MSU RETURNING MATERIALS: P1ace in book drop to remove this checkout from N 5‘5? 3 0.19; ’,_ 1/ i 4‘?1 3firrfl’ ' a. .Y-fi‘-— - a '11 11:1" 31‘ NOstzncs LIBRARIES “- your record. FINES will be charged if book is returned after the date stamped be10w. I) ."l F M" [D ORGANIZATICNS CHANGE? A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE INCORPORATION OF GENDER ISSUES INTO DEVELOPMENT ACTIVITIES OF THE UNITED NATIONS DEVELOPMENT PRCISRAMME, THE mRID BANK, AND THE FORD FOUNDATICN By Nuket Kardam A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DmPOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Political Science 1988 ABSTRACT IX) ORGANIZATIONS CHANCE? A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF TIE INCORPORATION} OF GENDER ISSUES IN'IO DEVELOPMENT ACTIVITIES OF TIE UNITED NATIONS DEVELOPMENT PRCERAMME, TIE mRLD BANK, AND TIE FORD FOUNDATION BY Nuket Kardam This study is about the policy impact of the global women's movement on three international development agencies, the United Nations Development Programme, the World Bank and the Ford Foundation. Procedural, programmatic, budgeting and staffing changes to incorporate gender issues are assessed and explained in terms of organizational conditions and internal bargaining processes. The findings reveal that the the performance levels 90 from relatively low to relatively high in this order: UNDP, World Bank and the Ford Foundation. This Var° - . . . lance in performance is explained in terms of each agency's organizational env' ironment, goals, and procedures. The organizational conditions of the UNDP - are found to be least conduc1ve to gender issues, while the Ford Founda ' ' ° tion 5 are the most conduCive among the three case studies. TABLE OF CONTENTS page LIST OF TABLES V INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter 1 POLICY IMPLEIVIIN'I‘ATIW IN INWRNATIONAL , DEVEIOPMENI‘ ASSISTANCE AGENCIES 0 International Organizations and Explanations of Change 12 Organizational Conditions 15 The Internal Bargaining Process 26 The Assessment of Responsiveness 30 Notes 33 2 GENDER ISSUES IN DEVELOPMENT 'I'HEDRY AND PRACTICE 40 Gender Issues on the Agenda of Donor Agencies 41 Liberal Development Theory and Gender 52 The Feminist Critique 58 The Marxist and Socialist Perspectives on Development and Gender 62 State-Society Relations and Gender 65 Notes 72 3 THE UNITED NATICNS DEVELOPMENT PRCBRAMME'S RESPONSE TO GENDER ISSUES IN DEVEIDP‘MENT 81 United Nations Development Programme' 3 Performance: The Eattent of Implementation of Women in Development Policy 84 Organizational Conditions 103 The Internal Bargaining Process: The Women in Development Policy Advocates, Management and Other Professional Staff 122 Notes 128 iii 4 TIE WORLD BANK'S RESPONSE TO GENDER ISSUES IN DEVELOPMENT The Bank's Response to WOmen in Development Issues Organizational Conditions and the Bank's Responsiveness toIGender Issues The Internal Bargaining Process: The Actors Notes 5 TIE FORD E‘OUNDATION'S RESPONSE TO GENDER ISSUES IN DEVELOPMENT The Incorporation of women into the International Development Programs in the Ford Foundation Organizational Conditions The Internal Bargaining Process Notes 6 A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS The International Women's Movement and Women in Development Issues Explanations of Change in International Organizations: The Organizational Conditions The Internal Bargaining Process The Incorporation of Gender Issues in the Activities of the UNDP, the World Bank and the Ford Foundation The Explanation of the Variance in Response Notes BIBLIOGRAPHY iv 133 138 168 189 196 204 207 222 235 246 251 253 256 261 262 272 282 287 LI ST OF TABLES Table 1 10 UNDP Projects that Involved Women by Geographical Area and Sector The Extent of Participation of WOmen in UNDP funded Projects Women's Share in Management Positions in 1985 Project Appraisal Reports Reviewed by the Women in Development Office by Sector and Geographical Area The Extent of WOmen's Inclusion in Appraisal Reports by Sector Grants Related to WOmen by Subject Area Ford Foundation Grants Related to Equality of Opportunity for WOmen in the International DeveIOpment Area, FY 1972 - FY 1988 Ford Foundation Personnel by Gender Projects Related to Women and Their Budgets in the UNDP, Wbrld Bank and the Ford Foundation UNDP, Wbrld Bank and Ford Foundation Projects Involving Wbmen by Sector page 92 94 122 142 146 211 216 231 263 267 WEN In the 19705, an international women's movement emerged one of whose objectives was the formulation and implementation of more gender sensitive policies by governments and international development agencies. This study is about the policy impact of this movement on three international development agencies, the United Nations Development Programme, the World Bank and the Ford Foundation.1 The adverse impact of policies of development agencies toward poor women of developing countries has been documented since the beginning of the 19705. The problems were identified as a) engrained attitudes, values and perceptions of development personnel did not correspond to reality; b) a lack of information and data on women, and c) a lack of resources that were allocated to women. To remedy this situation, three major policy recommendations were made: 1. resocializaticn of personnel through training and education programs; 2) redirection of research and data collection on development to include women; and 3)allocation of resources to employ more women development professionals to set up and monitor programs related to women in development. 2 By the mid-19805, there had been relatively little implementation of these proposals. Ebcplanations too often redirected attention to the original problems, in a circular fashion. What I propose here is to go beyond general policy recommendations to analyze how organizational conditions may affect the differential response to gender issues. The study of international organization has concentrated on external factors and has paid little attention to how organizational conditions may affect performance. My argument is that external political pressures for change will invoke only limited response unless organizational conditions reinforce these pressures and provide a favorable context for implementation. The response of an organization to a new issue can be assessed by the extent of procedural, programming, budgeting and staff changes. These changes require the production and dissemination of new knowledge, as well as the allocation of resources. Management provides the resources and incentives for change, while the professional staff provides the intellectual input. An internal bargaining process among the advocates of a new issue, other professional staff and the management leads to the changes in performance . This bargaining process does not take place in a vacuum but is shaped by organizational conditions. Organizational environments, goals and their normative bases, and structure and procedures interact so that they affect the character and performance of organizations . An organizational analysis of how the United Nations Development Programme, the World Bank, and the Ford Foundation have responded to gender issues in development shows that certain organizational features are more conducive to change than others. Ore cannot generalize, of course, from the findings of this study that those organizational features that encouraged the incorporation of gender issues will encourage the incorporation of all new issues. But what this study does illustrate is how variance in performance is due to the particular interrelationship between an organization's environment, its goals and ideology, and its structure and procedures. The empirical materials for this study were collected at the headquarters of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in New York, and the Ford Foundation in New York and to Washington, D.C., the headquarter of the World Bank during spring and early summer of 1986 and spring of 1988. I interviewed 50 staff members in tre World Bank, 30 in the UNDP, and 15 in the Ford Foundation. I sought a stratified sample that covered the staff and management in each relevant office. The samples are not representative in the statistical sense; they are "snowball samples" in the sense that I was given names of other people to interview as I conducted my research. The women staff members in each sample constituted a higher prOportion than their proportional representation in each agency, because, I assume, of their interest in gender issues as they relate to development planning. The interviews lasted from 20 minutes to 60 minutes. I generally got a very good reception; staff members were willing to spare their time to talk with me in spite of their busy schedules . The UNDP, World Bank, and the Ford Foundation are apprOpriate because they represent three major categories of international development agency: a multilateral aid agency, a multilateral development bank, and a private charitable organization. These case studies, of course, are not intended as a representative sample of all development agencies, but their organizational features are different enough so that it is possible to show how variance in performance on the same policy area may be related to different organizational features . This study is intended to make the following contributions. It is intended as a step towards explaining the response of other donor agencies to gender-related issues and providing insights into how they respond to new issues in general. It shows how the policy impact of social movements may be constrained or encouraged by organizational conditions. It also shows how the sociology of organizations contributes and enhances our understanding of how international organizations behave. The organization of the study is as follows. The first chapter explains the theoretical concept of organizational change as applied to the study of international organizations. The second chapter discusses the evolution of the international women's movement and the substantive field of “women in development". Chapters 3, 4 and 5 are tie empirical chapters where tl'e responses of the three agencies to gender issues are analyzed in light of their particular organizational features. The concluding chapter summarizes the central themes of the argument and discusses the findings that emerge from the analysis. NOTES 1 I define international development agencies as all those that work in developing countries in the field of development assistance. 2 See, e.g. A. Germain, "Poor Rural Women: A Policy Perspective," International Affairs, 30 [2]; B. Rogers, The Domestication of Women: The Discrimination in Developing Societies, London: Tavistock. 1980; K. Staudt, "Bureaucratic Resistance to Women's Programs: The Case of Women in Development.", in E. Bonaparth, ed. Women, Power and Policy, New York: Pergamon Press, 1982. Clapter 1: Policy Implementatim in Internaticmal Develcnpuent Assistance Agendas This study is about the policy impact of a "social movemen ", the international women's movement on the performance of international deve10pment agencies. The study of social movements and that of public policy are two fields that have heretofore been treated primarily as distinct and unrelated areas in the scholarly literature. While some writers have envisioned social movements as incipient interest groups and/or political parties,1few have tried to trace out the exact relationships between the two and the way in which each affects the other.2 Social movements are one of the primary means of socializing conflict; of taking private disputes and making them political ones.3A social movement aims to enter the political arena and expand "the scope of conflict".4McWilliams argues that "previously nonpolitical issues will almost inevitably become political whenever two conditions apply: (a) when reality comes to be perceptibly discordant with social myths..and (b) when there is the opportunity to compare notes on personal unhappiness. "SFreeman builds on tle second point above and proposes three criteria regarding the origins of social movements : 6 l. The need for a preexisting communications network. 7 2. Receptivity of this network to the new ideas of the incipient movement. 3. A crisis that galvanizes the network into spontaneous action in a new direction or the existence of skillful organizers. The international women's movement, according to the above criteria, is a "social movement". It has been described as a "global social movement" whose center of gravity in the West have been at the United Nations Decade for Women Conferences in 1975, 1980 and 1985. It is not one single or national pressure group. As a phenomenon of the 19705 and 19805, it has taken many forms and there have been many different stimuli to indigenous activity all around the world.7 The international women's movement has formed around a "crisis" situation in the 19705, of increased poverty in develOping countries and uncertainty about the effectiveness of the conventional deveIOpment strategies. The participants in the movements documented that the situation of women had actually worsened a5 a result of "development" and that the reality of the situation of women in the Third World no longer corresponded to the descriptions and definitions propogated by deveIOpment planners and practitioners. The existing women's networks adopted these new issues and have attempted through the fora of tie United Nations conferences, to convince governments and international development agencies8 that women and men are affected differently by development policies and that those policies need to consciously take the special reeds and capabilities of women into account. leaders emerged who, as "policy activists", put pressure on the American Congress and the United Nations . Once a social movement enters the political realm, it is usually constrained by the limitations of this realm. There already exist many' concrete, accepted "rules of the game" which newcomers are expected to abide by.9These rules are manifested not only in values and norms of behavior but in the very institutions which govern the system and manage the conflicts within it. Thus, social movements have to frame their demands within existing definitions and within existing institutions. These institutions, of course, by their ability to "reward" or "punish" efforts for change with "success" or "defeat" often can reshape social movements so that movements who conform themselves to the norms of behavior in order to participate successfully in political institutions often forsake their major goals for social change. Gelb and Polley, in their study of how policies towards women are enacted in tIe U.S. Congress, stress the importance of fitting demands into existing theoretical frameworks and existing distributions of pcwer.lOThey point out that feminists have been reformist in focus and nonradical in method and have presented their demands without threatening the displacement of existing power configurations. For example, they have found that role equity issues (those policies that extend rights now enjoyed by other groups, men or other minorities, and which appear to be relatively delineated or narrow in their implications) have been more successful in the Congress because they have permitted policy makers to seek advantage with feminist groups and voters with little cost or controversy. In contrast, role change issues that appear to produce change in the dependent female role of wife, mother and homemaker holding out the potential for greater sexual freedom and independence in a variety of contexts have been frought with political pitfalls, including perceived threats to existing values, in turn creating visible and powerful Opposition.llBarbara Nelson, in her study of child abuse issues and agenda-setting, claims, in the same vein, that careful labeling and promotion of the child abuse issue helped it to achieve acceptance on professional and governmental agendas.12 Similarly, the international women's movement has defined and advocated changes within the confines of given institutions. As Jaquette has observed:13 While U.N. women's conferences, and their mix of liberal and socialist feminists, New International Economic Order advocates, and others spend considerable time identifying and debating the source of women's subordination, from male prejudice to international capitalism, their solutions are limited to practical, incremental bureaucratic reform and women's pressure group activity. Thus, the international women's movement has to not only work within existing institutions but also frame the issues in general, vague and ambiguous terms in order to build consensus:14 United Nations policy documents on WID issues tend to be comprehensive statements that embrace all aspects of women's lives while failing to establish any meaningful priorities and operational objectives. The aim of the movement has been to affect policy changes at both the national level and international levels. But a social movement 10 has difficulty devising concrete rules and regulations that are implementable. This is also true in the case of the American women's movement. For example, on the impact of the women's movement on the American Congress, Costain and Costains noted15 The power of social movements to focus diffuse public pressures is tremendous, especially at the agenda-setting stage of the policy process. But the dynamism of a strong social movement may alienate legislators and other tOp decision-makers. Groups that emerge from movement politics must learn to convert their strength into concrete proposals, actual laws and implemented policy, and many social movements encounter considerable difficulty in changing the thrust of their activism to deal effectively with these 'nuts and bolts' concerns. The aim of a social movement is to enter the political realm and change "the rules of the game" in a way that takes the interests of its participants into account or use the existing rules to its own advantage. Ideally, the international women's movement aimed to create an "international regime". "Regimes" are defined in international relations as "systems of principles, norms, rules and decision-making procedures around which actors' expectations converge 16The women's movement in a given area of international relations." has not created a "regime", where the same "norms, principles and rules" are applied across the board, but it has succeeded in sensitizing states and international development agencies at varying levels. The impact of international social movements on states is a fascinating tOpic that is beyond the sc0pe of this study. The realist trend in international relations literature would say that 11 only other states, as the major international actors, would be in a position to affect state policies. The "transnational paradigm" in international relations would, on the other hand, include a range of international actors, that may influence state policy, including non-governmental organizations and international governmental organizations. If we accept this point of view, social movements, through such organizations, may be able to influence state policy. There is, for example, research on how Latin American states' policies have changed as a result of the UN Decade for Women and how 17This research they have affected rural women in Latin America. analyzes the scope and consequence of "women in deveIOpment" projects, especially income-generating projects. Studies have also shown that when women can attain economic and political power internally, state policies are more likely to be favorable to them. Otherwise, women's movements are likely to be ccopted and directed by the state.18 The focus of this study is how the women's movement has attempted to change the behavior of international development assistance agencies and to what extent it has been successful. The case studies examined in this study show that "women in deveIOpment" issues have been incorporated into agency activities at varying levels. The question I will address is this: how do we explain the variance in the response to WID issues of the three agencies, the World Bank, the UNDP and tIe Ford Foundation? My thesis is that external political pressures for change will invoke only limited response unless organizational conditions reinforce these pressures and provide a 12 favorable context for implementation. These organizational conditions can be analyzed by employing the concepts and tools of "organizational sociology", and examining an organization's ties with its environment, its structure, procedures, staff and goals. The extent of implementation can best be understood as an interplay between the organizational conditions and the internal bargaining process. International Organizations and the Explanations of Organizational Change ENen though both could learn from each other, the gap between the study of international organizations and the sociology of organizations has been deep and persistent. Political scientists have attempted to use concepts from organizational sociology, but these attempts have remained limited and underdeveloped.19General ly, the study of international organization has not included the study of organizational features and how these may affect 20 performance. Sociological literature, on the other hand, has not focused on the international system. In international relations, the study of international organizations has focused on how external factors, mainly states, shape their behavior. A "realist" perspective, in which states are 13 the major actors , has dominated international relations. From this perspective, the organizations of the international scene are seen as merely creatures of the dominant actors, with little independent initiative, power and effectiveness. If only states shape the behavior of international organizations, this perspective can't explain the impact of global social movement on international organizations. The "regime perspective" in international relations broke with the realists over the latter's exclusive consideration of the nation-state as the actor and military force as the dominant resource to promote national power in what appears to be a rational game of interstate contract formation. It proposed, rather, that there are, as mentioned above, "norms, principles and procedures around which actors' expectations converge in a given area of international relations".21 One could argue that the international women's movement aimed to change the "norms" of the "development assistance regime" so that gender differences and issues are taken into account. However, there is little evidence that "actors expectations have converged", and that there is any "across the board" acceptance or implementation of gender policies by all relevant actors. There is however, a varying degree of acceptance by international development agencies , as well as governments, of tle importance of gender issues in development. "Regime analysis" does not offer the conceptual tools to analyze this difference because it assumes that once a regime is established at 14 the international level, the rules, regulations would be followed by all members of the regime. To analyze this difference, then, we have to direct our analysis to the organizational level, and examire the different organizational conditions that might affect performance. What is usually not sufficiently taken into account when the behavior of international organizations is analyzed is that they have full-blown bureaucratic structures, large professional-technical staffs, and engrained routines, all of which may be influenced by a variety of professional and organizational norms distinct from "state interests" and "regime norms and principles". In the sociological view,220rganizations are not simple mechanical tools obediently doing the work of their creators, or following the norms, rules and procedures by the "regime" that they are part of. Instead, they are live collectivities interacting with their environments, and they contain members who seek to use the organization for their own ends, often struggling with others over the content and allocation of the product. These dynamics produce a distinctive organizational character over time. Due to these dynamics, they differ in their performance. Organizational sociology can be helpful to the study of international organizations because of its two major foci. One is organizational performance - effectiveness and efficiency. This emphasis has provided the field with a dependent variable, which brought about the second major deveIOpment: the recognition of an 15 interrelated set of conditions that affect performance. Organizational environments, technology, structure and goals have been found to interact so that they affect the character and performance of organizations. As Richard Scott has shown, all of these concepts have provided important insights, even though they are 231 will difficult to operationalize and pin down as real variables. discuss each of these conditions and their interrelationships and how they may affect performance below. Organizational Conditions l. Linkages with the Environment Work on international organizations has generally defined the external environment as consisting of states. In their work on influence in international organizations, Robert Cox and Harold Jacobson has conceived of the general environment in terms of states, their characteristics and broad policies.24They do recognize, however, that this focus on states has some limitations, since it excludes transnational corporations, religious groups or other "emerging forms of behavior and value". Likewise, another prominent study in international organization by Jacobson treats the environment as a "collection of sovereign states which limits the autonomy of international organizations."25 The environment can more usefully be defined as all other 16 institutions. including the institutions that provide funds, the clients and the constituents of an agency. Since this study focuses on international development agencies, this definition would include other international development agencies, multilateral, bilateral or private, governments, university research centers, social movements, interest groups among the actors in an international development agency' 5 environment. Organizations function in a "political environment"; they influence their environment and in turn are influenced by it. Therefore, it is reasonable to assume that an organization's relationship with its environment will affect its responsiveness to a particular issue. When we try to understand how an organization's relationship with its environment affects its performance, we need to examine gth how it attempts to control its environment, and how it is, in turn, influenced by its environment. This view is supported by the "Open systems perspective" in organization theory. In organization theory, the shift from closed to open systems marked the important recognition that environments vary and can have a decisive impact on organizational behavior and performance.26This shift also recognized the "interdependence" of the organization with its environment. The "open systems perspective" stresses the reciprocal ties that bind and interrelate the organization to those that surround and penetrate it. "Interdependence" does not necessarily imply equal relations but also takes into account the existence of assymetrical relations. However, asymmetrical relations 17 may change so that neither the organization nor the environment is the determinant of the other's fate at all times.27 If the nature of the relationships can be characterized by "interdependence", the nature of the environment can be characterized as a "network" within which organizations exchange political support, information and financial resources.28Meyer and Scott call the "institutional environment" as "..including the rules and belief systems as well as the relational networks that arise in the broader societal context."29Within this "network" actors enter alliances with others in pursuit of certain goals. These alliances may be in formal or informal contexts, within or beyond the organization.30 Organizations attempt to shape the external environment in a manner that will safeguard the organization:31At the same time, environmental forces shape goals, boundaries and the internal activity of organizations. In the case of international development agencies, their activities are influenced by other multilateral, bilateral, or private funding agencies which may cofund their projects, supply research or personnel or both. Donor and client governments also affect the activities of donor agencies. How important actors in an agency's environment see a particular issue will affect its treatment within that agency. How a new issue furthers or fits an organization's own goals will also affect its treatment within that agency. 18 2. Goals Do organizations possess goals? If they do, who sets them? And how can they be characterized? Some organizational scholars have questioned the value of goals, noting that they are often formulated after the fact to justify past actions.32 I believe "organization goals" can provide insights into performance if they are defined with care. All organizations are created to achieve some identifiable ends or goals. Overt goals are what organizations are set out to do. But goals have a normative basis, what one could also call organizational ideology. For example, Ford Foundation's overt goals are related to improving human welfare and not to generating profit (like an international bank) or supporting U.S. foreign policy (like the U.S. Agency for International DeveIOpment). It defines itself as a "private, "33The nonprofit institution dedicated to the public well-being. Foundation's goal is to derive innovative solutions to persistent social problems of inequity, discrimination and poverty. This goal has a normative basis in that the Foundation's vision of the "good society" is ore that is equitable and free of discrimination. It works mainly by "granting funds to institutions and organizations for experimental, demonstration and development efforts that give promise of producing advances in various fields".34 Organizations, as the Ford Foundation example above illustrates, are not just concerned with delivering a good or service but also 19 with changing or creating values or attitudes. Etzioni terms this a "cultural goal", requiring a normative compliance structure. The "cultural goal" requires a high degree of internal loyalty or commitment to the organization, which gives it something of the character of a religious movement. "Cultural goal" may be another term for "organizational ideology" defined as "sets of beliefs that provide explanations for phenomena, suggest appropriate action and bind together their adherents".35Thus, the Ford Foundation's goal to provide innovative solutions to social problems is based on a liberal ideology that recognizes the legitimacy and rights of all social groups, and this ideology also binds the staff members together in their commitment to achieve the Foundation's goals. The goals of the World Bank can be defined as increased profitability as a bank, and fostering increased economic growth in developing countries. This latter goal is based on the dominant ideology of neoliberalism. As Ayres comments, this ideology, widely shared throughout the Bank, stresses economic growth as its principal objective.36The principal routes to growth are seen to lie, domestically, through capital accumulation and, externally, through export expansion and diversification. The prescriptions include reducing the reach of the state and allowing free reign to "economics" in the form of market forces. An organization's goals are very important in determining its structure, procedures and staff. For example, the different goals of the World Bank and the Ford Foundation have led to different 20 structures, procedures and staff. The goals of the Bank have encouraged a centralized structure, procedures that emphasize technical and economic analysis, and the calculation of returns to investment in project activities, and staff that mainly consists of technical specialists. Meanwhile, the Ford Foundation's goals encourage a flatter structure, procedures that stress experimentation and staff that has a commitment to "social change". 3. Structure and Procedures Both environment and goals affect the structure of the organization. Paul Lawrence and Lay Iorsch, for example, showed how environmental and techonological variance determined what type of structure would be most effective for an organization. They showed that a flat organizational structure produces higher performance when it Operates with a new, changing, and not readily routinizable technology in an environment that is unstable and rapidly changing. Where tre environment is homogeneous and stable and the technology well know, however, a tall Weberian type bureaucracy or hierarchic structure tends to provide higher performance.37 Hierarchical structure may promote certain strategies to control tIe environment. Greater rationalization or bureaucratization may, in fact, be a defense mechanism to deal with political uncertainty in 38 an agency's environment. Organizations may use "feigned rationality" and comprehensiveress as a way of protecting and promoting their autonomy. 39 21 The structure of an organization reveals regularized patterns of interaction, whether they are formally or informally generated. Farley uses complexity as a concept that deals with the number, variety, and the interconnection between structures in an organization. Many terms have been developed by social scientists to describe certain aspects of complexity.4OThese include size, centralization, and hierarchy and they affect the way organizations respond to change. The notion of size is one of the most frequently referenced yet least well-defined concepts in the organization literature. Clearly differences in the size of organizations exert a pervasive impact on nearly all other organizational variables and small size is generally related to innovative behavior.41 Two major approaches to organizational size have emerged in the literature. The first defines size in terms of the amount of structure observed within an organization. In essence, the "scale of Operations" or tre volume of task activity is the measure of size. The other approach treats size from the point of view of individual attitudes towards size. Thus, member or employee perceptions of organizational size may be related to satisfaction, productivity, absenteeism and other variables.‘12 Centralization deals with the connection between the central and peripheral structures in an organization. There has been considerable discussion in organization theory about the relationship between decentralization and the volume of innovation within 22 organizations. The staff in a decentralized organization can take more initiative because superior-subordinate demarcations are blurred, access to superiors is easy, considerable responsibility is assumed by subordinates, and usually there is a physical separation of field offices from the main office that promotes independence.43 However, there are costs to decentralization as well as benefits. Wilson, for example, suggests that decentralized organizations tend to prOpose more innovations but adopt fewer of them.44A decentralized organization would also encourage ambiguity regarding definition of responsibilities, making it easy to "pass the buck" or declare a situation as "not my problem".45Furthermore, in a decentralized system, a major organizational goal becomes the maintenance of political alliances which may interfere with "experimentation" and "learning". Regardless of organizational goals, the most effective organizational structure probably is one that combines characteristics of centralization with decentralization. Hierarchy can be defined in terms of the layers that exist. A flat hierarchy would have fewer layers. Organizations are often conceived of as layered pyramids - with the rulers at the t0p and several strata of subordinates below.‘16 In a "tall hierarchy", the amount of stratification is high, whereas in a "flat hierarchy" the layers are fewer and access to management is easier. On the whole, the literature suggests that organizations that are small, have a flat hierarchy, and are decentralized tend to be more innovative. In order to achieve their goals, organizations adOpt certain 23 procedures, methods. I will broadly define procedures and methods to include the skills, knowledge, training of employees, the approaches and strategies utilized; and the characteristics of the objects (inputs and outputs) on which work is performed.47Procedures are related to both organizational structure and the nature of staff. As organization theory tells us, to maintain performance, more complex procedures demand a more complex, differentiated structure or greater reliance on professionals; more uncertain, less routinizable procedures demand a flatter (that is less hierarchic) organization with more effort given to the coordination of relatively independent parts. 48 Organizations whose procedures emphasize experimentation may set up decentralized structures and procedures and hire personnel who are activists and reward them for innovation. Such a goal would clearly make an organization more responsive to new issues. The goal of "experimentation" would mean that organizations develop a capacity for responsive and anticipatory adaptation, and a)embrace error; b)plan with people and c) link knowledge building to action,49 The structure and procedures of an organization are closely related to the kinds of personnel hired. Personnel patterns in international organizations vary along three patterns: career vs . temporary employment; staff vs. line and home vs. field.50 The trend in many international agencies, especially the U.N. Specialized agencies, has been toward tIe hiring of temporary, 24 fixed-term employees with the consideration that security of tenure weakens performance.51 Related to this issue, the addition of new members would have an impact on an organization. According to Farley, the impact of new members upon an existing organization varies with the number of new and prior members, tIe relative strength of the new and prior members, and the preexisting distribution of authority among the prior members. Regarding the "home vs. field" pattern, the literature suggests that field staff, having intimate knowledge of local conditions, would be in a position to be innovative. However, this may not always be the case. As Judith Tendler showed in the case of the U.S. Agency for International Development, the staff in the field could not be innovative" 52 The task at hand required an organizational environment that could produce learning; the organizational level at which learning behavior was required was much lower, or at different points, than in a more typical government bureaucracy; and the type of person recruited for these positions was no different from those recruited for similar-level and similar-function positions in a home-based bureaucracy, where routire behavior at these levels is more functional. The distinction between lire and staff personnel is a reflection of the authority pattern or "chain of command" in an organization. Line personnel are the administrators or managers of an organization while staff personnel are the specialists, the technicians whose job it is to perform the tasks of the organization but do not themselves exercise "line" authority. In organizations, where the "delivery of 25 goods and services" requires complex technology and procedures, the staff personnel become the larger group with the capacity to influence organization policy. I believe, a special focus on the professional staff is necessary to understand organizational change because it is they who make use of new information and ultimately decide on the intellectual value of new policy aro decide to offer or withdraw their support. We know that it is the professional staff in agencies who are charged with designing and implementing policies. According to Rourke, for example, management can only provide guidelines but, in fact, it is the professional staff who implement policies.53Different professions bring different policy definitions, data and methodologies to the policy arena5450 that the professional norms, values and paradigms that the staff work with in particular agencies and how new policy fits these norms becomes very important. There are studies dealing with the effect of professional conceptions of policy on outcomes in both international organization and policy literatures. For example, Ascher's study on the World Bank demonstrates that adding new criteria (e.g. equity, the role of women in development, environmental protection, human rights) to the desiderata of deveIOpment has met with resistance because "many professionals in tte World Bank have been reluctant to incorporate new considerations in formulating deveIOpment strategies if they require modes of analysis less rigorous than the traditional economic framework."55For example, Levy, Meltsner and Wildavsky argue that, in 26 several policy areas in urban government, professional conceptions of policy determine tre types of actions taken by city departments and the outcomes for citizens.56At the federal level, studies of government regulatory agencies support this view of dominant professional influence on policy.57 The Internal Bargaining Process The organizational conditions set the stage within which individual actors bargain over implementation. Who are the actors who take part in this bargaining process? I define them as the advocates for a new issue both in their formal and informal roles, other professional staff and the management who may or may not act as opponents. The interaction of these actors can be conceived as a political bargaining process. As Bardach has argued, implementation is an assembly process of program elements that are in the hands of many different parties, most of whom are in important ways independent of each other. The only way that such parties can induce others to contribute program elements is through the use of persuasion and bargaining.581f advocates are found among management, they can also manipulate organizational incentives. As Wilson has pointed out, innovation requires influence as long it requires getting persons to 59 accept the ideas. Wi ldavsky goes further: Unless building support for policies is an integral part of designing them, their proponents 27 are setting themseves up for disappointment.6oln short, policy change requires both information and clout. The organizational conditions shape this internal bargaining process by encouraging or constraining the responses of bureaucratic actors and by setting the range of bargaining strategies available to them. If the consideration of a new issue furthers the organization, if the relevant actors in the environment support it, the management is more likely to respond positively. If a new issue is justified within the organizational ideology and fits the organizational goal, both management and the professional staff may react more favorably. Furthermore, conditions related to organizational structure, procedures and staff have to be conducive to change. Even though the nature of the organizational characteristics define the range of bargaining strategies available to staff members, one should not see the outcome of the bargaining process in completely deterministic terms. The actors involved in the bargaining process are individuals who, within the limits set by the organizational characteristics, can choose different courses of action. Who are the "policy advocates"? Polsby suggests that policy innovations tend to belong to interest groups and persons who take an interest in identifying new issues and who specialize in acquiring and deploying knowledge about policies. He calls those people "policy entrepreneurs" who, by the skillful mobilization of substantive justifications and the accurate identification and thoughtful cultivation of allies, can and do bring a policy into 28 being.61 Policy advocacy may be employed formally or informally. In their formal roles, policy advocates are the advocacy administrators. Advocacy administration is the method by which change theories can be linked to actual practice . Drawing on Anthony Downs, advocacy administrators promote nonroutined programs. As such, advocacy administration is a necessary part of the life cycle of new 62 programs . Policy advocates may also form informal structures both within and outside the organization. In organization theory, formal structures purposefully designed to regulate behavior in the service of specific goals are seen to be greatly affected -supplemented, eroded, transformed- by the emergence of informal structures. One way to distinguish between formal and informal structures is to equate formal structures with those norms and behavior patterns that exist regardless of tie characteristics of individual actors. Informal structures are those based on the personal characteristics or resources of the specific participants in the situation.63 Participants in informal networks, just as those within formal ones, enter alliances with others in the pursuit of certain goal 5 . 64One such goal is to affect change by acting as "policy entreprereurs" . Policy advocates interact with other professional staff and the management to convince them of the importance of the issue at hand. 29 Convincing tie management is more important because once the management is convinced, they can alter the incentive system for the professional staff. But without the support of the management, convincing the professional staff is much harder unless there is general agreement that the new issue needs to be considered. Of course, convincing the management is necessary but not sufficient because those who "perform" the tasks set forth by the management are the professional staff. The question is what sorts of action are most likely to persuade professional staff and the management and how do policy advocates go about it? Policy advocates need both "new information" and "political clout" and "new information" to promote a new policy. These can be done through both formal and informal methods. A range of strategies to enhance bargaining power can go from reviewing policy documents, providing input to these policy documents, attending high level management meetings, suggesting new policies to the management, to interviewing all new candidates. To promote understanding and interest for the new issue among the staff, strategies could range from holding seminars, writing background papers, inviting outside speakers, attending staff meetings and providing an input into program development, and stressing how new issue fits the goals of the organization . To summarize, it is the "policy advocates' who must bargain with other professional staff and management in order to acquire the resources necessary for change with the parameters allowed by the 30 organizational conditions. The assessment of "responsiveness" How can we assess an organization's responsiveness to a new policy? The responsiveness to a new issue can be judged in terms of its implementation as a new policy. The indicators of implementation are the programming, procedural, budgeting and staffing changes on behalf of new policy. The questions that need to be addressed here are: Has programming (for example, for the World Bank they would be country programs, projects, sector work, research and publications) activities incorporated gender issues? Have there been separate programs for women or have women been included in ongoing programs or both? How have procedures (for example, the project cycle) been changed to take gender issues into account? Have mechanisms to insure women's consideration been put into effect? 15 there a separate budget for women's programming? What percentage of the whole budget does this consist of? Have new staff members been hired to the new advocacy office (if there is one) or to work on gender issues in the relevant offices of the organization? What is the structural location of the advocacy office and what 31 resources does it have? Based on these indicators, it is possible to compare the performance of different organizations. More extensive implementation would mean gender incorporation into more programs and procedures, more resources and staff members working on gender issues. Summary Three major conclusions can be drawn from the discussion above about the relationship between organizational variables and responsiveness to new policy. First, a change in policy requires the c00peration of the professional staff who provide the intellectual input and the management who provide the resources and incentives for change. Thus, advocates of new policy have to persuade and bargain with both the professional staff and the management so that necessary implementation in tre form of procedural, programming, budgeting and staffing changes, can occur. Second, even though these actors have a range of strategies available to them, these may be circumscribed by organizational conditions. Organizational conditions shape the internal .bargaining'jprocess 'within. which the actors.lbargain, over implementation. The above discussion suggests that the incorporation of a new issue is furthered by the support of relevant external 32 actors, a favorable~ organizational structure, the fit into organizational goals, procedures and the skills, knowledge and training of the employees. Therefore, the third and last conclusion is that the extent of implementation of a new policy can best be understood as the result of an interplay between organizational characteristics and the internal bargaining process. The next chapter will discuss the evolution of the international women's movement and its theoretical basis as a substantive issue. The three chapters that follow will employ the theoretical framework to analyze the responses of the United Nations Development Programme, the WOrld Bank and the Ford Foundation to ‘women in development issues. 33 NOTES Rudolph Heberle , Social Movements , New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1951; Thedore Lowi, The Politics of Disorder, Harmon Zeigler, Interest Groups in American Society, Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1964. 2 Jo Freeman, in The Politics of Women's Liberation traces the evolution of the Women's Liberation Movement and its policy impact. J. Freeman, The Politics of Women's Liberation, New York: Longman, 1975. 3 Jo Freeman, 1975, p. 5. 4 E.E. Schattschneider, The Semi-Sovereign People, New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1960. 5 Nancy McWilliams, "Contemporary Feminism, Consciousness-Raising, and Changing Views of the Political," in Women & Politics, ed. Jane Jaquette, New York: Wiley, 1974, p. 160. 6 Jo Freeman, 1975. pp. 48-50. 7 The evolution of this movement is the subject of the next chapter. 8 I define international development agencies as including multilateral, bilateral, non-governmental agencies. 34 9 Jo Freeman, 1975, p. 5, Joyce Gelb and Marian Palley, Women and Public Policies, Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1982. 11 J. Gelb and M. Palley, 1982, pp. 8-10. 12 Barbara Nelson, "Setting the Public Agenda: The Case of Child Abuse", The Policy Cycle, in Judith May and Aaron Wildavsky, eds. New York: Sage, 1978. 13 Jane Jaquette, "Copenhagen, 1980: Women in Development," Feminism and tIe New International Economic Order," Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association, Toronto, Canada, August 25-29, 1981, pp. 8ff. in K. Staudt, "Wbmen's Politics and Capitalist Transformation in Subsaharan Africa," Women in Development Working Paper Series, No. 54, East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1984. 14 Adrienne Germain, "Poor Rural Women: A Policy Perspective," Journal of International Affairs, vol. 30, No. 2, 1976-77, p. 164. 15 Anre Costain and Douglas Costain, "The Women's Lobby: Impact of a Movement on Congress," in Interest GrOLp Politics, eds. Allan Cigler and Ioomis Burdett, Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly Inc., 1983. 16 Stephen D. Krasner, ed. International Regimes, Ithace, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1983. 35 17 Carmen Diana Deere and Magdalena Leon, Rural Women and State Policy, Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1987. 18 See Chapter 2 for a detailed treatment of this literature. 19 Robert Cox, "The Executive Head: An Essay on leadership in the 110," International Organization 23, Spring 1969; Robert Ascher, "New Development Approaches and the Adaptability of international Agencies: The Case of the World Bank," International Organization 37, Summer 1983; Barbara Crane and Jason L. Finkle, "Organizational Impediments to Development Assistance: The World Bank's Population Program," World Politics, 33, July 1981; Kathleen Staudt, Foreifl Assistance, Women and Advocacy Administration, New York: Praeger, 1985; Cornelia Butler Flora, "Incorporating Women into International DeveIOpment Programs: The Political Phenomenology of a Private Foundation," Women 5. Politics, Vol. 2, Number 4, Winter 1982. 20 There is, however, one important study that examines the role and performance of international organizations in environmental protection by David A. Kay and Harold K. Jacobson,Environmental Protection: The International Dimension, Totowa, N.J.: Allanheld, Osmun, 1983. 21 S.Krasner, 1983. 22 See Philip Selznick, TVA and the Grass Roots, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1949; and Leadership in Administration, New York: Harper 5. Row, 1957; Charles Perrow, C9_mp1ex Organizations: A Critical Essay, 3d ed. New York: Random House, 1986 36 23 Richard W. Scott, Organizations: Rational, Natural, and Open Systems, Englewood Cliff, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1987. 24 Robert Cox and Harold Jacobson, The Anatomy of Influence, New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1974. 25 Harold Jacobson, Networks of Interdependence, New York: KnOpf, 1984. 26 Howard Aldrich, Organizations and Environments, New York: Prentice-Hall, 1979. 27 Richard Scott, 1987. 28 See, e.g. Stuart Iangton, "Networking and the Environmental Movement", in Environmental leadership, ed. Stuart Iangton, Lexington, Mass: Lexington Books, 1984. 29 John W. Meyer and W. Richard Scott, 1983, p. 14. 30 See, e.g. P. Blau, The Nos of Bureaucracy, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1955; M. Dalton, Men who Manage, New York: John Wiley, 1959. 31 Lawrence T. Farley, Change Processes in International Organizations, Cambridge, MA: Schenkman, 1982. 32 James G. March, "Technology of Foolishness," in March and Johan P. Olsen, eds. Ambiguity and Choice in Organizations, Bergen, Norway: Universitetforlaget, 1976. 37 33 Ford Foundation Annual Report, 1987. 34 Ford Foundation Annual Report, 1987. 35 Brown and Brown, "Organizational Microcosms and Ideological Negotiation", in M.H. Bazerman and R.J. Lewicki, Eds. Negotiating in Organizations, Sage, 1983. 36 Robert Ayres, Banking on the Poor, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1984, pp. 74-75. 37 Paul Lawrence and Jay Lorsch, Organizations and Environments, Prentice-Hall, 1979. 38 Donald Warwick, A Theory of Public Bureaucracy, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1975. 39 See, e.g. Harvey Sapolsky, The Polaris System: Development, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1972. 40 Lawrence, T. Farley, 1982, p. 96. 41 Marshall Meyer, "The Size and the Structure of Organizations: A Causal Analysis," The American Sociological Review, Vol. 32. 1972; Frederic Terrien and Donald Mills, "The Effects of Changing Size upon the Internal Structure of Orgizations" American Sociological Review, Vb1.29, 1955. 42 Lawrence T. Farley, 1982. 43 James Q. Wilson, "Innovation in organization: Notes toward a 38 theory", in Approaches to organizational design, ed. J .D. Thompson, Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1966. 44 James O. Wilson, 1966. 45 See E. Bardach, The Implementation Game, Cambridge, Mass: The MIT Press, 1978. 46 Herbert Kaufman and David Seidman, "The Morphology of Organizations," Administrative Science Quarterly, Vol. 15, 1970. 47 Richard Scott, 1987. 48 Richard Scott, Rational, Natural and (pen Sygtems, Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1981; Charles Perrow, Complex Organizations: A Critical Essay, New York: Random House, 1986. 49 David Korten, "Community Organization in Rural Development: A learning Process Approach" , Publ ic Admini stration Review , September/October 1980. 50 Lawrence T. Farley 1982. 51 Lawrence T.Farley, 1982. 52 Judith Tendler, Inside Foreign Aid, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975, p. 23. 53 Francis Rourke, Bureaucracy, politics and public polig, Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1976, p. 115. 54 Jack Knott, "The multiple and ambiguous roles of professionals 39 in public policy making", Knowledge, Creation, Diffusion, Utilization, Vb;. 8, No. 1, September 1986. 55 William Ascher, "New Development Approaches and the Adaptability of International Agencies: The Case of the WOrld Bank", International Oganization, Vol. 37, No. 3, {Summer 1983], p. 428. 56 Frank Levy, Arthur Meltsner and Aaron Wildavsky, Urban Outcomes, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974 in Jack Knott, 1984. 7 . . . . . 5 James O. Wilson, editor, The Politics of Regulation, New Ybrk: Basic Books, 1980. 58 Eugene Bardach, The Implementation Game, Cambridge, MA: the MIT Press, 1978. 59 James O. Wilson, 1980, p. 208. 60 Aaron Wildavsky, "The self-evaluating organization", Public Administration Review, September/October 1972, p. 517. 61 Nelson Polsby, PolicL Innovation in the U.S., New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984, pp. 172-3. 62 Anthony Downs, Inside Bureaucracy, Boston: Little, Brown: 1966. 63 Richard Scott, 1987. 64 Peter Blau, Theggynamics of Bureaucracy, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1955; M, Dalton, Men who Manage, New York: JOhn‘Wiley, 1959. Chapter 2: Gerder Issues inDevelopment'l‘leoryarflPractice Since the early 19705, the international women's movement's activities have brought about the adoptation of policies on the "integration of women into development" in many multilateral, bilateral and private assistance agencies have adopted policies on the integration of women into their programs and projects. Even though no "regime" with its own norms, principles have been established at the international level to deal with women in development issues, the movement has affected individual development agencies' behavior. Depending on their particular organizational features, some have responded more extensively than others. The question that I am interested in is: What is the poicy impact of the international women's movement on specific development agencies and why have some donor organizations been more responsive than others? Before exploring this question in detail however, it is apprOpriate to discuss how the international women's movement placed gender issues on the agenda of international development agencies in the early 19705. 40 41 Gender issues on the agenda of donor agencies Gender issues entered the agenda of international develOpment agencies as a result of the political and academic activities of an emerging international women's movement who used mainly United . . . 1 Nations conferences to vorce their concerns. In the early 19705, an informal network of mostly women development professionals, and researchers documented the experience of women as a result of development that contradicted with the conceptions of modernization theory and appealed directly to development planners to recognize and account for women's roles in economic development lest the development process be less effective. Buvinic outlines three priority shifts int development thinking during the 19705 which created a more receptive climate to women's issues. Increased focus on the world population "problem" was accompanied by the realization that women are key actors in determining population trends. Acknowledgement of the failure of the "trickle down" approach to improve the lives of the poor highlighted the need for more information on the poor. Research on the lives of Third World women would provide this base. Furthermore, women's traditional importance in meeting the basic needs of the family was recognized.2The need for attention to women in development issues was justified on the basis of efficiency and equity. It was argued that 42 discrimination is not economically rational; if women are marginal to economic development programs, it is at the cost of greater productivity. Ignoring women also hinders equitable development:3 ...integrating women in development efforts permits a full realization of an equitable development strategy in two ways. Many economists and international assistance agencies are now committed to promoting "development with equity". Woten's proportional contribution to household mainterance is highest among low-income families where survival depends on the active participation of all members. Moreover, female-headed households are often disproportionately concentrated among the low-income segments of society. Development strategies which include women address low—income households within a society, whether female- or male-headed. Growth with equity should not be conceptualized solely in economic strata terms, but also in terms of gender. Any strategy that disprOportionately favors men cannot be considered an equitable approach. The main objective of a "women in develOpment policy", is defined by Staudt : 4 The essence of a Women in DevelOpment approach is to ascertain what women actually want and do within a society and provide them with opportunities and skills and resources to enhance that participation...The WID strategy rests on creating more rational and even-handed planning which takes into account the sex division of labor, fair returns for labor, and the equitable infusion of new opportunities and resources to all members of a given comnnity. The scholarly efforts to substantiate the importance and relevance to include women in development assistance activities as both contributors and beneficiaries, were accompanied by the pressure group activities of policy activists and non-governmental organizations on both the national and international levels. 43 The term "Wo'ren in Development" was coined by the women's committee of tie Washington, D.C. chapter of the Society for International Development (SID/WID). 5This group moved to influence the policy of the U.S. Agency for International Develpment by testifying at the Congressional hearings which shape U.S. foreign assistance policies. From this group came the concepts which underlay the Percy Amendment of tIe 1973 New Directions legislation.6The Percy Amendment stipulated that bilateral and multilateral assistance programs be administered 50 as to give particular attention to those programs, projects and activities which tend to integrate women into the national economies of foreign countries and mandated the Agency for International Development (USAID) to implement it.7 Furthermore, AID's bureaus and field missions were asked to encourage international development institutions and other donors and private voluntary organizations and foundations to give specific attention to the role of women in development. The following factors made the passage of this amendment possible. First, there were strong and influential individual women who supported it and who came from mainstream and scholarly organizations. These women testified at congressional hearings which frame U.S. foreign assistance policies. The Percy amendment was supported by two influential worten in particular, Mildred Marcy of the United States Information Agency and Arvonne Fraser, political activist and founder of several women's groups in Washington, whose husbands respectively were Chief of Staff of the Foreign Affairs 44 Committee and member of Congress. Second, these women had the backing of the women's movement in the U.S. Since the women's movement in the 0.8. had acquried some political clout, Senator Charles Percy (the Republican senator who sponsored the 1972 Foreign Assistance Bill) had an interest in satisfying women voters. Third, the request to "integrate women into development" fitted the values that the "New Directions" legislation embodied. Anyone concerned with reorienting foreign assistance to help the poor could readily grasp the importance of reaching women who usually constitute the poorer and less powerful sections of populations. Finally, the amendment did not entail any political cost for its sponsor and it carried no apropriations. The monies were attached to the New Directions; thus adding the amendment carried little fiscal cost. As a result of the Percy Amendment, an Office of Women in Development was established in the U.S. Agency for International Development. The field missions, officies and bureaus of A.I.D. were charged with integrating women as both agents and beneficiaries into the mainstream of the agency's programming process from concept and design through review, implementation and final evaluation. The passage of the Percy Amendment should be seen in the context of the growing women's movement in the U.S., as well of the failure of the first United Nations Development Decade and the criticisms of liberal develOpment theory. Concern for equal opportunity for women was juxtaposed with criticisms of the neglect of liberal development theory in examining tre human factors in development. These two concerns provided the impetus for pressuring both the U.S. Congress 45 and the United Nations system to take women's concerns into account. According to Irene Tinker, the formation of the "Women in Development" (WID) group in the Society for International DevelOpment was a replication of the trend in all professional associations to form woren's caucuses for the dual purpose, first of increasing the participation of wmen in the professional activities of the society and their employment in the field, and second, of ensuring that topics related to women appeared on the agenda of annual meetings.8This trend, coupled with the dissapointment in the achievements of the First Development Decade, provided the ground for the proliferation of United Nations activities related to women, as well as non-governmental organizations concerned with women. Beginning in 1970, the activities within the United Nations system increased substantially. Members of the United Nations and members of specialized agencies and all organs and agencies with the United Nations system were invited to cooperate in achieving the objectives and targets and to make available adequate staff and resources for "the advancement of women". The 1970 resolution of the General Assembly on internatioral action for the advancement of women led to the organization of an "Interregional Meeting of Experts on the role of Woren in Economic and Social Development" by the U.N. Division Of Social Development and Section on the Status of Woven in the Division of Human Rights, in June 1972. In 1974, an "International Forum on the role of Women in Population and Development" was held as part of the activities of the World POpulation Year. 46 In 1975 the World Conference of the International Woren's Year was held in Mexico. The official view of the U.N. is a narrow one as to where the impetus came from for the International Women's Year Conference. The U.N. regarded the conference "..as the culmination of a trio of conferences"9These U.N. sponsored conferences included the U.N. Conference on the Human Environment in Stockholm held in 1972, the World Population Year Conference in Bucharest in 1974, and the World Food Conference in Rome in 1974. Additionally, the U.N. noted that since 1949, its Commission on the Status of Women had been given . - 10 assrstance to the "advancement of women". However, many observers have noted that the impetus to include women's issues in U.N. conferences came from the informal women in development network, particularly supporters in nongovernmental develOpment agencies.11This network is reported to have organized "counter meetings" because women and women's issues were continually excluded from U.N. Conference agendas.12 Boulding noted that "most of the women, no matter how much knowledge they had, stood aside these conferences as petitioners and protesters."l3 Likewise, the impact of the work of the U.N. Commission on the Status of Women was questioned. Tinker reported that for years it was "the only place where W in the U.N. could meet"14and during that time it labored in obscurity generating important but overlooked studies.15 In short, contrary to official U.N. claims, the impetus for tie International Women's Year conference originated not from the male-dominated U.N. leadership but from pressure from mainly women 47 develorent professionals, researchers, activists and feminists. An International Woren's Year Tribune sponsored by non—governmental organizations held simultaneously with this conference was attended by some 6000 women. The non-governmental organizations which have attended the meetings of the U.N. Commision on the Status of Women and other regional and international meetings and conferences and submitted supporting statements WID issues are numerous. In order to give an idea, I will cite the names of a few: International Council of Women, International Alliance of Women, International Council of Social Democratic Woven, Pan-Pacific and South-East Asia Women's Organization, and Woren's International Ieague for Peace and Freedom. Meanwhile, various U.N. organs and specialized agencies were preparing reports on women and participating in the meetings of the U.N. Commission on the Status of Woren. The most active ones, based on participation at these meetings, were the International Labor Organization (110) , the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) and Food and Agricultural Organization(FAO) . While providing limited financial support and cormitment, the U.N. nonetheless put its prestige and machinery in support of women in 1975. An immediate outcore of the Mexico City Conference was the World Plan of Action for the Implementation of the Objectives of the International Women's Year. In addition, the conference called for a U.N. Decade for Women, 1976-1985, during which the World Plan would 48 be implemented. According to conference documents, the purpose of the Plan was:16 ..to stimulate national and international action to solve the problems of underdevelopment and of the socio-economic structures which place women in an inferior position.. . This plan called for the achievement of equality between the sexes within tl'e context of changed relations beteen the North and the South. The declaration of the International Women's Year by the U.N. and the Mexico Conference is widely credited for bringing women out of obscurity and according women's issues legitimacy in international fora. "The World Plan of Action" adopted at this conference recommended that "conferences, seminars and similar meetings at the regional and international levels be organized with the participation, wherever possible, of ministers, high government officials and specialists concerned with development, of representatives of non-governmental organizations concerned with this problem, to consider ways and means of promoting the status of women within the framework of over-all deve10pment".l7 Subsequently, the U.N. General Assembly adopted a resolution titled "World Conference of the International Woren's Year" that urged the relevant organizations to consider women in development seriously and take concrete action. It urged all financial institutions and all international, regional and subregional development banks and bilateral funding agencies to accord high priority in their development assistance, in accordance with the requests of 49 governments, to projects that would promote the integration of women in the development process, in particular, of women in the rural areas.18Finally, all relevant organizations within the U.N. system were invited "to submit, within the framework of the Administrative Committee on Co—ordination, to the Economic and Social Council at its 62nd session their proposals and suggestions for implementing the World Plan of Action and related resolutions of the Conference during the U.N. Decade for Women".19 The U.N. committed its machinery to the Decade for Women in several ways. The Voluntary Fund for Women, supported by pledges from member governments , was established In 1980, the UN Mid—Decade World Conference on women was held in COpenhagen. In preparation for this conference, several international meetings of women took place. Each U.N. region held an official conference and feminist meetings were held in many places, including Thailand, the United States and Norway. The Copenhagen Conference passed a Program of Action for the second half of the decade. Simultaneously with this conference, a Mid-Decade Forum for non-governmental organizations drew some 10,000 participants. In July 1985, the third UN World Conference to Review and Appraise tIe Achievements of tte UN Decade for Women: Equality, Development and Peace met in Nairobi, Kenya. Overlapping the official intergovernmental conference , the non-governmental organizations sponsored "Forum '85" that drew 14,000 people from all over the world, individuals and representatives from a multitude of 50 organizations. Examples include: Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era; Women's Studies International, General Federation of Jordanian Women, National Nurses Association of Kenya, Third World Movement against the Exploitation of Women; Housewives in Dialogue, and Seven Sister College Delegation, USA. Participants attended over 1,500 workshops and seminars on a wide variety of subjects. As many participants of the Nairobi conference have observed, by the end of that conference, a consolidation of the international women's movement on a global basis had taken place. The "Nairobi Forward-Looking Strategies for the Advancement of Women" adopted by the Conference formulated the following guidelines regarding deveIOpment assistance and women. These guidelines were much more comprehensive and detailed than the earlier recomendations for action :20 Bilateral and multilateral aid agencies should take a corporate-wide response to the integration of woren in development. Bilateral aid agencies' policies for women in development should involve all parts of donors' organizations and programmes, including participation of multilateral and bilateral programmes, training, technical assistance and financial aid. Polices for women in development should be incorporated into all applicable aid and agency procedures relating to sectoral and project levels....They should establish monitoring capabilities and procedures to analyse the situation of women in their sectoral and geographical areas. . . Such guidelines and procedures should apply to all aspects of tie project cycle. Existing guidelines and procedures have to be applied more vigorously and consistently; in particular each project document should contain a strategy to ensure that the project has a positive impact on the situation of women. Substantive staff training is needed to enhance the ability of staff to recognize and deal with the centrality of women's role in development, and adequate resources must be made available for this 51 purpose. Implementation of policies concerning women is tl'e responsibility of the particular organization as a whole. Responsibility is not merely a matter of personal persuasion. Systems should be developed which allocate responsibility and accountability. Clearly women's issues are now on the international agenda. At the World Conference to Review and Appraise the Achievements of the United Nations Decade for Woren, member governments have adopted the "Nairobi Forward-Looking Strategies for the Advancement of Women". This document includes measures for the implementation of these strategies at the national level, as well at the regional and international levels. By signing this document, governments have agreed to "establish appropriate machinery with sufficient resources and authority at the highest level of government". The international women's movement have had limited impact on government policies. Eyen though member government of the United Nations have signed conference recommendations on women, and set up women's bureaus within the governments, so far studies show that such bureaus have few resources and are marginalized.210ther research showed that states have shaped policies on women and at times have c00pted woren's movements to fit their own interests and objectives.22However, as a result of the international women's movement, more women have begun to organize and make demands on their governments. When women are politically and economically active, their governments, as well as deveIOpment assistance agencies are more likely to take them into consideration.23, pp. 2, 10; the findings of this study also point in the same direction.) 52 Before turning our attention to the response of specific development assistance agencies to gender issues, it would be appropriate to briefly discuss where the concepts and assumptions on gender issues in development assistance came from. How have major development theories treated gender issues and what criticisms were advanced by feminists regarding these treatments? Gender issues, as they are formulated on the agendas of development agencies, mostly reflect a liberal feminist perspective. The "women in development" field, of course, is not solely the concern of liberal feminists. Others who see the nature of development, as well as the experience of women quite differently have made important contributions to this field and offered challenging questions on how or whether gender issues should be part of development assistance. What follows is a discussion of major development theories and their feminist critiques . Liberal development theory and gender Economic development, from the perspective of liberal development theory entails tIe integration of Third World countries into the international economic system through industrialization. The economic goal is to achieve maximum growth using available resources in the most "efficient" manner, while the political goal is to 53 achieve a democratic system in the style of Western liberal democracies. The social goal is the social integration and stability of Third world pOpulations in order to ease the assumed consequences of rapid change. In the early 19505, the economic and political integration of Third World countries into the Western developed world was ostensibly justified in terms of the containment of communism 24 so that modernization, Westernization and development came to be used as synonyms . To correct the problems of "backward" social and economic status, the "modern" experts recommended rapid economic growth, thereby increasing the overall economic well-being of the nation which, in turn, would permit the redistribution of wealth, promote political stability and provide the foundation for a democracy with broad—based political participation. The preoccupation with political stability of fragile Third World governments, however, led to "development" being equated with strbng central institutions. For Huntington, for example, the primary problem of politics is the lag in the development of political institutions behind social and economic change.25Thus, at the macro-level, political scientists emphasized tre creation of central institutions (the term state was not yet in vogue) and their ability to transform society. The existence of many authoritarian states in the Third World was then explained by Huntington in terms of the necessity to control the population in the face of "demand overload". At the micro level, scholars tried to assess the impact of 54 development on the individual. They argued that the value systems of individuals needed to change from "traditional" to "modern" personality characteristics. 26According to this categorization, the traditional society is characterized by affectivity (looking for immediate gratification), particularism (focusing on the immediate social environment), ascripticn (social roles based on gender, status in a hierarchical fashion), diffuseness (maintaining diffuse roles rather than specific, differentiated roles). ()1 the other hand, a modern society is characterized by affective neutrality (holding back irmrediate gratification in favor of discipline), universalism (identifying with the larger political unit, the nation-state, rather than tIe immediate social environment), achievement orientation and functional specificity (progressive separation of roles). The adoption of modern personality characteristics are assumed to prepare individuals for a democratic-capitalist society. Few modernization scholars have been directly concerned with woren's experience in develpment, but those that did pointed out that women are an anoraly less easily made into modern economic or 27Woren's "resistance to become political participants than men. modern" was, however, seen as a positive factor for development by some modernization scholars who argued that some of the more traditional values that are present in and necessary to modern societies are maintained by woren's roles in the family. First, women will serve integrative functions in society by helping to cushion tIe negative effects of differentiation through their familial and marital roles. Women will hold the role conflicts 55 experienced by men to a minimum by their warmth, affection and adherence to the traditional. As Coleman argues, a traditional trait, attitude, or behavioral pattern can be typologically identical and fortuitously supportive of or instrumentally exploitable for modernization, either for a particular phase or permanently.28In short, although familial norms emphasizing nurturance and emotional support are seen as contradictory to the efficiency and task orientation required at the work place, family nevertheless holds an important mediatory role between the fluctuating labor demands of the occupational structure and the constant subsistence needs of the individual. Modernization theorists also saw women as instrumental in socializing the next generation into new values. McClelland, in his study of achievement motivation, argues, for example, that those women who could not act out tie desire for autonomy and success in their own lives would inculcate "need achievement" in their sons. To put this in context, I should mention that modernization scholars argued that an "innovative elite" in society must emerge who successfully undertake activities of entrepreneurship. The innovative personality was described as a deviant individual who belongs to a rejected group. He is a member of some social group which perceives that its purposes and values in life are not rightfully acknowledged.” According to Hagen, this normlessness affects men more than women because of the differences between the normal social roles of the sexes. Reacting to the ineffectiveness of their husbands, the women will have an intense desire that their sons 56 be more effective and will respond with delight to each achievement in infancy or boyhood.30 Even though it is primarily men who need to be instilled with modern values, it is recognized by modernization scholars that women need to be educated in modern values in order to perform their socialization functions effectively. It is also argued by McClelland that both women's legal and social rights, should be promoted to undermine the absolute dominance of the male. Authoritarian fathers impede need achievement in their sons - one of the ways to undermine the dominance of the male is to strengthen the rights of the female.31 Modernization theory predicts that women's status within the family will improve, and women will acquire legal and political rights. The predictions about women's economic participation, however, are not as clear. As a result of development, the differentiation of economic activities will result in the loss of some of the family's previous functions. The family in modern society would no longer be an economic unit of production. This leads to the lessening of direct control of elders over the nuclear family; an aspect of this loss of control is the growth of personal choice, love and related criteria as the foundation of courtship and marriage. Tl'e result of the differentiation of the family from its other involvements is presumed to change women's status, who generally become less subordinated economically, politically and socially to their husbands than they had been under earlier conditions.32 57 Regarding economic activities, woren's participation in agriculture will decline as industrialization proceeds. Regarding women's nonagricultural work force participation, modernization scholars maintain two different views. On one hand, female employment is assumed to be a function of the level of economic development.33Hence, female employment in economic activities outside agriculture will occur as a result of increased opportunities accompanying industrialization. Increases in woren's labor participation is not only a consequence of development but is supposed to be instrumental in bringing about development: "Women should be freed from home for the cause of economic development to participate in the working force."34m the other hand, the introduction of the nuclear family as a result of structural differentiation and the separation of the economic (public) and familial (private) functions of the household predict a decline in women's labor participation as income levels rise. The assumption is that the male breadwinner earns enough income to support the family as tIe level of economic development rises. Tre contrasting views above are reconciled by the following argument: the course which women will eventually adopt with respect to labor participation will depend on the extent to which they are able to make adjustments between their family and their economic roles. Opportunities resulting from development are open equally to both men and women on the basis of personal achievements since modernization is supposed to break down all ascriptive criteria including the assignment of roles by sex.35 The low level of economic participation of women in the 58 Third World, especially among middle income groups, is justified by the argument that wolen themselves prefer to stay home and tend to their familial responsibilities . Regarding political participation, the same forces which make men modern - such as education, work in complex organizations and mass media exposure- also serve to make women more modern. It is expected that within a modern democratic system, juridical and legislative reforms will grant women equality before the law and give them the right to vote, to acquire and inherit prOperty, to be employed and to be educated.36ln short, scholars who turned their attention to the effect of development on women generally found positive effects. The feminist critique The modernization approach to development encountered many criticisms in the late 19605 and early 19705 as it became apparent that its predictions were not coming true. The conditions in many developing countries after a decade or more in quest of rapid rates of growth showed that their development was unbalanced in the sense that benefits mostly accrued to already privileged minorities. Thus, the inequities in the distribution of incore became an important issue in tIe 19705 as disenchantment with the merits of conventional growth theories increased. The latter justified the necessity of 59 inequities on the presumption that the middle classes had a higher propensity to save than the lower classes. However, the assumption that inequality would diminish as the level of aggregate growth increased did not prove to be valid, for empirical studies could not detect any connection between the growth rate of GNP and the degree of income inequality.37For many countries income distribution, as measured by indicators of relative inequality or by measures of absolute impoverishment, appeared to worsen. In short, the impressive growth rates and sectoral achievements in many countries were apparently not translated into an improvement of the living conditions for the "absolute" poor who constitute, according to a rough estimate, at least 40% of the population of such countries. Helping the poor, by meeting their basic needs through focusing on aid programs on food, nutrition, health, population and education, and human resources became the new thrust of development policy. In 1973, The U.S. Foreign Assistance Act was significantly amended to reflect these concerns:38 United States bilateral development assistance should give the highest priority to undertakings submitted by host governments which directly improve the lives of the poorest of their people and their capacity to participate in the development of their countries. Besides focusing in general on tie poor of developing countries, the Foreign Assistance Act (also called "New Directions legislation") passed by the American Congress specifically calls for an increased emphasis on agricultural cooperation, equitable land tenure patterns, 60 small-farm labor intensive agriculture, and equality in income distribution.39lt requires that aid programs focus on food, nutrition, health and population, education and human resources. Many international fora focused directly or indirectly on poverty-oriented issues during the 19705. These included a conference in Mexico held by the United Nations in 1974, where the objective was to "redefine the whole purpose of development....to ensure the quality of life for all"; the Third World Forum, organized in 1975 "to facilitate tle creation of a more just world order"; the 1975 report of the Dag Hammarskjold Foundation, which argued that the satisfaction of people's basic needs should be at the core of the development process; the 1976 World Employment Conference of the International Labor Organization, where the central theme was the importance of making basic needs satisfaction the prime focus of national and international development efforts.40 Paralleling the general critique of modernization theory, feminist critiques of conventional liberal assumptions emerged in the early 19705. Ester Boserup's pathbreaking Women's Role in Economic Development, published in 1970, argued that improved technology in farming actually lowers women's status by reducing their access to productive work. She also argued that other aspects of modernization are also detrimental to women: urbanization cuts women off from their kinship support networks, there are fewer jobs in the modern sector, and the jobs that are available are often closed to women because of sex stereotyping. Urban women throughout the world are tIe main 61 participants in the so-called informal sector, which is primarily petty trading and often prostition. Colonial administrators, contributing their own definitions of appropriate roles for woren, reinforced the process of female marginalization by training men only, and by structuring access to credit and other resources to the male as "head of household".41 Studies documented how women's status often declined as a result of development because development planners treated women mainly in their reproductive roles, failing to take into account women's productivity and failing to provide them with resources such as access to credit and to new technology, even in activities traditionally performed by women.42These studies argued that women are not recognized as a develOpment problem because it is assumed that they will be cared for by male heads of households and that their marginalization from economic activities is both inevitable and appropriate; or arguments that favor directing resources to woien are denied on the grounds that women are "less productive" or "too traditional". These studies showed that development assistance programs may be directed toward women, but only as mothers (nutrition and maternal and child health programs) or potential mothers (population programs). Women are seen as reproducers , not producers; welfare cases, not workers. These critiques were formulated from a liberal feminist view, supporting equality of opportunity for woven and advocating "increased political and economic participation for women." The 62 solutions proposed emphasized "integrating women into develOpment activities" based on practical, incremental bureaucratic reforms, and women'pressure group activities. This definition of women in development issues, the definition of problems and solutions, got on the agenda of development assistance agencies. Staudt suggests some explanations why this was the case. She argues that contemporary international feminism makes no great demands but instead presses for issues within the confines of given institutions:43 The explanation for this reticence is obvious to those working with existing bureaucracies, states and international institutions. The resistance to a redistribution of social values and resources along gender egalitarian lines and a redefinition of politics itself is profound, and politically weak women's groups are easy to ignore or dismiss. Consequently, active women articulate narrow goals, using grounds for which the institutions will be receptive. This results in building on existing conceptions of men and women, and using arguments which advance the interests of institutions, which may or may not conflict with those of women. The politics of contemporary feminism is implicitly a politics of pluralism, and its goals of more egalitarian policies are "reformist, pluralist, and incremental, through separate women's interest groups. The Marxist and Socialist perspectives on Development and Gender The Marxist perspective on development places focus on capitalist economic relations. Whether capitalism is called international 63 division of labor, international capitalism, or dependent development, the major assumption here is that development is not taking place and that Third World countries are not becoming (and will never become) like the industrialized democratic-capitalist countries of tIe West. From this perspective, the economic consequences of capitalist growth differ in the center (Western developed nations) from the periphery (Third World nations). The basic hypothesis of this body of literature is that capitalism creates greater wealth, while in the periphery it creates underdevelopment or dependent development.44 The Marxist perspective argues that the so-called "development" reinforces the power of tIe ruling classes at the expense of the marginal classes. It is argued that the expansion of the international capitalist system brings about a dual process of center-periphery polarization. As Sunkel argues:45 The evolution of this global system of underdevelOpment-development has, over a period of time, given rise to two great polarizations which have found their main expressions in geographical terms. First, a polarization of the world between countries: with the developed industrialized, advanced "central northern" ones on one side, and the underdeveIOped, poor, dependent and peripheral southern ones on He other. Second, a polarization within countries between advanced and modern groups, regions and activities and backward, primitive, marginal and dependent groups, regions and activities. The marginal and dependent groups are usually involved in pre-capitalist activities and among them, the majority are women. Many studies have contended that under dependent capitalism, there is 64 an intensification of women's economic participation in non-capitalist economic relations (subsistence agriculture, petty 6As the structure of the rural comodity production and circulation) .4 economy becores more capitalized and commercialized, men take the place Of woven on large farms and the total number Of both male and female workers decreases.47ln rural areas, the transition from preindustrial to capitalist relations Of production in agriculture creates a large number of small holder peasants more often than not on the edge Of economic survival. tends to create a large class of small holder peasants. Among this group, men seek seasonal wage employment, often migrating to cities, while women specialize in subsistence agriculture, child rearing and petty commodity production and trading. When women migrate to cities, their employment Opportunities are usually limited to the informal sector as petty traders or domestic servants.48 There is one area where a high level Of female labor participation can be found and that is in specialized export-oriented industries vulnerable to international fluctuations. Female workers are preferred in these industries because they are cheaper, more docile and are more willing to put up with the tedious and meticulous work typical of export-oriented light manufacturing.49 The Marxist feminist perspective on women has aptly demonstrated how capitalist processes have had a major role in shaping the experience of women from different classes in the agricultural subsistence sector, the urban informal sector, and in certain 65 industries. In the Marxist view, the role played by woven as unpaid family mrkers and in reproducing the labor force makes it possible to pay mrkers less than subsistence, and thus to increase capital accumulation. The implication of this literature is that, given the nature of capitalist development, women's subordination and exploitation cannot be overcome under capitalist deve10pment, and that the dependent status of women will be altered primarily by a transformation to socialism. Socialist feminists, on the other hand, have argued that women's experience cannot be understood solely on the basis of economic factors. They argued that the failure to incorporate women into the revolutionary societies of the Soviet Union, China, and Cuba proves that socialist revolution does not by itself liberate women.50The critique of capitalism must be joined by a critique of male domination. As Eisenstein argues, mmen‘s inequality arises not out of biological differences between men and women, but out of the social assessment and valuation of these dfferences.51 The synthesis is "socialist feminism" which links the relations of production to the relations of reproduction. State-society Relations and Gender Another approach to development focuses on state-society relations and reflects the growing general recognition of the importance of political, as Opposed to economic and social determinants of development, and of the nation-state as the point at which political power is concentrated and can most effectively be deployed to resist 66 metropolitan pressures, promote development or at least shape the kind of economic and social changes that occur.52 This approach highlights states as organizational structures or as potentially autonomous actors and views the state as an agent which, although influenced by the society that surrounds it, also shapes social and political processes. If the state has considerable autonomy to shape outcomes in society, we would expect state autonomy turned into "policy choices" would have a potential impact on the experiences of women . Many feminist studies, utilizing the statist perspective, have documented how Third World states have formulated policies that fit their own interest. For example, policies stressing the importance of the traditional sexual division of labor and the strengthening of women's familial role were really attempts to stabilize the adverse effects of rapid change. Mazumdar reports that reformers in India believed that education and the removal of discriminatory and seclusive treatment within the family would enable women to develop into better wives and mothers. Since women were the custodians of traditional culture, greater efficiency on their part would strengthen the family as the basic unit of social organization and insulate the younger generation from the destructive influences let loose by modernization.53 Vaughan points out that the Mexican state strove to make the family the central focus of emotional and social life in place of class and community. General Alvarado of Mexico, for example, envisioned a paternalistic state which would arbitrate 67 conflicts between labor and capital and suggested the importance of the working class family as the primary focus of emotional life and consuming unit in the expanding market economy.54 Differing levels of economic participation of women have been explained by specific development policies of states. For example, the high level of women workers in industry in countries like Singapore, Thailand, South Korea are conceivably the result of government policy directed towards export-oriented development. Croll explains tie high level of labor participation in China as a function of state policy:55 Rural development strategies in the People's Republic of China that aimed at establishing the collective as the unit of production, increasing agricultural production and diversifying rural activities were all planned on the assumption that China is uniquely rich in labor power and that women constitute one of the most underdeveloped of China's resources. Studies on women's political participation demonstrated that laws enacted by the elites have usually been ineffective except in ameliorating upper class women's status. They are enacted from the top. In other words, the government "grants" rights to women usually for the purpose of appearing "Westernized". For example, Gallin reports that laws were enacted in Taiwan to alter traditional patterns of inheritance to benefit women but customary law continued a de facto practice.56Part of the reason for the ineffectiveness of laws is the fact that most reforms are aimed at middle-class women and did not take into account the needs of lower class women: 68 "Reforms in marriage, property laws and the elimination of purdah were aimed at middle-class women as evidenced in Pakistan, India, Turkey and Bangladesh.” 57 Laws in general were made by the modernizing elite (wro were mostly men) who defined the limits for women. Bald, for example, argues that "Reformers in India took it upon themselves to defire the nature and sources of disabilities under which Indian women lived and to provide leadership for organized activities that sought to address what they consdered the women's question. As such, from its inception, what was perceived as the "women's movement" acquired the biases of its urban male, upper-caste, upper class advocates".58 There is evidence that women's organizations are directed by governments. In Bangladesh, for example, the women's organizations never took an independent position on political issues. Most of them were non-political; some were closely tied with various political forces and followed the corresponding party lines. The socialist states are similar in this respect. ENidence cited by Molyneux on North Yemen, and by Rogers on Tanzania support this argument.591n the case of Tanzania, for instance, the UWT's (The National Women's Organization) role was to mobilize women for the drive to independence and teach them TANU (the ruling party) objectives.60 The same type of evidence is cited by Manderson on Maleysian woten's organizations as adjuncts of political parties.611t seems that governments mobilize women when necessary and denobilize them when no longer necessary. There are many examples of massive incorporations of women's movements into the state, to be drOpped when the state no 69 longer needed their support, such as in Argentina and in Iran.62 There is, however, another facet to state-society relations that may imply political and economic power through organizing. States, even though they are the primary institution to shape society, do not have the exclusive domain of influence or authority. Government has an impact on other social institutions and in turn is affected by them.63 The policy implication for women is that the state's need for development may provide a potential wedge for mobilizing women, enhancing female access and ultimately transforming politics. At the very least, women's organizations can make demands on the state and on international development agencies in order to start to gain access to economic and political benefits of development.64 Summary The different theories of development, and the feminist studies that support or criticize them are all critical to the understanding of 1104] gender issues affect and are affected by the process of development. Feminist studies from Marxist and State-Society perspectives document the effect of international economic relations and of state policies, respectively, on women. For the purposes of this study, feminist perspectives on liberal development theory are 7O central. It is mainly from this perspective that scholars and policy activists have pressured international development assistance agencies to consider gender issues in their activities. They have focused on women's contributions to and participation in development assistance programs and projects. By choosing this focus, they have also implicitly accepted the basic premises of the liberal capitalist deve10pment theory in its reformist version, along with the necessity to work within the existing development assistance agencies. The common agenda for development agencies women in development effort can be summarized as the integration of women into the develOpment process, especially to increase poor rural women's economic contribution and their income through research, education and training. By the mid-19805, the general consensus was that there had been minimal implementation of these prOposals. Recommendations continue to be phrased in a general way unrelated to the specific circumstances of development agencies. What I propose here is to go beyond the identification of "problems" and general policy recommendations to analyze hoe organizational conditions and the interral bargaining process may affect the response to gender issues. The next three chapters examine the response of three development agencies, the UNDP, the World Bank and the Ford Foundation, to women in development issues. I argue that the responses can best be understood as an interaction of organizational conditions and 71 internal bargaining strategies. External pressure for change produces limited change unless organizational conditions provide a favorable context for the implementation of a new policy. Organizational conditions ”circumscribe" and shape the kinds of strategies available to internal "policy entrepreneurs" or the "advocates" of a new policy. I assess the extent of change in performance by the programming, procedural, budgeting and staffing changes on behalf of new policy. 72 NOTES 1 Georgina Ashworth, "The United Nations 'Women's Conference' and international linkages in the women's movement", in P. Willets, ed. Pressure groups in the global astem, London: Frances Pinter, 1982. 2 Mayra Buvinic, ”Has deveIOpment assistance worked? Observations on programs for poor women in the Third World", paper presented at the annual meeting of the Society for International DevelOpment, Baltimore, Maryland, June 1982. 3 Kathleen Staudt, Women, foreign assistance and advocag administration, New York: Praeger publishers, 1985, p. 43. 4 Kathleen Staudt, "Bureaucratic resistance to women's programs: The case of women in development" in E. Bonaparth, ed. Women, power and policy, New York: Pergamon Press, 1982, p. 265. Irene Tinker, ed. Women in Washington: Advocates for Public Polig, London: Sage, 1983. 6 See Irene Tinker, ”Women in Development" in Irene Tinker, ed. Women in Washington: Advocates for Public Policy, London: Sage, 1983. for a detailed account of how this happened. 7 U.S. Department of State, Agency for International Development, Integration of women into rational economies, Policy determination 60, 16 September 1974. 8 Irene Tinker, 1983. p. 10. 73 United Nations, Report of the World Conference of the International WOmen's Year, 1976, p. 131. 10 United Nations, "United Nations Assistance for the Advancement of Women, New York, 1967. 11 Patricia Maguire, Women in Development: An Alternative Analysis, Amherst, MA: Center for International Education, University of Massachusetts, 1984. 12 Elise Boulding, Women: The Fifth World, New York: Foreign Policy Association, 1980; Hanna Papanek, "The work of women: Postscript from Mexico City", igns, Vol. 1, 215-226. 13 E. Boulding, 1980, p. 27. 4 Irene Tinker, "Policy Strategies for WOmen in the 19805", Africa Report, March-April 1981, pp. 11-16. 15 Elise Boulding, 1980, p. 26. 16 United Nations, Report of the werld Conference of the International Wbmen's Year, New York, 1976, p. 11. 17 U.N. General Assembly, 25th session, Programme of Concerted International Action for the Advancement of women, Res. 2716 {XXV}, 81-83. 18 U.N. General Assembly, 30th Session, World Conference of the International‘Wbmen's Year, 15 December 1975, Res. 3520 {XXX}, 94-97. 74 19 U.N.G.A., 30th Session, 15 December 1975. 20 United Nations, The Nairobi Forward-Looking Strategies for the Advancement of‘Women, The WOrld Conference to Review and Appraise the Achievements of the United Nations Decade for WOmen: Equality, Development and Peace, Nairobi, Kenya, 15-26 July, 1985, pp. 78-80. 21 Kathleen Staudt, "WOmen's Politics and Capitalist Transformation in Subsaharan Africa", Woren in Development Working Papers Series, No. 54, East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1984. 22 See the section on "State-Society Relations and gender" in this chapter. 23 Kate Young, "The Continuing Subordination of Wbmen in the DeveIOpment Process," IDS Bulletin, volume 10 (April 1979 24 W.W. Rosto», The Stages of Economic Growth: A non-Communist Manifesto, 1960. 25 Samuel Huntington, Political order in changing societies, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968. 26 Talcott Parsons, The Social System, 1972. 27 Jane Jaquette, "Women and Modernization Theory: A Decade of Feminist Criticism”, world Politics, 1982, p. 268. 28 James Coleman, ”The development syndrome: Differentiation-equality-capacity" in Leonard Binder et al, Crises and Sequences in Political Development, Princeton: Princeton 75 University Press, 1971. 29 Everett Hagen, "How economic growth begins: A theory of social change" in Finkle and Gable, eds. Political Development and Social Change, New York: John Wiley, 1971. 30 Everett Hagen, 1971, p. 82. 31 David McClelland, "The achievement motive in economic grovth," in Finkle and Gable, eds. Political Development and Social Change, 1971, p.98. 32 Neil Smelser, "Mechanisms of Change and Adjustments to Change", Finkle and Gable, eds. Political Development and Social Change, op. cit. 33 Hward Wilensky, "Women's Work: Economic Grovth, Ideology and Social Structure", Industrial Relations, 7(3), 1968. 34 McClelland, 1971, p. 98. 35 S.N. Eisenstadt, Modernization, Protest and Change, Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1966, pp. 22-46. 36 A. Inkeles and D. Smith, Becoming Modern, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974. 37 Robert Rothstein, The Weak in the World of Strong, New York, Columbia University Press, 1977, p. 258. 38 Eliott Morrs and Victoria Morrs, "The evolution of development 76 ideas and institutions", U.S. foreign aid, an assessment of new and traditional develcpment strategies, Boulder: Westview Press, 1982, p. 27. 39 Morrs and Morrs, 1982, p.28. 40 Robert Ayres, Banking on the Poor: The World Bank and Poverty, Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1983, p. 33. 41 Jane Jaquette, 1982. 42 See, e.g. Ester Boserup, Women's role in economic development, New York: St. Martin's Press, 1970; I. Tinker and M.B. Bramsen,eds, Women and world development, Washington, D.C.: Overseas Development Council, 1976; Ruth Dixon, Rural women at work: Strategies for development in South Asia, 1978; Barbara Lewis, Invisible farmers: Women and the crisis in agriculture, Washington, D.C.: U.S.A.I.D., 1981; Mayra Buvinic et a1., Women's issues in third world poverty, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983. 43 Kathleen Staudt, "Woren's Politics and Capitalist Transformation in Subsaharan Africa", Wowen in International Development Working Paper Series, No. 54, East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1984, p. 17. 44 F. Cardoso and E. Faletto, Dependency and Development in Latin America, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979; A.G. Frank, "The Development of Underdevelopment" , Monthly Review September, 1966. 77 45 O. Sunkel, "Transnational Capitalism and National Disintegration in Latin America", Social and Economic Studies, 22, 1973, pp. 132-176. 46 June Nash, "Wolen in development: dependency and exploitation," Development and Charge, 1977, 8 {2}, PP. 161-182; H. Saffioti, The impact of industrialization on the structure of female employment, Woven in deve10pment working paper series No. 15, East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1983. 47 G.V. de Miranda, "Women's labor Force Participation in a Developing Society: The Case of Brazil", in Women and National Development: The Complexities of Change, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1977. 48 C.D. Deere, and M. Leon de Leal, "Peasant Production, Proletarianization and the Sexual Division of Labor in the Andes", SiSHS, 17(1), 1981' pp. 338-360. 49 Maria Mies, "The Dynamics of the Sexual Division of Labor and the Integration of Rural Woren into the World Market", in L. Beneria, ed. Women and Development: The Sexual Division of Labor in Rural Economies, New York: Praeger, 1981; Cynthia Enloe, "Women Textile Workers in the Militarization of Southeast Asia" in J. O'Barr, ed. Perspectives on Power: Women in Africa, Asia and Latin America, Durham, NC: Duke University, 1982. 50 Elizabeth Croll, "The Sexual Division of Labor in Rural China" in Women and Development: The Sexual Division of Labor in Rural 78 Societies, New York: Praeger, 1982. 51 Z. Eisenstein,"Developing a Theory of Capitalist Patriarchy and Socialist Feminism," in Z. Eisenstein, ed. Capitalist Patriarchy and the Case for Socialist Feminism, New York, 1979. 52 Alfred Stepan, The state and society: Peru in a comparative perspective, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978; Theda Skocpol, States and social revolutions, Cambridge, Mass.: Cambridge University Press, 1979; Howard Wiarda, "Toward a comparative framework for the study of political change in the Iberic-Latin Tradition: The corporative model", World Politics, 25(2), 1973. pp. 206-235; P.E\Ians, D. Rueschemeyer and Theda Skocpol, eds. Brigging the State Back in, Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 1985. 53 V. Mazumdar, "Women, Development and Public Policy", in Women and Development: Perspectives from South and Southeast Asia, R. Jehan and H. Papanek, eds. Dacca: Bangladesh Institute of Law and International Affairs, 1979. 54 Mary Vaughan, "Women, Class and Education in Mexico, 1880-1928" Latin American Perspectives, Vol. IV, 1977, pp. 206-235. 55 E. Croll, 1982. 56 Rita Gallin, "The Impact of Development on Woren's Work and Status: A Case Study from Taiwan", WOITED in International Development Working Paper Series, No. 9, East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1982. 79 57 Vina Mazumdar, "Women, Development and Public Policy", in Women and Development: Perspectives from South and Southeast Asia, R. Jahan and H. Papanek, eds, Dacca: Bangladesh Institute of Law and International Affairs, 1979. 58 Suresht Renjen Bald, "From Satyartha Prakash to Manushi: An Overview of the Woren's Movement in India", Women in International Development Working Paper Series No. 23, East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1983. 59 Maxine Mollyneux, State Policies and the Position of Women Workers in the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen, 1976-77, Geneva, International Labor Office, 1982. 60 Susan G. Rogers, "Efforts Tovard Women's Development in Tanzania: Gender Rhetoric vs. Gender Realities," Women & Politics, Vol. 2, No. 4, Winter 1982. l Lenore Manderson, "The Shaping of the Kaum Ibu [Women's Section} of the United Malays National Organization", in Women and National Develoglent: The Complexities of Change, Chicago, The'University of Chicago Press, 1977. 62 M. Vaughan, 1977 and Akbar Mahdi, "Women, Religion and the State: Legal Developments in 20th Century Iran", Paper delivered at the Conference on Law and DeveIOpnent in the Contemporary Societies of the Middle East, University of California, Berkeley, May 1983. 63 Peter B. Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer, & Theda Skocpol, eds. 80 Bringing the State Back in, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985. 64 Milton Esman and Norman Uphoff, Local organization: Intermediaries in rural development, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984. Chapter 3: The United Natials Developlent Programme's W to Genier Issues in Development To set the following discussion in context, I will briefly describe the United Nations Development Programme's (UNDP) . The second section of the chapter will describe the extent of implementation of women and development policy. Explanations of the implementation in terms of UNDP's organizational conditions and the internal bargaining process will fol low. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) was created in 1966 to coordinate and administer the U.N. resources for technical cooperation within a trilateral system made up of UNDP, U.N. specialized agencies contracted by UNDP to execute projects, and recipient governments. UNDP was born out of the convergence of two organizations, the Ebtpanded Programme of Technical Assistance for Economic DeveIOpment of Under-Developed countries founded in 1950 (which became known as EPTA) and the United Nations Special Fund founded in 1959 . The EPTA was set up as a result of a call for technical assistance by the General Assembly of the United Nations in 1948. Citing the lack of expert personnel and technical organization in underdeveloped areas, the General Assembly on 4 December 1948 authorized funds to enable the Secretary-General to organize international teams of experts through the United Nations or its specialized agencies to 81 82 advise governments on economic development; to assist in training experts and technicians both abroad and in the developing countries themselves; and to assist governments in obtaining technical personnel, equipment and supplies and in organizing their deveIOpment efforts, including the exchange of information on common problems.1 A report titled "Technical Assistance for Economic DeveIOpment" was issued in 1949 that laid out the basic guidelines for United Nations development activities that are still operative today. These principles stress the sovereignty, independence and self-reliance of the developing countries as participants of development programs. Structurally, UNDP is a decentralized organization with a relatively small head office in New York and 116 field offices around the world. Approximately 450 of UNDP's 750 professional staff members are located in these field offices. Field offices are managed by "Resident Representatives". The UNDP staff rotate between field offices and the headquarters. The latter, located in New York, is organized along four regional bureaus, with desk officers for countries. These regional bureaus are for Africa,' the Arab States, Asia and the Pacific, and Latin America and the Caribbean. The head office also houses the Bureau for Program and Policy Evaluation which provides policy guidance, the Division of Global and Interregional projects, which deals with projects that are initiated at UNDP headquarters in response to worldwide needs identified at global conferences, the special unit for Technical Cooperation among Developing Countries, and the Office for Project Execution which 83 executes a small number of projects on behalf of UNDP, instead of contracting them out to U.N. specialized agencies. Assistance from UNDP and its predecessors comes on grant terms, but recipient governments must make counterpart allocations from their dorestic budgets to meet such project needs as local infrastructure, salaries of national personnel, recurrent expenditures, etc. UNDP's resources are allocated to countries on the basis of an internationally agreed formula. This is called the "indicative planning figure", or IPF and is the projected amount that will be available for program activites in a country over a five-year period. The IPF is based on a country's population and per capita gross national product level, ensuring that the largest amounts of assistance go to the poorest and most populous countries. UNDP receives its funds in the form of voluntary contributions from the member governments of the United Nations. Contributions pledged for UNDP core and UNDP administered funds totaled $790.1 million in 1986. The top contributors are United States, Sveden, Netherlands, Norway and Japan.2 It is accountable to a Governing Council with representatives from 48 developed and developing countries. The Council functions on a one member, one vote basis. The developing countries, which are also the recipient of UNDP funds, have a dominant role due to their numerical majority. UNDP estimates its volume of contributions and plans its activities on the basis of five-year develOpment co—operation cycles. Programs \ are drawn up jointly by the recipient governments at the country 84 level, the Resident Representatives, and the participating organization. These country programmes seek to coincide with the country's om deve10pment plan, identifying the role and phasing of UNDP's inputs which falls within the country's development objectives. The governments in cooperation with the UNDP field office present a plan of projects to be undertaken with UNDP funding, which is then appraised by the Head Office. The regional and global programs are funded through regional IPFs allocated by the Governing Council and are drafted by UNDP regional bureaus in the headquarters and finalized in consultation with governments concerned, U.N. regional commissions and the U.N. specialized agencies. UNDP's Performance: the extent of implementation of women in deve10pment policy UNDP's performance regarding the incorporation of women in development issues into its activities will be assessed below in terms of procedural, programming, budgeting and staffing changes. 1. Procedures regarding women in deve10pment policy a. Policy guidelines The first UNDP guidelines on women in development issues was produced in 1977. These guidelines were stated in general terms and 85 did not provide any specific guidelines to staff on how to implement a "women in development policy". New, more specific guidelines were not formulated until 1986. The 1977 guidelines are titled "Glidelines on the Integration of Women in Development" and are included in the Policy and Program Manual, the operations manual of UNDP.3 It is indicated in the introduction of the "Guidelines" that the Administrator is anxious to see all projects examined from the standpoint of women's role in development. Areas where women should be particularly considered are identified as "education, agriculture, food production, handicrafts and health services".4 The first two parts of the guidelines contain a general discussion of the problem of women's role in development but there are no specific recommendations for staff members. Below is a typical 5 paragraph: ...there is, of course, a price tag on the correction or reversal of the tendency to exclude women from the modernization process. All change carries a cost of some kind. In view of the nature of the problem, the process is generally one of reallocation of resources across the board—with the obvious goal of increasing the overall return on development investment in so doing. The timetable and magnitude of the reallocation will have to be considered on a case by case basis. For certain activities the basic problem may be as simple as giving women access to existing services - for training and credit, for example. Often special or colplementary facilities are called for. In all instances, the solution will be facilitated by improved information about women's role in society and by women's inclusion in the public decision-making process. Regarding Specific guidelines on how to include women in UNDP's 86 activities, this document indicates: "More specific advice concerning the diverse problems of how to better integrate women in the deve10pment process has been given the form of an annotated list of references."6This section refers the reader to guidelines of other development agencies such as the United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA) , recommendations produced by United Nations conferences and literature on women in development issues by scholars. The vague nature of the guidelines is an indication that no particular procedural or programmatic changes had been planned on how to deal with "gender issues" in UNDP's development assistance activities. These guidelines were revised nine years later in 1986, at the request of UNDP's Governing Council to the new Administrator, William Draper 111, by Gloria Scott, the former Adviser of women in DeveIOpment at the World Bank. This document titled "UNDP Programme Advisory Note - Woren in Development" is much more extensive than the earlier guidelines. The Program Advisory Note (PAN) on "women in development" is «directed at the governments, the UNDP and other organizations in the U.N. DevelOpment system. The PAN suggests the following roles for the U.N. system in the implementation of WID: a) the introduction of WID issues in donor consultations/round tables where they can be discussed as part of the examination of development priorities of the particular country and its related needs for technical c00peration and, b) consideration of WID issues at project identification and design, when general questions about women in the country/ region/ type of interventions being considered are raised. 87 It then provides a framework for project analysis that includes an Activity Profile and an Access and Control Profile on women. Finally, it provides an extensive account of how women may be considered and what questions need to be addressed in the identification, design, implementation, and monitoring, review and evaluation stages of projects in eleven different sectors and areas. These sectors and areas are: development planning: education and training; agriculture, animal husbandry and fisheries; forestry and energy: industry: small-scale enterprises in the informal sector; population, health and nutrition; water supply and sanitation; credit; employment: data base. The report, submitted to UNDP's Governing Council in June 1986 titled "Programme Implementation - Women in Development: Implementation Strategy" expands on these policy guidelines:7 1. The issues of WID will be considered as part of the preparation of each country programme. The Resident Representative will make prOposals on the subject in the note submitted to the Government as part of the planning procedure. These proposals, as well as prOposals by the Government, will subsequently be discussed in detail as the planning of the country programme proceeds. In the final country programme proposal, the nature of women's participation in each project or area of assistance will be identified. These issues will be translated into specific work plans at the time or preparation of the project document. 2. WID issues will be monitored and reviewed in the course of implementatim of country programmes and the results will be included in all implementation reports and assessments. 3. The same principles will be applied in the preparation of regional, interregional and global 88 programmes, i.e. women's interests will be taken into account at all stages of preparation, implementation and evaluation of these programs. This report also mentions that action will be taken on the following areas to increase women's participation and responsibility will be allocated to appropriate bureaus: training programs, data base planning, reporting system on project implementation, fellowships and training programs for women, recruitment of woren consultants and experts, evaluations that address the issue of women's participation, non-governmental organizations and grassroots participation, Round-table meetings, Focal point for women in development in the Bureau for Programme Policy and Evaluation, Promoters of women's interests in the regional bureaus and operational funds and programmes under the authority of the UNDP administrator, information support program on women in development. b. Evaluations and Reviews The present evaluation system of ongoing projects in UNDP provides no information on women's participation in project activities clearly and on a systematic basis. But there have been two "thematic" evaluations of women's participation in UNDP activities. Thematic evaluations are done on a selective basis as warranted and the responsibility for it is shared by the governments concerned, UNDP and the UN Ebrecuting Agency concerned. There have been two "thematic evaluations" of women's participation in projects in the U.N. system that UNDP coordinated . In 1978, UNDP undertook a joint agency/UNDP assessment of rural 89 women's participation in development. The assessment proceeded by means of regional reviews; country case studies and a reivew of relevant parts of the global and interregional program of UNDP. The results and recomendations for action were presented to the Governing Council of UNDP and to the World Conference of the U.N. Decade for Women at Copenhagen in 1980.8 The full report was issued as UNDP Evaluation Study No. 3 under the title Rural Women's Participation in Development. The UNDP Governing Council endorsed these recommendations and the Administrator of UNDP issued instructions to UNDP staff. The recommendations included the following:9 1.Training of UNDP and Agency Staff at all levels through the incorporation of corponents of special relevance to women's role in deve10pment into UNDP's staff training program. 2. Inclusion of programmes and projects of particular interest to woren in the country and inter-country programmes: ensuring that women are involved in all projects where their participation is desirable: attending to women's special requirements {e.g. training, education, health, income-generation, water supply etc.) This would be accomplished throuh a review and revision as apprOpriate of relevant instructions in the Policy and Program Manual, especially those concerning project formulation, tripartite reviews, evaluation and collaboration with non-governmental organizations to ensure that women's interests are taken into account. 3. Improved data base for the planning of women's participation in UNDP-supported programmes and projects, especial 1y intensive and extensive studies on women' 5 work situation and more corprehensive country profiles on women's situation. This is to be accorplished through the preparation of Addendum to Program Guidelines issued in 1977, further elaborating on the subject in the light of the findings of Rural Women's Particigtion in Deve10pment. 4. Improved flow of information to enable woren's groups around the world to becore better informed of one another's activities and to permit UNDP to assess possibilities of collaboration with such groups. To achieve this objective, UNDP would 90 collect and distribute information on women's participation in development. 5. To continue to pay special attention to the recruitment and training of women staff in UNDP in order to obtain a more equal distribution between the sexes at all levels. 6. To evaluate the implementation of recomended activities; review and appraise the extent of implementation in reports to the Governing Council. In 1985, another evaluation study, Woren's Particigtion in Development: an inter-organizational assessment was presented to the 1985 "World Conference to Review and Appraise the Achievements of the United Nations Decade for Women". UNDP coordinated this study, but it was not included among the organizations that were assessed because projects were categorized according to the agencies that funded and/or executed them. Since UNDP is primarily a funding agency, it wasn't included in the list of agencies that were assessed. 215 projects operational in 1984 executed by eleven executing or participating U.N. agencies in four countries (Rwanda, Democratic Yemen, Indonesia and Haiti) were assessed. The total budget allocation for these projects was $168,334 million. The projects were divided into four categories in terms of the inclusion of women: AI - Projects of exclusive concern to women; A2 - Project activities designed to include women; B - Project activities will affect women but no provision made for their direct participation and C - Project activities of no immediate interest to women. The findings show that 56% of projects core under category B i.e. projects that have not made any provisions for women's direct participation and have received 63% of the total resources. 27% are found to be of no immediate interest to women. Category A1 that 91 targeted women comprise 4% of projects and command 0.6% of the resources and Category A that included women in its design comprise 12% of the projects and received 11% of the resources. The number of projects in this category are 27, compared to 121 in category B; this means that less than one in six projects that were reported to affect women were planned to involve them in their implementation.10 The major obstacle to gender sensitive programs and projects that was cited in this study was "the continuing failure among United Nations organization staff to perceive the significance of women to the achievement of many national deve10pment plans, or once this is perceived a lack of experience or guidance as to how to action the perception effectively".11 2. Programs a. Wolen in UNDP project and sector activities UNDP. has identified 40 country projects that were Operational soretime between 1978 and 1986 as involving women. Below is a table that classifies these projects by sector and geographical area.12To put this table in context, these 40 projects represent a miniscule number of UNDP-funded projects during this period. Given that UNDP 13, the projects approves approximately 680 country projects a year related to women represent .009 of total country projects approved during this period . 92 Tmflel UNDP Projects that involved women by geographical area and sector Sectors Number of Projects Agriculture and Rural Development: East Asia and Pacific 1 East and South Africa 4 Europe and Middle East and North Africa 2 Latin America and the Carribean 1 South Asia 3 west Africa 4 15 Small scale enterprises: East Asia and the Pacific 1 East and South Africa 2 Europe, Middle East and North Africa 1 Latin America and the Carribean 3 South Asia 1 West Africa 2 10 Education: East Asia and the Pacific East and South Africa Europe, Middle East and North Africa Latin America and the Carribean South Asia l-‘HN N 93 Table 1 (cont'd.) West Africa water Supply and Urban Development: East Asia and Pacific East and South Africa 4 Europe: Middle East and North Africa Latin America and the Carribean South Asia West Africa 1 5 Population, Health and Nutrition: East and South Africa 2 Technical Assistance: West Africa 2 TOTAL 40 *This table is compiled by the author using the information furnished by the UNDP Division of Information. The classification of geographical areas follows WOrld Bank's classification to facilitate comparison. 94 b. The nature of women's participation in projects I have divided the projects that are listed above into three categories to analyze the extent Of women's participation: a) projects where woren are classified as automatic or natural beneficiaries; b) projects where women are provided access and resources; and c) projects where women constitute the major or sole beneficiaries. The table below shows how the 40 projects are divided according to these categories. Table 2 The extent of participation of women in UNDP funded projects TYPGA TYPEB TYPeC 14 9 17 (38%) (21%) (41%) *compiled by the author. Type A projects are those that do not provide special resources or access or include women in the design but indicate that women benefitted as a result of the project. An example is the Burma Crop Development project that aims to increase the production of maize, pearl millet, sugarcane, sorghum and sunflower and an increase in 95 farmers' incomes. The project summary indicates that farmers' incomes have registered substantial hikes, including those of most of the 4.3 million rural women in farm families who have traditionally been involved in Burma's agriculture. Another example is the Beijing Vegetable research center that provides technical guidelines for vegetable production. This project will also provide training and extension services to commune extension workers and Officials in charge Of vegetable production, many of whom are women. Type B projects are those that provide specific provisions of resources and access to women. For example, one of the Objectives of the Tihama Agricultural Extension Services Project in Yemen was to provide rural women with income-earning skills, and to train them to improve family nutrition and household hygiene. Another example is a Liberian self-help village deve10pment project where labor-saving devices for women are introduced and training and credit are provided to enable women to undertake income-earning activities. Consciousness raising activities will also be carried out. Type C projects target at women. Projects such as "Organizing Mothers' Clubs and Co-operatives" in Bolivia, "Women's Handicraft Centre" in the United Arab Emirates enter into this category. Another example is a project in Indonesia aimed at the deve10pment of the productive role Of women. More than 1,850 women in 12 villages have received training, equipment and management and marketing advice that has enabled them to increase their earnings by an average of 30 percent. In Bangladesh, "Woren's Training Centers" have provided 96 1,000 women with skills training for incoTe-generating activities such as weaving, sewing, fish-net making and tin-smithing. The above table shows that 21% of the projects that claim to involve women have included women in mainstream projects. 41% are women only projects and 38% claim to include women but no provision was made for their direct participation. c. Regional and Interregional programs related to women: UNDP has provided funding to a few regional and interregional programs related to women. It provides funding for the African Training and Research Centre for Women (ATRCW) of the U.N. Economic Commission for Africa and the Asian and Pacific Centre for Women and DevelOpment of U.N. Economic and Social Commission of Asia and the Pacific. (APGND) ATRCW provides assistance in strengthening or creating national corpetencies to design and evaluate programmes; identifying sources of funds and technical assistance; many kinds Of training for women and introduction of technological innovations to ease women's workload. The APCWD carries out research, prepares case studies, holds training workshops and publishes materials. Another program that receives funding from UNDP is the "Programme for the Integration of Women in DeveIOpment" (PIWD) that was launched by the U.N. Economic Commission for Africa in 1979. This program Operates through four coordinators of women ' 5 programs based in the four Multinational Programming and Operational Centres (MULPOCS) . This program was evaluated by a mission in 1984.14‘Ihis program was 97 mandated to undertake the following activities. a. Training and research b. Strengthening of rational machinery c. Operation of subregional machinery and participation in regional structures d. Development of projects in the field e. Inclusion of the "women" component in the projects of UNDP and other agencies f. Flow of information In addition to the Programme for the Integration of Women in Development based in tie MULPOCs, UNDP finances two other projects launched and implemented by ECA which are of direct concern to women: a project of support to the Africa Regional Coordinating Committee for the Integration of Woren in Development, ARCC (regional project) and a training project on women, management and deve10pment planning: an African perSpective, a subregional project set up within the Eastern and Southern Africa Management Institute (ESAMI) at Arusha, Tanzania and implemented jointly with ESAMI. Finally, a project entitled "Woren's World Banking" receives support from regional, as well as interregional funds. UNDP has provided administrative and technical support to a project entitled "Prototion and Support for Woren's Participation in the International Drinking Water supply and Sanitation Decade". This project has received funding in tl'e amount Of $2,800,000 from the governments of Norway and Carada.lsis supported by the Governments of Norway, Canada and the Netherlands. Its aim is "to demonstrate the value and ways of achieving women's effective involvement in 98 planning, designing, implementing, operating and maintaining drinking water and waste disposal schemes." This project works with U.N. system organizations including UNICEF, WHO, World Bank and INSTRAW and non-governmental organizations. It provides advisory and technical support at the country level to sixteen countries. For example, in Nepal, it provides support to Women's Development Section of the Ministry of Rural Development, to organize women's groups for water improvement schemes. In Sri Ianka, it is associated with the Women's Bureau to prorote women's involvement in all phases of UNICEF-assisted water supply and sanitation improvement activities in the country's driest zone. In Zimbabwe, the project trains women volunteer health workers and support the water and sanitation improvements in comercial farm areas, through Save the Children (UK). In Kenya, the project is involved in community participation and training activities of the Kenya Water for Health Organization with UNDP, World Bank, and SIDA assistance. The project's global activities include the preparation Of case studies of country experience in Asia, and a software monograph for engineers and other technical personnel, in cooperation with the World Bank Technical Advisory Group. 16 d. Publications and Research related to women: UNDP is not primarily a research organization. Its Division of Information publishes information related to its activites intended for external audiences. Information on wowen in development has been included in some UNDP 99 booklets, newsletters, background papers and other publications. The first one was the booklet by E. Boserup and C. Liljencrantz, "Integration of women in development: why, when, how" in 1975. UNDP has also published Development Issue Papers titled "Women and the New Interratioral Economic Order", "Sharing of experience among woven" and "Women and Technical Co-Operation Among Developing Countries. UNDP has also co-sponsored a seminar that resulted in a publication issued by the Overseas Development Council in Washington D.C. entitled Women and World DevelOpment". 3. Budgeting The amount of UNDP funding for the 40 projects between 1978 and 1986 listed as relevant to women is $43,129,000 . This represents .006 of the whole amount ($7,038,056,000) that UNDP has spent during this period.17 4. Personnel Regarding staffing, a position for a "women and development Officer" was established within the Bureau for Policy and Program Evaluation. The officer in this position is supposed to work with the regional prototers in the headquarters. Special "promoters" of women's interests have been designated in 1977 in each of UNDP's four Regional Bureaus. These "promoters" do not receive any additional resources but are asked to keep track of the regional bureaus ' work regarding gender sensitivity. They are supposed to assess project proposals from the point of view of women's participation and monitor 100 and report progress . In 1986, the new UNDP Administrator, William Draper III, established a new Division for Women in Development within the Bureau of Policy and Planning. The new Division will be responsible for seeing that women's needs and capabilities are systematically considered in project designs and programming. Draper also announced that there will be one national and one internatioral Officer in each UNDP country office specifically responsible for seeing that UNDP-supported projects and programmes Of development in that country take women into consideration as part of their designs as a major new thrust. Furthermore, every new project presented for approval will include an analysis of the project's contribution to increasing women's share and role in deve10pment. 18 UNDP l'as also attempted staff training programs on women in deve10pment issues. At the start of the U.N. decade for women, UNDP produced "Women in development courses for action" which included two 16mm motion pictures for orientation and training, as well as six sound-slide films, accompanied by discussion guides. These were distributed to all UNDP country offices with the recommendation trat the material be used to train both UNDP and other UN agency staff. UNDP conducted one training seminar on women in development in collaboration with the World Bank, using the framework of analysis originally developed by tre World Bank with the assistance of the Harvard Institute of Interrational DevelOpment. Its training program in 1980 cotprised of a number Of courses, which mainly address 101 themselves to problems of administration and management: "Only one course concerns programme management and even here there is very little emphasis on substantive aspects of pogramming. Techniques of project formulation and appraisal and development Of managerial and decision-making skills are given major emphasis.19 In 1986, a workshop on women in development that would include the executive management of a number of U.N. agencies, including UNDP, was planned with financing from Canada, Netherlands, Norway and Sweden. Eyen though the Administrator promised to implement a "comprehensive staff training programme" in 1986 he also indicated that contributions were being sought to cover this training estimated to cost between $300,000 and $400,000 "from donor governments that have expressed special interest in WID issues".:20 5. Summary As the preceding account shows, the response to women in deve10pment issues in the UNDP has been very limited. There has been no concrete guidelines until 1986, and no evaluation procedure to account for women's participation. There have, however, been two thematic evaluations on "women in deve10pment" coordinated by UNDP. The most recent ore found that less than one in six projects that were reported to affect women were planned to involve them in their implementation . 21 The number Of projects that involve women is tiny (.009) compared to UNDP's overall portfolio and have commanded .006 of UNDP's 102 resources. UNDP has supported ore global project and two regional projects related to women. Again, considering that UNDP had 40 global and interregional projects in Operation in 1985, one global project indicates limited support.22 Up to 1986, only one person, a women in deve10pment Officer, was formally assigned and paid to integrate gender issues into UNDP programs and projects. In the last few years, there have been considerable changes that promise more extensive implementation of a women in development policy. In 1986, the new guidelines have stated that women will be included in _a_ll programming activities of UNDP, and in all stages of the programming process. These guidelines prepared in 1985 included all sectors of deve10pment activity and contained specific instructions on how to include women in the design of projects. The establishment of a new Division for Women in DevelOpment and assignment of responsibility to UNDP field offices all are indications of more extensive change; however, it is too early yet to make an assessment of how the new procedures and personnel changes will affect programming. I will now turn to a discussion of UNDP's organizational conditions and attempt to explain how these may have affected UNDP's performance in the area of women in development. 103 Organizational Conditions 1. The Influential Actors in UNDP's Environment The nature of UNDP's programs and projects are affected by the attitude of its partners. Therefore, whether the host governments, donor governments, executing agencies and other funding partners support gender isssues becomes a central issue. UNDP, as a member Of the United Nations system, was requested to consider women's participation in its development activities by the U.N. General Assembly during the U.N. Decade for Women. All U.N. Agencies were asked to submit reports appraising the implementation of their woren in development policies to the Decade for Women Conferences, in 1980 in Copenhagen and in 1985 in Nairobi. UNDP is accountable to tre governments that make up the United Nations and particularly those that sit on its Governing Council. UNDP's Governing Council specifically endorsed the recommendations for action that resulted from these evaluations and asked UNDP to report to it regarding the implementation Of its women in development strategy. The increased interest and pressure of particular donor governments, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Netherlands and Canada have been influential on UNDP. The governments of Sweden, Netherlands, 104 Norway and Denmark also are four Of the top six donors of UNDP.23These governments have prmoted women in deve10pment issues through their bilateral aid agencies, as well as through the United Nations agencies in their capacity as member governments. They have provided resources for UNDP supported activities for the participation Of women in development. For example, the project on the Promotion and Support for Worens' Participation in the International Drinking Water Supply and Sanitation Decade was started by $2.5 million funding from the Government of Norway. Six of the 26 UNDP supported projects that have allocated resources to women in either mainstream or woren-only projects were funded (in excess Of UNDP funding) by the governments of Norway and Netherlands. These governments have recently pressured UNDP to demonstrate its commitment to implementing its woren in development policy and have indicated their dissatisfaction with UNDP's implementation Of women in development policy in the June 1986 meeting of the Governing Council. The women in development. implementation strategy submitted to the Governing Council of the UNDP in June 1986 contained a comprehensive statement of action, but ro details regarding its implementation and no intention of resource allocation. Instead, it was indicated that donor governments interested in women in deve10pment issues would be approached for additional resources.24 The Nordic countries of the Governing Council expressed their displeasure at this lack of interest in institutionalizing women in deve10pment policy by UNDP in a speech to the Governing Council: 25 105 ..we welcome the implementation strategy for UNDP as outlined in document DP/1986/14. We are in fact somewhat surprised, however, that after so many years of talking about the importance of ensuring the role of women in development so little has been done in a systematic manner. We endorse the strategy in its totality...We would, however, have expected a more detailed outline on how UNDP intends to succeed in these important tasks....The Nordic countries cannot, however, accept the prOposal contained in the document regarding the firancing of the activities to be carried out under the strategy....lt is our firm conviction that the Council as well as the UNDP administration must live upt to its responsibility and accept the consequences of its position. The strategy cannot be implemented unless staff time and other resources are allocated for this purpose. The Administrator must ensure that the highest possible reallocation of existing resources for these activities be made. There is evidence that these countries are prepared to use this influence to promote UNDP's implementation of women in development. The draft of UNDP's "Programme Advisory Note" on women in deve10pment states:26 Many of the major donors have been re-examining their policies, procedures and mechanisms for women in deve10pment. There are indications that as they are trying to improve the efficiency of woren in deve10pment in their bilateral programmes, they are also determined to make multilateral technical cooperation on women in deve10pment more effective than they have been to date. It is suggested that they may even be preparing to use performance on women in development as one of the criteria on which they will base their support to multilateral agencies. UNDP administrator's response to the increased pressure to consider women in deve10pment issues by its Governing Council in June 1986 was the fol lowing:27 106 If one message comes through more clearly than any other, it was that Council members want to see UNDP implement in full its plans for bringing half of humanity - women- fully into the development process. To succeed, our prOposals require, not more rhetoric, but a strong commitment by UN Agencies, donor and recipient countries. As far as UNDP is concerned, I have already given that commitment. The Australian delegate has proposed that we identify for practical implementation two country programmes per region where we would have the active support of the Government concerned. I have asked Regional Bureau directors to give this idea their attention, and I will report to the Council in our choice of countries and any results achieved in the coming year. The bilateral aid agencies of Canada, Netherlands and Norway have also demonstrated their support for WID issues by funding a high level management training seminar for U.N. agency on WID in December 1986 in New York. This "Inter-Organizational Top Management Seminar" on Women and Development brought together the heads of UNDP, United Nations Fund for Children (UNICEF), United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA) and the World Food Program (WFP) . It is clear that the pressure from some donor governments has had an important role in the recent changes that UNDP's new Administrator has undertaken. Eyen though the encouragement and pressure of some donor governments have been positive, one must keep in mind that they are not tre only actors relevant to UNDP. UNDP's is set up to fund and coordirate technical assistance in the United Nations system. It is part Of a tripartite system that includes recipient governments and executing agencies. This tripartite system accords voice to governments and United Nations executing agencies so that support and interest of both these actors become recessary to make changes. UNDP's insistence alone is not sufficient in the implementation of 107 woren in development policy. Within this system, project proposals are a government prerogative and the technical expertise called for in the process of project formulation is primarily the responsibility Of the U.N. Eb