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presented by
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"TRYING TO SUCCEED": A DESCRIPTIVE STUDY
OF PERCEPTIONS OF "SUCCESS" IN TEACHING/LEARNING
SPANISH IN A HIGH SCHOOL CLASSROOM

By

Linda Pavian Roberts

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Teacher Education

1988

ABSTRACT
TRYING TO SUCCEED: A DESCRIPTIVE STUDY

OF PERCEPTIONS OF "SUCCESS” IN TEACHING/LEARNING
SPANISH IN A HIGH SCHOOL CLASSROOM

By

Linda Pavian Roberts

The purpose of this study was to examine and describe the scope
and strength of existing beliefs and behaviors characterizing
participants’ perceptions of "success" in teaching and learning foreign
language in a high school classroom. The study examined participants’
perceptions of their mission within the school and classroom, their
normative patterns of classroom communication, and their daily
transactions within the organization that determined perceptions of
relative "success."

A fieldwork research approach was used to best gain insight into
participants’ explicit motivations as well as underlying forces that
appeared to drive their actions in the learning environment. The
setting of this study was a midwestern urban high school of
approximately 2,000 students. A semester-long Spanish 11 section of 23
students and their first-year teacher were the subjects of the study.
Data were gathered through extensive participant observation and
recorded in fieldnotes, documents and transcriptions of open-ended
interviews.

Findings indicated that there were multiple and conflicting

definitions of success in foreign language study. Credentialing for

Linda Pavian Roberts

high school graduation or college entry motivated students. They
measured success in terms of grades. For the teacher, communicative
competency was the final goal.

This study also indicated that the classroom was not conducive to
the acquisition of second language communicative skills. Such
classroom communication patterns frustrated students since they
differed considerably from communication norms in other classes. There
was noticeable resistance to the functional use of Spanish in this
setting.

The concept of "trying" as it pertained to both communication and
achievement of a grade was particularly significant in this study.
Trying to communicate involved risk, tolerance for error and a
subjective measurement of how well the message was communicated.

Trying to get a grade was tied into organizational norms. The teacher
measured not only apparent achievement through test scores, but also
determined the extent to which the student was "trying" to achieve
through homework, class participation and extra credit.

Finally, this study showed powerful checks and balances that the
organizational culture exerted on a new teacher’s power to balance high

standards of achievement with realities of enrollments.

Copyright by
LINDA PAVIAN ROBERTS
1988

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to express my appreciation to those who have
supported me in the completion of this project. I am particularly
grateful to my dissertation Chairpersons, Dr. Arden Moon and Dr.
Douglas Campbell whose expertise, interest, encouragement and guidance
made this culminating doctoral activity a valuable and exceptionally
positive learning experience for me. They helped me to reach and grow
as a student, and at the same time they gave me models of teaching
excellence to emulate.

Likewise, I extend my sincere thanks to Dr. Peggy Riethmiller and
Dr. Paul Munsell who served on my dissertation committee. For their
long-term guidance both in and out of the classroom, and for their
direction and suggestions in this project, I am most grateful.

I sincerely thank "Mrs. Maria Kraft," her students, and her
building and district administrators who assisted me in sharing,
recording and analyzing the experiences of a single foreign language
classroom. Although their names remain anonymous to protect their
confidentiality, it is, indeed, their candor and cooperation that made
this study possible.

Special thanks is also extended to those persons in the Waverly
Community Schools who granted me a sabbatical leave in order to study

and begin this research. I am particularly grateful to Mrs. Therese

Payne, my assistant principal who has encouraged my professional growth
over the years, and to Dr. Robert Soderman, my principal, who has
served as my educational mentor by means of his encouragement, guidance
and sincere professional respect.

I extend my thanks to Mrs. Melba Lacey who has so ably assisted in
the formatting and editing of my manuscripts.

Finally, I acknowledge the patience, love and encouragement of my
husband, Paul, and my children, Marc and Kiersten. They have tempered
my occasionally excessive academic enthusiasm with a rare and valuable
combination of respect and humor that has allowed me to take my studies
seriously, but to keep my priorities as a wife, mother, teacher and

student in perspective.

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES ........................................ x
LIST OF APPENDICES ................................................ xi
Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION ............................................. 1
Statement of Purpose .................................. 3
Significance of the Study ............................. 5
Organization of the Text .............................. 7
II. THE FOREIGN LANGUAGE CLASSROOM AND
THE ORGANIZATIONAL CULTURE OF SCHOOLING ............... 8
Historical Framework .................................. 8
Immediate Background-~The Pilot Study ................. 15
Review of the Related Literature ...................... 17
Theory and Research in Foreign/Second Language
Acquisition ..................................... 17
Theory and Research Dealing with Organizational

Culture, Curriculum and Change in the
Contemporary American High School ............... 2]
III. METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH .................................. 29
Research Questions .................................... 29
Research Plan ......................................... 32
Analysis .............................................. 34
Stylistic Conventions ................................. 37

vii

IV. THE SCHOOL CULTURE AND THE FOREIGN LANGUAGE CLASSROOM... 38

Introduction to the Setting and the Participants ...... 38
The School ........................................ 38
The Teacher ....................................... 43
The Students ...................................... 46
Student Needs and Motivations ......................... 48
Getting into College .............................. 49
Getting out of High School ........................ 53
Getting on with Family Traditions ................. 54
Why Did These Students Choose Spanish as Their
Foreign Language? .................................... 55
Spanish as the Easiest Foreign Language ........... 56
Spanish as a Practical Language ................... 59
Teacher Needs and Motivations ......................... 61
Clarifying Organizational Roles ................... 62
Establishing Classroom Priorities ................. 64
V. TRYING TO COMMUNICATE .................................... 66
Communication in the Classroom Context ................ 66
Communication in the Foreign Language Classroom ....... 68
The Teacher: Encouraging the Students to "Try"
to Communicate ....................................... 75
Minimizing Pressure and Risk ...................... 75
Dignifying Practice without Penalty ............... 76
Creating Patterns of Positive Reinforcement
and Non-Threatening Methods of Correction ........ 77
Allowing Time for Students to Form a Response ..... 80
The Students: Resistance to Classroom Communication... 81
Active Resistance ................................. 81
Passive Resistance ................................ 94
The Native Speakers in a Communicative Setting ........ 100
VI. TRYING TO GET THE GRADE .................................. 108
Introduction .......................................... 108
Test Scores--A Measure of Achievement? ................ 110
Achieving a Good Grade through Efficient
Studying ......................................... 112
Achieving a Good Grade by "Cheating" .............. 115
Bargaining away the Impact of the Test Score ...... 119
Homework--A Measure of "Trying" ....................... 123

viii

Class Participation ................................... 129

Asking and Answering Questions .................... 130
Following Accepted Norms for Classroom Behavior... 132
Attendance ........................................ 134
Completing Assignments--The Paper Chase ........... 136
Extra Credit .......................................... 139

VII. THE CLASSROOM AND THE SCHOOL CULTURE: CHECKS AND

BALANCES ................................................ 144
Introduction .......................................... 144
The Workload .......................................... 145
The Knowledge Load .................................... 148
A Counter-Reaction to the Easy A ...................... 153
VIII. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS ............................. 156
Summary of the Findings ............................... 156
Multiple and Conflicting Definitions of Success... 157
Normative Behavior Patterns ....................... 161
Transactive Patterns--Trying to Succeed ........... 163
Interaction of School and Classroom Cultures ...... 166

Implications and Questions for Further Research:
50 What? Now What? .................................. 168

Personal Reflections: Between the Tower and

Terra i ma .......................................... 172
APPENDICES ........................................................ 175
REFERENCES ........................................................ 183

ix

Table

Figure

NOMAwNi—o

LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES

Page
Foreign Language Enrollment Data ......................... 40
Map of the Classroom ..................................... 42
Sample of Trevor’s Written Work .......................... 86
Sample of Solita’s Early Written Work .................... 90
Sample of Albert’s Written Work .......................... 101
Sample of Alonso’s Quiz 26 ............................... 120
Sample of Don’s Quiz 26 .................................. 121
Sheet with Verbs for Use during Exam ..................... 124

LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendix Page

A. Results: Survey of Student Perceptions of "Trying"

and "Success" in Spanish Class .......................... 175
B. Copy of a Page from Fieldnotes, March 24. (Names

changed to ensure anonymity) ............................ 177
C. Mrs. Kraft’s Spanish II Course Outline ................... 178

0. Memorial High School’s Memorandum to Parents Regarding
Student Failure ......................................... I82

xi

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

Observing a classroom is not unlike watching a stage performance.
What is immediately apparent on the stage is only a mere fraction of
what lies behind the scenery and in front of the footlights. And,
indeed, what one even perceives in the spotlight depends upon the
backgrounds and assumptions of the various audiences or participants.

From one classroom, for example, emanates a complicated cross-
section of constituent voices that echo expectations, motivations and
definitions of success. Kaleidoscopic patterns and discordant har-

monies emerge when these voices resound side by side:

The teacher’s voice is heard:

"I enjoy teaching Spanish. I really do, and I enjoy doing a lot of
oral practice and listening and all that. So what I really wanted
them--of course I taught them the grammar, you know-~but I wanted to
put a lot of emphasis on the oral-~oral practice."

And, as if in response, a local university professor’s voice
resounds:

"[These oral programs] create a frightening product of students who can
speak, but can’t read or write. As a university discipline, this
doesn’t make it."

Having heard neither of the above, student #1, speaks in tentative
tones:

"Uh [I took Spanish] in case I wanted to get into some college and it
required a foreign language, ya know."

But student #2 has no interest in college:
"Well, I need it to graduate for one thing."

1

2

And another classmate, who already speaks Spanish at home, adds
still more contrast to the range of motivation:

"It’s just I had it in junior high and then from there it’s just given
to me and [they] kept on giving it to me. They say if you get a good
grade in it, you might as well keep it.”

And then, from beyond the classroom walls echo parent voices:

"We insisted that he did take a foreign language for college entrance,
and just to have it.“

Some are much less confident and supportive:

"I told him he might as well take it although he didn’t want it and
didn’t enjoy it...I told him to go ahead and get it over with..It’s too
bad it wasn’t fun or enjoyable for him."

And always the tempo of administrative authority is heard:

"We are attempting to improve foreign language instruction in the
building and improve that in terms of number--number of offerings--
opportunity students have to select foreign language and seek to find
ways to help teachers feel that are doing a better job in attracting
students to foreign language."

All the while, the researcher listens for recurring themes and

melodies:
Researcher: "How do you know you are successful in this particular
class?"
Student: ”I dunno. For me, it’s gettin’ a C in there."

Researcher: ”What would make you think you’re doing that well?"

Student: ”Well, you see, it’s what--O.K.-my dad last marking
period--she talked to him and said she said if he turns in
all the homework and stuff and all the stuff we do in
class, I will give him a C, ya know. That’s what she
said, ’cause she knew it was hard for me. And I’ve done
that this marking period."

Researcher: 'Is it possible to get a C in a class and not learn
anything?"

Student: "Um hum. Well, I’m doin’ it right now."
The teacher’s voice:

"I can’t justify flunking him.”

3
Indeed, under the surface of day-to-day activities in any class-
room is found a wide range of motivations, expectations, patterns of
acceptable behaviors and transactions that govern complicated issues of
authority and accountability within the organizational culture of

schooling.

Statement gf Purpgsg

The purpose of this study, then, is to examine and describe in
detail a single high school foreign language classroom, to the end that
such issues of purpose, authority and accountability might be revealed
from within the context of the learning environment. A fieldwork
research approach is used in order to best gain insight into par-
ticipants’ explicit motivations as well as the underlying forces that
appear to drive their actions.

This research project comes at a time when high school foreign
language enrollments in the United States are increasing. With renewed
interest in "back-to-basics" academics and increased global awareness,
foreign language is once again coming into favor, not only as a
desirable part of the college preparatory curriculum, but as a part of
revitalized effbrts to make the American workforce economically
competitive in world markets.

At the same time, there is within the field a thrust toward
functional communicative proficiency as the final educational objective
of such foreign language study. Underpinned by theories of second

language acquisition, foreign language classroom teachers are being

4
encouraged to teach and measure such communicative competencies using a
variety of relatively new methods and materials.

It is in light of these concerns for change and desires for
educational improvement that this research study was undertaken from
within the organizational culture of the classroom. James Baldwin
spoke of change by stating, “Not everything that is faced can be
changed, but nothing can be changed until it is faced." This study,
therefore, seeks to EEC: the high school foreign language classroom.

Likewise, it would appear that change within any organization
might best begin with a prior knowledge of the scope and strength of
the existing beliefs and behaviors that characterize that organization-
al culture. Participants’ perception of their mission within the
school and classroom culture, their normative patterns of behavior and
their daily transactions within the organization combine to form a
framework of potential constraint to effective organizational change.

This study examines and describes three such areas of situational
constraint that may have bearing on the changes being suggested for the
foreign language classroom. First, participants’ multiple and con-
flicting definitions of "success" in foreign language study are
examined.

Second, normative patterns of behavior within the classroom
culture are examined and described. The unique nature of the foreign
language classroom is highlighted, including the tension and resistance
that participants exhibit when their accustomed classroom communication

patterns are altered.

5

Third, transactive patterns within this organization that appear
to allow participants to bargain issues of accountability and authority
are examined and described. The concept of "trying" is examined first
as it relates to ”trying to communicate" and second as it relates to
”trying to get a grade.”

The overarching research question for this study deals with how
participants, and their constituencies, are "trying to succeed" in the
study of foreign language, and how the organizational culture of the
school and the classroom potentially enhances or inhibits their

pursuits.

Significance of the Study

The potential significance of this study to the existing body of
research lies in three general areas. First, this study may add to the
growing body of classroom-centered research generated from within
foreign and second language classrooms. It appears that questions of
relationships between foreign language curriculum and the culture of
the high school classroom remain unexamined. According to VanPatten
(1986), ”It would seem, then, that one truly relevant area of inquiry
(there are others as well) for foreign language teachers is ’what are
the limits and boundaries placed upon classroom language acquisition
due to the socio-psychological distance between students and L2 [second
language] groups, lack of motivation, and other affective factors?’ To
put it in other words, ’How much language can really be acquired in the
classroom?’" (VanPatten, 1986, p. 212). Although this study does not

propose to measure acquisition, it does seek to describe in con-

y‘_. -- — *— “guono‘ml‘r.

6
siderable detail the context of the high school classroom, including
the importance of measurable acquisition to participants, and the
situational constraints imposed by the classroom culture on the process
of language acquisition.

The second significance of this study is in its ability to
complement other types of classroom-oriented research in second
language learning. Some of these studies have examined and analyzed
discourse in the second language classroom with emphasis on teacher
talk and/or learner feedback (Richard-Amato, 1984; Wing, 1987; Guthrie,
1987; and Gaies, 1979). Other research has dealt with personal
variables such as motivation and risk taking for the second language
learner (Schumann and Schumann, 1977; Bailey, 1978; Beebe, 1983). The
in-depth descriptions of the classroom culture and the interview data
in this study may add to this body of research.

Taken together, the insights gained from a prolonged exposure to
and analysis of interactions in the foreign/second language classroom
setting will help provide more in-depth information to use in pre-
service and in-service teacher education and in curriculum design as it
pertains to foreign language offerings--either required or elective.

And finally, this study will add to the growing body of work that
has been done in other content area or age level classroom settings.
Augmenting the general knowledge of what life is really like in
classrooms through the use of "thick description" (Geertz, 1973) may
Thelp to enhance teacher education programs in the general sense by
providing to teacher educators and practicing and future teachers a

dynamic picture of the classroom setting, with categorical similarities

7
and differences among and between content and age levels highlighted

for further study.

Qrgagization of the Text

 

The text of the study is divided into eight chapters. Following
this brief introduction, the second chapter includes a brief historical
framework, a review of the pilot study and a review of the related
literature. The third chapter outlines the research questions, the
research plan, the analysis of the data and the stylistic conventions.

Chapters four, five, six and seven detail the results of the study
using the actions and words of the participants taken from fieldnotes
and interview data. Chapter four describes the setting and introduces
the motivations of the participants. In chapter five, the concept of
"trying to communicate" is described including the actions and per-
ceptions of both the students and teacher. In chapter six, "trying to
get the grade" is described in considerable detail. Chapter seven
examines the system of checks and balances within the organization that
effects both the ”workload" and the "knowledge load" that could be
expected in this classroom.

The final chapter summarizes and interprets the findings, reflects
on their significance, and considers broad implications and questions

for further research.

CHAPTER THO: THE FOREIGN LANGUAGE CLASSROOM
AND THE ORGANIZATIONAL CULTURE OF SCHOOLING

The purpose of this chapter is to outline the foundation upon
which this research is grounded. The chapter includes a brief histori-
cal framework of the tradition of foreign language study in the United
States. It continues with a review of the pilot study conducted in a
university-level foreign language classroom. The chapter concludes
with a review of the related literature in two areas--theory and
research in foreign/second language teaching/learning; and theory and
research dealing with organizational culture, curriculum and change in

the contemporary American high school.

Historical Framewgrk

In his study of school culture, Sarason (1982) suggests that the
more things change, the more they remain the same. It is important,
therefore, to place this case study into something of a historical
perspective before linking it to the recent pilot study from which it
emerges or to the review of the literature on which it rests.

The tradition of foreign language study came to the United States
with its first colonists. Already embedded in the European Renaissance
and in the background of American scholar-statesmen was the prominence

of Latin, Greek and sometimes Hebrew as the three languages of scholar-

9
ship. According to Chastain (1980), the first recorded modern language
classes were given in 1702 in Germantown, Pennsylvania. Spanish was
included in the curriculum of the first academy founded in Philadelphia
by Benjamin Franklin, although instruction was not given until 1766.
In 1875, Harvard initiated the first foreign language requirement.

Education, itself, was an endeavor primarily reserved for so-
ciety’s elite during the first century and a half of American educa-
tional history. The same basig curriculum served all students. The
publication of the report by the Committee of Ten in 1893 listed
foreign language with English, mathematics, history and science as the
core of the course of study. "It is of some interest," according to
Pei, ”that in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries up to
eighty-five percent (85%) of our high school students, and practically
one hundred percent (100%) of college students studied at least one
language" (Pei, 1973, p. 128).

The period of functional philosophy that began in the early
twentieth century and that was characterized by pedagogical progres-
sivism appeared to wreak havoc with foreign language enrollments.
Ravitch (1983) cites statistics showing that although overall high
school enrollments were increasing during the period, the proportionate
number of students studying foreign language dropped drastically
between 1910 and the mid-1950’s. By 1915 the pr0portion had slipped to
77%, and by 1955 only 20.6% of high school students studied any foreign
language. 0f the languages being studied, Spanish replaced German
after World War I, introduced, according to Pei, "by reason of a

hypothetical expanding Latin-American trade" (Pei, 1973, p. 43).

10

It is useful, however, to look not only at enrollments, but at
attitudes, purposes and pedagogy of the period in an attempt to
determine apparent motivation for or against language study. Why did
many American students choose not to pursue any foreign language? And
why did Americans choose only certain languages for study and exclude
others?

Ferguson and Heath (1981) describe the complexity of language
consciousness that appears to pervade American culture:

Many Americans regard the use of another language in the USA

as a sign of inferiority and disadvantage--to be kept hidden

in one’s own case and educated away in the case of others.

They view the study of foreign languages in school as not

particularly useful in achieving a good education or prepar-

ing for a career. Yet some of these same Americans are proud

of a President who can speak a few words of Spanish on a

public occasion and are enormously impressed by a European

visitor who speaks several languages (p. xxviii).

In examining historical attitudes and motivations toward second
language learning, at least two concepts must be considered. The first
is the idea of "currency"; the second is the concept of "immediacy" as
it relates to deference.

All languages have a characteristic of being able to serve their
speakers in a variety of settings. For the purposes of this framework,
that ability of a langauge to "buy” survival for some and preferred
status for others, will be termed language "currency." For the period
of declining enrollments in foreign language study (1910-mid 1950’s),
American English had the highest currency within the borders of our

expanding nation as the unofficial language of the melting pot.

Furthermore, English was becoming an accepted and respected currency

11
throughout the world as a language of political, military and economic
importance.

The second concept is one of immediacy and deference. During this
period, English was certainly the most immediate language for most
Americans. Indeed, the average citizen, unlike his/her typical
European counterpart, could live a lifetime without ever having to
defer to others speaking a ”foreign" language.

Given the practical reasons for 39; studying a foreign language,
one must turn to the motivation of those who did choose to enroll. The
choice of which foreign language to offer was couched in at least two
basic assumptions-~one rather ethnocentric in nature, the other
pedagogical.

Nineteenth century views of Social Darwinism tended to equate
western European civilization with "high culture." The study of
"civilized languages" and literatures provided social and intellectual
currency within the western European community of nations, including,
to an extent, the United States. This was particularly true in the
choice of French as a modern language of study. According to Pei, this
European tradition held that "no person could consider himself truly
educated unless he knew some French” (Pei, 1973, p. 44).

Nevertheless, it is also interesting and important to note that
all foreign languages-~classical and modern-~were taught essentially
the same way—~through grammar, two-way translation, composition,
occasional dictation, irregular verbs, vocabulary and analysis of
structure. There was little or no conversation and the emphasis was

"cultural" in terms of being considered ”civilized."

12

The choice of foreign language in basic curriculum construction
was defended for its ability to offer mental discipline, particularly
for those of intellectual promise. Faunce and Bossing (1958) indicate
that foreign language was a part of the mental discipline tradition,
not for its functional properties, but rather for its ability to
exercise and build the prized mental functions of discrimination and
judgement. According to Unks (1983) two years was the standard length
of time required to fulfill this requirement of brain exercise. He
continues, however, that the two year minimum "had the result of
exercising the brain into somnolent bliss, but at the same time
preventing the student from knowing enough to use the language for any
recognizable purpose" (Unks, 1983, p. 20).

The historical appearance of Sputnik in 1957 signaled a turning
point in the trend of declining foreign language enrollments. There
appeared to be two overlapping points of view taken by legislators and
educators. The most obvious was that Sputnik must arouse the American
people to the need for foreign language in a world suddenly grown
smaller by reason of a space satellite. Functionalism became the
watchword in communication. The federal government stood at the
forefront. It offered National Defense Education scholarships to
potential foreign language teachers and supplied funding for research
into foreign language instructional methods and technological develop-
ments such as language laboratories. James Conant (1959) admonished
schools to either teach enough foreign language to enable students to
write and speak it, or stop teaching it altogether. His advice was

heeded by some school districts who took into consideration the long-

l3
term nature of formal, structurally-oriented language acquisition and
developed programs beginning in the elementary schools.

Paradoxically, however, the expressed need for functional literacy
was overshadowed by bureaucratic efforts to establish minimum require-
ments in its back-to-basics reaction to the perceived Russian threat.
Most curriculum designers resurrected the two-year mandate for high
school and college graduation. Therefore, although the government pro-
jected a need for proficiency and financially supported the concept,
American students continued to enroll for many of the same reasons that
had held historical significance. With increased requirements for
graduation, many faced language study, albeit conversational, as a
boresome but indispensible two-year chore associated with getting a
diploma. The majority of high school students selected languages at
random and according to availability. And, in reality, English still
held the highest currency within the United States, so many Americans
never used, at home or abroad, even the meager skills they had develop-
ed.

As the United States achieved its goal of space supremacy in the
race to the moon, ”basics" graduation requirements were eased and
foreign language study predictably dropped off. The Joint National
Commission for Language reported that only 15% of all American high
school students studied foreign languages by 1981 (Lewis, 1981).
Goodlad (1984) reported that in his Study of Schooling ”foreign lan-
guages occupied a very small proportion of the secondary curriculum--
4% of the allocation of teachers in the senior highs and a mere 2% in

the junior high schools” (Goodlad, 1984, p. 216).

14

There have been several major shifts in American society and
schooling that have affected and may continue to affect the attitudes
and motivations of those who study foreign language. First, there has
been a significant change in the way Americans view "culture" vis-a-vis
language. During the social consciousness era of the 1960’s and 1970’s
the elitist literary definition gave way to a more anthropological
viewpoint in which other cultural groups were viewed with increased
sensitivity and respect. Foreign language students were encouraged to
study abroad and young Peace Corps volunteers used their language
skills ”in the field."

Domestically, another major change took place in the realm of
foreign language study. The number of students learning English as a
second language grew phenomenally as a result of increased immigration
primarily from Spanish-speaking countries. In many geographic regions
throughout the United States, Spanish was no longer considered a
”foreign" language. For a period, federal legislation supported
bilingual education philosophically and financially. Recent initia-
tives to make English the "official" language of the United States may
prove to affect the amount of respect and sensitivity that is accorded
to the study of foreign language, but this remains to be seen.

The 1980’s was another fertile period in American educational
history for reform. The publication of A Nation at Risk (1983)
heralded another return to the quest for academic excellence, and once
again foreign language study was strongly advocated as part of a basic
curricular reform not only by the National Commission, but also by the

20th Century Fund (1982) and the College Board (1980).

15
In a similar fashion, colleges and universities have started, once
again, to consider foreign language study as part of both entrance and
graduation requirements. Indeed, it appears that foreign language

study is again on the upswing.

mmed e k r un -- h Pi d

My interest in the study and teaching of foreign language is not
new. As both a recent student of French at the university level and a
twenty-year veteran teacher of Spanish at the middle school through
university levels, I have played both the student and teacher roles.
In addition, over the past few years I have been actively involved in
fitting foreign language into the overall curriculum design of the
school district in which I am employed. Therefore, I have been an
integral part of the various waves and trends that have used foreign
language to "beef up" basic curriculum, and, likewise, I have watched
gifted colleagues lose teaching positions or be forced into minor
fields as enrollments declined and foreign language took on the status
of an elitist academic frill.

In addition, because of my varied background, I have also taught
full-time at the elementary level and in other high school departments,
including English and alternative education. I have come to realize
that foreign language teaching and learning is somehow different from
other educational endeavors. Caught between the required and elective
domains, between the goals of mental discipline and communicative

competence, teachers and students of foreign language seem to be asked

16
to ”do everything” and prevented by a two-year implied limit from doing
anything as well as possible.

It is not surprising, then, that when given the opportunity to
develop my skills in field research in the three-course sequence in
Fieldwork Research in Educational Settings, under the direction of
Drs. Campbell, Singer and Erickson, I chose a foreign language class-
room setting. I was anxious to take a researcher’s point of view,
standing back from my own domain and ”making sense" of what was
happening through the eyes of the participants.

The topic for this study originated from my work in that research
sequence. In the winter/spring of 1986, I conducted a pilot study of
teaching/learning foreign language in the formal classroom setting.
The study was done in a university level beginning French class using a
non-participant fieldwork approach similar to the one used in this
research. Among my findings included assertions that:

1) participants expressed different and sometimes

contradictory definitions for what they considered
the study of foreign language to be;

2) the tone and curriculum (grammar study) were deter-
mined by a department administrator who saw foreign
language study as an academic pursuit and drove the
curriculum through written departmental examinations
that measured structural accuracy with a system of
points understood and utilized by all participants;
and

3) students perceived that they were "learning French,"
but not necessarily by departmental standards, rather
as much through their contact and cultural inter-
change with the foreign teaching assistant.

This research builds on the perceptions manifested in the pilot

study and seeks to describe in greater detail the extent to which these

l7
assertions are generalizable to a comprehensive high school setting.
It also seeks to determine if there are other organizational or
individual perceptions of "success” in foreign language teaching/

learning.

Two areas of the related literature have a direct bearing on the
issues raised in this study. The first includes theory and research in
foreign/second language teaching/learning--with particular emphasis on
the classroom as the language acquisition environment. The second area
of interest is in theory and research dealing with the organizational
culture, curriculum and change in the contemporary American high

school--once again with the focus on foreign language.

Theory and Reseerch in Forei n Second an ua Teachin Learnin

The most influential movement in language teaching in the last ten
years is the one frequently called the communicative approach. First
developed in Europe, it has taken on various adaptations for the
American foreign language classroom.

Savignon (1983) distinguishes between language form and language
function and identifies competencies that are grammatical, socio-
linguistic, discourse-related and strategic. She points out that
meaning depends in large part on common understanding among par-
ticipants. She notes that in the language classroom competence may be
valued as much or more for its form as for its communicative function.

She says, ”Within a classroom context, for example, the meaning of a

18
particular utterance may be no more than the demonstration of formal
accuracy to earn an A on a test" (Savignon, 1983, p. 26).

Rivers (1983) divides learning activities into those called
"skill-getting" and ”skill—using,” thus separating classroom time
between grammar/explanation/drill and "communication activities." Most
Spanish texts currently on the market appear to be based on this model
of learning.

In recent years there has been a push from within the profession
from the American Council on the Teaching of Foreign Language (see
ACTFL, 1982) for the development of proficiency among foreign language
students. The term "proficiency" itself has caused more than a little
controversy in its precise definition, but the overall movement focuses
less on grammatical competence and more on competencies that relate to
natural and/or strategic interchanges with native speakers of the
target languages.

Krashen’s Second Language Acquisition Theory (SLAT) has also been
closely related to the foreign language classroom (Krashen & Terrell,
1983 and VanPatten, 1986). Central to the theory is the distinction
between acquisition and learning. Acquisition takes place during
communicative experiences, according to Krashen, and learning is
associated with drill and study. Four hypotheses in Krashen’s theory
have possible bearing on the classroom learning eXperience. The Input
Hypothesis describes the conditions under which acquisition takes
place. It hypothesizes that students acquire when they understand
messages in the target language. The Affective Filter Hypothesis

suggests that acquisition can be blocked by personal or motivational

19

factors or by high anxiety levels in the classroom. The Monitor
Hypothesis suggests that the knowledge of the linguistic forms is not
useful in the communication context in which there is not normally
sufficient time to “monitor” or edit speech for accuracy. And finally,
the Natural Order Hypothesis argues that grammatical structures are
learned in a predictable order irrespective of formal instruction.

Although elements of Krashen’s theory are debated, most resear-
chers g9 acknowledge that meaningful input is important to language
development. Hatch (1983) argues for negotiated input in which
students are actively involved as conversational partners. Studies of
classroom discourse, however, report that such use of the target
language is not necessarily easy to achieve in the classroom setting.
Guthrie (1987) points out the unique characteristics of the classroom
as a language acquisition environment, highlighting "curricular and
institutional requirements, student expectations regarding structure
and direction, time constraints, and an imbalance of both fluency and
authority in the teacher's favor" (Guthrie, 1987, p. 173). Wing (1987)
found that in a typical 50 minute high school Spanish class period, an
average of only 19 minutes was used for communicative purposes in the
target language. Guthrie (1984) found that learners were often
confused about what the teacher was doing with language, as there was
frequent switching between linguistic and communicative language use.
Student use of the target language was often driven by the classroom
task sequence and supported by the use of the textbook.

The affective component, including motivation, and its effect on

the development of overall language development, has also been con-

20
sidered in the research. According to Dulay, Burt and Krashen (1982)
it is the affective component, not aptitude, that "allows" second
language development in all areas of language--linguistic and non-
linguistic. The research in this area is relevant when one considers
the basic differences between foreign and second language learning.
Foreign language skills are generally get used extensively outside of
the classroom context. VanPatten (1986) says,

The importance of the differences between the contexts of

foreign and second language learning should not be under-

estimated...Most [of the foreign language students] have not

chosen to study another language out of interest in the

target language or culture. Many of them do not consider

language learning a particularly valuable or enjoyable

experience and are often resentful of the time and energy

demanded to master a skill they don’t want and never intend

to use (VanPatten, 1986, p. 212).

Beebe (1983) relates psychological research on risk-taking with
theoretical models of successful language learning. She highlights the
difficulty of determining an abstract optimal level of risk for
individual language learners in various settings, or among a variety of
learners in the classroom environment. She points out that there is an
inverse correlation between risk-taking and accuracy. She says, "If
teachers want students to attempt difficult structures, to talk a great
deal, and to volunteer new information when communicating, they must
expect the accuracy levels will go down" (Beebe, 1983, p. 60). She
suggests that this viewpoint might not be well-accepted in traditional

settings where accuracy is considered important to high academic

standards.

21
Although proficiency appears to be the goal in foreign language

teaching/learning, Schulz (1986) cautions that the constraints of the
classroom, including limited time and the artificiality of the setting,
limit the number of communicative contexts that can be dealt with
naturally. She points out the enormous burden placed on the teacher to
create motivation in such an artificial setting. She also points out
that foreign language teachers do not face homogeneous groups of
learners--particularly in required courses. Teachers must consider a
variety of learner aptitudes, attitudes, motivations, interests, needs
and learning styles. She cautions curriculum designers to approach the
proficiency movement with the care and respect it deserves rather than

as another "bandwagon" movement in foreign language.

Theory end Researeh Dealing with Degenizetionel Culture. Curriculum and
Change in the Contemporary Ameriean High §ehool

There is a significant body of research that focuses on the
organizational culture and normative patterns of American schools.
Several sources are relevant to this study.

Jackson’s (1968) landmark work, Life in Classrooms, focuses on the
elementary level classroom, but highlights characteristics that are
common to the normative behaviors at the high school as well. He
describes a crowded but stable physical environment and a constant
social order that is characterized by cyclical activities, intricate
systems of praise/reward and the prescriptive and restrictive power of
the teacher. Jackson coined the phrase ”hidden curriculum" and

contrasted it with the academic demands of schools, citing instances

22
of students praised for ”trying" or complying with the procedural
expectations of the institution without succeeding academically.

Cuban’s (1984) study of constancy and change in American class-
rooms addresses the strength and power of the normative systems in
schooling. He measured the strength of "progressive ideas" on actual
classroom practice during two reform periods, 1890-1940 and 1965-1975.
He used measures including:

1) arrangement of §2§£§ (rows vs.loosely arranged tables);

2) ratio of teacher to student telt;

3) jnetructien (whole group vs.individualized);

4) eetivitiee (teacher chosen/led vs. student chosen/led); and

5) student movement (none vs. free).

He found that despite the strong emphasis on progressive reform in
the curriculum theories, teacher education programs and professional
literature, yety little actual change took place on the classroom level
from 1890 to now. There is still almost a 90% likelihood of finding
high school students sitting quietly in rows, listening to teacher-
initiated instruction, much like classrooms at the turn of the century.

Cuban contends that teachers can exercise only situationally
constrained choice over decisions made for their classrooms. He
stresses that efficiency and convenience necessarily dominate the
normative patterns of classrooms. His historical perspective seems to
indicate that students lined in rows ere conveniently and efficiently
surveyed. Students taught as a whole ere efficiently and conveniently
dispatched. Students quiet and immobile ete more easily managed in a
crowded setting.

Sarason (1984), likewise, examined change within school culture.

He highlights the complexity of the student/teacher roles and what he

23
calls the “constitutional issues of the classroom" that place authority
in the teacher’s hands while at the same time requiring him/her to
sustain that authority despite changing levels of student compliance
and inconsistent support from forces outside of the classroom.

The social construct of the classroom, itself, according to a
study by Erickson and Shultz (1977) is ”jointly constituted" by the
participants, requiring a willingness on the part of each to follow
along in the unfolding of events and/or be willing to be passively
non-involved. Doyle (1986) notes that for an activity to succeed as a
social event in the classroom, there have to be sufficient numbers of
students willing to enact the participant roles, while the rest, at
least, allow the activity to continue within the norms of appropriate
classroom behavior held by the teacher, students or school staff.
Sizer (1984) points out that students’ apparent acquiescence to this
authority structure in the school culture is, at best, provisional.

Goodlad’s (1984) three-year Study of Schooling offers a descrip-
tion of the distinct and paradoxical character of the foreign language
classroom. On one hand, like "non-academic" subjects (the arts,
physical education and vocational education) the instruction in foreig
language is task-oriented and is characterized by a high amount of
student active involvement. The teacher provides a model and correc-
tive feedback against which students can rather quickly check their own
performance. Likewise, as with the arts and physical education,
GondTad7s’statistics show that foreign language was not highly valued

as a school subject in American society, but gee ranked substantially

24
higher than the ”academics" in student interest in subjects now being
taken.

0n the other hand, foreign language classrooms shared certain
characteristics with the academic areas. As in math and science,
teachers relied heavily on textbook materials, and the workbook/
worksheet so commonly used in the teaching of academic subjects
appeared frequently in foreign language classrooms as well.

Foreign language classrooms stood apart from either category in
two areas. The time spent on instruction was greater in foreign
language than for eny other subject, and teachers of foreign language,
more than teachers of other subjects, perceived themselves to be very
much in control of all instructional decisions. "It appears," says
Goodlad, "that they did not share this decision-making authority with
their students" (Goodlad, 1984, p. 217).

The students surveyed in Goodlad’s study were comparatively few in
number and tended to self-select foreign language, enrolled [perhaps]
through a need to be prepared for admission to egy_college or univer-
sity. "Undoubtedly, this means a more highly motivated and more
academically able student group than is found in subjects required for
all or in subjects-of—last-resort for students experiencing learning
difficulties" (Goodlad, 1984, p. 218).

Lafayette (1980) examined foreign language enrollment patterns in
the state of Indiana and their implications on teacher workloads and
language instruction. He points out the likelihood that foreign
language teachers will have a minimum of four different preparations

per day, with the strong possibility of multilevel classes in their

25
schedule. He found, also, that more than half of Indiana’s second lan-
guage teachers also teach in another academic area or teach part time.

Research that focuses on the trensectjve patterns in contemporary
American high schools is also potentially relevant to this study.

Cusick (1973, 1983) has described a type of academic "bargain"
that takes place between students and educators in American high
schools. The features of the bargain include: relatively little
concern for academic content; a tendency toward disengagement from
specified knowledge; a characteristic substitution of small talk for
concentrated academic interchange; improvisational instructional
adaptation; ”negotiation" of content, assignments and standards; and a
high degree of teacher autonomy in managing engagement, content and
personal interaction. Alternatively called the "bargain," the "ar-
rangement" or the "treaty," this concept is prevalent in the qualita-
tive literature of the past ten years or so (Sykes, 1984; Lightfoot,
1983; Sizer, 1984).

Powell, Farrar, and Cohen (1985), in the Shopping Mall High School
crystalize the beliefs, patterns and themes that cut across school
culture. They conclude that the central theme of American high schools
is accommodation in the face of overwhelming diversity. In order to
better describe this accommodation, an analogy is drawn between high
schools and shopping malls. The results of their three-year research
study indicate that both are profoundly consumer-oriented, both try to
hold customers by offering something for everyone, and both cater to
several small, but powerful, specialty markets. They point out that in

the shopping mall high school there is no common definition of suc-

26
cess—-that, indeed, what students and teachers even mean by "taking" or
”teaching" courses is determined not by subjects or levels, alone, but
also by the intentions of the participants. In the shopping mall high
schools they describe, "failure” is characteristically something a
student does to oneself by not attending or not behaving--performance
is remarkably irrelevant.

Their study describes the vast majority of the student body--the
unspecial--as a group essentially left alone to choose to bargain their
academic engagement away. Only students with internal motivation to
learn or with a political savvy or lobby find school a "special" place.
Winners and losers, then, clearly emerge in this educational "market-
place" where mediocrity, achieved through tacit bargains, serves as a
common denominator allowing the schools to at least be effective at a
survival level for most, and at a better than functional level for
some.

Sedlak, Wheeler, Pullin, and Cusick (1986) review the literature
on high schools and address recent reform movements in light of this
bargain struck between students and educators. They contend that
"efforts to alter high school grading or graduation requirements, to
reduce the distractions or extracurricular activities or to be stricter
in disciplining students’ misbehavior will not significantly increase
student levels of academic achievement unless...the conditions for
fostering an entirely new agreement between students and educators are
created" (Sedlak et al., 1986, p. 3). They specify that academic
disengagement is characteristic of three groups of students:

1) adolescents with weak school affiliation, 2) indifferent students,

27
and 3) passively resistant students who seek to meet minimum standards
on the way to a diploma. They contend that disengagement does not
include two other groups: 1) those internally motivated to learn and 2)
students who are motivated fundamentally by extrinsic rewards such as
the diploma, gradepoint average, class ranking and letters of recommen-
dation. They suggest that "perhaps two thirds of those intending to
enroll in institutions of higher education do not have to concentrate
on challenging academic coursework to be admitted" (Sedlak et al.,
1986, p. 10). And they continue that students typically "reject the
basic academic subjects, particularly advanced classes in science,
mathematics, social studies, foreign languages and composition" (Sedlak
et al., 1986, p. 44).

Although they recognize that there exists no golden age of
academic rigor in the contemporary American high school, they contend
that traditional ideological and economic incentives for academic
engagement have eroded as students realize the devaluation of their
diploma as a credential for upward mobility.

Likewise, they suggest that teachers may reconcile immediate
interactional concerns and long-term academic objectives, by focusing
on managing the former and deemphasizing the latter. They point out
the prevalence of pressure on teachers to pass all students along
regardless of their academic performance, thus avoiding confrontation
and mastery simultaneously. In addition, the authors note that
teachers may devote less time to teaching due to 1) the high number of
students in their classes, 2) the number of other school commitments,

3) collective bargaining agreements, and 4) the development of careers

28
outside of the classroom that bring additional income and more prestige
than teaching.

It is hoped, then, that this study placed in historical perspec-
tive and linked to its more recent pilot study, will not only draw from
the body of literature on which it rests, but will, indeed, add to that
body of work. This research seeks to stand back and take stock of what
was happening in one high school foreign language classroom. In the
tradition of classroom-centered qualitative research, the findings,
conclusions and implications of this study are related to larger
theoretical issues in the field of education. It is hoped that
relating the findings of this study to those discussed in this litera-
ture review will further the development of formal grounded theory
(Glaser & Strauss, 1967) by drawing relationships between substantive
analyses in a variety of sites, not only in the field of foreign
language, but, indeed, throughout the organization of schooling. The
focus of this study is on the relationship between foreign language
curriculum/instruction and the often invisible, but extremely powerful
high school/classroom culture. It explores some of the limits and
possibilities for language acquisition in the high school classroom
context, and, thus, enhances the possible development and further
exploration of implications that these constraints and opportunities

may have, in general, for teacher educators.

CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH

This chapter has three main foci. The first deals with the
study’s research questions and how they evolved. The second deals with
the methodological approach used in data collection and analysis. The
final section includes a note on stylistic conventions used in the

text.

Beseerch Questiens

The topic of this study deals with perceptions of "success" in

foreign language teaching/learning in the formal classroom setting. The

primary question addressed is, How ere perceptipns of success in
foreign language teeching/leerningformed end manifested by par-
ticipants in e high eehopl elaseroem getting? As previously mentioned,

the pilot study from which this research stems led me to expect that

 

 

participants, including teachers, students, administrators and parents
may express different and sometimes contradictory definitions for what
they consider the study of foreign language to be, and may, therefore,
employ different and sometimes mutually exclusive measures for success-
ful accomplishment of such study.

Four subsidiary guiding questions were particularly useful in
helping me to begin my initial observations in the field. The first
question required me to focus on curriculum. To whet extent do the

29

3O

 

i r i ulum nd ex 0 material us d r recommen d for the
class eerye as determinants ef egecees? Are pertieipants aware of such
f en n or x nt f h fluen ? Such a question en-

couraged me to examine the possibility that there may be a standar-
dization of content and philosophy and/or standardized competencies
used as measures for success within this class or within the foreign
language department. In addition it helped me to focus on participant
satisfaction with the materials or methods being used particularly in
this class, but also within the department.

The second initial question dealt with time. To whet extent is
time a eonscioue er unconscious factor in the determinatien of success?
flew_might this differ emong participants? I was interested in deter-
mining if there was an explicit or implicit time "cap" for the study
for foreign language, and if this time frame was influenced by require-
ments established by the high school, institutions of higher learning
or the community. In addition, I was very interested in how par—
ticipants used time in the classroom. What or who was deemed important
enough to spend time on?

The third question forced me to view the participants as part of a
larger picture. Te what extent deee the school culture affect par-
tieipant§1.definitions of specese ip thie glass? 1 was interested in

determining the ways in which this foreign language class was similar
or different from other learning experiences in which participants were
involved. In addition I wanted to see if or how the overall school
culture either explicitly or implicitly affected standards of behavior

and/or achievement in this classroom.

31

And finally I wanted to observe the participants as individuals.
To whet extent gp jndingpal pertjejpant’e cheraeteristice affect their
gefinitien of epeeese? I wanted to see if prior learning/teaching
experiences affected preconceptions of success and to what extent
family members, friends or counselors influence the participants’
perceptions of success in foreign language learning.

Although I continued to address these initial questions throughout
the study, I found that my questions evolved in response to the set-
ting. In describing qualitative methods of research, Erickson (1986)
encourages reconstruction of research questions in the field setting,
"in response to changes in the fieldworker’s perceptions and under-
standings of events and their organization" (Erickson, 1986, p. 9).

After I had been in the classroom for a period of time I found
that the nature of my questions both broadened and narrowed as they
began to stem from the setting, rather than from my pre-conceived
notion of what the setting might reveal.

On one hand, my questions broadened. I simply sought to know how
participants made sense of the interactions in this classroom. Their
frequently-used word, ”trying," began to be significant, in that I
wanted to know what participants were tpyipg to do. How wer ar-
ticipante ”trying te egcceed" in this foreign lapguege classrpom?

And, in the opposite sense, my questions narrowed somewhat. With
increased knowledge of the teacher’s background, I was able to focus my
observations on the possible carry-over effects of her experience and
training in communicative teaching methods at the college level. I

asked, In what ways might this classropm eentext,enhance or inhibit the

32
funetional (es epposed to formal) epprpach to foreign language teach-
ipg? De_pertlelpents view this approeeh as importent, desireble end/or

wor l ?

At least to some extent, I was able to address and answer each of
my research questions as they related to the overarching amended
primary concerns-- w w r ar i " r in suc e " n thi

classreom, apd hew did the erganizatipnel eulture of the school end
classroom enhanee or inhibit their pursuits?

Research Plan

Given the qualitative nature of the research questions, and the
depth of understanding that was necessary to comprehend the context of
the learning environment, I chose a fieldwork approach as the most
appropriate method to gain the insights I sought. Interpretive pet;
tieipent observetipn (Erickson, 1986) was used to gather data.
Throughout the second semester of the 1986-7 school year, I engaged in
extensive observation of an urban public high school beginning level
Spanish classroom, spending approximately four of the five class
periods per week observing daily activities and recording them in
fieldnotes. I did not participate in any of the academic or managerial
activities of the classroom, but rather attended class regularly and
wrote copious notes. As might be expected, my presence was a bit
awkward at first, but as participants tested and felt comfortable that
what I saw or heard remained confidential and was not treated judgmen-
tally, I came to be accepted in a fashion similar to that of an

independent study student-~one whose interests are similar to theirs,

33
but whose activities are of different design and, generally, non-
threatening. During the eighteen-week semester, I attended 70 fifty-
five minute class sessions.

My observation was focused on the teacher, the students and their
interactions within the classroom and school contexts. On one occasion
I accompanied the teacher and another department member with their
classes on a fieldtrip to a local Mexican-American restaurant. During
periods of participant observation I took extensive fieldnptes that, in
the end, comprised a total of approximately 670 pages. In addition, I
collected dpcuments that included class handouts, samples of student
work, exams, district policy and curriculum publications that were
pertinent to the context of this classroom.

In addition to frequent informal chats with the teacher and the
students, ppen-ended interviews were held with a variety of par-
ticipants. In-depth interviews with the teacher were held on three
occasions-~in February, April and June. The last two of these inter-
views were audiotaped and transcribed. Beginning in March, I met with
and interviewed 19 of the 23 students. Voluntarily, the students met
with me individually or in small groups for a total of eight separate
sessions and approximately 140 pages of transcribed audiotaped notes.

I interviewed five parents by telephone, speaking to one parent both at
the beginning and end of the term. I had a lengthy interview with the
head counselor and a brief question period with the principal. The
assistant principal and the district’s information services director

provided statistical and demographic data.

34

For the most part, interviews with the teacher and students took
place during the lunch time. In all cases, I had a few general
questions prepared that asked participants to interpret observations 1
was making in the classroom setting, to clarify their motivations, or
to add their perceptions of how this class was like and unlike others
with which they were involved. During the last class session, I asked
students to complete a short written survey (Appendix A) prepared from
information they had given me during various interview sessions.
Students were asked to check statements that they felt applied to them.

In summary, then, the interpretive participant observation method
was used to gather data for this study. Techniques used included:
a) classroom observation with fieldnote records, b) interviews (many
audiotaped), c) compilation of pertinent documents, and d) a short

written survey.

Analysis

As is common in qualitative research, the analysis of data for
this study was done inductively, following Glaser and Strauss’ (1967)
grounded theory model in which theoretical assertions emerge from the
particulars of the setting. The analysis of the data falls into the
actual process of the research design, and as Hammersley and Atkinson
(1983, p. 174) suggest, "theory building and data collection are
dialectically linked.”

The process of systematically analyzing the data began shortly
after my entry into the setting, and continued throughout the study.

Fieldnotes were re-written each day and were divided into three

35
sections per page (Appendix 8). Objective observations were recorded
in the center of each page including time notations and careful
punctuation of direct quotes. Separated and to one side of this
information, I recorded my personal reactions, inferences and hunches
about patterns that appeared to be developing. Separated to the other
side of the observations were questions I wanted to ask individual
participants or notes to myself to seek further information that might
confirm or disconfirm tentative assertions I was developing.

At intervals of several weeks, I reviewed all of my data and wrote
analytic fieldnote memos (Bogdan & Biklen, 1982) that allowed me to
reflect on issues raised in the setting and on how my observations
appeared to be relating to larger theoretical, methodological and
substantive issues. These memos allowed me to take stock of the data I
was gathering, and to continually refine and focus my inquiries.

This ongoing process allowed me to look for classes of things,
persons and events that formed key linkages between the phenomena
occurring in the classroom (Schatzman & Strauss, 1973). Continual
cross-checking with the participants enhanced construct validity by
identifying and clarifying meaning in context. In addition, each
analytic memo was discussed with my research advisors. Their
perspectives on the theoretical issues encouraged me to further clarify
the guiding constructs, to clearly relate my work to the existing
literature, and to focus more precisely on the emerging key linkages.

The data obtained from the different methodological processes were
compared and contrasted using a technique known as "triangulation"

(Hammersley & Atkinson, 1983). Through this process I was able to

36
compare data relating to the same phenomenon that derived from dif-
ferent phases of the fieldwork, occurred at different points in time,
or originated with the words or actions of various participants. In
this manner, I monitored construct validity by examining data relating
to the same construct that was gathered through each of the techniques.
Often, for example, interview data supported or disconfirmed tentative
assertions that emerged in my fieldnote analysis. For example, one
student enthusiastically told me in an interview session of her
interest and dedication to learning Spanish. In class, however,
fieldnotes show that her efforts were more often engaged in note
writing and chatting with her friends. Likewise documents were
cross-checked with fieldnotes and interview notes. Two students whom I
had suspected of cheating, for example, produced test papers that were
identical. These documents were helpful in confirming my suspicions.
And toward the end of the data gathering phase, the short written
survey information was cross-checked with fieldnote and interview data,
adding yet another perspective to previously-examined information.

Once the key linkages were set and the theoretical constructs were
researched, the final layer of data analysis was undertaken. The data
were sifted time and again, and coded file cards were prepared that
listed cross-referenced examples of recurring patterns and support for
assertions as well as disconfirming evidence. Examples chosen for the
final report of the findings were those that were most representative
of a fit between what was recorded in the data and my sense of what

occurred in the setting.

37
Stylistje gepventjens

As has been discussed, interpretive participant observational
research was used in this research project in order to study one
teacher and her class in a close and personal manner. In order to
protect the anonymity of those involved, the names of the teacher, the
students, the parents and support personnel as well as that of the
school and the school district have been changed to protect their
privacy. I have used pseudonyms throughout the paper to enhance the
readability.

In the report of the findings I have used quotations marks (" ")
in the text to indicate the exact words of the speakers. Long quota-
tions from interview transcripts or fieldnotes have been indented and
single spaced, and the words of the speaker appear beside his or her
name. Parentheses ( ) enclose comments, contextual information,
non-verbal activity, etc. Brackets [ ] surround additional words that
add context to a direct quotation. Slashes / / enclose English

translations of Spanish utterances.

CHAPTER FOUR: THE SCHOOL CULTURE
AND THE FOREIGN LANGUAGE CLASSROOM

Introduetion to the Setting eng the Participants

The Sehoel

The setting for this study is the John F. Kennedy Memorial High
School. It is a midwestern urban high school of 2,067 students and 93
staff members. The building itself is a sprawling, three-story brick
structure built during the period when fine hardwood and hand-painted
tiles adorned showcase public buildings. Memorial is one of three high
schools of similar size within the district.

Hanging prominently in the spacious commons area is a huge sign.
It boldly states, "Welcome to John F. Kennedy Memorial High School,
Home of the Fighting Tigers." Under a characterization of a
formidable-looking beast is the slogan "A School That Cares About
Learning."

Because the boundaries within the district are now totally con-
tiguous, there is a wide variety in socioeconomic status and racial-
ethnic mix of the student body at Memorial. Some students arrive at
school from households receiving public assistance. Others come from
middle to upper income situations. According to the district’s

director of information services, approximately 49% of the student body

38

39
is white, 8% Hispanic, 3% Asian, 39% Black and one 1% American Indian.
The population has remained relatively stable over the last five years.

The school day is divided into seven periods of 55 minutes each. A
15 minute administrative time precedes first hour so that the day
begins at 7:45 A.M. and finishes at 2:55 P.M. In an effort to receive
state aid, the district generally requires freshmen and sophomores to
attend six classes per day and eat lunch during third, fourth or fifth
period noon hours. Upperclassmen eat during one of the same three
periods, but have an Option to forego the seventh hour and finish their
day at l:55.

The table of contents in the Curriculum Guide lists Foreign
Language as one of 17 departments in which courses are offered.
Memorial is a comprehensive high school, and students enrolled may take
advantage of the in-school offerings as well as those offered at the
district’s Academic Interest Center, and opportunities in vocational
education and community involvement. Representatives both in the
district’s central office and in Memorial’s counseling department
estimate that approximately half of the students could be categorized
as college-bound. For the 1985-6 school year there was a 6% dropout
rate at Memorial.

Four languages, Latin, German, Spanish and French, are offered at
Memorial. One student travels across town to study Russian at another
district high school. Table 1 details the courses and number of
sections for each language.

There are six staff members in the language department--two are

full-time, and four are part-time. The majority of these part time

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41
staff members share assignments in other departments or in other
schools. Two of the staff members are male and four are female.
According to the assistant principal, ”Class sizes are a maximum of
thirty-three (33) for all foreign language. The upper level combina-
tion classes usually third and fourth year students generally total
9-15 students. Second semester first year students drop the language
at a rate of ten (10) to fifteen (15) percent, not significant enough
to lose sections on the schedule, however.”

The language courses at Memorial, like the vast majority of all
courses, are one semester in length. There is no pre-requisite. The
course description for Spanish I & II in the curriculum guide states:

Designed for students who desire to speak, read and write the

Spanish language. Students will be prepared for Spanish college

level. Uses of the Spanish grammar is stressed. Students will

participate in different cultural activities. May be taken as an
elective in the college pre-program.

The textbook adopted by the district is Nuestros Amige , copy-
righted in 1979 by Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc. Apparently, there
is no written designation for the number of chapters to be covered, but
the two Spanish teachers informally agreed to teach between eight and
ten units per semester. They both began Spanish 11 at Unit Nine.

The classroom setting for this study was located in an annex to
the main building, and was occupied by another teacher for the majority
of the day. It is this mathematics teacher who decorated the classroom
with laminated posters and kept the bulletin boards at the front of the
room up-to-date and colorful. The desks were arranged traditionally in

rows, and the room looked much as pictured in the map (see Figure 1).

42

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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_ 3
file sk table %?
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o
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3 telephone
l— 1_. fl ‘ ~I F.
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Michelle I l Darlene ‘ p—
__ L__' l__1 .
r--T [--] .--- F_-_-, ' [::::t -_--'
fiercedes Tracey
Trevor Solita J
L... L__l .__J 1 ___J.
._____. l""" . _____.
Anuj ’ Linda
Ahxmo bfike ;
. ____.. . ._____I
,____. ._____ _____. .____. . T_____
Lucy Gland; Jack
Don
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1F 4 ,—. r’ I r]
Rab '
jnda Ellen
LDC cumxnrd
l ’ Albert Sara
1; l— l—

 

 

Figure 1.

Map of the Classroom.

43
One bookcase was set aside for use by the teacher in this study. It
was here she stored materials needed by the sixth and seventh hour
Spanish classes she taught.

As was characteristic of each of the classrooms in the district, a
telephone connected the inhabitants to the network of offices within
the building, and rang whenever there was a need to convey messages.
Likewise, it was used by staff to contact the office for information or
for security purposes. In similar fashion, the public address system
periodically relayed announcements from the central office. According
to the Student Handbook, announcements were given twice a day--once in
the fifteen minute morning administrative period, and again at the

beginning of the sixth hour.
The Ieecher

Maria Kraft is a first-year teacher at Memorial. Of Hispanic-
American heritage, she "wore three hats" in the organization. One half
of her assignment was as a member of the seven-person counseling staff.
The six other counselors divided their caseloads on an alphabetical
basis. Mrs. Kraft was simply called the Bilingual Counselor.

In addition, Mrs. Kraft was assigned to teach three classes.
During the morning she taught one section of English as a Second
Language, and her sixth and seventh hours were Spanish 11 assignments.

Several years ago when she was already in her mid-life, Maria Kraft
decided to expand on her work as a librarian in the district and she
returned to the university to be certified as a teacher of Spanish and

Bilingual Education. As part of her Master’s Program, she studied and

44
served for a year as a teaching assistant in a Spanish department that
highly valued a communicative approach to language teaching. She
completed her student teaching in a suburban district, receiving a
positively glowing recommendation from her cooperating teacher. In the
fall of 1986, at least two districts offered her teaching positions.
She chose the position at Memorial.

Having spent most of her life in the United States, Maria speaks
completely fluent, idiomatic English. She has a slight accent that is
most noticeable in vowel pronunciations, certain word endings and the
typically-Spanish tendency to add a vowel prefix to words beginning
with the letter 5 followed by a consonant, such as "espanish."

Mrs. Kraft and her family lived for years within this school
district, and her sons attended Memorial High School, so her perspec~
tive on the culture of the school included that of a parent as well as
staff member. She now lives in a nearby community, and, in addition to
her personal and professional interests, takes an active part in
Hispanic affairs.

First year, non-tenured teachers are generally considered to be
enthusiastic in their contributions to their new school culture, and
Maria Kraft was no exception. Her school day was more than full. In
addition to becoming accustomed to her roles in both the counseling
.office and in the classroom, she served on the district-wide textbook
selection committee, and volunteered to spend considerable time and
effort in organizing and advising the Spanish Club at Memorial. In
trying to juggle her schedule with those of her students, she very

often ate a quick snack at her desk, working through her lunch hour.

45
In addition, she worked long hours after school and attended at least
one conference that was held on the weekend. In early April she was
asked by the district to travel to a large metropolitan school district
to serve on a certification evaluation team.

In all of the hours I observed her, I never heard her say no to a
request for assistance, nor did I ever hear her speak to anyone--
student, staff member or parent-~without the utmost respect for their
needs and their feelings.

For example, although she already had an overload of 35 and 38
students in her two Spanish 1 sections fall term, Mrs. Kraft agreed to
take on a senior, Doug Ellsworth, as an independent study student for
sixth hour. Doug was considered one of the most promising students at
Memorial. When he was in the sixth grade, Doug lived in Madrid, Spain.
while his father, a geneticist, did research. Doug returned to
Memorial and apparently found that his first year of Spanish with
Mr. MacNamara did not meet his needs. Mrs. Kraft agreed to provide him
with a grammar review experience that would prepare him for the ivy
league schools to which he was applying.

But it was not just for honors students that Mrs. Kraft agreed to
stretch her concern. When Lucinda Perez, one of her counselees,
confided fall term that she was pregnant, Mrs. Kraft arranged for
Lucinda, also, to continue her Spanish as an independent study student
during sixth hour.

And, in addition to her first year responsibilities at Memorial,

Maria Kraft completed her last evening course in English as a Second

46
Language, and earned her Masters Degree in Spanish and ESL in March of

1987.

The Students

Although the literature on foreign language classrooms is scarce,
there seems to be a surface stereotype of language classes populated by
a rather homogeneous group of motivated, academically-able and predomi-
nately college-bound students (Goodlad, 1984, p. 217). The young
people in this classroom, however, could best be characterized by their
diversity.

On the surface, the racial/ethnic proportions in this class only
partially mirrored that of the diverse overall school population
described earlier. The high school had 49% white students, this class
had 43%; the school had 8% Hispanics, this class 26%; the school had 3%
Asians, this class 9%; the school had 39% Blacks, this class 22%.

Unlike most academic high school classes, these students were not
divided by age, nor according to academic program. Seated side by side
were seven freshmen, four sophomores, five juniors and seven seniors.
Not unexpectedly, then, the schedules of class members revealed that
although they shared a common learning experience for this hour, the
kinds of classes they attended for the other five or six hours of the
school day varied greatly. One girl, for example, spent her mornings
at the district’s vocational center in a child care program. In
contrast, a boy on the other side of the room arrived at Spanish class
from advanced placement academic offerings in English and physics. One

tenth grader studied geometry in the morning while his age-mate’s math

47
class was in pre-algebra. One senior described her high school career
as generally unmotivated and characterized by skipping school with her
friends. She went on to describe her sophomore brother, who sat next
to her in Spanish class, as "always bringing home good grades."

The backgrounds that the students had in previous language study
or use were also diverse. Three students (including one independent
study pupil) heard and spoke Spanish at home on a daily basis. One
student apparently heard a great deal of Spanish at home, but used it
very little himself, and was offended by his previous placement in
bilingual classes. Two students reported that they had grandparents
and other relatives who spoke Spanish.

At least six students mentioned that they had studied Spanish at
the junior high school level, and one young man said he had had a year
of high school French prior to this language experience.

Even the learning experience that immediately preceded this
semester was not the same for all participants. As previously men-
tioned, this class was entitled Spanish 11, and was designed as a
semester-long follow up to the one semester offering of Spanish 1.
More than half of the students studied with Mrs. Kraft first semester,
but six students entered from Mr. MacNamara’s Spanish I section. As
will be discussed in more detail later, there was a marked difference
in the normative and transactive patterns between these two sections.
In addition, two students entered from introductory Spanish classes
outside of this high school.

Finally, it must be noted once again that two students in this

class were enrolled as independent study learners, each at a different

48
level of achievement and each with a different high school history that
brought them to this class as independent students.

Naturally, any classroom is characterized by the diversity of its
participants, but there seem to be in this setting at least two unique
characteristics. First, and rather significant, is the observation
that the task of learning/teaching introductory high school Spanish was
a new undertaking for everyone in this classroom. Second, although the
Curriculum Guide emphasized that Spanish I and 11 would prepare
students for the college level, the combination of students enrolled in
this section was not characteristic of the more homogeneously-grouped,
academically-oriented pre-college track classes. With the wide variety
of ages and abilities, the students gathered in this class more
resembled a gym or art class combination. It is with these two
characteristics of the setting and its participants in mind that the
description and interpretation of the findings of this study will be

considered.

Student Needs end Mptivatiens

It appears that there were diverse reasons for why students
enrolled in this class. There was no question, however, that they all
wanted to GET something. Some wanted to GET INTO college, others
wanted to GET OUT of high school. Overlapping these categories was a
group who apparently wanted to GET ALONG better with family members by
continuing the language of their heritage. Some students fell into at
least two of the groups, but found one goal to be most personally

pressing. Underlying these motivations were profound implications

49

about what students hoped to TAKE OUT of their Spanish class in terms
of personally valuable or applicable language skills in Spanish. The
kinds and amount of effort (or resistance) that students PUT INTO
Spanish class, then, was in a very real sense, related to what they
hoped to GET OUT or TAKE OUT with them.

It is interesting to note that these underlying motivations not
only had an impact on why students chose to study foreign language,
but, indeed, on why they chose Spanish from among the five languages

offered at this high school.
Getting into College

The impact that college curriculum and entrance requirements have
on high school curriculum cannot be underestimated. In the area of
foreign language the requirements have vacillated sharply over the
years, and high schools have reacted in concert. Although participants
in this study had a difficult time describing the place of foreign
language in the college preparatory program of studies, it was clear
that they felt the pressure from colleges to include it. There was
among administrators, counselors, parents and students a strong
understanding that if colleges did not explicitly require a foreign
language, it was considered to be ”strongly desirable."

Dr. Westinghouse, the principal at Memorial High, mentioned during
a short interview that "We are trying to improve foreign language
instruction in the building," and continued, "We realize that foreign
language is coming back as a highly desirable course and discipline for

colleges and universities." One of his assistant principals,

50
Mr. Mack, compiled figures (see Table 1) that showed the increasing
popularity of foreign language courses at Memorial, highlighting the
fact that the language department had grown by about five sections over
the last three years. Mack added, “This is, in my opinion, the result
of the shift back on the part of colleges and universities to requiring
a foreign language for entrance."

Mr. Dale, the twenty-four year veteran head counselor at Memorial,
said in a rather lengthy interview that he had watched the ebb and flow
of foreign language popularity over the years. When I asked him why he
felt students enrolled in a foreign language course he replied, "That
puzzled me initially until several years ago. All of a sudden foreign
language absolutely blossomed." He continued that enrollments were so
sparse at one point that foreign languages were mainly offered out of
the district’s Academic Learning Center in order to draw from all of
the area high schools and sustain some enrollment. He went on, "I’m
really not totally sure what began to instill in students the interest
in foreign language. It just mushroomed." Saying that it was obvious
to him that ”we build schedules around student interest in class
offerings,” Dale surmised that parents may be influenced by increased
press attention relating foreign language to the thrust toward college.
They might also be influenced by increased travel or "the feeling the
world is shrinking," he mused.

The message that colleges want to see foreign language on stu-
dents’ transcripts emanated clearly from the counseling office.
Multiple copies of a colorful poster, distributed in cooperation with

directors of admission for the state’s colleges and universities, hung

51

prominently not only in the large outer office, but in the counselors’
individual offices. With a picture of a partially eaten apple and the
slogan, ”Every Apple Needs a Good Core," two years of foreign language
were listed with recommendations for four years of English and math,
three years of science and social studies, two years of fine arts and
one year of computer skills.

And apparently, counselors told their charges that foreign
language credit was a good idea. Part of an interview with Charu

Kachru revealed:

Me: The reason you took Spanish is--

Charu: Oh, ’cause my counselor told me that, uh, it’d be good
if I took it for a year.

Me: To take it for a year for ..?

Charu: Uh, in case I wanted to get into some college and it

required a foreign language, ya know.

As Mr. Dale suggested, it appeared to be the parents of some of
the students in this study who guided their youngsters to enroll in
foreign language for college entry purposes. When I asked Michael’s
mother, Mrs. Conwell, if she or her husband had influenced Mike’s
choice to study foreign language, she responded immediately, "We did.
We insisted that he take a foreign language for college entrance, and
just to have it."

On the other hand, there were parents who seemed to have a clear
understanding of the bureaucratic necessity of foreign language study
to facilitate college entry, but were not as convinced of its value.

Mrs. Glouster, the parent of Trevor, who struggled in Spanish, said

52
that she and her husband had influenced Trevor to enroll, "only because
he wants to go to college," and that counselors had said it was
necessary. When Trevor registered as a freshman, "They really pres-
sured him to take it. He already had one year, [in middle school] they
said, and needed another one for college.” She revealed that she told
Trevor that "he might as well take it" although he ”didn’t want it, and
didn’t enjoy it."

Charu’s mother, a native of West India, was hesitant, at first, to
allow Charu and her sister, Anuja, to participate in this research
project. When I spoke to her by phone, she expressed her understanding
that Spanish was required of her girls, and her concern that her
daughters were under pressure to keep too many languages going.

Already bilingual, the girls spoke Gujarati, an Indian language, at
home, and then had to use English at school. I had the distinct
impression that Mrs; Kachru was suspicious of a system that required
the study of a foreign language for college entry, but appeared to
specify that their foreign language wouldn’t qualify--even at the
mastery level. However, she considered my interest in the study of
that system, and consented to allow her daughters to participate in the
research.

In all, interview and survey data would indicate that more than
half of the 23 students enrolled in Mrs. Kraft’s sixth hour Spanish
class considered college entry requirements the strongest motivating

factor for their enrollment.

53
Getting pet ef High Seheol

In addition to its place as part of the college preparatory
program, foreign language was also listed as a course that could be
chosen to fulfill the two-credit humanities requirement for graduation
from John F. Kennedy Memorial High School.

Dr. Westinghouse eloquently defended foreign language as "a
valuable curriculum offering "whether you’re going to college or not."
He continued, "From a humanities [viewpoint] it helps develop a much
more rounded individual. We are a comprehensive high school, and I
think students should look at it as they build their four year pro-
grams."

Mr. Dale, who expressed frustration at the short amount of time
counselors have with students in actually developing a meaningful four
year plan, said that, in effect, some students simply look over the
list of electives that could meet the humanities requirement and say,
"I don’t want art, music, speech or drama, so I think I’ll take foreign
language.”

Indeed, students also expressed the need to fill up their schedule
and satisfy graduation requirements. Jack Damone, a senior, talked of
going to college someday--either the local community college or to a
large Big Ten university. But his reasons for enrolling in Spanish

were more immediate:

Me: So, why did you take Spanish?

Jack: Well, I need it to graduate for one thing. I didn’t
realize it until this year. My counselor didn’t help
me out too much, but I found out I needed it so I took
Spanish.

54

Likewise, Michelle Kwitkowski echoed expediency:

Me: Now, you’re a senior already, why did you choose--

Michelle: Uh, well, for one, I had to fill up my schedule...

Alonso Cervantes, an Hispanic freshman, told a different version
of the scheduling story. When I spoke with him the third week of class
he expressed a feeling that the choice to be in this class was not
essentially his. He said that he was "put" into Spanish in the junior
high school. He figured that it was because he already spoke the
language at home. He reiterated in an interview at the end of the
term, "It’s just I had it in junior high and then from there its just
given to me and [they] kept on giving it to me." He added, "They say
if you get a good grade in it, you might as well keep it."

Gettingeon with Femilv Traditiens

Another motivation that prodded Hispanic students to enroll in
Spanish was a need to better understand and continue their cultural
heritage through the study and mastery of the language. Family members
and counsellors encouraged them in this endeavor.

In an interview with Mrs. Kraft on April 21 she spoke of her role
as a bilingual counselor. She said, "I recommend all the Hispanic
students to take Spanish, because, after all, it is their heritage and
their ethnic background, and why shouldn’t they know that language?"

Parents, likewise, encouraged their children to learn their
family’s traditional language. Albert Perez quietly told me before

class one day that he enrolled in Spanish because, ”My mom told me to

55
take it, then if I go to Mexico or somewhere I’ll know it more." In a
longer telephone interview with Albert’s sister, Lucinda, at the end of
the term, she explained why their parents had encouraged Albert to
enroll in Spanish, and were even more insistent that their younger
brother, an incoming freshman, study the language. "They don’t speak
it as much as I do,” she said. She gave an example of instances when
Spanish-speaking, Mexican-American friends of her parents call on the
telephone. Lucinda says she feels quite comfortable communicating with
them. She said Albert is "bothered" by it, but will speak and take
messages if necessary. "If my little brother was by himself," she
continued, "he’d hang up!" Lucinda felt her parents recognized that
the children’s Spanish skills were disappearing, and were anxious that
their sons, particularly, regain and develop new skills. Lucinda,
herself, said she continued to pursue Spanish because, although she
virtually spoke no English when she entered school through Project

Headstart, she felt her Spanish just "wore off" over the years.

Why Did These ud n e ni h as
Their Ferejgn Lenguage?

Although it is rather apparent why Hispanic students such as
Albert and Lucinda are encouraged by their parents and bilingual coun-
selors to continue the study of their cultural heritage, the choice of
Spanish by other students appears to be prompted by at least two other
motivations. First, some of the students felt that Spanish was the
easiest foreign language to learn. And second, some students felt that

a knowledge of Spanish might be a practical asset in the future.

56

Spanish es the Easiest Foreign Language

The idea that Spanish was the easiest language appeared to arise

from a variety of sources including parents, counselors and a network

of impressions passed among students within the school culture. An

interview with Don revealed the opinions that parents pass on to

students as they enroll for foreign language:

Me:

Don:
Me:

Don:

How come you’re in Spanish? Is there any reason you’re
there?

Well, my parents wanted me to take a language.
Did they say Spanish?

Yea. ’Cause my mom said that’s probably the easiest
language to learn.(laugh)

Mrs. Kraft herself believed that Spanish was the easiest of the

languages to learn and she passed this belief on to her counselees. In

an interview in late April we discussed some of the students’ percep-

tions of Spanish as a required versus elective class:

Mrs.K:

Me:
Mrs.K:

Me:
Mrs.K:

Me:

Well, they, see, maybe they don’t have it clear enough
that what they need is any language.

Yea, Well they, they--

It’s probably what the counselors have told them. That
they need a language--

Yea--

--and then, of course, Spanish is, is the easiest
language in my opinion.

Is it? Now, do you tell kids that sometimes? ’Cause a
lot of them have told me that-—that Spanish is the
easiest.

Mrs.K:

57

I tell them that it’s easiest, and I tell them that in
the United States they will have more opportunities to
use it.

Mike shared impressions he had gathered through the school

culture:

Me:
Mike:
Me:

Mike:
Me:
Mike:
Me:

Jack:
Mike:

And Mike. How about you? Why are you taking Spanish?
I heard it was the easiest language. (laugh)

You heard it was the easiest language? You know, I’ve
heard that a lot. Is it?

Well, it’s---
Why did you hear it’s the easiest language?
Because of Mr. Mac. (laugh)

Because of Mr. Mac. So is that the easiest language or
the easiest teacher we’re talking?

(joining the conversation)--The easiest teacher.

Yea, the easiest teacher, plus I kinda thought it’d be
the easiest language, ya, know, ’cause you don’t hear
at all German. You don’t hear French or any of that
around, but you hear, like, you know, I bet everybody,
probably everybody in the school, could probably count
up to ten in Spanish. You know, I mean just stuff like
that... It might be a little bit more familiar.

Familiarity and ease strangely coincided in Anuja Kachru’s

conclusion that Spanish was close to Gujarati, and therefore she should

join her sister in enrolling for Spanish.

Me:

Anuja:

I’m just kind of curious about why someone-~you are
already bilingual, right? I mean you speak another
language at home. Why is it that you need to take
another foreign language, then?

(Having already told me that she took Spanish because
she "was interested and for college too.")--Ooh,
This--There is--I would have took my language, but you

58

know, they don’t have our kind of language in here so
we had to, I had to get a, um, different language and
Spanish is the closest, you know. I thought it’d be

easier to get, but I still get confused on things.

Doug Ellsworth, a senior honors student, discussed the often

unspoken reputation that Spanish had developed at Memorial. He seemed

to indicate that Spanish is not only considered easier, but, in

general, has a lower status as an academic pursuit.

Doug:

Alonso:

Doug:

Well, I think it also depends on which language. I
think that French in this school has a higher reputa-
tion.

Yep.

(continuing) It’s more firmly entrenched and the
teacher has a very good reputation. Mrs. L-- and that
tends to attract more college-bound students, where
Spanish, 1 think a lot of kids see that as any easy
grade. I don’t know why (laugh)...

Doug added that "Spanish also has the aura around it of not being

such a high language as French." Although I waited, he did not

elaborate.

Mr. Dale, the counselor, likewise, expressed the feeling that

Spanish was the language chosen by students of lesser ability. I asked

if he sensed that some languages held different status among students/

counselors.

Mr.D.:

I’m not aware of any. As I think about it, those with
lesser abilities may more often be looking at Spanish."

He continued that French may rank second--and not German or Latin.

59
Spanish es e Preetieel Lenggege

There seemed to be, then, an interesting combination of concern
for both ease and practicality in the choice of Spanish as a foreign
language to pursue. At least three attitudes seemed to prevail. In
the first, the emphasis was on the practical application of language
skills that might be acquired in this course. The attitude was, more
or less, ”I will study it because it is practical and I can see a use
for it in my future." In addition to all of the Hispanic students who,
to one extent or another, projected a use of Spanish with their
relatives, three students expressed a relatively strong belief that
they would use their skills. Linda Ainsworth, an exuberant freshman,
said:

Linda: I need it because what I want. I wanna be a child
psychologist. I want to be in, like, L.A. or New York
and then it would be neat because you could do, like,
bilingual if you knew how to speak really well.

Michelle Kwitkowski not only filled up her schedule with Spanish,
but added:

Michelle: ...I think it helped you in, ya know, jobs.

Me: How so?

Michelle: I worked at [our] medical center. Sometimes they have
Spanish patients and stuff like that, ya know, and I
think it’d be a lot easier to talk to ’em like that
than if I can’t understand them a little bit.

Glenda Dizon, another freshman, told me that she wanted to be a
lawyer and that she fully expected that she would use her Spanish with

Hispanic clients someday.

60

The second group of students was also aware that Spanish was
considered a practical language, but seemed unsure of how they might
use their skills. Their attitude was couched in concerns for creden-
tialing, and seemed to say, "I know that Spanish is practical, and if I
learn any of it, I just might be able to use it someday.”

It was obvious, for example, that Mercedes Martinez had heard the
message that Spanish could be practically applied. Her major interest,
however, was on the credentialing effort:

Mercedes: Well, I went to [the university] once with Mrs. Kraft,
with, ah, all of her Spanish kids, and it had to do
with, ah, engineering. They say they need a lotta
Spanish engineers because, ah, a lotta people, er, um,
businesses are, like, in South America, Latin America,
and, and, Spain and all those Spanish places because of
the people that work for lower wages there. Labor and
stuff.

Me: So they would need engineers, then-

Mercedes: --that can speak English and Spanish-stuff like that.

Me: So is that why you’re taking Spanish, then?

Mercedes: No. (laugh)

Me: Why are you taking Spanish, then, Mercedes?

Mercedes: ’Cause, so I can get into college.

A little less sure of his intentions or abilities, Jack said he
took Spanish ”’cause if I de learn any of it, it will be helpful ’cause
in this-~in America, at least, Spanish is kinda like a second lan-
guage."

A third group of students saw Spanish solely as the path of least
resistance to college entrance or high school graduation. They seemed

to say, "I’m taking it because I think it is the easiest way to fulfill

61
a requirement and I foresee little or no practical application to my
own life.” At least two students echoed this perspective:
Trevor: I don’t really know and, like, Spanish, I mean I have

no intentions of goin’ to any Mexican country. I mean
I might but--I dunno-~I just...

and
Don: I could probly, ya know, do good in this class, like
know more, if I want to, but I don’t know (laugh).
Me: You don’t seem to want to...
Don: Not really. I don’t think I’m ever gonna use it, I
mean. I don’t know. I’ll probly use it in college a
little.

There is not much doubt that although all the students in this
study were well aware that they needed to be in a language class to GET
something that led to a credential, they were somewhat less clear in
expressing in words or actions a firm belief that they would TAKE with
them any personally practical skills or attitudes through the study of
foreign language, in general, or, specifically, through the study of

Spanish.

her N e nd M iv ti n

With the expressed underlying motivations of the students in mind,
it is important to turn to the needs and priorities of Mrs. Kraft, the
first year teacher, considering her place both within the organization

and her role in the development of her classroom culture and climate.

62
tlerjfyingOrganjzetjpnel Roles

 

As a new teacher, and one interested in continuing full-time
employment as a teacher/counselor in the district, Maria Kraft needed
to clarify issues of role, expectations, values and territory in order
to become an effective contributor to the organization. Interview data
reveal that her main role within the school culture was that of
Bilingual Counselor. As a part time Spanish teacher, however, there
were also distinct expectations.

Dr. Westinghouse revealed in an interview:

We are attempting to improve foreign language instruction in
the building and improve that in terms of number--number of
offerings--opportunity students have to select foreign
language and seek to find ways to help teachers feel they are
doing a better job in attracting students to foreign language
and try to support them as much as we can in their classroom
instruction.

Later in the same interview, Dr. Westinghouse discussed the
difficulty of scheduling foreign language classes and teachers, but
concluded that despite these problems, "On the whole, the numbers of
enrollment and so forth held."

It seemed obvious, then, that success in this department was
measured, at least administratively, by numbers, and that if Mrs. Kraft
wanted to be successful, she would need to help in the effort to
attract students to foreign language courses and to do her part to make
these classes valuable and/or attractive enough to keep enrollments up.

Maria Kraft was also aware of her need to consider territorial

concerns, as they affected her role. Her specific assignment was

referred to on several occasions as the ”overload." As foreign

63
language enrollments were already on the upswing, particularly for the
first two years, Mrs. Kraft was needed to teach at the introductory
level. "Overload” in this building was something of a touchy subject.
This was a contract year for teachers and one of the contract issues
was class size and accompanying overload concerns. In fact, so
delicate was this issue that Dr. Westinghouse flatly refused to discuss
enrollment of independent study students in our brief interview calling
it "controversial" and a ”contractual question." In reality, Mrs.
Kraft was assigned two overloaded classes first semester: sixth hour
overloaded by two students, seventh hour by five--this on a base of a
maximum classload of 33 students. Although her contract provided that
she be reimbursed for the extra students, Mrs. Kraft rhetorically
asked, when discussing the situation, "Who wants pay?" It would
appear, in the case of territory, that in order to be successful in
this organization Mrs. Kraft would, at least until tenured, need to be
willing to teach introductory first and second year Spanish only part
time serving as the "overload" teacher.

Mrs. Kraft’s third role in the organization appeared to rest on
her Hispanic heritage. In a district publicly concerned with a high
Hispanic dropout rate, Maria Kraft was hired to replace another
Hispanic bilingual counselor who was on sabbatical. In addition, the
fact that she was a native speaker in the language department was
enough of a source of pride that it was mentioned by the assistant
principal, in his description of the staff. As a matter of fact, she

was the only native speaker in the department.

64

bl' hin a m ri rit'

In addition to her need to adapt to the organizational culture,
Mrs. Kraft also had the need to establish herself as a competent
teacher of Spanish. Dr. Westinghouse referred to the language depart-
ment as ”not yet being established in the sense of having full-time,
all-day instructors." He recognized that communication among staff
members for vertical or horizontal curriculum articulation was severely
limited by this. Therefore, it was not surprising that Mrs. Kraft had
not only the disadvantage of little support by way of contact with the
other Spanish teacher, but also had the advantage of a great deal of
professional leeway to establish her own style and priorities within
her own classroom.

The textbook adopted by the district, Nuestros Amigps, falls into
Rivers (1983) category of "skill-getting" and "skill-using" format.
Activities were divided between grammar/explanation and drill and
"communication" activities. It is this textbook that was the focal
point of the curriculum. It was apparently agreed that both Spanish
teachers would "cover" eight to ten units per semester. Because she
did not have enough textbooks for her students first semester, she was
immediately forced to create "packets" of activities that reflected the
textbook, but for Maria Kraft the expressed priority was on COMMUNICA-
TION. In our final interview Mrs. Kraft said:

I enjoy teaching Spanish. 1 really do, and I enjoy doing a

lot of oral practice and listening and all that. So what I

really wanted them-~of course I taught them the grammar, you

know, but I wanted to put a lot of emphasis on the oral--oral
practice.

65
To the end that her expectations and priorities would be explicit,
Mrs. Kraft prepared a course outline that she distributed during the
first day of class, going over each point carefully, and requiring
students to have it signed by their parents (Appendix C). In the

outline she states the focus of the course, under the heading entitled,

”Purpose.”

To learn the Spanish language and culture. Emphasis will be

placed on the skills of listening, speaking, writing and

reading, and the focus of the course will be on developing

the students’ capacities to use the language.

Success for a teacher with such a focus would apparently depend on
the extent to which students gig develop the capacity to use the
language.

It appears, then, that Mrs. Kraft, like her students, came to this
classroom with needs and priorities for herself as a new member of an

organization and as a professional motivated to establish herself as

competent in the classroom.

CHAPTER FIVE: TRYING TO COMMUNICATE

It would appear that the basic underlying motivation of the
teacher in this setting was to teach her students to communicate in
Spanish. It is important to examine the general concept of such
communication through the eyes of the participants, and at the same
time to look at situational opportunities and constraints and at
participant engagement and resistance in the accomplishment of such a

task.

Communication in the Classroom Context

Communication within the school setting is unique. Unlike most
other social situations, students in the classroom find themselves in
very close proximity to one another, but are often asked to behave as
if they were alone with the single adult in the room (see Jackson,
1968). The ratio of teacher to student talk is overwhelmingly one-
sided, and it is not characteristic in most classes of 20 or more to
have a meaningful and equal exchange of ideas or messages (see Cuban,
1984). If, indeed, a generic definition of communicative competence in
a setting centers about the skills needed to "get things done," then it
is the teacher who characteristically initiates and orchestrates the
communication, and the students who quietly and efficiently follow
instructions and appropriately offer short verbal responses to ques-

66

67
tions who can be considered most communicatively competent in the
typical classroom.

Indeed, this was the norm at Memorial High School. The Memorandum
to Parents indicating failure (see Appendix D) includes at least three
instances of situations in which students fail to obey or augment these
communication norms. A student can fail for talking too much, or in
such a way as to disrupt the norm; a student can fail for not following
the teacher’s directions carefully; and a student can fail for lack of
ability or willingness to appropriately initiate communication with the
teacher in another setting in order to seek assistance.

The physical setting of the typical classroom encourages one-way
communication. Not unlike a theatre, chairs are in regular rows and
face in the same direction, discouraging interaction, and encouraging
the role of "audience" as opposed to participant. Indeed, in most
classrooms, the teacher can see the faces of all students, to monitor
for feedback, and survey for adherence to the classroom rules, but
students need to make a physical effort to see or verbally communicate
with other students.

The classroom in which Mrs. Kraft was assigned to teach sixth and
seventh hours was typical of this pattern (see Figure 1). As previous-
ly mentioned, however, the room belonged to another teacher. Any
attempt to rearrange furniture would have been inconvenient, at best.
And, indeed, fieldnote entries indicate that Mrs. Kraft effectively
used the classroom arrangement for management purposes, and students

used it effectively to meet their social needs.

68

On the first day of class students were permitted to choose their
own seats. As they filtered into the room Mrs. Kraft indicated that
they could sit in a seat of their choice. Five or six boys arranged
themselves in a row near the windows. Sitting sideways, they were able
to survey the entire classroom by moving only their eyes. Other
students spread out—~several girls and one boy heading directly for the
rear of the room. A core of students who had studied with Mr. Mac-
Namara the previous term settled near each other in the center of the
room. All of the Black students, but one, sat in contiguous seats.
The two independent study students took chairs in opposite corners.

Apparently part of a group of boys who were talking, Don and
Trevor were asked to move their seats to the front of the room at the
beginning of the second class. By the fourth week Trevor’s seat had
been moved three times, each time to discourage him from communicating
socially, and apparently to encourage him to more quietly focus his
attention on the lesson and on the teacher.

Indeed, a room that is set up to discourage participant inter-
action can be quite effectively used by the teacher to survey and

manage disruptions.

Communicetjon in the Foreion Language Clessreom

Given that, in this study, foreign language was, indeed, taught in
the classroom setting, and did follow a textbook-driven curriculum, one
can examine certain similarities and differences between expected
communication patterns in this setting and those appropriate to other

classes.

69

The most common type of sanctioned communication in most class-
rooms, including this one, is between teacher and student/s. The
nature of such communication involves establishing classroom order
and/or structuring and assessing student learning, often through
question and answer, in both oral and written form. Students are used
to prescribed rituals for listening to and responding to teacher talk.
Likewise, they are used to receiving and responding to written com-
munication through textbooks, handouts or tests. Unlike foreign
language, in most classes students’ listening skills are presumed, and.
at least by the high school level, are not formally taught as part of
the curriculum. In some classes listening is very closely linked with
"paying attention." Teacher questioning, for example, might serve the
dual purposes to assess learning and bring a student back to task. A
conversation with Albert Perez and Linda Ainsworth demonstrates that
students, at least in this study, are aware of both purposes and see
varying risk in a foreign language class in being called on for either.

Linda: (explaining that she prefers 2-3 person conversation

groups) [I like them] better than when she’ll, like,
put you on the spot in front of the whole class because

I can never think of anything then.

Me: Do you think that she does that frequently--to put
people on the spot?

Linda: No, I think that she just wants to see what you know
and what you can do, but it makes me uncomfortable to
talk like that in front of all those people.

Albert: She also wants to see if you are paying attention.
Linda: Yea.
Me: ...Which is the worst of the two, do you think--to be

caught daydreaming--not know where you are--or to not
know the answer?

70

Linda: Not know the answer-—to me it is~~not knowing the
answer....

Me: How ’bout you, Albert?

Albert: It’s probably daydreaming.

Me: For you its daydreaming...Why?

Albert: ’Cause, like, you’re thinking somethin’ else and they
call you. You have to go through the book and find the
answer and that makes it worse.

It is interesting to note that Albert is a native speaker of
Spanish who is also fluent in English. There was never an instance
during the entire term when he was called on in this class that he was
unable to quickly indicate what he knew and what he could do in
Spanish. The fact that he was called on considerably less than any
other student in the class may indicate that he might have had some
potential concern to be caught daydreaming.

However, in this foreign language classroom, students were not
only concerned about paying attention and giving the right answer to a
teacher question in Spanish, but, indeed, about understanding the
question itself. Don compared Spanish to his other classes in which he
said he felt more successful.

Don: I know what I’m doin’ in those classes. Like, in
Spanish I don’t know the language or nothin’ like that.
but like those other classes you don’t speak another
language so I know, like, what they’re saying, like
when they ask me or something--and I can answer them.
Yea.

Still more complicated, in a foreign language class one could be

paying attention, understand the question, even know the answer, but be

unable to express it correctly.

71

Me: Is it riskier to get an answer wrong in Spanish than it
is in another class?

Alice: Yea. Because in Spanish you get two wrongs-~saying it
wrong and then being the wrong answer, and, um in
English or somethin’ you just have one thing wrong.

Like her students, Mrs. Kraft was sensitive to the unique nature
of communication within the foreign language classroom. In the course
outline (see Appendix C) under the heading of Classroom Expectations
she wrote:

Foreign language classes are unique. We will spend much of the

class time listening to and speaking Spanish. Therefore:

Students must concentrate during class.

Students must listen not only to the teacher
but to other students as they ask and answer
questions.

Self-discipline and respect for others are essential
in this classroom.

Communication, for Mrs. Kraft, included all four language skills,
but she seemed to feel that the oral—aural skills were valued most
highly, at least by outsiders. We discussed this in an interview that
followed a visit to her class by the superintendent of the district
school system.

His visit was less than five minutes in length and took place
during the beginning of a class period that had been shortened to
fifteen minutes due to a pep assembly. After Mrs.Kraft took care of
attendance and the school announcements were given, she permitted the
students, some of whom were wearing flowers and carrying valentine

balloons, to chat quietly with each other or to chat with me. As I sat

perched on the front table listening to students tell me some of their

72
reasons for enrolling for Spanish, the superintendent walked in and
stood by the door, nodding a greeting to me and to Mrs. Kraft. He
listened for a moment or two and left apparently to continue his
week-long, pre-announCed visit to Memorial.

I asked Mrs. Kraft how she had felt about the superintendent’s
brief visit. She didn’t seem at all concerned, saying that he probably
assumed that she knew the class period was shortened, and had been
clever enough to invite a guest speaker. In a later interview, I asked

her what she would have liked him to see going on in her class that

day.
Mrs.K.: Well, probably--let’s face it, it would look prettier
(laugh) nicer--
Me: Prettier.

Mrs.K.: Face it--if the kids were talking and acting a lot
--using the language a lot. Sometimes he may walk in
when the kids are writing something very quietly. It
may not seem like they’re doing much, so it would be
nice if it were at a time when we are doing some
questions and answers and that sort of thing or
somebody’s reading something and the other person--
another student is asking another student questions and
that sort of thing.

Me: That would look good?
Mrs.K.: Don’t you agree? Yea. It would look good. Oh, I
‘ think that all experiences are valuable that they do

when they do the writing or the listening is valuable--

Me: Sure. You think that’s the one that would be the--?

Mrs.K.: It looks like, like they’re using it more. I think
this isn’t necessarily true ’cause they’re using the
language when they’re writing. They’re using the
language when they’re listening to it-

Me: Right.

Mrs.K.: They’re using it. But it looks more active.

73

Mrs. Kraft recognized, however, that although many people seemed

to value oral skills in a foreign language, there was a noticeable

resistance by her students to such active, oral participation in this

high school classroom setting. She compared it to her experience at

the college level.

Me:

Mrs. :

Me:

Mrs. :

Me:

Mrs. :

Me:

Mrs. :

Me:

Mrs. :

Me:

Mrs. :

Me:

Mrs. :

Do you see any resistance to the oral part?
Oh, yea. With the high school students.
Is it different for college students?

A lot different. All the college students want to do
is talk.

Really? These students--

That’s the experience that I had last year with the
groups that I had. They didn’t want to do that much
writing.

They wanted to talk? Why would you say--

Well, the writing. They got the writing but the
writing was homework. It was different. I gave them
massive amounts of homework every single day. They had
homework every single day throughout the term except
when they had a test or a quiz.

For the written part, and that’s how they did the
grammar primarily--and you did the conversation.

The conversation--the class was entirely devoted to
conversation.

How would that work here do you think?

It wouldn’t work with high school students. I don’t
think.

Why?

For one thing, I don’t know. I don’t think they could
handle homework every day like that in those amounts.
Maybe very few, maybe kids like Glenda or the ones that
are very, very dedicated...

74
Mrs. Kraft apparently sensed student resistance to oral practice
in this class, and felt the need to "police" such activities in order

that students remain on task.

Trevor: Are we going to do dialogues?

Mrs.K: Yes, but I’m going to go around with my piece of paper
to see if you are doing the dialogue-~it’s not ten
minutes of free time. I’m going to go around and do
the police work.

This was not her perception, however, for written assignments.

Me: How about for the written practice. Do you find that
it is--
Mrs.K: No, they like the written practice....Sometimes if I

feel that they’re tired I give them something to write
and I don’t think they mind that. They feel more com-
fortable with it.

Me: Why?

Mrs.K: I don’t know. I really-quite honestly don’t know....

[Perhaps] it is because they can see and measure the
results, and I give them a paper back saying muy bien

/very good/or exeelente /excellent/.
Me: I don’t know why--
Mrs.K: And the oral part, they don’t see what’s happening.
And besides the oral part is harder for them--much
harder.
It would appear, then, that both the teacher and students were
aware of the unique nature of the communication process in the foreign
language classroom, and the extent to which it differed from the frames

of reference developed in other academic settings. It is important,

next, to examine their actions in this setting in order to determine

75
the manners in which participants adapted to or resisted teacher-

student classroom communication in Spanish.

The Teacher: Encouraging Students to "Try" to Communicete

Minimi n Pressure and Risk

There were several ways in which Mrs. Kraft established a class-
room culture that would encourage students to "try" to communicate. In
addition to varying class activities, she provided an atmosphere in
which risk of failure or loss of face was minimized.

During oral practice, Mrs. Kraft recognized students’ reticence to
speak. She was particulary sensitive to those students who had studied
with Mr. MacNamara the previous term, as apparently their experience
had included less oral practice.

Solita: See, we had Mr. Mac., and we didn’t go oral. We just

write the vocabulary and that’s it....

Mrs.K: O.K., you’ll get used to it.

Solita: You think we will get used to it?

Mrs.K: Don’t get scared because this is part of learning the

language. No need to worry.

During the first week of class, Mrs. Kraft did the first of many
listening exercises. Students new to her section dealt with problems
of classroom procedure as well as Spanish vocabulary. Mrs. Kraft
patiently encouraged and minimized pressure.

Mrs.K: You are going to hear some sentences incorporating [the

vocabulary words dealing with foods]. Write the number
of the sentence under the picture. (She explains that

76
she will read each sentence twice and will read slow-
ly). Don’t be afraid. This is not a test. Everybody
know what you’re doing?
Several: Si.

Mrs.K: Sentence pfimere uney/number one./ (She reads it.) I
will say sentence pumero gpe again.

Barbara: Are we supposed to have our book closed?

Student: Barbara! (as if to say, "don’t you know any better?")

Mrs.K.: (smiling) Like I told you. It’s only a listening
exercise.

Dignifying Prectice without Penelty

Time after time, Mrs. Kraft told students that mistakes in grammar
and form were natural and that she was only concerned that they try to
use the vocabulary in order to communicate. At the beginning of the
term a new student attempted to avoid giving a response by lowering her
eyes and saying, "I don’t know."

Mrs.K: I don’t like ’I don’t know.’ 1 like ’I’ll try.’ And

it doesn’t matter if it’s right or wrong.

Likewise, for written assignments, Mrs. Kraft made clear that
basic use of vocabulary for communication purposes was the objective,
and that perfection was hardly necessary.

Mrs.K: (looking at Alice’s composition) Excellent...clear
composition. If this were worth ten points, I would
give you a ten, although it is not perfect...Little
mistakes are not important--only clarity of com-
munication.

In another instance, Mrs. Kraft apparently sensed Solita’s frus-

tration, and characteristically tried to lower her level of concern.

77

Mrs.K: Again, this is what we are doing--practice with this.
Remember you are not supposed to understand every
single word. You got the idea?

Solita: Yea. Yea.

Mrs.K.: Try to have the idea.

Solita: I knew the names and stuff.

Mrs.K.: (toward the class) Don’t be so hard on yourselves. I
don’t expect you to understand every word. There are
two purposes for these questions--to hear the words
and to practice the forms.

Throughout the term, Mrs. Kraft made it clear that she understood

how difficult communication in another language was, but that if

students would "try," they would be rewarded.

Trevor: Why can’t you tell us in English?

Mrs.K.: This is not the way you learn another language. I
promise you--this will work. When you read in English,
even, now, you don’t know every word. You figure out
by the context. Transfer those skills you have in
English to Spanish. And you can do it. I know you
can.

During a class exercise later in the term, Mrs. Kraft summarized

her characteristic tone used to encourage communication.

Mrs.K.: Use words without fear. You will never be penalized
for trying to use words.

rea n ttern Po 'tiv Reinf r men nd N n-Threatenin Methods
of Correction
Mrs. Kraft also established a strong and recognizable pattern of
regular positive reinforcement accompanied by a non-threatening method

of correction. I would estimate that she told a student that he/she

78
was wrong fewer than five times the entire semester. Rather, she
either ignored the error, or correctly stated the response, sometimes
asking the student to repeat the acceptable form. The words muy bien
/very good/ and excelente /excellent/ abounded in every class, very
often accompanied by a wink, a sincere smile of pride and a gesture of
perfection made by forming a circle with the forefinger and thumb. For
example, during the third week of class she displayed a transparency on
the overhead projector and said:
Mrs.K: I’ll give you picture and I want you to describe.
Don’t worry about grammar and form-~just use the
words...I want you to tell me about the picture. Hey
dos ehicas. Nadan. Hace sol. Hace calor. /There are
two girls. They are swimming. It is sunny. It’s
hot./--anything you can make up. I just want you to
look in the words. Vale? /Is that understood?/

Students: Vale.

Mrs.K.: (winks and smiles) Si, vale.

Rob Gomez is called on first.

Rob: Ha e...dos chicos. Es nadar...Hace mucho caliente.
/It’s...two boys. He is to swim. It’s pretty warm./

Mrs.K: Calor. Muy pien, muy bien. Excelente. /Hot. Very
good, very good. Excellent./

So common and pervasive was this pattern of reinforcement, that
many of the students were able to repeat it word for word during

interview sessions.

Me: How does Mrs. Kraft react when you make a mistake?

Ellen: She helps us out.

Charu:

Ellen:

Charu:

Me:

Ellen:

79

What I notice is every time, every time you hear
someone, no matter how bad somebody did, Mrs. Kraft

always goes ’muy bien, mgy_plep.’
(agreeing) Um hum.

No matter how bad somebody does.
How do you feel about that?

I like it..She doesn’t make you feel so stupid.

Likewise, in an interview with Alice and Glenda:

Me:

Both:
Me:

Alice:

Me:

Alice:

Me:

Alice:

How about Mrs. Kraft? How does she relate to wrong
answers. Would she laugh?

No.

How do you feel about her as far as giving answers or
trying to give an answer?

She tries to help us out. I mean if ya give back wrong
answers, then she’ll correct us.

How do you know it’s wrong?

Because--I dunno-~well, she might correct you and
you’ll know its wrong-~like you say one thing and then
she’ll say another. (laugh)

Have you ever heard her say something is wrong?

No.

In addition to providing her own positive reinforcement, Mrs.

Kraft was conscious of protecting students from the occasional overt

ridicule of their peers. During the fourth week of class, an exercise

called for the discussion of sports and sporting equipment. Trevor,

whose career goal is in professional baseball, had been displaying

characteristic disengagement from the lesson. He perked up when he

heard the cognate, pélspel /baseball/.

80
Trevor: What did she just ask?
Mrs. Kraft translates the question--"What does egplpg /team/
mean?"
Trevor: equipment?
Alonso: (laughs)
Mrs.K.: You don’t need to laugh.

Alonso: It’s funny.

Mrs.K.: (firmly) No, it isn’t.
Allowipg Time for Students to Form a Response

Finally, Mrs. Kraft dignified the difficulty of communication in
Spanish, and allowed time for students to form at least an initial
response, as she helped them complete or refine their answer. Wait
time was characteristically long in this classroom. For example, in an
exercise in which students were asked to form sentences with new
vocabulary words, there were periods of silence ranging from a few
seconds to 50 seconds. It took Linda more than two minutes to make her
sentence with the prompting of Mrs. Kraft who interjected:

Mrs.K: Take your time. There is no hurry. We are just

practicing.

It was clearly evident, then, that Mrs. Kraft encouraged students
to try to communicate in Spanish by minimizing the pressure of perfor-
mance, by dignifying the necessity of less-than-perfect practice with—
out penalty, and by creating a strong pattern of positive reinforcement

coupled with an understood method of non-threatening correction.

Th

81

tu n s' R si n e o l room ommunic i n

Indeed, most students did try to communicate at one time or

another in Spanish. However, resistance to activities in Spanish was

clearly evident.

It took at least two forms. Several students were

actively and noticeably resistant to engagement in communicative

activities; others were passively resistant.

Active Resistance

During our final interview Mrs. Kraft and I discussed the problem

of resistance to oral activities.

He:

Mrs.K:

Me:

Mrs.K:

Me:

Mrs.K:

We’re told to motivate in teacher education...but the
kids use the word ’push’.

Well, they feel like they have to--

Do you feel that you are pushing, insisting, threaten-
ing--making it come down to the grade?

(emotionally) You are an experienced teacher, so you
know. How many pe0ple does it take to spoil the mood
of an activity you want to do?

(softly) I would guess--one.

(voice rising) One can really mess it up, can really
mess it up, can really put like a wet blanket on
everybody and that puts like an embarrassment thing on
the kids--the kids don’t want to try.

There appears to be something of a hierarchy of active resistance.

Minor occurrences can be overlooked or actually worked into the lesson.

Blatant resistance can put the lid on an activity.

Two students in this class regularly and actively resisted

classroom activities. The first was Trevor and the second was Solita.

82

It would have been impossible to overlook freshman Trevor Glouster

in this classroom. His words from the back of the room on the first

day of class set the tone.

Mrs. Kraft introduces herself and indicates that she wants to
spend the first class introducing students to the course.

Mrs.K.:

Trevor:

I’m going to pass some index cards and I want you to
write that [referring to information written on an
overhead transparency] information.

(interrupting) I want to get out of this class!

In our interview at the end of the term Trevor expressed frustra-

tion when discussing his two terms of Spanish with Mrs. Kraft. Due to

scheduling problems he got off to a late start in Spanish 1, and

apparently he felt he never could catch up. He spoke of the difficulty

he had with the sound/symbol connections in Spanish, how hard it was

for him to write things down or spell them. He spoke of a childlike

feeling that trying to learn a foreign language engendered.

Trevor:

I dunno. Just like startin’ all over, like when you
were a little kid tryin’ to learn a different language
and I dunno, I just--It seems like, ya know, it takes
time for a kid to learn how to talk and stuff, and it
seems like she expects us ta learn it, I mean in a
certain amount of time, and I just can’t do that.

Indeed, Trevor may have sincerely felt that he couldn’t learn

Spanish, but it was also evident to him that he wouldn’t even try. In

the same interview:

Trevor:

...I dunno, just something that I don’t really under-
stand it. See with me, I mean I know it’s wrong, my
mom always tells me and stuff, when something doesn’t
come easy to me that I like, I dunno, I just shove it

83
off or I--because, I dunno, why. I just don’t. When
things don’t come easy to me, I just get upset and
stuff and don’t really try that hard.

Trevor’s behavior drew attention to himself. For example, in one
class period in February, I counted 24 instances of behavior that could
be construed as disruptive. There were instances ranging from his
ritual quest for a pencil to eleven verbal interruptions of the class
including a request for a food day that he repeated several times. He
audibly tapped his pencil and scribbled on the back of Alonso’s chair.

And when Mrs. Kraft approached him to encourage him back to task in a

vocabulary exercise:

Trevor: Mrs. Kraft, you lied to me. You said the words were

there.

Mrs.K: I’m telling you. You have to find it. You have to
know what the words mean--at least what the sentence is
about.

Trevor: But I don’t know these words.

Occasionally he’d offer a smart-aleck answer. Mrs. Kraft was
sometimes able to diffuse the impact and dignify the response as part

of the learning.

Mrs.K: (in reviewing comprehension questions for the chapter’s

reading) Al eentre. {Pepe gue van al eentre? /Down-
town. Why were they going downtown?/ Michelle, what

does para gue mean?
Alonso: For what.

Mrs.K: (continuing to prompt with a "come forward" gesture)
For what reason are they going downtown?

Trevor: They don’t have a mall.

Mrs.K:

84

- They don’t have many malls. In those places the

concept hasn’t caught up with them.

It was routine for Trevor to ask for directions after they had

been given, and

questions right

Mrs.K:

Trevor:

Student:

to appear upset if Mrs. Kraft did not answer his

away.

Let’s go to el libre de espahol /the Spanish book/ to
la péqine noventeey.cuatro. /page ninety four/ This
reading was a little bit harder. I have some questions
about the reading. We are going to do them orally.
Then we are going to write them down. (She passes out
the sheet with the questions) I’ll give you a minute
to look over....Maybe there are some words that didn’t
print very well. Let’s go over...If you don’t know any
words, underline them...This is also a practice on
question words.

Do we write them?

No!

As Mrs. Kraft reads the questions, most eyes are on the papers.
Trevor puts a small piece of crumbled paper down Alonso’s coat

neck.

Mrs.K:

Students:
Mrs.K:

Trevor:

Mrs. Kraft

Trevor:

Mrs.K:

First we’ll do orally and then we’ll write them down.
Do you need a minute to go over the reading? 51 o no?
/Yes or no?/

(No response.)

I don’t think we need to. We can find them as we go.
(She calls on Mercedes for number 1.)

Are we supposed to write on the back? Are we supposed
to write them as they say them?

doesn’t answer right away.

Forget it.

Forget it? (A bit confused, she turns her attention
again to Mercedes.)

85
A sample of Trevor’s written work (see Figure 2) mirrors his
frustration and resistance. Ten minutes after the assignment was
distributed and explained, Trevor had not yet started. After about
eight minutes of intermittent requests to other students for a pencil,
Mrs. Kraft provided him with one. Characteristically, he asked for the
directions to be repeated.

Trevor: Mrs. Kraft, do we just put down what’s in this picture,
like?

Mrs. Kraft explains again that they are to write the questions,
then the short composition.

Trevor: Like that, right there? (He had hastily written
several questions.)

Mrs.K: Is that what’s in the picture? Are those questions?
(She moves around a row of seats to be closer to him.)
If I don’t see a question mark, I’ll assume they’re
statements. [She encourages him to describe the
picture by being] creative with the vocabulary.

Trevor: 1 don’t have a creative mind.

Mrs.K: I’m sure you do.

As the term progressed, Trevor had managed to violate nearly every
"rule" that was outlined in the document he and his family had signed
the first day (see Appendix C). He pushed the limits, by chewing gum,
bringing pop, visiting, being disruptive, not having materials,
sleeping through class (including exams), and not willingly participat-
ing. It is important to note that Trevor gig complete assignments, and
after parent/teacher conferences did arrange to meet Mrs. Kraft for

"extra help." These instances of "trying" will be discussed later.

86

 

 

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Figure 2. Sample of Trevor’s Written Work.

87

Solita Jackson, a graduating senior, is an example of a student
who peeeme actively resistant to communication in foreign language
after a period of apparently sincere effort to "try to communicate."
Solita had studied with Mr. MacNamara during the first semester for
Spanish 1 and she continued to serve as his student aide one period per
day. She had apparently developed two methods for negotiating school
culture, at least as demonstrated in this class. First, she was
outgoing, enthusiastic and had an engaging smile. Second, she was very
verbal and used words both to bargain and to confront.

Solita’s enthusiasm and apparent perseverance served her well
during the first six weeks of the course. As previously mentioned,
Mrs. Kraft was aware that Mr. MacNamara’s former students had had
little exposure to activities that required oral or written use of the
language to communicate, and she was anxious to put his students at
ease and help them develop these skills that she considered so impor-
tant. During the first week, Solita laboriously worked through an
exercise. Mrs. Kraft called on her, and she responded that she

couldn’t do it.

Mrs.K: Give it a try.
Jack: Come on, Solita.
Solita: I ain’t perfect, guys.

Mrs.K: (prompting) Sj llueve /If it is raining/--then what do
you think?

Solita: §i hace /If it’s/--(pause) O.K. I got it now--Si hace
peep /If it’s nice/--

Other students apparently try to help her.

88
Solita: That’s O.K. I want to do it myself.
Mrs.K: Don’t tell her.

Solita: O.K. I got it. (She gives two or three more tries.)

For the next two minutes, Mrs. Kraft sticks with Solita as Sara
passes a note back to Linda, Ellen exchanges a word or two with
Sara, Rob audibly yawns and Don and Trevor whisper.

Mrs.K: (accepting Solita’s final version) Si, es logico.

Vale. /Yes, that’s logical. Fine./ If you write that
on an exam, I’ll accept it.

Several students who had been following Solita’s attempts reward

her with a "Yea!"

And Solita continued to "try" to communicate and apparently to
feel rewarded for doing so. During the third week the activity
involved orally describing some pictures on an overhead transparency.
Solita was called on:

Solita: (squinting) First, what is he doing? I ain’t got my

glasses. That’s why. Um--Um---Le gasta-- um--le

.thiee? (Trying to say'the boy likesi-several grammati-
cal and pronunciation errors)

All of the students are quiet except for Sara and Rob who are
whispering.

Solita: I want to say something, but I don’t know how to say
it. It’s too hard.
Mrs.K: Try. It’s saying something that counts.

Alonso smiles like a parent as Solita begins to work through her
response.,

89
Solita: How do you say--hece buen tiempo. /It’s nice weather./
(Obviously pleased with her correct answer she flashes
a big smile and makes a "wave" dance motion with her
right arm extended into the aisle.)
And Solita seemed curious about Spanish. One day before class
during the fifth week she asked Mrs. Kraft if you could "rap" in

Spanish.

Solita: If they rap in Spanish, you wouldn’t know...
Mrs.K: (laughs and nods enthusiastically) You can do that in
any language.

Solita is apparently satisfied that Mrs. Kraft both knows what

rapping is and finds it possible in Spanish.

Solita’s early written work (see Figure 3) also showed that she
was making an attempt to use some of the vocabulary. But by the end of
the fifth week, frustration was clearly evident. Following a listening

exercise, students were asked to answer some questions about the

passage.
Solita: Why should we listen if we don’t know them words. (to
Trevor) You probably heard them before.
Mrs.K: That’s part of what we are doing.

Mrs. Kraft offers to read the passage one more time.

Solita: (slouching down in her seat) No use.

Mrs. Kraft tries to encourage her and stresses that it is a lot
easier to write than to listen.

90

Look at the illustration and make up five questions about it.

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Figure 3. Sample of Solita’s Early Written Work.

91

Mrs.K: Listening is a part of learning language--a very
important part. (She encourages both Solita and Trevor
to answer just the first and last questions on the

sheet).
Trevor: I don’t know how to answer questions.
Solita: (almost to herself) I don’t know nothing, so I’m going

to look up the words and turn it in on time.

Mrs. Kraft did not at first send a failure notice to Solita for
the initial marking period, because she perceived that Solita was
"really trying.” But that perception seemed to dull somewhat before
the end of the six-weeks marking period. Solita was often late for
class, she was confrontational about leaving class for the restroom,
and she needed to be reminded of other school rules, including the use
of sunglasses in class. And, indeed, Solita had a quiz average of 54%
and a test average of 33%. That, coupled with the fact that she had
completed only three of 12 homework assignments caused Mrs. Kraft to
compare Solita to the other students from Mr. MacNamara’s class who
seemed to be doing better and to change her mind. Solita received a
failing grade of E for the first grading period.

Mrs. Kraft reported that Solita had gone to her counselor and
requested a transfer from this Spanish class. Apparently, the request
was denied, and Solita’s efforts noticeably shifted. Several times she
suggested that Mrs. Kraft present the material as Mr. MacNamara had
done. Solita no longer showed the perseverance to work through a
communication problem unaided. She continued to arrive late for class
and began sleeping in class. Although her test grades improved, and
she received a C for the second grading period, Solita continued to

bargain and confront.

92
On May 13, Mrs. Kraft attempted what she called "an experiment."
Using the blackboard to demonstrate and the textbook vocabulary as a
base, Mrs. Kraft began to give directions to an exercise in Spanish.
Several students were somewhat confused, and resistant. Mrs. Kraft
repeated the directions several times when Solita somewhat belligerent-
ly inquired if the assignment would be done orally. Mrs. Kraft

responded that it would be written, and continued:

Solita: (interrupting) So what do we do?

Mrs.K: You listen and you’ll know what you do. Don’t waste
time.

Solita: I don’t even know what you’re talking about. (Her tone

is defiant.)

Mrs.K: If you don’t talk, you may be able to listen.

Solita continues to mutter audibly that she doesn’t know what’s
going on and that she can’t follow the exercise. Mrs. Kraft
presses on with the experiment.

Mrs.K: So we’ll go through the list and pick--

Solita: (interrupting once again) You just said we’re doing it
orally.
Mrs.K: If you know the word, escribir, like the others, you

would know it means to write.
Solita winds up her defiance arguing that she doesn’t know what
she’s supposed to do.

Mrs.K: Enough!

But, indeed, that was the beginning of the end for the experiment.

The rhythm was never fully established and within a few minutes

93
Mrs. Kraft had abandoned the Spanish directions, continuing the
vocabulary review in English.

The next day, Mrs. Kraft approached me and expressed frustration
over this incident. She felt that the other students were beginning to
get into the exercise, and that Solita had "spoiled it."

The active resistance demonstrated by both Trevor and Solita did
not go unnoticed by the other students in the class. In interviews,
students frequently defined a "good class" in terms of the students in
that class, as opposed to the content curriculum or the skill of the

teacher. I spoke with Tracey and Michelle the day after the "experi-

ment."
Me: Can a teacher take a bad or ordinary class and make it
good?
Tracey: It’d need a miracle or somethin’.
Me: So you can’t be a good teacher with bad students?

Michelle: You can be a good teacher, but if you have cutups in
there and, ya know, people like that, I mean you would
try to make it a good class, I mean, some people, or
half the majority of the class, uh, respects you, but
then there’s the other half, ya know, ’cause I’ve known
that for a long time. They just, ya know, take
advantage of the teacher.

Me: Is Mrs. Kraft respected as a teacher?

Michelle: I would think she is, except for some of the people
that are really cutups.

Me: Who?
Michelle: Like Trevor and-—

Tracey: Like Solita--like how she was acting yesterday.

94

Pas iv i an

The actively resistant students in this classroom were relatively
easy to identify through their overtly disruptive behavior and through
their explicit statements that they would not try to communicate in
Spanish.

A second group of students also resisted classroom communicative
activities, but in a different manner. For the purpose of contrast, I
have called these students "passively resistant." Their behavior was
characterized by frequent, but relatively unobtrusive, disengagement
from classroom activities. Paradoxically, however, they also expressed
during interviews a clear interest in learning to speak Spanish. Their
lack of participation in communicative experiences appeared to be
connected to a variety of sources including: a lack of academic
ability, poorly developed interactive skills, a tendency to have a
short attention span and/or to be easily "bored", and, perhaps, a
desire to "get by" with the least amount of effort and involvement.
Although most students showed some resistance at one time or another,
and "bargained" for less engaged time, two students-~Sara and
Ellen-~seem to best exemplify this type of resistance.

Mrs. Briggs, Sara’s mother, told me in an interview, that she was
"hesitant" to recommend foreign language as an elective to her freshman
daughter since she felt that Sara "sometimes struggles" academically.
Mrs. Briggs said that when Sara and her brother were enrolled first
semester in the same section of Spanish 1 with Mrs. Kraft.

Mrs. Briggs: Many times I actually held my breath [for Sara].
Her brother got an A, but Sara does struggle.

95

Mrs. Briggs continued that she didn’t discourage Sara, and, in
fact, was pleased that Sara persevered-~that "she wants to learn and is
willing to struggle.”~ Even after her brother was rescheduled to Mr.
MacNamara’s section for Spanish 11, Sara continued to talk in Spanish
with him at home, and, actually, spent more effort studying than did
her brother.

Sara’s behavior in class did not appear to reflect the per-
severance that her mother saw at home. Sara’s most frequent classtime
activity was friendly note-writing. Very social, she and Linda had a
regular habit of exchanging notes with one another, and writing them to
others apparently outside of the class.

Sara’s level of frustration seemed to be rather low. For example,
during the second week of class, Mrs. Kraft had an exercise dealing
with the Spanish alphabet, designed as a review for her students, and a
brief introduction for those who may not have had it with Mr. Mac-
Namara. As she spelled them aloud in Spanish, Mrs. Kraft asked
students to write ten words. Sara stopped at number three--apparently
frustrated, she resumed her letter writing.

Evidently, the low frustration level coupled with the letter-
writing caused a double problem for Sara. As discussed previously, she
not only did not know where the class was (and was called on oc-
casionally to be brought back to task), but she had a difficult time
answering even when she was following. It was hard to tell which was
the real source of her problems. Fieldnotes for March 9 show a typical

interchange:

96

Seconds after Linda passes a note to Sara via Rob, Mrs. Kraft
calls on Sara to respond to a question from the text dealing with
the reading and requiring the use of the preterite form of ly:/to

go/.

Mrs.K: 2 n u’ fu ron P'lar u rim a la Cibel ? /How did
Pilar and her cousins go to the Cibeles Fountain?/

Sara: (looks confused, then, softly) Subway.

Apparently Mrs. Kraft doesn’t hear her.

Trevor: (interjects) She said something.

Mrs. Kraft cups her hand over her ear.

Sara: (repeats softly) Subway.

Mrs.K: I want you to answer in a whole sentence.

Sara characteristically opens to the glossary in the back of the

 

 

book.

Mrs.K: This is to practice it forms. What is the pronoun--el;
les, /they/ right? What corresponds to ellos? /they/
It’s right here (referring to page on which the
exercise is located).

Sara: 1 don’t know.

Mrs.K: Fueron, /they went/ right? Piler y sus orimos fueron a
le Cipeles--/Pilar and her cousins went to the Cibeles
Fountain--/

Sara: subway--

Mrs.K: --en metro./on the subway./

The refuge to the glossary and the short, softly-spoken, one-word

answers were characteristic not only of Sara’s responses, but also of

97
those given by other students as they sought to disengage from an
activity.

Both Rob and Linda actively tried to help Sara, and she was most
willing to accept their assistance. In an exercise in which three
students reviewed the vocabulary, the first student repeated the word,
the second gave its meaning in English, and the third made a sentence
using the word.

For the word, pastorelas,/Christmas festivities/, Albert repeats,

Ellen translates, and Sara is called on for the sentence. Sara

has a magazine open on her desk nearly covering her book, which is
turned to the vocabulary page. She looks down.

Mrs.K: You could say something related to the reading in the
book.

Sara continues to stare at the book. Rob half turns to help her.

Sara: Me gusta las pastorelas. /1 like the Christmas fes-
tivities./

Mrs.K: Meggustan las pastorelas. Muy bien. (Correcting a
grammar error) /I like the Christmas festivities. Very

good./

 

Sara, indeed, appeared to be afloat in this class. Her efforts to
communicate focused on Linda, and her ability and attempts to keep up
with classroom activities in Spanish were minimal. Interestingly, Sara
reported that she and Linda used Spanish outside of the classroom
during at least one sleepover, when they exchanged their teenage
secrets in Spanish to keep them away from their parents’ ears.

Ellen, on the other hand, might best be characterized as non-

responsive. Although she gained confidence in herself as the term went

98

on, she never appeared to be motivated to fully engage in communicative
activities. It was not unusual to see Ellen packing up to be ready to
leave class well before the final bell, and adjusting her make-up now
and again during class. At the beginning of the term, Ellen often put
her eyes down when called on, and employed responses such as "I didn’t
get that one“ apparently to avoid the pressure of wait time, and the
threat of an incorrect answer. She spoke very softly from her seat in
the back of the room and occasionally Mrs. Kraft would move on to
another student without hearing her.

In an interview, Ellen said she took Spanish because she thought

it would be "fun:"

Me: How about you, Ellen?

Ellen: Why I took it?

Me: Yea.

Ellen: Because I thought it would be fun.

Me: Is it?

Ellen: Yea--It’s O.K....It can get boring.

Me: What’s the most fun about it--for you?

Ellen: Oh, I don’t know,probably when we get ta be like, with
groups of people and, like, do exercises.

Me: How do you feel, then, about speaking in class or about
hearing Spanish in class?

Ellen: It doesn't bother me, speaking, but I can’t pronounce a
lot of that stuff. It’s O.K.

Me: Is that something you really wanted to do in Spanish?

Ellen:

Yea.

99
Me: To be able to speak and understand it?

Ellen: Um Hum.

Ellen continued that Spanish was different from her other classes
in that in most other class settings, she was not required to "speak
out or anything like that.” And although Ellen perceived that she was
speaking out in Spanish class, it was not strongly evident. As a
matter of fact, she spoke very seldom to anyone, even in English, and,
perhaps for that very reason, was called on somewhat less than those
who obviously needed to be brought back to task.

Ellen seemed to be comfortable paired with Sara, and in six of the
seven exercises I observed in which students worked in groups of two
Sara and Ellen were together. On one day Sara was absent and Mrs.Kraft
suggested that Albert and Ellen work together since they were seated
next to each other. Both shy, they said nothing to Mrs. Kraft nor to
each other for the length of the exercise. Mrs. Kraft apparently
didn’t notice as she characteristically attempted to move around the
room ”policing" the activity.

During the "experiment" Ellen displayed an audible sense of
frustration with the directions in Spanish. About a minute into the
instructions:

Mrs.K: (starting instructions for the second time) This is an

experiment. Vamos e dividir en tres oertes./ Let’s
divide into three parts./ Everyone with me?

Several students nod affirmatively.

Mrs.K: (continuing) We determined that the first section is
eomides, la segunda--/meals, the second-—/

100
Ellen: (with a disgusted look on her face) Why doesn’t she
speak in English? (She looks down.)
Nevertheless, it should be noted that once the exercise was

underway, Ellen was able to participate, and did so without error.

The Native Speakers in e Communicative Setting

It is, likewise, important in this chapter to examine the com-
munication efforts of those Hispanic students in this class who
possessed well-developed communicative competencies before entering the
course.

The two native speakers in this setting seemed to fall at opposite
ends of a continuum in the way they handled the use of skills already
developed before entering Spanish 11. On one hand, Albert sat quietly,
speaking when spoken to, and downplaying his ability. On the other
hand, Alonso turned his acknowledged skills into a power that needed to
be reckoned with by the teacher and harnessed by his fellow students.

By nature, Albert appeared to be very shy. He sat in the back of
the room next to his sister Lucinda, and in all my observations, I only
twice saw him initiate a conversation with anyone else but her. His
isolation was most noticeable when students worked in pairs,and Albert
was either one of the last to be chosen or was paired with another
student by Mrs. Kraft, and then did not interact. Albert obediently
completed all other assignments, however, and was generally one of the
first ones finished with quizzes and exams. Although his written work
(see Figure 4) showed errors in capitalization, spelling, punctuation

and agreement, it also demonstrated communicative competence well

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102
beyond that required in this class. He seemed reticent, however, to
show off his ability.

Mrs.K: O.K., we have just a few minutes. I want to ask two or
three students to read their compositions.

Alice reads hers. All are quiet with eyes on their own desks. No
one makes eye contact with Alice.

Mrs.K: This is a very nice one. She’s very creative using
words from all chapters. Any others? Don?

Don: No.

Mrs.K: Didn’t finish?

Don: No.

Mrs.K: Albert?
He shakes his head no.
Mrs.K: iPor oué no? /Why not?/

Albert gives in and reads what sounds like a flawless composition.
There is no eye contact or reaction from the class.

Later in the term, however, Sara had a noticeable reaction to

Albert’s ability to answer so quickly and accurately.

 

Albert: (answering in a native accent) A un pet shoo del
barrio./ At a neighborhood pet shop./
Sara: Ooh--Ooh.

Mrs. Kraft recognized Albert’s ability and, likewise, recognized
the fact that she did not include him often in classroom interaction.
In fact, for a period of five weeks between February 23 and March 16,

Albert was not called on once in the regular class periods I observed.

103
On March 26, I noticed that Albert had a relatively poor test score
(80%), and I inquired about it to Mrs. Kraft. She said she had noticed
that he had missed a lot of the preterite forms and added:

Mrs.K: I know I don’t call on him very much. I know that’s
not right, but he really doesn’t need it.

At the end of the term we briefly discussed Albert once again, and

Mrs. Kraft felt his experience in Spanish 11 was worthwhile, at least
to an extent.

Mrs.K: (referring to both Albert and Alonso) Their proficien-
cy was really very, very, very good and the listening
was no problem. Well, with Albert, I noticed that
there were some little picky grammatical things that he
didn’t know that he learned. So it isn’t that it was
just sitting there boring for him because in some of
the exams he made some mistakes in certain things.

Alonso, hOwever, was not as "invisible" as Albert in the class-
room. In fact, he was quite visible. A husky freshman, Alonso
frequently wore a black tweed overcoat to class, which helped to
enhance a "fatherly" smile of mild amusement he often showed as he
watched his classmates struggle to communicate.

Not only was he visible, he was also frequently heard. He often
disregarded the turn—taking system of the classroom and offered answers
unsolicited or after another student had been named to respond. For
example, early in the term Mrs. Kraft called on Solita to complete an
exercise.

Mrs.K: (trying to help Solita) What’s the form that cor-
responds to Lupe?

Alonso: Elle./she/

104
Solita works through the sentence and Alonso smiles at her as if
watching a child.
Alonso consistently gave any translation immediately after Mrs.
Kraft asked for it, and he seemed disturbed if his "expert territory"

was violated.

Mrs.K: What is the meaning of pejaro? /bird/

Sara: Bird.

Alonso: (apparently surprised that he wasn’t the first to shout

it out, turns) Who said that?

Mrs. Kraft recognized that Alonso "never waits until you finish
saying something. He jumps three steps away." So, after a few weeks
she routinely tried to stop Alonso from answering before she could
chose another student.

Mrs.K: £C6mo se dice /how does one say/ a little squirrel? (to

Alonso) Don’t say it! (She makes a stop motion with
her hand thrust in his direction.)

Alonso: Ah, Mrs. Kraft---

In fact, Mrs. Kraft apparently became quite frustrated with Alonso
for a number of reasons. Not only did he already speak Spanish, but he
often flaunted his skill by interrupting her efforts to control the
communication flow of the classroom, often preventing her from taking
charge of the pace of the lesson or accurately assessing the learning
of the other students. She considered Alonso a potential "discipline
problem.”

On the other hand, she knew that he was in a class beneath his

ability level, and she recognized that some of his behavior resulted

105

from boredom. During the third week of class Mrs.Kraft told Alonso
that she would speak to Mr. MacNamara about transferring to a Spanish
IV class. Apparently she did so several times. But her currency as a
non-tenured, first year teacher was not enough to intercede for Alonso.
Apparently, Mr.MacNamara’s classes were full. Hers were no longer
full. Mr. MacNamara apparently didn’t need another student. Alonso
lost out all around.

As a stopgap substitute, Mrs. Kraft tried to offer Alonso a type
of independent study arrangement telling him that he could work at his
own pace. It was immediately obvious, however, that Alonso needed

close monitoring.

Mrs.K: (to Alonso) Are you doing what I told you?
Alonso: I’m done.

Mrs.K: Did you write those exercises?

Alonso: No.

Mrs.K: I want you to do that instead of talk.

Therefore, it was not long before Alonso settled back to find his
place in this classroom setting. He continued to finish his assign-
ments quickly and was reprimanded for talking to Trevor and Don who had
nearly never finished. He continued to offer answers, unsolicited, and
occasionally imitated Mrs. Kraft’s slight accent. He moved around the
room more than any other student, sharpening his pencil and getting
paper for himself and others. He expressed disdain when Mrs. Kraft
could not provide him with Kleenex when he had a cold. Mrs. Kraft

noticed his apparently inappropriate classroom manners.

106

Mrs. Kraft distributes an exercise in which students are to
conjugate a list of words. Alonso receives his paper.

Alonso: Mrs. Kraft. Yo--Ms. Kraft--

Apparently she doesn’t hear him or chooses to help Solita, Barbara
and Trevor who are asking about the directions. Once the class is
on task, Alonso tries again.

Alonso: (to Mrs. Kraft) Come here.
Mrs.K: What’s the magic word?
Alonso: Please.

Mrs.K: O.K. (she moves to his chair)

But, perhaps, Alonso’s biggest source of power came in a way that

Mrs. Kraft apparently didn’t observe. He became a vital strategic

 

resource for Don. No secret to most class members, Don copied the
answers to nearly every quiz and exam directly from Alonso’s properly
placed paper. It appeared to be a symbiotic relationship. Don
received good grades; Alonso gained status with an upperclassman and
wielded considerable strategic expert power. It is possible that
Alonso did not have such power in his other classes, because he
apparently felt a need to validate his strength by comparing his grades
publicly and routinely with Glenda.

In this study, then, it appears that a student who already
possesses communication skills in the foreign language being taught can
either quietly conform to classroom activities without drawing atten-
tion to himself or herself, or can use those skills to consciously or

unconsciously interrupt the routine classroom communication patterns

107
and serve as a strategic resource to other students for whom "trying to

communicate" is not a high priority.

CHAPTER SIX: TRYING TO GET THE GRADE

tr u i

It would appear that credentialing--getting into college or out of

high school--was the major underlying motivation of students in this

classroom.

That importance was manifested through the use of a

currency that revolved around grades and drove the majority of transac-

tive interactions dealing with accountability and measures of success.

Just as the teacher was interested in having students "try to communi—

cate,” and she both explicitly and implicitly encouraged this, most

students were interested in "trying to achieve acceptable grades" and

used their considerable knowledge of the power and limits of the school

culture to reach their goal:

Me:
Rob:
Me:

Mike:
Me:

Jack:
Me:

Anuja:

What’s the final, final goal of trying?
To be able to speak fluently in another language.

To be able to speak fluently in this class. What’s
your final goal of trying, then, in this class?

(3 seconds) I dunno--to get, to get a good grade.

To get a good grade. Jack, you’re kinda nodding. Is
that the goal too--to try--

Yea. It’s ta pass it so I can graduate.
Pass? Anuja?

Just ta try and pass with at least with a C, I mean, ya
know. At least a passing grade 50--

108

109

The power, publicness and pervasiveness of the grade as a currency
understood and used within the school culture is substantial and of
long-standing duration. However, it is important to note that the
grade as a medium of exchange is used not only within the classroom,
the school and the district, but, indeed, in its averaged form, is
transcribed for distribution to parents, colleges and potential
employers. Its value to the student is, to a great extent, based on
its value to this variety of concerned constituencies. That is, it is
worth something to the student who desires to use it to interact
effectively with those constituencies. Conversely, it is of little or
no use to a student whose constituencies, including peers, value other
currencies. Likewise, for the teacher, who has apparent formal control
over the grade, its power can be harnessed to motivate, regulate or
punish to the extent that it holds value to the student.

On a continuum, the lowest grade is called "failure," and in this
setting is referred to by the teacher as "not making it." The highest
grade is A, and for many of the participants is considered a measure of
"success." There is a clear indication of affective tension noticeable
in transactions involving the use of this currency.

Although traditionally associated with achievement, data from this
study seem to indicate that a grade may or may not reflect a measure-
able amount of achievement or proficiency in language learning. It
may, however, reflect how hard the student apparently "tried" to
succeed by following the classroom, school, and societal norms for

behavior and success.

110
As with most well-established currency systems, the determination
of a grade in this class apparently depended on a complex series of
interdependent variables. Some of these variables were measureable;
others were not. Some were strong enough to stand virtually alone;
others needed to be negotiated in combination. Mrs. Kraft was explicit
after the first unit test in outlining these variables. She included:

test scores, homework, class participation, and "extra credit."

Test Scores--A Measure of.Achievement?

The only variable that appeared to measure accountability through
academic achievement or the display of proficiency in the development
of language skills was the test score. During each of the three
six-week grading periods, Mrs. Kraft gave quizzes and unit examina-
tions. The quizzes, one for each of the units, generally measured
vocabulary development--the ability to translate individual words from
Spanish to English and from English to Spanish, and the ability to use
Spanish words in context. Mrs. Kraft prepared these quizzes herself
and graded them on a percentage scale, with a liberal acceptance of
spelling errors and accent use.

The six unit examinations were prepared from materials developed
by the textbook publisher and characteristically included the measure-
ment of listening comprehension, accurate use of grammatical forms and
conjugations, use of vocabulary in context, and general use of written
language skills to answer personal questions.

The semester final examination was comprehensive, covering all of

the units. In addition to the selected skills tested in written form,

111
Mrs. Kraft also provided an activity that allowed students to use oral
skills in a test-like setting. In this activity, students were asked
to choose a topic at random (involving the vocabulary covered during
the term) and discuss it briefly with her while she encouraged in
English and prompted with questions in Spanish. Mrs. Kraft described
the manner in which she assessed the various language skills on tests:

You know when they write and when they answer questions you

know that I go for communication. I don’t go for picky,

picky...If they used the words, that’s what I was looking

for. Voeabulerie. Then they got the maximum points... For

the grammar they get tested picky, picky, like for the verb

endings-~they didn’t have it right, that was it.

With a point system and a percentage grade attached to test
scores, it was relatively easy to determine how much currency one had
toward the compilation of a marking period grade. Although Mrs. Kraft
explicitly stated after the first major examination that test and quiz
scores composed only 45% of the final grade, it was apparent that
students with high test scores received high grades. In this class,
students never received a final grade lower than the average of their
quiz and test scores. For some students, then, the achievement of high
test scores was an important part of ”trying to get a good grade."

There appeared to be at least three ways to control the impact
that test scores had on a final grade. The first technique involved
the achievement of good test scores by already knowing or studying the
right material and demonstrating the appropriate knowledge and skills
on the exam. Students using this method risked peer pressure, par-

ticularly if they were quite successful. The second way in which to

achieve a good test score was to "cheat." These students risked being

112
caught. And a third method involved bargaining away the test al-
together, thereby lessening the impact of test scores on the final
grade. These students risked never knowing if they had learned

anything.

Achieving e Gpod Grade through Effieient Studying

The ability of the two Hispanic students to demonstrate the
proficiency that they had developed prior to enrollment in this class
was discussed in the previous section. The rest of the students,
however, needed to rely on other methods to achieve good test scores.

Barbara Evans, a graduating senior, demonstrated a well-developed
skill in obtaining information that would prepare her for tests and
quizzes. Barbara expressed in an early interview that grades were
extremely important to her, as she wanted to attend a prestigous
university, and her grade point average would be scrutinized carefully
by admissions officers. It was characteristic of Barbara to seek
information about tests in order to efficiently narrow the scope of
what needed to be reviewed in order to do well. The day before the
test on Unit ll, for example, Barbara asked a series of questions that
dealt with the form and scope of the test as much as with the skills it

was to measure:

Do we have to read all of them? [diaries in the chapter?]
Do you have to write yd /I/.

Are you going to have questions like this?

Do we get marked down if we don’t put Pilar?

Are accents counted?

113

Can we have a little sample test?

Occasionally Barbara would interrupt a class activity in order to
press on to a test review that would be specific, and it was not at all
unusual for Barbara to inquire if Mrs. Kraft would be returning graded
examinations promptly. Although she did not have Mrs. Kraft first
semester, Barbara did have prior experience in introductory Spanish at
the junior high school level. This, coupled with her sharp study
skills, apparently helped her to do well on tests. After a 60% on her
first unit exam, she steadily improved and most regularly received test
grades in the eighties. Correspondingly, her marking period grades
consisted of two 85 and one A.

There was risk, however, in achieving tests scores that were too
high as a result of studing. The culture code subtly appeared to
forbid a student to look like he/she were trying too hard and succeed-
ing in attaining high test scores. Mike and Glenda seemed to be most
at risk in this class.

Mike appeared to downplay or hide any overt successes he earned.
He was one of a group of students who entered Mrs. Kraft’s section from
Mr. MacNamara’s. Perhaps because he was a competing athlete, Mike was
taken in as a part of this class’ social group that roughly included
Jack, Trevor and Don. Enrolled in advanced placement classes in some of
his other courses, Mike appeared to be a very conscientious student--
the only one I observed taking notes and attempting to study conjuga-
tions. His quiz grades were excellent-~evidence that he was picking up
the vocabulary. He did well on tests, but seemed to be laboring over

them, and was usually one of the last to turn in his paper. At the end

114
of the second unit test it appeared that his progress was resented--at

least by Don. Mike turned in his paper and returned to his seat:

Don: (from across the room) Mike, did you get the test done?

Mike: (seated and looking in the glossary) Yea.

Don: (mouths to Mike who is not looking at him) Mike, f---
you.

When the same test was returned, Don received an 87%:

Don: (To Mike) Whadja get?

Mike: (Holding up his paper with a 95% and smiling) I
studied.

Don: Shut up, you didn’t.

By the second half of the course, however, Mike was subtly

avoiding talking about his own tests scores:

Don: How’d you do? (Holding up his own paper)

Mike laughs, but doesn’t reveal his own score.

Glenda, likewise, had to fend off the pressure of success. She
had studied with Mrs. Kraft first semester. It was against her test
grades that the more competitive students measured their own scores:

As the first unit test was returned, Alonso immediately began

to compare his grade with those of others near him. He asks

Glenda for her paper. She passes it to him.
Alonso: 74 out of 75! Why do you study for it, huh?

Her lowest score was 94%, and she appeared to pick up the required

information and skills effortlessly. Even though she remained pretty

115
much alone socially, she apparently avoided criticism by showing her
willingness to serve as a stategic resource--helping others out with

worksheets and quizzes:

Glenda: I help a lot of other people.
Me: Why do you do that?

Glenda: I dunno. I figure if I know it, and they’re confused, I
can maybe help ’em [inaudible].

Me: So, it’s kinda like a peer teaching or helping.
(a minute later, she continued)

Glenda: People ask me for answers on the tests.

Me: And how do you feel about that?

Glenda: I don’t--I don’t like doing it.

Me: What do you do to avoid that?

Glenda: I don’t do it on major tests, definitely, but like on a
quiz or something like that I give somebody an idea.

Achieving a Good Srade.by "Cheetingfl

 

And, indeed, another method used to achieve good test scores was
cheating. Based on data in my fieldnotes and interviews, I would
estimate that approximately half of the students in this class were not
completely academically honest in the achievement of their test grades.
Of the sixteen underclassmen surveyed at the end of the school year
(see Appendix A) nine indicated that they tried to succeed while being
academically honest. And at least one member of that group was
observed by me and by another student c0pying test answers. Although,
according to students, the practice of cheating was rather commonplace

throughout the school culture, there was still a stigma attached to it.

116
Some students monitored Mrs. Kraft and me very carefully during test
periods, their eyes routinely checking ours before moving to another
student’s work or to a ore-prepared piece of paper tucked among their
belongings. Other students watched me very carefully at first, and
then, apparently convinced that I would maintain their confidentiality,
proceeded to cheat as I documented the procedure.

Certainly not naive, Mrs. Kraft showed evidence of monitoring for
cheating, and, indeed, reported to me that she was suspicious of
certain students’ test scores, but, without evidence, she felt there
was little she could do but consider other variables in the determina-
tion of the grade.

Probably the most blatant consumer of others’ answers was Don. In

an individual interview, he expressed to me his feelings about cheat-

ing:
Me: Some people call that [using other people’s answers and
collaborating] cheating.
Don: (after 3 seconds) I probly call it cheating too.
Me: Would you call it cheating too? Why?
Don: I would. ’Cause I think if I wanted to take the time

out, ya know, to learn it, ya know, I wouldn’t have ta
ask, ya know, ask somebody for their paper or some—
thing. I’d just learn it on my own, if I really try
hard enough and wanted to learn the language. But, I
dunno--(2 seconds)

Me: But you don’t—-

Don: Not really.

Me: So you call it cheating. Do you feel like a
cheater or--

Don: I feel guilty when I do it. I feel guilty inside—-

yea--for doing it.

Me:

Don:

Me:

Don:

Me:

Don:

Me:

Don:

117
Why?
’Cause I know it’s wrong.
Why?

(after 3 seconds) ’Cause I know I shouldn’t
do that--I know that. (laugh)

Do other people do it?
Yea.
Is it wrong for them?

It’s wrong for everybody to cheat.

Apparently, however, the guilt was not enough to stop Don. He

relied on Alonso consistently:

Me:

Don:

Me:

Don:

Me:

Don:

Me:

Don:

Like on a quiz--how much do you put in on
your own before you go to Alonso’s paper to
see--

Ah--let’s see--on a quiz?

Yea. A quiz or a test or an exercise--
Like what do you want me to say--like-—

I dunno. I mean how much--how much of that
paper that you turned in his your own work
and how much is Alonso’s work?

Geez--

--or does it depend on the exercise?

Most of it is Alonso’s work. (laugh)

Don seemed somewhat baffled that Mrs. Kraft had not determined

that the test papers he turned in did not reflect his level of achieve-

ment:

118

Me: Do you think that she knows that you’re not
turning in your own work?

Don: (after 3 seconds) Maybe. (laugh) I really don’t
know. Well--(another 3 seconds)

Me: I haven’t said anything.

Don: I really don’t know--maybe she does--maybe
she doesn’t--I dunno.

Me: You’re just not sure. Do you think it would
make a difference to her?

Don: (after 3 seconds) Pardon?

Me: Do you think it would make a difference to
her?

Don: Yea.

Me: You do. If she--

Don: She probly knows, like what kinda work I do compared to

Alfonso [sic]. And if, like, if she knows--like ’cause
sometimes like in Spanish One, I just used to write
little sentences--and when I copied off somebody else,
then I’d have, like, a big, long sentence or something
I didn’t even know what it meant.

Me: I see.

Don: Ya know. That’s how she might know the dif-

ference. I dunno.

Other students were aware that Don copied test answers, and
Tracey, in particular, seemed anxious to expose him. Fieldnotes record
that one day when Mrs. Kraft was helping the class to write composi-
tions, Tracey verified her suspicions:

Tracey gets up and goes to Mrs. Kraft’s desk and opens the

gradebook. After closing it and pulling some papers over it,

she returns to her seat saying to Don, "Like I say, you
cheat!"

119
But, indeed, it appeared that Mrs. Kraft didn’t suspect Don of

cheating. Particularly at the beginning of the term, she referred to
him as a "good student." His test papers generally mirrored Alonso’s
(see Figures 5 and 6), and his test grades were excellent. With the
exception of his performance on the individual oral part of the final
(60%), his test grades were never below a 76% and were most frequently
in the eighties and nineties. Don received a mark of A for each of the

three grading periods and an A for the semester.

Bargaining away the Impact of the Test Scdre

The last method of dealing with test scores was a type of bargain-
ing which had the net effect of lessening the impact of a measured
level of achievement on the final grade. The "bargain," as discussed
in the professional literature (Cusick, 1973, 1983; Sykes, 1984;
Lightfoot, 1983; Sizer, 1984), was strongly resisted by Mrs. Kraft in
this particular classroom. According to students, it was prevalent in

other classes, however.

Michelle: He gave us, ya know, that vocabulary test but he didn’t
. give us unit tests, ya know, like Mrs. Kraft, and he
hardly gave us quizzes. If he gave us quizzes, he
would put ’em off, or the class, itself, would make him
put off.

Me: How would that happen?

Michelle: Well, some people would say that, ah, they weren’t
ready for it. They weren’t ready for the quiz. They
weren’t ready for the test. Or not very many people
showed up or somethin’ like that.

Me: People just didn’t come?

120

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Figure 6. Sample of Don’s Quiz 26.

 

122
Michelle: Nell, people came, but maybe about four or five would
skip that day and stuff like that, and then the other
people that were there would say that ya know—-
Tracey: They were sick or somethin’--they’d have to go--

Michelle: Why should we take it when they’re not here, or why
should we take it when we’re not ready for it.

Tracey: Yea.

It was apparent that a group of students came to Mrs. Kraft’s
section from a Spanish I experience in which bargaining away measure-
able achievement was the norm. It was, likewise, apparent that Mrs.
Kraft was a shrewd bargainer who set and generally held the line. This
didn’t stop students from habitually trying, however, and from achiev-
ing a couple of small "deals."

1:20

Mrs K: 0.K, now I’m going to give you the test. After you
finish--

A student requests 5 minutes to study.

Mrs.K: You want five minutes to study? You had time to
study-You want five minutes to study and we start at
twenty- five after? I’ll give you five minutes...

1:25

Mrs.K: O.K. time’s up, so please put your books away, pg;
favgr /please/.

Before class on one of the test days in February, Mrs. Kraft
approached me, anxious to tell me about a ”compromise" she had made
Iflith students the day before. She said that there were several
students from Mr. MacNamara’s class who reportedly said they didn't

know the basic verbs from last term. Apparently frustrated with the

123

heterogeneity in background, she had agreed to go ahead with the exam,
but also provide a sheet with those verbs for use during the test.
Very conscious of being fair, she said all students, in both of her
sections, would have access to the sheet (see Figure 7). It was
interesting to note, however, that not all students needed or wanted
the compromise.

Mrs.K: Note that I’m giving you the information I promised

yesterday...formula and forms of those words.

Alice: (Mrs. Kraft passes the sheets) I don’t need it.

It became clear, then, that tests would be given, would measure a
variety of skills, and would be counted, and that bargaining in this

area of the grade determination was limited.

Homework--A Measure of "Trying:

The grade in this class was determined not only by apparent
achievement based on test scores, but also on‘a complicated series of
understandings that involved how hard a student was "trying" to
succeed. If, indeed, high tests scores assured a high grade, the
opposite was not true. One could have low test scores and not receive
a low grade. It seemed to be the case that, a student who showed
evidence of trying would not fail. This understanding seemed to
permeate schoolwide. Of the twelve items listed on the Memorandum to
Parents (see Appendix D) only one mentioned low test scores on periodic
quizzes as a reason for failure. The other eleven dealt with evidence

that the student was not “trying" to succeed.

124

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Figure 7. Sheet with Verbs for Use during Exam.

125

In this classroom, homework appeared to be a key variable in the

determination of a final grade.

It was the most frequently mentioned

”trying" factor that was easily measureable.

Mrs. Kraft assigned homework on an average of twice a week.

The

typical assignment involved the completion of one or two exercises in

the textbook.

greeting.

Buenas tardes! /Good afternoon!/ 0

She wrote the assignment on the board with the daily

For example:

5 lunes 27 de abril de 1987

/Today is April 27/ tarea para mafiana p g. 131 exercise #10.

/homework for tomorrow page 131, exercise #10./ Please write the
complete sentence.

It was evident that homework did not consume a great deal of time

or effort on the part of students. Although Don indicated that he

spent approximately “15-20 minutes at the most" per day studying

Spanish, that appeared to be a generous estimate. Several students

indicated that they completed all of their homework in class. Most

students reported that the assignments were not particularly challeng-

ing.

Trevor:

Me:

Trevor:

Me:

Trevor:

Me:

Trevor:

Well, homework is easy.

Why is that?

I dunno. It’s just all the answers are right in front
of you and I just--I do all my homework. Homework’s
pretty easy.

So you turn in all your homework?

Oh, yea.

How long does it take you to do?

’Bout five minutes. (laugh) Five to ten minutes.
Something like that. Pretty easy.

126

Although the homework assignments were explained in class and did
not appear to be too challenging, Mrs. Kraft did ask students to re-do
assignments that were unacceptably completed. She did so with Solita,
asking her to repeat an assignment that was copied from another
student; and Mrs. Kraft also asked Trevor to re-do assignments that
were not completed as directed.

And even though Mrs. Kraft explicitly stated at the beginning of
the term that homework was due at the first part of the hour, she was
very liberal in that regard and accepted assignments any time before
the end of the term.

It was explicit that homework was an important part of the grade.
After the first exam, Mrs. Kraft indicated that she counted it as 25%.
It appeared to be variable, however, as for some students it seemed to
count considerably more. By the end of the first few weeks Mrs. Kraft
had made it clear that completed homework bolstered unsteady test

)5

grades.

Mrs.K: (preparing to hand back tests) I want you to know,
like I told you, you get points for your test. Under
60% doesn’t make it, but you can make it up with two
other tests. The most important thing-~homework--some
haven’t done.

Mrs. Kraft periodically spoke to the class about the importance of
completing homework. During the ninth week:
Mrs.K: There was a great number who didn't turn in homework
yesterday. You still have time. Homework is important

in every way--for your learning experience and for your
grade.

127
Likewise, students seemed to understand that homework was an

important part of showing that they were trying.

Me: Is homework a big part of showing her you’re trying?

Ellen: Yea, ’cause if you don’t do your homework, then she’ll
say you’re not trying, and then that’ll bring your
grade way down.

In fact, it appeared that, at least in this setting, homework did
not bring a grade way down, but the lack of completed homework assign-
ments allgwed the grade to slip closer to the level of already low test
scores. Its lack almost appeared to permit the teacher to give a low
grade, since not only was the student not achieving, he/she was not
even trying. This seemed to be the case with Solita. My fieldnotes
record a discussion with Mrs. Kraft at the end of the first marking
period.

After class Mrs. Kraft said Solita was mad that she failed,

but that Mrs. Kraft couldn’t justify passing her with failing

test grades and a total of only two or three homeworks. [out

of 12]

Likewise, at the end of the semester, fieldnotes indicate that a
lack of homework affected Mrs. Kraft’s determination of Tracey’s grade:

Mrs. Kraft told me at the end of the final exam period that

Tracey would get a B for the semester because she had good

test scores, but no homework, and that "was sacred."

The gradebook indicated, however, that Tracey did 39; have test
scores that, alone, would have given her a higher grade. Her test

scores throughout the term had, in fact, steadily slipped and before

the final were in the sixties.

128

On the other hand, the presence of completed homework appeared to

signal that the student was ”trying.” Such evidence not only apparent-

ly prevented the teacher from failing the student, but likewise,

permitted raising the grade considerably above the level of the test

score average.

For example, after Solita’s failure in the first

marking period, she apparently recognized the importance of homework.

She turned in all of it, and even though Mrs. Kraft was somewhat

suspicious of Solita’s improving test scores (52%, 32%, 68%, 78%), she

didn’t once again say that Solita wasn’t trying.

Mrs.K:

Me:
Mrs.K:
Me:
Mrs.K:
Me:

Mrs.K:

She did (3 seconds), she did fairly well in the test,
and I wonder what happened.

What do you think happened?

I dunno. (3 seconds) I’m glad. She ended up with a C.
Yea. I heard her say that. She seemed real pleased.
Which comes all the way up.

Yea. You said she’s been turning in homework and
stuff.

She’s been turning in homework, and that helped her
grade to go up.

Mrs. Kraft seemed to consider Barbara’s perfect homework record,

as well, for the second marking period. Although her quiz and test

scores were not particularly high (96%, 85%, 76%, 77%), she received an

A and was characterized by Mrs. Kraft as a student who "tries."

Mrs.K:
Me:

I think that Barbara wanted to get something out.

Get something out? How come--well, how would you say
that?

129

Mrs.K: She gives me that impression. She tries hard and she
felt like she was at a disadvantage because she came
from the other class that the teacher had a different

style.

Me: Right.

Mrs.K: And she--I mean she did very, very well this time. She
got an A for the second marking period.

Me: Was she pleased?

Mrs.K: She was very pleased, but she deserved it. She’s
worked hard. She always turns in her homework.

Me: Is that a big part? When you look at--and make a grade
on effort-—

Mrs.K: The effort--the effort, really. It’s not so much-~her
work--her work is far from perfect--and it’s not
perfect, but she tries.

Homework, then, was a key measureable variable in the determina-
tion of a final grade. It’s absence appeared to signal that the
student was not "trying" to succeed; its presence indicated, at least
in part, that the student was "trying." And in this class, students,

by and large, did turn in their homework regularly, at least according

to gradebook notations.

Cl P r i ° ' n

The third variable that entered into the determination of the
marking period grade was called class participation. Mrs. Kraft
indicated that it was worth 30% of the marking period grade. As she
returned the first unit exams, she described class participation:

Mrs.K: You know how important I think class participation
is...It includes answering questions--right or wrong--

130
that doesn’t matter, doing your class work, bringing
your book and those things.
Like homework, class participation was an indication of "trying."

It appeared to have multiple definitions within both the school and
classroom cultures, but had at least four identifiable components
including: asking and answering questions, following acceptable norms
for classroom behavior, attendance, and the completion of tangible
classroom assignments. They all need to be considered here as a part

of "trying to get the grade."

Asking and Answering Questions

 

As was discussed in Chapter V, Mrs. Kraft was most anxious for
students to communicate in Spanish, and was explicit in her desire for
students to use words as liberally as possible. Therefore, students
were not penalized for wrong answers, but rather gently corrected.

Some students, however, seemed to define class participation in

terms of asking questions.

Me: [Suppose I said] Look at this person, at this group,
and tell me which ones are trying.

Doug: The ones that are participating.

Me: Participating, O.K..

Sara: Asking questions.

Me: O.K. Asking questions. About what?

Sara: If they don’t understand what she was talking about or

if she was explaining it--you go back and ask her a
question about it if you don’t understand something
that she said, er--

Doug:
Me:
Doug:

Me:

Doug:

Alonso:

Doug:
Me:

Alonso:

Me:

Alonso:

Doug:

Alonso:

131
It also has to do with a measure of honesty in the
student. You can ask questions about meaning and not
care to know the answer. That happens all the time.
O.K. Give me an example of that.
Student X or--
Yea, yea. Not a name. Yea. Student X. How can
Student X ask a question and really not want to know
the answer?
The student, to give the appearance that he is actually
doing work, you know, to get the grade will, will, you
know pay attention as much as he has to and--
Yea. Yea.
--Ask questions every once in a while.

Is that, I mean, something that would make sense to
you. I mean you’ve seen that or would say--

Lots of times.

Lots of times you’ve seen that. Why, then, would the
student want to do that?

To get by in the grade.
Yea.

To [acquire] language-~um--credit.

0f the sixteen students informally surveyed at the end of the

course (see Appendix A), only five indicated that they asked questions

in class when they didn’t understand something. Likewise, fieldnotes

indicate that asking questions about content was not very common. More

frequently, however, students did ask questions that seemed to give the

appearance that they were "trying." As previously mentioned, Albert

Perez was exceptionally quiet, and characteristically compliant and

competent, but one of the only times he initiated any form of com-

132
munication was apparently to demonstrate to Mrs. Kraft that he was on

task. Fieldnotes record the sequence:

1:30

Albert and Lucinda now are the only ones not on task [an exercise
dealing with diminutives]. They are carefully examining

and exchanging coins. They smile at each other--talking sound-
lessly. At one point, Albert appears to want to return a coin to
Lucinda, but failing to get her eye contact, he chooses not to
make a sound for her attention. He waits. Meanwhile, Mrs. Kraft
moves toward his side of the room, stopping to answer a question

for Charu.

1:37

Albert raises his hand and asks a question about the exercise.

Mrs.K: (to Barbara) These [referring to the diminutives] are
fun!

Solita: They’re easy!

For an exercise that had been understood and was being completed
by even the most resistant students, it appeared that Albert asked the
question to legitimize his empty paper as Mrs. Kraft moved closer.

Asking questions, whether one really wanted or needed an answer,
then, was one way to appear to be interested in the class. It was an

accepted norm to show one was "trying."

Following Accepted Norms for Classroom Behavior

Another factor that seemed to fall under the heading of participa-
tion was general classroom behavior. In interviews, students mentioned
this as a determinant of who could be identified as "trying."

Me: If someone says to me, pick out the students in this

class who are trying [3 seconds], how would I know?

Jack: Quiet ones.

Rob:
Me:
Mike:
Jack:

Mercedes:

Jack:

133
Not necessarily.
Rob says ’not necessarily.’ (laugh) O.K.
Who aren’t goofing off.
Well, yea, like people, like, like Don and Trevor.
(Mercedes continued seconds later)
Who doesn’t give the teacher much trouble.
Yea--or they, ya know, they, ya know, sit in class and

they do most of the work and they don’t give the
teacher a hard time.

On the other end of the continuum, students identified extremely

passive behavior as unacceptable.

Me:

Linda:

[If I came to pick out the kids who are trying] How
would I know? Could you describe that?

Well, if you’re, ya know, basically, if you’re like
sleeping in class, you’re not trying very much.

Interestingly, students were often able to justify their own

behavior as acceptable. Linda continued:

Me:
Linda:

Me:
Linda:
Me:
Linda:

If you’re awake, you’re trying-~15 that it?

And if you’re talking all the time, like I do (laugh),
you know.

Is that an example?
I talk a lot.
Is that--

I do, I just, but I can listen and talk at the same
time. Like, I mean if you can tell if they’re not
listening. Like, if they ask you a question and you’re
not--and you don’t know where you are or anything, then
you’re not really listening. But if they ask you and
you know exactly where you are and can answer it, then
I guess you can talk at the same time. It’s all right.

134
Mrs. Kraft recognized that she occasionally used the grade to
serve as leverage in the management of classroom behavior, but that
this required a delicate balance with her desire to have the class feel
safe enough to ”try to communicate.” She compared her sixth and

seventh hour classes.

Well, see, I did the same [in both classes]. I pounded. I had to
make work harder. I had to 7th hour. But I did the same listen-
ings, I did the same oral practice, but I had to probe more into
them, ya know. I would get more answers like ’1 dunno’ or that
sort of thing and then I would have to get to my--I said. ’Well,
no classroom participation for a person that doesn’t try-~no
classroom participation.’ But see, I would have to resort to that
to make them do something. But see, with this group, they gave it
to me without--I tried to make them at ease so they didn’t have to
worry...It [sixth hour] was very cooperative, but this other
group, because of the behavior problems of these kids, I didn’t
have--...[but] Solita was somewhat like that. Solita gave me a
hard time some of these days-~except that I had to r-e-a-l—l-y get
onto er.

It appeared, then, that the teacher in this setting attempted to
modify student behavior to prevent disruption and to encourage an

acceptable pattern of classroom communication. She occasionally used

the grade as leverage to do this.

Attendanee

The school culture was visibly involved in the administration of
attendance policy, and was instrumental in establishing the relation-

ship between attendance and grades. The Student Handbook was explicit,
stating:

We feel that attendance in all classes is fundamental to the
learning process. We do not question those absences called in by
parents; however, each course description contains an attendance
statement requiring that students must attend 85% of total class

135

sessions. Attendance belpw 85% ip eny glass may result in
peduetion pf eeedemic grede due tp wept not made up or fejlure to
partieipate in e cless activity which cennot be mede up.

 

 

 

 

Likewise, Mrs. Kraft was clear in her course outline (see Appendix
C) that she strictly adhered to this attendance policy.

In this classroom, only one student failed for the semester, and
her attendance record showed a significant number of absences. Darlene
Smith, a senior, failed the first grading period. She had all failing
test scores, turned in only three of twelve homework assignments, and
missed seven class periods, which constituted less than the 85%
attendance rate mentioned in the Student Handbook. Mrs. Kraft con-
tinued to encourage her, however, ignoring her chewing gum, lending her
the teacher’s edition of the textbook, and helping her to answer
questions. Two weeks into the second term, Darlene began to put her
head down in class. Mrs. Kraft excused her to the nurse once, and
encouraged her to stay awake on another occasion. On March 18:

Mrs. Kraft gives Darlene a permission slip for the field trip and

asks her to have her parents sign it. A minute or two later

Darlene apparently asks for a pass to the clinic, and Mrs. Kraft

says no. Darlene says, "I’m sick. I’m pregnant." Without a pass

she leaves the room.

Darlene returned for only a few more classes for the remainder of
the term. Mrs. Kraft expressed her frustration:

If a person tries, I believe that person should be given a chance.

But, see, Darlene has got a lot of problems now. Darlene hasn’t

come to class. I think she is going to be either suspended or--I

don’t know what her status is going to be, but when she wasn’t in
class, she didn’t make a-n-y attempts to make up the work. She

didn’t make any attempts to, um, to make arrangements to take the
test at some other time...She cannot concentrate on school. So

136

there was no way that I could have any basis to grade Darlene on

anything. She didn’t try enythjng.

Although Darlene was the only example of a student who had an
exceptionally poor attendance record in this class, Mrs. Kraft reported
that the problem was more significant in her seventh hour section.

Just as one could quickly pick out the A students by a glance at their
test score grades, one could just as easily identify failures in that
section’s class list by the significant number of absences recorded
next to their names. Indeed, if getting good test scores was the
surest way to a good grade-~compiling a poor attendance record appeared

to be a good way to fail.
Completing Assignments--The Paper ghase

One of the most obvious rituals in this class was the apparent
exchange of "paper" for credit toward a grade. Paradoxically, it
appeared that the students most disengaged from efforts to communicate,
were most concerned about turning in written assignments. Indeed, such
tangible efforts were construed as ”trying" or "making an effort."

And, likewise, they were described by students as keeping up with the
"workload" of the class.

Nearly every day Mrs. Kraft had a type of activity that involved
writing. These exercises fell into several categories: listening
exercises in which students simply marked a correct response; composi-
tion practice in which students described a picture or used vocabulary

in context to answer questions; and vocabulary/structure exercises that

137
were characteriscially in the form of a "packet." These exercises came
from workbook pages designed by the textbook publisher.

Students corrected their own listening exercises, and occasionally
used their responses to written questions as a basis for oral practice
with the same information. Other exercises were collected upon
completion by Mrs. Kraft, reviewed by her, and returned to the students
for future reference. She was explicit that these ungraded written
pages constituted class participation and could be exchanged for
credit.

Mrs.K: (returning papers) Some of you did not turn in papers

yesterday. Also, if you don’t give me stuff in class,
I can’t give you credit.

On another occasion, Mrs. Kraft reminded students that she needed
their papers to assign credit.

Mrs.K: (reminding students to put their names on their papers)

I give credit for your classwork.

Students seemed anxious to turn in anything that was complete
enough for credit.

1:53

There appears to be a sense of urgency to finish the exercise--

particularly among Trevor, Don and Alonso who seem anxious to turn

in their sheets.

Trevor: Are we supposed to pass these up? (He holds up his
paper--there is scribbling all over the back.)

Mrs.K: Everybody gets credit. I know who does the work and
who doesn’t.

138

The paperwork was not graded, and students frequently helped one
another. Mrs. Kraft encouraged the use of the text. The line between
"helping one another to understand" and "helping one another to finish"
was not clear--but it seemed evident that most students were interested
in simply filling in the page as effortlessly as possible. Fieldnotes
show that students often handed their work to others who copied and
returned it. This was particularly evident when there was a substitute
teacher in charge of the class.

Rob, Ellen and Sara seem to be sharing papers. Glenda holds up

her paper for Sara. A minute later Rob passes his paper

to Sara.

There did not appear to be as great a stigma attached to sharing
classwork answers as to sharing test answers, but students seemed to be
careful that they were not caught. Sara and Don were typical.

Sara finished copying Ellen’s packet, straightens the pages, looks

at me, waits several seconds, then returns the packet to Ellen.

and

Don turns and asks Albert for his paper. Albert gives it to him.

Don smiles, takes it, and appears to copy the answers. His eyes

look to Mrs. Kraft every time she moves, even slightly.

On one occasion when Glenda apparently noticed that Rob was one
whole packet behind, she offered to fill part of it in for him, saving
the copying time.

Alonso, having finished both packets has not done much but look

around all hour. Glenda, also finished, reads a novel and

apparently offers to complete Rob’s paper for him. She fills in a

section or two and returns it to him as he works on the second
packet.

139
It appeared, then, that class participation involved turning in
something tangible that could be examined and returned for apparent
credit toward a grade. Filling in the paper was one sign that a

student was ”trying.”

xtr it

The final formal variable in the determination of the grade was
called "extra credit." There were apparently two ways to achieve extra
credit. The first was to turn in a project, and the second involved
participation in Spanish Club activities.

The extra credit project was described in the course outline (see
Appendix C):

Students may earn a maximum of 15 extra credit points per marking

period if:

a) The student prepares an extra credit project description form

(I will give you these) and submits it to the teacher at
least three weeks before the end of the marking period.

b) The project receives teacher approval.

c) The work is submitted one week before the end of the marking

period. Late extra credit projects will not be accepted.

Although not mentioned in the course outline, Mrs. Kraft announced
at the beginning of the third week that participation in Spanish Club
would result in extra credit.

Mrs. Kraft calls attention to the announcement on the board about

Spanish Club meeting at 7:30 A.M. on February 5. "I always give
extra credit to those who come."

140
The first mention by a student of extra credit that I recorded was
during the fifth week when Mrs. Kraft was discussing grades for the
first marking period.

Mrs.K: I have points, not letter grades. All points count...
then I average in homework and class participation.

Trevor laughs nervously as he mentions the low test score grades

by his name in the gradebook.

Mrs.K: You are failing.

Trevor: Mrs. Kraft, you can’t fail me.

Mrs.K: You’ll fail yourself.

Trevor: I’m doing all the junk and the tests.

Mrs.K: You are not working this term. I know you can do it.

Trevor: This is hard, Mrs. Kraft. (He asks for extra work to
do at home.)

Apparently, however, Trevor was not interested in putting too much

effort into extra credit.

Mrs.K: I give extra credit for attending Spanish Club.

Trevor: I haven’t left the house by 7:30.

Mrs. Kraft says she sees many students at school by 7:30, then
continues--

Mrs.K: There are other things you can do for extra credit such
as writing reports or doing research...You have to give
me a proposal and I’ll see if it’s worth it.

Trevor inquires if it has to be written in Spanish.

141
Mrs.K: I don’t expect it in Spanish, since you are not at that
level. You can choose a country. Maybe present a
report to the class. I had a student who talked about

Mexico and used slides, etc....It added something to
the class.

Trevor doesn’t respond.

One day during the final marking period, Mrs. Kraft expressed
concern to me about Trevor’s grade. She said he wasn’t passing and

recalled an incident the day before during a class exercise:

Mrs.K: O.K. Now we’re caught up.

Trevor: No, we’re not.

Linda: Wait a minute. I’m not done yet [after 15 seconds]
pipte; /to paint./

Trevor: p-i-n-t-a-r?

Mrs.K: Listen to her.

Trevor makes a characteristic "put upon" expression.

Mrs.K: Trevor, there’s a certain amount of work that is
involved in going to school.

Trevor: Really?

Class: Ooooh!

Mrs.K: So remember that.

Trevor raises his eyes only to look at her.

Mrs. Kraft indicated that she had decided after this incident to
assign Trevor an extra credit project in which he would write reports

on three countries. She said that she would call his parents and

142

confirm the assignment with them. It was, she said, the only way he
could "make it."

Two class periods later Mrs. Kraft brought up extra credit with
the entire class.

Mrs.K: If you have decided to do extra credit projects, let me

know. Some of you will have to.
Trevor: Mrs. Kraft, I’m going to. (He repeats this three

times.) Can you just pick a Spanish-speaking city and,
like, write about it?

Mrs. Kraft says it should be a country and that reports should be

a minimum of two pages and, if not typed, it has to be legible.

Apparently, Trevor did complete the extra credit project as
assigned and he handed it in the day of the final exam--after asking
for a pass to go get it from his locker. He received 40 extra credit
points for his effort.

Likewise, Mrs. Kraft mentioned at the end of the final that she
realized Sara "was weak," but added, "She came to every Spanish Club
meeting." The gradebook showed 10 extra credit points by her name.

And although Trevor was the most visible in his pursuit of extra
credit, the gradebook shows that 12 of the 23 students in the class got
extra credit points--ranging from 10 points to 40.

All in all, then, it appeared that ”trying to get the grade" was a
complicated effort involving the consideration and weighing of four
explicit variables, including test scores, homework, class participa-
tion and extra credit. And although grades are traditionally as—
sociated with achievement, data from this study suggest that a grade

may or may not reflect a measureable amount of achievement or pro-

143
ficiency in language learning. It may, rather, reflect for some

students the degree to which they apparently "tried" to succeed.

CHAPTER SEVEN:
THE CLASSROOM AND THE SCHOOL CULTURE:
CHECKS AND BALANCES

Introductipn

Although the motivations and behaviors of the participants in this
classroom have been discussed, it is important, too, to examine the
specific influence of the school culture on the transactions that took
place in this setting. This classroom was not an island, but was
connected at various points both to the school and the community. What
one was able or willing to do in the classroom, then, depended in large
part on checks and balances from a variety of constituencies. Both
teacher and students appeared to be bound into this system in at least
two areas. The first was the "workload" that the participants might
reasonably expect to put into a foreign language class. The second was
the "knowledge load" that participants might reasonably expect to take
out of the learning experience. These terms, themselves, were used by

students when comparing this class to others in the school culture.

Doug: What do you mean by hard? 00 you mean workload or
knowledge load?

Me: I don’t know.

Doug: Because there’s a big difference.

Me: O.K. What is the difference, then?

144

145
Doug: Well, workload is just paperwork, you know, bookwork.
Knowledge load is how much you’re actually expected to
know.
These factors overlapped both the motivation of the teacher to en-

courage communication and the motivation of the students to achieve an

acceptable grade.

The Wortlpeg

The workload in this class involved not only paperwork but the
amount of oral communication practice in Spanish that could reasonably
be expected. It appears that both were adjusted to fit into the or-
ganizational norms.

On two separate occasions Mrs. Briggs, Sara’s mother, mentioned a
difference in the amount of Spanish used in the classroom between first
and second semesters. On February 4, I called Mrs. Briggs about the
Participation Agreement.

Sara’s mother said she had already signed the form. She said

Sara was glad I was in the class this term. She felt my

presence and the new students this semester caused Mrs. Kraft

to slow down and not speak only Spanish.

She repeated Sara’s observation again during an interview at the
end of the semester.

Mrs. Kraft was aware that she used decreasingly less Spanish in
the classroom. As mentioned in Part 11, she had strongly felt the
resistance to communication in Spanish. Particularly when the new
students entered second semester with virtually no oral skills, she

felt she had begun to give in to a new wave of resistance. In our

146

final interview she expressed resolve to use more Spanish in the

classroom for the Spanish 111 and IV sections she was assigned to

teach.

Mrs.K:

You see what I would like to do with the second year-~I
would like to train them from the beginning since I
will have a group, hopefully, that’s more interested as
far as their going to the second year. I would like to
really use a lot of Spanish in the classroom--get them
really used to that. Like I will give them a list.

You know, I used a lot of classroom directions, and so
many times I had to go back to English more than I
really liked to.

And, apparently, the workload in terms of paperwork had also been

adjusted between first and second semesters. Rob Gomez described the

difference.

Me:

Rob:

Me:

Rob:
Me:

Rob:

Me:

Rob:

...As far as workload is concerned in this
class would you say this is a heavy class for
work--

No.
No?
Not compared to the first semester which was--

The first semester was much different? How was the
first semester different?

She had-~Mrs. Kraft always gave, like, packets-packets
every day--expecting us to have them done. She’s, ya
know, she had ta lighten up a lot, ya know. Before it
was like eight pac--pages a day...

You said she had to lighten up. Who made her lighten
up? (laugh) Who makes a teacher lighten up?

Well, I don’t--I think maybe she did it herself. I
mean ’cause a couple kids last year were complaining a
lot and that was her first year really teaching here at
Memorial.

147

And, indeed, the word about the workload assigned first semester
by the new teacher had spread around the school. Mike had heard it,
even though he was enrolled in another Spanish 1 section.

Mike: It helps with her, I guess, toning down or whatever
they say she was. I really didn’t want her, ’cause
they said, like-0h, she gives ya so much work and...1
don’t need that every day.

For Mike, then, the thought of so much work for a grade in a
semi-required elective class that he was trying to "get out of the way"
was apparently not attractive.

And, evidently, Mike was not alone. Several students, including
Trevor, made vocal comments in class about their trips to the counsel-
ing office to seek a schedule change that would allow them to enroll in
the other Spanish 11 section offered that hour. Apparently, Tyrone
Johnson was successful in his attempt. After a brief stay in Mrs.
Kraft's class at the beginning of the term, he later appeared on a
fieldtrip as a part of Mr. MacNamara’s section. For others, however,
the attempts were futile, as it appeared that Mr. MacNamara’s sections
were full. No more than a glance at the empty chairs in the room
revealed that Mrs. Kraft’s section was not.

For Mrs. Kraft, a first-year teacher who also worked on a daily
basis with the counselors, this was, indeed, an awkward position. It
is difficult to build up a department and encourge students to enroll
for a class where the workload is perceived as too heavy or is not
commensurate with that in other sections. Mrs. Kraft apparently tried

to adjust to the intricacies of the system.

148
And she was well-aware of the various adjustments that she had
made. She told me, for example, in an early interview that she thought
she might have covered more chapters first semester.
Mrs.K: He [Mr.MacNamara] told me that he does eight chapters.
I thought that I could do ten, but it was too much.
When I wrote my syllabus, I put 8-10 chapters...I found
eight was a good amount and I reviewed for a week
before the final.
And so, the number of chapters to be covered was adjusted, the
size and number of "packets" decreased, and the amount of oral Spanish

used in class for functional purposes lessened as checks and balances

on the workload within the organization took effect.

The Knowledge Lpad

How much one could be held responsible for learning in this
classroom was also, to an extent, controlled by the system. As was
discussed in Part I, there was no commonly agreed-upon measure of
success in foreign language learning among teachers, students, parents
and the school culture, other than the achievement of graduation credit
or the fulfillment of college-entry requirements for curriculum and
grade point. It appeared that a teacher had to ”justify" keeping a
student from either credit or requirement fulfillment, even if the
student had apparently learned nothing. Mrs. Kraft and I discussed
this in our final interview.

Me: You know the--the proficiency movement that they talk

about--that you’re supposed to be not measuring for

achievement, but that you’re supposed to be looking for
proficiency--the ability to use the language in a--

Mrs.K:

Me:
Mrs.K:

Me:

Mrs.K:

Me:
Mrs.K:

149
Well, I couldn’t go by that. I, I couldn’t go by that
because then Trevor wouldn’t make it, because he
doesn’t know. Because he doesn’t want to know.
So, so he can still pass, then, even though-
He can pass on doing the, the, the homework and par-
ticipating in class, and then some of the quizzes, he
studies the words and passes them.
The vocabulary--

But most of the time he doesn’t study. That’s what it
is. I knew that’s what it is.

But he can still--still get by.

I can not justify--um--flunking him.

And, indeed, Mrs. Kraft needed to justify Trevor’s failure to

achieve not only to herself, but to his parents, and, on a regular

basis, to the athletic department where he participated in both

football and baseball. In an interview with Trevor, he expressed the

bitterness that he and his father felt when Mrs. Kraft’s report to the

athletic department rendered him ineligible for a football game.

Me:

Trevor:

Me:

Trevor:

Me:

Trevor:

And your goal is to--
To get a C. Yea.
And you plan to do one year of it [Spanish], then?

My dad said, ’You’re not goin’back in there.’ I
wouldn’t wanna go, but---

Why do you think that your dad said that?

Well, see, I’ve came--I was ineligible for one game in
football and my dad-~I mean, he, he wants me to get
good grades in school--he stresses that very much-but--
um—-also I mean he think, he wants, he likes me to be
in sports. I mean this is a top priority, for me to be
in sports. I mean he doesn’t pressure me or anything,
but, ya know--

150

Me: But he was--

Trevor: I mean he was athletic himself and, I dunno, he’s
just--

Me: Oh, really?

Trevor: He likes me to be in sports. I mean, I love sports.
That’s-~that and school is about the only thing I do.

And fieldnotes and interviews show that Trevor’s parents tried to
keep in touch with Mrs. Kraft, both by phone and at parent-teacher
conferences, doing what they could so that Trevor might both pass and
stay eligible. They encouraged him to see Mrs. Kraft for extra help.
And he did see her at lunchtime on several occasions. But both
Mrs. Kraft and Mrs. Glouster felt that these sessions were not helpful.
Mrs. Kraft expressed frustration, saying that she felt Trevor had
developed a "closed mind to Spanish." Mrs. Glouster divided the
responsibility apparently between Trevor’s "mental block“ and
Mrs. Kraft’s ethnicity.

When Trevor had problems Mrs. Glouster said she encouraged

him to "go to her," and he said, "I do" and she would tell

him that he gig understand it, stressing, "Yes, you do."

Mrs. Glouster said Mrs. Kraft was "very kind" and "went out

of her way to help him" but that "being a Spanish person or

Mexican or whatever she calls herself," it probably "came

easy to her" and that "she doesn’t understand" how hard

learning a language is. Mrs. Glouster also added that Trevor

had told her that the class was “predominately Spanish kids."

But Trevor, himself, regularly expressed confidence that he could
get a C in Spanish for the semester.

Me: Now tell me. You say your goal was to get a C in

Spanish class and you’d feel successful if you did
that. What do you think your chances are?

151
Trevor: This time. I dunno. She said I’m not doin’ too well.
She said--I—-I feel that I’m doin’just as good as I did
last marking period, but I--she’s the teacher--so--

Me: What would make you think you’re doing as well as you
did last marking period?

Trevor: Well, you see, it’s what--O.K. my dad last marking
period--she talked to him and he, he said she said, ’If
he turns in all the homework and stuff and all the
stuff we do in class, I will give him a C.’ That’s
what she said, ’cause she knew it was hard for me. And
I've done that this marking period. I mean I got a C
last marking period, so I just feel I should get one
this time because I’m gonna be doin’ book reports, so.

Me: So you think that will move up your grade?

Trevor: Yea, I think.

Me: Is it possible to get a C in a class and not
learn anything?

Trevor: Um hum. Well, I’m doin’ it right now.

Indeed, it appeared that failing a student could be more trouble
than it was worth, since the burden of proof especially for the
parents, depended, in large part, on whether the student was "trying,“
but not necessarily learning. Interestingly, Mrs. Kraft considered at
least two more factors in making the decision to pass Solita and give
Trevor a C. The first was the possibility that, as the teacher, she
we_ at fault for their lack of progress. The second had to do with her
perception that they would not continue their study of Spanish.
Fieldnotes from a short interview after the final exam showed her
recurring concern that she couldn’t reach these two students.

Trevor and Solita will "scrape by." They did all the

”homeworks.” Mrs. Kraft felt that she just couldn’t fail a

senior. She said that she felt that although Solita had a

disadvantage by having another teacher the first semester,
that others had done all right. She concluded that she

152

probably couldn’t have taught her much over two semesters--
that Solita and Trevor were similar, and that she hadn’t had
much luck with him.

During our final interview she described in a convoluted manner

the way Trevor ended up with the C that he needed:

Me:
Mrs.K:

Me:
Mrs.K:
Me:
Mrs.K:

What grade did he get?

C. He got a C. He got a D in the exam, but I gave him
for the final semester grade a C.

(surprised) He got a D in the exam?

Well, (2 seconds) close to a D.

Geez, that surprises me, because--

Close to a D. Close to a D. You know what I mean. I
kind of averaged out what he was able to do. Surpris-

ingly enough, what brought him up really very close to
the D was the listening.

After discussing a cheating incident in the 7th hour, Mrs. Kraft

turned her attention to Solita’s grade.

Mrs.K:

Me:
Mrs.K:

Me:
Mrs.K:

I think Solita cheated on that one test because it is
impossible--

--for her to have done--

But anyway, that brought her, that brought her to the
D, and, ah, with--

So she got a D and Trevor got a C.

Because, see, Solita didn’t do all the homework and
Trevor did, even things that I made him repeat it over
again--he gave it back to me, and so you know what I
mean. The way, what I felt is that even though points—
wise maybe he wasn’t that, but he could pass because
he’s not going to take any more language and he did
try.

153

And so the student who was the most resistant to communication,
who took more of the teacher’s time than any other in this class,
received a grade of C without demonstrating any real measure of
achievement. In our interview, his mother indicated that the saga may
not yet be over for her son.

She said her "big concern now is college." She said she was

afraid he might have to take it there.

Indeed, the requirement that he fulfilled to get into college may

haunt him (and his teachers) again as he tries to get get of another

layer in the educational organization.

A Counter-Reection to the Easy A

It appeared by the end of the semester, however, that although
Mrs. Kraft had made adjustments to accommodate the organizational
culture and its various constituencies, she had started, perhaps, to
find her place in the school culture. As students began to make
scheduling choices for the upcoming school year, several were vocally
insistant that they wanted to continue their study of Spanish with
Mrs. Kraft. Tracey was particularly forceful in her statements that if
she couldn’t enroll in Mrs. Kraft’s section, she would choose not to
enroll at all in Spanish 111 and IV. In a later interview she compared
her learning experience and her grade to that of a friend.
Tracey: Well, what it is, is that Mr. Mac, I mean, he’s probly
a good teacher, but he just doesn’t--I’ve never had
him, but, ya know, just from what I see, ya know, and

stuff, they’re, like, ’Well, we never get tests and we
never had to do this, and we never had to do that.’

Me:

Tracey:

Me:

Tracey:

154

’Cause I had Ms. Kraft and we’d read out loud, ya know,
and we’d, ya know, do everything the same as we did
this semester and, ya know. Now one of the girls--ah--
Mileena Jones--ya know, who comes in there sometimes.
She had Mrs. Kraft last year, and she would--she tried,
ya know, cause she was gone for about a week or so and
she came back and she was really behind, but I helped
her and Mrs. Kraft, ya know, we both helped her, and,
ah, she came back, ya know, she got a better grade and
now she has Mr. Mac, and she still gets A’s, but she
still doesn’t know a lot, ya know, she’s real behind,
ya know, on everything. I ask her and, like, ya know,
they’re like a chapter ahead of us, but, ya know, I
know more than she does, ya know, so--

How does she feel about that?

She, she, um--well, she, she really wanted Mr. Mac
because he doesn’t do anything, ya know, and Mrs. Kraft
always gives work and stuff, but--

So she feels she’s being successful?

Right. She thinks she knows a lot (laugh) but she
doesn’t. Right.

In another interview, Doug Ellsworth described the low status of

Spanish as a foreign language at Memorial High School. He saw the

potential Mrs. Kraft had to turn that image around.

Doug:

Alonso:

Doug:

Sara:

Doug:

Me:

Well, I think it also depends on which language. I
think that French in this school has a higher reputa-
tion.

Yep.

It’s more firmly entrenched and the teacher has a very
good reputation. Ms. L--and that tends to attract more
college-bound students, where Spanish, 1 think a lot of
kids see that as an easy grade. I don’t know why
(laugh)--due to other teachers who--

It depends on the teacher, too.

I don't know. Next year after Mrs. Kraft’s been
teaching here a year, it may be different.

How so? How do you think that may change?

155

Doug: Well, people may see that she’s a hard teacher and may
want to take her as a college prep class.

It appeared that Mrs. Kraft had made a good start in establishing
herself as a teacher who cares about students and about the develOpment
of their language skills in Spanish. And even students who did not
want to learn Spanish held her in high regard for her knowledge and
efforts on behalf of those who did want to learn:

Don: Mrs. Kraft’s cool. I really like her...She knows all
about Spanish. When people try and learn Spanish,
she’ll help you out, ya know, if you need help--come
after school or stay after or something-~come in on

your lunchtime. Lots of teachers might not do that,
but she will, if ya need the help. She’ll do that.

CHAPTER EIGHT: CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS

The purpose of this chapter is to summarize and interpret the
findings of this study, to reflect on their significance and to

consider broad implications and questions for further research.

Summery of the Findings

This study sought to stand back and take stock of what was
happening in one foreign language classroom. The results are fascinat-
ing. They are at once frightening and encouraging to those of us who
share concern for the education of both public school students and
future teachers in the United States.

Probably the most significant finding in this study is the
prevalence and strength of the organizational culture of schooling as
it affected not only the daily patterns of interaction in the classroom
but also the overall standards for measurable achievement and accoun-
tability. Therefore, the findings will be summarized and discussed in
three sections: 1) the underlying goals and accompanying definitions of
success of participants in this classroom and school organization;

2) the normative patterns of behavior in this classroom and school that
encouraged or constrained cognitive growth, skill development and
affective involvement; and 3) the transactive patterns within the
overall organization that included an intricate currency of exchange

156

157
and a system of checks and balances determining the range of acceptable

behaviors for all participants.

Multiple andeConflicting Definitions pf Specese

 

Over the years, American education, as a whole, has grappled with
issues that accompany the espoused ideal of a free, public, equitable
and quality education for all of America’s youth. The lack of a clear
and common mandate, and the adoption of multiple definitions of
”success" is common to the overall organizational culture of schooling
(Goodlad, 1984; Powell et al., 1985; and Sedlak et al., 1986). So,
too, the scope and emphasis on foreign language instruction has been a
part of public school curricular debate for at least the last fifty
years. Ranging from the status of an academic frill to that of a vital
national necessity, policymakers and practitioners in the field have
had a hard time just keeping track of their image, much less their
goals. In concert with these changes, students and the parents and
counselors who advise them, have tried to keep up with the variable
status of foreign language as it related to requirements for gradua-
tion, college entry and potential employment.

This overarching theme of accommodation in the face of paradoxical
diversity was vividly highlighted in this beginning-level Spanish
classroom. As discussed by Cohen in Ipe §hppping Mall High School
(Powell et al., 1985), the organizational arrangement in this setting,
too, was such that students could ”shop" for classes that might
accommodate the majority of their needs, abilities and interests. The

effectiveness of the organization, as a whole, could be measured in

158
terms of the extent to which students were potentially successful in
these multiple endeavors.

It appeared that the underlying expressed need for the vast
majority of students in this class was one of credentialing. For some
students the final educational goal was the high school diploma. These
students enrolled for foreign language to fulfill their humanities
requirement in much the same way they chose to enroll for elective
courses in art, music or dance. Other students in this classroom
prepared for college entry. It was perceived that foreign language on
the transcripts of these students was considered a "desirable" academic
plus by colleges and universities, much like higher level courses in
English or social studies.

Contrary to the image of the foreign language classroom suggested
by Goodlad (1984), this heterogeneous combination of students embodied
a relatively wide range of age and maturity levels and widely varying
abilities in areas as diverse as basic study skills, levels of frustra-
tion, developed proficiencies in the use of English or Spanish, and
motivations to learn or ever use another language.

Although foreign language courses were offered in Latin, German,
French and Spanish, it appeared that, with the general exception of
Hispanic students, the choice to study Spanish had less to do with its
unique characteristics or practical application, than with its per-
ceived less-rigorous academic status, the reputation of the full-time
teacher, the rumored ease of acquisition and possible convenience of

scheduling. There was some evidence that of the students enrolling for

159
foreign language, the less academically-able elected Spanish to fulfill
their graduation or college entry requirements.

Hispanic students were encouraged to enroll in Spanish--both to
preserve the links with their cultural heritage and to enroll in a
class with a good chance for academic success. In this setting where
communicative competence was stressed, already functionally bilingual
students appeared to be challenged very little. Most of the other
"Spanish kids" heard or attempted to use the language less frequently
outside of class, and, therefore, found themselves on equal academic
footing with their non-Hispanic peers. Their expressed motivation to
learn the language, however, often included a well-devel0ped intention
to learn and use Spanish outside of class.

Although there is a depressing amount of evidence to support
VanPatten’s (1986) contention that American students don’t study
another language out of interest in the target language or culture,
there was a definite feeling among the non-Hispanic students in this
setting that they might want or need skills in functional Spanish in
their future professional or occupational settings. In other words, I
felt that the practical motivation to learn Spanish to meet a recog-
nizable need was, at the least, on the verge of consciousness for these
students.

The motivation of the teacher to stress the approach of communica-
tive language acquisition over that of formal language learning points
out yet another dimension in the wide range of definitions of language
teaching/learning and, therefore, in the determination of "success"

from a professional standpoint. It was interesting to note that she

160
perceived oral proficiency as the skill that looks best to the outside
observer, but that she considered fundamental communicative literacy
skill development to be equally as valuable.

Comparing the results of this research with the pilot study done at
the university level was like a contrast in black and white. Basic
assumptions concerning purpose and measures of success in foreign
language learning differed considerably. The university-level students
were articulate in their expression of a desire to develop second
language conversational skills in French and to better understand
Francophone cultures. They understood, however, that success in the
course was primarily measured objectively in terms of grammatical
accuracy, and they willingly participated in a point system that
reflected such precision. The difficulty they experienced in precisely
describing and analyzing the language in grammatical terms was blamed
on deficient high school preparation in both English and foreign
language. This study bears out their claim that, at least in class-
rooms like Mrs. Kraft’s, they would not have been especially well-
trained in grammatical analysis.

On the other hand, the high school students in this study appeared
to be much less clear of their reasons to pursue a foreign language
beyond their perceived notions of what was required for graduation or
college entry. These students were not graded on their ability to
precisely analyze the grammar nor to foster comparison with the English
language. As communication was the goal, precision was valued much
less than simply "trying" to use the words to get a message across.

The teacher in the high school setting patiently encouraged and

161
dignified even the most fragile attempts to communicate. She con-
sciously minimized the pressure of performance in order to encourage
students to create with the language by combining and recombining
learned elements. Despite the teacher’s efforts to emphasize com-
munication (as discussed in the next section), however, this high
school classroom did not appear to be conducive to the meaningful
exchange of ideas in Spanish. Indeed, in the final analysis, success
was measured as much in terms of perceived student "effort" as in terms

of measurable achievement or proficiency.

Normative Behavior Patterns

The results of this study appear to indicate that the classroom is
pet particularly conducive for the acquisition or practice of second
language communicative skills. In accordance with Guthrie’s research
(1984, 1987), I found that there were multiple factors that seemed to
thwart substantive communicative interchanges in this setting. They
included: the physical arrangement of the classroom, the imbalance of
both fluency and authority of the teacher, the constraints of time, and
the perceived curricular expectations to cover the objectives of the
textbook.

It appeared that the communication patterns in this Spanish
classroom, even when they were sequenced and supported by the use of
the textbook, were potentially frustrating to students since they
differed from communication norms in other classes in at least two
respects. First, because of the oral nature of many of the exercises,

students in this language classroom appeared to perceive a greater

162
chance for "being put on the spot" to make their errors public.
Second, the language itself got in the way of typical patterns for
classroom communication. For example, simple directions, such as page
numbers, around which teachers normally structure and order a lesson,
often appeared to cause confusion rather than alleviate it in this
setting. Likewise, the typical method of assessing student learning
through question and answer became considerably more complex for both
teacher and student in the foreign languagecclassroom. Students in
this setting often showed or reported that they understood the content
of the question, but didn’t command the language form to sufficiently
communicate the response in Spanish. One student described this as the
risk of "two wrongs."

The teacher in this study understood these unique characteristics
of communication patterns in the foreign language classroom and made
consistent, compassionate and competent efforts to lower what Krashen
(Krashen & Terrell, 1983) terms the affective filter. She minimized
the pressure of performance by dignifying the necessity of less-than-
perfect practice without penalty and by creating a strong pattern of
positive reinforcement coupled with an understood method of non-
threatening correction.

Nevertheless, it was apparent that there was resistance to the
functional use of spoken Spanish in classroom activities. Several
students were actively and noticeably resistant. Much like a drop of
ink in a glass of water, the words and actions of these students had

the ominous potential to immediately disrupt communicative activities,

163
or never allow them to get fully started. The amount of effort it took
to overcome the vocal resistance of even one student was considerable.
There were also routine instances of a more passive resistance

when students simply disengaged from the classroom communication, drill
or question/answer activities. When called on, they characteristically
opened their book to the glossary, and with eyes down, uttered short,
softly-spoken, one-word responses. On other occasions they chose to
say ”I didn’t get that one," a response that at the same time avoided

the pressure of wait time and the threat of an incorrect answer.
Transactive Patterns-~Trying tp Suceeed

The complex transactive patterns that were established in this
school and classroom setting essentially allowed participants to
bargain issues of accountability and authority. As described in the
literature by Cusick (1973, 1983), the academic bargain that takes
place between students and educators in American high schools flourish-
ed in this school setting. Findings by Sedlak et al. (1986) indicated
that "the bargain" did not extend to students who were motivated
fundamentally by extrinsic, school-related rewards such as grade-point
average. The results of this research, however, indicate that it was
precisely these students who were most adept at negotiating such
transactions. In fact, the grade was the currency of exchange used in
the bargain, and it was understood and used not only in the school
setting, but by parents, college admission boards and prospective
employers. The grade was determined by an intricate combination of

factors.

164

The concept of ”trying" as it pertained to both communication and
the achievement of a grade was particularly significant in this study.
As previously discussed, trying to communicate involved for most
students a certain amount of risk, a tolerance for error and ambiguity,
and a subjective measurement of how well the message was communicated
or understood.

On the other hand, trying to get a grade was considerably more
structured, and potentially more complicated. It appeared that for
those students to whom grades were a viable currency, a grade of C was
the minimum level of ”successful" achievement. However, it was the
responsibility of the teacher to measure not only achievement, but also
the extent to which the student was perceived to be "trying" to
achieve.

Four variables were considered in the determination of the grade.
These included test scores, homework, class participation and extra
credit. It appeared that good test and quiz scores, alone, could be
exchanged for a high grade. In fact, the achievement of high test
scores nearly assured a high grade. Such scores could be attained at
least two ways: through mastery of the material combined with careful
test taking, or through "cheating" by copying the answers from a
knowledgeable peer. The consequences of achieving very high grades
were both positive and negative. Obviously, the positive effect was in
terms of transcript currency-~it raised the gradepoint average. On the
negative side, however, was the risk of peer ridicule or jealousy, and
the perceived uncomfortable responsibility to "help out" fellow

students by sharing answers.

165

The two Hispanic students who enrolled in this class with already-
developed communicative skills appeared effortlessly to receive A
grades. One, however, quietly downplayed his abilities and essentially
melted into the background. The other became a ”discipline problem" as
he used his ability to rechannel the flow of routine classroom communi-
cation and to serve as a strategic resource to other students.

It is important to note, however, that students who received 19w
test scores did not necessarily receive similar grades. Three other
factors were considered. Homework was a sure and quantifiable in-
dicator of a student’s effort. In this setting, most assignments were
short practice exercises and appeared to measure the student’s good
faith rather than stretch his/her abilities.

Class participation was the third factor. Like homework, it was
an indication of "trying." Such participation appeared to have mul-
tiple definitions within both the school and classroom cultures, but
had at least four identifiable components: asking and answering ques-
tions, following acceptable norms for classroom behavior, attendance,
and completion of tangible classroom assignments. It appeared students
in this setting rarely asked questions about content, but more fre-
quently initiated communication with the teacher to appear to be "on
task.”

Both the teacher and students expressed similar descriptions of
the range of acceptable classroom behavior to show one was "trying."
The teacher, however, expressed concern over the delicate affective
line that separated an environment that was safe enough in which to

freely try to communicate and a classroom that was effectively managed.

166
She used the participation grade as a last resort to force communica-
tion and manage behavior.

Attendance was the only clear and measurable form of participa-
tion. Just as a student who received good test scores could be assured
of a high grade, students with poor attendance records, and no other
indication of "trying," could safely fail. The school attendance pol-
icy explicitly supported this link between grades and class attendance.

The last measurable form of participation was the completion of
written classroom assignments to be exchanged for participation credit.
It appeared in this setting that the students most disengaged from
efforts to functionally communicate in class were most concerned about
turning in written assignments. Such efforts were construed by
participants as "trying" or "making an effort." Likewise, they were
described as keeping up with the ”workload" of the class. Students
frequently helped one another to complete such assignments.

The final variable in the determination of the grade in this
setting was called extra credit. Students had the opportunity to turn
in a written project and/or participate in Spanish Club activities.
Approximately half of the students in this class received extra credit

points toward the final determination of their grade.

Inter cti h ol and la room l r s

It appeared in this setting that both the "workload" of the class
and its ”knowledge load” were influenced by checks and balances from
the organizational culture. Both the teacher and students were

well-aware of adjustments that were made between first and second

167

semester in lightening the load of what students were expected to do
and what they were expected to know in Spanish. It appeared that some
students had enrolled for Spanish precisely because of the reputation
it had for ease of acquisition and for the accustomed relatively high
return on investment of effort for grade currency. As a new employee,
the teacher in this setting had to make difficult adjustments that
allowed her to delicately balance her high standards of achievement
with realities of enrollments. It appeared that by the end of her
first year, she was beginning to develop her place in the organization.

In a related manner, and as significant, it appeared that the
organization also controlled the knowledge-load that was expected of
students in this setting. Because there was no commonly agreed upon
measure of purpose or success in foreign language learning among
professionals, students, or parents in this school culture, the teacher
had to ”justify" keeping a student from credit, even if the student had
apparently learned little. It appeared that in order to give a student
a grade lower than a C, measurable test results were not enough. It
was the burden of the teacher to prove, without a reasonable doubt,
that the student was not trying to succeed, that, as the professional,
she was not at fault, and that the knowledge and skills developed in
this class were necessary prerequisites to success in scheduled

advanced Spanish courses.

168

Impljeatipns end Questipns fpr Further Reeeareh
o Wh t? N w Wha 7

The implications stemming from the above conclusions can be
considered from immediate and global perspectives. Both the par—
ticipants in the organizational school settings and those who determine
their course through policy and research are faced with similar
concerns for purpose, authority and accountability as they relate to
the teaching and study of foreign language in American classrooms.

Although it would appear that the students in this classroom
enrolled in Spanish with an expressed purpose to fulfill academic
credentialing requirements, there is ample evidence that they were
conscious of potential occupational application of the skills they
might develop. A recent synthesis of research on strategies for
motivating students to learn (Brophy, 1987) indicates that people do
not invest effort on tasks that they perceive will not lead to valued
outcomes. The results of this research imply that, at least these
American students, see the potential need to develop basic functional
communicative skills in Spanish. Further research might examine the
strength of this motivation and the implications it has for teaching
not only Spanish, but other foreign languages as well.

Further research might also uncover perceived differences in
status between foreign languages in American schools. This study
indicates that for these students, at least, Spanish was considered the
easiest of the foreign languages to learn, and the one with the lowest

academic status.

169

This research also leads to some interesting questions about
Hispanic students who are encouraged to enroll for Spanish to carry on
their cultural heritage, develop literacy skills, or get an easy grade.
This study, like others dealing with high school-aged Hispanics
(Orfield, 1986; Matute-Bianchi, 1986), shows that these students cannot
be treated as a group. Some come to Spanish class already communicat-
ively competent in bilingual homes. This study indicates that the
boredom they experience in a class designed for beginning students can
cause them to withdraw or to cause disruption in the flow of the
lesson. Other Hispanic students may come to an introductory Spanish
class with very limited exposure to spoken Spanish, and without any
literacy skills. Such students are as diverse in background and
ability as any student beginning to develop literacy skills in a native
language. Their Hispanic surnames, however, may lead their peers to
suspect and resent them for an advantage they may not possess. Further
research is needed to describe the extent of the problem and examine
possibilities for building on the diverse language competencies
Hispanic students bring to the Spanish classroom.

It would be naive, however, to discuss these implications of
motivation to learn foreign language, language status, and Hispanic
competencies without a call for continued research into the organiza-
tion of schooling as it accommodates our American cultural system--one
with a history of difficulty in dealing with language plurality and
multi-ethnic egalitarian ideals. Ferguson and Heath (1981) and
Kjolseth (1983) point out the sharp distinction between the language

use of immigrants and the foreign languages taught in schools. Perhaps

170
for social and political reasons, the use of the ethnic languages has
been historically discouraged in American schools, and foreign language
is treated as a subject to be learned, not a skill to be employed among
peers.

With this underlying social context in mind, further research is
also needed to carefully examine complicated issues of curricular
authority as they relate to recommendations for the study of foreign
languages in American schools. Multiple sources of power command
thoughts, opinions and behaviors in the study of foreign language.
Federal and state authorities fashion and publicize guidelines for an
academically and economically competitive citizenry. Teachers use
their considerable power to translate this ever-changing ideal into a
personal, daily reality within the dynamic organization of schooling.
And, indeed, students within that organization wield the bottom-line
authority as they individually decide what is in their best interest to
put into and take out of their study of foreign language. The distance
between the idealistic recommended curriculum and the so-called
”learned curriculum" needs to be more carefully considered in the
research. Those in a position of formal authority to shape and/or
change foreign language curriculum would benefit from a clear picture
that described both explicit and implicit purposes for language study
in light of all levels of curricular authority. With that in mind, it
would be important to consider if those purposes, when actualized,
could be accomplished in a classroom setting, with mutually agreeable
and measurable outcomes and within a timeframe acceptable to all of the

powerful constituents.

171

Issues of accountability that were raised in this study have
implications beyond the foreign language classroom. If this study and
others that preceded it (such as Powell, 1985; Cusick, 1973; and
Sedlak, 1986) are painting an accurate picture, then the grade as a
currency of exchange in our educational system can not really be con-
sidered a measure of academic progress. For some students, achieving
may still be succeeding in the classroom; but apparently for students
who have neither the desire nor ability to achieve, trying to succeed
is an acceptable substitute.

The issues of teacher accountability that were evident in this
study also have implications for the development of realistic teacher
education programs and "methods" courses. The organizational pressures
that are felt in the classroom may not be anticipated by beginning
teachers, nor recognized by veterans. For example, the workload and
knowledge load may be set by the classroom professional, but they are
negotiated through the total organization of which both the teacher and
the students are a part. The amount of attention and respect for any
given subject matter may rise and wane with public whim. The implied
notion in education that a "good" teacher can internally motivate,
challenge, fully meet all of the academic and affective objectives,
adjust to heterogenous learning abilities and styles, keep enrollments
up and discipline referrals down in a class that students and their
parents may be trying to ”get out of the way" on the road to a creden-
tial, is unrealistic, at best. It is, however, the reality that Maria

Kraft, a "good teacher" faces daily.

 

172
It is hoped that studies such as this one will serve to "unwrap"
the reality of the classroom to the end that issues of purpose,
authority and accountability in American education may be better

understood.

Per onal R ti n
Between the Towep_end Tetra Firme

The perspectives of the researcher and the practitioner differ
considerably. When one attempts to examine the educational setting
from both points of view, great care needs to be taken that the picture
seen from each is honest, clear and in appropriate focus.

This research study was undertaken while I was on a sabbatical
leave of absence from my own Spanish classroom. My graduate training
in fieldwork research methods and my pilot study done in a university
classroom had demanded that I develop a researcher’s perspective.
Looking at my own "territory," I knew, was potentially difficult, and I
took extra precautions in the ongoing analysis of my data to make sure
that I examined this particular classroom from an unbiased and somewhat
detached perspective. I scrupulously monitored my assertions, making
sure that they came from within the setting and not from my own
experience.

As the data base grew and patterns began to develop in this
classroom I could feel myself growing more and more detached, as if I
were ascending an exterior elevator, of the kind that serve hotel
towers. Small occurrences that took place on a daily basis began to

converge to form a mosaic of recognizable, and not always hospitable,

I73
educational terrain that extended in all directions. The further I
rose from ”ground level” the clearer the foreign language classroom
became as part of the complicated panorama of schooling. It was from
the top of this figurative tower that I attempted to analyze my data
and draw conclusions and implications from this research.

Throughout the analysis phase, however, I was quite conscious of
the fact that I would be returning to the "ground level" of my own
classroom, now having seen a potentially-tortuous future journey.

Erickson (1986) maintains that the most difficult part of present-
ing findings of research to insiders of a culture is clarifying that
information which insiders already know to be true, but don’t want to
acknowledge. This research study rang painfully true to me, and as I
made a dizzying descent from the tower to terra firma I began to lose
not only a clear perspective of the classroom I was to face, but I
could feel an accompanying loss in my locus of control as a profes-
sional. The power of the organizational culture of schooling seemed to
be overwhelming. The treaties and bargains already established in the
credentialing process appeared to require me to accept frustration and
mediocrity as a part of my reality. There is no university course that
prepares the researcher/teacher for such re-entry shock.

It has taken me several months to readjust my perspective. But
now, once again with my own students, I have refocused my point of view
and regained a more realistic locus of professional control. On one
hand my consciousness has been raised and in my reflective moments I am
better able to plan the journey my students and I travel together.

And, on the other hand, I suppose I’ve returned to a state much like

174
the bumblebee who doesn’t know that it is aerodynamically not designed
to fly; despite the frustration and organizational pressures, I do see
the impossible taking place. For it is only from terre firma that a
teacher can witness in the faces and voices of students the "ah-hahs"
of learning, the pride in accomplishment, and the expressions of
empowerment that young people show as they tentatively, but successful-

ly, communicate in another language.

 

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

Results: Survey of Student Perceptions of "Trying"

and "Success" in Spanish Class

 

Appendix A.

Name:

Results:
“Success" in Spanish Class

Grade in School This Year:

THE FOLLOWING STATEMENTS WERE COLLECTED OVER THE TERM AS

DEFINITIONS OF THE CONCEPTS OF
IN THIS SPANISH CLASS.

"TRYING" AND or "SUCCESS"
PLEASE TAKE A MINUTE TO CHECK ALL

OF TH§;STATEMENTS THAT YOU FEEL APPLY TO (DU.

I feel that I "tried" by... “IF/6 ‘

AZ 1.
63 z.

I/ 3,
l0 4.

 

 

 

having a good attendance record in class.

having materials readg that I needed to bring to
class (book, pencil. andouts, etc.)

arriving on time for class.

behaving in class so as not to "goof off"'and bother
or make fun of others.

doing some homework.
doing the majority of the homework.
doing all of the homework.

asking questions in class when I didn't understand
something.

frequently answering questions in class with a high
degree of accuracy.

frequently answering questions in class with some
degree of accuracy.

frequently completing in-class exercises with a
high degree of accuracy.

frequently completing in-class exercises with
some degree of accuracy.

remaining academically honest.
showing outside interest in Spanish through Spanish Club.

interest in Spanish through coming in

showing outside
between classes or by doing extra credit

for extra help
projects.

using Spanish in settings other than the classroom
or Spanish Club.

studying Spanish on a regular basis outside of class.

other?(please list)

[.H;ZLLA;ggsgd?%z4uusgLaigP“1¢4;~234447 .

c” %”$/M "i"

XéflLLAAVL/

I 'L’

175

Survey of Student Perceptions of "Trying" and

Appendix A. (cont’d)

I feel "successful" in this Spanish class because....
[Z l. I achieved here an adequate knowledge of the vocabulary
and grammar to be able to continue confidently in a
Spanish 3 class taught in the manner of this teacher.
/0 2. I received a grade that will help my grade point average.
[I 3. I personally enjoyed the learning experience.

n .
i to. I feel it helped me in my ability to make or strengthen
friendships with Spanish-speaking friends.

6' 5. I feel it helped me in my ability to strengthen
family traditions/ties.

/” 6.1 developed adequate skills in the use of the vocabulary
and structure to to able to use my Spanish outside
of the classroom in understanding, reading and
speaking Spanish (with a beginning level proficiency)
~57 7. I pleased my parents.

8. I received credit for foreign language as a college
pre-requisite.

_7__
// 9. I received credit for foreign language as a humanities
graduation requirement.

j 10. I received a passing grade.
52 11. I received a grade of C.
/;L 12. I received a grade of A or B.
d . . ‘1'
13 Other? /74': ,3 ,xrg/
.fl fdaufi'
.9 -‘.3
x10 :1!
How much Spanish do you plan to study in hiEH‘sc ool? year/s

What factors influenced you to arrive at this choice?

ONCE AGAIN, MANY THANKS FOR BEING YOU AND FOR BEING HONEST
WITH ME IN MY EFFORTS TO UNTANGLE THE INSIDER"S PERSPECTIVE
OF THE FOREIGN LANGUAGE CLASSROOM.

HAVE A GREAT SUMMER VACATION!

176

 

APPENDIX B

Copy of a Page from Fieldnotes, March 24

(Names changed to ensure anonymity)

 

Appendix 8. Copy of a Page from Fieldnotes, March 24
(Names changed to ensure anonymity)

 

177

APPENDIX C

Mrs. Kraft’s Spanish 11 Course Outline

Appendix C. Mrs. Kraft’s Spanish 11 Course Outline.

CURSE OBJECTIVE:

 

COURSE OUTLINE 3

SPANISH II COURSE OUTLINE

Spanish I or equivalent.

To learn the Spanish language and culture.
Emphasis will be placed on the skills of

listening. speaking. writing and reading.
and the focus of the course will be on
developing the students‘ capacities to
use the language.

Nuestros Amigos.

a two-pocket folder is also required.
Students are responsible for the textbook
issued to them. Books must be returned
in good condition.

l.- The student will demonstrate a control
of the grammar and the sound system
oxl'che language apprupr'iate to 3pmish II.

2.~ The student will demonstrate his/her
ability to comprehend and eosawnicete
orally with accuracy appropriate to
Spanish II.

3.- The student will demonstrateids/her

ability to comprehend writtennaterial
and write with accuracy appropriate
to Spanish II.

A.- The student will demonstrate his/her
ability knowledge and awareness of
the Spanish culture with accumcy
appropriate to Spanish II.

Eight to ten units will he cottred{ihis
may vary according to the user’s o! the
students.)

These units include: vocabulary,vritten
and oral exercises, dialogs. pranunciation
drills. reading selections. erploration
of grammar structures such as praicrite of
an ER and 1a verstutuz-e tonne, cirect
and inddrect objects. the permonal.a.

the progressive tense. diminutive endings
possesive forms. more irregular verti.
cooperatives. pronouns after preposittons,
reflexive pronouns. ordinal manners.

numbers from 100 to 1600.

-1-

178

Appendix C. (cont’d)

C0035; OUTLINE: Class handouts will enrich the vocabulary
and the student's knowledge. other activities
such as: listening comprehension exercises.
recitation (choral and individual) films.
tapes. mritten exercises. quizzes. unit
tests. writing short controlled compositions.
cultural activity days. Spanish Club activities
and other special projects assigned by the
teacher.

GRADING: A point system will be used for grading.
Points will be earned for participating in
class activities. homework. speaking. listening
and writing activities. quizzes and tests.

Grading will be on a straight scale:

9o-1oo-- s A
80—89 a s
70:?9 a 0
60-69 a D
59-0 5 s

Students may earn a maximum of 15 extra credit points per marking
period if:

a) the student prepares an extra credit project description form { I
will give you these) and submits it to the teacher'§2_lee§§ three
weeks before the and of the marking period.

b) The project receives teacher approval.

c) The work issutmitted one week before the end of the marking period.

5” —0.

Late extra credit projgcts gill not be accepted.
Quizzes and unit teats.

Quizzes will be given on regular basis over the material covered in
class. tests will be given at the end of each unit.

Keep your class handouts and corrected assignments carefully!
You will need them to study for the quizzes. tests and the final exam.
Tests and quizzes.will consist of listening. reading. writing exercises.

Dates will be announced in class.

counss gutter Fen rth5p_eggpt

All Spanish II students will flake the final exam.

SI; WEEK egepeea

The teal of all percentages is added up and divided to determine the
grade.

 

-2-

179

 

Appendix C. (cont’d)

SPARISH II COURSE OUTLINE

sgngsrga cages:

COU§§§ POLICY FOR MAKE-U: WORK:

 

CLASS_§5§TICI£A§IDX;

.—

cmsssoos EXPECTATIONS .

PAGE 3

Each marking period counts one?
quarter. and the final exam counts

one uarter. These are totaled
and ivided by four for the final
grade.

The student must see the teacher for

the nakevup work as soon aas chi-he
returns to school. For each day of
class missed. one school day will be
allowed for make-up work to be completed.
unless other arrangements are made

with the teacher.

Homework will not be graded. but credit
is given for each ppmplgtgg assignment.
Homework is due as the student enters
the class.. Arrangements must be made
in advance with the teacher to make

up homework for asesaepwepaeseeaesip
Assignments which are not correctly
dogg must be corrected and returned

to téacher before crdit is given.
Obvious copying results in no credit
for either participant.

Class participation includes having
your book and other materials. taking
notes in class. keeping your claSS
handouts in a tco—pockct folder.
listening. speaking. answering questions

'in class. completing assignments given

in class. small and large group par:
participation. -

Foreign language classes are unique.
We will spendsmuch of the class time
listening to and speaking Spanish.
Therefore:

Students must concentrate during class.
Students must listen not only to the
teacher but to the other students as
they ask and answer questions.
Self-discipline and respect for others
are essential in this classroom.

Come prepared with your text. pencil
and folder. wait for the bell to ring
No lining up by the door at the end
of class.

You cannot speak clearly if you are
chewing gun or eating candy. No pop
allowed in class either. Points will
be taken off if you chew gun or eat
candy in class.

See yourtteacher if you need help!

I as available during lunch hour. and
before and after school. ‘ '

180

Appendix C. (cont’d)
mu'r'rflung ring; p229: Y, our. 631335;

A poor attitude such as talking. visiting. doing other homework.

'Qriting notes. sleeping breaking the rules. being disreptive. not
bringing the required materials to class. not participating. not
ccmplet ug the assignments given will result in points taken off.

in the other hand. a good attitude and full participation will raise
you to a higher grade. Students will not need to leave the class

emept‘ in emgugengie .

I strictly adhere to the attendance policy and- Code of
conduct. Please pay special attention to the paragraph below:

“Students are required_tc attend each class at least 85% of the
total class sessions. (78 days) Absences may result in the
reduction of academic grade in any class due to work not made
up or failure to participate in a class activity which cannot
be made up. ,

::========::=asc:saassects-tea::===::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::

I have read and understood ! the course outline and classroom
aplee for Spanish 11.

fl ——
—

Parent or guardidh

—' AAA.-

student

"BEWé"""""

.u-
181

APPENDIX D

Memorial High School’s Memorandum to Parents
Regarding Student Failure

Appendix D. Memorial High School’ 5 Memorandum to Parents Regarding
Student Failures

 

SCHOOL DISTRICT

-- Juan scuoox.
llllllllll” DAIB

 

Phoni-

 

MEMORANDUM To PARENTS "

Deer
Concerning
I have checked the items below which I believe are responsible for!

(:Jruanua:

Sundentfeilstobrimbook. pemil. sssiguent. etc.
Dcceseive ebsmcehes effectedthe student's work.-
Horicnissedbemeofebsencehsslm'bemsudeupu
Deilyaeiymnts erdlorhansuoekerem'rprepued.
smoocsNUrmeclasstinetoedventage.
sexumm¢xnsnénunaiawcueeccunscumenniy.
Studentgivesuptoomdily.
Studentheshedverylmscoresmperiodicquizzee.
Sundandoesuflreppentobeintmstedinimpmvinghisuork.
Shadcntfailstoscckoutmlnlp.
saxhntdousMurpqyamuynarumckm¢Mmhgwu¢mnudflme.
.sasem:one'nx>nm1|uuxsm;anubrcnnu~dhnunnnginundar.

 

 

illllllllllll

If you have any questions concerning this laid-markitg period report. please call
us. Weenild bepleasedtoexrsngeeconference withyouifyoudesin.

Sincerely yous,

 

Teacher

 

(burn

i

Camselor

TEAR OFF AND HAVE TEE STUDENT RETURN TO THE TEACHER NAMED ABOVE

I have discussed this letter with my student.
Then): you.

""_' firemm

 

’1 Date

182

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