedinthesameplaceinHararebetweenoneand
forty-seven years, with a mean of 11.6. Interestingly, the mean
falls directly on the year when guerrilla activites heightened in the
rural areas during the liberatim struggle.

Emily Life and Children

Family size in relatian to type of housing available has
presented problems of finding urban accanmodation. Table 4.3
presentsthenumberofchildrenvendorshave. WhenIaskedvendors

TABIE 4.3*
Vendor Fertil ig bipressed 18' m of @’ ldren gm
Regimens 3.9mm lie._f__endc>_o V IS
0 3.1 10
1 8.7 28
2 10.3 33
3 14.7 47
4 14.1 45
5 9.1 29
6 16.2 52
7 13.4 43
8 5.3 17
9 3.4 11
10 .9 3
12 .3 1
14 .3 1

 

* Source: interview schedules.
howmanyof theirohildrenwerestill livingwiththen, theyreported
a range between onne and ten. Table 4.4 illustrates the population of
dnildren in vendor households.

 

0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
0

H

 

*Source: interview schedules.

Urban households are not canprised solely of meters of a
nuclear family, however. Whenvendorswerequeriedondnetherother
people lived in their households, 47.3% responded positively. When
askedhownanyotherpeople livedwithvendors, theresponseranged
between onne and twenty-three. Table 4.5 illustrates the distribution
ofotherpeopleinvedorhouseholdsasaportionofthepercentage
of households with additional menbers.

Sunmarizing this data, vendor households are oconpied,
generally speaking, byvendor, herspouse, ameanof 4.6 ohildrenand
a mean of 3.7 other people, for a total mean household size of 10.3.4

When Iaskedwhotheadditional residents invendorhonseholds

 

4'Ihismeanismnchhigherthanthatreportedbythe0enens. It
is possible that vendors more freely reported the number of pecple
livingintheirhousholdstomethantotheOensustakers. 'Ihis,in
turn, could be a reflection of certain lodging regulations that are
supposedtolimitthemmberofpeoplewhocanbedcmiciledasa

lodger.

95

man: 4.5*
W
M 3.2mm: W

M M195 W
1 19.1 62
2 11.4 37
3 5.8 19
4 3.7 12
5 2.5 8
6 1.2 4
7 .9 3
8 .9 3
9 .3 1
10 .3 1
11 .9 3
17 3 1
23 .3 1

 

*Source: interviewsohedules.
are,Iwasovemhe]nnedwiththe71differentresponsesgiven. Sane
23 categories of kin living with vendors are derived through the
husband's kin, 35 thmughvendor's kin, and 11 throughvendors and
theirspouses. 'Iwoothersreportedthatlodgersanddanesticmrkers
are also inncluded inthiscategory.

'Ihepresenceofsonanykinnlivinginthesameurbanhousehold
givesrisetoammberofquestionsanaualoustoseveralassertions
innthezinnbabweanliteramre: thatrootstotheruralhannelandare
always naintainned; and tlat urban households are proportionately
enallertlanthoseinthemralareasduelargelytoeconmicsand
the size of housing available.

Linkagestoruralldnnappeartemousiftheparentsofboth
vendorandherspousearelivingwiththeminI-Iarare. mere
lmsbards'fathersrenainintheruralareas,sonscanalwaysreturn

96
tothepatrilinealhonesteadwiththeirfamilies. Ifthefarmtas
beenrelinguished,1xmever,thereismruralrmesteadtoretnrnto.
Iinflcagtomxin

Aportionofvedorsindicatedtl'atcertainmenbersoftheir
families still livedintheruralareas. mnenlaskedvedors
Mareitherorbothoftheirparentswerestillliving,72%
respondedthatatleastoneparentwasstillalive. Asimilar
qnestion was asked of vendor spouses' parents, to whidn 45.2%
respondedeitheroneorbothparertswerestillliving. Vinenasloed
whereparentsresided,19%ofvendorparentsand12.5%ofvedor
sponseparentsreportedlyresideinoneofthenararesuhnrbs. 0f
therenainingngthersandfathers,6%ofvendorparentsliveeither
inMalawi, lbzannbique or Zannbia, while 17.4% ofspouseparentsreside
intheseconntries. Otherparentsreportedlyresideinapprodnately
62 different rural location. 'Ihe link between these rural families
and vendors is naintainned in several ways: visitation of rural
family members to urban vedors; urban vedor family visitation to
mralhouesteadsnrenittancesnandnaintenanceofmralland
holdings.

aneofthelastgnestionslaskedvendorswaswhetherkincone
fronn the rural areas to visit. In response, 74.8% indicated
relativesconneatleasto'geayear,ifnnottwice: oncnristnasor
onEaster. Again,therangeofkinrepresentedinresponseswasvery
broad, although visitation appeared to favor vedor parents or
siblings. Sons 34 different responses including one or more of
vendorparentsweregiven, 18 relatedtovedorsiblirgsandtheir

97

offspring, 18 related throughve'dor spouses, and the renainder are
relatedthronghvedorparentsofeitherside.

Believingthatvedorsmightgainaocesstofreshproducegrom
inthemralareastosellintheirstallsviagiftsfrontheirkin,
Iaskedwhetherrelationsbroghtfoodforvedorsgrownonthe
fam: 31.7% of vedors replied they did. I was informed, homer,
thatfoodbroghtbyrelativesmstbeeateninthehmaandmt
takentothestalltosell. Itwouldbeinverypoortastetosell'a
gift. Greennealies(freshnaizeccbs)andhcme-gron’dnaizewere
the doninant gifts, with fresh-ground peannut butter, gym,
gmndmnts,andseasoalfruitsconinginnaclosesecond. All
together, relatives reportedly broght at least 25 different foofi,
inn family-size portions, to be eatenbyvendorhousehold haters.

Vendorfamilymenbersalsogototheruralareastovisitand
attend ritual celebrations, inclnding funerals. 0f the total
mlation,80.3%ofvedorsreportedtheygohonetothennralareas
anywherebemeenonoeamonthandonceeverytwoyears. Table4.6
illustrates the freqnenncyofvedorvisitationtorural kin.

unetheravedorvisitsherruralkinispartiallydetermined
bythedistancebetweenflarareandthemralhcmesteadandthecost
oftransport. ‘Ihecostoftransport,Iwasinformed,isalimiting
factorindeterminingwhoandhownnanyofvendor'sfamilyacconpany

98

TABLE 4.6*
o V V' 'tat
Wit nil/erase W

one a year 25.5 83
twice a year 16.6 54
three times a year 16.0 52
four times a year 6.8 22
one a nnnnth 7.7 25
once every two years .3 1
one every fonr years .3 1
funnerals only .3 1

 

*Source: interview sdnedules.

her on her journey. Table 4.7 illustrates cost of transport "rule."

ME 4.7*
Amounts Vedor Pa "
ream—mes mm mm:
(n=259)

under $1 2.7 7
$1 - $1.99 6.9 18
$2 - $2.99 12.0 31
$3 - $3.99 11.2 29
$4 - $4.99 8.9 23
$5 - $5.99 10.8 28
$6 - $6.99 8.9 23
$7 - $7.99 8.5 22
$8 - $8.99 3.1 8
$9 - $9.99 3.9 10
$10 -$10.99 5.0 13
$11 -$11.99 2.7 7
$12 -$12.99 2.7 7
$13 -$13.99 1.5 4
$14 -$14.99 1.9 5
$15 -$15.99 3.1 8
$16 -$16.99 .8 2
$18 .8 2
above $20 4.6 12

 

*Source: interview schedules.

99

milevendorsreportedgoinghonenainlydm'ingthecnrismas
Inlidays,nanyvnnensaidtheyremrnndtotheirparents'mralhones
atthetimeof plowing. Sonnetimesthiscoinncides with Christmas
break, iftherainsarelate,h1tnnuallythisoconrsduring
October/Novena.

Annothermeannsvendorsusetostayintoidnwiththeirruralkinn
isthroghcashremittances. similartothepractiessassertedfor
nenwhentheymigrate,vendorswtngeneratetheirowninnonnesrenit
certainportionstohelpruralkin. Iaskedvendorstwicewhat
annnntstheyrenitted: oneinnthecontextofaskingabontfamily
ecpeditures,ardoneinthecontectof"other”annalfinancial
ontlays. Inresponsetothefirstinngniry,themeanmonthly
remittance for 157vendorswas$21.52,witharanngebetween$28nd
$200. 'Ihesecodinquiryyieldedameanamralrenittannefor149
vendorsof $87.53, witharangebetween$4and$600.5 Ruralfamilies
aresaidtousethisfinancialinputtonainntainthefarmard/or
sugnrtsdnolohildren.

mileIlavennhardevidenoeonthispoint,ininfornnally
interviewing vedors I fond that the probability of renitting
consistentlyisrelatedtowhetherave'dorrassentadnildtoher
relativestoberaisedintheruralareas. 'Ihisconldbea

consequence of being divorced, widowed, or sinply nnot having enough

 

5Clearly, these figuresdonntcononr. It ismostlikely that
reporting erroris inevidernehere. Itisprobablethatvendors
conldreportannnthlyfigureforrenittannebut,owingtomenoryand
inability to calonlate, many misrepresented the amomtsthey renit
annually.

100

nnneytoraisednildreninthecity.

mileitwasassnmedthatmenMnmigratedforworksimltane-
onslykeptonefootintheruralareas,thepassageofthe19511ard
msbandryActwasdesignedtoedthedualbasisforecononicliveli-
hood. Ifmenwereregisteredasurbandwellers,theywonldnotbe
abletohavelandintheruralareas. miletheActwasneverfully
inplemented,Ie¢ploredtheissneofrurallandomership(orrights
ofnnufructmdertraditioalterure)withthevedors. Outofthe
325 vendors interviewed, only 23 (7.1%) saidtheirhusbandshadbeen
allocatedaplot. WhenIprdoedfurther,tryingtodeterminewhether
wlatwasgrownontheirownlardattuneultimatelywassoldattheir
stallsandtables,Iwasinfornedby20ofthevendorsthattheland
nnlongerbelongedtothenbeoausetheydonotonltivateit. 0fthe
threerenaining,prob1ensoflaborandvaterpreventedthenfron
using it effectively. Thus, if wonen return "hone" periodically to
cultivate, itistotheir relatives' farnns ratherthantotheirown.
W' ivo and

Whenfamiliesaredividedthroghwidotnodordivorcenmnen
canbeleftinecononicperil. Repeatedlyrelatedtomewasthe
practiceofadeadlmsband'skinnconingtoclaimthefamilyassets
afterthefmneral,leavingthewidowdestibnte. Inearliertimes,I
wastold, thewonan's in-laws would alsotakethechildren, ifthe
lgb_olahadbeenpaid. Nowadays,tnwever,assetsnaybetaken,hnt
ohildrenarennt. Wonennsaidthehighcostofsedingohildrento
sdnolmstlnnainreasondnildrenwereleftwitlntlnirnntlnrs:
the inn-laws did nnt want the additioal finanncial resposibility.

101

They[inn-laws]toldmetogobacktomyparents,andthey
gavemennneyequaltothebusfareonly. Theyeventook
thebankbook. ‘nneonewtnconductedthefuneralwanted
totakeorer[mm1,buthiswiferefused. She
shontedverystrog. ButIreallywantedtostaythere
becausetheytoldmethatlwasgoingtoleavemyohild
withthen.

Wisdnepracticeofleviratemarriageamogstnoa
speakers. Itvascomnonpracticeintheruralareasforawidowto
betaken,aseitherasecondorthirdwife,byherdeadlmsband's
brother. Ivasinformedthatsudnapracticepreventedenbarraserent
onthepartofthewidow'sparentsbecause,technically,the1¢91g
wonldhavetobereumnedifthehusbanddied. Thiswasespecially
thecaseifthewonanwasstillrelativelyyongatthetimeofher
husband'sdeath. Sinnenarriagewasapreferredstateofbeing,sudn
awonancolldmarryagainandccmnandanntherm. Thus,the
firstonehadeithertobereturnedorusedinthenarriageofthe
widowtohermnsbard'sbrother.

Vendorsreportedhowthispracticehasgivenrisetoanmber

of problets:

Iamstayingwithmydeadhusband'syongerbrother,”
heisalsonarried. Heisapainter. My"brother"is
veryecononic—hedoesn'tnanttopnmpontnnney. Sinne
my husband died, my Innsband's relatives colldn't even
conetolodcforneandconldnn'thnythesednildrensonn
clothes. Withinsonedays ofhisdeath, theybrewedbeer
forthefunneral. Afterthattheywantedtotakeoverand
theyallwantedmetobetheirwife. Andtheystartedto
fight. Myhusband'sbrotheristheonewl'nwasserions
abonttakingover. Theelderonesaid"yoncan'tbecause
yondidnn'tdoanythingduring brother's illness". My
fathersaid"yondidnntpaylobolaandyonwanttotake
over. finisgoingtopaythelobola?" Nobodyanswered.
T‘hennmyfatlnersaid”1anntakingmydnildrmne. She
can'tsufferinmypresence." Iwasgiventwoacresto
plowbymyhusband'sfather,hnt1refusedbecausethe
soilwasverybad.

102

Themainproblemnnw mwismyhusband'swife. Sheisnnw

refusingtokeepmy chll,dren sayingshehasplenty of
relationwhoare eringandndaodyislookingafter
then. Ican't myself bnntI'mnotsupposedtobe

hereonearth. I'vebeentreatedlikeasnallmadboy.

Avedortommmwasinposedreportedasfollows:

Irefusedtobenarriedbymyhusband'syongbrother,so
hejustmovedintoonrhonseforfree. Innsteadoftaking
me,hetriedtotakeoverthehouse.

Annthervendor linnkedmaggwith econonics:
AftermyhusbanddiedandIrefusedm,myhusband's
brotherstookallthefurnitureandcattle saying that
theywantedtokeepthecattleforhissonswhen
growup. Theydidnnttakethesons. Theydidn'teven
givemychildrennthecattlewhentheygrewup.

Itwolldappearthatthispracticewasoncevaluednnreintherural

areasthanitisnowinthecity. Aperioddnenwouenwerepressured

intoconplying withthispractice, accordingtotheverdors, was

duringtheliberationwarwhennanymendied:
Aftermyhusbanddied,hisbrotherswantedm_ntab,
butIrefused. Ttat'swhenmytroublesstarted. They
reportedmetothefreedonefighterssayingthatlwas

having affairs with the Rtndesian soldiers. 'nat's when
I ran away.

Probablythennst inportant issue inextendingthispractice
intothecityconemswhetherornntlgbglghasbeenpaidtothe
wife's family. Aswonnenoreatethemeanstobeself-supporting, they
refusenhflonthebasisthattheywillbediscriminatedagainstin
the husband's brother's houselnld, especially if he already has a
wife. Rather than put up with thediffionlties of owowives in one
household, widowsopttorenainaloneandstnngglealogasbestthey
can.

Theproportionofvendorswlnhadbeenwidowedis13.4%, with

103
wonenhavingbeeninthisstatebetweenland35years. Iaskedthe
wonenwlatkindofhelptheyreceivedaftertheirmnsbandspassed
away. 0fflnsewidowed,35%reportedthatnnthingwasdonetohelp
them. Sone(17.5%)weregivennoney,butnanyindicatedthat inn-laws
confiscated furniture, cattle, children, and other assets.
Interestingly,83.3%reportedtlatthel@1awasnotashedtobe
returned. Perhapsthisislinnkedtobwofactors: thatlgmla
paynentshadnneverbeenconpletednortlatthednildrenofthe
marriagewerennottakenbytheinn-laws.

Divorce can also leave wonen in econonic straits. The
percentageofwonenwtnreportedhavingbeendivorcedis17.9%.
Vendorshadbeenndivorced forbetween1and32 years. 0fthese, 4.3%
irdicatedtheyhadrenarried. Sonneofthereasonsgiven fordivorce
include: "I conld nnt have any children" "I gave birth to girls
only;" "he had too nanny girlfriendsn" ”I was accused of being
possessedWWWand'Tnegotdrmkandbeatmesomyparents
tookmeaway."

Itiscommpractice,1wasinformed,thatwhenanandivorces
hiswifehetakeswithhimnannyofthehouseholdassets. Ifthe
conplewerelivinginHarare,ananmightbringhisnewwifetothe
honselnld, essentially forcing ont the first wife. If a husband
detandsttathisdnildrenrenainwithhim,thenowwifemightnake
life very miserable for the yonngsters:

WhenanenttolookformyfatherinHarare,Ifonndhim

livingwithanewwife. Mymotherdidn'tevenknowhe

hadtakenannotherwife. Itoldhimeantedtosaywith
himsoIcolldcontinmemysecodarysdnooling. He

agreed. antafterafewmnths,Istartedgettingvery
badstonachpains. IhadtogobacktoMasvingotomy

104

mother. Wnilethere,thepainsstopped,sonentback

toHarare. Thepainsstartedagain. AftersonetimeI

realizedmy father's newwifewastryingtopoisonme

becauseshedidn'twantmearonnd. Shewanntedeverything

forherohildren.
Becauseoftheproblensnnthersfeeltheirdnildrenwillenomter
wlnnstayingwithttnirfatlars'newfenily,andbe<auseofmsbands
not having finished paying 1%, 61.4% of the divorcedvedors
renortedkeepingthednildrem 18.2% reportedthattheirtmsbands
tookthednildren (intherenainingcases,onstcdywassl'ared). In
soneoftheselatterinstannes,wonenreportedneverseeingtheir
children again until itwastime forthentonarry.

Similar to infomation reported on the dimition of m
afterbeing widowed, 83.7% of divorcedwonensaidnnthingl'amened,
and 8.2% said the in-laws asked for it back. 0f themajority, wonen
saidsinnenanyoftheirhusbardshadnnotfinishedpaying,they
reallydidrnothavearighttoaskforttatportionthathadbeen
paidtobereunmed.

Sinnesonnanywotenareleftdestitutefronwidowlnodor
divorce,IaskedthesevxmenMnethertheytriedtogobadc"hote"to
theruralareastogetassistance. 0fatotalpopulationof88, 67%
reportedtheydid. The33%mnodidnotreportedsone43reasonswhy
theydidnntwanttoreturnn. Sonneoftheseinnclude: "Ihadnnowhere
tolivenmyparentsweredeadn" ”nnbodyintheruralareasoonld
sugportmeardmydnildrenflfiwantedtokeepmydnildremwhian
conldn'tdoifIwenthonabemusemytmsbandwofldkavetakenthaM”
"nymnsbandwonldnn'thavesnrportedneifIwentMnenbesidestln

kidsareusedtolivinnginthecity;"and"myparentsweregoingto

105
forcemetogoasasecodwifetomysister'shusband,andIdidn't
wantthat."

'nneupsetcanneibydeatharddivorceleftwonenwithdnices.
Forthemostpart,eithertheydidrntwantto/conldnotrehnrnto
theirparents' ruralhonesortheywent"hone"andultinately
returnedtoHarare. Inthecity,theyhadtolearrntocopeassingle
parents with the problems of fineness, housing, sdnoling, and
provisioning for their families. As reported above, several wonen
songhtanntherhusbandandrenarried. Renarriage,rnwever,didnnt
necessarily resolve their finanncial burdens.

When ascertaining family expediture information, onewonanwtn
wasdivorcedandrenarriedtookthetronbletoexplaintomewhyher
positionwithhernewtnnsbandwasnoteoanmicallyseonre:

AfterIdivorcedmyfirsthusband, Istayedwithmy
childrenatmyparents'honehereinnflarare. Aftersone
time,Imetandmarriedmylmsband. Hetookmetohis
parents' hone, alsoinHarare,andwestaywiththen.
Unformnately,therewasnnroonformythreednildreninn
myhusband'shonse,sotheystayedwithmyparents.
Ican't really tellyonmndnabonthousehold expenses.
Unntilthisdayldon'tlonowrnwmnhmytmsbandpaysfor
rent, becausehegivesittohismothereverymonth.
Also, sinnethebirthofonrdaughter,hereftnsestopay
anythingtosupportmyotherdnildren. Iravejust
receivedalettersayingthattheyaregoingtoattadnmy
firsthusband'ssalarysomydnildrencanhaveabetter
life. Butmntiltheystartsendingmethemoney,1rave
tokeepsellingvegetablessomydnildrencangoto
sdnol.

Itwonldappeartheconplexprobluofdivoroeandwidowtnod,
linkedtodnangesinlggplapracticestaveleftohildrenthereal
victimsofsocialdange. Itisunncleartomewhethertheproblens

arethesameinthemralareas,orwhethertheyareexacerbatedasa

106
consequence of city life: furtheranpirical research in future shonld
entanceonrunderstandng‘ ofthisphenonennon.
111° E .5 EH 2°!

(no of the mast diffionlt problens for tuner-under married,
divorced, widowed or single—generated by city life is the nneed for
cashonadailybasis. Ininformalinterviews,mannywonensaidthey
had thought living in the city would be easier than living in the
conntry. Physically,theysaiditwas,becausetheydidnnthaveto
workinthefields,drawwaterorgatherfirenod. However,they
were "troubled" by how nuch everything costs—acoomndation, food,
water, transport, etc. Moreover,nnanyweredisturbedatdnatthey
sawhappeningtotheirhusbandsandtheirfamilies. Toooftenn
lmsbandswmldtaketheirsalariesdirectlytothenmicipalbeer
hallanddrinkawaymneyreoliredforhonsetnldecpenses. Manny
wonennalsotoldmeoftheirhnnbanrb'wanderingeyes,ardlnw
salarieswere spenton othernmen. mile 90.1% of rspodents
indicatedtheirhusbandswerelivingwiththenatthetimeofthe
interview,thishasnotalwaysbeennflnecaseforsone. Worenwere
concerned abont the steadfastness and reliability of the relationship
andfelt,asnnnthers,thattheynusttakeannrepro-activeposition
toensuretheinnonesnecessarytocoverrmsetnldetpedimres.

Vedorsalsofeltinnonesgenneratedbytheirhnnbanrhwerernt
really adequate. Since oconpations of nanny sponses largely fall into
the "unskilled" category, their inncone levels were reportedly very
low. mileinnonesl'aveincreasedovertheyears,especiallysinne
independeneandthepassageofminimmwagelegislatiohwonenstill

107
feeltheirlmsbanfls'earningsdonotadequatelyneeturbancostsof
living. Mien they first migratedto Harare, asnow, wunen feltthe
needtoca'ttrihlteeccxmicallytotheurbanhalshold.

MIaskedmwaattheydidetheyfirstcameto
Harare, 60.5%saidtheystayedathatetakingcareofd1ildren
(either their own or those of a relative), or just occupied
thanselves with domestic activities. the retaining found it
recessarytoestablishalmstimnediatelysaneneansofgeneratingan
inccme. Approximtely 10% saidtheylooked forworkinthe"formal,"
salaried sector either in factories, tobacconeers, hospitals,
schools,andthelike. Sme15%lookedforworkasdanestics,while
fluer'auainingmvenmdirectlyinrtothe"informl"narketingsector
sellinganmberofcamnditiesoutoftheirhanes,door—to—door,or
franstreetsidetables.

Infamilieswherelmsbandswereworkinganflreceivinga
relatively "oanfortable" salary, I was interested in finding out why
thesevnnenfelttheyalsohadtogenerateanincme. ‘Ihereqnnses
to informal questioning on this issue fell into two categories:
msbandsdomtadequatelysharemttheyeam:or”wunenjustcan't
stayathane."

'melatterrespa'seledmetoprobedeeperandtoexpandthe
qwetimingtovmenwtneetmsbandsweremteanfingenaghorwere
mtworldngatall. Asimilarrespmsemsgivm. ‘Ihenotionof
wanenmtwrkingwasmtacceptable. Intheruralareas,they
mrkedmaca'xstantbasiseitherinthefields,intheirgardens,in
danestic activites, fetching water, and fetching wood. 'Ihe cmstarcy

108
ofthedennandsnadeontheirtineneanttherewaslittlestrucmral
leisuretime.

Fornen,whoselaborin81u1aagriculmralccnmmitiesis
malntsporadic,periodsvtentheirlaborwasmtreqniredleft
umfreetoalbarkupmothervenm. Inpre-colcnialtimes,this
might have included long-range gold trading eupeditims. During the
colonialphase,menmighthavemigratedtotheminmastarget
laborerstoearntaxmaey. Inthecity,thistimemightbe
shortened to weekend social or drinking activities with frientk.

Matisinportantinthisdisassimiswxatthem
tinselvestoldmeabouttheirwork. Anillustratimofthiswork
ethicguidingthewaywunenspendtheirtimeisasagthevendors
sangforneaftercatpletingaweekofinterviewing: W
W "Work! Nothing-“withoutit!” 'Ihisis
mtmlythenaneofthesong,butalsotherepeatedrefrain
following the individual verses/phrases identifying the individual
tasksthatwunenmstaccalplishthmglmttheday. WhileIam
mawareofsuzhasagfornemalttnghmdwbttheyhavetheir
corollary,thatwuuenidentifiedthisastheirsorgraisesanmber
ofissuesabanthavvmenviewtheirecamicactivities,havfl1eir
contribitionsaremadeinthemralandurbanareas,andtmthey
resolve any conflicts arising out of the nultiplicity of tasks they
nustperfomvmerevertheyare.

Insmn,wulenwhoeitherdidmtreceiveadeq.nateca'm1bitions
fruntheirspouses,orwu1enwhohadmspmsesfranflmtoreceive
a contribution, feltthe needtobe econanically active inHarane.

109
Bit their activities calm be linked solely to the particular
financial situations in which they found thanselves: the underlying
workethicofvmlen, asevidenoedintheirmrksag, alsoplayeda
roleinmvingthemoutoftheirhanesandintotheworkplace.

 

'Iheworkplace,asmtedabove,mighthavebemanotherpersm's
hane (most likely a white family), an institutional ormsiness
setting,oran"informalmarket." Dependingmtheageofthewunen
when they arrived in Harare, and their positim inthe life cycle,
their educational levels, and the employment qaportmity structmres
opentothem,wunenfomdtheyhadtobalanoetheirdanesticwith
theirincategeneratingactivities. Formenwhohadmsmall
children to care for, "forml" sector employment was possible. Wanen
who had received an educatim sufficient to speak and/or understand
English might have opted to find danestic employment, if childcare
didnotccnflict. ‘Ihosewhohadtheabiltytoreadandwritein
English might have been aployed in institutional or business
settingsvmereslxhsldllswererequired,againifdiildcaredidmt
present a problem. All these activities would have been possible had
the opportunities been open to wunen, but colmially-generated biases
againsthiringwauenmitigated their chanoem

AsthedatapresentedinChapterSixindicnte,asthe
pqnlationofmroeeinflarare,therewasmcorollaryrisein
employment. 'Iheir salaried assistance was generally sought on a
casualbasis—suchaswhenthetobaccocrtpcaneinandhadtobe

sortedbefore goingtotheauction floor. Bemusewunenwere

110
perceivedbywhiteatployersasbeing'finnemthefarm,"5ncreal
provision was nade for their participation in formal urban
exployment. Ifwunendidcmetotownpermamntlyandiftheydid
wanttomrk,mitesasannedAfricanwunenmndj\cthirethenselves
outasdanestics.

Itwmldappearthatthiswastncacceptedpracticeforalarge
mmberofvendorswhentheyfirstcanetoflarareandlodcedforwork:
67.6% of 108 vendors initially sought atployment as damtics. Sane
17.6%, however, sought and found salaried atployment in clothing
factories, nursery schools, hospitals (cleaning and cooking) , hotels
(cleaning), and, for the more educated, as teachers, receptionists,
shopgirls, andinbottle stores.

'Ihejobcategoriesopenforwmenwithanedlmtimwereand
arestillvery limited. lmenumberofwcmenwhohavereceived
secondarysdcoleducationandwhocannotfindjobsisgreaterthan
that for nales, as supported by the doamentation in Chapter Six.
'Iheformal econauy, inanyevent, hasbeenunabletogeneratettc
mmberofjobsneededtonetditheircreasingnmbersofywngpeople
graduatingfmsecondarysdcols.
WM

Where "formal" sector employment opportunities were not
available to wunen, or were not carpatible with childcare, wunen

 

6Eventhepatternofaccamradationattestedtothisassuupticn.
Up to the 19605, primarily dormitory housing was provided for male
AfricanlabormigrantstoI-Iar'are (seediapter'l‘woforafurther
discussion of this point). Since that time, lcwever, more family
housinghasbeenconstructed, saneforrental frantheCityOouncil
and sane for freehold.

111
opted to establish "informal" enterprises. These included selling
second-hand clothes, taking in laundry, at-hane dressnaking, at-hane
crodietingand/orlmitting,andsellingfreshprodtce. Whileeadiof
theseactivitiesrequireaninitialamnntofworkingcapitalto
start,myquestionstot1cvendorsconcernedtheinitialinwestnnent
forthevendingenterprise.

Mlaskedmcthervendorshadanyassistancefinancially
with their firstpn'diasesfrunthewrclesalers,74.8% of allvendors
saidtheydid. 0fthese, 69.1% indicatedtheirhusbandshadprovided
themfundstomaketheirinitialpnrdnases. Oftherataining30.9%,
8.2%hadbeenhe1pedbyasisterorbrother,ancther7.8%hadbeen
helpedbyeitheroneorbothoftheirparents,whileothersreported
receiving initial assistance fran a variety of kin including
husband's brother, mother's sister, father's sister, and the mn's
children.

'mosewrcdidnctreceiveanyassistance, 23.4% ofthetotal
population interviewed, said they reliedupontheir own resources to
getstarted. 'Iheseresaircesemanatedfrauotherincategencrating
activities that might have included salaried etploywnt.

Inanefforttodeterminetlcinportanceofthefreshproduce
vendingenterpriseasacategoryofmrk,1askedthemenwtcther
vendingconstitutedtheir"mainwork." While 96% indicated it was,
wlcnIaskediftheyidentifiedthetselveswithworkotherthanthat
of vending, the remaining 4% (n==13) indicated they saw thanselves
primarily as darestics, clothes saleswunen, dressmakers, and
crocheters. Ithenaskedwhethervadorshadeverdnthepast) sold

112
vegetablesandsimltancwslydoncsanethingelsetoearnmcy:
16.3% indicatedtheyhad. Sellingseca'd-handclothesandcrod‘letirg
cactituted 4.9% and 3.4%, respectively, of these activities, while
othersincltdedlmitting,dressmaldng,makingcnshiacandoperating
amacusewherehane-mdebeerissold).

Followingthisquestiomlaskedwhethervendorsarealrrently
eamingincanesinotherways. m1y8.9%ofthepopulationrespaded
affirmatively, indicating they sell clothing (2.2%), crochet (1.2%),
savdresses,takeinlod3ers,andhelptheirlmsbandsnmauckstcp
(a stall kiosksellingmanufacturedgoodsorprocessed foods).

'Ihemarketplaceaffordswunentheqporbmitytobuilda
clientele in used clothing and the time to crochet dailies,
tablecloths, and the like while awaiting custaners. Slack tine
occurringbetweentlcmid-daynealmshhmrandtheeveningvmen
peoplecanetunefranworkgiveswunentheopportmitytoperform
theseextraactivities.

WaneninSanthAfricaqenerateanincatefrunbrewingand
sellingbeer. While mlyonevendorinterviadedinZinbabwe freely
admittedtothisactivity,Idecidedtoaskdirectlywtctherbraving
beerwasanincanegeneratingalternativeforanyveldors. Forthe
past, 6.8%ofvendorsindicatedtheyhad,whileforthepreeentmly
1.8% saidtheydid. Oftheeesix wcnen, onlyoneindicated itwas
really profitable (she said she took in sane $240 per ncnth), while
theothersassertedbravingmsn'treallymrththeirtine. mewas
quicktorecognizethatslcperhapshadrevealedsauethingofrcrself
sheultimatelydidnotwantlacwnandadded,"ofcourse,thebeerl

113
brewisforflmerals."

Given that prcportionately few vendors earn mlanentary
incates,itisnctasurprisethat73.6%ofthepopllatimdeclared
thatsellingvegetablesisbetterthananyotherwork. ‘nle
indicationthatsanethingisamissintheomommitiesforother
amloynenntcanbefandinflc26.4%wtcindicatedotherwod<is
better. WIcnIaskedwhyorwmynct,sale48differantrespmses
were elicited. Sixteen of these related directly to the positive
aspectsofttcincaneswnrenreceivefrmtheenterprise,sixrelated
totheir inabilityto find work elsewherewingtoedlcationor
conflicts with childcare, and thirteen negatively reflected upon the
business. These included the prcbleus with wholesalers, low level of
earnings,heavyloadsthatmnstbecarried,andlaglcurs. Several
ofthewurenindicatedttcywwldliketofindotherwork,hntare
unabletodoso.

Insmmary,wmenwhosellfreshprodmeperceiveaneedto
generateanincane,haveeithertriedtofindsalariedjdasinthe
"fornal"ecoluuyorhavebeensoalployedandhaveleftbecausethe
occupatims conflicted with other activities, might have created
other incane generating opportunities inthe "informal" econauy, and
mightstillbesoengaged,butwhosettleupa1freshprodlcevading
because it resolves the issue of dlildczre canpatability, provides a
relatively consistant incane, and allows vendors to provisim their
families with fresh produce they cbtain at wholesale prices.
WM

Abottleneckinthenerketingsystanaffectingveldor

114
businesses is the "buyan-sellenn" activities of the W—
definedbythevendorsascanmontrngswtcstealcropsfranfarmers
and resell what they have stolen at inflated prices. In informlly
inntervieningavendor'shusband,wlchadjustbroughthiswifeand
hercaunoditiesfranthewlclesalertohermarketsiteinhisvan,he
encapsulated the range of W activities:
Manyfarmerscanetosellatmare. Remake
thethingsfrmthefarnner—-h1y30cennts,sell60cents.
mmmsettheprioesatmare. Ihelpmy
wifeout. Igowithhertobuyatmareandarguewith
W-
valentnckscane,onemkmjmpsmthetnckand
saystothefarmerWewanttobuy". Ifwcmencaneand
wannttohnyfmnthefarner,mdnasesthemaway
sayingthevegetablesarehis. 'Ihefarmerwants30cents
ahudle;WsaysZOcents,andbeforethemacy
is given to the farmers, m sells the bundle for
60cents.
'Ihe City Council police just stand around. W

swearandusebadlanguage. 'Iheyhitwuneniftheytry
topersist. Wereawellorganizedgrunp.

meystealnucyalso,andplshwmnenamndtoget

money.

ccosingwhidlwl'clesalertogotoalsopresentsprcblans,as
discussedincnnapter'mree. Ifthefarmers'marketorthe
wrclesalersathomthavethecamcditiesindemand,
thenavendornustdecidewhetherornottospendthemoneyfor
transport, ifshehasit,toseeiftheIndeperdentMarket,the
National Fruit and Vegetable Marketing Agency, or Wholesaler
Fruiterershaswhatthevendorwannts. mreover,ifavendor's
intelligence network informs her that such camcdities are available,
canshegetthanataptricethatwillaffordhera"profit"intheir

resale? Itwouldappear,frantheeconmicanalysispresentedin

115
ChapterFive,thatanlyvendorswrcenjoyhigherretnmcfortheir
laboraretlcsewhohavethelibertytonnakethedcicetogotoan
alternative wholesaler. For most vendors, the daily trip to Mbare
hastosatisfytheirdanands.

In times of city-wide scarcity, vendors mist resort to
alternative sources of supply, if there are any. For instance, at
theantsetofthisreseardn,thewlclesalecostoftanatoesenceeded
$20per 10 kg. case. Regardless of glutor scarcity, custanerssean
tohaveafixedpriceinmindforaoertainqnantityofagiven
camodity. 'Ihus,thesnna11estheapoftanatoesnustcost200ents.
Selling the tanatoes for this price, however, would have nneant
vendors wouldtakealoss. Ratherthanraisingtheprice, and
riskingthepotentiallossofaanstaner,vendorswentantoftheir
waytofindacheapersouroeofsupply. 'Iheywerewillingtotakea
bus to a U—Pick farm sane 20 kns. fran the city, pick quantities
desired,andtran$ortthennbackanthebnc. Seeingtheir
predicament, I volunteered to take four to the farm, help thanpick,
andpackasmanyboxesasweoouldintomytmnk. 'Iheywerevery
happythattheywanldncthavetopaytranspor‘tcosts.

Inpreparatianforanrexpedition,wordwassennttothefarmer
thepreviansdaythatseveralvendorswanldbetheretopick. Upan
anrarrival,wefandthatalttnnghtlcnessagehadbeentrananitted,
thefamerwasunmillingtosetasideaportialofherfieldsforthe
wanentopick. Oalseqnently, all thatremainedinthefieldswere
verygreentanatoes. WhileInadeitclearthatthewanenwereunder
no obligatial whatsoever to pnrdlase the 10 kg. homes for $12 (not a

116
verygooddiscamtaccordingtothevendors),andthatwecalld
searchforotherfarnsintlcarea,tlcwanendecidedttcywmldpick
whattlcycalldandsettheverygreenacsasidetoripen. Asan
epiloguetothestory,tncfollowingweek,whalthegrealtmatoes
wouldhaveripa'led,thepriceofalOkg.boxoftanatoesfellto$8.

Aswewentfranalevendingsitetoancther,lncticedcertain
wlclesalerscaningdirectlytotlcnarketstosell. misoccurred,I
learned, whenwtclesalers had averages fran theirnnorning deliveries,
andwantedtosellwhatranained. Attineswanmcalldbnymiac
andtanatoesatadvantageaisprices,brtatothertineswlclesalers
wouldincreasetheirpricesarguingthatwanenwalldncthavetopay
transportcoststohavetheirpnrdnasesdelivered.

Transport,asvoicedbytlcvendors,posesthebiggestproblan
both financially and logistically. fins and "anergency taxi” fares
haveincreasedovertheyears,inpinginganamnntsvendorslceto
pnrdlase fruits and vegetables. Logistically, blc routes me or
less are derived fran the colanial practice of angulying transport to
andfrantheplaceofwork,butnctbetweenAfricanresidential
areas. 'Innns,sanevendorsfinditnecessarytotakebdohnsestotlc
wlclesalersatnbare-mtotheinrmstrialareaorcitycenter,“
anotheraltobbare. Ofcanrse,thisaddstotransportexpenses.
Bcsdnedulesarealsoaproblan. Warenfeelitisnecessarytobe
atthefarnners'narlnetatlbarewhenitopensats:00a.m. Fewtnuses
aremnmingatthattime,andevenfewerwhenitistineforthanto

 

7'meeevehiclesarePengeot4o48medasmlti-persantaxis
with definite points of deparunre and destinatian.

117
rehnrnasallhlsesareenployedinbringingpeoplefranttchigh
densitysuburbstotown,andnctviceversa.

Wanenmistalsopaytotransporttheircaunoditiesalwhatever
canveyance they use. Vendors reported difficulties with bus drivers
wtcwnfldeithernctacceptvendorplrdlasesorwmldchargevendors
exorbitantly for whattheycarriedanthebus.

Mlentakinganergacytaxisfranlbare,vendorsreportedbeing
harrassedbypoliceasmanytaxidriversarenctlicensed:

Whenwegettransportfranmare, thepolicealwaysstqa

usanthewaysowemightspendthewlcledayontheway.

Onanotherday,thepolicennanarrestedanrennergencytaxi

driver. 'meydothiswhilsttherearen'tenaghbuses.

Inrespasetotheseprdnlens,vadorshavesaghtwaystohire
transport regularly. Where 15, 20 or more vendors sell, the
possibility of contracting for transport for all has alleviated the
transport problem sanewhat. While prices paid for delivery of people
andgoodsareset,vendorsnustallbereadyatthesanetimeto
boardthevehiclewiththeirpurdlases. 'Ihispresentsotherprobl‘
ofcooperatian.

'Itmnglnntthecity,lobservedevidenceofcooperatiananag
vendors,hntnottotheextantthatgovernmntwanldlike. For
instance,whenvendorsareslcrtofcashpreventingthanfran
purchasing a full wlclesale quantity, they will "share" with another
vendor, and divide what they have jointly plrchased either right at
mareor,iftheyhave"shared"withaneighborvendorfranthesane
vending site, at the nnarketsite.

Inncinstancedidwefindcooperatives,whidnthegoverment
seekstoincrease. Indeed,whenIaskedvendorswhethertheyhada

118
cooperative, 11.4% indicatedtheydid. Whanprobedfor details, most
calldrctevenprovideanamewhidlhadtoberegisteredwiththe
Ministryof Cooperativestobeofficial). Arangeofrespaseswas
recordedtothequestion, 'me/whynotwmldyalbelagtoa
cocperative?" Most vendors were concerned with the dispositial of
their money. With daily wholesale pnrdlases dependent upal daily
intake,wanenwererellctanttopartwithanyoftheirfmdsthat
wmldnotproduceaninmediaterehnrn.

If the government tells us to form a cooperative, I will
go hare to plow beaanse cooperatives don't pay you.

Another vendor had a different view:

Having a cooperative is like having two wives: one is
always lazy and not dependable.

Manyhadbelongedtoeitheraleoftwocooperatives formerly
established for the vendors: M's—12%, and ZWB's-4.3%. Both

dissolved when leadership proved irresponsible and untnstworthy:

NeartheIndependentLhrketsanewcmenvendorstoldus
therewasamanwlcwantedtohelpus. Wehadtrouble
withthepolicesoweneededsanehelp. Weaskedaround
andweredirectedtoerM's officeinPioneer House. If
wejoinedthecooperative, weweretold, hewouldhelp us-
-the police wouldn't trouble us anymore. The wanen
shanldcontribntetotheco—opsothattheycalldbnya
farm. Fran the $10 registration fee, a farm would be
baghttogrowtanatoes. Mwastothentransportthe
tanatoestothewanen.

'Ihecity Oomcil builtthisnngika [narket] inNovenber
1983andweweretoldtopaythanasMwasacrook. ant
McameagainforanotherSlo foranewcardwhentheold

one was filled. He came early in 1985 to collect more
money. Wedidn'tlmowhehadtakenallthenaley.

'Ihetypeofcooperationwedidfindcacerningnucywere
revolving credit/savings societies. It appeared two types of
societies were in operatian: market-wide, and small group. Of the

119

former, 40.3% ofvendors reportedtheybelag, cantrihntingameanof
$2.47perday (witharangebetwean250entsandS10.00). OftIe
latter, 56.9% of vendors indicated their participatian, making a mean
daily cantribution of $2.67 (witharangeoftencentstoSl0.00per
day). Mennbershipintlesesmallergranps(whidnnayspilloverto
othervendorsinotnermarketplaoes)rangedbetweentwoand40,with
aneanof 12.5. Participationinsuchasociety,takingthemean
daily contribution of $2.67, andaneanmenbership of 12.5, would
yieldtoeachvendorthesumof $33.38everythirteenthday,orabout
aceeverytwoweeks. 'neneaningaccordedtothisextraincaneis
disorssedfurtherinclaptersFiveandSix.

Cooperation was a difficult element to identify in each of the
marketsites. Vbenvendorshadtobeabsentforafavhanrml
observedthatoftenaneighborvendorwouldsellforherinher
absence. Butatottertines,avendorsanethreeorfourstallsdown
wouldtakeover. Wheanueriedthewanenanthis,Iwastold"that
aecannctbetnnstemsteusesnyshggamagicL" Forthisreason,
andprobablyforreasonsoflackoftnnst,when1askedvendorswtc
sells forthanwtentleyareaway, 36.9% said "ancther vendor," while
34.2% said aeof their childrencanestowatchthestall: 17.2%
indicated nc one sold for than.

Idan'tknowwtethertheypitdnmynoneywl'entteysell

forneduringmyabsence. Mentheysellforyomthe

moneyislessthanthel‘eapsyanhaveleftover.
Onevendorspokeofanethicofinteractianintlemarketplace,whidl
appearedtobeabsennt:

'nlereisalotofquarrellinghere—ancn-Christian
spirit. 'Iheydon'twanttohelp each otherntheyare

120
jealous. Apersa‘nnnsthaveselfcantroltobecalleda
human being—"drinunmn"—to be trusted. 'Ite war spoiled
people. People have not been raised well. Pomle are
suspicious—they think things will be taken away fran
than. Ifanpga[hiswife]staystosell,tlenttereis
ncfighting. Ifsl‘egoeshaneandleavesour
granddanghterhere,thenwefindalthavbadlypeopleact
towardeachother.
'meissueof"magic"intl'emarketplacewasencannteredat
alncsteverysite. Vendors wanldmakeobservationsabantother
vendors,andthensaythattneirmsinessisgoodanywaybecauset1‘ey
use"magic":
No. 2 doesn't have freshthings to sell, butpeople just
buyfranherwhilsttheydorctbuyfranus. Idon't
evenknowthekindofmagicshehas.

Anothercament:
Weusuallyfindnagicantl'etablesandinfrantoftne
uckslcp. VbeytteyusemagicIusuallyfailtoget
alstaners,bothforvegetablesandttetuckstcp.
SanetimesIbecaresick.Ireallyfailtogetpower—

looseeyes,andshouldersbeingheavyasif1amcarrying
stones.

'Iteperoeptionsofwtcse"magic"wasstragerwere interesting: for
Sicnewanen,ttenu_stmfran8ulawayowasverystrag;forNdebele
andManyikawanen,tlemggn_lgafran}bzanbiqlewasverystmg;and
foravarietyofothers,tlem§hglgaethnicndiansnsedwasvery
strag.
InaeinstanoeIobservedavendorfranmlawicaductingter
business. Shehadbeenidentifiedbyseveralothervendorsashaving
extranelystra'gmmtstereceivesoftenfrannflawi. I
fanndthatalstanersareattractedtothiswmn'sstallforseveral
reasa1s:itisalwaysoverflavingwithveryfreshproduce:steis
verycordialandhasahamydaneancrintl'ewayshetreatsher

121
anstaners:and,ncstofall,toeveryalstater'spurdnasesteaddsa
freshtanatoortwotoprovideanincentiveforthentocanebadtto
buy fran rer. Fran other observatians, the snepicion of using
Misusedncreupmaqectsofcanpetitimintle
marketplace, thepersonaldaneanorofvendorsandtlediqnlay of

Vendorsspendverylagrnnrsocoupiedintleirbusinesses.
Formany,tledaybeginsat4:00a.m.whentheywakeupandprepare
togetthebustoltbare. Usually,theyarriveatthemarketsiteat
abant8:00a.m.,whenflleysetanttheirnewplrdlases. If
ccmnoditieshadbeenbrolghthanethepreviansevening,tl'entle
vendornustgoandfetchthantoaditoherdisplay. Atmid-
ncrning,nannywanenprepareteaandhavetleirbreakfast—mrnally
sanebread,margarineand/orjam. Shortlythereafter,anstanerscane
topurchasefreshgreenstoprepareforlunch. At1:00theprimary
sdcoldlildrenarefinisledfortreday,andnanyparentsnustfetdn
tleirsalsanddaughters,accanpanythanhane,andpreparelmndlfor
than. 'Itcse without these responsibilities cook lundn at the
narketplace. 'Ihosewnchavegaehanetoeatllnndlremrntotte
marketmid-afterncanwhenanstanerscanetobuywhattheyneedfor
dinner. 'misevening"nnshhanr*'extendsthm.ghtletinewnen
peoplecarehanefranworkandbuywhattleyneedfortteevening
neal. 'Ihe"nnsh"endsbetween7:00and8:00p.m.,whenwanenpackup
whatisleftandmrryittotheirhanesmsnostnarketsdoncthave
lockersforovernightstorage). 'Ihelagdaycontinnesaswanen
attend to danestic matters before going to sleep.

122

'Iherecanbenodoubtthatthehanrsspa'ntinthisenterprise
arenctadequatelycanpensatedbytlereturnsvendorsexperiencefran
selling. “rile vendors world argue that this life is preferable to
alltivatingintleruralareas,ortonanyotherfornsofwork,
objectivelyspeakinga16-rnnrworkdayfartranecendswhatwalldbe
reqriredinmanyotlertypesofanploynent. InacanversatialIhad
with a wananwho had recently establisted a "table", afterhaving
workedasadanesticfortlesannewhitefamilyfor23years,ste
reportedthatstewastiredfranteryearsindanesticanploynent.
Slcadiedstcmm'miteasr'ammtismystcstarted
sellingvegetables!
mllgm' andflgfiflu’ offlgrk _

'Iheethosofvendors'workdayisguidedbytleirbeliefthat
Mmstmrk—MLLLW—mfi Wattle
cansequenceofthatworkistl'ebetternentoftheirfamilies. Many
waneninnpartedtonethattteirhusbandswerenctreliableparbers
intlemarriageorthattleywerenctreliablefinancialcantributors
tothenaintenanceofthetclsehold. Manywanenalsotoldneofthe
joytleirchildrenbringtothemandhow,intnelongnm,theywork
for their children. For those who have no children, a family
fosteringarranganentwmldprovideae,ormore. Fortheyounger
wanenwhowerejuststartingant,theysawinsellirgfreshprodtce
theneanstobuildafuture—notallytoprovideincreasedhansdcld
resanroesfortlepreeent,hnttoblildarepntatianasagood
saleswnnanfortlefutnnre. Saneoftreyoungervendorssawtheir
public positial as a neans to neet potential husbands, while saneof

123

tteolderwanensawselling freshvegetablesasaneanstooveroane
thelossofahusband.

Inthisdaptethavedescribedtlerid'nvariatianinvendors
andhowtheyseethanselves andtheir activities. Sincevendorsview
themselves as having a "profession"-as having acqnired tie skills to
establishandnaintainahlsiness—partofthissudyseeksto
analyze vendor operations in terns of the business maximizing ethic.
CrapterFive, therefore, exploresthereturnsvendorsexperience fran
theirlonghoursoftoil. Asaca'sequenceofthesereturns, further
analysis determining specific motivational forms for participatian
inthefreshproduoeenterpriseappearsinChapterSix.

 

activities cannct be neasured solely in terns of econanics, or solely

internsoftheirurbanadaptiveabilities. 'Ihisd'apteraddresses
flesocialandecamiccatplexityofmarketingmlesanddetermines
whether the econanic returns frannarket participatianneet wanen's
cashneeds.
'Ihefornatofthischapterinclndesananalysisofincanesand
expenditures of all vendors and the presentatian of six case studies
to illustrate individual variability. 'ne crapter begins with a
gross margin analysis, following which a breakdown of non-eca'nanic
variablescantrinrtingtotievarianceinttesefiguresforeadn
vendorispresented. Netreturnstolaborarettencalculatedby
deductingthecostofdoingbusinessfrangrossmargins. Vendor
Icuselcld expenditures are then analyzed, as are additialial incanes
and additiaal expaditures. ‘Il'e final sectian casiders the
proportimofincanecaningfraneadlsalroe,andhoweachoftlese
cantributestotleoverallnaintenanceofthehalselcld.
aaptersixcontinnneetoanswerttequestiar—VMydomarket
waneninHararedowlattheydo?—byconsideringtheanlhnraland
cantexulalforcesguidingwanenintheirdcicetosellfresh
produce. Socially, wanenneetand interactwithanunberof
"strangers," incorporating them, thraghenachange, inanetworkof
relationships. Econanically, wmen gain, through exchange, an

124

125
abilityto increaseutility; that is, bygeneratingreturnstotheir
labor, they can fulfill their urban provisioning daligatia's and care
for the well-being of their children.

The location in which enclIange takes place affords famle
vendorsctherqportJmitiestocauetogripswithurbanlifenct
readilyaccessiblewhencthermeanstogenerateanincaneare
anplcyed. Socially, wann establish an urban reference group that is
based upon informal professional association with other vendors who
can provide information, moral support and specific kinds of
assistance in dealing with the institutional canplexities of urban
life. Econ'anically, amen gain access to other form of incons—
revolving credit/savings societies. ‘Ihus, through the social
interaction afforded by marketplace vending, greater econunic returns
can be realized by vendors.
W

milesareralqnestionsmthesurveyattalptedtoascertain
fruneadivendorafigure fordailyandforweeklycashintake, I
fandthatncstvendorsweremnabletoreportthisinfomatim
accnrately. Reasons include: inability to count very high (due to
their lack of formal education): disinterestedness by sane and
inabilitybyotherstokeepwrittenrecords:useofincanesto
pnrdaase cannnodities thrcmgtcut the day causing confusion in
renabering incanes;andanmwillingnesstoreportfinancial
information for fear that I would report their individual earnings
to the government.

Additionally, the wanen inforned me, as did my male research

126
assistants,thatitisnctappropriateancng$honaspeakersforwunan
toappeartobetoocleverfinancially. Ifmalemcesbelieve
theirwivesareearnirg"pocketwney,"thereisncthreattothe
perceived daninantmale financial position. However, slmld a vendor
distinguishherselfaseanningwell,lmsbandsmightappmpriatea
vendor'sincane.

Anctherreasonmsrenderedfornctacmratelyreporting
incanes. Ifamnanisdoingwellinhervendingbtsiness,itis
highlylikelyshewunldbecalethetargetofwitdmftacwsatimby
hercolleagues. Asreportedinaiapterm,tlcsewhosellncstof
their camcditios daily are highly suspect because it is believed,
evenbythevendors,thatrcwunancnndomsinessthatwell.
Ebocellenceinvendingcanonlycanewiththeassistanceofthe
supernatural.

'Ihus, for both pragmatic and ideological reasons, I feel that
incanesreportedmtheinterviewsdiedulearenctreliable. I
believe I achieved greater reliability frcm the daily records I kept
ofeadivendor'spnrdaases.

'Ihe gross margins a catncdity earns are ascertained by
subtractirgwl'clesalecostfranretailrevenue: Gl=R—W,wheread
=grossmargin,R=retailrevenue,andW=wrclesalecost.

Sane 56 fruit and vegetable catucdities were being sold at
nerketplaoa throughant the city during the period of research. 'Ib
disoerntheirinportanceinthedailytrancactimofbusinas,the
incidence oftheiravailabilityispresentedinTable 5.1, along with

127
the percent of vendors selling these oarmdities.1
'leScropsidartifiedbyvendorsasproducingthehighest
"profit" (piri piri was not inchded because it could not be meaanred
accurately as in its dried form it weighs less than the scale could
indicate) include the following:

Easels Emits
cabbage (drum head) potatoes amles
covo rape avocadopear
derere sweet potatoes bananas
magaka tanatoes guavas
onions (dry) tsurga lawns

oranges

Tab1e5.2i11ustratesthed1angesingrossmarginsforthese16
cropsoverthencnnthsofinntensivereseardi—Mardithrmthuly
1986.2 Ammts are expressed in dollars/cents per kilogram, although
neither wholesale pnrdsse nor retail sale are actually conducted
usingthasemeasuros. Measuresusedatthewholesalelevelincltde
boxes,pockets,hndles,andheaps,andattheretaillevel,heaps,
pieces, launches, andbundlos, all of whichareneasured'by hand"or
"byeye." 'nsmlywaymyreseardiassistantsandIconldascertain
perkilogramanamtswasbyweighingallcaunoditiespurdiasedas
vendorsretnnrnedfranthewtclesaler,andthenweighingoutthe
bundles, bundles, pieces, andheapsthatvendorsdisplayed for sale.

 

, 1 Babynarrw, Mellie: (a green-leafyveqetable). We (a
wild fruit), mfushwa (dried, cut-up greens), papaya and strawberries
arenctincludedastlssemresoldatmarketsnctapartofthis
analysis.

2 Inter-vendorgrossnarginandrehnnstolaborvariabilityare
explained under "Analysis of Variability in Gross Margins and luturns
to Labor" below.

128

ME 5.1

0 3 083 953039161301112958373
O O 0..
1 0 450 130601131w01419170980
2 3 1 41.
9” 807m 832027377733572753802
4 004 686613

72 2wdno.d..1 llgaammnflnammt

(drum head)
(neize)

avocadopear 87.5

m m e. . mm m
a a e em

9 3 74 8 1 23

906 3 5623338A4..3 48638 783 92
0.. O 0.... .0. O.
010 0 30.830.0.49mlo. 91000 9&3 19
34 11132 2 3
382 2 5388225372 25322 202 50
.0. 0 0.0.0.0... 000.. O. I.
54 4 7805447 64 97844 09 no

m2 m

 

1229

Cloggo—usu

 

 

 

 

 

 

msn .m. ms. s~. s~ >.oe
so .o.- os~ as. n.. no. on. o.. sm. o.. n~ ..os
~mn so. - ..os

oos o.. - ..o.

.mN se. ens ms. .~ ..os

n.. so. .o. ~s. ..-o. >.o.

o.-s. ..os

osn so. mes .s. m.-s. ..o.
n.. ... sm~ es. n~. o.. ..-. ..os

.- o~. ~o so.- ~s. no. es. on. o.. o~. me. o.. s >.oe-on «cos
~s~ sn. snu ~... ss. s~. ... s.. so. ss. oo oo.. s.~ so. s~-n~ .cos
o~-o. are.

no. es. me. ~.. on. as. n.-s. .cos

os~ on. sm~ oo.. es. -. on. .o. .s. o~. n.-o ooze
oo~ .~. on. o.. s~. o.. os. sn. so o..- s-~ use.
no. o~. oo. .o. so. -. oo. o.. ms. s~. us. on. so. ms. on-- ..x
snn No. .- ~... ..~ oo. s.. no. ~o. mm. so. sn. n~-o. >.r
oo~ sn. .ss mm. .s~ so.. s.. no. oo. ms. os. s~. ... on. u..s. ...os
nN. so. o.~ .n.. on. so. no. sm. oo~ on. ms. on. o-» ....s

on. .~. so. No. ... on. o-. ..eos

o.~ en. mo~ on. o.. s~. n.. ss. o.. o.. s». on. o-. s....
mos .s. o- oo. on~ ss. .s. oo. o.. ~s. o.. o.. so~ no. u~-.. rota:
.s~ .... oo~ o~. no. on. No. ms. s.-o. rotor

.o. m~. o~n .o.. s~. so. mm. mm. so no.- .- as. ..n euro:
0900.5»: x 000059: 8 ouIGLUC— fl canon”: 8 cocoa”: fl 089.9: x Genus”: R 000050.: 8 «Owen

\oooe.ro o \oooe.eo a \oooe.eo . \ooor.ru . \oooeoeu a \oooe.eo . \oooroeo . \ooor.ro «
«colon o>qau ototoo o>ou “raccoonnou «season toocoeooo>< noscd<

coo. .s~ >.os-. euro:
score coouxmw so Iueuo._x toe ¢c_oeox «more

~.m w4u<h

13C)

s.~ mm.
so. o~.
.o~ ms.
.s~ .n.
non no.
os~ mm.
sm~ on.
nm~ ss.
No. -.
sm. ~..
on. ~..
so. 0..
o- o~.
so. .~.
0.. no.
s- ~o.
as. on.
n~. s..
no. as.
no. mm.
o.. no.
Uncococ_ R
\oootoeo «
cacao.

ONN mm.
.Q. oN.
mnN on.
con 00.
ncN mm.
co. on.
msN on.
km. 5*.
... ...
.c. «e.
no no.
on. on.
he. uN.
.N. 0..
es. cc.
Nn. 0N.
ON. 0..
mo. hm.
cNN as.
ON. ON.
QON vs.
.mN No.
so. «a.
080.0: _ a
\eoueogu «
00.010.

 

NmN .M.
Na. ¢..
how no.
No. 0..
ohm hm.
mnN «N.
nu. NN.
an 0N.
ox. 0N.
cum No.
m.. no.
«wN mm.
NMN hm.
mam Ns.
unaccus— x
\oooeoeo a
moon arm

so~ ms.
omo .s.
Koo .n.
so~ on.
ssN mm.
oo~ .s.
sun so.
oo. o..
.n. ...
co. .N.
oo~ ~s.
~o~ .n.
oo. o..
on. s~.
oo. o~.
moo oo.
on. .N.
no. ...
no. on.
no. .n.
no. NN.
so. o~.
so. o~.
ouoouuc~ fl
\uooeoeu a
near

QN. ...

oo~ mN.
.0. o..
no. «N.
a.» 5n.
hoN as.
.c. 0N.
MON mm.
QMN on.

no. 0..
MON .n.

No. MN.
OMN on.
mum mo.
mm. NN.

monoton— a
\oooroeo o

mOOu-ucm

sc. Nm.
sN. 9..
com .s.
mu. an.
Nn. o..
no. 0N.
mm. m..
mu. .m.
0N. o..
o.~ on.
as. 0..
Na. mN.
so. oN.
as. oN.
omN on.
convene. a
\eooeosu a
«secure

No. on.
NN. .~.
moo so.
o.~ No.
oo~ so.
~o~ n...
o.~ o.. on. o..
s.. so.
.mo se.
omm o...
... .o.
no. os. .oo oo.
so. on.
.s. mm.
s.» so.. mom on.
os. on. ~.. no.
so. no. no. o..
.o. s...
no. on. oom No.
oo. o..
no. no.
ms. o~.
QwflflgUC~ R UQQULOC— N
\oooeoro « \oooeoeu a
.co.co ...oox

 

s~ ooze

no ..oo

- >.:o

- >.os

.~ >.oo
..-o. ..oo
o.-s. ocoo
m.-s. >.oo
.... ..oo

s >.o.-on ooze

o~.n~ eons
o~-o. «coo
o.-o. ooze
n..o «one
o-~ onus
on-- so:
m~-o. so:
o..s. ..eos
o-o ..eo<
o-. ..eo<
o-. ..eos
oN... euro:
s.-o. euro:
..n euro:

 

ouuoo

ooo. .s~ ..oo-. euro:

odoeu cooux_m so Entoo._x ton mc_ueo: noose

Aboacmucoov N.m wnm<h

131

Table 5.3 presents the average prices paid per wholesale unit

purchased during the period of intensive interviewing, and its retail

mark-up expressed numerically and in percenntage terns.
ME 5.3

 

 

*Retailpricesarequotedforthesaleoftotalsub—mitssold
oncethewholesale qmntityhasbeendivided, e.g., abundle ofrape
willbetiedintosixsmallerbm’dlesthatwillbesoldforlOcennts
each; lemonswillbesold for lOcentseach, etc.

Avendormstbeveryastuteinpnrdnasinghercaunoditiesin
order that a deficit is not realized. This factor maybe innbnitedby
manywmen,butisnctlocwnasafactbecauseofthedailyflavsof
hsinessandvmen's inabilitytokeeprecords. Inmysurvey, mly
540fthe325vendorsinterviewed (16.6%) saidtheykeprtanykindof

record of their wholesale and retail transacticrs.3 I personally

 

3Researchconductedonsnellscalemanufacturingenterprisesin
several different countries produced similar results as to record
keeping. In Jamaica, 16% of proprietors in this sector kept records;
inSeirraIeane, 18%;inHondur-as, 14%; inEgypt, 6%:andin
Bangladesh, 6% (Liedholnn and Mead 1987:33).

132
doservedmlytwoactuallyrecordinganything.‘

'Ihe following six case studies illnstrate the variability of
wanen'sgrossnarginsasrecordedduringeadnrespectiveweekof
interviews. Following this, aanumaryofgrossnergindatais
praennted for the retaining cases for which canplete wholesale/retail
dataexist.

W

AmaiDanielsellsherfruitsandvegetablesinanareaa'ce
called a "blffer" SIM-a township historically designated for
"colored" people in between the white city center and the former
Africantownships. Sheis40yearsold,isdivorcedwithno
children, and lives in the neighborhood of the lbera wholaale
market. Amimnielhasreceivedfan'yearsofprimrysdcolingand
hashadsanetreiningin"lmecraft,"hntthiswasinsufficientto
helphergetajob. Sheleftherl'meareaofMasvingoin1972to
migratewithherlmsbandtonarareinseardnofenployment. Afav
yearsafterherarrival,herlmsbanddivorcedherbecauseshehadhad
four stillbirtl'sandnoliving children. AlthoughherMhad
beensetat$100,herlmsbandhadnctfinishedpayingit. Upon
divorce,herin-1awsdidnotrequestanypartofthelgglatobe
returned. Afterbeingdivorced,shereturnedtoherparennts,but

 

4'nnewunen,however,eupressedgreatinterestinlmowinghowto
keeptrackoftheircashflows, andatcnennarketsiteIwasaslosdto
teadnthemasinpleneansofrecordkeeping. Myinabilitytodothis
for non-literate individuals caused me to seek assistance fran the
ZinbakneWanen'smreau. Itismymderstandingthattlsyare
currentlydevisingsucharecord—keepingsystemaspartoftheir
overall plan to rejuvenate a wanen's producer/marketing cooperative
nededefmctseverelyearsagobymismanaganennt.

133
cansbacktoHarareshortlythereafterbemuseshewasrcthamyin
theruralareas. InHarare,sheisalodgerandlivesalone.

Amaimnielhadbeenaprodncevedorforuyearswhenwe
interviewed. Shehadbeenconductingherbtsinessfrunthisvery
locatimtheentiretime(albeitwhenshebeganshepositiened
herselfmderatreeasthemarketplacehadnotyetbeenbuilt).

Vhilenskingherpirdnasesatnaareshealsopnrdnasesplastic
bagsofvaryingsizesinwhidntopadcageherfruitsandvegetables.
Sincecastanersinthissuburbhaveelectricity,theyareableto
padsselargerqnantitiesandcanstoretheninrefrigerators. By
repadcinghercamcditiesinplasticbags,AnaiDanielcansellher
packets at $1.00 each—this includes tanatces, potatoes, mics,
apples, andor'anges. Snallerpacketssell for halftheannonmt.

AmaiDanielwasinterviewedtheweekofMardnB. Hergross

margins are presented in Table 5.4.

TABLE 5.4
- ' ' o 3 9

. Mel: mg]: M £41 m1
me: we was. me. mm 159.. Q!
apples 7.00 .60 11.750 1.50 .90 10.63
beans 4.00 .625 6.400 1.38 .755 4.83
cabbage (In) .40 .17 2.300 .30 .13 .29
derere .50 .59 .850 1.25 .66 .56
lenons .40 .33 1.200 .62 .29 .34
anions (dry) 7.00 .72 9.700 1.67 .95 11.20
toes 8.00 .26 30.400 .51 .25 7.50
rape 3.00 .86 3.500 1.11 .25 .89
tanatoes 33.50 .98 34.170 .87 -.11 -3.77

m (moss MAKEIN Fm WEEK—$32.44 rum OF worms SOID-9

134
W

Justonencnnthlater,weinntervieuedAnnei'Iedaimnoisa
mlawiansellinginoneofthehighdensitysumrbs. Snereported
tlnatstneis42yearsold,nnarriedfor26years,andthatshecameto
Zinbabwesaneflyearsagowithherlnsbardwrcmigratedinseardnof
employment. Bothsheardherlmsbandhmreneverbeentosdnool,and
shehasncttakenanytypeoftrainingcmrse. Herhusbandworksas
ansssegerandearns$250perncnnth. mnenhefirstcametonarare,
heobtainedenploymentasadauestic,andthefamilylivedathis
employer's residence. mnenAmai'Iendai first arrived inI-larare, she
stayedathanetotakecereofthednildren.

Amai'redaihasgivenbirthtosevendiildren,butonlyonehas
survived. (implications during her last pregnancy led to the
stillbirth oftwinsandbloodpoisoning. Consequently,shehadto
haveherrighthandannpntated. 'Ihisdisabilityhasnctpreventedher
fruncaductingherbusiness,however. Amai'Iendaibeganher
btsinessin1972aftershehnriedhersixthd1ild. Shehasbeen
sellingatthesitewhereweinterviewedherforthepastl4years.

Ami'lendaiwasconductingaverybrisktr‘ade,prwablybetter
thananyothervendoratthesite. Herastutebusinsssacumenhas
ledhertodeviseasystenthatvirmallygmranteesherastaners—
giving each a little sanething "extra" when they buy fran her.
mrirgthecmrseoftlneinterviev,1directedmyreseardnassistant
torecordalloftheitensthisvendorgaveawayfree. Shefound

135
that for each onstaner, a tanato or two was provided.5 While this
practiceiscamcnformanyvedors, whatisdifferent forAmai
‘Iendaiisthatshegivesawayfreshtanetcss—tlcsesheplrehased
thatveryncming franthewholesaler—instead ofthose "going off."
Her gross margins, presented in Table 5.5, are different fran those

of Amai mniel.

ME 5.5
ins—Anna o ri 19

Eagle Edsle E1211 Q!!! m
M E most Bee. 22131159.. IQ. m
apples 37.00 .64 57.800 1.00 .36 20.80
bananas 13.00 .66 19.700 .74 .12 1.58
beans 6.00 .46 13.000 1.33 .87 11.29
cabbage (on) 24.00 .09 268.500 .26 .17 45.81
cabbage (Sw) 24.00 .21 116.400 .36 .15 17.90
carrots 2.00 .30 6.760 .68 .38 2.60
cucunber 3.00 .22 13.460 .40 .18 2.38
derere 10.45 .84 12.470 1.82 .98 12.25
guava 2.50 .24 10.400 .45 .21 2.18
laws .60 .26 2.280 .53 .27 .61
magaka 2.00 .16 12.630 .62 .46 5.83
anions (dry) 25.40 .83 30.600 .67 -.16 -4.90
peas 2.00 .67 3.000 2.94 2.27 6.82
potatoes 22.25 .29 76.800 .46 .17 13.08
panpldns 4.00 .13 30.940 .30 .17 5.28
rape 54.85 .51 107.520 .63 .12 12.89
sweet pots. 5.40 .24 22.580 .65 .41 9.28
tanatoes 101.00 1.00 101.115 .83 -.17 -17.07
watermelon .60 .09 6.700 .27 .18 1.21

TOTAL CRIBS MRGIN FIR WEEK—$149.82 mm OF CIJIDDITIES SOID-19

 

56iving away camcditios to ensure regularity of cstaners
seenstobeacammpractice. InthennarketsofIaPaz”inadditian
tothepaymntfortheeggsthelapazdealerhandsovereithersme
sweetsor,usually,afewmionsandevensanedniliperpersorstale
breadorabunasabcnus" (Preston 1978:115). Asimilar practiceis
observable intheKunesi market inGhana (Clark 1986).

136
W

AmaiGeorgesellsherfreshproducefrananarketsitelocated
inoneofthealrrenntlydevelopinghighdesitysuburbssaneZOkns.
distantfrcmthetowncenter. Sheis37yearsold,hasbeenmarried
for20yearsandhasgivenbirthtosixdnildren,thelastofwlm
diedwhenshewasinthirdgrade. 'Iheagesofherfiverenaining
childrenrangebetween7and21. Onelivesaway,andtherenaining
fanrlivewithherandherhusband.

AneiGeorgealsohashersister'ssonlivingwithher. Amai
Georgeattededsdncolupthrughf‘ormZandisasconNersanntin
EnglishassheisinShona. Shewasborninanareawell—lmomfor
vegetable production—(hiwashe. She left her area of birth in 1964
withhertmsbandtolookforworkinflarare,sane30kilanetersfrm
theChivnsheOamunalArea. Shereportednothavingbeenvery
successfulatfindingwork,andsinceshefellpregnantshedecided
togiveupthesearch. Nowthatherohildrenareoldennghtomind
eadnother,ardtheoostsofb.nildingahasearesohigh,she
decidedtotryherhandatselling. Altl'cughshehadonlybeen
sellingvegetablesforeneyearatthetineoftheinterview,shewas
wellconnectedtothetrade.

AnaiGeorgereported,whenweinnterviewedhertheweekofuay
19,thatseveralofherfamilymanbersalsotradedinfreshpmduce:
hernctherhadbeenavedoratmmretail,andheruc
sisterswereinvolvedinwholesaling atmarewiththeirnmsbards.
(WhileIhypothesizedthatAnaiGeorgewunldbeabletopirdnaseher
camcditiesdneaperfromherrelativas,whe11askedherifthiswas

137

thecase, AnneiGeorgeansweredwithanenphatic "no!")

'Ihennarketsite sufferedfrananundaerofanmalies: notall
flslnnsesintheadjacentcamtmitywereinhabitedbecmsetheywere
in varying stages of cmpletion; camercial farmers in adjacent
areassoldtheirprodtcecheaperfranfarmkiosksntransportcosts
toandfraanarewasannongthehighestinthecitynardtheselling
dayreallycnlybeganwhenpecplecametnnefranmrkinthe
evenings. Since the nerketplace did not yet have electricity, the
absece of light made it difficult for vendors to operate.

Amai George's gross nergins are reported in Table 5.6.

mans 5.6
grgsg my —mi Geow 9: May 12, 1986
mg; Whlsle Mail fl I‘D—ta;
My 92s; mess. Ens. Reeds. s. Q!
bananas 18.00 .37 48.450 .95 .58 28.03
derere .60 .73 .825 2.86 2.13 1.76
lemons .60 .18 3.300 .80 .62 2.04
magaka 1.20 .17 7.120 .53 .36 2.57
onions (Sp) 4.50 1.32 3.400 1.67 .35 1.18
oranges 8.00 .38 21.060 .89 .51 10.74
potatoes 4.50 .30 15.000 .54 .24 3.60
rape 6.80 .42 16.340 .65 .23 3.82
tanatoes 82.60 .89 92.820 .97 .08 7.44
tsurga 4.85 .50 9.680 .94 .44 4.25
m Gloss mm rm WEEK—$65.43 mm 01" cannon-ms 8010—10
M91119

AmiDinoisZWyearsold, hasbeenmarriedfoeryearsand
hassixchildren, ages6throughzo, all ofwhanarelivingwithher
andherhusband. 'Iwoofherbrother'sdnildrenalsoresidewithl'ner.

AmaiDincwasborninMvmnawhereshelefttojoinhermsband
mnenstnenarriedin1965. TogethertheymigratedtoHararein1966

138
soherhusbandcouldlookforwork. Herhusband,whoneveratteded
school, anrrently works for the municipality and earns $250 per
month. Shecanpletedsixyearsofprinaryednmtionbuthasnever
held forml sector enployment. She began selling vegetables in 1972
andhasbeensellingatthislocationtheentire14years.

Vedorsatthissitewerecopingwitharemrrenntweeked
problem—the Friday evening arrival of farmers fran the African
camercialfruitandvegetablegrcnwingareaoflmtoko. Their
prese'ceovertheweekedlessthanakilaneterdistantfrunthe
marketsite translated innto decreased weeked sales for the vedors—a
time for increased activity at most other marketsites. Sales fran
Saturday to Monday, therefore, were nnot very good as residents of
thishighdesitysuhlrbwmldpnrdnasefranthefarnerswhatthey
could to carry then as long as possible without refrigeration.

AmaiDinoplacesveryhighvalueontheednmtionofher
children. Shereportedthatthesaleofhervegetableshadpntall
herdnildrenthrcughsdnool. Shewasconcerned,however,abo\ntthe
kindsofjobsherdnildrenwmldfindafterfinishing. Shewas
especiallyconcernedwithoneofherdaughterswhomsbeing
enbjectedtosenmalharrassnenntanthejob. AneiDinowasperplexed
abanthavnenslmldconntinnallytrytotakeadvanntageofnnnen,
regardless of the professional levels they achieve.

Inspiteofthisproblen,AnnaiDinoccntinmedtosellher
producetoeducateherotherdnildren. Hergrossmarginsare

reported in Table 5.7.

139

TABLE 5.7
9araaLrEgsdnsa:5aai_QLaezirserrdLQyns_21_12§§

flhlsls ifltlsle Retail. 912: metal

SEEEEQiE!’ .995: SZZflaflSL. Essa. Irdsszlea £81 £3!
bananas 3.00 .21 14.300 1.00 .79 11.30
cabbage (Hi) .60 .13 4.600 .22 .09 .41
cabbage (Sw) 12.00 .19 62.000 .26 .07 4.12
covo .90 .22 4.120 .67 .25 1.86
lemons .30 .14 2.140 .67 .53 1.13
uagaka .40 .11 3.650 .37 .26 .95
onions (sp) 2.50 .55 4.550 1.08 .53 2.41
oranges 12.00 .31 38.360 .70 .39 14.85
potatoes 8.00 .27 30.000 .62 .35 10.60
rape 7.25 .26 27.860 .33 .07 1.94
sweet pots. 1.75 .15 11.700 .59 .44 5.15
tomatoes 18.00 .78 23.040 .83 .05 1.12
tsunga 2.45 .27 9.000 .74 .47 4.21

mmmmm—$60.05 NLMEEROF (HIDDI'I'IES SOLD-13
W
MnemAmaiTatnnrelatedherlifehistorytonne,Ico11dncthelp
butbetrenendonslyinpressedbytheobstaclesshehasoverconethat
brought her to the vegetable vending business. She is 32 years old,
hasbeenmarriedanddivorced,andwasrenarriedtohersecod
husbandeightyearsago. Shehadfinishedsixyearsofprinary
schoolinherhoneareaofmsape. Becausethisregionofthe
country was very active politically and felt the ravages of the
liberation struggle early, she andher firsthusband felttheyhadto
leavetheareatopreventphysical injury. Sheactuallyemeto
Hararein1978,thereasonsformidnaredisonssedbelow. Shehas
beensellingvegetablesonlyforayear,butbecauseofher
determinationshehasadnievedafairdegreeofsuccess. antsuccess
andhanpinesshavennotconeeasytoher.
Anai'l‘amtoldusthataftermarryingintheruralareas,she

140

gavebirth to triplets. Hermtherin-law, atwhosehonestead she
wasresiding,aconsedherofgivingbirthlikeananima1. Toprevent
thenurderofoneortmoofherdnildren,Amai‘1amfledtoanearby
mission, where she was collected by her father sons months later.
Mnenthetripletswerepastthetoddleryears,Amai'Iammarrieda
manwhosawncproblenwiththetriplets,andshewassentwithher
threechildren,aswellasherrmsband'sthreednildrenbyaprevios
"city" marriage,tohisparents'ruraltnnestead. ‘IhereAmai Tatu
encounteredtwoother"oomtry"wives. Determincdnottobeoms
anotherwonan"leftattme,"shecametol~lararewiththesix
dnildreninsearchofhersponse.

Intheprocessoflookingforpeoplewhocouldhelpher,“
metwith several ZANU (Zimbabwe African National Union) leaderswho
tookituponthenselvestohelpher. Orceherhusbandwasfond,she
continuedherZANUrelationsandbegansellingfreshproche. She
alsobecanetheheadoftheZANUwolen'sclubinherneighborhood.
Additionally, because of the many social ties she created, she gained
acessstoaparceloflandadjacenttoherhighdesitysuhnrbhone
thateithersheorherdnildrenoiltivate. ‘Ihedaywespokewith
her,shehadjustharvested43kilogransofsweetpotatoesfronthis
plot,whichsheputonsaleatthegoingrate. Herleadershipofthe
ZANUwonen's choir providedamostenjoyable final day ofreseardnat
thissite,asthe20+menberscametoentertainusforanhonrorso
beforeonrdeparture.

Ami'rauncirrenntlyresideswithhertmsbandandsixdnildren
whorangeinagebetweenBandzz. 'Ihreeotherchildrenresidewith

141
her,moothersbelongingtoherlmsand,andhersister'sson. She
reported that her husband, who conpleted a grade-three education,
omentlyvcrksfortheumicipality,butshedoesnctlocwtxmmnn
heearns.

Ami'l‘atusellsatamarketplacethathashaditsprdnlens.
WhenIfirstvisitedthemarketonthemappingearciseIfonndnc
wonensellingfrunthenerketitselfbutfronmakeshifttablesacmss
finestreetnexttothebusstatim. Mnenlre‘mrnedtooo'ductthe
inntesivéinnterviev,severalvedorshadncvedbackintothemarket,
bnntmanydecidedtosellfrunthestreetbecausepotentialonstonsrs
alightingfronthehswonldnotcrossthestreettobuywhatthey
nneeded. Instead,theylookedforothervedorssellingclosertothe
busstop.

AmiTaun,asastrategytonsetthedemandsofvarying
populatios,alsosoldsweetstosdcoldnildrenontheirmid-umming
breakorimediatelyaftersdnoolwasontforthedayatl:00p.m. I
wasmnabletoascertainherearningsfrontheseconmodities. Her
grossmarginsonfreshprodncearepresentedin'l‘ableSJ.

W

'nnefinalcasevasobtainedinonrlastfewdaysof
intervievingatanopen-airmarketsiteadjacenttoashqpingcenter
inalowdensitysutmrb. AmaiPaulhasbeensellingatthislomtim
forthreeyears. Shehadonejobpreviostoestablishingherown
enterprise,andthiswasasadcmesticforlessthanayear. Sheis
36 years old, hasbeenmarried for 21 years, andhas five children.

Shereportedtheeldestofthesednildreniszo,butshewasmnable

 

mm m m. 595. m 391 Q4
avocadopear 3.65 .45 8.080 .45 0 0
bananas 12.00 .38 31.516 .94 .56 17.63
cabbage (Sw) 42.00 .24 175.630 .34 .10 17.71
3.50 .23 15.440 .47 .24 3.76
naartjies 9.00 .36 25.100 .79 .43 10.83
onions (sp) 24.60 .69 35.700 1.58 .89 31.81
oranges 4.75 .34 13.960 .73 .39 5.44
potatoes 18.00 .30 60.000 .44 .14 8.40
rape 25.70 .38 67.690 .38 O 0
sweet pots. 0 0 131.520 .21 .21 27.62
tomatoes 168.70 1.05 160.650 1.56 .51 81.91
tsunga 22.40 .37 60.960 .56 .29 11.59

mm GRLBS MARSIN Fm WEEK-$216.70 MMEER OF MITRE SOID—12
to recall the ages of the others, even though they all reside with
her. 1N0 other residents occupy’her'hcnch

.Amai Paul has never been to school nor has she ever
participated in.any sort of training course. She‘was‘born.in.BUhera,
whichareasheleftin1965tomigratewithherhusbandtofiararein
:esnxin of emgflrgmcmt. Her Innflxan, who runs also runner been 1:)
:adxxil, currently'tuusna jctnams a gpurkarnn. ‘Working frmrrxzanha of
European descent, Amai Paul's husband receives his housing "free",
but his salary is only $70 per'month.

AmaiPaulbeganselling freshproduceinl983andhasheldno
other'jfiixs since (xxmhr; tOtIEHZUEL Strn*was \naqr cautious.:hn her
purchasingranri has; selling «only tiaraa cxxumzlities en: time time was
interviewed.nmna These three, however, were those constituting an
integral part of the relish diet. These.ccnncofities are sold innthe

supermafkebs across tire street, Inn: they ane:nrn:)aqn:‘very freeh.

143
Africarsinthislovden‘sitysubnbprefertopnrohasetheirm
frontncvedorsbecausetheircmncditiesarefresher. Fronthe
exclusive sale ofthesecomnodities, Amai Paulwasabletodoaswell

margins are reported in Table 5.9.
MB 5.9

 

:annedity gee; .geetzeg. .§g§s Ezfisrelsb. lib. 53!

rape 12.30 .24 51.240 .53 .29 14.86
tonatoes 41.00 .43 95. 305 .88 .45 42 .87
tsunga 4.25 .25 17.080 .73 .48 8.22

'IUI'AL GKBS MARSIN KR WEEK—$65.95 NUMBER OF mourns SOLD—3
AnelY§i§_Q£r2azieDiliESLJiLEEEEELEEEEEEELQDQrEEEEED§_§QLLQQQI
Incalculatingthegrossmargins for 40vendorsforwhon
conplete wholesale/retail information was available, the mean amomt
vedors paid wholesale for their comcdities per week was $107.84
(with a range between $2.86 and $623.62). The mean return received
per week by vedors was $170.91 (with a range between $7.09 and
$920.16). This created a mean gross margin of $60.55 (with a range
between $1.81 and $242.08).
Variabiltyingrossnnarginsandreturnstolaborbetween
vedorsdoomentedovertheperiodofresearchisacosequeceof
the following variables: 1) variation in wholesale price due to
seasonal supply; 2) variation in wholesale price due to the place
wherethecomcdityismrdnased; 3) themmber, type, andquanntity
of comcdities sold; 4) physical properties of and vedor position
within the marketplace, i.e., whether or nnot she is situated alog a

144

well-travelled pedestriann/cosnmner pathway; 5) physical position of
the marketplace itself vie-advis other shops and services: 6) the
ammtoftinnnespentsellingatthatnnerketsite (asafunnctionof
"beingknom" andthushavingmoreonstoners): 7) howmanycustoners
avendorhas (partiallyasafunctionofherofferingcredit; 8) the
ancnmtoftinsavedornststayawayfronthemarketplaceovingto
fannily matters (e.g., funerals, sick children, personal health,
including pregnnancy, etc.): 9) conpetition inthennarketplaceand in
the surronndinng area: 10) wholesaler cheating: and 11) labor. Eadn
of these are discussed in turn.

 

Seasonal supply is nnot just amatter of overall availability: it is
alsoanatterofwhidnmarkethasthesnnply. Inturnn,whohasthe
supplyisareflectionofwtchasprodncedthecomcdity—awhiteor
anAfricanfannner. mitecomnercialfarmersplannttoharvestin
tinesofscarcityinordertoesureaprenimnprice. African
farmerscannotalvaysfollovthispatternowingtoanmberof
productionconstrainnts.
miletonatoesareacounoditycosnmedbybothwhiteand
African populatios, during periods of scarcity they are nnot readily
availableeitheratmmflaorthefarners'mdcetnttcyare
only available fronn the forml sector wholesalers or fron U-Pick
farns in the Harare environs. Given that supply is limited, the
preninmpricereonestedismetbythoseretailersntcseonstoners
will bear an inflated price. When counodities are too enpesive,
mensinplyrefnsetobnythenmltrcnghinthecaseoftheprinary

145
relish ingredients, i.e.,tonatoes, rape, andonios, avedorwill
doherbesttohavesonesupplytoesureshewillretainher
ostoners).

'Ihisismainlyduetovedorretailpricingsystens. Although
wholesale priess vary seasonally, 29.5% (94 of 318 respondents) of
vedorsindicatedtheyneverchangedthebasepriceofaheapora
bundle,eventhonghthesizeoftheheaporbundlewillalter: the
oostofthesnallestheapoftmntoesrenainSZOCennts,althoghthe
size ofthosetonetoes varies seasonally. Likewise, abundle ofrape
may cosistently be priced at 20 cents, but the size of the bundle
inmasesduringtimesofglut,anddecreasesdnmingtinnesof
scarcity.6

MnenImderstoodhovvedorsadapttheirprices, especially
duringthescarcitymntlsofFebnnaryandMardnandtheglutmntls
ofSeptenberandOctober,Isuggestedtoonevedorthatsheincrease
theprioeofgreenbeansfr'on30centsto40oentsperpadcet. She
1aughed,andalnnostbydesign,atthatverynmnent,ayongwonan
cannetothevedor'sstall,handedher30centsandsaid"beans."
'mevendorverykncwinglylookedatme,andthentookpainsto
explain that onstonner expectation of price limited how nuch a vedor
colldadaprttowholesale price changes. Hadthevedorfollowedup
onmysuggestion,shefeltcertainshewonldnothavesoldherbeans.

 

6'Iheheapsoftonnatoesandbundlesofrapearedeternnnined"by
hand" or "by eye." An additional factor is cosidered, however, in
measuring: rmmchofeadnisrequiredforaneal. An’
topicoffutureresearchwmldbetodetermincwtctherholsecldshny
mrebnndlesofrapewhen,duringtimesofscarcity,thehnndlesget
snnaller,orwhethertheymakedowiththeenallerbmdles,andtms
consumeless.

146

Clearly, the ability to generate a higher returnn is nnot solely
a fmction of supply and demand. Rather, the conplexity of the
relationship of vedor to cosunner, consunner price expectation,
vedor ability to sumly scarce connodities, and vedor willingness
to supply "elite" comcdities (i.e., if avedor feels shenustmake
aoertainoomcdityavailableanditisnotbeingsoldatm
m, shewillncdoubtincnrtheextraecpesetobuywhatshe
needsfrantheIrdepedentMarket) alloontrihntetothevariability

amonggrossnsrginsamogvendors.

 

my IsRnr'chased. Indnapter'lhreeIpresentedthevariability
inwlclesalepricingbeodeenmmmtrcndepedentuarket.
EVenthoghtheIndepedentMarketneyhavepnblishedalowerprice
foragivencomcditythanwhatisbeingdnargedatmm,a
vedorwillncdonbtpaytlnehiglnerpricebecauseslnemightpn'dnase
othercomcditiesatmmavailableatthelndepedentnarket.
111iswasreported1ythecasefor79.4%ofvedorswtcpnrchase
exclnsively fron either the semi-permanent wholesalers or farmers at
W. Only4%indicatedtheyplrdnaseattheIndepedent
Market,andthisisnsuallywhenwhattheywantisnctavailableat
ME-

3. WW- Manyvedors(43.2% ofthe245
who responded) feel that if they have more comnodities for sale they
willbeabletogeneratehigherremrnnstolaborthanthoseselling
fewer conncdities. The theoretical rationale oonteds that

diversification reduces risk. I fond, however, that specialization

147

inagivenccnucditycanprovideadifferenttypeofreturn.

Onnevedorinahighdesitysuonrbsoldonlymmtshe
picked herself from a nearby garden plot. Although calculation of
hergrossnarginindicatesonlyasz.49week1yremm,shehasmade
other gains. In establishing her reputation as "Annai 1m,"
custonnerswrcwanttocookthisgreenleafyvegetableonagivenday
gotohertopirdnasetheirneedsastheleavesarealwaysfresh.
Herdesiretoestablishaplaoeintheoonmmityapparantly
ontweighedhernneedtogeneratehigherretnms.

 

m. Thepnysical design ofnnnarketstallsandthe
surronndings of the marketsite often mitigate increasing returns to
labor. Forinstanoevedorsvvhohavelookerainwhichtostore
theirprodnceovernightcoild,ifaconuodityshelflifewasnncre
thanonedaywitncutrefrigeration,reducethenmberoftimesthey
nustgotothewholesaler. Vedorswhohavetocarrytheirmsold
producehoneeverynightarencrecoservativeabontthewlclesale
gnantitiestheybuy.

Incertainsuhnrbs,businessdoesnotreallybeginuntil
lmctntimeandedsonlyafterconpletion oftheworkdayandpeople
haveconnehone. Atthesesannemarketsites,l'cwever,thereisno
electricityandbusinessnustbetransactedeitherinthedarkorby
candlelight.

Design of marketplaws is sonetinnnes innamropriate: the roofs
donotentendfarenoughtocovertheonstonersothat,vmenit
rains,onstonnersarenncstlikelytogetwet. Thisfactorhasbeen

148
taken into cosideration, however, in the costruction of marketsites
in newly-developed high density suburbs.

A wonnan's particular position within the nnnarketsite also
affectstheamonntofblsinessshewillcoduct. Inthelarger
nerketswhereupto40vedorssell,nmenwhohaveastallonthe
innerrowsarelikelytohavefeoeronstonersthantlcsemcsellat
stallsontheontsideoralongtheperimeterofthemarket. Also,
wheremarketsareadjacenttobusstops,thosesellingclosestto
wherepeoplealightarenncrelikelytohaveahighermmberof
custonersthanthoseontheoppositeside. Asonevedorreported:

'Ihosewhoaresellingontheothersidebythepost

officearedoingbetterbusiness. Weareneartheother

market,theonewherethestreetvendorsareselling. By
thetinnneonstonnersconehere, theyhavealreadyseen
everythingtheywantontheothersideofthennnarket.

Innanyinstancescontroloverwhoisallocatedwhidnstallis
inthehandsoftheMunicipality. Wherethereisannarket
dnairperson,shemighthavethepowertotellvedorswheretosell.
unevedorreportedhavingbeendnasedfronstalltostallbeoause
shehaddonewellmnerevershewent. Thechairperson,thinkingshe
might sell betteratotherstalls, continuallyusurpedthevedor's
position. 'Ihiswenntonforseveralnnontismntilthevedorncloger
withstoodtheharrassnnenntandnncvedtoanothermarketsite.

5. wig; Iocati on of the Marketplace. Proximity of the
marketsite to major shopping cennters also seens to influece volume
of trade. Marketsites adjacent to other shops or social services
seentodobetterbnsinessthanthoseacrossthestreetorinmore

isolated locatios. As one vedor reported:

149

Ournnnarketisrigtntattheedofthelocation: nobody
canconeandbuy.

Incoductingthefirstphaseofthisreseardn,1fondtwo
madcetsitesovergrownwithweeds,andonethatcolldprcvidestalls
to78wonennthatwasoccupiedbyonly 13. 'nsanntnivaleceofcity
plannnning authorities abort providing the appropriate means for
Africanwonentocoducttheirenterprisesisnedsnenifestinthe
waysonnemarketsare haphazardly situated. Soneoftheolder
markets, such as those at Stoddard, mfakose, andHighfield, are in
strapping centers or are adjacent to offices where varios social
servicesareprovided. Nevermarloets,ho»ever,sndnastlcsein
Dzivarisekwa, Tafara, andNewMabvukn, aresituated adjacenttobaer
hallsbutnnothingelse. Busdepotsmaybecloseby,butvedorshave
fondthatunlessthemarketisdirectlyadjacenttothebnsstq,
ostosrsarewillingtogoontoftheirwaytopnchasewhatthey
nneed.

6. W- VMWWM
coductingtheirbnsinessesatthelocationatwhichtheywere
innterviewed for between less than one to overthirty—fonr years, with
ameanof 5.5 years. 'Iheprepoderanceofvedors(arproodnnately
75%)begantheirbusinessesafterindepedencevtsnurbaninflnmlaws
werennologer enforceable. Table 5.10presentsasunmryofthis
information. Vedors perceive their ability to do "good business" is
prenisedupontheanncnnntoftinstheyhavespentsellingatagiven
site. Theyassertacorrelationbetweenthemmberofyearsata
siteandthemmberofcustonerstheyhave. Moreover,thereappears

tobeagederbiasastothetypesofcustmnersonecanhave. As

 

<1 9.5 31
1 23.4 76
2 11.7 38
3 11.1 36
4 7.4 24
5 5.8 19
6 6.5 21
7 4.0 13
8 2.5 8
9 .9 3
10 1.5 5
11-15 6.0 20
16-20 1.8 6
21-25 1.2 4
26-30 2.4 8
31-34 1.8 6

 

*Sonrce: innterviewschedule.
onevedorindicated:

Wonen custonners becone frieds after two to three

pirdnases; mleoistonnersare "regulars,"not"friers,”

asthishasancthernneaningancngusShonapeople.

menIaskedvedorswhytheyfeltothershadmoreorfeler
onstonners thantheydid, 24.2% ofvendorsresponding (nn=223) related
thattlcyorotherswere"welllocwn"andthisexplaincdtlcirvolnme
oftrade. mrethanSOdifferenntresposesweregiveninanswerto
thisquestion. Thesecondnnostfregnentwasfitdepedsonlcwmany
thingsyouorder[purchasefromthewholesaler]n (16.1%).

The custonner pool for each of the marketsites also affects the

number of custonners a vedor has. Table 5.11 establishes a potential
onstoner-per-vedor ratio, based upon the population living in a

151
givenhighdesitysuburbandthemmberofvedorsennmeratedfor
thatsuburb.

 

Dzivarisekwa 22,718 110 1:207
Glen Norah 45,668 145 1:315
Glen View 59,775 265 1:226
Highfield 73, 501 362 1:203
Kannbuzuma 25,521 95 1:269
Mabvukln 38,958 86 1:453
Mbare 59,366 1,209 1:49
Mufakose 44 , 703 244 1: 183
Rugare 8,362 7 1: 1,195
Tafara 21, 069 109 1: 193
Warren Park 13,672 58 1:236

While it would appear that the figure for Mbare mitigates any
potentialtoincreasereturns,thepositionofthesevedorsadjacent
tothewrclesalenarketguaranteesthenahighermmberofostoners
fronothersuburbs. Conversely,theRugarefigurelooksvery
pronising, but the plots on which housing for railway employees is
situated are surrounded by open fields in which wonen oiltivate their
owndailynneeds. 'IheonstonnerratioinMabvulmalsolookspronising,
bnntthissuhnrbisimndatedwithfarnersfronmtokoeveryweeked
thus decreasingthe effective custonerpool for vedors.
Itriedtoascertainfronvedorstheirperceptionofhowmany
custonnerstheyhaddaily. ‘Ihisinquiryledtomanyblankfacesasa
response. Irephrasedthequestionandaskedhowmany'kegular"
custonerstheyhad. Thisprecipitatedaresposebetweenoneand
forty, with the mean of 9.8. "Regulars" were defined as those
ostouerswrc,whentheyconnetoanarketsite,autonaticallygotoa

152
partionlarvedoreadntinretopnrdnasewnattheyneed. menIasked
vedorswhyonstonnersweremlled "regular,” anticipatingarespose
thatindicatedkinshiporfriedship,theyrespodedthat”onstcnners
just like the quality ofmy goods" (59.1% of 264). Slightlymore
than24%indicatedtheirregularswerefriedsorneighbors,andonly
3%saidtheirregularsweretheirrelatives. "Regulars"areaccorded
specific status, as the following disonssion illustrates.

7. Mary'andmt mile allthewonneninterviewed
reportedthattheywerenevergivencreditbyfarnersorwtclesalers,
92.8% (of 265 vedors) saidtheyprcvide credittotheirregular
custoners. Acreditrangeof $1.00to$40.00wasallowed before
vedorsregliredtheybepaid. Theaverageannonntoftimeallowed
wasunntiltheedofthencnnthorwhenevercustonersreceivedtheir
salaries. onevedorreportedshedoesnctprcvidecreditatthe
begimningofthemnthbecause"peoplestculdhdgettlcirncrsyso
Mwatpmrlyjmtafierflwfipaido"

Iconldnotascertaintheextentoflossesvendorsinonrredin
ectedingcr'edit. Itvmldappearthatmenapersonfailstorepay
thedebtwithinatacitlymderstoodperiodoftine,creditwonldnct
bere-exteded. Atonemarketsite,avendorkeptveryclosetabsof
whoohedhovmchandforhodlog. Iwaspresentwhenaonstoner
mowedthevendorncrethan$10forseveralnncnthscametotryand
pnrdnasenncreprodnceoncredit. Theverdornotonlyrefusedto
extedthelineofcreditfurther,bntalsoshontedatthewonnanto
gohonneandgetherlmsbandtobeamanbypayingoffthefamilyfood
bill.

153

8. W. 'nnronghonttheyear,vedorsfindit
necessarytobeabsentfrontheirstalls,either<iuetotheiromill
health,totakecareofsickonildren,returntothennralareasto
plow,toattendafuneralorotherriunalobservance,ortotakecare
ofhoseholderrands. Eadnoftheseabsencesinpingesuponthe
abilityofvedorstomaintaintheirinconnes.

Vendor health suffers significantly during the rainy season and
duringtlcwinteranoarfrostwasontlcgrondonnanymrningswhen
myresearchassistanntsand I arrived inthe field at 7:30 a.m.).
Outsidenerketplacesmightbeveryappropriateintlcwarnerclimates
ofottcrAfricancomtries,hntinZinnbabwewhentenperamrescango
below freezing the ontside market presents particular problens.

Vedorsminntainnedrnnralkinshiptiesbygoing'Tncnne"tosee
theirrelatives. For71.9% ofthevendorpopulation, thisoconnrred
betweenoneandthreetinnnesayear. Wonentravelledhonewithoneor
more nerbers of their families usually during school vacatios, at
theChristmas holiday, orwhenwonnen's laborwasneededonthefarm.
Wonenmstalsoreturntotheruralareastoparticipateincertain
rituals, e.g., funerals, W (bringinghonetheqniritayear
afterscnneonehaspassedaway),ritualcleansingifonehashadmajor
problu, consultation with m for varions maladies, among other
reasos.

mnnyofthosewhodonotgo'hone"werefrunMalawi (6.2%),
Mozambique (5.2%), and Zannbia (.06%). Up to a few years agn,
however, family ties were minntained internationally via cash
renittances. 'nnispracticewasstopped,mpbygcvm

154

innterventionduetoforeignonrrecyshortages.

9. M13199. Vedorsdonotgenerallyperceivethenselves
asbeinginconpetitionwitheadnother,regardlessofthenmberof
vedorssellinginonelocation. mnenIaskedvendorswhetherthere
wastoonudnconpetition,abont27%reportedthatconpetitionwas
againststreetvendorsorthosewhosolddoor—to-door. Thewonan
felt thatotherswhosold ontside ofthennarketplacewereunfair
conpetitorsbecausetheydidnothaveanyrenttopayandthusconld
chargeless.7

Attenptstolurencrecustonerstoastalldonctgenerally
include price reduction. Base prices for comnodities reqnired daily
bycosnnnersdonctdnange-dtheenallestheapoftonatoesiszo
cents,abundleofvegetablescostsbetween10ard200ents
(depending on the nerketsite), and the enellest onion will cost 10
cents. Bananas and other fruits are nornnnally price-fined according
tosize,asiscabbage. Mnatbrirgsanewcustonertoapartionlar
vendorisaconposite ofthevendor's display,herselling deneanor,
and, perhaps, whetherthereisaneighbor/kinsnnan relation.

In severalmarketplaces, twoormoregeneratios ofone family
wereconpetingwitheadnotherforonstonners. Themnendidnct
perceive thenselves as conpetitors, honever, because they sold fronn
stallssonewhatseparatedfroneadnother. Moreover,innncstof
theseinstances,theyomgerwasadaughterandhadlearnnedthetrade

 

7At one marketsite, therewere 22 vedors selling at stalls,
andseveralotherssellingonthestreetabontablockaway. Mnen
queried abort their prices, the street vedors reported similar
pricestothoserecordedatthestalls.

155
fronbeingapprenticedtotheelderornncther.

10. W. AltholghIposedanmberof
glestiosonwtclesalers,itappearsvedorsinterpretedthistermto
mean Exam—the buyem-sellenn "tings" who harrass both producers
andvedorsatmmandatbusdepots. Anagthemany
comlainntsvendorshadabontthesepecple,96%reportedthat
wholesalers overcharged than, 75.7% said that wholesalers beat them
whentheyarepersistentintryingtomyaparticularcomcdity,
95.4% said that wholesalers pnnt grass at thebotton ofboxes of
tonnatoestomakeitappeartheboxisfull, 95.1%saidthat
unclesalerspnntrottencomcdities atthebottonnofabon, and80.9%
ofvedorsreportedthatwholesalersoftentooktheirncneyandnever
gavethennwhattheysupposedlypurdnased. Sonne29otherprobl~
wereidentifiedbyvedorsthenncstprepoderantofwhich (37.8%)was
that wholesalers don't allovthevendorstohnyfronthefarmers at
theMbarefarmers'market.

11. 1._a_bgr. Iaborisnotfactoredinasacostofdoing
business. ThisisalsotrueinmarketingactivitiesinNigeria:

...themininnmnpriceisbasedoncost(whidninclndes

cost price and transport) plus profit margin, but rarely

laborasmosttradersdidnotreportcostingtheirlabor

(Johnson 1973: 110) .
Yetthennmberofhonrsavendoroconpiesherstall,inadditionto
thetimeshetahesgoingtothewtclesalerandpackinguphergoods
attheedoftheday,fareweedthework-dayofa"typical"wage
earnerinHararewtcpnntsinaM-hoirmrkweek.

Vedors also rely heavily upon their dnildren for their

assistance after school and during school holidays. While most

156
dnildrenwhofulfillthisrclearegirlswtcareatleastmyears
old, occasionallyIcameuponastallbeingtededbybothboysand
girlsyomgerthanlo. Intwoinstances,hnsbandswhowereontof
workwerecallednmontomindthestallwhenthewifehadtobe
elsenherefortheday. Inseveralotherinstances,whenfemle
relativescametovisitfruntheruralareas,theyalsowereenlisted

to help.

 

Although vedor activity can be viewed as primarily econcnnic,
manynon-ecomicvariablesdeterminetheinconesvedorscan
gennerate. Manyoftheseconstrainntshavelittletodowithvedor
bnsinessaomnenbnntncrewithonlunralandconteculalfactors
limiting vedor ability to expand their enterprises.

Grossmarginscostitutethebasisofvedorreturnstolabor.
‘meiracmalornetreoirnstolaborarecalollatedbydednctingthe
costsof doing business. Costsinclude: 1) wastage: 2) rentzand3)
transport. Eachisdisonssedbelow.

W

The fornnla utilized to calculate vedor net returns to labor
is: Nva=wa-(www+va+'IVw+an+EVw),wnnereNR=Net
Rehnrnstolabor,ad=GrossMargin,v =EachVedor,w =Weekof
Researoh,w =Wastagefactorforeadncomnodityperday,R =Rent
paidperweekforvendingsite,'r =Transportpaidweeklyforvedor
to/fron wholesalerandto/fron narket, TTaTransport paid weekly for
oomcditiesfronwholesalertonarket,andE awihnpennsesincurred
weeklyancillarytothecoductofbnsiness.

157

1. yam. 'nneanncunntofanycomcdityvedorsnnstdiscard
duetospoilagewasverydiffioilttoascertain. Weattennptedto
calwlatewastagefactorsbyweighingtlccomcditiesthathad”gone
off"andwereabonttobethrownintothedustbin,therottencrcps
placedbymkmonthebottonofabocardcomcditiesnct
totally"goneoff”thatweresetasidetobegivenawaytothosewlc
hadmadeapurohase. Wethenwereabletodeducearatioof
unmarketable-to-marketable comnodities. A sample percentage of

wastage appears in Table 5.12.
MB 5.12

 

110
94
178
52
58
95
0110118 11.5
40
161
70
9O
71

 

*Sonrce: price schedules.
'Bneseanncnnnntsdonnoteasilytranslateintocoststolaborsince

wastagedepedsonannnmberoffactors: Wpackingrotten
vegetablesatthebottonofthebox,tenperab.nresforoverniglnt

storage,preseceofverminatnnarketplaessifprcdnceisstored
thereoverniglnt,andwhetherornctavedor'sstallisinthesnm

forannyportionoftheday. Theproportiosreportedaboverepresent

158
thewastagefactor for 61 (18.8%) vendors. Iamrelnctanttoassign
nnnericalvaluestothesefactorsbecausetheycannotreadilybe
appliedtoall.

2. Rent. milerentmaynotcostitnnteaseverecostrainton
sone wmen, others whogenerate only single-digit returns to labor
arestroglyaffected. Rentnnustbepaidonaweeklybasis,and
necessitates a triptothenmicipality for payment. In sonnecases,
market chairwonencollect all rents, travel to theMunicipality, and
collect a receipt for each vedor.

3. W. 'nnedeepestcnntintogrossmargins,however,is
transport. Annai'l‘endaidoesnothavetobearthisexpeseherself
becausehersondriveshertoandfronnthewholesaler,absorbingthe
oostoftransporthinnself. AmaiDanielsellsinamarketsitennottoo
distantfronthewholesaler,soshewalksthere. However,sheis
mnabletocarryherpnrchasesthisdistanceherself,soshehiresa
manwithawheelbarrowtowalkthennover.

nannywonnenreportedthenecessityoftakingtwohsesineadn
directionandofpayinngfor'barcels"oneadnofthetworeunrn
buses. Others reported the "energecy taxi" driver practice of
gogingnarketwonentocarrythenandtheirpirohasesfronmareto
theirmarketsites. Giventhedistanmsnenywonenmsttravelto
pnrdnasetheirccnmoditiesfronthewrclesaler,theseecpesesare

ontofproportion’ootheirear'nnings.8

 

8Transportisalsoapr'oblennnfornnronnneninBrazilandMexico
whereitwasfondthatWonnenweresubjectedtoncreprclonged,
conplex, andcostlytripstoworkconparedwithmenbecause [the]
existingtransportsystendidnctaddresstheirparticularprodnctive
activities" (Sdnmink 1986: 20).

159
Table 5.13 presents the nnet returns to labor for the six
vedorsinthecasesudies,whileTable5.14presentsthis

TABLE 5.13
o S' V
Bet lied. gamed. Arc. 1e
M! g sides 11% Trans. Trans. Mn. listens
A.lhniel 32.44 0 2.45 0 7.00 .50 22.49
A.Terdai 149.82 35.96 3.15 0 0 0 110.71
A.George 65.43 4.49 1.75 8.89 2.00 0 48.30
A.Dino 60.05 3.10 1.40 7.00 1.05 0 47.50
A.Tatu 216.70 0 1.40 12.25 8.75 0 194.30
A.Paul 65.95 .80 1.05 14.00 8.40 0 41.70
MB 5.14
mangRetunstongfiorgovm
Mean Gross Margin $60.55
Minus

- mean wastage nn/a9

- mean weekly rent $1.75

- mean vedor transport 9.10

- nnnean comcdity transport 4.90

- nnean ancillary expenses .87

Total Expenses 16.62
Mean Weekly Net Returns to Labor $43.9310

 

9Asnnotedabove,wastagefigurneswerneobtainnedforavery
limited nunber of vedors. Since wholesale pricing varied
cosiderablyovertineandbetweenvedors, Iwasnnotableto
calculate a reprsentative figure for this factor.

1°1his figure conpares favorably to the mininum wage for
industrial workers as specified in January 1982—$105 per month.
Calculatingaweeklyinconefronthisfigurebasedona4-1/2week
month, an inconne of $23.30 per week can be realized (Brand 1986:69)-
sons $20 belonwhatthemeanforvedorsis. This inconnefigure
differential mightwellrepresentoneofthereasoswhyvedors
perceive they are better off selling than working for a salary (see,
also, Davies 1974:217, for a similar favorable conparison at an

160

Sone 80.6% of vedors reported selling daily, with annother
13.2%onlytakingoffSundaystogotodmrdn. 'neaverageselling
day begins for 30.2% at 6:00 a.m., for 39.7% at 7:00 a.m., for 15.1%
at 8:00 a.m., and 10.2% at 9:00 a.m. The selling day eds for 24.9%
at 6:00 p.m., 54.2% at 7:00 p.m., and 17.8% at 8:00 p.m., mkingthe
averagelegthofthesellingdayabontelevenhonrs.

EVen if selling eds at 7:00 p.m., the day will still not be
overasmostvedorsdonothavelockersandmsttaketleir
comcdities hone for overnight storage. For 59.1% the one-way
jonrneytakeslessthanlOminutes:for21.8% ittakesbeodeenlOand
20minnntes; fortheranaining19.1%, tretriptakesnnorethanzo
minnutes. ‘Ihisamomtoftraveltinnneismlltipliedwhentoomanyofa
day's supply of comedities have nnot been sold this necessitating
morethanoetriphone.

Factoringinanhomfortransporttothewholesalenand
anotherhalfl'curtoremrnhonewiflnrerunsoldcomcdities, the
averageworkdayforvedorsistwelveandoe-halfhoirs. Ifawonan
keepsupthispacesixdaysperweek,heraverageworkweekwouldbe
75hoirslog. Dividingthisaveragenmnberofhoursintotlenean
weekly net returns to labor ($43.93 divided by 75), the average
honrlywagewnildbelessthan59cents.

Our calculatios are only half finnished, however. The amonnts
neededbyvedorstonnnainntaintheirfamiliesarealsoapartofthis
geeralequationtoascertainwl'ettertl'einconeswmnengeerate

throngnprodncevedingprovideenlghcashtonneethosehold

 

earlier tine) .

161

expeditures.
WERE

Ebgedituresvarygreatlyacoordingtotl'ennmberofdnildren
and other people living in the household. Variables cosidered in
this calculation include school fees (paid by term but calculated to
reflectaweeklybudget), schoolunifornns (paidbyyear, hrtalso
calculated for a weekly budget), otter clothing for the fannily
(estimated fortheyear, but averaged fortteweek), hosemortgage
orrent (paidbymnthbnntaveragedforaweek), electricityand
water (paidbythemonth,bnntaveragedforaweek),medicalenpeses,
renittancestofamilymenbers (reportedbynncnth, bnntaveragedper
week), food per week (inclnding staples), fuel/paraffin for cooking
perweek, familytransportotherthanvendor'seitlertosdnoolorto
(including washing ponder, hosehold
Enqendiunresforthesixvedorcasestndiesare

work, and other ecpeses
furnishings, etc.).
presented in Table 5.15.

118135.15
Week]. ' orS V Case

W @121 mm 0199 new 2421
SchoolFees 0 0 2.25 7.62 3.63 4.33
School Unifornns 0 0 2.62 3.40 1.83 .88
Clothing 5.00 5.77 7.69 9.62 13.46 9.23
Rent 3.92 6.69 11.54 5.54 3.46 0
ElectricitySnWater o 9.46 0 12.00 3.46 0
Medical 4.62 1.00 6.00 2.00 1.00 0
Renittanms 1.62 0 2.31 6.92 2.31 0
Food 6.00 50.00 40.00 14.00 30.00 40.00
Fuel/Paraffin 0 1.00 10.00 2.00 0 0
Transport 0 3.24 0 4.20 0 0
Other 0 0 30.00 0 12.00 0
WWW 21.16 77.16 112.41 67.30 71.15 54.44

162
'Ihenneanweeklyexpendituresforallvedorsarepresentedin

Table 5.16.

 

Sdnool Few 3.88
School Unifornns 1.91
Clothing 4.41
Rem: 7.49
Electricity & Water 4 . 21
bbdical 1.53
Remittances 4.97
Food 26.89
Fuel/Paraffin 3.26
Transport 6.19
Other 15.05
‘IUI'AL WEEKLX EXPENDITURE $79.79

Whiletheevidecelhavepresentedoninconnesandexpenditures
in general reflects only oe week of data collection per vedor, it
woildappearthatsonevedorsdonctgeneratesufficientinconeto
coverweeklycashneedswdnileothersenoeedtheirneeds. Themean
weeklynet returnto labor of $43.93 conld reflect, for sore, tl'e
worstweekofbusiness,forothers,ttebest,andforstillothers,a
typical week. Clearly, more rigor is required in data collection of
thistype,b.ntIshallreturnntothispointinmyconclusiosin
anapterSeven.

Forthosewl'cseinconesdonotmeettheirreeds,lhypothesized
thatvedorsnmsthaveacoesstootherfinancialresonrcesinorder
thattheycanmaintaintheirbusinnesses. Todeterminewhatthese
ottersoircesofinconeare,Iaskedvendorsanunberofother
(pestions.

163

Mealtime

Vedorsreportedreceivingfinancialassistancefronammber
of soirces: if theywere married, primarily fron their husbands:
otterwisefrontheirgrowndnildrenorotherrelatives. Vedors
reportedthatwhenbusinesswassobadthattheydidnctevenrecover
theirwholesalecosts,theywonldstopsellingmntiltheedoftte
ncnthwrentheirworkinglmsbandsorfamilymenbersreceivedtleir
salaries. At that point, several vedors reported, they would ask
foranancmntwithwhichtopurchasenewstockatthewlclesaler. In
mostinstances,thiscashadvanceconstitutedaloantobepaidback
whenvendorwasdoingbusinnesswell. Inotherinstances,acoording
tointrahouseclddynamics,vendorsjusttooktremoeyastheirdue.

Wheninconeisbeinggeeratedonadailybasis,vendorshave
access to another sonrce of incone: daily revolving credit/savings
societies. Because vedors geerate a certain amount of cash daily,
theycanuseaportionoftheirinntaketocontribnntetoarevolving
creditorsavingssociety. Amountsvedorsreceiveperweekasa
result of participating in one of these groips is calculated here as
additional incone. Additional contributiosmadebyspoises, kinor
other sonrces also appear in Table 5.17.11 For the entire
pcpdlation,themeanof additionalinconesisreportedin'rable 5.18.

 

1loontributiosnnadeinkindtotheurbanhonseholdbyvisiting
ruralkinconldnctbecalonlatedandinclndedinthisancuntbecause
researdnwasnotcoductedinvendorhones.

164
W
Vendors incur at least two additional expeditures:
transportationtoruralhonesteadsandrenittances. Asanaspectof
mintaining rural ties, vedors rennit an average of $172.89 per year
or$3.32 perweek. Additionally, vedorsreturntotl'erural areas

MB 5.17

 

Family Assistance (nn=131) $13.66
Credit Society (n=185) 18.70
Other (food) (nn=29) n/a

‘IUI'ALAUDITIQIALFINANCIALW $32.36
tovisittheirkinat1eastoceayearandpayameanof$8.66for
transportforeadnperson. Acoonpanyingvedorsontheirjonrney
aregenerallytwootherpeople,bringingttetransportbillupto
$25.98 or a weekly average of 50 cents. Thus, in addition to
lnonsehold expenses, vedorsincuradditionalecpensesof $3.82aweek
tomaintaintieswithruralkin.

Toobtainatotalodgetarypiccireoftheweeklycashflowof
tnevedorsandoirsixcasestudies,themergingofinconesand
ecpedituresispresentedforthesixcasesoidiesin'rables.19and

165

in Table 5.20 for the total vedor population.

TABLE 5.19

 

A. Inniel 22.99 14.04 21.16 2.66 + 13.21
A. Tadai 110.71 65.13 77.16 14.42 + 84.26
A. George 48.30 36.23 112.41 .23 - 28.11
A. Dinc 47.50 0 67.30 .23 - 20.03
A. Tatu 194.30 17.55 71.15 5.79 4» 134.91
A. Paul 41.70 26.68 54.44 .14 + 13.80
TABIE 5.20
Incones tunes V
Mean Net Return to Labor
fronn Veding $43.93
Mean Additional Incone 32.36

Mean Hoisehold Expediture 79.79
Mean Additional Ebcpediuire 3.82
Surplus/Deficit - 7 . 32

mm

Accordingtovedors, itistheirreturnstolaborthat
costiuntetheresoircesutilizedtomeettleircashneedstofulfill
family provisioning and child welfare obligatios. For sone vedors,
Ifeelthedatapresentedconfirnsthisassertion. Forothers,
however, i.e.,thosewnnoappeartobelosingontheirmsiness
ventures, two hypotheses regnire further exploration: 1) vedor
husbands and families contribute more to nesting hoisehold
expedituresthanreported,and/or2)vedorshaveothersoirmsof
inconethatwerennotreported.

Anotherissuerequiringfurtherexplorationisthatofcash

166

flwversus"profit." Itappearsthatverdorsarecamoernedwith
"themmethavemrethanwhatIstartedwithflhxtofseeningly
greaterconoemistheammtofcashaveniorhasattheerflofthe
day. Withthisammt,shemnmrd1asesanethimatthewholesaler
thenextday,feedherfamily,andtake<zreofincidentaldaily
expenses. Forlarger expenses, e.g., school fees, rent,shedepa'ds
onherintakeatthemdofthemmnhenpeoplebuymreandmher
returns fran participation in a daily revolving credit/savings
society. Iftheamamtsgeneratedttmaghmarketingorsavingsare
irsufficiertt, then alternative financial resamces need to be found.
Resources may be found within the family or in participation in
activitiesnotcweredbythisresearda.

Regardless of whether verdor-generated inoanes are supplemented
ornot,thefactspresentedheremtheirretunstolaborclearly
indicate that what they earn adds significantly to their ability to
provision their families and (are for the well-being of their
children. Itisinportanttomte,houever,thatthesereb1msdo
notca'stiurtethemlyreasmwhyverdozsestablishandmaintain
theirbusinesses. Chaptersixpresentsadismssimofthese
variables.

 

Withsonanyconstraintstooperatingtheretailverding
knsiness,ardwithrebnnstolabordeperflentmsmi1abroadsetof
variables,whydosomanywm1enmarketfreshproduoe? 'nu'schapter
considersthevariwsailmralardurbancontextualreasaisfor
wunen's participationinsmall scalemarketirgenterprises.

Inthefirstpartofthisdiapter,theneedtogeneratean
incaneinthembancontextisexplored,taldngintoacoamtsmh
factors as housing, marriage and the family, mmploynerrt levels in
the city, the need formsh on a daily basis, thedisintegraticn of
thefamily unit, andtheurbanhousehold eoonauy. Individualreasons
mmywmendioosetogenerateinoamsinthenarketplaceareexplored
intheseoadhalfofthisdiapter. Factorsdisassedincluiefatale
employment opportunity structures, wanen's provisioning rolesandthe
division of labor, the cultural value of the substance excharged,
exercising "psychic control" over an urban eoonanic activity, other
inomesardprofessionalbaflsarisingartoftheproduoevendin;
eoqaerienoe,ardvmnen'sneedsardduildcare.
W

African wane-n view theuselves as active eoonanic contributors
tothewell-beingoftheirfamilieswhethertheyareintherural
areasorinthecities. Assudlecommicardsocialactors,they

develop strategies within a given eoonanic and social order to

167

168

achieve the goals they set.

. . . thegoalsthatwmensettlmselvesaredefinedby

theirpositimwithintheoverall social systanandby

the resources that they themselves possess. 'Ihe

strategiestheyuseinvolveattenptstonaximizethese

resources by manipulating the opportunities that they

perceive in their environment (Dinan 1982:54).
'meethicgovenfingthedailylivesofSIn'a-speakirgwmenresands
in their song: WW1 Work! Not-mm
canes without it!

Wanenintheruralareasofzinbabweinvesttheirtineinboth
agricultural and domestic activities to fulfill at least two goals:
family food provisioning and child welfare. Sane wcmen might also
engage in off—farm exploymerrt to generate inoanes not forthoaning
frcmothersourees. Inthecities, theconstraintswmmfacein
finding suitable work constitute a cmplex of eoaunic, social and
cultural probluthateadxwmaninfiarareresolves inhercvmway.

'Iheeoonanic fieldinwhidiwutentrytomeettheirgoalsis
characterized by source capital, abundant unskilled labor and a
poorly developed infrastructure (Johnson 1973:4). In these
restrictedeoormicciramstanoes, theytrytodevelwtheirown
individual niches that satisfy both eomcmic and social needs (Jules-
Rosette 1982; Gladwin 1980) .
WW

Rural families need to generate inoates to pay for agricultural
inputs, school fees, transport, and food, among other items. Rural
ircanestoneettheseexpeniituresaregeneratedtlmnghvariws
means: anammlsaleofcashcrcpsorlivestocktoappropriate

narketingboards;frequentsaleoffreshproduoeinmarbytwnsor

169

industrial sites; sale of crafts; and off-farm exploymmt. Urban
familiesrecpirecashmamreregularbasistopayfor
W, water, electricity, transport to work, and food.
Urbanlifestylesardthedistanceamemsttravelbetweelhmaani
workreguirethatadailysnmbesetasidefortrarqaortaniworksite
meals. Allthesedanandsnakeitneoessaryformrthlyinoanestobe
generated.

'Ihe structural inbalanoe of urban eoonanies, however, plays
havoc with individual ability to gerer'ate needed inoale. Vhere
formal, salaried aployment is not available, urban dwellers seek to
satisfy their financial needs in what Wee (1973, analyzing Santos
1972) terns the lower cirmit, or what others term the infornal
eoonany: thatportimoftheurbaneoormydxaracterizedbylaborb
intmsive technology, family-organized enterprises, scarce capital ,
irregularlnnsofmrk,snallquantitiesofgoo$thatare
cmparatively low in quality, mall benefits, direct relatims with
clientele, negligible fixed costs, and little or no assistance fran
goverrment, banldng or other official units (Races 1973:138).
Individuals thus establish petty commodity production or trading
enterprisesintheinformlsectortohelptlmneettheircash
needs.

How and why fresh produce marketing enterprises in this
informal eoornuyaremaintained—frantheperspectiveoftheverdors
themselves-m a maple: of factors.

1. Wigs. In dnpter me, I presented a
distribution of the African population of Harare. Here I consider

170

how the availability of housing affects this distributicn as it
relatestoestablishinginfornalsectoranifreshprcchcevemlim
enterprises. Table 6 . 1 illustrates several factors: the historical
develqmert of African urban habitation; the distance of African
high density suburbs fron the city center and industrial worksites;
the umber of housing units originally constructed; the amber of
households identified in the 1980 Canals; and the population in each
ofthesublrbsatthetimeoftheCensus.

'Ihe information on housing is particularly relevant to this
analysis. As noted in Chapter ‘IwO, acocnmodaticn was once provided
tosinglenaleswhiletheymreworkinginthecity. Subsequentto
the Plemnan CGImiSSim Report of the 19508, freehold liaising was trade
available to men with families. 'Ihmughout the period of urban
development, Inwever, themm'berofdwellingtmitsconstmctedhas
reverkeptpacewithactualdemard. In1986therewasabacklogof
over 24,000 families on the waiting list ("lhlsirlg: Keeping Pace with
a Rising Danand," in m, No. 45 1986:7). Limited availability of
acocumdatimnearsanatplcyedpersmmstlivewhereverhmsingis
available.

Intmrn, opportunities forwunentogenerateanincaneina
given suburb vary. Formal arplcynent, as discussed below, may not be
possible. Informal econanic activities nay require a large amount of
capital outlay. onrtunities to sell fresh produce legally (i.e.,
paying rent for a stall or table) fran a Municipal marketplace might
also be limited by the mmber of mits made available. Illegal door-
to-doororstreetsideverdingplacesamtanatriskashergoodscan

171

 

TABLE 6.1
Hi i Suburbs o *
m3;

slum M __Year was N0- 0 guest
W m M11: _Units ___;isHmsehol Maxim
Chikurubi+
Dzivarisekwa 13 1961 2 , 823 4 , 818 22 , 718
Glen Norah 12 1971-73 6,444 11,265 45,668
Glen View" 15 1980 7,375 15 ,960 59,775
HatcliffeH-
Highfield 9 1934 7 , 424 19 , 201 73 , 501
Kanblzmna 9 1963 2 , 467 6, 607 23 , 521
Mabvulm 17 1952 5,296 9,151 38 ,958
Marinba Park 12 1974-76 55*** 813 3,342
lbare 5 1907 5,497 14 ,211 59,366
Mufakose 14 1960 6,585 9,291 44 ,703
Parkridge/

Fcntainblal++
Rugare 7 ? 1,255 1,475 8,362
Tafara 18 ? 3,304 4,602 21,069
Warren Park-H-
Wsstwood 247 874

* Source: Moller, Valerie 1978:83-85.

** Source: Patel aml Adana 1981:17.

*** Hmsirg in mare (formerly known as Harari Tcwrship) included 51
hostels that accommodated approximately 24 , 000 single nele migrant
laborers.

+Ihavenodatacnthissuburb; itisthelocntionofaprisonand

apolicecmpound.
H'nlesesuburbswerebuiltafterthecensus,and1wasunableto
dotainanydatacnthan.
becmfiscatedandshecnnbefined $20. Structurally,then,the
location of urban hwsing inposes limitations (11 the ability of m
toearnanincane.

2. WW Afrieanmnenmigratedto
Hararewithoraftertheirhusbands, parents, siblings,andurder
theirownauspices. OnceinI-Iarare, theexigencies ofurbanlifecan

lead to familial breakdown and divorce, although no clear analysis or

172
statistical base reports actual figures. For the purpose of
carparism, Table 6.2 reports the marital status of wcmen nationally

ME 6.2
I! .! 15! ! 0E5! . Zill

3.91 3.2:

Stage Megan!“ Bap... me" n.
Never Married 453,512 22.4 46,671 25.2
Divorced/Separated 91,391 4.5 13,185 7.1
Widadai 171,736 8.5 9,702 5.3
Married 1,307,821 64.6 115,403 62.3
Not Statai 188 0.1
ms 2 , 024 , 460 100. 0% 185 , 149 100 . 0%

 

*Doesnotincluiewmenmflertheageof 15.
“Source: Zinbabwe. (30, 1985:38.
***Scurce: Census, Table 19, October 3, 1983.

ani, partiallarly, inurbanareas, asreportedinseveralgovermait
resources, while Table 6.3 rqaorts the marital status of valdors
ofdatainTable6.4cnmarital stamsascertainedastheresultof
research conducted in Highfield High Dersity Suburb.
Omparingthefiguresinead'lofthesedatasets, certain
patternscanbediscemed. 'mepercentageofwonenwhoarenarried
isreportedly lower fortheentirecountry (64.6%), and forurban
areas in general (62.3%) than it is for women in Highfield (84.9%)
and for vendors in Harare (73.3%). Both the Highfield and Corals
data reported in Tables 6.4 and 6.2, respectively, were collected
just priorto or just after independence in 1980, whilethedatam
vendorswasreportedin1986. Ashiftinurbanmaritalstatussears

to have occurred. ‘lhese figures might be explained in several ways.

 

' 9
Divorced/Remied 4.4 14
Widowed/Renamied 1.9 6
Married/Polygynous

(one other wife) 5.7 18
Married/Polygylms

(more than one other wife) 0.3 1
m MARRIED 73.3 231
Divorced 14.0 44
Widowed 11.7 37
Single (never married) 1.0 3
m 101‘ MARRIED 26.7 84

 

 

Widowed 3.08 11
Married
Olstanary Regist. 31.46 112
Distanary Unreg. 32.86 117
Church/Civil 20.58 73
No Response/Other
Category 3.78 14

 

* Source: Michena 1980223.

AcoesstohousinginthetovmshipsofHarareintheUmdecades
priorto 1980was granted tomale African migrant laborerswhohad
residentwives. Remantsofthispolicyexistedintheyearsjust

174
after irdeperdence:

. . . lmincanewcmenhavemrtherproblalsinobtaining
raising. Wienacwplewhoaretenantsofthe
nmicipality are divorced or separated, they mist forfeit
the house. 'Ihe man may obtain ”simle" acoaunodatim,
but it is very difficult for a divorced wunan with
children to find acccmnodation. At the discretion of the
township superintendent, and depending on demand in the
hmsingarea,widmedm1naynaintainthehalse
providingthattheycanneettherent;otherwisethey
have to find thanselves alternative acommodatim (Patel
and Adams 1981:22-26) .

It is highly likely, therefore, that awunanwculd not havereported
herself as being divorced or widowed for fear of losing her
acocmnodatim. SirnethepassageofthelegalAgeofMajorityActin
1981 (enforceable beginning in 1984), wmen are no longer perpemal
mimrsardcanowncrrenttheirownhousinginI-Iarare. Ifawman
hastheresourms, ardcanmeetthena'tthlyrentalregiirments,
legally she can live wherever she likes. Moreover, who resides in
theformernarital householdisnowamatterforthecourtsto
decide. Oasecpently, thevendors I interviewed mighthave feltmore
freeinreportingtheirdivorcedorwidowedstamsthaninstudies
coniuctedpriortothepassageofthislaw.

Marriage, as a social institutim, is highly regarded for
cultural, ecamic and sociological reasons. As Robertson posits
forGhana, "narriageisnotadioicebutasccialnecessity"
(Robertson 1984:177). Similarly, in Zinbabwe:

Sincethetraditicnal familyhadtobelargein
order to guarantee the material well-being of all its
matters, of children, of the sick, the disabled and the
old, andsircethisrequiredcontimityovertine, every

hadamoralobligaticntonarryardtocontrihlte
tothesocial reprcducticnofhiskinshipgrcup. ‘Ihis

mstbasicvalue,tobegetorbearchildren,was
instilledinallmenbersofthesocietyfrcmearly

175
childhoodonwards. Nobodywasallmnedtoshirkthisduty
andsocialpresslresensuredcatpliance. Eventodaya
single lifeisstillregardedasatnormal. .. (Weinridl
1982:34-35).
chvsxdxrmiaascmeaboutisdnllengedinthecitmandthis
couldbecneofthereasolsforthevarianceinmaritalstaus
statistics. ‘Ihe prestations leading up to marriage between two
corporatekingrcupsaremanyandvaried. Analgurbandwellers,as
itwasreportedtone,thesepracticescartinne,alflnlghnanywell-
edlxatedyamgpeqale feeltheprccessesinvolvedareanachrmistic.
Most euphatically, thesevmnenobjecttomlsbardspayingm (see
Chigwedere 1982) in return for exercising their rights over the
diildrenaswellasoveranyircanemngenerate (seeMay
1979:48).
Itisunclearatvhatexactpointacouplearesaidtobe
formlly married under traditional practices. Holleman (1952 : 202)
positsthatitocmrswhenthebrideisformallyhandedovertothe
husband; Bourdillon (1976:57) and.May’(1980:109-110) have identified
earlier points for a marriage to begin.
Distanceoftheuarriedcouplefranthemralhanesteadisa
iaxnxn: contributing tr: the Cfiexxxmdnmance emf bridewealth.;snmemm.
For instance, of the 281 female vendors having reported that m;
was remired upon marriage, only 28% of husbands actually finished
payingthefullancunt. Mashagreementsrangedbetwemless
thanZ$50andZ$770. Reqairenentsincattlerargedbetmmleard
ten,ardacwbinatimofcashardcattleranyedbetwemonebeast
and Z$30, and ten mttle and Z$200. Bridewealth, as reported by

vendors, appears in Table 6.5.

 

None 10.4 29
less than Z$50 10.8 30
Z$50 - Z$100 15.1 42
Z$101 - Z$150 5.0 14
Z$151 - Z$200 7.5 21
Z$201 - Z$250 3.9 11
Z$251 - Z$300 6.5 18
Z$301 - 25350 2.5 7
Z$351 - Z$400 5.0 14
Z$401 - Z$450 .7 2
Z$451 - Z$500 2.9 8
More than Z$501 1.8 5
Cattle/Cash Garbo. 27.9 78

 

*Source: interviewscl'ledule.

Despite the "necessity" for marriage and the social and
ecamictiesprcdinedintheprcoess,divorceisagrcwingp1enmern
("'Till DeathDoUsPart' NolongerneansForever,” am, February
1986:22). Refusal of conjugal rights, the inability of a wcnan to
have children, and fatale infidelity are all reascrs why divorce
occurs ("Marriage Under Fire," Mtg, No. 41, Deoaber 1985:4-5). A
doublestardardexistsinwhidimenperceivetheirrightsasbeing
relatively unlimited because they have paid m.

. . . Idon'tthinkshehasarighttodivorcene. After

all I paid lobola for her and in any case, traditionally

amncmlduarrynanywivesardagirlfriemormistress

couldbeseeninthesamelight mmmsw).
Eyenincaseswherebridewealthpaymentshavemtbeenmade (m
marriages—seenldiena1982:26), amnoandiscontinlehiscatmitment
atwill leavingwanenwitlmtlegalrecalrsetocbtainmaintenanoe.

'IheSSfenaleverdorswhoreportedtheyweredivorcedcitedthe

177
following reasas: 34.7%, male infidelity; 16.3%, wife beating:
12.2%, inability to bear children. ‘Ihe renaming said divorce
occurred, duetothevmenmtbearingscns,desertim,ard
abandonment.

Oftliosedivorced, 61.4%repor'tedtheirdxildren stayed with
than, ard18.2%saidthed1ildrenwentwithfl1eirfathers. 'mis
firdingnmscomrtertothetraditionalclaimthatnen"am"their
daildrenasaresult of having paidmwee May 1979:41). Itis
highly possible, using this finding as an irdicator, that fewer men
arepayirgbridaealthardtlmsoamaotclaimuieirdiildren,orthat
nenareurmillingtotakeonthefimncialrespasibflityofraising
daildrenfranonemarriagewhentheyintenitostartamther.

Responsibility for children in the city means increased
eupezsesawunanmstbear. Oftentimesawuranwhodoesnothavethe
firamialresanceswillsendthediildrenrxmetoherparents,“
serriacashranittancemaregularbasistomaintaintlmMay
1979:42). I surmisedthiswasthecasewithnanyverdorswho
reportedtl'ieirdiildrenwerelivingawayfrunthenardwhowere
sendingremittancesmaregularbasistotheirruralkin.

Widmvhoodalsoproducesproblens. Vhenahusbamldies, all
theassetsofthefamilyreverttotheman'skin. 'Ihesebelcngings
might include a house in the city, its furnishings, an autunobile,
in addition to the children. Increasingly, it has becane the
practiceofso-calledbereavedfamiliestotaketheassets,butleave
thedlildrenwiththewidavasflieyca'stituteafinamialhnden.
Additionally, in nany irstances the deceased htmband's family tries

178
toinposethelevirate W) onthewidow, butmrewmen
appeartoberefusirgthisoptionbecause itposestoomanysocial
and financial prdalets.

Intheeventofdivorceorwidmhood,nanywunen (67%)
attaptedto returntotheirparents' hates afterwards. Major
reasons for doing so are: having no other place to live (11.5%):
hisparentsnotwantingherto livewiththemanymore (4.3%); her
parents wanting herhoue because they saw she was suffering (5.8%):
ardnohodyheingahletosqportherwhexeshewas (7.2%). me
preponderanceofwidows (70.3%) hadnodesiretoreturntotherural
hanesoftheirmsbandsbecausenoonewouldtakecareofthewaren
or the children there (13.8%), the men still felt a stranger
living in the patrilineal hamstead (6.9%), or because their husbands
were foreigners having migrated to Zinbabwe fran Mozanbique or mlawi
(10.4%).

3. IggFamilyardweEertilm. WhenIaskedvendors
mm, Ialsoaskedabwtthemmberofdlildrentheyhad,
believing a relationship to exist between wunen's fertility and
whether a husband had finished paying bridewealth. Fertility of
vendors is reported in Table 6.6. For cmparison, the fertility
levels forAfricanwmeninI-Iararearealsopresentedinthistable.

An approximte fertility figure for African wunen in Harare is
2.78, while the national average is 5.62 (Zinbabwe. W
Elan 1986-1229. 1986:37) . Outparing fenale vendors with these two
figures, it would appear average vendor fertility falls between the

two at arprcocinately 4.8.

 

 

thldrsn Harare Esrssnt. Esndgrs Egress;
0 58,588 35.2 10 3.0
1 23,488 14.1 28 8.7
2 21,124 12.7 33 10.3
3 16,137 9.7 47 14.7
4 12,635 7.6 45 14.1
5 9,490 5.7 29 9.1
6 7,689 4.6 52 16.2
7 5,777 3.5 43 13.4
8 4,299 2.5 17 5.3
9 2,859 1.7 11 3.4
10 1,884 1.1 3 .9
10+ 2,436 1.5 2 .6
ML 166,406 100.0% 320 100.0%
* Solrce: Census, Table 30A, August 17, 1983.
** Soirce: interview schedules.

'Biereamearstobelittlesigrdficarcebemeolthenmberof
diildrenawonanbearsardmietheralmsbardvaluesthosediildrol
ernightocolpletepaymentofbridavealth. 'Iherealsoamearstobe
littlecorrelatiolbetweenthemnmerofdiildrenaworanhasard
'theammtofmoieyhermsbardgiveshertonaintainthehmsehold.
Itismostlikelythatnaleinconesstroiglyaffectbothofthese
finiings.

4. Male Elm Level. Acoordingtothe1982 nationwide
census, sone 18.5% of the adult labor force was classified as

mloyed (for males the percentage was 15.5, but for fouales it was

180
26.8).1 Vendors reported that 21.3% of their spouses were
unemployed,2 an increase of 5.8% over the nale average. 'nms,
hmseholdsinwhidlalmsbardisnotworking, andhouseholdswhere
there is no male spouse—represented by 45.5% (n=148) of vendors-
relysolelyontheearningsofthevendorsthemselvesor,

alternatively, o1 financial assistance fron relatives.

 

1 The Census used the following occupatioial classifications:
Professional , IBeam-lical and Related Workers: Administrative and
Managerial Workers: Clerical and Related Workers: Sales Workers;
Service Workers; Agricultural, Animal Husbandry and Forestry Workers;
Production and Related Workers; and Workers not Classifiable by
Occupatim (Zimbabwe, (30 1985). It would appear that the status
"unarployed" was sane-what anbiguously assigned. ‘Ihe wording of the
atployrrent question—"Did this person work last week?"--is not
definedardsowasopentorespordents' interpretation. mile "Kind
of Work" followed the above questioi, if the initial inquiry gave
risetoa "No," thenthereasolfor'WotWorking"wculdhavetobe
given. Anbiguity arises when "working" is defined as having a
salaried job. The category would not necessarily incltfle the many
informal means zinbabweans utilize to generate an incone. I world
suspect,owingtothemm1berofshoerepairnen, fishmolgers,
autonobile nedmanics, and others engaged in informal incote
generating activities I observed, that the percentage of "unenployed"
is really not accurate. The Statistical gearbook of 1985 (Zimbabwe,
(‘50, 1985:47) reported that "According to the 1982 Census, about
130,000 or more than 9% of the labour force found thonselves work in
the informal sector. 90% of those were wonen. In total, 400,000
persoisoralncst28%ofthetotallabo1rforcewereeither
menployed or fund themselves work within the informal sector."

2Elrploynentor"working"wasdefinedforthisresear'c'has
eitherearningasalaryorgeneratinganinconebyanyneam. 'Ihus,
whenvendorsrasporiedwiththetypeofworktheirlmsbardswere
doing,theyreportedoperatingatuckshop, shoerepair, hawking,
sewing, "generallabor,"i.e.,casuallabor,andthelike. Vendors
see their husbands as being "enployed" if they are generating an
incoaeinanyway.

Asimilarargmrentcanbenadeforthewmmthonselves. WhenI
askedvendorswhattypesof "jobs"theyhadhadbefore beginning
their retail businesses, among the responses given were knitting,
selling clothes, crochet, raking clay pots, hawking, as well as
domsticarploynertadaaswasherwouan,cook,ardd1ildcare.

181

Of the vendors who said they were married, 78.7% (n=177)
rqaor'tedthattheirtmsbardsvereworldrg. 0fthese177wcrki1'g
husbands, 93.2% (n=165) were earnirg a salary or a regular basis.
Sone59.9% (n=106) ofthewonenwhoselmsbandswereworldrglmav
theirhusbands' earnirgs. 'mesewerereportedasraxgirgbetween
zsao and Z$l,500 per month, with the mean of 283172.73. Oalparatively
speakirg, in1984theminin|nnmorthlyurbanwageforan1mskilled
worker was $115, with an average annual incone of $1,0153 (Riddell
1984).

For males, the inability to find work is more directly related
to levels of education achieved: for females, warployment rates are
higher regardless of the educatioial levels they achieve (Zinbabwe,
cso 1985:122-130) .

'Ihercleofeducatiaainpreparirgachild foraworkirg

life is highly defective and gives yang men a better

edge in the choice of professions while relegatirg yang

wonen to jobs they have traditionally been identified

with like nursirg and teaching ("New Strategies Needed to

Fight Sex Discriminatim", m, No. 44, 1985:7).

‘Iable 6.7 presents educational level of males in Harare. Unforb
ttmately, the information in this table cannot be disaggregated for
ethnic gralp. Table 6.8 presents the educational levels adlieved by
male spouses of vendors interviewed.

Anagverdorspasessote18.9%hadnevergoletosdlool, while

the total urbanpercentage is 22.7%. Yet the mienployment level for

 

3Icarmotreportwithcertaintythebasisforthisvagefigure.
It wouldappearthat salaries paidtowhite laborhavebeo'l included.
Ridiell (1984) does not include in his analysis the ' fermtiatio:
of salaries based moolorand skills, nordoeshe cite the sauce of
hisfigures.

182

 

 

TABLE 6.7
t of
m 81' left Near no;

@999 m1 M m M 1:32].
0-4 - - 48,457 - 48,457
5-9 21, 221 203 14 , 688 39 36, 151

10-14 28,643 538 398 40 29, 619

15-19 20 , 249 10 , 370 395 66 31, 080

20-24 4,125 38,932 920 77 44,054

25-29 715 39,843 1,254 87 41,899

30-34 244 28, 342 1,408 45 30,039

35-39 128 20,737 1,491 36 22, 392

40-44 73 18 , 195 2 , 399 37 20, 704

45-49 46 13,919 2,320 35 16, 320

50-54 17 10,616 2,416 37 13, 086
55+ 51 15 , 359 3 , 993 118 19 , 521
NS 38 1, 005 424 40 1, 507

'IOIAL 75 , 550 198 , 059 80 , 563 657 354 , 829
* Salrce: gen—as, Table 13A, September 27, 1983.
am:

None 18.9 45

Grade 1-3 8.4 20

Grade 4—5 13.9 33

Grade 6-7 26.5 63

Form 1-2 24.8 59

Form 3-4 3.8 9

More than Form 4 3.8 9

 

*Salrce: interview schedule.
vendorspousesinflarareishigherthanthatofthenational average.
Since no statistics on employment for Harare alone are alrrently
available, I can only carpare educational levels and unemployment on

183

a national level according to gender. Table 6.9 presents this
information on national educational levels and nnnenployment. 4

ME 6.9

 

mm mm
melon]. kale feels Isle Male
Lee]. E1.__% no..__% LA Ne.__%
None 158,580 57.0 65,640 25.9 32,270 11.6 22,370 8.8
Primary

(1-7 yrs.) 539,410 55.4 145,130 24.0 113,520 11.7 69,820 11.6

(Fm. 1+) 195,330 75.5 73,480 63.8 17,990 6.9 12,130 10.5

 

* Sanrce: (SO, 10% Sanple, 1985:120-121, Tables v.12 and V.13.

Dale nnnarployment makes it inperative for females to generate
their am incur-es. Given that female employment opportunities are
fewer than those for mles, it follows that men's incones rust be
derived fron informal econanic activities.

5. W. City life requires the daily expenditmre of
cashtoplrd'nasefoodardfortransport. Asanpleofmonthly
expenditures incurred by vendors includes the itals in Table 6.10.

Ihavealreadydisalssedthefactthatsone45%ofthe
population surveyed cannot rely on incones fron spalses, either

 

4'Ihetotalurbanlabor force for Zinbabwe (basedona 10%
sanple) for all pecple ages 15 and above is 692,330 (or 62% of the
entire urban population of 1,116,760). Of these totals, 180,770
(26.1%) of the urban labor force are said to be female at of a total
urban female population over age 15 of 493,250 (38.3%). The total
number of urnatployed females is 104,320 or 26.8% of the population,
while the total amber of Innarployed males is 163,780 or 18.5% ($0,
10% Sanple, p. 116).

 

school fees $ 16.82
school nmiforms 8.26
clothing 19.12
rent/mortgage 32.45
water/electricity 18.25
medical 6.61
renittance hone 21.52
food 121.00
fuel/paraffin 3.26
(not

includirg vendor) 6.19
other expenses 15.05
101341. $268.53

 

*Sanrce: interview schedule.
becausehusbandsareunetployed, orbecausethereisnoreside'rt
spalseduetodivorce orwidowhood. Forthcsespanseswhoare
erployed, Table 6.11 presents the salaries vendor husbands earn, as
reported by vendors. 'Ihe mean of monthly salaries is $172.73,
representing a Weld expenditure deficit of $95.80. 'Ihe
preponderance of spalses, however, make cosiderably less than the
mean—6Bor64%ofthelO6reportedincones.

'mus, whetherornotanurbanhalsehold includesamalewage
earner, itishighlylikelythattheinconestheygenerateare
inadequate to neet household etpenditures. Wonen's incone generating
activities mast thus be seen as critiml to urban family survival.
'Ihefirnarncialhnrdenvmenbearnotonlyincludesdailyfood
provisionirg, but also purdnase of and payment for basic human needs,
i.e., shelter, food, and water (see May 1979 for Zinbabwe: Kaba 1982
for Liberia).

185

mars 6.1l*
lrrniflaLlurzzreeiaarasnzrllatlrruaiararsas
Incomes Number 3

(zs)

30-40 3 2.7
41—50 3 2.7
51-60 2 1.8
61-70 6 5.7
71-80 8 7.4
81-90 7 6.6
91-100 8 7.5
101-110 4 3.7
111-120 5 4.6
121-130 1 0.9
131-140 4 3.7
141-150 4 3.8
151-160 9 8.4
161-170 4 3.7
171-180 4 3.7
181-190 2 1.8
191-200 8 7.5
201-210 2 1.8
211-220 3 2.8
250 4 3.8
251-260 2 1.8
261-270 1 0.9
271-280 1 0.9
281-290 1 0.9
291-300 2 1.9
301-310 1 0.9
330 1 0.9
400 1 0.9
450 1 0.9
500 1 0.9
640 1 0.9
800 1 0.9
1000 1 0.9

 

*Source: interview sdhedule.

6. of the ' d '. It is assumed that
househohi members (who can) ccntribute financial resources to nest
the empenditures incurred fer the benefit of its nembens. Indeed,
incorporated in.the definition of the household is the notion of it

186
being a loans of insane pooling (see Wallerstein 1984:20). 'Ihe
assnmtionofirbmepoolirgneedsre-ezaminationinlightofthe
datasugaliedtomebythevedors.
altofthetotalmmberofwanenwhoaremarried,only34%
(n=79)reportedthattheirm1sbarrisshareuneireamirgsinhelpirg
topayforhouseholdecpenses,sdnoolfees, rent, healthcare,ard
thelike.

. .inmanyhouseholdsm'nerethewifeworkssheis
ecpectedtopayforfoodardclothirgforherselfardher
anildrenartofherearnings,withthetmsbardnakirgup
asfarasisnessssaryfronhiswages. 'Ihehusband
usuallypaysre'rtardprobablysdnool fees. ‘Ihisisthe
urbanadaptation ofthetraditional practicesinwhich
the wife is largely responsible for the production at all
stagesof food forthefamilymay1979:54).

Itwaildappearthatwhereurbaninconesaregeneratedbyboth
misbardsandwives,eachgerderise<pectedtomeetdifferent
ecpe'dimres. Ifthemnisworidrg,sheassnnnesresponsibility
for hansehold food provisioning, arnd clothing for herself ard her
d1ildren:ifthereisahusbaniinthehaiseholdaniheisworking,
heshouldpayrentardsdnoolfees. Ifthiswereindeedthecase,
whataverageecpe'ditureswolldnalsshavetoneet,ardwhatvmld
fetaleshavetomeet?

Usirgthemonthlyexpenditures listedabove,menwouldbe
responsible for paying $91.84 per month, or 34.2%, while wonen wanld
beresponsible for $176.69, or 65.8%. Moremenwaildbeabletoneet
these expenditures with their salaries—66% of spouses employed
(n=70)-—if theyusedthentosupportthehalsehold. 'Ihisisnotthe

187
case for many vedor spaises, however.5

As an alternative to providing financial support to the
household, I thought men might contribute purchased foodstuffs. I
fand that only 1.3% (n=3) of husbands provide this input for the
family. Husbands' irncolssareusedtopirdnasetheiramdaily
worksite provisions and to create leisure activities.

Iheconceptof'finmseholdeconony" intheurbanareasrequires
redefinition in light of the incane data presented. Researdn
conductedonthismicro level indicates thaturbannalesmayormay
notfirditnecessarytosharetheirearnirgswiththeirspaisesor
take responsibility for providirg financial inputs for their
children's well being. Additionally, since wonen are purported to be
the min provisioners of the Innsehold, the idea of a "housdnold
econany"whereinconesarepooledseenserrcneols. 'Iheinoonsistency
of contributions on the part of males, the disproportionate division
of financial responsibilities according to geder in meeting
household expenditures, and male nnnenployment all emphasize the need
for wonen to generate a reliable income.

7. ’ ' o ' Uni . A final point on
whyvxmenneedtogenerateanincorearisesartofcertainallmral
beliefs abart responsibility for step-children. Bracerbated by
mnsnployme'rt, social problems have given rise to a greater
probability of marital dissolution, the risirg irncidernce of children

 

5meIessarBlnmberghaswrittenaveryillmninatirgreportfor
theWorldBankthatanalyzestmwonen'sardmen'sinconesare
utilized (Blnmberg (draft) 1987).

188
being born to single females, and greater anltural discord. If a
wanan marries, has dnildren, divorces, and subsequently remarries,
thesecodrmsbardusuallyrefusestosupportthechildrenofthe
previousmarriageifthewifehasanstody. oistodyofdnildrenwill
resideinvnnenifbrideaealthhasmtbeenpaidahy1983),ifthe
familiesofwidavsdorntwant‘thefinancialhndenofthednflren,
orifthetmsbardrefusestotakethemafterdivorce. 'Ihus,ifa
wonanwantsthednildrenofherfirstmarriagetobeeducated,she
Instfirdthefinancialmearstodoso. (Urderthenewzinbabwean
maintenancelaws,awovancanhaveaman'ssalaryattadned—ifheis

enployed—to dartain child support.)

 

'Ihefirsthalfofthisdnapterconsiderednmythereisan
increasedneedinthecityforwonentogenerateaninoone. 'Ihis
sectioneqnloreswhyfreshproducevedirghasbeendnosenby

 

exployawiderangeofstrategiestogenerateanincone. Forthe

prepoderanoeofnnnskilledurbanwmen,tndever,therargeis
limited. Educational levels limit exployment thions, although, as
posited above, the structure of female 319th opportunity more
heavily influe'wsthejobswonenareallawedtodotain. Asimilar
assertionhasbeenmade forwoneninotherplaces. InIatinAmerica
. . . itisdamtfulthatincreasededucationleadsto
better etployment opporomities except at the higher
levels of the occupational hierarchy, ad here wonen are
limited to those few "feuale" fields described earlier.

'Iheirwagesarelikelytobelower, ardtheirmobilityis
nbre limited (Schmink 1986:13) .

189
Amore forceful argument isposited forthewonenofAfrica:

Societiesarearrargedinsucnavaythatwonen's
indepedent access to productive resalrces, to labor
markets, to information, to political and legal rights
are seriously constrained. Society permits then only
limited control of their awn productive capabilities
(Gland 1984:44) .

Parallel to the analysis of the nale population, Table 6.12
considers the educational levels achieved by fenales in Harare.6

TABLE 6.12
1ZarsuasraQ1lrarauilrzraarzilaLlrzrairuilrnsnra*
Age 8:. Left uses: .39:
grasp .lzzrra. fishes; .Attended. §tated JTgtal
0—4 - - 48,588 - 48,588
5-9 22,612 227 15,061 47 37,947
10-14 30,123 1,073 603 52 31,851
15-19 16,339 18,931 1,324 67 36,661
20-24 1,597 38,101 2,163 78 41,939
25-29 284 28,485 1,998 45 30,812
30-34 132 18,007 1,674 42 19,855
35-39 76 13,221 1,699 29 15,025
40-44 34 9,720 1,740 17 11,511
45-49 21 6,625 1,425 27 8,098
50-54 20 4,916 1,061 21 6,018
55+ 57 11,601 2,620 164 14,442
NS 32 363 357 36 788
TOTAL 71,327 151,270 80,313 625 303,535

 

* Salrce: m, Table 13A, September 27, 1983.

Table 6.13 then presents the educational levels of fenale vedors.

 

5 Similar to Table 6.7 for nnales, the information presented in
this table cannot be disaggregated for ethnic granp.

 

 

*Source: interview schedule.

Similar to the figures on nnale educational levels, the overall
Harare figure for wouen who have received nno education is 26.5% of
the total, while the percentage of fenale vedors having received nno
education is 18.8. For females, the percentage who have no education
more closely coinncides with the percentage who are unemployed. I
makethisassertiononthebasis ofcertaincalallationsmadewith
doannentssuppliedtomebytheCensusDepartnent (m, Table 19,
October 3, 1983) that reports varials erployment information for all
urban areas.

'Iheonlydatthavetosupportmycontentionthatfenale
mnenployment levelsarehigherthanthoseformalesinHarareare
thoseextrapolatedfrontheCensusfiguresappearirginthe
preceeding pages. This information appears in Table 6.14.

Cfthosewhoknewtheirages, wonenreportedtheywerebebween
16 and 73, with a converse relationship of age to education, i.e.,
theyangerthevedor, themoreeducaticnshehadreceived. mt
years in school cannnot be directly correlated to skills acquired.

191

ME 6.14
e F l s in
Misti; has Malls
thneployed 22, 516 18, 069
Not Working 4,503 6,925
Hone Maker* 686 83,426
new 27,705 108,420
Pecent of Total 270,221 217,000
Gender Ptpulation 10.3 50.0
Pecent of Total 487,221
Urban Population 5.7 22.3

 

* According to the 1982 Population Census 10% report, it is

assnnned that an indeterminate portion of the Hone Maker population is
also seeking work, or may be self-exployed, in which case no
statistics would be presented.
Colonial educational policies sanght to create an African population
with just sufficient knowledge to function in the colonial world at a
level settlersrequired. Skillstrainingwasnotapartofthe
anrrianlnnn, so the job opportunities open to those with education
was limited by what colonials determined educated Africans canld do.
While educational alrrianlnnn is currently being revised to meet the
skillnneedsofanindepedentZinbabwe, thevendorsI interviewedhad
been a part of previans educational processes.

The Mos to participation in the forml educational
structure are the non-formal training schenes that 15.7% (n=51) of
thefelale vendorshadmnder‘taken. Ccmrsesinnclldedsewing/
dresenakirg,RedCross,andhowtobeapre-sdnoolaid,amog
others. antthesetrainingsdnemesdidnotproveadequatein
securing vedors a log-term, reliable sanrce of incane. Indeed,

192
afterabrief forayinntothesefields, theedeavorwasdroppedin
favor of fresh produce veding.

Vedorsrepor‘tedtheyhadsanghtardfandmrkinanmberof
enterprises: 22.5% (n=73) had been enployed as donesties; of the
renainning 35 who reported having worked for a salary, activities
inclndedworkingasashopgirl, inacrecheormrserysdnool, naking
greetingcards, sewinginaclothingfactory, cleaninginahotel,
hospital, or office building, and as sorters and packagers at the
tobacooneers.

The entrepreneurial econonic activities men have developed
for thenselves innclude buying and selling clothing, knitting and
selling sweaters, operating a tuckshop (kiosk), and crocheting and
selling tablecloths and articles of clothing (see Brand 1982:42-44,
for a further description of these activities). Mnile each of these
inconegenerating activitiesprovidedvendorsatonetimewithcash
topurdnasefood,nonewascapableofsustainirgthenortheir
families over the log term.

 

African wonan have traditional donain over certain enterprises,
whethertlneybeintheruralorurbanareas. Cwingtothepatternof
acoannnodation developed during the colonial period, many urban
hasingplotsdonothaveadequategardenspace. Moreover,dueto
therisingpriceofrealestate,manyfamilieshavebeenforcedto
becanne lodgers in other people's hanses (Patel and Adans 1981). This
status entails no rights to anltivate any land that may surronnd the
hase3andnanltivationiscoductedonlybytheamers.

193

Asassertedabove,wcmendonotdiscardtherclestheyare
ascribedintheruralareaswhentheymigratetothecities. Wanen
mainntaintheirprovisioningrolesandarefacedwithadilenma: how
toprovisiontheirfamilieswithouttheprcductivemeanstodoso.
milewagesardotherinccnegeneratingactivitiesarecosideredthe
nsanstogainacoesstoprovisiosformanywouen,establishinga
foodve’dingenterprisebringswmnenclosertothefoodsanrce. 'Ihat
is,bypnrdnasingfreshprcducevdnolesalefrontheeanningsgesrated
fron prior sales, vedors can provision their families at wholesale
cost,ardgenerateaninconeatthesametime. Inthisway,a
anltural rcleisfulfilledintheprocessofmeetingotherecomic
objectives.

3. EMVgueoftheSubstancem. Valuingthe
substanceofecdnangehasbeenelaboratedonbySahlirs (1972). He
drawsananalyticaldistinctionbetweennseandeadnargevaluein
run-capitalist, non-market econonies and asserts that investingvalue
inarticlesofecdnangeisnediatedbysynbolsascribedwithmeaning
inagivenallonralcontext. 'Ihatis,thecomcdityenolnangedhas
value becanse it is used to fulfill certain objectives, and because
if has synbolic value in the act of exchange itself (for exanple,
establishing good relations between traders).

While Sahlins' arguments were made for pre-capitalist
societies, I believe they can be applied to market transactions as
well. Substannceprcduced forexchangederives valuefronseveral
arenas: theuseoftheitenproducedandexcharged;thesocial
rewardsadnievedfrontheactualexonange;andthescarcityofthe

194
substanceproducedrelativetoitsdatand. Whatismissingfranthis
evaluativeprocessisthecalhnalmeaningofthembstanoeinarflof
itself, i.e., what intrinsic meaning does the society ascribe to the
substanceitself? Indeed, doesthissortofvaluingexist?

Sahlinshasatbatptedtoferretoutthesemeaningsardseparate
than frm the "utility" of modifies exdiarged. He posits that
"meaning is the specific property of the anthropologin object"
(Sahlins 1976:x). Meaning, hmever, is derived fran a systen of
codificatimthatrestsmyetancther, moregeneraldebateonhuman
behavior (i.e., nature vs. nurture). He posits that:

whethertheciltm'alorderistobeconoeivedasthe
codification of man's actual purposeful and pragmatic
action; or whether, conversely, human action in the world
istobemderstoodasnediatedbythemlml design,
which gives order at once to practical experience,
wstanarypractice, arritherelationshipbetweenthetwo
is not a trivial dichortauy (Sahlins 1976:55). He argues further that
particular circumstances give rise to particular practices, which in
mm are expressed through organization and codification, and that
"codification expresses organization," i.e., codes are ascribed
neaningsthatevqaresscertainhtmanrelations. Ibelieveitisin
thisassertionthat intrinsicneaningcanbeascribedtocertain
cultural syubolsthatarethenrelatedtocthersinasystanof
codification that expresses a wider social organizatim than the
symbol itself.

Stxzhasynbol fortl'levendorsisinthefreshproduceitself.
Inthe countryside, awunan is allocatedwell watered plots onwhich
to cultivate fruits am] vegetables. This plot, essentially, has two

purposes—one practical and one synbolic: to provision the family

195
frmcartinnmlyharvestedcropmandtocreatearelationship
bebweerathemnwaomrried-imandthepatrflinealanoestorsof
thehusband.7 Oermdesarecafllctedtoadmledyethe
intervention ofthe armstral (ME) orclan (W) spirits in
mlpjngtobrjmabmtananmanthamtofm,gmen
vegetables (Gelfard 1970). This ceremny is normlly held in April
whentheamnergreashavebeenpidced,arrlagainin$q3talbervmen
thewintergreensareharvested.

Sinceabundarrtharvestsdepeni, itisbelievedbyvarious
Shana-speaking groups, ontherelationshipbetweenthewltivatorand
thepatrilineagearnestors,smhaharvestisasyubolofthemn
ravixgbeenacceptedbyhertmsbard'sarmstors. ‘Ihecrcpsgrown
syubolize an intrinsic relationship between the living and the dead.
'Ihat wunen are responsible for the cultivation of these crops
thmnglmttheyearseammtmlyamatterofecormicsafifood
provisiming,butalsoaca1tin1alirdicatorofamstained
relationship between a "foreigner" and an "insider," albeit in this

 

7 David Ian (1986) found that the VaKorekore view life as a
dryingoutprooess. mildrenarebornmt,andasagixgoocms,so
toodoesdryingout. 'Iheprocessismtexactlythesamefornmard
wuuen. W'sdrymgwtocmrslargelyatnermause.

I find Ian's analysis particularly useful in outsider-1m; the
relatiorship of woven to the land ardwunen's agricultural roles.
There is obviously a cormection between water and fertility. Wanen
areprwmedwetarrifertilewhentheynarry;theyaregivenwetard
fertile landstowltivatevdmtheymarry. Jmtaswcmenprove
their fertility in giving birth to children, the land they mltivate
danonstrates its fertility in harvests. Fertility, however, is said
tobeenhancedbytheancestralspirits. 'nms,awunanw:ocarmct
beardiildren,oragardenthatdoesrntpreduceab.mdantly,areead1
consideredtheresultofabreachwiththeamestorsthatmqstbe
healedtlmghtheamrqariateri’mal.

196
instanceonewhohaspassedaway.

'merelationgfipofthisdiscussimtothatonthemeaningof
substanceisthatawunanintheruralareaswhocantradeher
surplusesismkingatleastuaostatanmts:1)thatshehas
harvestedahnflantlyemnghtotradehersmplm;ard2)thatshehas
beenacceptedbyhermmbarri'sanoestors,arrica1tixuestobeso,as
evidencedinwhatshehastotrade. Stnplusgardencrmsaretlmsa
synbol of patrilineage acoeptanceaniwuuen's achievement of status
withintheirhusbarris' families. Surplusgardencropsarealsoan
indicator of an underlying ethic that reflects hard work and
diligence;wuna1'spersmalstausinthecatmmityiseflaancedas
she displays the fruits of her labor.

Intheurbanareas, itismoredifficulttoseethe
relatimshipbeweenthesubstanceofeadaangeandstams. ‘Ihe
statusamralwmanachievesderivesfrmherabilitytoharvest
aplenty and to provision her family. In the city, elements of
personal status are more illusive. It is not mfficient forwanen to
seethattheirfamiliesarefed; rather, greater statusenergesin
thenmberofdxildrenamnancancareforarflsendtosdmool. Ifa
wanncansayshehasserrtallofherdiildrentosdxoolthraaghm
4,1)erstamsisrecognizedanagherpeersasa1ewhoiscleverard
diligenternlghttohavedameso. 'nms,itisnotthefmitsard
vegetablesthanselvesthathavethesaneintrinsicvalueasflmeydo
inthecamtryside,mttheeducatimofavendor'sdmildrenthatthe
finamialrettmnstheneflcetingofthisproducenakespossible.

Wmfinmacialrehmasappearproblalatic,acausemlstbe

197
discerned. Incertaininstances,wm|enirdicatedtheydidmtsell
unibecausetheydidmthavemiditosell. Inotherinstances,
women irdicated theyhad "bad luck.” Bad luck istranslated, for
Stun-speakim people, into poor relations with the ancestral
spirits.

'meabilityofwunentotradeinfreshproduceisrelatedto
their cartinued, though tacit, good relations with those of the
spirit world. Iowincaues, nowstaners, rottengoods inadvertartly
purchased at the wholesaler, are all indicators of bad luck or a
breadiwiththeamestors. Ifgoodrelationsprevailbetweenverdors
andtheiranoestors,anceetorsvmldcartin1allypmtectvendorsfran
being"c1rsed"byotherverdors.

On rqaeated occasions, vendors reported that their stalls had
beensprinldedwithpowerfulherbsmggorm)thatvmld
preventmstcnersfrunpndnsingfranthemorthataverflorhad
spriflcledcertainherbsonherownstalltoattractcustcners. {men
therearemwstaners,thereismincme,andnoneamtoprovision
thefamilyorsenichildrentosdxool. Custaners,byanalogy, have
takentheplaceofahmdantharveetsasirdicatorsofgoodrelatims
withtheamestralspirits. alstanersarealsoseenasthevehicle
mmaghwhidivariorsgaaeratethecashneededtoserdflaeirdlildrm
toschool.

Matisofurflerlyinginportanceinthisdismssimisthat
wanencmldnctbecaneverygoodveniorsiftheydidnothavesate
expertiseinthecropsthexselves. misacper'tiseisanmtegral
partofthewlmralsystenintowhidzwmenaresocialized. 'lhe

198
lowledgetheyacquireinthisparticilarciluualsettirqisbrwght
to bear in conducting their trade.

4. is' " 'C " Over an
@122. Wmeninthecityneedtofeeltheycancontrolaportim
oftheirenvirounemz. Byeetablishimandnaintainingamsireesin
theinformal econany, vnnenermametheirself-esteenbycartiming
tobeabletocontributetothefinances ofthedanesticxmit. This
same advantage was identified for self-employed petty traders in
Nairobi:

These advantages are: getting all the profits, which do

mtbelmgtoanyoneelse;mtbeingamverableto

saneoneelse: orecannotbesacked:mharassmentor
supervision ; more incentive and effort; free disposition
oftime;freetostayhaneincaseofdiildren's
illnesses; more initiative and motivation: more control

over profit (Adagala 1986:25) .

‘Ihe wane: I interviewed exhibited a "pride of professionalism"
inoperatihgtheirbusmeesee. 'Ihatthispride isgeneratednotonly
becausetheyhavecarvedoutanecormicniche forthenselvesina
relatively hostile environment, but also because they have achieved
an elite-like status in being able to solve the critical problans of
daily food provisioning and cash needs. Moreover, they help to
providefoodacoesstoothersinthecammitybyoccupyingthemain
provisioning link between producers/tholeealers and caetmers.
Without the very bold actions of fanale vendors to participate in
this enterprise, pirdiasing daily fresh produce requirements would
mcessitateabmridetothenearestformalsectordistributim
point. Asanalternative, retail shopswouldhavetotakeonthese

additional cannoditiee and charge accordingly. 'Ihus, expenditures

 

199
forstallrerrtarddailytransportabsorbedbyfalalevendors
Musesforttmthestaoisofproduceproviderrntmlytotheir
mnfamiliesbuttothewidercammity.

'Ihis pride of professionalisn extended, almost to their
detrinent,toanextreneindelineatingmrusofbehaviorinthe
narketplace. Forinstance,whenIaskedvmeniftheyeverpooled
theirnueytomakemlkwrwlesalepnomses,100%indicatedtheydid
not. WienIaskedwhymt,sane48differentanswerweregiven.
Anagthemainreasonswere: "wedm'tgotopurchaseatthesame
time" (16.9%); ”we never could arrange to do that" (11.1%); "we
dm'thaveernaghmaeytobuyinmlk" (9.8%):and"nooneever
thought of that" (9.2%). Interestingwerethe 10.8%who focussed
uponthejealausiesarridistrustbeodemvezriorsammmis
tramlates into lack of cooperative activity. The retaining vendors
(42.2%) woke critically about the inability to cooperate when
fimncesareconcened,eweciallywhenexperdimremrstbeirnmed
for transport and for camodities that are not price-fixed.

Anotheraspectofverdorurwillingreestosharewithother
verdorsinpn'daasingistheirdividualperoeptimthatmlythe
vendors themselves know their cistcmers' needs. I believe what
vendorsweretryingtorelatetomeisthattheyhmwhat
cannoditieswillsell. Ifothersaresenttopickaitccmoditiesin
bulk, individual vendors might be left with the cpality of product
theircistanerswillmtmy. Itismtjustamatterofhxyinga
box of tanatoes; rather, the size, color, ripeness (measured in
hardnessorsoerssLasvellascoshallcontrithetowhetheror

200
not a vendor can sell her camodities. 'Iheir pride of professia'n-
alismisneasuredintermsofhownrnhtheycanselleachdayand
thisdqnendsontheirmnmsinessaamnaninjnrigingtheir
clientele.

5- W- An additimal
qporbmitytogeneratelmnp—snmirmesnotreadilyavailableto
wanenwlnoearninoanesinotherwaysisthedailyrevolving
credit/savings societies. Savings societies are vendor operated and
entail the collection and distribution of cash on a daily basis.
'Iheir informal natmre is not intimidating, as are the rigors involved
intheestablishment of forml coqaerativesundertheuinistryof
Cooperatives.

‘Ihe reciprocity entailed in the pooling of savings

enhances the quality of friendship and neighbourliness in

the group, which also provides ways for small,

irrzreasingly nucleated or matrifocal families to knit

themselves into wider communities which carry social
obligations, trust, reciprocity and nutual aid in a way
thatkinshipgroupsareabletodoinmralareas

(YaWitd'l 1980:18) .
Dependingonthemmberofpeoplewhoparticipate, awunancould
receive a sizeable lump sum amount at stated intervals. 'lhose
ammtscafldbesavedtoneetthefinaxcialrequiranentsentailedin
school fees, funerals, hearthhold maintenance, etc., or could be used
to purchase a larger quantity of camodities for resale. ‘lhis
strategy might be adviseable at the end of the month when salaries
arepaid, oratdnristmasbaustimewhenurbandwellerspurdnase
morecamnoditiestoserveasgifts fortheirruralkin.

'Iheprofessionalbarlinggeneratedinsharirgspaceovertime
haspranotedaninter-venierreliabiltysudnthatwhenanemstbe

201

absent another can sell for her. Sane 36.9% (n=120) irdimted that
intheirabsenceamthervendorsellsforthen. Bafiirghasits
limitations, Invever. 'Ihe rauaining vendors indicated that a
relativeortheirchildrenwmldcanetosellforthemthereason
beingthatinnattersirwolvingfinancesco—workerscanbetnasted
justsofar. Infact,thiswasalsocitedascneofthereasonswhy
verdorsdonctcooperateinbulkbuying—theydonottrusteadn
other. Sharingapardnasewithoneothervadorisacceptable,as
anecanpickmidnvendortosharewith. myinginbulkisnct
acoeptableasitleavestoomrinroanfordoubtinthehandlingof
finances.

6. 's l . If educatian limits fanale
inccnnegenerating choiess, thenthepresence of snall children limits
it further. No forml sector workplace provides day care, ard the
econanics of urban life mitigate the probability of having a
rammeratedcaregivercmtixmaslypresentinthelmne. milemny
vendorsindicatedthepresenceofotheradultsintheirtmes,“
largenmbersofsmalldnildrenobservedineadnmrketplaceattested
totheabsenoeofanothercaregiver. mas,wunenwhosefamilies,
frierris,andreighborshavemtbeenabletoprovideasocialsupport
network rust identify an moans-generating activity that is
canpatiblewithchildcare.

W

WanneninI-Iararehavehadtofindthemeanstogeneratean
imanebecauseofnanyecamic,cultural,arriurbancmtexmal
reasons. 'nnehistoricalcontextinmichworkrolesmredefihedms

202
biasednctonlyagainstAfricansingeneral,h1tagainstAfrican
waneninparticflarwlnwereperceivedasthosewhoranainedinthe
nnalareaswhiletheirhusbaxflsmigratedtoearnanincane. 'Ihis
biasisanrrentlyreflectedinthepatternofurbanunenploymnt.
milenanymlesaretmenployedinI-Iarare,ahigherperoentageof
fanalesfallintothiscategory.

Asaresultofthesebiases,vmnenhavehadtocarveoutan
ecamic niche for thanselves in self-generated, snall scale
enterprises. Similarpatternsofanploymenthavebeennotedinlatin
America (Harriscm, Henley, Riley and Shaffer 1974; Davies, Winter and
Whiteford 1985; and Schmink, Bruce and Kohn 1986), throughout Africa
(Robertson 1984;Adaga1a1986;8rand1982), intheE:ast(M<£ee1973:
JmaniarndJoslni1984), intheCaribbean (Katzin 1971), andelsedhere
(HarperarriKavura1982).

With the cultural and sociological problens inherent in
marriage,diwroe,andwidondnood,andthelackofcmcernmthepart
of nany male spouses to financially contribute to household
maintenance, itisneceesarythatwmnensewreasteadysouroeof
incanesothattheycanatleastsatisfytheirbasicneeds. 'Ihe
diildrenmhavesenreasafurtherincentivetogeneratean
incane. Vendorsreportedthemneytheyearnnctmlymeets
household provisiong needs, but also pays for school fees.

'IhepartimlardnoicewuneninZinbabwemahetotradeinfresh
produce my have its ultimate ratiornale in their rurally-based link
togardenproductimarritlmstotheancestorswhoareseenastheir
protectors. Alternatively, the choice mightbebasedmoreheavily in

 

203
the ecamic theories of naximization since daily intake males
possible daily cantributions to savings societies arnd the receipt of
largersumsonaperiodicbasis. Or, thednoicemightdependonthe
age-old notim that women's work IIIJSt be canpatible with childcare,
the narketplace being an accqntable location for young dnildren to
m.

Itisinportant, inconcluiingthischapter, toreassertthat
wunnen's incane isseparate frunmen'sandthatwonnen's incanesare
used, inlargepart, tosustaintheir familiesandtheirchildren. A
similar findirgwaspresentedbynmnarformerala, albeit forwunen
intheruralareaswhobothcnltivateandtradewhattheygrow:

Of all the variables tested, the trading activity of the

mother is the one most significantly associated (p<0.001)

with the nutritional status of the child. In no case

does a wman's trading generate profits that are

equivalent to those of male long-distance traders, but

the relatively small annount of money that a female trader

earnsistranslatedmoredirectlytothenutritionofher
children. ‘Bnewunanhasccnpletecartroloverher

earnings, anialthoughhertradingdoesnotprovideher
withalotofmoney, itdoesfurnishasnnallsteady
innccmewhidnshecanusetohnyfoodtoaugmentthat
provided by the farming activities of herself and her
husband (ulnar 1978:19-20).
Wl'nyawonnaninHararednoosestosellfreshproduceasan
innoanne generating activity rests, ultimately, on her tacit goals of
provisioning her family and caring for the well-being of her
children. 'Ihatavmaninl-larareislimitedinherdnoiceoflmto
gererateaninccneneansthatshemnstcallupmwhatexpertiseshe
hastofulfillhergoals. Amnan'senqnertiseiscanposedofwhat
shehasleannedinthecityandwhatshehasacqniredashavirgbeen

socialized into a cultural, indigenous knowledge systan. 'Ihe blend

204
ofculture, eoonannies, anndurbancontextallactasguidesdirecting
wanen to generate incanes by selling fruits and vegetables. What
wouldhamentowomenandtheir families ifthisoptionwerenct
available? The anmer to this question, as well as an exploration of
the inplication of wanen's activities in the urban context, is

explored in Chapter Seven.

ORPI'ERSEVEN

We:
'nnislastdnapterbeginswithasnmmaryofthecultural,urban
cartexmalanflecamicargumentspositedinthissuflytoanswerthe
question: Wnydovendorsdowhattheydo? 'Iheconsequencesof
vendoractivitiestotheir familiesandtothecamunity that
canstitnntestheircnstanersprovidesthefinalpartoftheanswerto
thisqnestion. Connlnflirgrennarksconsiderthefuunreofwunenas
freshprodwevendorsinflarareinlightoftnmdevelownenntprograns
currently being inplemennted annd in light of certain policy

considerations.

 

Vendorsdowhattheydobecauseof "annlti-cnusal,goal—driven
decision procedure" (Plattner l985:xi). 'Ihe goal venriors seek to
meet entails family food provisioning and child welfare, each of
whichisnadepossiblethmghdailyaccesstofoodandinoane. ‘Ihis
econanic activity, however, cannnnot be analyzed solely on the basis of
reunmstolabor;indeed,whatthissundyhasillustratedisthe
nultiplex nature of decision-maJdng that includes variables based on
c.11ture,urbanconntextandeconmics.

Indnaptermthehistoricalbackgmmdtothewaysinwhidn
wanencreatedtheurbaneconanicnidneoffroshproducevendorwere
inthecontextofthelaborreserveeconcmyinposedduringthe

205

206

colonialera.

Incnapter‘nnree,ananalysisofthedividedmarketirgsysten
operationsanrilimitatie'spreventirgircreasesinretnrnstolabor
weredisanssedaspartofthebifuroatedmarketingsysten. Manyof
thepointsanalyzedcencernaccess,nctenlyforthevexior,butalso
for the producer. Access problens include: how seasonal
availability and quality of a cannodity are determined by farmer
acessstonecessaryinprtsnhowcamoditiesaredistrihrted
throughout the city according to supply relationships established
between producer annd wholesaler; how the location of wholesale
narketsinpirgesuponvendorabilitytogeneratelargerrebnrnsto
labor; how camnodity pricing varies between forml and infor'nal
sector wholesalers; howvenndorsnmstdealwith middlennen inmaking
fineirpurdnases;andwhatveriorsmstsurmmtintheirown
narketplaces. Eadnoftrneseaccessproblenns-Mnetnneroftheproancer
or of the vendor-affect vendor ability to generate returns to labor.

OnapterFanrpresentedabroadoverviewofvendorsthenselves
toeqnlaintheparametersofvedordecision-maJdng. ‘Ihenarrative
beganwithvendormraloriginsandthennanyfactorsthatbrught
then to Harare. Discussiens of the female work ethic, urban family
life and family relations to rural kin identified many variables that
nadewmnendecidetheymstgenerateanincane. ‘Ihespecificsofwhy
vedorsdnsetoestablishfreshproducevendingasanincane
generating activity were analyzed in terms of certain limitations to
enploynnent the urban environment presented to relatively uneducated,

207

unskilledwonenwhohadsnnall dnildrentocarefor.

anapterFiveanricnapterSixbcthconsideredthemlti-causal
factors determining wonen's participation in the fresh produce
marketingenterprise. ChapterFivediscussedtheeoononicsofthe
fresh produce vending enterprise to determine whether vendor returns
tolabornneetcashneeds. Grossmarginsandnnetretnmnstolaborfor
theweekof intensive intervievingateadnmarketwereanalyzed for
tlneveflorpopalationaswellasforsixcasesuriies. Analysisof
variability in gross margins and returnns to labor inncluded:
wholesale pricing and seasonal supply; wholesale pricing and place of
pnrdnase; number, type and quantity of connodities sold; physical
prcperties of and vendors position within the marketplace; physical
position of the marketplace itself: the duration of the enterprise;
oetoners and credit; vendor absence: conpetition; wholesaler
cheating; and labor.

Weeklyrnseholdecpe'dituresreportedbyveflorswerethen
consideredinconparisontoinconeinternsofthepercentageof
venndor returns to labor that meet Innsehold expenditmra.
Conclusions inndicated that for sonne vendors, their businesses
generatedegghcashtomeethonseholdneedszbutforothers, they
didnot. 'lhisfinding ledtothediscnssionofonlturalandurban
contextual variables in the enbsequent chapter.

Proceeding with the nulti-causal analysis of wonen's econonic
behavior, Chapter Six first considered wonen's work ethic as the
underlying variable behinnd wonen ' s econonic activities. anbsequent
analysisenplairedmnyurbanlifemakesitreoessaryforwonento

208

geerate an incone. Points inncluded: how population distribution,
marriage and marital status, fenale fertility, male enploynnent
levels,partioilarcashree$,ttemythofthetmselnldecomy,arfl
thedisinntegrationoftlefamilynmitallnakeitreesssaryforvnnen
toearntheirownincones. 'nnesecondsectionofthisdnapter
consideredthepartionlarreasonswhywoneninterviewedhavebecone
freshproducevendors. Factorsanalyzed inncluded: fenale enplcyment
qnpor'unnity structures: Innen's provisioning rolesandthedivision
oflabor3theonlunralvalneoftlesubstaneeecchangednexeroising
"psychic" control overanurbanecononnic activity: other incones and
professional bonds:anndvnnen'sneedsarddnildcare.
WW

MnenIaskedveriorsWetheritnsasbettertosellvegetables
or earn an innccne in any other way, 72.9% (n=237) responded that
freshproducevendingwasthebest. WhenIaskedvmyorwhynotthis
mstteirbestdnoice,tleyrespondedwitlnanrarietyofannsv1ers: ”I
havennoeducntionn" "I can'tgetannyctherjob:""1 can't juststay
honeanddonncthingn” "it'stoologtowaitfornoreymntilthee‘d
ofthemonth:"ard"ifIweretolookforwork,wlnovmldlookafter
thechildren?"

Lbstsignificanntveretherespogentsvnoreportedthey
preferred selling vegetables to other innconne geerating activities
because: they"cangetmoey[quickly]tofeedandsupportthe
family" (14.7%,n=47):they"neverrunnshortof money,"orthey"get
moneydaily for food" (12.5%, nn=40): iftheydon't sell nnuch, they
conld"justpickvegetablesfronthestallandtakethenhoneto

209
cook"orthey"nevergotmngry"ortleysustain"mloss"becamse
theycookwhattheycamnotsell(4.3%,nn=14).

Manyothersreportedtheinportanceofthemneytheyearnin
educating their children. Child welfare considerations were a
primry foons of wonen's activities. ‘Ihesewere evidenced in two
ways: thenunnberof snnall children visibleineachmarketplace; annd
thenunberofdnildrenveflorsprorilyreportedtheyeducatedwith
themoneytheyearnedsellingfreshproduce. Oonoerningtheformer,
otherinconegeneratingalternativeswouldnctallowvendorsto
interactwiththeirpre—sdnoolagechildreninthesamewayasttey
dointhemarketplace. Inregardtothelatter,vendorsreported
theirineonesintegraltottefuturevell-beingoftheirdnildren:
tleinstrmnentalvalueofinconewasdefinedinternnsofhownanyof
theirdnildrenconldbeeducated.

‘Wonen,thronghtheirmarketingactivites,areabletoneet
their goals: provisioning their families and geerating certain
returnetolaborthatcontributetoneetingtmseholdeqnefliunes,
esqnecially those dealing with the well-being and education of their
children. 'Ihese are not the only outcones of their activities,
however. 'nnronghveriing,wonenacconplishmnythings: they
establishtheirownreferencegronpsandsonroesfor informtion
ednange:theycreatesatisfactioninthattheyareabletonnore
reliably secure a means to provision their families: they create for
thenselves a reputation for hard work annd fair play: annd they
egenderacertainstamsintheconmmityforfacilitatingthe
availability of conmodities otherwise not available without

210
additional expense.

In sunlnary, wonen have many reasoe why they becone fresh
producevendors. Primrily, wonenneettheirtacitgoalsoftaking
care of the provisioning and educational needs of their families.
Secondarily, theyconetoternnswith life inthecitybycreatinga
niche for thenselves cogruent with cultural beliefs about wonen's
work, their qnalifications, anri their donestic denands. Witholt the
option to establish these small scale enterprises, a significant
nmberofdnildrenwouldnotgotosdnool and, mostlikely, family
nutritional levels would be reduced (see Blunberg (1987) for a
detailed analysis of this ontcone) . “at are further inplications
for this incone geerating qntion not being available?

'8 'v

1. Wing. Women's choice to sell fruits
andvegetablesasaninconegeeratingactivityalsoneansthatwonen
can provision their families with fresh produce on a daily basis. In
ChapterFive, Iassertedthataverylargeperoentageoffamily
incone is utilized to purchase food. Lipton (1982) noted that the
poorestpeopleinmanyconntriesuseasmxzhassfloftheirfamily
incone to plrdnase 80% of their daily food reqnirenents—the "double
80 rule." 'Ihis rule may not be applicable in the case of peqnle who
have access to a variety of foodstuffs by virtue of their profession.

Vedorsreportedtakirgfoodhouedailytocookfortheir
families. Oneoftheasyetunansweredquestionsthisreseardnposes
isjusthownnudnofagivenconnnodityvedors actuallytakehonefor

family provisioning. Because of laolnae in my own data, I cannnnot

211

foroefully argue that many vendors are nutritionally any worse or
betteroffthanotherurbaninhabitantswhoaremtvendors. Limited
informationonnnnntritionispresentedinasoflynmdertakenby
Sanierswhofomithatinfamilieswheretnerewasnewageearning
malecontribnntor,oroeinwhichthefatherislivingawayfronthe
children, incidence of malnutrition inncreased (Sanders 1986:7).
Wolldthesannefindingbetrueforvendorfamilies?

Anenpirical question,tobearsweredbyfuturereseardn,‘is
whetherornotdailyprovisionsfurnishedbyvendorstotheir
families costitute a differentiating factor between vendors and non-
vendors in ternnns of fannily nutritional status. Because of the
laomaeofconparativemtritionalanrlineonedataonvendorsand
otterurbanirhabitants,1canonlysnggestthatbecanmevegorshave
constant access to food, their families may nnot be as nutritionally
edangeredasothersinsimilarinconecategories.

2. W. Asecondmajor inplication of wonen's
activities is the provisioning of the city itself with fresh produce.
Ihavedisclssedindnapter‘lhreethestructuralrelationsbetween
producers and wholesalers, annd between wholesalers annd vendors,
involvedinthemarketirgofthesecounodities. WhatIhavennot
disonssedaretheconsunners.

The delicate balance vendors mist maintain between the
wholesale prices they pay for their connodities and the retail prices
theycandnargeoftenpntsvendorsinaprecarionsineonegeerating
position. Seasonal fluctuation in wholesale prices have to be
mfferedbyvendorsiftheywishtomaintaintheircnstonners.

212

While distribution of connodities during periods of scarcity
favors the white, upper-class neighborhoods, availability of these
comoditiesduringsudntimstotneurbanpoorispartiallya
functionofhcwnmrzhofalossveriorscanabsorb. 'lheurbanpoor
cannotaffordtopaymorefortheirdailyfoodbasket. Sincewages
for unskilled and send-skilled workers have historically been and are
currently formanyHarareAfricans inadeqnatetomeethonsehold
expenditure (Mosley 1987:217), theirbasic foodneedscannotbennet
in times of ccrnmdity scarcity withth the ability of retail vendors
tobufferurbanprices.

3. W. 'Ihat vendor activities afford the
urbanpooraformoffoodseonrityisalsoapointthatneedstobe
mdegiventhereseardncurrentlybeingcoductedonfoodseonrityin
zinbabweannitheotherSADCIZcolntriesofSonthernAfrica. Food
securityhasbeendefinedas:

.. .theabilityofacomtryorregiontoassure,ona

log-term basis, that its food system provides the total

pqnulation access to a timely, reliable, and nutrition-

ally adequate supply of food (Eicher annd Staatz 1985:1) .
'nnefocusofthisreseardninzinbabuehasbeenongraincrqn
productionarrinarketing,withprimaryenunasisonproductionsinee
marketingoftheseconmoditiesiscontrolledbytheGrainMarketirg
Board. Unfortunately, grains are the only cormodities cosidered.

The goal of food security research is to provide infornation to
national leaders to enable then to modify food production and
distribution policies so that an ever-increasing number of people can
haveacoesstofoodonacontinualbasiseitlerthmghproductionor
narketing. How can these policies be generated without leaving

213

anythingabontthecthercomnditiesinthefamilyfcodbasket?

Fruitsanivegetablesareproducedeitlerbywhiteccnmeroial
farmers or, largely,byAfricanwrmnenintheirgardenplots. 'Ihese
counoditiesaremarketedeitterbywonenthenselvesorthrogha
racially-based bifurcated mrketing systen. As illustrated in this
study, data cannot easily be collected on either production or
marketing. Yet, government policy, uninforned by food security or
cuerresearoh,seekstodnangetlenabnreofmanyoftnenarketing
enterprises thatmeeturbanfood provisioning needs:

Government will encourage self-enplcyment by formlising

tteinformalsector...(ziubabue. W

meflm
Considering the large popllation vendors provision, it is most
inportantthattnewonnenwhocostitutetlefinnallinkintle
production/narketingdnainintleurbanareasbeireorporatedinfood
security research. were individuals have delineated an eoononic
nideforthenselves,tleineonesfronwhidnnanymngredsofpeople
inflararesurvive, interventionwithtleabsenoeofdetailed
informtioncolldneanfurtlerurbaninpcverislmentanrireductionof
urbanfoodsecurity.

Interventioninwonen'sactivitieshasalreadybegmntotake

place, albeitonsunplysouroesratl'erthanontheirloonsof

 

projecthasbeendesignedtol'elptleconmmalfarnnersinnltoko,

214
Uzunba,dainamraard$ekeincreasevegetableardfmitprcductim
by:

. .strergtlmimoftheextensimserviwsinthe
horticultural field, and by alleviating transport and
castraintsexperienoedbe‘mtheprcducer

and the wholesaler. The project aims to influence a

totalof4000vegctablegrowersardafurther1200
mangoprcducers, overa fouryearpericd (ARM 1985:12).

Itisintendedthatircreasedproductimasuingfranthe
inplanentaticn of this project be sold at W (ARM
1985:14). Itisjustgsflfidthat all Africancamunal farmers sell
theirprcduceeitherthelselvesortovmolesalersatm—mother
channels for distribution have been explored (with the exceptim of
theexportnarketforthestringlessmangoescalmmalfarmersare
supposedtoprcduce).

Becausemml receiveincreasedcalmodityflows,the
Mwfllbeinproved. "Inprovements"incluiethem1gjofthe
umber of stalls for wholesalers fran 110 to 89 with a camccmitant
"snall increase inthechargeperstard" (ARM 1985:115). 'Iheplan
doesmtincludeanyctmcemfcrtheareainwhidltheseveral
mn'dredfarmrsselltheirprcducemadailyrentalbasis.

'Ihe deleterious implications of this project for the marketing
systemandtheretail vendors include: anoverall cmnndity price
irmeaseduetoircreasedmlesalercosts;i1measedcaunoditygluts

due to lack of catprehensive cmsideration of production input
requirements among African farmers; and perpetuation of the
bifurcatednarketingsystenwingtothelackofrecognitimmthe
part of policynakers that Africans do, indeed, market sane oftheir
cannoditiestlmaghfornaldxamxels. 'Bntmverdorsmlstbalame

215
thesedlangeswiththeiralstmers' needswillpresentanmberof
problem: whattodoaboutpricesarriwhattodoaboutsupply.

 

earliest years of indeperrlence, the Zinbabwe Wanen's Bireau helped
wunengrowingfruitsanivegctablesinthecammalareasof
alinamoraaniuxtokotoformacooperative. ‘Iheyalsohelpedurban
mufomanarketingcooperative. milealinkbertwemtheseum
would have been logical, certain practical concerns mitigated
coweraticn: if rural production cooperatives were to serve high
density subm‘b consumers exclusively, then crop fcas mld be on
those camodities traditionally in demand; these crops, l'lowever, may
mtbeasprofitableasotherssoldthmlghothermficetingdlamels:
vmdors may not have been adeqaately supplied with the quantity of
produceneededfrmtheruralprcducticncooperatives.

Altlnlghcalposedofsane725r'etailverflorsfrm22 different
market locations, and with $27,500 in capital available to buy trucks
and inprcve certain retail markets (Zinccnsult 1983:3.2-3.3), the
mile cooperative failed. Reasom for its danise included:
emphasis of management over nether benefit: lack of cammicatim;
indeterminate loss of funds; inprcper and unauthorized use of ulsila
vehicles; and lack of sound managanent and accountability practiws
(Zimonsult 1983: 3.8-3.9).

'IheZinbameWam's alreauiscirrentlytryimtohelpm
inthe establishment ofanewcooperativethatisdesignedto
preventtheremrrenceofthesemistakes. Acoreprcblanthatneeds
tobeoverccme, Indever, isthebasictrustentailedincooperative

216
participatim.
Morethanthemajorityofvadorsiniicatedinaaewayor
amtherthattheydidnotregardtheirfellowvmdcrswithahigh
degreeoftrust. 'Ihisispartiallyduetothecaumperceptimthat
"vheremoneyiscmcerned,sanebodydleats." 'Ibprevertfumre
failure,arritokeepinlinewiththeGovenmentnaniatetoprcnnte
"thedevelcpta'rtofco-cperativesinallsectorsoftheecormy"
(Zinbabwe. MW, 1986:18). it
wwldbehoovefimlrecooperativeorganizerstofamiliarizettmelves
totallywiththeprcblemsaniconstraints,aswellastheecamic
and social conditions, of freshprcducemarkctihg.
I-lowstmldthesedevelopnent projectsardgoverxmentpolicies
beviewed? autisthefutureforinfornalsectcrprcduceverflorsif
theirmaricetsaretobe"formlized?"
Ooncus' Po' ti
Factorsleadirgtotheestablistmentofsnallscalefresh
produceverdirqenterpriseshavebeencalsideredincllmral,tmban
cmtextualandeca'micterns. Hcawcanthesefactorsdeterminin;
participatim be taken into account in designing policy to further
develqment?
.. .thefoodtradeiscneaspectinthecmstructimof
a . . societywhosecontalrsarepoorly perceived
thmlghthelensesofourclrrentmodels. 'Ihesccialarrl
naterialprocessisnotentirelydanimtedbytheethnic
factorassmnedinthepastbyanthropolcgists,thestate
daninaticn assumed by political scientists, the evolution
ofarecognisablenarketsystembyneo—classicalecono—
mists, northeclassformaticnassmnedbynandsts. Cd“)-
centratim on particular local arenas where all these

processes meet is one step towards understanding the
organisation of this society (Guyer 1987:47).

217
Guyer's assertion is relevant to policy considerations affecting the
futureof m'smarketingactivitiesinnarare.

Inthelcngterm,itappearsgovenment'sgoalistoformlize
informal enterprises. If cperatimalized, this would mean that all
businessesarritransactiastmldberecorded,regulatedandtaxed.
wamlldthisbepossiblegiventheverylargenmberoftmedlmted
iniivimalsworkinginthissector? It wouldalsomeanurban
corsmersvmldnodalbtpaymmfcrtheirfoodbasketbecauseboth
wholesale and retail prices wwld increase since infoml marketeers
warldhavetoabsorbthecostsofbeirq"fcrmlized.”

Alternative long-term policy suggestions that mld help
vendors overcane supply prcbl“, ethancetheirabilityto increase
theirretmmstolabonardreducetheoverallcostoftheurban
foodbasket might be more appropriate than the goal of fonnalizing
theseanall scale enterprises. 'Ihemostcritical oftheseproblals
concernsalpply.

Supply problems emanate frun the inability of producers to
gramharvestanddelivercrcpsmamrecmsistaltbasisthmglmt
the year. they cartinue in the marketing cpticms producers
realistically have both in Harare and country-wide. Problems in
mlyalsoamearinprices. Calcemingtheabilityofverdorsto
geerate greater returns to labor, policies on transport, marketsite
placement, marketsite facilities, as well as access to credit arri
qlporumitiesfortrainirg,allcartrih1tetowhatvendorscaneam.
Whatcanbedonetoeasethesncothpmducticnarriflwofcrcps?
Giventhathorticllmralcropsarepmducedbothbylargecamercial

218
farmers and by vmuen on postage-stanp plots, what policies would
equitablyadiressthesedifferernes?

Making production inputs more affordable and accessible—seed,
fertilizer, inplemarts-anight help, but many catmmal area farmers
saveseedfrunprevimsharvests,usemlymamreforfertilizer (if
any),arduseonlythemostmdinentaryinplanentsbecausegarden
plotsaresosmall.

Analternativemightbeaswitdlinprcducticnfrcmgrainto
horticultural crops. For large scale camercial farmers, thismight
be possible; but for camunal area farmers whose fields are rainfed,
large capital outlays for irrigation would be necessary. And what
mildbethewatersalrceforaldlanirpxt? 'Ihereareareasin
Zinbabwe where water is continuously available and land is suitable
tocontinlalcrcrpirg,sm:hasurtokoardulrem. 'Ihefarmersin
theseareasarethetargetofdlaxgeintheEECProject. 'Ihey
alreadyproducemfltiplecropsandmarketttmatfloratme
weekeninarketinmbvulm. Inthisinstance,horticllturalcrcp
farmihghasbecatecashcrcpfarmihg,withnenappmpriatirgcu1tml
ardircmlefrantheirwives'laborardexpertise. Wouldasimilar
pattern of anarcpriaticn occur elsewhere if horticultural crops
played mre pruninently in incane generation?

What about pricing? Should a basanent price for all crops be
establishedsoproducerscannairrtainincmelevels? 'Iheguarantee
ofabasepricemightdomretostinulateprcductimardcreate
mper-gluts, as it did for maize production.

Simplyofcertaincropsismtjustaquesticnofpmduceard

219

sell . Producer cmmditiy associations among large scale caunercial
farmers have built cold storage facilities so that cannodities such
aspotatcesardapplescanbeheldbackfrmthemarkettoirmease
prices. Wprcdnersmi¢tbenefitfranwdmacticmbutthe
power of such organizatims over food supply an create problens of
urban food security. If pricing subsidies were to be provided by
govenunent,Mlowmldpaythebill? Whichprcducerswouldactually
benefit? Wafldtleconsmer—eitherinflarareorelsevhere—benefit
or lose fran the inpositicn of such policy?

'medeliveryarrldistributimsystanarecertainlyworthyof
innovativeeffort. Roadsandtransportoutofcatmmalareasarein
great need of attention. The location of large scale camercial
farmersalcrgroadsardlinesofrailmakescrcpdeliveryeasierfor
suchfarmers. W1areaprc¢1cers,lccatedoffdirtmadsmt
accessibleinall seasons, might lcsehalftheirtanatocrcpmile
waitingforabusorleasedtrarsport. Doesthepolicyarswerliein
inprovirg roads, establishirg transport cooperatives, or both? If
trarsportcooperativeswereestablished,whatwmldbetheneansto
regulatethantoensurethatfarnerswouldnotbepayirgmrethan
theyalreadyaretonerkettheircrcps?

Doestheanswerperhapslieinthedecentralizatimoffresh
pr'cducemarketirgasawhole? VendorssellirginGututown,sare300
killanetersfrunfiarare,wereaskedwheretheyplrdlasetheir
commodities. Vendorsrepliedthatcnceaweektheytravelledbybus
toI-Iararetonaketheirpmdlases. Vendorsreportedtakirgmorethan
$100withttmtonaketheirplrd1asesandthatthecostoftrarsport

220
fortheverriorandhercmmditieeemceededsm. Suchasystenis
irefficientandrequiresvendorstobeardistrihxtimcosts. Current
efforts to create Growth Points and market fairs (see Reynolds 1981)
willhelptoreorierrttheflwofcaunoditiessothattheydal'tcme
toI-Iararemlytoberettmiedtotherm'alareasfrmwhichthey
enanated (see Cheater 1984 for an explanation of how this happens).
Policy to assist in establishing rural wholesaling enterprises might
helptheruraltovmshipvendorarrimightcreateerthPoint
adamant areas. Such a policy might also give more Africans a
chance to create other wholesaling opportunities for producers.

‘medistrihltionsystaninI-Iararerequiresreexamimtim. In
conducting research among formal sector wholesalers, I found one had
munittedaprmosaltotheuinistryof'rransporttoestablisha
trucktransportcooperativetomovecropsfrancmmmalareasto
their wholesale market. mile the market owners would clearly
benefit frcmsudlanoperaticn, sowouldthecamunal farmers. If
formal sector wholesalers are interested in supplying the full range
ofhorticfltmralcmuroditiesindemardinfiararmthenneansto
transportthesecamnditiesmstbedevised. 'Iheconmtrybussystem
inexistencedurirgthepericdofresearchdepartedfranandarrived
atthemsdepotadjacenttomm:mcamtryhzscamsto
theneighborhcods oftheformalsectormiolesalers. 'Ihus, ifor'ther
integration of narketing channels is desired, transport depots need
tobeestablishedandmsesneedtoberercntedtoneetthedlangixg
marketihgneedsofthecaummalfamer.

Concerning policy to effect inmediate changes that would

221

directly benefit. vendors and their ability to increase their incomes,
vendors thenselves made several suggestims. To begin with, public
transportation routes thrulglnxt the city still reflect the earlier
colonial bias of moving African labor fran their residences to the
worksi‘te. Ineffect, msesmove frunthehighdensityalhlrbstcthe
mistrialarea; theydomtinterca'mectthehighdensityalburbs
enoceptcnSm'riayswhenmsesarererartedtoreflectvisitatim.
Manyverdorsreportedhavirgtotaketwobusestomaketheir
plrdiasesatnbagmsika, nakirgitnecessarytopay fourbusfares
anitwc feestocarrytheir camoditiestcthemarketsite. Itwulld
behoovethenmicipalitytosbldythetrarsportneedsofavarietyof
urbanincanegeneratorsandmtjustfornal sectorwageearnerssoas
to reduce the cost of transportation for informal sector
enterpreneurs.

mrketsite location also requires reexamination. Urban
planners have not fully considered the traffic patterns of
individuals within a given suburb. Where marketsites are located
inmediatelyadjacenttomsdepotsarristnppirgcenters, vendorsare
able to generate higher incares. Alternatively, if they are located
in close proximity to nunicipal or social services, a larger umber
ofcustanersispossible. Assuburbsgrow, vendorsthemselvesbecane
aware of appropriate locations and independently establish velriing
sites. Rather than relocate these sites, it might behoove Municipal
authoritiestobuildvmereveniorsthemselveshaverespafledto
neighborhood deuand and established a market.

Marketsite facilities also contribute to whether a vendor can

222

generate a liveable income. Marketplaces that have electricity,
runnirg water, overnight storage facil ities and security provide
vendor's greater incane generatirg ability for several reasons.
Electricity allows vendors to sell into the evening hours when people
purchase what they need for the evening meal; lack of electricity
creates problems in sellirg and in security. Rmnilg water allows
veniorstowashtheircamoditieswhentheybrixgthemfranthe
wholesaler and to freshen green vegetables wiltirg fran the sun.
Overnightstoragelockerscanreducetransportcosts. Inimtances
whereverriorsmlstcarrytheircatmditieshateeadlevenirg, they
parohaselesssoasmttocreateamrdenfortheneelvesattheend
of the day. Were appropriate storage facilities at the marketplace,
vendors might purchase greater quantities of camodities that have a
lager shelf life and not travel daily to the wholesaler.

Similartofiniirgsreportedinresearthconiuctedcninformal
sector enterprises throughout the developing world, instiultiaial
credit is not generally available. Micro-enterprises do not require
great capital outlays, yet official lendirg institutions are not able
to supply small loans. Instead, when vendor cash flow is attenuated
foranyreascn,theircnlyrecwrseistoclcseshopmrtilanew
stakeisforthcanirg. Weresnallammmtsmadeavailabletohelpa
vendor maintain her business, she could continuously and consistently
surplywhather"regulars" andotherclstcmersneed. Abreakinthis
pattern of provisionirg can result in a vendor losirg her custaners.

A final policy coreideraticn to help vendors generate greater
irnanes is sanethl'lg repeatedly requested at each interview site—

223

trainirg. 'Ihezinbabwe Wanen's Bureau,theMinistryof Cooperatives
andtheMinistryoanmrmityDevelcmentarrinen'sAffairsare
mostinterestedinprovidilgvnnenwithtrainirgtohelpthem
generateimanes. Whatisitveniorsneedtolmowtoaccatplishthis
goal? 'IheZinbathanen'sBureamatthetimeofmydeparmrein
December 1986, was attetptirg to reformlate and reestablish a
producer/marketirg cooperative forfenalegrowersarrlverrlors. 'Ihis
time, however,theyareincorporatirgaskillstrainirgsdlenein
orderthatverdorsbecatemorefamiliarwithnanagerialaspectsof
rummingacooperative. ‘Ihemreauwasalsointerestedindesignirga
low-cost scale that vendors might use in selling whatever they have
accordixgtoweigk1tinsteadof"byharrl"or"byeye."

I believe the presence of scales might help vendors inpricirg,
butitalsomighthinderthan. ledtheirperbkilcgrampricebethe
sameasthatinthesupemarketsanigreetgrocersinthelowdetsity
suburbsandcitycenter? Ifso,cmsxmerswhotravelinthismrld
madailybasismightopttobiywhattheyneedfruntheshcps. If
not, how nuch wmld prices differ?

Marketilgarribudgetirgskillsmightalsohelpvendors. A
nearefornmliterateverdorstorecordtheirimmesard
expenditures might assist them in plannilg their wholesale purchases
morecarefullytoreducewastage. mileverriorswhohavebeenintke
tradeforseveralyearshavedevelopedthisaclmen,nevverdorsdo
mtnecessarilyhavemesen'anagerialarrlbudgetirgsldlls.

It is clear from this brief exploration of policy
consideraticnsthatseveralthirgscanbedcnetohelpverriorsdo

224

betterwhattheyalreadydo. Itisclearlyintheinterestof
umicipal and national goverrment authorities to find ways in which
these entrepreneurs can be assisted in their endeavors.
"Formalizirg" these operations may not be the answer. ‘Ihe low
capitalrequirenentsreededtoestablishafreshproduceveniilg
enterprise, the flexibility vendors have in operatirg their
kmsinesses,arrithewaysinwhichvendorscreateacoreofreliable
cistcmersareallattributesoftheclrrentsystan. Ifthesysten
were to be "formalized," a nunber of questions would arise: What
does this mean both for goverment arri for individual entreprenairs?
Asaconseqnnce,whatvnuldbethefateofverdors?

Itisconceivablethatwmenasverdorswuilddisarpearmfler
such a "formalization" process. Why? Pemaps because of the
allmralethosofthemarketplaceitself. Retailirgfreshproducein
thehighdensityaiburbsrestsuponthemanyvariableslhave
discissed. Wana'nneedtogererateanirmne. Giventheirskills,
danestic demands and limited capital, theyhavevery limited cptims
tomeettheircashneeds. vaerrlorswouldberequiredtowtain
licenses, pay increased stall rental fees, producewritten incme and
expenditurerecords,andpaytaxes, fewerwanenwouldhavefresh
produceverdixgasanincanegeneratirgoptim: itwouldbetoo
expensiveforthem.

It is ecpally conceivable for wunen to naintain their position
intheurbaninformalecormy. 'Ihiscouldbeattributabletoseveral
factors. Although vendorscamlotnaketheirwholesalernrdlases
moredit,theyallowtheirretailcistarerstoblymcreditdurirg

225
periods of econanic stress. Morefcmalizedmarketirgoperationsdo
not generally allow the extension of credit to individual consumers
(see'rrager1979).

Vendors provide the micro-level distributim link in a
marketiig systen that includes several bottlenecks. Vendor
queratimsmeettheveryspecificneedsofalargenmberof
W whose incanes necessitate the low-cost availability of
food. largerscaleoperationscannotneetthesereedsinthesane
way. Indeed,whereacmuodityismtinhighdeleni,itissinply
notofferedforsale.

AltknghinWestAfricancountries,wcmenwhohavebeenableto
acctmulatecapitalcanbecomewholesalers. 'Ihisnaymtbethecase
in zinbabwe where specialized relationships need to be established
between white camercial farmers and wholesalers. 'Ihese same
relationshipsaremtrequiredtosellretail.

To increase their incane generatirg ability, W, reqlires
anamropriateassessrrentofmnttkeyreedgivenvmatuleyaretkere
todo. 'Iheirgoalsaretoprovisiontheirfamiliesarritoearnan
incane to take care of child-welfare needs, includirg educatim.
mileargtmentsneybepositedthatmdxanallenterprisesare
mecormicarricostly,theoutcaneoftheoperatimofstx:h
enterprises is a relatively well fed urban population, and an
increasitg population of children attendirg school .

milethissuxiyhasincorporatedtheecorunicsofm
enterprises, ithasstressedthereedtomrebroadlydefinesudu

researohtotakeaccotmtcfwhywurendowhattheydo. Ihave

226
presertedtleverriorsastleypresentedtherselvestone—aspositive
actorsdiscernirgtkebestwaytkeycantomeettheirfood
provisionirgarriincmegeteratirggoalswithintkecartextof
limitirgcultural, urbancontextualardecamiccmstraints. I
believe the problem orientation utilized in this researdl has
provided an understandilg of econanic behavior not easily achieved
through the lenses of a sirgle discipline. A cannitment to
widerstandirg the intricate nature of human behavior, how it changes
over time, and how government policies and institutional acticns
affect it, however, are all matters of deep concern to
anthropologists workirg in cooperation with others to kelp find ways
to net the reeds of the urban poor.

APPENDIXA

INTENSIVE INTERVIEW SCHEDULE--FESEARCH PHASE

APPENDIX A

 

 

 

II

 

 

 

Date_ Interv1ewer_ _ __
Part I--Personal Information/Household Income
Coding
1. Site Code 1 ____
2. Type of Vending Site:
1) Tables _____ 2) Mobile Hawking _____
3) Stall ______ 4) Wholesaler _________ 2 ____
3. Gender of Interviewees
1) Female 2) Male 3 ----
4. How many vendors are you here?____women____men 4 ____
3. Where do you live? 5 ____
6. How long have you been living there? _____ 6 ____
7. How old are you? 7 ____
a. What is your marital status?
I) married ________ 2) divorced _________
3) widowed _____.___ 4) single 8 ____
How many other wives?
IF NOT MARRIED, GO TO QUESTION 13
9. How long have you been/were you narried?______ 9 ____
IF DIVORCED OR WIDONED, 68 TO QUESTION 13
10. Is your husband/wife living with you now?
1) yes _ 2) no 10 ___.,
11. How old is your husband/wife? ______ ll ____,
12. How many years at schooling did your husband/
wife complete? 0) none_____ 1) 8rd. 1-3_____
2) Ord. 4-5__.__ 3) 8rd. 6-7 _____ 4) Fm. 1-2 _____
3) Fm. 3-4 _ 6) More than Fm. 4___._ 12 ____
13. How many years at schooling did you complete?
0) none_____1) Ord. 1-3____ 2) 6rd. 4-5 _____
3) 8rd. 6-7____ 4) Fm.1-2____5) Fm.3-4____
6) more than Fm.4_____ 13 ____
14. Is your mother/father living? 1)yes___ 2)no___ 14 _.._
13. (If yes) Where do they live? 15 __._
IF NOT MARRIED, GO TO QUESTION 18
16. Is your husband's/wife's mother/father living?
1) yes_____ 2) no_____ 16 ____
17. (If yes) Where do they live? =__ 17 ____
18. Can you read Shona/Ndebele? 1) yes___2)no____ 19 ____
19. Can you read English? 1) yes____ 2) no___- 19 ____
20. Can you make change for more than $10.00?
1) yes___2) no___ 2 ____
21. Can you multiply and divide? 1) yes____ 2) no___ 21 ____
22. Did you ever do any kind of training course?
1) yes ______ 2) no 22

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

227

228

IF NO TO 22, GO TO 25 -

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.
28.

29.
30.

31.
32.

33.

What kind of course? _
How long was the course?

1) 1-2 wks_____ 2) 3-4 wks _____

3) 1-2 mos_____ 4) 3-4 mos _____

5) 5-6 mos _____ 6) 6 mos-1 yr _____

7) more than a year

Family: How many children do you have? ______
Tell me in the order they were born what they
are. when they were born, and what grade in
school they attend:

 

eENDER YEAR BORN/ABE GRADE IN SCHOOL
1)
2)
3) _
4)
5)
6)
7)
B)
When you were married, how much lobola/roora was

paid?

Was payment ever completed? 1) yes____ 2) no____

How many children do you have who live

away from you? _______

How many children do you have who live

with you?________

In addition to children and husband, do you have

any other people living with you? 1)yes___2)no___
(If yes) How many?
Who? (state exact relationship)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

How many people do you have who live with you and
who are working?

 

IF DIVORCED, WIDOWED, OR NOT MARRIED, GO TO QUESTION 38

34.
35.
36.
37.
3B.

39.
4O

41.
42.
43.
44.

 

Does your husband/wife work? 1) yes____ 2) no____
What does he/she do?
Does he/she earn a salary? 1) yes _____ 2) no _____

 

How much does he/she earn per month?
How much, would you say, you pay for the following
expenses?

school fees per term (8 amount)_
school uniforms per year (3 amount)
other clothing per year (3 amount)_
rent per month (3 amount)__
electricity and water per month (3 amount)
medical expenses per month (3 amount)

to send to your relatives at home per month
(3 amount)

 

23

h)
‘V

30
31

32

35

37

3B
39
4O
41
42
43

44

229

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

45. food for the household per week (5 amount) ________ 45 ____
46. fuel and paraffin for cooking per week

(3 amount) 46 ____
47. transport for family per week (3 amount) __________ 47 ____
48 any other expenses (3 amount) __ 48 ____
49. Does anybody give you money to help with the

household expenses? 1) yes ______ 2) no ______ 49 ____
50. (If yes) Who? 50 ____
51. How often? 1) 1 x wk______ 2) 2 x mon ______

3) 1 x mon____4) 1 x yr _____ 5) once in awhile___ 51 ____
52. How much? (3 amount) 52 ____
53. Does anybody else help you with food? 1)yes__2)no__ 53 ____
54. (If yes) Who? 54 ____
55. How often? 1) 1 x wk _____ 2) 2 x mon _____

3) 1 x mon____ 4) I x yr_-__5) once in a while __ 55 ____
56. How much (specify items)

56

57. Where were you born? 57 ____
58. (If married, divorced or widowed) Where was your

husband/wife born? _ 58 ____
59. What is your language? 59 ____
60. Do you ever go visit your parents/relatives at

home? 1) yes________ 2) no _____ 6O ____
IF NO, BO TO QUESTION 65
61. How often do you go to visit?

1) 1 x yr_____ 2) 2 x yr _____ 3) 3 x yr _____

4) 4 x yr_____ 5) once a month _____ 6) more

than 4 x per year 61 ____
62. During which month(s) are you most likely to go?

1) January ___ 2) February ___ 3) March _____

4) April ______ 5) May _________ 6) June ______

7) July _______ 8) August ______ 9) Sept _______

10) Oct ________ 11) Nov ________ 12) December___ 62 ____

13) I go every month
63. How much do you pay for transport to go home

each time you go? 63 _.__
64. How many members of your family do you normally

take with you? 64 ____
65. During which month are your expenses the

highest? 65 ____

 

IF INTERVIEWEE IS NOT WIDOWED OR DIVORCED GO ON TO QUESTION 79

 

66. (If widowed) When did your husband/wife die?____ 66 ____
67. How did he/she die?

1) in war of independence _____ 2) got sick and

died _____ 3) had an accident and died ________

4) Died in childbirth _____ 5) Was bewitched___

6) Other (specify)_ _ 67 ____
68. Who conducted the funeral? 68

69. What did your husband's/wife's family do after
he/she died?
1) gave you some money to help you ____________

70. What happened to the lobola/roora? 1) nothing ____
2) gave it/asked for it back _____ 3) gave/received
a partial return ____ 4) husband's brothers took
over payment____ 5) sons took over payment _____
6) husband's family took a joint collection to pay
it off _____ 7) other (specify)

71. (If divorced) When did you divorce? _

72. Why did you divorce?
1) another woman/man___ 2) husband beat wife____
3) husband beat children___ 4) husband/wife
drinks too much___ 5) husband does not support
wife___ 6) always fighting___ 7) wife could not
have children____ 8) other (specify) _

73. What happened to your children after the divorce?
I) stayed with you____ 2) spouse's family took
them-__ 3) went to live with your relative ______
4) other (specify)

74. What did your family do about the lobola/roora
at the event of the divorce? 1) nothing _______
2) gave it/asked for it back _____ 3) gave/received
a partial return____ 4) other (specify)

75. After you divorced/were widowed, did you try to go
back home (to your parents)? 1) yes___ 2) no___

76. Tell me why you did/did not want to go back to the
rural areas?

77. After you were widowed, did you try to go back to
your husband's home? 1) yes_____ 2) no _____

78. Why/why not?

79 Do you belong to a savings society? 1)yes__2)no___

IF NO, GO ON TO QUESTION 83

80. How much money do you put in per day?

81. Who runs the savings society?

82. How many members in the society?

83. Do you have your own bank account? 1) yes__2) no__

84. Does your wife/husband have a bank account?
1) yes___ 2) no___

85. (If yes) Are you allowed to withdraw money from
that account? 1) yes___ 2) no___

86. Religion: Do you go to church? 1) yes___2) no____

87.

230

 

2) took the children away from you
3) invited you to come and live with them _____
4) took all the furniture in the house ________
5) told you to go home to your people _________
6) other (specify)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

(If yes) What kind of church do you go to?

69

7O

71

72

73

74

75

76

77
78

79

80
81
81
83
84

85
86

88.
89.
90.
91.
92.
93.
94.

95.
96.

97.

98.

Part
99.

100.

101.
102.
103.

104.

105.
106.

107.

231

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1) methodist____ 2) anglican ___3) luthoran ______

4) catholic _____ 5) apostolic _____ 6) other

(specify) _______ 87
Do you 1) own___ 2)rent___ 3)lodge___ or 4) rent-to
buy___ your accommodation? 88
(If own) How much mortgage do you pay per month?

(8 amount) 89
(If rent) How much rent do you pay per month? _____ 90
How many rooms does your house have? 1) one____

2) two___ 3) three___ 4) four____ 5) more than

four (specify) __ 91
Do you have anyone to help you with the housework

or to care for your children when you are

working? 1) yes____ 2) no___ 92
How much do you pay them per month? 93
Do you ever send money to your parents/relatives

at home? 1) yes____ 2) no____ 94
(If yes) About how much per year do you send?___ 95
For how many years have you been sending them

money? 96
Are you able to save any money from the vending
business? 1) yes _____ 2) no ______ 97
About how much per month would you say you are

able to save? 98
II--Work/Higration History

During what year did you leave the place you

were born? 99
Why did you leave this place?

1) to go to my husband's home when we married____

2) to come to Harare with my husband/wife for

work _____ 3) to go to (city name)

for work____ 4) to go to (farm site)

for farm work ______ 5) to escape from family
problems___ 6) attend school _____ 7) other

(specify) 100
How many times have you moved? 1) once ___

2) 2-3 x___3) 4-5 x___4) more than five times____ 101
In what year did you come to Harare? 102
With whom did you come to Harare?

1) husband/wife___ 2) mother/father___ 3) sister/
brother___ 4) other (specify) 103
Why did you come to Harare? 1) look for work _____

2) Join spouse already here____ 3) join a relative
already here____ 4) to go to primary school ______

5) to go to secondary school _____ 6) to go for a
training course____ 7) other (specify) ___________ 104
With whom did your husband/wife stay when they first
came to Harare? __________________________ 105
With whom did you stay when you first came to

Harare? 106

 

What did you do when you first came?
1) locked for a job in the formal sector
2) locked for a Job

(company)
in somebody's house

108.
109.
110.

111.
112.

113.

114.

115.
116.

117.

118.

119.
120.
121.
122.

123.

125.
126.

127.
128.
129.

130.

232

(domestic)___ 3) locked for a Job selling things
(informal market)___ 4) locked for a job sewing/
making shoes/other commodities in a tuck shop _____
5) stayed home to take care of children

6) went to school 7) Other

 

(specify)

 

 

Did anybody help you find a Job? 1)yes____ 2)no___
(If yes) Who?
Did anybody help your wife/husband find a job?
1) yes _____ 2) no _____

(If yes) Who?

 

 

How long was your husband/wife here before you came

to Harare?

 

Tell me all the jobs you had where you were paid a
salary since you came to Harare, and during which
years you worked at these jobs.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Work Years
Work Years
Work Years
Work Years
Work Years

 

 

TOTAL NUMBER OF SALARIED JOBS

 

During which year did you begin selling vegetables?

How long have you been selling vegetables? _________

How long have you been selling vegetables at this
location?

 

Did you ever sell in any other locations?
1) yes _____ 2) no

(If yes) Tell me where and in what years.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Location Years
Location Years
Location Years
Location Years
Location Years

 

 

TOTAL NUMBER OF LOCATIONS

 

Is selling vegetables your main work? 1)yes__2)no_
(If no) What is your main work?

 

Did someone advise you to sell vegetables as a way
of earning money? 1)yes____ 2)no____
(If yes) Who told you? 1) relative___
3) neighbor-__ 4) spouse

Did someone help you with money to get started?
1) yes _____ 2) no____

(If yes) Who helped you? 1)spouse_
3) sister/brother_
(specify)

2) friend___

___2)parent
_4) relative _____ 5) other

5) other (specify) ______

 

(If no) Did you have your own money? 1)yes___2)no___

Did you ever sell vegetables and do something else
at the same time to earn money? 1) yes_ 2) no_
(If yes) what else did you do? _

Did you ever brew beer? 1)yes___2)no___

Do you earn money in any other way now?

1) yes____ 2) no

(If yes) What cc‘;33 do?_

 

 

107
108
109

110
111

112

113

114
115

116
117

118
119
120
121
122
123
124
125
126
127
128

129
130

131.
132.

133.
134.
135.

136.

233

Do you brew beer? 1)yes____2) no____

(If yes) About how much would you say you earn per
month by brewing and selling beer?
Do you think that selling vegetables is better than
other work? 1) yes

Why/why not?

 

 

 

Have you, yourself, been given land to build a home
and cultivate in the rural areas? 1)yes____2)no_‘__
Has your husband been given land to build a home
and cultivate in the rural areas? 1)yes___2)no___

IF NO TO EITHER 135 OR 136, GO TO PART III

137.
138.
139.
140.
141.

142.

143.

144.
145.

146.

147.
148.
149.

150.

Where is that land? _
Is it good land? 1) yes
Why/why not?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Do you know which natural land region it is
located in? 1) yes _____ 2) no _____

(If yes) Which one? 1) I____ 2) II____ 3) III____
4) IV____ 5) V _____

What crops do you grow on that land?

TOTAL NUMBER OF CROPS _
What vegetables and/or fruits do you grow on

that land?

 

 

 

 

 

Do you sell any of the crops you grow?
1) _____ 2)
(If yes) Which ones?

 

 

(If yes) To whom do you sell which crops?

 

 

 

About how much money do you receive per year
from the sale of these crops?
Do you sell any of the fruits/vegetables you
grow?

 

 

 

(If yes) To whom do you sell which fruits/
vegetables?

 

131
132
133
134
135

136

137
138

139
140

141

142

143
144

145

146
147
148

149

150

234

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

151. Do you ever bring into Harare vegetables that
are grown at home? 1)yes _____ 2) no _____ 151
152. (If yes) About how much do you bring in per year?
152
153. Do you ever sell anything you grin that you bring
into Harare? 1) yes _____ 2) no _____ 153
154. (If yes) About how much do you bring in and sell
per year? 154
155. About how much do you earn from selling the things
that you grow per year? 155
156. How much land do you have? 156
157. Who decides which crops and vegetables to plant
and how much of each? 1) myself _____ 2) husband
and wife_____ 3) husband only _____ 4) parents
4) other (specify) 157
158. Do you own it or was it given to you by the
sabhuku? 1) own _____ 2) given by chief _ 158
159. Since when have you had this land? 159
160. Who is there working it for you? 1) parents____
2) your children____3) relative (specify) _______
4) hired farm manager _______
5) other (specify) 160
161. Do you have any animals on the farm? 1)yes__ 2)no__ 161
162. How many draught oxen?_________162
163. How many cattle (excluding draught)? _________ 163
164. How many goats? 164
165. How many sheep? 165
166. How many chickens? 166
167. How many donkeys? 167
168. Do you rent out your draught animals? 1)yes__2)no__ 168
169. How much do you charge per acre? 169
Part III-~Purchasing
170. Where do you buy the fruits and vegetables you sell?
1) Mbare only___ 2) Independent Market only ______
3) Mbare and Independent Market___ 4) Mbare and
local plotowners/farmers____ 5) Mbare, Independent
Market, and local plotowners/farmers-___ 6) Other
(specify) 170
171. At the Mbare musika, do you buy regularly from
anybody? 1) yes _____ 2) no ______ 171
172. (If yes) Does he/she give you a reduced price
because you are a regular customer? 1)yes__2)no__ 172
173. Do you bargain with the wholesaler over the price?
1) yes____ 2) no____ 173
174. Do you grow anything in your garden in Harare that
you sell? 1) yes _____ 2) no _____ 174
IF NO, 80 TO NUMBER 178
175. (If yes) What vegetables? _________________________ 175
176. About how much per month would you say you sold?
____ _ 176
177. During which months of the year? 177

 

178.

179.
180.

181.

182.
183.
184.
185.
186.
187.

188.

189.

190.

191.

192.

193.

194.
195.
196.
197.
198.

199.

.you have purchased:

235

During which months are the fruits and vegetables
too expensive? 1) January _____ 2) February _____

3) March _____ 4) April _____ 5) May _____ 6)Juna ______
7) July _____ 8) August 9) Sept-mb-r _____

10) October _____ 11) November _____ 12) December _____

Do you have any relatives or friends you buy from
at the wholesalers/Mbare? 1) yes___ 2) no___

(If yes) Do they give you reduced prices?

1) yes___ 2)no____

Do you think you pay about the same price for each
of your crops that other people pay? 1) yes _____
2) no ________

(If no) What do you think explains the difference?

 

What helps you decide to buy a particular bunch/
bundle of a given crop? Does freshness count?

1) yes-___ 2) no____

Does color count? 1) yes ______ 2) no ________
Does hardness/softness count 1) yes__ 2)no__
Does size count? 1) yes____ 2) no____

What else do you consider when buying a
particular crop?
When do you share in buying a bundle/box of a
crop? 1) when I don't have enough money to buy
the whole measure myself____ 2) I always share
with others _____ 3) I never share
4) when I don't want a lot of one thing _____
5) other (specify)
When you share, do you always share with the
same person? 1) yes ______ 2) no ______

With whom do you share? 1) a relative
2) a friend____ 3) a neighbor salesperson _____
4) other (specify)
Tell me how you go about sharing the vegetables

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Do all of you selling in this place ever buy all
you need on a particular day in bulk?

1)yes 2)no
Why/why not?

 

 

 

 

Would you say you trust all the other vendors
here enough to buy in bulk? 1) yes_ 2)no_
Why/why not?

 

 

Have you ever bought in bulk with a group before?
1) yes _____ 2) no
(If yes) Did you stop? 1)yes _____ 2)no ______
(If yes) Why did you stop?

 

 

 

 

 

Do—you keep—a-WFItten record of a11 the
vegetables and the quantities you buy at the

178
179

180

181
182
183
184
185
186

187

188
189

190

191

192

193
194
195
196
197

198

200.

201.

202.

203.

204.
205.
206.

207.

208.

209.
210.
211.

212.

213.
214.
215.
216.

217.

218.

I J
H
O

N
P.)
H

236

wholesaler? 1) yes____ 2) no _____
Do you count the number of items in a measure
that you buy from the wholesaler, e.g., the

number of tomatoes in a box? 1)yes____ 2) no____

Do you count the number of leaves in a bundle
of muriwo? 1) yes _____ 2) no _____

 

Why/why not?

 

 

Tell me the specific problems you have in buying

from the wholesaler:

wholesalers overcharge 1) yes _____ 2) no _____

wholesalers beat me 1) yes _____ 2) no ______
wholesalers stuff grass in boxes 1)yes___
wholesalers put rotten vegetables on bottom of
box 1) yes _____ 2) no____

wholesalers take my money, and then don't give
me what I paid for, and then demand more money
1) yes 2) no

What else do wholesalers do to you (specify)

 

 

Did you ever complain to the police about what
the wholesalers do? 1) yes 2) no _____
(If yes) What happened?

 

 

Do you want to buy what you sell from the
farmers direct? 1) yes____ 2) no _____
How do you think you could do that?

 

 

 

Do you buy from any farmers/plotowners directly

now? 1) yes 2)no

(If yes) What do you buy from them?

 

During which months?

 

 

Does the grower come here to sell?
1)yes__- 2)no___

(If yes) How often does she/he come?
1) once a week___ 2) twice a week___ 3) three
times a week____ 4) daily_

Are the prices the farmers/plotowners charge
lower or higher than the prices you pay at the
wholesaler? 1) lower_ 2) higher___ 3) about
the same____

Does anybody deliver the crops you buy from
the wholesaler free of charge, i.e., you don't
have to pay for delivery? 1) yes___ 2) no_
(If yes) Who is that person? 1) spouse_
2) children 3) relative (specify)

4) friend 5) other (specify)

2)no___

 

How much do you pay per parcel to bring it from
the wholesaler to the vending site? 1) 10 cents__
2) 15 cents___ 3) 20 cents_ 4) pay all at once

199

200

201

201

203
204
205

206

208
209
210
211

212
213
214
215
216

217

N
N
N

223.
224.

225.

226.

Part

227.

228.

229.

230.

231.

232.

233.

236.

237

with my own fare as I take an emergency taxi-~40
cents for me and 60 cents for parcels
5) other (specify)

 

 

 

How much do you pay for your transport to and
from the wholesaler each trip?___
Do you go daily to the wholesaler? 1)yes__

 

2)no

number of crops you purchase? 1) one crop only
2) 2-3 crops___ 3) 3-4 crops 4) more than 4
3) depends on the amount of money I have ________
Do you go with anybody to the wholesaler?

1) yes 2)no

With whom do you go? 1)someone I sell with here

 

3) my child, who helps me____ 4) my husband, who
helps me____ 5) other (specify)
IV--Selling

With what means do you arrive here?
1) on foot 2) bus 3) emergency taxi

4) lift erS'; friend---- 5) other

When you go to the wholesaler, what is the highest

 

With what means do you go to purchase from the
wholesaler? 1) on foot____ 2) bus____ 3) emer-
gency taxi____ 4) lift from a friend
5) other (specify)
How long does it take you to get from home to
here? 1) 0-10 minutes
3) 20-30 mins
5) more than
What time of day do you begin selling?

1) 6200-7300 2) 7:00-8:00 3) 8:00-9:00___

4) 9:00-10:05"' 5) other (.532I4y)

What time of day do you end selling?

1) 5:00-6000____2) 6:00-7IOO____3)7|OO-BcOO___
4) other (specify) _____

Are you satisfied with the transport between

the wholesale site and here? l)yes___ 2)no___
(If no) What are the problems? 1) bus schedule--
busses do not run often enough _____ 2) busses
do not leave early enough

____3) not enough
emergency taxis 4) other(specify)

 

 

 

 

 

What days of the week do you sell? 1) daily-__
2) daily except Sunday _____ 3) Tuesday through
Saturday____4) other (specify)
Who sells for you if you cannot come for part
of the day? 0) nobody sells for me 1) another
salesperson_ ___2) child____3) spouse
4) other (specify) ______________
How do you know how much to charge for your

vegetables and fruits?

 

 

 

221

222

223

224

115

226

227

228

229

230

231

232

237.

238.
239.

240.

242.
243.

244.

245.

246.
247.
248.

249.

250.

251.
252.
253.

IF NO,

254.

255.

256.

238

 

 

Do you have a set amount of profit you expect to
earn on each bundle/box of vegetables and fruits
you buy from the wholesaler? 1) yes____
Does-this amount vary throughout the year/by
month/by day? 1) yes _____ 2) no____

Do you ever increase your prices so you can earn
more profit? 1) yes____ 2) no _____

Do you ever reduce prices when customers are not
buying at the price you want, or do you just add
more items for the same price? 1) reduce prices
____ 2) add more ____ 3) both
How do you know how many leaves should go in a
bundle or how many items should go in a heap?
1) size____ 2) cost paid at wholesaler___ 3) I
know how much profit I want to make from the
measure, so I divide accordingly _____ 4) other

(specify) _

---- ‘----—---

 

How much money did you take in yesterday? _______
How much money would you say you took in last
week?

Would you say the amount you took in was 1) more
____ or 2) less than ____ or 3) about the same__

as other vendors here? 4) don't know _____
What do you think explains the difference?

 

 

 

How much money would you say you take in on a
really good day?
How much money would you say you take in in a
really good week?
Do you keep a written record of the amounts of
money you take in? 1) yes _____ 2) no
How much rent do you pay per week to sell here?
1) I don't pay____ 2) $1.05 3) $1.45

4) 32.45 _____ 5) 35.5o__ ZT'Ethur (speEify):-

 

 

 

 

Is there any other cost you have to sell here?
1) yes _______ 2) no _______

(If yes) What is it for?
(If yes to 250) How much per week?
Is there a market manager/chairman here?
1) yes _____ 2) no _____

 

 

GO ON TO QUESTION 257

What are his/her duties?

 

2) no ______
How is this person chosen? 1) we vote _______

2) she/he is appointed by the Council ________

237
238

239

240

241
242

243

244

245
246
247

248

250
251
252

253

257.

258.

239

3) other (specify)
Does anybody set the price of the things sold
or are prices all set individually? 1) one
person____ 2) we all set our own prices
3) we all agree on the price _____

Do your prices change throughout the year?
1) yes_ 2)no

 

IF NO, 80 T0 QUESTION 261

259.

260.

261.

262.
263.
264.

265.

266.

267.
268.

269.

270.

During which months do you charge more?

1) January _____ 2) February _____ 3) March _____

4) April _____ 5) May _____ 6) June _____ 7)July _____
6) August _____ 9) September _____ 10) October _____

11) November _____ 12) December _____

During which months do you charge less?

1) January _____ 2) February _____ 3) March _____

4) April _____ 5) May _____ 6) June _____ 7) July _____
8) August 9) September _____ 10) October _____

11) November _____ 12) December _____

If you do not change your prices, how do you
adjust for when the wholesalers charge you more?

 

 

Do you have any "regular“ customers?
1) yes ______ 2) no____

If yes, about how many do you have?
Do you think you have about the same number of
regulars as other people who sell here?

1) yes_____ 2) no
Why/why not?

 

 

 

Why are these customers regular? They are

1) neighbors ____ 2) relatives _____ 3) people from
the same "home" area _____ 4) friends _____ 5) Just
people who like the quality of my goods ______

6) other (specify)
Do you give your regulars credit? 1)yes___2)no_
How much do you allow them before you require
that they pay you? 1) less than a dollar ________
2) between 81.00-$2.00___ 3) between S2.00-$3.00_
4) between 33.00-34.00____
6) more than 35.00

How long do you allow them to owe this amount
before you require that they pay you? 1) one
day____ 2)two days_ 3) three days ________
4) 4-7 days _____ 5) a week or more
6) a month

What do you do with muriwo when it goes off?
1) throw away _____ 2) take home and dry _____
3) sell it to people with rabbits ______

4) reduce price 5) other (specify) ______

 

 

 

 

What do=you do with other fruit; an: vegetables
when they start going off? I) throw away _______

5) between s4.oo-ss.oo__

261

262
263

266
267

268

270

272.

273.
274.

275.

276.

277.

IF NO,

278.

279.
280.

282.
283.
284.

285.

286.

287.

288.

289.

291.
292.

293.

'customers as others who sell here?

240

2) take home and cook____ 3) reduce price

4) other (specify)_

 

 

Do the people who sell here all belong to any
kind of savings club? 1) yes ______ 2) no _____

(If yes) How much do you contribute daily?
How do you share the money?

 

 

Do all/most of you belong to the same church?

club? 1) yes __________
Do all of you belong to a cooperative?
1)yes___ 2) no

GO TO QUESTION 280

What is the name of the cooperative?

 

How many members do you have?
What would be the reasons you would not like to
belong to a cooperative?

 

 

 

Did anybody tell you to come and sell here?
1) yes 2)no

(If yes) Who told you?

 

About how many customers would you say you have in

a day (generally)?

 

Would you say you have 1) more____, 2) less than
or 3) about the same number of

 

What do you think explains the difference?

 

 

On what day of the week do you have the most
customers? 1) Monday___ 2) Tuesday___

3) Wednesday___ 4) Thursday 5) Friday
6) Saturday___ 7) Sunday
On what day of the week do you have the least
number of customers? 1) Monday___ 2) Tuesday
3) Wednesday__ 4) Thursday 5) Friday
6) Saturday 7) Sunday

Is there too much competition from all the vendors

who sell here? 1) yes___ 2) no___

Is there too much competition from street vendors?

1) yes___ 2) no___
Did you ever belong to Mr.

1) yes 2) no

Muziti's cooperative?

Did you ever belong to the Zimbabwe Women's Bureau

Cooperative? 1) yes _____ 2)
Are there any skills you would like to learn in

order to help you sell better? 1)yes 2) no

4) don't know__

272
273

275

276

278
279

280
281
282
283
284

285

294.

295.

IF NO,

296.

297.

298.

301.
302.
303.
304.

305.

241

What kind of help do you want from the City
Council? 1) toilet _____ 2)lights _____ 3)lockers
_____ 4)proper market_____ 5)shed to protect us
from rain and sun _____ 6) fence around market
7)other (specify)

 

yes

visit you? 1)
GO TO QUESTION 300

Who comes? (state exact relationship)

 

 

 

How often do they come? 1) 1xmon- _2) 2xyr
3) 1xyr _____ 4)Other (specify)
Do they bring you food from the farm when they
come? 1) yes __________

How much and what do they bring? _

 

 

 

What is profit?

 

 

 

On which crops do you make the most profit per
bundle or heap?
On which crops do you make the most profit
overall?
Do you have any relatives who sell vegetables?
1) yes _____ 2) no
(If yes) Who?

 

 

(state exact relationship) _______

 

Do you have anything else you want to tell me
about the vegetable vending business? What?

 

 

 

300
301
302
303

304

305

APPENDDIB

APPENDIX B

Pricing Schedule

VEGETABLES AND FRUITS BOUGHT AND SOLD

Site Code Name _ Date

 

 

FRUIT, SOLD ALL SOLD WHICH TIMES BUY HOW MUCH auv PRICE
VEGETABLE YEAR MONTHS PER WEEK WT POCK/BNDL NOW

 

_—

apples_
avocadopea_ _
babymarrow
bananas
beans_
brinJals_
broccoli-__
butternut__
cabbage
carrots____ _
cauliflower
chamollier_
chibage
cucumber_
derere
gemsquash
grapes
kovo___
leeks
lemons
mangoes
mazhanje
mborah
mufushwa___
mushrooms__
naartjies_
onions
oranges
pawpaw
peaches
pears
peas
POPPOP'----
pineapples_
piripiri
potatoes
pumpkins
rape
rugare-
spinach____.__=

sugarcane__: ___________
strawberries _____
sweetpots__:____ _ _
tomatoes___: ........... - ..............
tsunga _____ = ...........
watermelon_:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

ee“see.Clea-eeueaueeeoeeeooe-eeOee-eeeeaaee
l

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

P R I C E 8
AND WEIGHT

 

PRICE,

R E T A I L

SIZE,
SM/IIWT MED/SIWT LGE/S/WT

243
3 MONTHS

MONTHS

 

HIGH 3 MONTH LOW 3 MONTH

23

 

FRUIT/
VEGETABLE

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

_........._......_..._..._.............__.____
......_..-................._._........-......—
........_......._..............___...-........
.__......___......__...._ . . _ . _ . . _ . . . . _ . . . . _ _ _ _-
ee55se5555555555555555555555555555555555555555550
.........._.......—__nnnu...._.n.._.__._..._.—
...._.._.______.__ ...... ......__._..__
0.555555II555555555555555555555555555555550550055II
......—.-.-...—............._..._......._...._
....-............._.__._._...._.__...-......—_
......___-...._._.._....._.._._.....—......___
ee 5 ea 5 es 5 ea 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 as as as as as as as
....__........................................
......................................._....._
_....................._._.__._........_._.___.
5 5 5 II 5 5 5 5 e. 5 es 5 Cl 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 so 5 es I. II I. so a e be
...-..........—__.____._.._..........._...___.
_...._....___......__..__.__._._.__.__._______
_.................................___....___..
__.___....__............__....._._.......__._.
._.____......_._._.__.._.__...—.............._
ee ee 5 es 5 5 5 5 de as ea 5 5 e0 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 es 5 I. 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 es es 5 as ea ee ea ea e e s e
..........._-........_.__............._......_
...._......__._._.._...._......___...__._...._
....—_.._...__.____.._.._.......____._...—....
ea 5 es 5 es 5 5 5 5 5 5 es 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 se ee ee ee as as as ea
....__.....__..................._.._._.__....-
......-..._.___.___._...._......._._...__.....
es so so es en 5 I. 5 so so 5 es 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 es 5 0e so as as ea es ee
......-....._............_.................._.
......_......___.__..............________.____
__.___..___.___...—......__...__._____........
ee5.05se555.055ee555555555555555555555555555eees5se5esee
. . ._ ...
_ .. ...

. .. ...

. __ ...

_ __ ...

_ _ __ ...
es ee 5 se 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 es 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 es 5 5 es 5 5 es 5 5 5 as as ea 5 so as
. ._ _.

_ __ ___

. .. _.

_ _. __

. ......

ee 5 es ee es 5 5 5 so 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 0e 5 5 5 5 es 5 es 5 as ea 5 es as as as so as
. __ ..

_ .. __

. ._ ._

_ .. .—

_ __ _.

_ . .. _.

_ _ __.___

I. 5 I. 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 el 5 I. 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 e. 5 I. 5 5 I. so ee ee es ee 5
. . _ _ _ . ...-......

_ . _ . __._._.___

_ . _ _ .._._.____

. . . . .....___._

. _ . .___.___.___
5555555555555555555555555555555555555555'aseeeeeeoe
r. .... r. . _ “ ... _ ......_G ._._.
5w .... Ir _ _ ... . I.._.._.1._._n
.0 __t. w. _ h _ _II . 0......res . .0
pr Ilu. Oi W I I «a. _ 1.1II ...rntI _1
orI llnfllllI a I...- 01 I I IprIn._hIaDO.e
Ida. aorgtflgbius IInthJIINO_ r9101 .chcpoam
eamncheaoioamrQe s oaasrtngahs_eaptk.rawrtth
ICYannctbrIMDUIIPOk ShruhronpcrIpellpelnaaIane
Pobnaiotbruaicrmave nzofsaiawaaapnrtmpgirgemut
o.v,.a e..r u,.a ahuh u..e rage e..a2o“.u a.ur.a e.-_e.i..o u..u Petu wads a
a ahub.btuh.b cpcc c_crcd 9.5k.11.m m.mm mnuo oaHorinorpnworPr.r sess s+tt w

 

 

AVERAGE
DAILY SOLD

 

DAILY

THROW AWAY

WT

I
I

244
BUNDLE

LVS / 5

P R I C E S

POCKET
# / 5 / WT

R E T A I L

 

VEGETABLE
avocadéagg;:C--—

FRUIT/
apples

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

. .
. _
. _
_ .
. .
_ _
_ _
. _
. .
_ _ .
_ ...
. ___-
_ . . _
. _ .—
_ _ __
__ . . _ . .... ._
on I. cl 00 0. CO I. 00 I. on I. on O. I. ll .0 i I. I. O ' G O I. II II t O. I. 00 I. O. I. II I. I. I. on I. I. on I. II on
_ ... _ _ .. .___.
. _ _ ._ __ __
_ . . _. _. ._
. . _ _. .. ..
. _ _ _ L _ . _ .
. _ _ .. ._ __
_ . _ ...._ _—
_ _ _ ..... __
_ ...... ___.____
...... ...—....
_ ...... _. ...”____..
on on I. on 00 Q. on no on 00 on I. on 00 II I. I. II E on G CO I. I. I. II 0. O. 00 on no 00 I. on I. I. on In on I. no o. .0 on o
. _. . _ . __ . . . . . . . __ _ ._ . _.
_ __ . . _ _ . . . _ . __ _ _. _ .. . __
. _ . _ _ .. . . _ _ _ . _. _ .. _ ._ .
. ... ... __ . _ _ . _ _____.____
._.___... _. . . _ _ . .....__.__
o. a. no I. O. on on O. on no I. II I. '0 II II I. I. O. I. ' II I. I. I. 0| OI .0 I. O. o. O. I. 0. OI .0 on no I. on I. no no no
_ . ... _ ___— _.
_ _ _ __ . _ .. _ _ _
. _ ... . .... _.
. __ ... _ ____ __
. ...-...... _ ._ _ ......____
00 on I. I. 00 I. 00 00 I. 0| CI .0 O. G I. I. II I. II D G I. I. II O. I. II .0 I. II 0. I. I. I. I. II I. II on to I. 00 on I. o
_ . . . _. . _ . ._ . . _
__ . .... _ _ .... ._
__ _ .... . .... _
_ . _ _ ._ _ _ _ __ _ _
on 00 O. I. II 0. I. 0. a. CI .0 0. II II ' II I. O I. I. O O I. I. I. I. II I. II I. I. I. I. II I. on I. o. I. on on on I. I.
___._._..... . . ...______
_. .....____ . . __._._.._
.. ._ _ __ . .. _ . _ ._ . __ _ .. .
_. _________ . . _._______
on no I. no no I. no 00 00 no on no 00 I. II on on on 00 II 0. O. to I. o. I. 00 no 00 on .0 on I. 00 on no on I. on no on on oo -
.___._.____. . . . . ._._.___.
....._._.___ . _ _ . ........_
_.____..__._ . _ . . ........_
....._._.___ . . _ _ .___._.._
on no on no I. on 00 I. to no I. 00 I. II 00 Cl 00 I. I. DO I. I. G I. on 00 00 0. 0| 0. I. O. I. O. Q. 00 o. 00 on co 0. on no on
__ . ._ _ ._ . .. _ .. . . .. _ _. . __ _ .. _ .
__.____.._._.._ ......_.._._._
.__.__._..._... _ ......._...___
..._.____...... ...-__.__I. _ _ __
..._____r . _ . . . .. . ... ...—.....e _ . .-
w _.__._.Or. ...... . ... ..I.__._..1.___n
O __._t ..wo ...h .. . _II ... ......raI ..o
r..I.1u__oi.r_I.. I am. ..1.1II._.rntI .1
r I .1.Inue 11.1 o.. _a . . I.) w.o;. I I .I D... n _ _h 93.0 a _-
aa_aor9t¥IQDQUI. IInthJIIWI .rpioi.!cbcpaam
mnIJCOaOioamrQI.IflOllIrtnqlhI_Ilptk_rawrttgr
v.anun e.gh.r.1.mb u.‘I Pnuk onsh ruuh raunnppbr I.v..1.-nrl.-n a... an”.
bnaiotbruaicrmavomnzofIaiawaaapnrtmpgirgomut
a.a o..r u,.a ahuh u... rnuo o....b unua n'.a a... OIIi.o u..u 9+.u wags a
bbbbbbcccccCdggkllmmmmmnooppppppppprrssssttw

 

BIBLICERAPHY

BIBLICER’AHIY

Magala, Kavetsa. 1986. Wm
m’ —m Traders Q Eirobi. Conditions, Constraints gig
MES for Survival . Paper Prepared for the National Workshop on
Policy and Planning in Kenya's Informal Sector Nairobi, June 5—6.

Afridan'rrainingszReseardIOerrtreforWanen.1984. mm

 

Addis Ababa: United Nations Econanic "Ocmn‘iss‘ion for Africa
(E/ECA/AM/Bl/o7).

Agricultural and Rural Develqment Authority. 1985. Mar—1d

East Siallholder Fruit and Vgetable m. Harare: ARDA.
Agricultural Marketing Council . 1953 . "Fruit and Vegetable

WimardMarketim" MW Vol. 50-

Arrighi, G. 1970. "labour Supplies in Historical Perspective. The
Proletarianizatim of the African Peasantry in Rhodesia. " W

W. Vol. 6-

Ashe, Jeffrey. 1985. I" II ienoe: Ef o
Micro-Mise Develm. Washington, D. C.: Agency for

International Developmnt.

Barber, William J. 1967. "Urbanisation and Eoonanic Growth: The
Cases of No White Settler Territories," in Miner, Horace (ed.). 1mg

City m m Africa. London: Pall Mall Press.

Barnes, Terri. 1987. WWW:
Col al Zimbabwe w' ' Ref 1920-3 . M.A.
Thesis, History, University of Zinbabwe.

Berkeley. Umver51ty of

 

Beach, David N. 1977. '"Ihe Shana Econany, " in Palmer, kbin and
Neil Parsons (eds.). The - i
W. Lemon: Heinanan

Bead» David N- 1980. W. New York:
Africana mb. 0o.

 

245

246

Beavon, K. S. O. andC. M. Rogerson. 1986. "'Ihe Charging Role of
minfleUrbanInformlSectorodeumeshmg," inDrakakis-

Smith David (edn) WW. Ionian:
CroanHehn.

Bell, Morag. 1986. W. mndm: Longnan.
Fhila. H- H- K- 1982. MW

 

Bohannan, Paul. 1959. "The Inpact of Money (I: an African
Subsistence Eoonany." The J of 'c Histo . Vol. XDt,
No. 4.

Bohannan, Paul and George mlton (eds.). 1965. W.
New York: Anchor Books.

Boserup. Ester- 1970- mm- New
York: St. Martin's Press.

 

Bram, Veronica. 1982. (me Doll Wo laces: A o o
m Activities in m, fla_r'_a_r_'§. Harare: University of Zinbabwe,

School of Social Work.

Brand, Veronica. 1986 . "One Dollar Workplaws: A Study of Informl

SeotorActivitiooinhhgaba Harare" W
m, Vol. 1, No. 2, pp. 53-74

Brown, Ken. 1959. W. Landau: 'IheAfrica
wreau.

Bush Ray and Lionel Cliffe- 1982- MW
1 . :01 - Transition .9 . alismin -* - ‘1»: 21119-1.
W. PaperPresentedataOonferenoemtheTrarsitimto
Socialism in Africa, University of leads, May 7-8.

Chavanduka, Gordon L. 1976. "Gaming Life Goals and Life Styles of
African Urban Workers with Special Reference to Persia: Schenes. "
The Journal 0 cs, Vol. 10, No. 4.

Chavanduka, Gordon L. 1982.
MW-

 

247

(heater, ArgelaP. 1979. "'meProductimaxflMarketingome
Produce Anrmg Blacks in Zinbabwe." M, Supplenent.

Christmher, A. J. 1977. "Early Settlenert and the Cadastral
Franework," in Kay, George arr! M. Smut (eds.). film—A

 

Clark, Dmcan G. 1978. W. FrenRhodesia to
Zinbabwe 3. Gweru, Ziubabwe: Manbo Press.

Clark, Gracia. 1986. ' ' Wanen
W. 31.0. Dissertatim, University of Canbridge.

Cloud, Kathleen. 1984 . "Women's Productivity in Agricultural
System: Considerations for Project Design," in Ovexholt, Caltherine,
MaryB.ArriersmKathleenClclflardJE.Auste1(eds) gm]:

 

Oollett, W. E. 1981. W. No. 15781. Harare: Ownercial
FamerUnion.

Oollett, w. E. 1986. 'mimm, " in Van Hoffen, M. (ed.).

  

Cormack, I. R. N. 1983. . -
W. Gweru, Zinbabwe: ManhoPrees.

Dalton, George. 1961. "mic Theory and Primitive Society. "
American Mlggist. Vol. 62.

Dalton. George (ed-)- 1967- W New
York: The Natural History Press.

Davenport, T. R. H. 1972. "Rhodesia and South African Policies for
Urban Africa's: Sane Historical Similarities and Contrasts. "
W. Vol. 3-

Davies, R. 1974. "'Ihe Informal Sector in Rhodesia: How Important?"
new Vol- 8 NO- 7 MY-

mvies, R. 1978. The Info r: A $0 ion to ?
FranRhodesiatoZinbabwe 5. Gweru, Zinbabwe: ManboPress.

mvies, R. 1979 . "Infernal Sector or Subordinate Mode of
Production: A Model, " in Bronley, My and Chris Gerry (eds).
. ‘1 -- a- ' -_ _ New York: John Wiley

 

248

Mt Louis 1985. WM
PaperPresentedattheFoodSeeirityOonference,I-Iarare, Zinbabwe,

November.

Devittie. W D- 1974. WWW

mug], ME ies. 1929-1939. M.A. Thesis, History, University of
Rhodesia.

Dinan, camel. 1982. "Work, Marriage and Autoncmy," in Allen, Chris

and Gavin Willialm (eds.). W. New York: Monthly
Review Press.

Drakakis-Smith, David. 1986. "Urbanisation in the Socialist Third
World: The Case of Zirrbabwe," in Drakakis—anith, David (ed.).
mg tion in the Develmm’ World. London: Croan Helm.

Drakakis-Smith, David and Philip Kivell . 1988 . UM

DEMO!) m in Zinbabwe.1(eele, U.K.: Department of
Geography, University of Keele.

mlansey, Maryanne and James Austin. 1984. "Small-Scale Enterprise

ardWcmen,"inOverholt, Catherine,lhryB.Anderson, KathleenCloud-

ardJamesE-Austerwedsn) W
M. Hartford, Cl'.nmar1anPress.

Brant-Gonzalez, Victoria. 1976. Role and Status of mm mm
m. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California at Berkeley.

du Toit, Friedrich. 1981 .

Moshe—W
Zinbabwe: Ministry of Agriwltnre, Department of Agricultural
Technical ard Extension Services.

Eicher, Carl K. and John M. Staatz. 1985. W

ngaharanAfrica. PaperPreparedforthemmOonferenoeofthe
International Association of Agricultural Ecormists, Malaga, Spain,

August 25e-Septelber 3.
Ehglarrl,Kersten.1982. A Political m of Black Fgge m
in am 1900-198 . B.A. (Hons.) Thesis, History, University of

W T- Soorlett 1982. WM

 

"Dcplosion in the Cities," m, Septenber 1982.

Fergtmm, Anne and Nancy E. Horn. 1984. W
m. East Larsing, MI: Michigan State University, Bean/Comma
QBP. '

 

Firth, Rayuari. 1929.
New York: Dalton.

Firth, Raymond. 1967. "Theme in Eoornnic Anthropology: A General
Cement, " in Firth, Raymord (ed.).
W. :T'avistock Biblications.

Forman, Shepard and Joyce Riegelhaupt.1970. "Market Place and

mrketingSysten: Towarda'meoryofPeasantEcormicIntegr-atim."
WWW Vol 12 N0-2-

 

Forbmm. Unise- 1981- WWW-
Gaborone, Botswana: Ministry of Agriculture.

Frolich, Willy. 1940/1982. WW. Vancouver:
'I‘antalus Researdr Ltd. (originally published in w

Lumiere 1940) .

Gargett. Erio- 1977. W
M fleet 31' Rhodeia' . Occasional Papers, Socio-Econenic
Series No. 5. Gmru, Zimbabwe: Manbo Pres.

Gelfand, Michael. 1970. "The Cerenony of was}: (Green
Vegetable) Held in Mashonaland." m, Vol. 1, No. 2.

Gill, Margaret and Joycelin Messink (eds.). 1984. mm
film- Women in the Cam . mject, Vol. 6. Cave Hill,
Barbados: Institute of Social and Econanic Research, University of
the Wet Indie.

Gilmrray, John, Roger Riddell arri David Sanders. 1979. The
W. Fran Rhodeia to Zinbabwe 7. Gweru, Zinbahve:
Mmflao Press.

Gladwin, Hugh. 1980. "Indigenous Khmledge of Fish Processing and
MarketingUtilizedbchnenTradersofmpeOoast, Giana,"in
Brokensha, David, D. M. Warren am OswaldWerner (eds.). MN
MW- Ianham, MD: University Press of
America.

Gore, Charle G. 1978. Food Marketim' and m; mm: A
0 an Urban 1 ' . Ph.D. Dissertation,

Pennsylvania State University.

Giver Jam I- 1977. W
W. Yaounde, Cameroon: E...NSA.

 

1978 .

     
 

Hem, Jeanne K.

m (Zinbabwe), various issues.

Herskovits, Melville J. 1940, 1952. W
W Network: W-W. ms‘m-r

Hill, Polly. 1963. 'ThrketsinAfrica." WW
ME- Vol. 1.

Hill, Polly. 1970. "A Plea for Indigenous Econanie: The Wet

African We." inHill Polly (ado) Wis
W. lander: CanbridgeUniversityPres.

I-Iodder, B. W. and U. I. Ulmu. 1969. W.
lbadan: Ibadan University Pres.

Hollenan, J. F. 1951. "Sane 'Shma' Tribe of Southern lmodeia, "
incolson, ElizabethanlMaxGlchunanmdsH) W
M. Manchester: mnmestermiversity Pres.

Hollenan, J. F. 1952. W. laden
University Pres.

Holleman, J. F. 1969. WM Assam 'Ihe
Netherlaxris: Afrika-Sttxiieoentrmn.

a
3.

Horn, Nancy E. and Brenda Nkanhile-Kanyima.1984. w
w Fast lensing, MI: Michigan state
University, Bean/Oowpea (TSP.

251

"Raising: Keeping Pace with a Rising Demand," M9, N0. 45, 1986.

Howard, Willam Stephen. 1987. Soc' Stra ie

 

Dissertaticn, Michigan State University.

Howland, R. c. 1963. "The Market Hall—Salismry's Oldest
Building-" Maria. No. 9.

Roman. E. G. 1944- WWW
Econanic Social and Health Condi ions 0 iens 1

W. Rhodesia, Sesim Paper. Harare: Governnant Printer.

Hume, Ian M. 1976.

 

Janbwa, M. L. and Colin Sims. 1980. MW
9; Southern Rhodeia 1880-1965. $95 m of mm; gm
m'zation. Conference Papers on Zimbabwe. University of leads,

Department of Politics.

Johnson, Eleanor J. 1973.

WWW
W Ph D. Dissertatatim. Midiigan
State University.

Johnson, Rdoin w. M. 1968.

W
mmia. A W. Ph D- Dissertation.
University of Rhodeia.

 

Jules-Rosette Bermetta 1981- WW
1;} a Mm Carmunig. Norwood, NJ: Ablex Pub. Corp.
Jules -Rosette Bemetta 1982. W

W. W.I. D. Working Paper No. 3. Fast lansing, MI:
Michigan State University, Office of Wanen in Davelopnent.

Junani, Usha and marati Joshi. 1984. W
m. Ahmadabad, India: Self Employed Wenen's Association.

Kaba. Brahima D- 1982. WWW
Monrovia, Liberia: University of Liberia.

Katzin, Margaret F. 1971. "The Business of Higglering in Jamaica,"

in Horowitz, Michael M. (ed.). Beale and gilture of fig
grim. Garden City, NY: The Natural History Pres.

Kay, George- 1970. W NewYork: Africans
Pub. Corp.

 

7"—

252

,George and H. Cole. 1977. "The Townsfolk," in Kay, George and

 

Kosmin, BarryA. 1974. _
§‘!'°=~. : 0 0‘31 0r. ’Iv_ ‘1' 3.5 9,1: ‘=-!.~ r: at}: 2!. ‘ J1!

W. Ph. D. Dissertation, University of Rhodeia.

 

lan, David. 1985. = l
2m. Harare: Zinbabwe BiblishingHouse.

lends, Barbara c. (ed-) 1981- WM
W. Washingtm, D. C: Agency for International
Devleqment, Office of Women in Developnent.

Liedholm, Carl and Donald Mead. 1987. W13

e1 Countrie: irical Evi Pol ' licati .
DBU International Development Paper No. 9. East lansing: Department
of Agricultural Econanie , Michigan State University.

 

Lipton, Michael. 1982. ' ' -
BankStaffWorkirgPaperNo. 597. Washington, D. C..WorldBank

Logan, W. J. C. 1984.C111 "Horticultural Crops," in Van Hoffen, M.

 

(ed.). ial 984 Harare. Modern

Farming Bibs. Trust.

lnqnani, .Mushtaf . 1978 . Ewing“ the Effectivees of m
:11 - -- e1 . .. '° . Anal 5 o 1.1.12.3-

m. BLD. Dissertation, Michigan State University.

Mali-nowski. 8- 1922- was. Lordm:

Routledge.

"Marriage Under Fire," M0, N0. 41, 1985.

Parshall, Gloria/Niara Sudarkasa. 1973. W
gimmm thel‘dar—ketplaceandintleflgg. AnnArbor:
Musenn of Anthropology, University of Michigan.

mire R. '1‘. 1984. W
W. Paper Presented at the FAD/FIAC Seninar on
Fertilizer Mrketing Policie for English Speaking East and Southern
African Countrie, Harare, Zinbabwe, my.

my. Joan- 1979. W Gwen,
Zinbabwe: Maniao Pres.

my, Joan. 1983. 2’ z-.
Gweru, Zinbabwe: ManboPress.

 

Mcflee, T. G. 1973. "Psasantsinthecities:AParadox, AParadout, A
MostIngenicusParadox." W. V0132, No. 2.

Milimo, John T. and Yaoob Fisseha. 1986. W
miss in Zanbia: Results of a 1285 Mpg-Wide m,
Worm Lag; No. 28. East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University,
Department of Agricultural Ecamics.

Mitchell, J. Clyde. 1969. "Structural Plurality, Urbanization and
Labour Circulation in Southern Rhodesia," in Jackscn, J. A. (ed.).
m. Canbridge: Canbridge University Press.

Moller, Valerie. 1978. Urban ' Invo v
Rhodesiars. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Natal, South Africa.

Moser, Caroline 0. N. 1978. "Informal Sector or Petty Ccmaodity
Production: malism or Dependence in Urban Developrerrt?" mg
m. Vol. 6, Nos. 9/10.

MOYO:
. in _ -
Harare, Zimbabwe: University of Zintiabwe, Deparunent of Econanics

(draft).

 

Mpofu, Stanley- 1979. Wigwam
: Sal 's Low . M.Sc. Thesis, University of
Rhodesia.

W1: R- D- 1985- WWW-
Harare: Agriculture and Rural Develcpnent Authority (draft).

We. Olivia 1930. W
W- Haram: Ihfiversity
of Zinbabwe, Centre for Applied Social Sciences.

Mudiena, Olivia. 1982 . o- 'c iew° .
Addis Ababa: United Nations Econanic Caunissicn for Africa.
sr/EQ/AM/ai/io .

Murray, Colin. 1979. "The Work of Men, Wanen and the Ancestors:
Social Reproduction in the Periphery of Southern Africa," in Wallnan,
Sandra (ed.). Social Wig! of Worg. ASA Mu'nografi: 19.
Irmdon: Acadanic Press.

Native Cmmissicner. Rhodesia. Ulntali. my. April 1, 1898.
Harare: National Archives of Zinbabwe, File W 9 (1) 1, NA H.

"New Strategies Neded to Fight Sea: Discrimination," -, No. 44,
1986.

(1110, Christine. 1980.

 

0191a. Jean 1978. WWW

 

W. Ph. D. Dissertation, University of Florida. -

Orlove, Benjamin S. 1986. "Barter and Cash Sale on lake Titicnca: A
Test of Carpeting Approaches.” MW, Vol 27, No. 2.

Pacey, Arnold and Philip Payne (eds.). 1985. mm

Palmer, Robin 1977a. "Agricilmral History of Rhodesia," in Palmer,
Robin and Neil Parsons (edS-)- BMW
M. widen: Heineman-

Palmar. Robin 1977b. Wis
Berkeley: University of California Press.

Parsons, Neil. 1977. "The Econanic History of mama's Gantry in
Botswana, 1844-1930, " in Palmer, Rbin and Neil Parsons (eds) {133

WWW:

Patel, Diana H. andR. J. Adans. 1981. mm
W. Gweru,ZmbabweM1boPress.

Peattie, Lisa R. 1980."Anthrcpologica1 Ptrspectives on the Concept
of Dualism, the Informal Sector, and Marginality in Developing

Bounties." WW Vol. I. No. 5.

Rendered, A. andW.vae.merty. 1955. '"IheNativeIandHusbardry

Act of. Scrum Rhodesia." WWW. Vol-
7, No. 3.

minister, Ian. 1977. "Peasant Production and Underdevelqment," in
Palmer. Robin andNeil Parsons (ark-L Win
W. londrm: rem.

Plattner. Stuart- 1985 Win

Fconanic Mlgy, No. _4. Lanham, MD: University Press of
America.

Portes, Alejandro. 1983. "The Infornal Sector: Definition,

Controversey, and Relation to Naticnal Develqment." m, Vol.
VII, No. 1, am.

Prestm. David. A- 1978- W
W. Norwich, England: Geo Abstracts Itd.,
university of East Anglia .

255

Pritdaard, Norris D. 1969 . "A Franrmork for Analysis of
Agricultural Marketing Systems in Developing Countries."
. ' . ‘L1.1’ V01. 21' mo 3.

    

 

gm. Harare: Z1nbabuemblishmgrhise

mid, M. G. 1980. "Tribal Agriculture in mlation to Rural

Development—An Historical Note. " W, Vol. 4, No.
l.

Reymlds Norman 1981. WW1:
W
W. Working Paper 2/81. Harare: Department of Land
Managanent, University of zinbabwe.

Rhodesia. Ministry of Finance. 1979. W
W. Harare: Government Printer.

Riddell, Roger C. 1974. "Poverty and the Wage Structure in
Rhodesia." 9,113 Rhodesia Sgim m, Vol. 8, No. 7.

Ridiell, Roger C. 1978a. WW. Fran Rhodesia to
Ziubabwe 1. Gweru, Zimbabwe: Manbo Press.

Riddell, RogerC. 1978b. r .. '
W. Gweru, Zin'babwe: ManboPress.

 

Riddell, Roger C. 1984. ”Zinbabwe:'1he Foamy Four Years After
Independence." mm, Vol. 83, No. 333.

Rifkind. Malcolm. 1968. MW
and litics in ia wi ial erence

tl_1e Erica 1930-1968. M.Sc. Thesis, University of Edinburgh.

Sahlins, Marshall. 1972. W. New York: Aldine
Publishing Cmpany.

Sahlins. Marshall- 1976. W. mango:
The University of Chicago Press.

Salish-RY Municipal Owncil- 1932. W
23. °. 1'. i‘lelfir‘d» .1 i 1:51:99 - l! .i‘AH, . 041-011 9 J; 5 o

Harare:chermentPrirrter.

Sanders, David. 1986. Uhititled Draft of Report. Harare:
University of Zimbabwe, Faculty of Medicine.

 

Savitt, anald and John L. Beckley. Forthcaning. "The State-of-the—
Art in Marketing and Bcamic Develqment." W
W.

Schapeta, I. 1928. "Ecormic Change in South African Native Life."
531%. Vol. 1.

Schildkrout, Enid. 1979. "WczneWs Work and Children's Work:
demwm1~‘mm,"mmm,m(en) m1
- _ ° Iondcn: Aedenic Pres.

 

W. Paper Preented to the Annual Meeting of the
American Anthrqaologiel Association, Novalber.

Sdmink,1hrianne. 1986. WanenintheUrbanFcotmyofIatin
Amrie,"inSdunink, Mar1am:e,J1fi1tthceandMar11ynKotm(ecb)

 

Scott, Gregrcy J. 1985. 3,9 .1: __ :-
W Lima: International Potatoeenter
Sethuranan, S. V. 1976. "The Urban Informal Sector: Caraepts,
Meaelrelent and Policy-" WM. Vol. 114-
Sethuraman, S. V. 1977. "The Urban Informal Sector in Africa."
MW.

Sethuramn, S. V. 1981. "The Role of the Urban Informal Sector, " in
Sethnranan, S. V. (ed. ). - -
We. Geneva: International Labour Organisation.

 

 

Shaffer, James uencD” Michael Weber, Harold Riley and John Staatz.

1983. ' De' of
am in uenczThird World Mie. Paper presented at the

International Workshop on Agricultural Markets in the Sani-Arid
TropiebythelnternationaleraReeardiInstiume fortheSani-
Arid Tropics, Hyderabad, India.

Shava, F. M. M. 1986. "The Worker in Zinbabwe." Zimbabwe m,
Jamary.

 

 

257

Shanna, Enos M. 1985. "On-Farm Research Prioritie Resulting farm a
DiagnosisoftheFamingSystensinMargwerde, aHighPctentialArea
inzinbabwe" W ReseardeeportNO-S-

Smith, R. Cherer. n.d. WM. Harare: Mardm
Printers (Pvt.) Ltd.

Southern Rhadeia. 1958. a U '
mg 1g; 12$ (Plamn Report). Harare: Government Pr1nter' .

Southern Rhadeia. 1945.
1245. Harare: Government Printer.

 

Southern Rhadeia. Legislative Asserbly. 1935. m. Vol. 15
Cols. 583-584.

Southern Rhodesia. Legislative Asserbly. 1959. Wm
WM Harare: Govemnent Printer

Southern Rhadeia. Legislative Assebly. 1960. mm
W Harare: Gwennent Printer.
Stopforth. G- 1972. WWW
my gum . Harare: Institute for Social Researdu,
University of Rhadeia.

Striarkasa,Niara/GloriaMarshall.1973. W

 

Maseru of Anthrrpolagy, Universityof Midngan. _ i
W. Decauber 14, 1973.

Term 1965. MW
8 O- 900. Harare: Stuart Manning.

Tickner, Vincent. 1979. W. Frau Rhadeia to
zinbabwe 8. Gweru, Zimbabwe: mo Pres.

"'Till Death Do Us Part' No Larger Means Forever," m, February
1986.

Tinker, Irene. 1981 . "Ne Technologie for Food-Related Activitie:
AnFquityStr-ategy," inDauber, RaslymandMelindaL. Cain (eds.).

 

Traqer Lillian 1976- MW
- - andSocia Os:- ' - o' atheIeuarrd .._q- -1.-

Mn. Ph. D. Dissertation, University of Washingtm.

Truscott, Kate. 1986. "Socio-econauic Factors in Food Production
and Winn” WM. Vol. 12. No. 1-

258

Weinrich. A. K. H. 1975. W Imam:
Oxford University Pres.

van Onselen. C- 1976. W
W. Imam.

Wallerstein, Irmanael. 1984. "Ibasetnld Stnacbares and Iaboerrce
Formatim in the Capitalist World Foamy," in Smith, Joan, Imuamal
Wallerstein ard Hats-Dieter Evers (eds.). W
m. Beverly Hills: Sage Publications.

Weinrida, A. K. H. 1979.
W. Paris: UNESCD.

 

Wells, Julia. 1982. “Passe and Bypasse: Freedau of Movement for
AfricanWauenUrdertheUrbanAreasActofSethAfrie,"inI-Iay,
MamamtJeanardMamiaWIight(ed5--) W
W. Papers on Africa, VII. Boston: Bastm
University.

Werlin, Herbert H. 1981. "The Hawkers of Nairobi: The Politie of
the Infernal Sector," in Obtadho, R. A. (ed.). W
W- Nairobi. Reva: Kenya Literamre
Bureau.

Wood, L. J. 1974.

 

Yawitdu, J. 1980. '"I'cwards a Carneptualizaticn of Warren and the
'Informal' Sector," in Matsetela, T., M. Matshaba, D. Webster, P.
Wilkinson, J. Yawitch andH. Zarenda. W
WW- Senimr Paper miter! at the
African Studie Institute University of Witwatersrand, July 28 am

August 11.

Ytadelnan, M. 1964. mm. Canbridge: Cartridge
University Pres. i

 

Zinbabwe. 1982. 'on 'al
W. Harare: Central Statistics Office.

 

Zinbakme. 1982. ° ' Nati Devel P 198 -
1289185, Vol. 1. Harare: Government Printer.

Zinbahve.1983. _ ° ,. '
W. Harare: Central Statistics office.

Ziubabwe. 1985. Statistical Yearbook 1985. Harare: Central
Statistical Office.

   

 

 

ziubatwe. Central Statistics Office. 1984. W
W. Harare: Goverment Printer.

Zinbabwe. Central Statistics Office. 1985. W

 

Zinbabwe. Ministry of We Plarming and Developnent.1981.

 

Zinbabwe. Ministry of Finance, mic Planning ard Developer.
1986. W. Harare: GoverrluentPrinter.

Zinbabwe. MinistryofIaber, MarpowerPlaamingandSocialWelfare.

1984. W Harare: Gaverment
Printer.

Zinbabwe. Ministryoflabour, MarpowerPlamingardSccialWelfare.
1935- W- 331319: WW-

zimonsult. 1983.

 

W.m Ziinooreultmrevided to re by
the Ziubabwe Wauen's Bureau in Harare).