1Nb375' MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES l“ W l I‘A‘Efiig l lllll |' HI! II “II 'illi ll Ill I 1 Hi 3 1293 00563 4187 LIBRARY Michigan State University This is to certify that the dissertation entitled FOREIGN TELEVISION ENTERTAINMENT PROGRAMS VIEWING AND CULTURAL IMPERIALISM: A CASE STUDY OF U.S. TELEVISION ENTERTAINMENT PROGRAMSVIEWING IN WINDHOEK, NAMIBIA presented by Vetumbuavi Siegfried Veii has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Doctoral degree in Sociology Major professor MS U i: an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771 MSU RETURNING MATERIALS: Place in book drop to LIBRARIES remove this checkout from ._:—. your record. FINES W11] be charged if book is returned after the date stamped below. "‘“ 8m: A? R 1 7 t, ”A}*¢JLE5 u?z ‘ .1 L V : L“. z 4 . “m i —, **'. " 3322 4 I. v flfip’?5.M-‘ ‘ ”’18-? t, ‘1 1J ‘ ”h V ‘8? 93“ “VII. 4 ~ .114. 0 9 we :3 \wk,‘ l l‘: I 7?}.28 FOREIGN TELEVISION ENTERTAINMENT PROGRAMS VIEWING AND CULTURAL IMPERIALISM: A CASE STUDY OF U.S. TELEVISION ENTERTAINMENT PROGRAMS VIEWING IN WINDHOEK, NAMIBIA. By Vetumbuavi Siegfried Veii A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology 1988 ~JV€Q I? t/ j) ABSTRACT FOREIGN TELEVISION ENTERTAINMENT PROGRAMS VIEWING AND CULTURAL IMPERIALISM: A CASE STUDY OF U.S. TELEVISION ENTERTAINMENT PROGRAMS VIEWING IN WINDHOEK, NAMIBIA By Vetumbuavi Siegfried Veii During the 1950’s and 1960’s there was a prevailing notion that underdevelopment in the less developed countries (LDC’s) was caused by internal social psychological factors. The psyches of the inhabitants of the LDC’s were perceived as the major impediments to development. Therefore, to develop the LDC’s the logical thing to do was to transform "traditional" people into "modern" people. During that epoch the mass media were seen as one of the panaceas which could rapidly transform "traditional" people into "modern" people. Consequently) many of the LDC’s jumped on the bandwagon of importing broadcasting technologies from the industrialized countries. After a decade since the transfer of the broadcasting technologies to the LDC’s and the attempts at the directed social change never materialized, criticism started to mount. The mass media were blamed for being the channel of cultural imperialism and an instrument of domination used by the industrialized powers against the LDC’s. Consequently a Vetumbuavi Siegfried Veii big dispute ensued between the traditional theorists of mass media and the critical theorists. The former advocating the positive emancipatory effects of mass media and the latter vilifying the mass media for having detrimental effects on the citizens of the LDC’s. Emanating from this debate, a survey, that used an instrument constructed out of concepts derived from both schools of thought, was used in a study carried out in Windhoek, Namibia. A random sample of 340 respondents from Katutura was utilized. The primary objective of the survey was to empirically explore the effects of American-produced television programs on Namibians. Specifically, the major research question was to study whether the viewing of American—produced programs was related to cultural imperialism 1n Namibia. The survey results revealed that in general, Namibians were fond of the U.S.A., but to some degree, the more they watched the America-produced programs, the more they were fond. of the ‘U.S.AJ. The results also showed. that the viewing of some of the programs was significantly related to effects that the critical theorists may tag as culturally imperialistic. But not all the American. programs were significantly related, and for those that were related, their effects were limited to certain domains of Namibians’ lives. DEDICAT ION This dissertation is dedicated to my mother Adelheid "Pukaa" Karumbu, a traditional African woman, who in spite of the fact that she could never fathom why I had to go to school so far away from thome and for so long, always encouraged me in my endeavors. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Dr. Fred Waisanen to whom I am greatly indebted. Besides being my advisor and chairman of my guidance committee, Dr. Waisanen was a true friend, who took interests in all aspects of my life. As an academic advisor he provided me with support, inspiration, and skills to my intellectual development. As a friend he provided me with emotional support when I was sick, he provided me with shelter when I could not afford one, and he repeatedly rescued me financially. To my wife and I, he was affectionately known as "dad." Next I would like to thank the Ford Foundation for their generous financial support, without it, this research would not have been possible. I am particularly thankful to Dr. Joseph Straubhaar for his gifted ideas and skills which saw me through this dissertation. Although he was not my advisor, he agreed to guide me through my dissertation. The courses I took with him kindled my interest in the subject of this dissertation. I am also thankful to Dr. William Faunce and Dr. Chris Vanderpool for being on my committee and for their commentary from which I have benefited greatly. I sincerely thank my wife Geniene for coding the data. I also thank her and my two sons Tuarimbara and Tjijandjeua for their moral support and patience throughout the many long years of graduate school. I would also like to thank my niece Else ”Oumatjie" Veii in Namibia for assisting with the interviews during the data collection stage of the research. Last but not least, I would like to thank my friend Dr. Joshua Gisemba Bagakas from Kenya for assisting me with the data analysis. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . CHAPTER 1 O O I O O O O O O O I O O O O 0 Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . Background Information . . . . CHAPTER 2. Theory and Literature Review. . . CHAPTER 3. Critique of the Dominant Paradigm and Mass Media . . . . . . . . . Criticism Against Western-Dominated International News Flow. . . Criticism Against Western-Produced Mass Media Visual Products . Theoretical and Methodological Controversies. . . . . . . . Statement of the Problem . . . END NOTES. . . . . . . . . . . General Theories . . . . . . The Diffusionist Theory. . . The Critical Theory. . . . . Traversing the Theories. . . . Social Psychological Evidence. Cultural Imperialism Evidence. Research Focus and Setting. . . . . The Research Focus . . . . . . Historical Background of Namibia German Occupation . . . . The South African Take-Over South African Rule under the League of Nations . . . South African Rule and the United Nations . . . . . . . . Brief History of Television in South Africa and Namibia . . . . . vii O O O C O O Page 12 16 19 20 20 20 21 26 27 29 32 32 32 33 33 35 38 39 42 CHAPTER 4. Hypotheses and Methodology. . . . The Instrument. . . . . . . . . . Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . D8818“ o o o o o o o o o o o The Questionnaire. . . . . . . Composition of the Questionnaire Demographics . . . . . . . . . . Rating and Ranking Variables . . Operationalization of Variables. The Dependent Variables . . . . . . . Media Usage and Attitudinal Variabl Internalization of Western Values Rating of Countries. . . . . . . . Ranking of Countries . . . . . . . The Independent Variable. . . . . . . . Sampling. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Locale . . . . . . . . . . . . Sampling Procedures. . . . . . . . Training of Interviewers . . . . . CHAPTER 5. Data "In " Field" PrOblemS o o o o o o 0 END NOTES. 0 o o o o o o o o o o 0 Analysis and Results . . . . . . . General Description of the Sample. Media Availability . . . . . . . . T.V. Viewing in Katutura . . . . . Items on Program Appeal. . . . . . OOOOOmOOoooooO Internalization of Westen Values Items National Rating Items. . . . . . . National Ranking Items . . . . . . Analysis of Relationships (Chi-Square) Method of Analysis. . . . . . Results and Discussion . . Age . . . . . . . . . Gender. . . . . . . . Educational Level . Educated Abroad . . . Religion and Language Family Ties . . . . . Friends Ties. . . . . . . Meeting People From Other Countrie Travel Abroad . . . . . . . . Analysis of Associations between the Independent and Dependent Variables. Individual Programs as the Independent Variable. . T.J.Hooker. . . . . . . . Falcon Crest. . . . . . . Dynasty . . . . . . . . . Bill Cosby Show . . . . . viii o S Page 53 53 53 55 57 57 59 61 62 63 64 64 64 65 66 67 67 7O 73 74 78 79 79 79 81 83 84 86 88 91 92 92 93 93 95 96 97 98 98 99 99 102 102 102 105 107 107 108 K0j8k o o o o o o o o o Airwolf . . . . . . . . Matt Houston. . . . . . A-Teamo o o o o o o o 0 Golden Girls. . . . . . Jeffersons. . . . . . . Murder She Wrote. . . . Police Files. . . . . . Hill Street Blues . . . Analysis of Relationships Between the Transformed Independent Variable and the Dependent Variables. Migration and Imported Television Dapperness and Imported Television. CHAPTER 6. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . Discussion . . . . . . . . Future Research. . . . . . Contributions of the Study . APPENDIX C O O O O O O O I O O O O O O A: Chi-Square Tables. . . . . . . B: The Study’s Questionnaire. . . C: Afrikaans Version of the Questionnaire BIBLIOGRAPHY 0 0 O O O O O I O O I O 0 ix Page 108 109 109 109 110 110 110 110 111 111 111 112 113 113 113 120 121 125 125 136 144 149 LIST OF TABLES Page Table 1. Results of the Survey (Summary). . . . . . . 69 Table 2. A comparison between Von Garnier’s sample and the current sample for age and education. 0 O O I O O O O O O O O O O I O O 80 Table 3. Percentage of Respondents who always viewed the American-produced programs . . . . . . . 84 Table 4. Percentage of Respondents who mentioned the locally produced programs. . . . . . . . . . 85 Table 5. Percentages for Program Appeal Items . . . . 86 Table 6. Percentage of Responses to the internalization of Western Values Items. . . 88 Table 7. Percentages for the Rating of the Countries . 89 \ Table 8. Rank, Means, and Standard Deviations of the countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 Table 9. Demographic Variables and Their Categories . 94 Table 10. Summary table of Viewing Percentages for Golden Girls, Dynasty, Falcon Crest, and Airwolf by Sex. (Proportion Viewing "sometimes" or "always") . . . . . . . . . . 96 Table 11. Summary Table of Viewing Percentages for Cosby Golden Girls, Jeffersons, and Kojak by Friends Ties (Proportion viewing "sometimes" and "always"). . . . . . . . . . 100 Table 12. Summary Table of Viewing Percentages for Police Files and A-Team by Meeting People from Other Countries. (Proportion Viewing "sometimes" and "always"). . . . . . 101 Table 13. Independent Variables and Their Categories . 103 X Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table 14. Dependent Variables. . . . . . . . . . . . . 15. Table of Significant Relatioship Between Each T.V. Program As an Independent Variable and The Dependent Variables. . . . . . . . . A-l. Viewing of USA vs Local TV Programs by Agegroups. (Proportion Viewing "sometimes" or "always" ) O O O O O O C O O O O O O O O O A-2. Viewing of USA vs Local TV Programs by Gender. (Proportion Viewing "sometimes" or "always") . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A-3. Viewing of USA vs Local TV Programs by Educated Level. (Proportion Viewing "sometimes" or "always"). . . . . . . . . . A-4. Viewing of USA vs Local TV Programs by Educated Abroad. (Proportion Viewing "sometimes" or "always"). . . . . . . . . A-5. Viewing of USA vs Local TV Programs by Religion. (Proportion Viewing "sometimes" or "always"). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A-6. Viewing of USA vs Local TV Programs by Language. (Proportion Viewing "sometimes" or "always"). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A-7. Viewing of USA vs Local TV Programs by Family Ties. (Proportion Viewing "sometimes" or "always"). . . . . . . . . . A-8. Viewing of USA vs Local TV Programs by Friends Ties. (Proportion Viewing "sometimes" or "always"). . . . . . . . . . A-9. Viewing of USA vs Local TV Programs by Meeting People from other Countries. (Proportion Viewing "sometimes" or "always") . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A-10. Viewing of USA vs Local TV Programs by Educated Abroad. (Proportion Viewing "sometimes" or "always") . . . . . . . . . A-ll. Chi—square Values between the Transformed Independent Variable and The Dependent Variables. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi Page 104 106 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Background Information During the 1950’s and 1960’s there was a prevailing notion that underdevelopment in the less developed countries (LDC’s) was caused by internal social psychological factors. The psyches of the habitants of the LDC’s were perceived as the major impediments to development (social change). The traditional way of life of the majority of the inhabitants of the LDC’s was considered to cause traditional people to be bound by traditions to remain in their place, to be irrational, uncalculating, to see the future as ordained, and to see personal prospects in terms of heritage. Traditional people were also considered not to be empathic; to have the ability to see oneself in the other fellow’s position. The traditional way of life did not promote either physical and psychic: mobility, hence the inability’ of traditional people to "travel" vicariously. These social psychological traits, viewed to be characteristic of traditional people, were perceived as the main barriers to development in the LDC’s (Lerner, 1958; Inkeles and Smith, 1974). 2 Therefore, to develop the LDC’s the logical thing to do was to transform "traditional" people into "modern" people. During that era the mass media were seen as one of the panaceas which could rapidly transform "traditional" people into "modern" people and the LDC’s into industrialized nations. During those days the mass media were thought of as the magical multiplier of messages, and the ultimate solution to the problem of dissemination of development- related information to "hard to reach" people. This social psychological perspective became known as the dominant paradigm or the diffusionist theory. The assumption that the mass media were going to bring development to the LDC’s was consistent with the neo- evolutionary diffusionist theory’s tenet that envisaged development as a linear continuum. Dichotomies such as "industrial/agrarian," "Western/non-Western," "development/ underdevelopment," "modernity/traditional" were common features of the dominant paradigm (McPhail, 1981). Development was viewed as a universal process and the patterns and forces which catapulted Europe and North America into modernity were conceived of as culturally universal, capable of bringing about development in any society anywhere in the world. It was concluded from the examples of the Western societies that modernization was a deterministic, inexorable, and universal process in which all societies participated or which was inherent in the development of every society (Eisenstadt, 1976). 3 This emphasis on the primacy and universal relevancy of many features of the Western model of development and modernization in the dominant paradigm was displayed by Lerner: As we shall show, the Western model of modernization exhibits certain components and sequences whose relevance is global. Everywhere, for example, increasing urbanization has tended to raise literacy; rising literacy has tended to increase media exposure; increasing media "has gone with" wider economic participation (per capita income) and political participation (voting). The model evolved in the West is an historical fact. . . . The same basic model reappears in virtually all modernizing societies on all continents of the world, regardless of variation in race, color, or creed. (Lerner, 1958, p. 46) This traditional definition of development was based primarily on economic considerations. Scholars such as Schramm (1964) and Lerner (1955) thought of development only in quantitative terms. The gross national product and the per capita income were therefore, used as the ultimate measurements of development. The qualitative aspects of development such as social welfare, equity, and interdependency were not taken into account (Rogers, 1976). Thus, on the basis of these assumptions of the dominant paradigm most of the LDC’s, with aid from international agencies such as the World Bank and UNESCO, imported broadcasting technology from the industrialized countries. Radio broadcasting institutions were established first and later on television broadcasting institutions were established too. In some countries broadcasting institutions were established by governments as public institutions, and 4 some others were established by private individuals as commercial enterprises. However, one of the major motivating factors for their establishment, was to acquire Western broadcasting technologies, because of the problems of underdevelopment and the promises of broadcasting (mass media) to assist in alleviating some of those problems. Broadcasting institutions which were developed in Western countries which were culturally and demographically different, and had different histories and economies, were transferred to the LDC’s without taking all those factors into consideration. The British BBC model was transferred to most of the former British colonies (with the exception of North America), the French model to most of the ex-French colonies, and the USA model to most of Latin America and 'parts of Asia (Katz and Wedell, 1977). It has been at least over a decade ago since broadcasting technologies have been transferred to the LDC’s, yet most of the attempts at the» directed social change never* materialized. The efforts to engineer development in the LDC’s via mass media have been unsuccessful. In fact, it has been mentioned in several studies done by international organizations such. as the World Bank, that the LDC’s are still relatively worse off, vis-a-vis the industrialized countries, in terms of growth. The gap between the rich Western countries and the poor LDC’s is widening instead of decreasing, the change which 5 the mass media were anticipated to bring about (McPhail, 1981). Critique of the Dominant Paradigmwgnd MsssJedia The dominant paradigm of development did not fulfill the success promises on which the governments of the LDC's and the aid agencies counted, and since the early 1970’s criticisms have been mounting. Mass media have been blamed for being the channel of’ "cultural imperialism? and an instrument of domination used by the industrialized powers against the LDC’s. "Cultural imperialism," as defined by Schiller, is the sum of processes by which a society is brought into the modern world system and how its dominating stratum is attracted, pressured, forced . . . into shaping social institutions to correspond to, or even promote, the values and structures of the dominating center of the system. (Schiller, 1976, p. 9) Thus, mass media which were viewed as a promise to the problems of underdevelopment in the LDC’s during the 1950’s and 1960’s, are viewed now in some circles, as a threat to the national sovereignty' and cultural identities of the LDC’s. The failure of the dominant paradigm to transform the LDC’s into industrialized. countries, coupled. with events such as the world oil crisis caused by the Arab embargo, the ecological concerns in the developed. countries, and the opening of international relations with China, caused some 6 radical economists and scholars, especially from Latin America, to redefine development (Rogers. 1976). Scholars such as Inayatullah (1967). and Frey (1973). questioned the validity of the assumptions underlying the dominant paradigm that postulates development as a universal process, the internal logic of which forces all societies to approximate Western patterns of modernization and the surrounding values which facilitated it. They also questioned the evolutionary theme of the paradigm which somewhat suggests that the industrialized Western societies. "which are at the top of the evolutionary ladder.’ are the ideal beckoning destination of development and that traditional societies, "stuck at the bottom of the scale, must be relinquished if modernization and hence, development is ever to occur. According to Rogers (1976), these underlying assumptions of the dominant paradigm emanated from Western intellectual ethnocentrism and the Judeo- Christian values. As a result of the inadequacy of the dominant paradigm in accounting for the persistent underdevelopment of the LDC’s, after its recommendations have been implemented for at least a decade, the causes of underdevelopment have been redefined by some scholars. Instead of explaining underdevelopment in the LDC’s only in terms of internal causes. as the dominant paradigm did. scholars such as Amin (1976), Rodney (1972), Frank (1967), just to name a few, started to explain the underdevelopment of the LDC’s in 7 terms of external forces as well. They urged that the LDC’s are underdeveloped, because their economics are structurally linked to the developed countries’ economies. Raw materials and cheap labor of the LDC’s have been, and still are exploited to the benefit of the developed countries. The periphery or the satellites are being exploited for the benefit of the core or the metropolis, to state it in what has become known as the dependency theory terminology. Consequently, according to the dependency theorists, what causes underdevelopment in the LDC’s is not the fact that the citizens of those countries are "irrational," "traditional," or "hard.1x> reach" with development-related information. What is causing underdevelopment in the LDC’s is the disadvantageous structural relationship with the metropolis in which the LDC’s are looked as satellites. Therefore, according to these theorists, the importation of the broadcasting technologies, as well as, the programs, particularly television programs, foster the structural relations of dependence between the advanced and LDC’s by causing the citizens of the LDC’s to adopt the dominant nation’s culture, values, and ideology. CriticismmAs a i n s t We Wminat ed Internaticnalw Besides the criticism levelled against the dominant paradigm, the contents of mass media have been accused of misrepresenting the LDC’s, and of colonizing the minds of the citizens of the LDC’s. The focus of this research was on television entertainment programs. The synopsis of the criticism levelled against the flow of international news is presented here, only as a general outline of the New World Information Order (NWIO) issues. The NWIO is an evolutionary process seeking a more just and equitable balance in the flow and content of information, a right to national self- determination of domestic communication policies, and at the international level, a two-way information flow reflecting more accurately the aspirations and activities of the LDC’s (McPhail, 1981). As far as news is concerned, the four* major wire services--Associated Press (AP), United Press International (UPI), Agence France—Press (AFP), and. Reuters--have been accused of singling out the LDC’s for unfair and negative news coverage. Mostly events such as coup d’e-tats, revolts, assassinations, war, famine, droughts, and corruption are covered by these international wires. Positive events, such as for example, the construction of an irrigation dam or a highway is usually not covered by these wires. Smith succinctly expressed that: There is in fact imbalance in the flow of news, both in content and volume, from the developed to the developing word. . . . It is true that this reflects the disposition of global military, economic and political power. . . . Agency coverage often tends to seek simplistic solutions or Cold war ramifications in situations that are typically Asian, African, or Latin American. . . . There is an acknowledged tendency among Western media. . . . to devote the greatest attention to the Third World in times of disaster, crisis, and confrontation. The agencies are not less 9 interested in disaster, crisis, and confrontation when it exists in the developed world. But the daily file of news of the developed world is vast, even when there is no crisis. The same is not true of much of the Third World. (Smith, 1980, p. 90) Even LDC’s gatekeepers themselves often overselect Third. World bad news from the menu available to them, because their definition of what is news is influenced by the definition of the dominant four Western wire agencies’ definition. This problem is further exacerbated by the fact that the LDC’s are obliged to receive their news (i.e., news about themselves) only after it passes through the distorting mechanism of the four Western news agencies. It also asserted, that even if a correspondent in the LDC’s writes an accurate article about the LDC’s, the editorial staffs in the Western countries will alter the article before it appears in the newspaper, to make it sound sensational, because that is what sells in the capitalist countries. This resulting flowr of information. therefore, systematically distorts international knowledge of the cultural, political, and economic progress of the LDC’s and emphasizes its negative aspects (Smith, 1980). CriticismjsainWWsediMass MQQLQHELSQQLMEEQQQQLS As far as the visual media (TV programs, film, and commercials) are concerned, they are the major targets of most of the criticisms by LDC’s against the mass media of the Western—industrialized countries, particularly the USA. Even though the flow of television programs between 10 countries changed somewhat since Nordenstreng and Varis conducted their famous study "Television Traffic . . . a One Way Street," (1974) the Western industrialized countries, especially the USA, still dominate the flow of television programs. While most countries, especially the LDC’s import a large percentage of their TV programs, the USA imports only 1% of their programs aired on television, the other 99% of their programs is domestically produced (Read, 1977). Some LDC’s such as Brazil, Mexico, India, and Argentina do export visual media programs, but their significance cannot be compared to the USA’s exports. Fejes (1980) argues that, largely due to the influence of transnational corporations (TNC) and advertising agencies on Latin American television, many' of the images Latin Americans receive about themselves, their environment, and the outside world through the media are inappropriate and even damaging in terms of their effects on cultural integrity and social, economic, and political developments in the region. Programs and commercials are aired on the basis of their ability to continually attract large audiences and influence product sales. Commercial stations show little concern over whether the images conveyed by either the programs or the ads are socially useful or, on the other hand encourage suitable lifestyles, and consumer habits appropriate to Latin Americans. Allan Wells in his book "Picture-Tube Imperialism" (1972) also expressed the same opinion: 11 that the effects of this type of programming is to encourage an elite sector to live in North America style without the sacrifices necessary for indigenous development, while the masses are shown, but cannot enter into, the modern cosmopolitan world. The content of such programs undoubtedly influences the viewer towards consumerism, without upgrading his productive skills or increasing his willingness to save and sacrifice. (Wells, 1972, p. 121) Beltran (1978) goes even further with the charges against Western-produced mass media visual products by contending that there is a definite character to the images conveyed in! sudh popular commercial programming. According to Beltran, the images conveyed support the capitalist system and the status quo as the natural order as well as all the attendant mental attitudes, values, and modes of organizing social relationships necessary to prop up that order and prevent it from collapsing in rebellion and discontent. He argues that it is only natural that a television industry which is privately owned, highly commercialized, and thus fixed into the capitalist structure would favor, whether consciously or not, such imagery. He also identifies materialism as a dominant strain of imagery' in Western-produced television programs, arguing that many shows induce an adherence to the belief that the main objective of human beings are the acquisition of wealth, the accumulation of goods, the enjoyment of services and the achievement of general economic well-being. This promotion of materialism is also linked with the idea that material satisfaction is to be enjoyed first and foremost by the individual. 12 Even innocent looking programs such as "The Flintstones" ("Los Picapiedra") and "Sesame Street" ("Plaza Sesamo") according to Beltran , portray conservative , conformist, and materialistic imagery. "The Flintstones" portray a consumer society, plentiful in material well-being and presumably free of contradictions and conflicts. One core value proposed is selfish individualism coupled with rugged competitiveness. "Sesame Street" on the other hand, depicts rigid, immutable- distribution. of :roles generally into dominant (adult-teacher) and submissive (child-learner) categories and that its setting corresponds to the LLS.A. middle class, implicitly accepting that model as the proper and natural one, according to Beltran. magneticaLam__Meths®legm.al.fis.Wraies When researching the effects of foreign-produced mass media on the citizens of the importing nations, two critical sets of issues usually arise: (1) The conceptualization and definition of the phenomena. (2) The selection of appropriate methodology. Taken together, these issues are both ideological and philosophical and have essentially spawned two competing sets of adherents commonly referred to as the empiricists and critical theorists. These adherents have made the study of foreign mass media effects ideological and controversial. When studying the effects of foreign-produced mass media, usually scholars base their 'work on one of two 13 conceptual paths: the functional path, in. which foreign media are seen as forces of modernization and development; or the dysfunctional path, where mass media are perceived as agents of national dependence and underdevelopment. These differences underlies competing conceptual and theoretical frameworks in the broader study of mass media and development. For the scholars who base their work on the functional path, especially the diffusion of innovation theorists, the term modernization has come to mean a panacea to the problems of national deprivation. The importation of technology and industry is perceived as the solution to the problems of national deprivation and underdevelopment. The diffusionists maintain that instead of ‘wasting time and resources trying to develop technologies through trail and error to combat pressing problems, the LDC’s could import already developed technologies from the industrialized countries. On the other hand, the scholars who base their work on the dysfunctional path maintain that taken in this sense, modernization is actually a misnomer for dependence. They argue that the importation of technologies and industries lead to foreign ownership of local industries and strategic national culture enterprises. In the case of the broadcasting industry, not only the tangible hardware of imported technology are believed to perpetuate dependency, but the imported television programs 14 as well. The critical theorists such as Fejes, Beltran, and Wells maintain that extensive exposure of the inhabitants of the LDC’s to imported television 'programs, which convey alien images, lifestyles, and consumer habits, cause "cultural imperialism." The scholars who follow the functional path on the other hand, maintain that mass media contribute to national development by virtue of their modernizing effects which transform the inhabitants of the importing countries psychologically. Of the two theoretical frameworks, the modernization paradigm, especially in the diffusionist. mode, has been given more empirical research attention. In fact, traditional research in the area of mass media and development has eschewed critical, dialectic, and historical methodologies and theories of dependency among nations. Instead it has espoused logical, positivist, and empirical methods. For the empiricists, critical theory is too general in scope and suffers from lack of empirical evidence (Rogers, 1983; Zaltman and Duncan, 1979). Conversely, the* dependency' theorists have tended to work with the methods of critical analysis and history. The critical type studies such as those by (Dizard, 1964; Smith, 1980; Schiller, 1976; Hamelink, 1983; Nordenstreng and Varis, 1974; Wells, 1972), reveal the necessity of theorizing from the upper level, global media structure, to the lower levels. These studies focus on the domination of 15 the LDC’s by the industrialized countries, and highlight dependence in economic, mass media, and psychological factors and how they relate. Theorizing at the disciplinary, behavioral level, and neglecting time upper level, international constructs, have chagrined media researchers from the LDC’s. Scholars such as Beltran (1976) argue that disciplinary behavioral emphasis leads to an imposition of a research methodology upon the LDC’s scholars which bears little relevance to these nations’ needs. They argue that stripping media research in the LDC’s of their international context makes for research which is insensitive to the real issues which underline the historical, sociological, and economic context of underdevelopment and the role mass media play, and have played in the process. As a result, little critical analysis has been done by the traditionalists but also few quantitative studies have been conducted by scholars in the critical school of thought, except for the few studies conducted by Payne, 1977; Skinner, 1984; and. Straubhaar, 1987. Consequently, there seems to be a. natural dichotomization of methods according to theory. Unfortunately, this theoretical and methodological debate confounds the most industrious attempts to scientifically study the effects of imported mass media on indigenous viewers, laden as the topic is with political and ideological overtones. 16 WW.W The major objective of this research was to empirically investigate the effects of American-produced entertainment programs aired on Namibian television on Namibians.l The central focus of this research was to quantitatively assess the following: (1) (2) (3) It sampled. Whether the viewing of American-produced television entertainment programs was related to Namibians’ internalization of Western values, lifestyle, and ideology, and how appealing the Western countries, i.e., the U.S.A. and UK, were to Namibians, by statistically assessing how they responded to several opinion questions. Whether the viewing of those programs was related to Namibians being pro-West by quantitatively assessing how they rated the Western countries, the USSR, pro-West African countries (Botswana and Zambia), and pro-USSR African countries (Angola and Mozambique), on several dimensions.’ and whether the viewing of those programs was related to Namibians being pro-West or disdainful of Namibia by statistically assessing how Namibians ranked the above-mentioned countries and Namibia. is imperative to mention that only Africans were The whites in Namibia are culturally Western, therefore, it would not have: made sense to investigate whether the viewing of US-produced television entertainment 17 programs had ingrained Western values in them. Thus, only Africans who are historically non-Western were sampled. As for the Coloreds or mulatoes, they were also excluded from the study, because the predominant majority of them are also culturally and linguistically Western. The study focused only on Windhoek, the social, economic, political, and administrative capital city of Namibia, because television is not ubiquitous in Namibia. Few people in other towns have television sets, and even fewer in the rural areas, due to lack of electrification and the fact that television was introduced to Namibia not too long ago. Some people in the rural areas use car batteries for their television, however, they were too scant to merit inclusion in the study. (More on the delayed introduction of television to Namibia in Chapter 3). The study also focused only on entertainment programs to statistically explore whether their viewing was related to "cultural imperialism," as the critical theorists refer to the effects of the mass media on the citizens of the importing nations, because I did not want to bite off more than I could chew. "Cultural imperialism" is believed to be fostered via many other avenues as well, such as music, movies, news, fashions, and commercials, but to make the study manageable for myself in terms of skills, time, and resources, I focused only on television entertainment programs. Furthermore, researchers such as Beltran indicated 18 that the entertainment programs may have the largest effects. This dissertation consists of six chapters. The first chapter presented background information to the problem under investigation. The second chapter will discuss the theory and review some of the pertinent literature. The third chapter will discuss the research focus and setting. The fourth chapter will elaborate on the methodology used in the study and state the hypotheses to be tested. The fifth chapter will deal with the data analysis and the results. Finally, the sixth chapter will focus on the summary and discussion of the findings, as well as suggesting future research, and presenting the contribution of the study. 19 END NOTES 1. After scrutinizing Namibia T.V. Guide from 1984 to early 1987, the following American-produced television entertainment programs were identified as those that were shown regularly on Namibia television. Therefore, the analysis was based on those programs: (a) The Cosby Show (h) T. J. Hooker (b) The Jeffersons (1) Hill Street Blues (c) Golden Girls (J) Kojak (d) WKRP Cincinnati (k) Police Files (e) Dynasty (1) Airwolf (f) Falcon Crest (m) Murder She Wrote (g) Matt Houston (n) A-Team Once in the field, I discovered two locally produced programs, Nawa Nawa and Sports, which were also included in the analysis for comparison. 2. Besides being either pro-USA or pro-USSR, those African countries were chosen because they are neighboring countries to Namibia, and therefore, Namibians were expected to have some knowledge about them. CHAPTER 2 THEORY AND LITERATURE REVIEW General TheorieS It is widely believed that the availability of the mass media, or at least the potential for their widespread use, is one of the nmjor factors that makes the development of today’s LDCs radically different from that of the developed countries more than a century ago. As such, mass media have been given considerable attention in development literature. There are different competing grand theories regarding the values of communication for development. There is the positive theory, or the "communist theory of mass media use," as Ithiel De Sola Pool labelled it. This theory specifies that the media should be used as a key organizing device, because increasing media stimulates economic development. Such positive theories are also held by non-communist scholars and by the United Nations, (UNESCO, 1961). Then there is the neutral theory which views the mass media as merely a product of development, but not a causal factor in growth. This theory is held by developmentalists who exclude the mass media from their sets of relevant growth variables. 20 21 Finally, there is the negative theory based on the experiences of the LDCs. LDCs that once formally subscribed to the positive theories, and jumped on the bandwagon of importing broadcasting technologies, have modified their views to correspond to their unhappy experiences. They now hold an implicit theory of disillusionment, namely, that the mass media aid neither education nor planning, but stimulate the masses to unrealistic material demands. This theory is also known as the conflict or critical theory (Pool, 1963). Among the grand theories of mass media and development (social change), the two which are used with regularity in research dealing with the effects of imported mass media are the positive neo-evolutionary or diffusionist theory and the negative conflict or critical theory. 13.15..meng Of the two theoretical frameworks, the modernization paradigm, especially' in the diffusionist. mode, has been given more research attention. Traditional research in the area of mass media and development has eschewed critical dialectic, and historical methodologies and theories of dependency among nations. Instead, it has espoused logical, positivist, and empirical methods in framework of modernization and diffusion of innovations. The works of Rogers (1983) and Zaltman and Duncan (1977) clearly subscribe to the positive theory. This theory has primarily focused on the role of mass media in development of the LDCs through planned change. 22 According to Schramm (1967), another exponent of mass media for development, the mass media can be used to induce greater effort on all social, political, and economic fronts. Schramm perceives the mass media as a major development device because, mass media: 1) Contribute to the feeling of nation-ness. 2) Permit participation in national planning. 3) Provide people with role models of their new roles. 4) Prepare the people to play their role as a nation among nations. 5) Help teach the necessary skills - by which he means more advanced ones than currently existing. 6) Help extend the effective* market — that is to stimulate demand. Lerner (1960) another leading scholar in the field claims that the modernization process begins with new public communication, the diffusion of new ideas and new information which stimulates people to want to behave in new ways. The new media are causal factors of growth and the process is irreversible: First, the direction of change is always from oral to media system (no known case exhibits change in the reverse direction). Second, the degree of change in communication behavior appears to correlate significantly with other behavioral changes in the social system. (Lerner, 1960, p. 133) Lerner concludes that by "empathy" with the media, the audience is subject to radical changes towards modernity (Lerner, 1958). 23 However, Lerner ignores the fact that the mass media impact in the LDCs is often from outside the system or nation state. He also seems to assume that changes towards modernity are necessarily developmental. Karl Deutsch (1966) another scholar in this school of thought maintains that both exposure to the mass media and exposure to multidimensional "modernity" (exposure to rumors, demonstration of machinery and merchandise) are elements of, and indicators for social mobilization, and the latter is necessary, albeit not sufficient, for economic development. Saunders and others (1983) also conducted impressive quantitative studies, which showed that telecommunications (telephones) and economic development were positively correlated. For example, some of their studies showed that the amount of telephones per one thousand inhabitants of a country' was statistically‘ positively' correlated. with the country’s gross national product. Work done on behalf of the United Nations using cross- national data has confirmed that there is a strong correlation between media development and economic level, urbanization, industrialization, and literacy (UNESCO, 1961). This is compatible with either neutral or positive theories. The United Nations apparently adopts the latter, and therefore recommends the \ iespread expansion of the mass media irrespective of economic level. Thus they suggest minimum targets for all countries as follows: for each 100 24 persons there should be 10 daily newspapers, 5 radio receivers, two cinema seats, and 2 television sets (UNESCO, 1961). The Critical Theory Conversely, the critical theorists have tended to work with the methods of critical analysis, history, and philosophy. The critical studies such as those of Dizard (1964); Smith (1980); Schiller (1976); Hamelink (1983); Nordenstreng and Varis (1974); Read (1976); and Wells (1972) reveal the necessity of theorizing from the upper level, i.e. global media structure, to the lower levels where they impinge upon indigenous attitudes and values. This theory, however, has been accused of being too general in scope and suffering from lack of empirical evidence. According to the critics, scholars in this school of thought have failed to define, measure, and outline the dysfunctional parameters of imported media effects. Theorizing at the disciplinary, behavioral level, and neglecting the upper level, international constructs, have chagrined media researchers from the LDCs, particularly Latin Americans. Scholars such as Beltran (1976), argue that disciplinary behavioral emphasis leads to an imposition of a research methodology upon LDCs’ scholars which bears little relevance to these nations’ needs. They maintain that stripping media research in LDCs of their international context makes for research which is insensitive to the real issues which underlie the historical, sociological, and 25 economic context. of underdevelopment, and the role mass media play, and have played in the process. According to the scholars of the critical analysis persuasion, the dependence of the LDCs, economically and mediawise, on the developed countries leads to more complex social, psychological, and. (economic/political, effects. Therefore, the encouragement and enforcement of particular types of research emphases to the neglect of more relevant paradigms, when researching the effects of imported mass media, is another way of perpetuating cultural imperialism (Bodenheimer, 1969). The differences between the critical theorists, who stress critical analysis, and the empiricists who stress quantification and functionalism, have been outlined by Rogers (1980). The empirical school of communication research is commonly characterized by quantitative empiricism, functionalism, and positivism. In the past it had generally emphasized the study of direct effects of communication, while paying less attention to the broader context in which such communication is embedded. In contrast, the essence of the critical school is more philosophical emphasis, its focus on the broader social structural context of communication, Marxism (although by no means all critical scholars are Marxists) and a central concern with the issue of who control mass communication systems. Major concerns of the critical scholars today are (1) to criticize empirical studies of communication and development, especially the researches on modernization that were conducted in the 19503 and 19603; (2) to express concern over such new technology as broadcasting satellites, computers, and cable television systems, which critical scholars feels are mainly controlled by multinational corporations of the U.S. and other industrialized nations; and (3) to analyze "the new international information order," a policy 26 direction oriented, among other things, to provide great balance, and. less bias, in the flow of communication (especially news) among nations. (Rogers, 1980, p.3) T.-.amains_thaihseries These theoretical and methodological differences have erupted into what has been termed the critical versus the empirical controversy in mass media and development studies. But as Halloran (1980) and Rosengren (1980) point out, by stressing either school to the neglect of the other, scholars run the risk of conducting bad research. Therefore, instead of limiting themselves to one or the other paradigm, and thereby methodology, scholars such as Lee (1980), and Straubhaar (1981) have transcended this apparent dichotomization. These scholars contemd that despite the lack of empirical evidence of critical theory in research dealing with the effects of imported mass media, the theory nevertheless provides a very useful historical starting perspective. Given the historical inequalities between the LDCs and the developed countries, and the thorough and intense penetration of the LDCs by the developed countries’ mass media industries, it is natural to expect a dependent type relationship. But instead of studying "cultural imperialism" in the LDCs in general, these scholars developed analytical frameworks in which "cultural imperialism" could be examined empirically from country to country. 27 Lee (1980) suggested four levels of generality for researching "cultural imperialism" where the media import setting is involved: (1) Analysis of the imports themselves. (2) Foreign ownership of media facilities in the importing country. (3) Transfer cu? metropolitan. 'broadcasting ix) the importing country. (4) Invasion of capitalist world views and alien social concepts. In addition to these four levels of generality, Straubhaar (1983) also suggested other key factors in television industry growth and production such as market size and composition, national culture, etc., which had assisted some LDCs such as Brazil to become relatively free of "cultural imperialism." stiaLiBsxcheleaicaliEzideaee The assumption that mass communication can and does have societal effects is one of the generic assumptions which underlie almost all communication behavior (Roberts, 1971). The mass media are viewed as transmitters of societal heritage and agents of socialization (Wright, 1975). According to Chaffee, Ward, and Tipton (1970), along with family, education, and peer groups, the mass media play a vital role in establishing the norms and mores of contemporary society. 28 On the effects of mass media Peterson and Thurstone point out that: While a single motion picture may have limited effect on opinions, two or three which are related in a general way to the same theme can produce a significant impact. (Peterson and Thurstone, 1933, p. 102) From an social psychological perspective Bandura notes that: Evidence that people can learn as much from symbolic as from actual models indicates that television is an important source of social behavior. (Bandura, 1973, p. 101) Values, norms, and expectations are acquired through interpersonal and mediated communication, especially television, a mass medium which conveys these beliefs which people decode selectively. Bandura asserts that this notion has international relevance as well. Representatives of foreign nations voice displeasure about increasing levels of television program exports because there is massive evidence that behavior of role models can shape diverse classes of behavior, attitudes, tastes, and preferences, as well as aggressive modes of response (Bandura, 1973). Schramm (1964) also maintains that there seems to be little doubt that people learn from media participation, as indeed they do from all existential experiences. But much of this learning is "unconscious." As Schramm (1964) put it: Parents note, not always approvingly, how children learn "singing commercials," slogans, vocabulary, and customs from television, without trying to, without even realizing they are learning. In other words, all our experience with the mass media 29 illustrates how easy' iJ; is, voluntarily or involuntarily , to learn from them. (Schramm, 1964, p. 127) According to McLuhan (1967) it is misleading to suppose there is any basic difference between education and entertainment. He points out that people are educated by their entertainment, the things that they enjoy. Even banal and trivial entertainment is insistently educating the public. Therefore, the "educationally conceived pills should be sweetened to compete" (McLuhan, 1967). In spite of the evidence provided by the above-reviewed studies, other studies have produced results that refute the hypodermic needle theory of mass media, i.e., that the mass media are powerful and always have large effects on the audience. Numerous studies have questioned the assumption that the audience is passive and therefore, always affected by the mass media contents. Their results have shown that the audience can be active and use the mass media merely for gratification without being greatly affected (Rosengren et al., 1985). Nevertheless, this branch of mass media research does not maintain that the mass media do not have effects at all, what it disputes is merely the hypodermic needle theory of the mass media. Numerous studies have been conducted attempting to assess the social psychological effects of imported mass media on the inhabitants of the importing nations. However, 3O given the political and ideological nature of the subject, no scholarly consensus has bmen reached. The studies have produced contradictory results. Research conducted in latin America, for example, has indicated that "alien" media messages form impressions and motivate behavior of native viewers (Goldstein and Bibliowicsz, 1976). The effects of television are believed to be pervasive and instrumental in the communication of ideologies, values, the style of life, and ways of living of viewers (Beltran, 1978). In a 1972 study of Latin America, "Picture Tube Imperialism," Alan Wells looked not only at the flow of programs but also the transfer of commercial structures and values. His study also highlighted the creation of an ethic of consumerism which enhanced U.S. economic domination and inhibited indigenous Latin American development. Furthermore, Beltran goes on to suggest that the social implications of these "alien" images should be examined. Specifically, Beltran maintains that research which moves beyond the mere identification of "alien" images is needed. He preposes that foreign media research should seek to "find out what really happens in the inner world of the people researched, in terms of concrete behaviors demonstrably produced by such (fcreign messages) stimulants.’ (Beltran, 1978, p.44) Research conducted in other parts of the world also has corroborated the results of the studies carried out in Latin 31 America. A study by Beattie (1967) in Canada, indicated that exposure to foreign television impedes the growth of national identity among the viewers of the importing nation. Schiller’s (1974) study also corroborated these findings. Another research carried out in Canada by Barnett and McPhail (1980) also indicated that "the high U.S. television use group perceived themselves to be less Canadian and closer to the U.S., than the group that uses less American television. As viewing of U.S. television increased, people perceived themselves as less Canadians and more Americans." (Barnett and McPhail, 1980, p. 221-228) As is to be expected, given the political and ideological nature of the subject, other studies on the subject, produced contradictory results. Payne and Peak’s (1977) study in Iceland on the "cultural imperialism" hypotheses (that viewing U.S. television affected Icelanders attitudes towards the thEL, transferred political information about the U.S., and created attitudes in Icelanders which were characteristic of U.S. culture) were not substantiated. Also, Tsai’s (1967) research found that the U.S. television programs affected only the superficial customs in Taiwan, but the deeper Taiwanese values were not affected. Another study by Sparkers (1977) conducted in Canada, also found no relationship 'between viewing foreign television and attitudes toward the sending country in cross national studies between Canada and the U.S.. CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH FOCUS AND SETTING The Research Focus As stated earlier, the major objective of this study is to investigate the effects of American-produced television entertainment programs on Namibians. Critical theorists and media representatives from the LDC’s in international organizations such as UNESCO, take an international, historical, and critical perspective on LDC’s media problems. They maintain that the political and economic domination of some nations over others, is viable only as the dominated nations are socially and psychologically induced tXJ'be dependent. Furthermore, they urge that the current world communication system, which is an outgrowth of the former colonial era, and reflects commercial imperatives of former times, is an objective agent of this dependency. With this orientation, dependency theorists therefore, present one of the most theoretically coherent attempts to explore a truly international framework for the study of mass media and development. 32 33 This research therefore, explores empirically wMether the viewing of metropolitan—produced television entertainment programs is related to the social and psychological cajolement or "cultural imperialism" in Namibia, a peripheral country. To highlight Namibia’s peripheral position in the global capitalist system, a tudef historical background of Namibia is presented. Historical Baekground of Namibia Germanrgceupsiian When the leading nations of Europe attended the Berlin Conference of 1884-5, better known..as the "Scramble of Africa", Germany was one of the participants. Behind a palpable screen of pdous pretensions, the European nations partitioned Africa among themselves. The galling hypocrisy of this gathering, which hypocrisy was to become a trademark of all European colonialism, was ironically best captured and expressed by' Bismarck of‘ Germany, the nation which colonized Namibia, then known as South West Africa in 1884: All the governments share the wish to bring the nations of Africa within the pale of civilization by opening up the interior of the continent to commerce, by furnishing the natives with the means of instruction. (Ruth, 1963, p. 69-71) The German Imperial Commissioner to Namibia first tried the old colonial ploy of guilefully persuading the Namibian chiefs and kings to accept German protection. When the 34 Namibian royalty did not fall for that, force was utilized to subjugate the Namibians. The Namibian people heroically resisted German colonialism and engaged the German army in fierce battles from 1904-7, but eventually they were overwhelmed by the Germans who had superior arsenals. By the time the dust settled, the survivors who were cattle-rich farmers were reduced to starving fugitives. Their numbers were drastically reduced by the German forces in a genocide that is one of history’s best kept secrets, and their land and cattle were expropriated. Their social and political structures were shattered. (For details on this genocide and Namibian history in general see: Kerina, 1982, Moleah, 1983; Dreschler, 1980, Serfontein, 1976.) Assured. of military ‘victory, the Germans enacted a series of native decrees between 1906-7 forbidding Namibians from acquiring land or cattle; forcing them to carry passes and face punishment, including corporal punishment, for vagrancy if they could not prove employment. The aim of all those decrees was the time-tested one of proletarianization through pauperization. By law, Namibians could only justify their existence by working for white people (Bley, 1967). All the decrees enacted by the German colonial differentiated between Africans and whites, thus, serving as a prelude to today’s apartheid. Namibia under the South African occupation. The brutal and callous German colonialisml was notorious. It disregarded the lives and 35 dignity of Namibians, denuded them of their humanity, and reduced them simply and only to units of production. Namibians became a commodity (Serfontein, 1976). The South AfricangTake-Over After WWI broke out in 1914, Britain anxious to secure the sea-route between Europe and. Asia, called on South Africa to guarantee the Cape sea-route and urged South Africa to invade the German colony of South West Africa. In spite cfi’ the political opposition from the Afrikaners, still rankling from the defeat they had suffered at the hands of Britain, the South. African first Prime Minister’s eagerness to comply with Britain demands overrode his domestic political considerations. Therefore, in 1914 ' the South African forces invaded Namibia. The German forces were greatly outnumbered, and within weeks, Windhoek the capital of Namibia, was under South African control (Serfontein, 1976; United Nation, 1974; Dreschler, 1980). The Namibians who believed the ‘war propaganda from politicians and generals that the war was aimed at restoring justice and liberty, welcomed the South Africans as liberators from German oppression. They were further encouraged in this belief by the Allied denunciations of the German colonial system (Moleah, 1983). To appease the Namibians and to lend credibility to her condemnation of German colonial practices, South Africa made some conciliatory statements and took some positive steps to ameliorate the wretched Namibians’ conditions. It was only 36 later that the Namibians were to bitterly learn that when Britain and South Africa put on display the results of German’s colonial policy, it was not because they wanted to champion the African cause, but they wanted to discredit the German one (Wellington, 1967). What promised to be a new era of freedom proved to be short—lived. Namibians were soon to learn that colonialism under whatever guise is still colonialism. With the assistance of the Portuguese who were advancing from the north in Angola, South Africa crushed the last Namibian resistance to European colonialism and entrenched her colonial grip all over Namibia (United Nations, 1974; Dreschler, 1980). Though the Versailles Treaty of 1919, which formally ended WWI, gave the mandatories the right to repatriate all enemy nationals and to confiscate their possessions, Britain and South Africa acted differently. They decided to repatriate the military, police, and administrative personnel of the German population but to allow the farming and trading community to remain; their possessions intact. This conciliatory posture adOpted by the South Africans towards the Germans was one of South African’s attempts to boost the number of white settlers in Namibia, a feat that has become one of South Africa’s obsessions up to this day. These and other measures cemented the whites into a solid colonial front to ensure continued repression and exploitation in Namibia (Wellington, 1967). 37 At the Versailles Peace Conference of 1919, South Africa, strongly supported by Britain, made a strong pitch to have Namibia annexed to South Africa. Campaigning on behalf of South Africa, Britain argued among other things, that Namibia was a desert that geographically belonged to South Africa, that Germany had exterminated all the natives, and that South Africa had established a white civilization in a savage continent and had become a great cultural agency all over Southern Africa. Along the same line, South Africa’s argument for annexation was that the area was inhabited by barbarians, who not only cannot possibly govern themselves, but to whom it would be impracticable to apply any ideas of political self-determination in the European sense (Roger Louis, 1967). British and South African. aspirations of annexation were however, shattered by the United States president who stood firm by his policy of no annexation of former German colonies. Instead, a compromise formula was worked out, the Mandate System whereby Namibia was assigned to Britain to administer as a Class "C" Mandate of the League of Nations. Britain, on the other hand, conferred the mandate responsibilities to the South African government (United Nations, 1974). South African’s duty, laid down in the Mandate , was to prepare Namibia for eventual self-determination and to "promote to the utmost the material and moral well being and the social progress of the inhabitants". What was required 38 from South Africa, was the submission of annual reports to the League of Nations. In reality, South Africa considered the Mandate merely as a gesture towards international understanding and proceeded to incorporate Namibia effectively into South Africa (Vigne, 1973). South African Rule under the League of_Nations Although South Africa’s mandate was to administer Namibia in the best interests of the indigenous population, South Africa continually violated its Mandate, by continuing and reinforcing the racial and economic exploitation of Namibians that was started by the Germans (International Defense and Aid Fund for Southern Africa, 1982). South African occupation of Namibia resulted in further entrenchment of policies of land alienation, violent repression, and social and political restrictions of the indigenous population. Nearly all viable farm land was reserved for and taken by whites. Like the Germans, the South African regime introduced laws to restrict the political rights of Namibians and to ensure a cheap supply of labor. These repressive measures were always resisted by Namibians, and rebellions and uprisings were, and still are, commonplace (International Defense and Aid Fund for Southern Africa, 1984). 39 Se.utli_A_frisan_E.ule__end__ihe_llnited_Natiens. In 1945, when the United Nations was founded, it entered into trusteeship agreements with countries who administered League of Nations Mandates. However, South Africa refused to enter into a trusteeship agreement (United Nations, 1974). South Africa’s demand for full incorporation of Namibia into South Africa was rejected by the U.N. General Assembly. After several attempts to resolve this dispute through the International Court of Justice, the U.N. General Assembly terminated South Africa’s Mandate over Namibia in 1966 (Res. 2145 [xxi]) and placed Namibia under U.N. control. In 1969, the U.N. Security Council declared South Africa’s occupation of Namibia illegal and demanded South African withdrawal from Namibia immediately (Res. 264), (United Nations, 1974). In 1971, in an advisory' opinion, the International Court of Justice, confirmed the Security Council resolution. Nevertheless, South Africa has consistently refused to comply with those demands (International Defense and Aid Fund for Southern Africa, 1982). Following the 1966 U.N. decision to terminate South Africa’s Mandate, the U.N. General Assembly established a U.N. Council for Namibia as the legal administering authority of Namibia and the policy-making organ at the U.N. The Council’s task is to administer Namibia until independence. However, because of South Africa’s refusal to leave Namibia, the Council has not been able to fully assume 40 its responsibilities. The South African government does not recognize the U.N. Council for Namibia, and because the Council has no military power to enforce its authority, for South Africa, the Council is nothing but a barking dog without teeth. Therefore, until today, South Africa is continuing with her repressive administration of Namibia with impunity. For South Africa today, Namibia is the fifth province of South Africa. Whatever laws are passed in South Africa are automatically applied to Namibia, with little or no modification. Even though the South African government, that operates on the principle of "might is right," has been projecting the facade of being omnipotent, in reality it has been under pressure to relinquish Namibia. Both political and economic considerations have been exerting this pressure. The guerrilla war carried out by the Peoples Liberation Army of Namibia (PLAN), the military wing of SWAPO, made the administration of Namibia an economic liability rather then an asset to South Africa. Also the international diplomatic and economic ostracism of South Africa because of apartheid in general, and the Namibian issue in particular, coupled with the domestic resistance of Namibians, are some of the factors that have forced South Africa to seek a solution to the Namibian issue. As a result of these pressures, the South African government has been trying to find a solution that will appease both the Namibians themselves and the international 41 community, but without sacrificing her interests in Namibia. To accomplish this difficult task, the South African government has repeatedly tried to maneuver a puppet Namibian regime, which is favorably disposed to her, into power, but the Namibians have always resisted those maneuvers. As a result, there is a political stalemate in Namibia today and the country is a police state in the true sense of the word, still under the South African administration (Moleah, 1983). The sporadic incursions carried out by PLAN guerillas, the recurrent demonstrations by civilians inside the country, and the international uproar have made it clear to South Africa that her administration of Namibia is unacceptable. Therefore, South Africa has resorted to ruling Namibia by force while in the meantime they are nurturing the political clout of their puppets in an effort to make them acceptable to the Namibian populace. The South African military presence is quite large, in fact, awesome within the realities of Namibian’s geographic and population size. Troops belonging to the South African Defense Force (SADF) and South African Air Force (SAAF) number about 80,000 and there are about 10,500 in the police units. There is also a growing number of mercenary (paid soldiers from other countries) and vigilante forces (groups of armed white men called the White Resistance Movement, almost the equivalent of the Klu Klax Klan in the U.S.A.). To these must be added various private armies organized by mining and 42 commercial enterprises, the secret units, (the equivalent of death squads in most Latin American countries) and rural whites organized into local militias called commando units. The net effect has been to transform practically all of Namibian’s white population, as well as a growing number of Africans, into a fragmentary auxiliary army, perhaps over half the size of the official army of occupation (Wood, 1982). South Africa has kept Namibia underdeveloped, and uses her merely as a supplier of raw materials and labor. Therefore, not only is Namibia a peripheral country in the global capitalist system, but it is also a periphery of a peripheral country. Some people might urge that countries such as Brazil and South Africa are not necessarily underdeveloped, Inn; in the global capitalist system, they are still peripheral countries. It is in.tflue context of these political developments both in Namibia and South Africa that television was introduced to both countries. The history of television in Namibia is inextricably linked to the history of television in South Africa and political developments both in South African and Namibia herself. Bgiefflflistory of Television in South Afri9a_andwflamibia Like the country as a whole, the development of television in South Africa is unique. Today and throughout most of its existence, broadcasting within South Africa, is a government monopoly known as the South African 43 Broadcasting Corporation (SABC). Thus, it is inherently tied to the political forces at work in South Africa and both it and they continue to be formed and shaped by the country’s unique economy, race relations, and sociology. Hostilities between Afrikaans-speaking and English- speaking white South Africans delayed the introduction of television in South Africa. Even though television was made known to South Africa as early as 1936 (Orlik, 1970), television did not come to South Africa until 1976 (Harrison and Ekman, 1977) and approximately 6 years later to Namibia. The most outspoken opponent of television was a man in a key decision role, then Minister of Post and Telegraphs, Albert Hertzog, an Afrikaner. He viewed television as an "evil black box" which could undermine morals and family life. He was joined by' many" Afrikaners in a fear that television would mean importing many British and American television programs. Whatever the content, this was likely to erode the recently achieved ‘broadcast parity between English and Afrikaans, making it more difficult to maintain the Afrikaner cultural heritage (Harrison and Ekman, 1977). The fear of importing television programs in English, prompted the leading Afrikaans daily Die__1ran§valer, to complain that those English programs were exposing Afrikaner homes to a blast of "foreign influences" (Patterson, 1957). Furthermore, television was delayed in coming to South Africa, as well as Namibia, because of the racial problems in both countries. The white minority government was very 44 fearful. that television. was going ix) expose the .African majority to views and images they (the regime) did not want them to be exposed to. The following Nationalists Party scare story succinctly illustrates that point: It is afternoon, and the Bantu houseboy is in the living room cleaning the carpet. Someone has left the TV on. The boy looks up at the screen, sees a chorus line of white girls in scanty costumes. Suddenly seized by lust, he runs upstairs and rapes the lady of the house. (Harrison and Ekman, 1977, p.248) This long "non history" of television continued until the late 19603. The moonlanding in 1969 led to widespread disgruntlement among white South Africans, who saw themselves as being the only group in the free world unable to witness this historic event on television. Their protestation, as well as political changes that saw the demise of TV’s staunchest opponent in the cabinet, provided the climate for the government to appoint a commission of enquiry about the future of television. When this lZ-member body delivered its report in March 1971, it brought up another technical possibility that made television for South Africa a political imperative (Jackson, 1982).. According to the commission report, "the technical possibility' that television programmes. ‘broadcast via satellites could be picked up direct by the public in South Africa has made it essential for urgent attention to be given by the government to the possible introduction of a television service in South Africa. If for instance, it were possible for a hostile power to transmit television 45 programmes to South .Africa via satellites, South Africa could only counter this effectively by introducing its own 8 e rv i c e " ( B. epsr..t__9f_.t~b.e_§ammia§i.en.si_laasiry_i simian. Relatingflmtg__leleyigion, 1971, p. 1). Therefore, the commission called for the introduction of a TV service for Whites. It also called for another, but separate, service to be introduced for Africans as a follow-up to this bilingual (English and Afrikaans) service for Whites (Jackson, 1982). The service for Whites commenced trial broadcasts late in 1975 and officially began operation on January 5, 1976, but whatever firm plans the SABC had for African television were shelved. The minister concerned eventually announced in October 1979 that this service would begin operating in January 1982 (Pollack, 1980). (More on the African TV service later.) Due to technical delays such as the construction of studios and the installations of transmitters, television was not inaugurated in Namibia until May 1979 (Moorsom, 1984—1985). Currently, Namibians are able to watch television for five hours an evening, from 6:00 pm to 11:00 pm. The single Namibian television channel is bilingual, when broadcasting domestic programs such as news, alternating between English and Afrikaans on a daily basis. However, most of the imported programs are broadcast in English. Occasionally some are dubbed in Afrikaans and/or Afrikaans subtitles are superimposed. But all the imported programs utilized in the analysis of this research were 46 broadcast exclusively in English (Researcher’s own observations while in the field in 1987). The ground rules and objectives for the introduction of television service for whites were clearly spelled out in the commission report: The nation must have its own television service in order to nurture and strengthen its own spiritual roots, to foster respect and love for its own spiritual heritage, and. to ‘protect and project South African way of life as it has developed here in its historical context. (Report of the Commission of Inquiry into Matters Relating to Television, 1971, p. 48). In spite of the popular rhetoric by prominent men such as the SABC Director-General, that they are an independent entity, television in ‘both Namibia. and South .Africa is government-controlled. In both countries the South African government foots most of the bill. Advertising and license fees are also other sources of revenues. Approximately 5.75% of air time is allocated to ads and an annual license fee of about $40 is applied to both monochrome and color sets (Jackson, 1982). The news media are not formally censored in both countries, but numerous laws and other restraints serve in effect to limit greatly' the scope of both domestic and international affairs on *which the countries’ media may freely report. The media in both countries generally operate in a uniquely South African set of constraints. The most prominent of these are laws, with limitations placed on the coverage of defense and prison matters, informal intimidation of journalists, in the form of detention 47 without trial, passport withdrawals, or even occasional physical beatings (Porter, 1975 and Barton, 1979). This in essence produces self-censorship by journalists. Television in both countries never criticizes the government and its policies are totally in line with the government policies according to a report in the Financial Mail of March 14, 1975. In terms of program content however, there is one important difference between. Namibian television..and the South African television service that. was projected for whites only. Unlike the South African "white service" or TV1 that concentrates on locally-produced programs done in Afrikaans for entertainment, Namibian television broadcasts predominantly American-produced programs for entertainment. In this regard, Namibian television is very similar to the South African television service for Africans that was launched in 1982, commonly known as TV2 (Jackson, 1982). This is why in 1984 UHF antennas in South Africa were hot commodities on the market. Many whites in South Africa were trying to tune in to Bophuthatswana and TV2 because they offered. more popular, slick Hollywood. imports. But according to the laws and regulations of apartheid, Bophuthatswana is an African ”Homeland", supposedly an "independent country", therefore, white South Africans were not supposed to watch Bophuthatswana television, and TV2 was meant only for Africans (Van Slambrouck, 1984). According to the same Christian Science Monitor report, even South 48 African whites were sick and tired of watching South African television, because it was filled with too much government propaganda and very little entertainment. To facilitate the comprehension of the rationale and the expected consequences for the launching of television in Namibia, as well as its program content, a brief overview of the logic that guided the inauguration of TV2 in South Africa is in order here. First and foremost TV2 was expected to play a significant role in hastening the incorporation of Africans in South Africa into the country’s consumer economy. The question of "selling capitalism" to the Africans, or at least to enough of them to form a sizable African bourgeoisie, has emerged as a distinct ideological issue in recent years. Many Whites, even those opposed to the government, have urged the government to help establish an African bourgeoisie committed to South Africa’s capitalist economy. TV2 was expected to assist in the creation of the African bourgeoisie by providing some Africans with prestigious jobs as writers, actors, producers of some of the programs that were going to be shown on TV2, as well as, broadcasters. By endowing a sizable African bourgeoisie with some purchasing power, the government was also expecting to create a market for the products of its capitalist economy (Jackson, 1982). Furthermore, TV2 was expected to be at best diversionary or at worst manipulative of the South African Africans. By showing predominantly imported programs that 49 did not focus on the dominating issues in the lives of the bulk of the Africans in South Africa, but programs that portray middle and upper class settings, TV2 was expected to play a pacifying role. Many Africans believe that fundamental change, change that many believe necessitates a move toward a more socialist economic system, is a must in South Africa. By creating an African bourgeoisie, with vested interests in South African capitalist economy, and by producing aspirants to the African bourgeoisie via the showing of imported television programs, TV2 was expected to impede the African’s furor to contest for fundamental changes. In essence, the launching of TV2 was another deployment of the old time-tested ploy of divide-and-rule. The African bourgeoisie was expected to serve as a buffer between the poor Africans and the rich whites and to thwart the struggle for independence in South Africa (Tomaseli and Tomaseli, 1980). The same rationale that guided the launching of TV2 in South Africa also guided the launching of TV in Namibia. Moreover, the political developments in Namibia around that time provided additional impetus for the launching of TV in Namibia. As mentioned earlier due to several factors, South Africa is under pressure to resolve the Namibia impasse. But it is quite clear to South Africa that if ever a free and fair choice was allowed the Namibian people, they would most likely elect a SWAPO government (Moleah, 1983). 50 To South Africa and her supporters, a SWAPO victory is particularly threatening because it will give further testimony to the realizability of liberation on a principled basis, and attest to the correctness and viability of determined armed struggle as opposed to accept-any-offer opportunism that results in nee-colonialism. South Africa, particularly, cannot afford a triumphant armed struggle and revolution in Namibia, as it would render her own vulnerability quite» manifest. For South .Africa, a SWAPO victory would be the beginning of the end. High ranking officials of the South Africa regime even stated publicly that until they have created a black party of their own choice which stands a 50% chance of winning an election against SWAPO, they will not allow free and fair elections under the United Nations supervision in Namibia to take place. Even Prime Minister Botha himself stated that: We’re convinced SWAPO is Marxist. Nujoma will nationalize the whole place, and cause upheaval and civil war, involving South Africa. We will have to invade Namibia, and other countries as well. (Moleah, 1983, p. 259) Botha concluded by saying that the South African government does not want Namibia to go the wrong way, that is why South Africa is willing to pay the price of war. He even said that they are praying and hoping for a government favorably disposed to them. Furthermore, many South African officials, including the Prime Minister himself, lamentingly confessed that one of the biggest errors they committed was their neglect to 51 create a sizable black middle class that could serve as a buffer between the rich minority whites and the poor majority Africans (Moleah, 1983). Currently, it seems that the South African government has embarked on a program of building up a black middle class in Namibia. For the first time in the history of Namibia, Africans are given loans to purchase cars, homes and big household appliances. Again, for the first time in history an institution of higher learning beyond high school, the Academy, was built, for the training of teachers. Graduating teachers are given loans to purchase homes. In some instances the Department of National Education pays a portion of the teachers’ mortgages, provided that the individual teacher remains a teacher and does not participate in anti-South Africa political activities (Researcher’s interviews with political leaders and teachers in Namibia). Namibians are also bombarded with anti-SWAPO propaganda in particular and anti-socialism in general on a daily basis on both the electronic and print media that are controlled by the government. The Herero FM radio station broadcasts a program called Qmmakekgurama on a daily basis around 7:30 pm. (More on the radio stations in Chapter 4) This program is mostly devoted to anti—socialism propaganda in general, and anti-SWAPO propaganda. in particular. Moreover, most. news items and editorials that involve SWAPO in most of the newspapers, 52 with the exception of the Namibign have an anti-socialism and anti-SWAPO bias. Likewise, most of the TV news items and editorials that relate to SWAPO are slanted against socialism, SWAPO, SWANU, and the whole struggle for independence in Namibia (Researcher’s own observations while in the field, 1987). It is against this background of concerted effort on the part of South African to create a African bourgeoisie and to discredit SWAPO and socialism, that television was introduced in Namibia, broadcasting American-produced programs that portray middle or upper class settings. Therefore, it is not a coincidence that these programs are broadcast on Namibian T.V., they are part and parcel of a planned and calculated strategy to induce Namibians to aspire for the type of life portrayed on most of these programs. During one of the survey interviews with a respondent who happened to be a political leader, the respondent made the following remarks on the effects of TV on Africans in Namibia: Most people see other Blacks with cars, houses and so on and ask, ’Why can’t I not have that?’ As a result most people in Namibia today play by the rules of the South African government in pursuit of material wealth. Nobody wants to rock the boat, consequently the political spirit in Namibia has reached its nadir. CHAPTER 4 HYPOTHESES AND METHODOLOGY Hypotheses. The research main task was to study the effects of American-produced television entertainment programs shown on Namibian TV on Namibians. Research conducted in Latin America by the critical theorists such as Goldstein and Bibliowicz (1976) and Beltran (1978) has indicated that the "alien media images" conveyed by imported media products form impressions and worldviews and. motivate ‘behavior of’ native viewers. The effects of these media products are believed to be pervasive and instrumental in the communication of ideologies, values, the style of life, and ways of living of viewers (Beltran, 1978). Rooted in the critical theory school of thought, this research investigated empirically the effects of extensive exposure of Namibians to American-produced television entertainment programs. Therefore, data. were gathered in Windhoek, Namibia to test the following hypotheses: H1: The more Namibians view U.S.-produced television entertainment programs, the more the Western countries’values, lifestyle, and ideology 53 54 will be internalized by Namibians, and the more attractive these countries will be to them. H2: The more Namibians view U.S.-produced television entertainment programs the higher they will rate and rank the Western countries and the pro-West African countries, and the lower they will rate and rank the Soviet Union and the pro- USSR African countries and Namibia. H3: Those Namibians who have a high level of formal education, are educated. abroad. and. have traveled outside Namibia, will watch more U.S. produced television entertainment programs than locally-produced programs. There were other related research questions pertaining to demographics. One of the prominent concepts in the literature on cultural imperialism is the internationalization of the bourgeoisie because they have more cultural and economic contact with the center nations via multinational corporations, imported cultural products, travel, and education (Chilcote, 1984; Salinas and Paldan, 1979). Namibians with closer ties to the urban area were expected to be more cosmopolitan and therefore expected to watch more U.S.-produced programs than those with closer rural ties. The young people were expected to watch more U.S.-produced programs than older people. Females were expected. to watch. more night-time soap operas (Dynasty, Falcon Crest) than males. In spite of the expected association between the viewing of American-produced television programs and the aforementioned demographics, it is important to mention that no causal explanation is suggested. The statistics that were used in this study do not specify the direction of the 55 relationship between variables, i.e., explaining which variable causes which, but merely demonstrate a statistical association between variables. Design A time series design was ruled out because of time and resources constraints. Similarly, experimentation was ruled out because it would provide neither data about broadly impacting effects nor would the results be generalizable to the entire Katutura (the Black Township outside Windhoek where the survey was conducted) television viewing population. Given that the research objective was to study the effects of American—produced television entertainment programs on Namibians, that aim was best achieved simply by asking a randomly selected sample of respondents pertinent questions. And then we would be able to generalize the responses to the whole TV viewing population of Katutura, Windhoek, because the sample that provided the responses was randomly selected from that population. Therefore, a survey was carried out in Katutura (The sampling is discussed below). Since the illiteracy rate is high among the Africans in Namibia (the targeted population of the research), estimated at 69% in 1977 (Green and Kiljunen, 1981), interviewers were used in the administration of the questionnaire. By interviewing randomly selected respondents several design problems were handled. Given the fact that Namibian 56 television has only a single channel, selection could have been a potential factor jeopardizing internal and external validity, but that Immential threat was addressed through random sampling and the inclusion of a relatively broad range of age in the sample. Randomization also took care of the problem of individual differences. To enhance the reliability and validity of the study, multiple indicators were used to measure a particular concept. For example, to measure the concept of Namibians being cn* not being pro-West” the respondents were first presented with a list of the following eight (8) countries: Angola, Botswana, Namibia, Mozambique, U.S.S.R., U.K., U.S.A., and Zambia. Then they were asked questions such as, "of all the countries on the list, which country offers all its citizens the most economic equality"; "as a Namibian if you were to immigrate, which country on the list (excluding Namibia) would you like to go to"; and "if you had a choice, where would you like your family to grow up or have grown up"; etc...(See the questionnaire in appendix B) Moreover, most of the measures used were measures that have proven their reliability in previous studies, such as those carried out by Payne, 1977; Skinner, 1984; and Straubhaar, 1987. Also during the training of the interviewers, one of the main objectives was to familiarize the interviewers with the questionnaire in general, and with the specific objectives of each question. 57 THE INSTRUMENT Theigeatioin airs. The instrument used. in this study is appended for reference. It was developed from concepts derived from multiple sources: (1) concepts derived from the literature on cross cultural and foreign media studies (Beltran, 1978; McPhail, 1980) (2) dependency theory (Frank, 1976; Amin, 1976) (3) cultural imperialism, and social psychology and socialization theory. (Payne, 1977; Bandura, 1973) The final version of the questionnaire was constructed after it was pretested in Katutura, Windhoek, using approximately fifteen (15) acquaintances and personal friends. The questionnaire was also refined in consultations with scholars at The University Center for studies in Namibia (TUCSIN), such as Dr. B.H.Sandelowsky, who had conducted research in Namibia previously. Due to the uncertain and potentially explosive political circumstances in. Namibia, questions that under normal circumstances might not be perceived as sensitive, are considered sensitive in Namibia. For example, it is an emotionally charged issue for those who are politicized to inquire about their ethnicity. Like the German colonial administration before, the current South African administration also uses the old time-tested strategy of divide-and-rule to perpetuate her administration of Namibia. 58 Therefore, for the politically conscious Namibians, who are fighting for the unity of Namibians in one united front, ethnicity is a taboo subject. Similarly, questions dealing with income are considered sensitive questions. In general people are afraid to reveal their income, because in some circles if their income is perceived to be substantially higher than what they are expected to earn, they might be suspected of being spies for the South African administration. Therefore, after the pre-test and the consultations, several items were dropped from the instrument and the wording of several others was altered because of the demands of social acceptability. The items about income and ethnicity were dropped. Similarly, the item asking about the length of stay in Namibia was also omitted. Since the independence of .Angola. in 1975, and. the (civil war that followed, many Angolians fled into Namibia. For political reasons some of them conceal their identity, therefore to avoid creating suspicion, that item was omitted. The original questionnaire was constructed in English, but since most Namibians. are not fluent in iEnglish, to facilitate matters for the interviewers and to ensure consistency in the wording of the questions when interviewing, the questionnaire was translated into Afrikaans, the Namibian lingua franca. To verify the accuracy of the translation from English into Afrikaans, the Afrikaans version was re-translated into English by a 59 different translator. Few ‘variances surfaced. between the original English version and the one re-translated into English from Afrikaans, but after a meeting of the two translators and the researcher the differences were ironed out. (The Afrikaans version of the questionnaire is in appendix C) Cgmposition of the_Questionnaire The questionnaire was constructed in three basic parts. Part one contains the demographic variables, part two the media usage and attitudinal variables, and part three contains the section where the respondents were asked to rate and rank the eight countries that are included in the study for theoretical reasons. .--..-.m.9_sraphies Among others, age, sex, level of formal education, rural or urban ties, and a travel profile are the demographic variables this section is composed of. One of the prominent concepts in the literature on cultural imperialism is the internationalization of the bourgeoisie, in which elite and middle class tastes are internationalized because they have more cultural and economic contact with the center nations via the multinational corporations, imported cultural products, travel, education, etc. (Chilcote, 1984; Salinas and Paldan, 1979). Therefore, if valid this would predict that middle class and elite viewers would be more likely to watch more 60 U.S.-produced entertainment television programs, than indigenously produced programs. This would also predict that they' would be more likely’ to have internalized Western values, lifestyle, and ideology, to find the Western countries more appealing, and to rate and rank the Western countries higher. Since asking the respondents about their income was considered a sensitive issue in Namibia, level of formal education and whether educated abroad or not are used as estimates of social class. A travel profile and assessment of the subjects’ rural or urban ties are included as measures of cosmopolitanism. According to the dependency theory literature, the wealthy indigenous citizens of the center of the periphery, or the "bridgeheads" as Dos Santos (1973) would call them, have interests that are in harmony with those of the center capitalists. This class and those aspiring to this class are, therefore, alienated from the local culture by the elements of the metropolitan culture with which it is confronted (Clignet, 1971; Fanon, 1968; Memmi, 1965). If this is valid, this would then predict that those who have travelled out of Namibia, would be more likely to watch the U.S. - produced entertainment television programs and more likely to be "Westernized". According to a study by Straubhaar (1987) in Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic, young people are more in contact ‘with and. more susceptible to the attraction of 61 imported programs. Therefore, a relationship between age, viewing habits, and "Westernization" is expected. Gender was also included, because according to the same study, there is a relationship between sex and some genres, specifically between women and telepgyelaa. Therefore, in this study, a relationship between gender and the viewing of Dypagty and Falcon Crest is expected. Females are expected to watch these programs more than males. N.e.d.i.a-llaase_..and A t t i t ud in a 1 Va riables. This section consists of five closely related parts. The first part was developed to obtain a complete picture of the media machinery the respondents used, and how often each media was used. It was also developed to assess which media the subjects utilized for reliable news, which media affected their ideas the most about fashion, and which media affected their ideas the most about what to purchase. The second part lists the American-produced entertainment television programs, that at one time or another between 1984-1987, were shown on Namibian television. Then the subjects were asked about their viewing habits vis-a-vis those programs by indicating for each program whether: (1) they did not watch it all, (2) watched it sometimes, or (3) always watched it. The third part contains questions about the listed television programs. Respondents were asked to respond to questions such as, "which program on the list, do you trust to represent a realistic picture of life in America". 62 The fourth part is made up of statements that according to the critical theory literature, express typical Western or modernized societies’values as compared to agrarian or traditional societies’values. Then the subjects were asked to indicate whether they: (1) disagreed (2) were neutral or (3) agreed with each statement. A statement such as, "a family with father, mother, and young children but no other relatives in the house is preferable", a statement, that is, referring to the nuclear family, a typical industrialized societies’phenomenon, is one such example. The fifth part of this section asked the respondents how well they understood the broadcasts done in English, and how well they followed the programs by just watching the picture. A three point scale was used asking the respondents to indicate whether they understood the English broadcast and how well they followed the program by just watching the picture by indicating, (lJ *well (2) poorly cn~ (3) not at all. Ratigg andmfianking Variableg This section is also made up of two parts. The first part provided the respondents with a list of the eight countries that were chosen for theoretical reasons. Then the respondents were asked to respond to several opinion questions about countries, using only the eight chosen countries for their responses. Questions such as, 'HJ? you had a choice, where would you like your family to grow up or 63 to have grown up", or "which country on the list has the best dressed citizens", etc., were asked. In the second part of this section, to encourage the respondents to visualize the scenario, the respondents were provided with a ladder consisting of ten steps. They were told to imagine that step ten represented the overall best country in the world, and step one the overall worst country in the world. Then using any criterion and. any number between one and ten, they were asked to rank the eight chosen countries. They were told that they could use the same number more than once. Operationalization of Variables The following list may be used for cross reference with the hypotheses and questionnaire section of the study. It outlines the basic structure of the research instrument by section and question number. Demographics: Q 1 - 20 Media usage Variables: Q 21 - 28 T.V. Viewing Habits: Q 29 - 48 Appeal of the listed T.V. programs: Q 49 - 54 Internalization of Western values variables: Q 56- 59 Understanding of Programs variables: Q 60 - 63 Rating of countries variables: Q 64 — 72 Ranking of countries variables: Q 73 - 80 64 THE DEPENDENT VARIABLES Internalization of Western Values The internalization of Western values variables need explanation. Respondents were asked to indicate whether they disagreed, were neutral or agreed with several items. These items were statements, that according to the critical theory of mass media and development, expressed commonly held Western values. The four items were the following: (1) The main goal of life is to be financially comfortable. (2) A family with father, mother, and young children but no other relatives in the house is preferable. (3) Poverty is the fault of the individual him/herself and the government has no obligation to assist him/her. For the fourth item, respondents were provided with three options then asked to choose one. The item was: "The best friends to have are those who"; and the options were: (1) are financially well-off (2) are genuine and moralistic (3) you have known for a long time Rmting of Countriea As far as the rating of countries variables are concerned, the subjects were provided with the list of the eight chosen countries. Then they were asked to respond to questions such as: "as a Namibian, if you were to immigrate, which country on the list would you like to go to", etc.. 65 (For all the questions see the questionnaire in Appendix B). First the responses to those variables were sorted by country, then these variables were transformed to create five categories of countries namely, (1) The Eastern countries (U.S.S.R.) (2) The Eastern Allies ( Angola and Mozambique) (3) The Western Allies (Botswana and Zambia) (4) The Western countries (U.S.A. and U.K.) (5) The Home country (Namibia) Ranking of Countries For the ranking of countries respondents were provided with the list of the eight countries again. Then they were instructed to rank those countries, using a scale of 1 to 10, the former representing the overall worst country in the world and the latter the overall best country in the world. The scores awarded for each country by all the sampled subjects were summed, and then the mean score for each country was calculated. Following this procedure, the different countries were grouped in the same five categories that were used in the rating of the countries, Furthermore, another categorical breakdown of low preference and high preferences for each country on the list was added on. A score higher than 8 was recoded as high preference, and a score lower than 7 was recoded as low preference for a particular country by a respective respondent. Hence, for the ranking of the countries the following categories were utilized: 66 (1) Eastern country (U.S.S.R.) (1) low preference (2) high preference (2) Eastern Allies (Angola and Mozambique) (1) low preference (2) high preference (3) Western Allies (Botswana and Zambia) (1) low preference (2) high preference (4) Western countries (U.S.A. and U.K.) (1) low preference (2) high preference (5) Home country (Namibia) (1) low preference (2) high preference THE INDEPENDENT VARIABLE The amount of exposure to the listed American-produced television entertainment programs was the independent variable of the study. For each program on the list, the respondents were asked to indicate whether they (1) did not watch it at all, (2) watched it sometimes, or (3) always watched it. Chi square statistics, that examine relationships between two variables, were calculated between each program and all the dependent variables. After that, all the American-produced television entertainment programs were combined to create one transformed variable, which was used as a measure of Western 67 produced television programs viewing. To create this transformed variable, a simple procedure was used. If a respondent indicated that he/she "always" watched a particular program, he/she was awarded 3 points, 2 points for "sometimes", and 1 point for "not at all". There were 14 American-produced programs on the list (see the questionnaire for details in Appendix B), therefore, the maximum score a respondent could score was (14 x 3) 42 points, and the minimum (14 x 1) 14 points. Taking into consideration the "sometimes" option, 28 points, the median, was used as the demarcating score. Two categories of T.V. programs viewers were constructed. Everybody who scored above 28 points was considered a high viewer* of American-produced television. jprograms, and everybody who scored 28 points or less, was considered a low viewer of American-produced television programs. Then Chi square statistics were again calculated between the transformed independent variable and all the dependent variables. SAMPLING The survey was conducted in Katutura, the Black Township about five miles outside the city of Windhoek. Katutura is a Herero word, one of the Namibian vernaculars, that has a negative meaning. It means "a place where we do not stay" (Pendleton, 1974). 68 If one looks at the results of an in-depth survey conducted. by the Social Science IResearch Center* of the Catholic Church in Namibia, the name Katutura, is indeed justified. Compared to Windhoek, the "white" section, the living conditions in Katutura are despicable. Descriptive statistics can be quoted, illustrative photos can be shown, and apt descriptions can be written about the appalling conditions in Katutura, but all of that will give one only a glimpse of the grim reality of life in Katutura. To comprehend the magnitude of the abject poverty in Katutura, one has to experience it. True, there are paupers in cities all over the world, but in Namibia this poverty is mainly along lines which were drawn up, organized, and planned by apartheid. The Gross Domestic Product per capita in Namibia was among the highest in Africa: $1406 in 1983 (R 1566 in 1983)‘ (Von Garnier, 1986). However, the inhabitants of Katutura do not seem to benefit from it. For most of them, everyday is a battle for survival. Katutura is divided into two major sections, the Old Katutura, and the new part of Katutura which is relatively well—off, called Soweto. In accordance with the apartheid practice in Namibia, the Old Katutura is also divided into subsections according to the ethnic groups of Namibia who are prominent in Katutura. It is divided into OD, H, D, N, * Note the almost 100% devaluation in 4 years. 69 O, and G subsectionsl. Soweto, the newer so-called "Luxury Hill" is not divided into ethnic subsections however. Taking into account that the following figures represent averages of figures from both the Old Katutura and Soweto, the following statistics of the survey by Dr. Von Garnier offer a glimpse of the dour existence that is life in Katutura. TABLE 1. RESULTS OF THE SURVEY (Summary) - Population of Katutura: min. of 60 000 - unemployment: 43%, i.e. nearly every second person between 18-65 years, and looking for a job, is jobless. There is no unemployment benefit scheme. — salaries: the average range between R 100 - R 300 a month, 60% of working people earn less than R 300. 86% of working people earn less than R 500.‘ - Primary Household Subsistence Level (PHSL). Family of 6 persons: R 394 (without including rent of house) -— Recommended minimum salary of a head of family (6 persons): R 604 minimum. - average expenses per month per person for food: R 25. - average expenses per day per person for food: 0.85 cents - education 62.6% adults (18-65 years) have less than Std.6. 0.7% have a University degree. - adult skills: 33.9% have professional training (skilled) with or without a diploma, most of them being underpaid. 1 During the summer of 1987, when the dissertation research was conducted, R 1.00 was equal to US$ 0.50. 70 38.1% have informal training (semi-skilled). 28% are totally untrained (unskilled). - development: 80.6% of the inhabitants of Katutura do not like the way Katutura is developed. - rent of a house: average range between R 38,38 - R 218,41 a month. Average R 101,43. - total income per house: average range between R 188,25 — R 902,24 a month. — average persons per house: 8 — housing: majority (83%) want bigger houses, but affordable. Many want Old Katutura houses. They are cheaper and allow more community life. — municipal services: 83.4% say: "they are bad." - African (open) markets: 80.4% are very keen, because they would be cheaper than buying in shops. Currently they are forbidden in Katutura. Fines of R 20-60 are levied if found trading. - do you want to stay in Katutura?: 73% yes, because "we have no choice.’ It is question of jobs and resignation to the circumstances. Source: Von Garnier, Egtuturagfieyisited 1986, p.2-3. SeWaeedures The first and foremost enigmatic problem encountered was the non—existence of a sampling frame of the dwellers of Katutura. Even after deliberations with Namibian scholars, who had carried out surveys in Katutura before, and even after consulting their works, an adequate sampling frame of the dwellers of Katutura was not accessible. 71 Ultimately, with the endorsement of the Department of National Education, the superintendent of the Windhoek Municipality was consulted. He was consulted for two reasons: (a) To ask for permission to conduct the survey in Katutura; (b) For the hope of obtaining a sampling frame, because he is in charge of the Windhoek Municipality, which owns and/or keeps registration records of all the houses in Katutura. Usually their registration records indicate the name, age, and gender of the head of the household, as well as those of all the dependents listed. At first the superintendent was apprehensive about the research. In spite of explanations of what the research was all about, he seemed to suspect an ulterior motive about the research. However, after a lengthy elucidation and his close scrutizing of the questionnaire, he eventually granted the permission. As for the sampling frame, to construct one, it entailed the consultation of various municipality registration records. In view of the fact that the original aim was to have a sample that included a variation of ages and. 50% ‘male and 50%. female respondents, the researcher requested. that. he construct the sampling frame himself. However, the superintendent flatly refused, stating in 1H) uncertain terms, that it was their policy not to let 72 outsiders snoop into their records. He suggested that the only option was to pay one of his employees to work overtime; listing all the houses in Katutura, since he would not allow his employees to do the research work during business hours. Having no alternative, that option was agreed to. As promised, after about ten days the municipality employee delivered the sampling frame. It was a long list of approximately 7,000 houses. It neither listed the name, age, and gender of the head of the household, nor those of the dependents. In accordance with the South African administrations’ common practice in Namibia, the list of the house in Old Katutura was divided into subsections according to the ethnic groups of Namibia that are predominant in Katutura. The houses in the newer section of Katutura were not divided in sections, however. They were only numbered chronologically. Together with the assistants, using a random numbers table, we randomly selected 600 households from this list. To ensure that every section and subsection was proportionally represented, we calculated the percentages and the actual raw numbers that each section contributed to the total households in Katutura. We actually’ needed a sample size of 400, but in anticipation of refusals and absent respondents, we sampled 600 households. The adch definition of a household was: one person or a group of 73 persons, related or not, who live in the same house, share meals, earnings, expenditures, and management of the house. Interviewers were asked to select a good mix of age and gender. In the end, a person to person interview was conducted with 400 individuals who resided in 400 randomly selected households. Igginingmgf Interviewers Four interviewers, two primary school teachers and two university students on vacation, were selected to conduct the interviews. In view of the fact that we envisioned to contact most of the interviewers after 5:00 p.m., except on weekends, coupled. with an anticipated. high refusal rate because most Namibians are unacquainted with surveys, the expectation was that each interviewer would conduct 10 interviews a week. Over a 10 week period each interviewer was expected to complete 100 interviews. The researcher held training sessions with the interviewers for 5 days, spending approximately 3 hours a day. Using chapter 7 in D.Warwick and A.Lininger (1975) text, "The Sample Survey: Theory and Practice", among others, the following were the goals of the seminar: (a) to communicate factual information about the objectives, uses, and sponsorship of the study. (b) To arrive at an understanding of the role of interviewing in the research process. 74 (c) To develop basic skills in interviewing as well as practical suggestions for introductions, closure, and difficult situations arising in the field. (d) to familiarize the interviewers with the questionnaire in general, and with the specific objectives of each question. (e) to reach agreement. on administrative procedures that were followed in the field and throughout the whole research. The entire last day of the seminar ‘was used. as a practice session. On an alternate basis, the interviewers interviewed one another and then received some feedback from the researcher. By the researcher’s estimation the seminar fared well. The assistants were enthusiastic and eager to commence with the actual interviewers. "In - Field" Problems The inadequately constructed sampling frame for the originally envisioned sampling procedures, demanded that "in—field" adjustment be made. The original sampling scheme intended to include 50% male and 50% female and a broad range of age, but the sampling frame obtained did not list those variables. Furthermore, some people simply refused to be interviewed, others agreed to it, and then half way through the interview they would terminate it claiming that some of the questions were too personal and/or that the 75 questionnaire was too long. Some people, particularly the females, would agree to be interviewed, and then decline to respond to personal opinion questions, claiming they had no opinions’. Also most of the elderly people refused to be interviewed claiming that they did. not ‘watch television therefore they had neither the knowledge nor opinions about television programs and foreign countries. Therefore, in spite of our efforts to include a good mix of age and gender in the sample, in most instances, we had no choice as to who we were going to interview in a particular household. To an extent, we were forced to interview anybody (from 15 yrs. and up) who was available and acquiesced to be interviewed in a given household. Also, the administration of the questionnaire was during the months when high schools in Namibia were on vacation. As a result, the majority of the people who concurred to the interviews were male high school students. For all my assistants, for every 50 households on their individual lists, I randomly selected 10 households to authenticate the interviews. To my disappointment, I found out that one of the interviewers was fabricating some interviews. Originally we agreed on a per interview pay scheme, but after that incident, I realized that paying them per interview ‘was encouraging them to forge interviews. Therefore after a meeting with all of them, I changed my mind and we agreed on a set amount. We threw all the fabricated interviews cudu II continued to monitor all the 76 interviewers but after that incident I did not detect any fraudulent interviews. Other logistical problems that are methodologically inconsequential were also encountered. During the interviewing stage of the research, the interviewers and the researcher made the following observations: (a) The people had a tendency to make empty promises. "Come back tomorrow, I am too busy now.’ Yet when we came back the next day there was another excuse. (b) Related to the first point, the people .had a tendency to fail to keep appointments, and next time when we met them, they did not even bother to explain why they could not keep the previous appointment. (0) In spite of our reassurance that the survey was strictly confidential and anonymous, the people were in general suspicious."What is this information going to be used for?" "Who is behind this?", etc., were typical questions. However, given the political situation in Namibia, one has to concede that their concerns were legitimate. (d) In several instances the people wanted some kind of tangible rewards for participating in the survey. ”What is in it for me" was quite commonplace. Notwithstanding the above mentioned problems, we managed to complete all the interviews on schedule. We completed 400 interviews, but approximately 60 of them were incomplete. Z[ carefully examined tjua incomplete interviews 77 to see whether there were any characteristics which were consistent among the respondents who provided us with incomplete interviews, and hence a systematic bias, but I dbd not find any. Therefore, the 60 incomplete interviews were discarded; only 340 interviews were used. 78 END NOTES 1. The abbreviations stand for the following: OD Ovambandera H Herero D Damara N Nama O Ovambo G Gemengde * * figmengde is an Afrikaans word which means mixture. In the apartheid scheme minority groups in Katutura, such as Kavangos , Caprivians , Tswanas , and any other black immigrants are compelled to live in this section. 2. Given that those were females from a Third World country where most females are socialized to be submissive and to let the males take all the crucial decisions, the fact that some females were claiming to have no opinions was not all that surprising. CHAPTER 5 DATA ANALYSIS AND RESULTS Generalmpesqriptionwofmthemfiample Three hundred and forty self-reported television viewers, interviewed in three hundred and forty randomly selected households in Katutura Windhoek, comprise this sample. This sample represents a well balanced number of respondents from both the Old and New Katutura sections, as well as the sub-sections of old Katutura. Sixty‘ percent of the sample was male, 40% female. Fifty-nine percent of those sampled was age 20 and under, 24% between 21 and 30, 8% between 31 and 40, and 10% 40 years of age or older. The average age of the sample was 22 years, with a range of 15 to 52 years. On the surface, an average age of 22 years seem rather young, but if one takes into account that the average life expectancy for Africans in Namibia is between 42 and 52 years, then an average age of 22 years for the sample seems reasonable (Veii, 1983). (See 1986 Von Garnier sample in Table 2.) Sixty-nine percent had some high school, 19% had completed high school, 2% had some university, 2% had bachelors degree, and 1% had graduate degrees. Only four percent had received education outside Namibia, while 96% 79 80 were educated in Namibia. Even thought the breakdowns of the categories are not the same, table 2 presents a comparison for age and education between this research’s sample and the sample of Von Garnier's survey (Table 2). Table 2. A comparison between Von Garnier’s sample and the current sample for age and education. Variable Von Garnier Sample Current Sample (1986) (1987) Age 0-18 yrs 44.8% 0—20 yrs 59% 19-64 yrs 55.8% 21-30 yrs 24% 65 + yrs 3.4% 31—40 yrs 8% 40 + yrs 10% Education Less than Std.6 63.0% Some High School 69% Std.8 29.0% Completed High School 19% Matric 6.4% Some University 2% College 1.4% Bachelors degree 2% University .7% Graduate degree 1% Seventy-one percent of the sample was students, 3% laborers, 12% professionals, 4% teachers, .3% merchants, 4% office workers, and 4% unemployed. Thirty-four percent worked. for the government» 10% for .grass roots organizations, 10% for private companies, and 9% were self- employed. Sixty percent of those sampled. were Lutherans, 20% Catholics, 8% Oruuano, 3% Anglicans, 1% Methodists and 5% Independent African Churches. Thirty-nine percent of those 81 interviewed spoke Otjiherero, 19% Otjiwambo, 22% Damara/Nama, 10% Afrikaans, 4% English, and .3% German. Fifty-two percent of those interviewed had most of their family members in the rural areas and 48% had most of their family members in the urban area. Eighty-four percent had most of their friends in the urban area, and 15% had theirs in the rural areas. The sample population had interacted quite a bit with people from other countries. Thirty percent met people from other countries frequently, 44% sporadically, and 31% did not meet people from other countries at all. The sample population was not that well traveled. Only 33% of the respondents had ever traveled outside Namibia. Thirty~three percent for those who had ever traveled outside Namibia is quite a high figure for a Third World country, but that figure is inflated by travel to South Africa, which is quite common because of the political links between the two countries. M§.dia.ALIaLl§_bilJLx Sixty-three percent of those sampled reported that they had a working television in the home. Thirty—two percent of those who did not have a working television in the house, reported that they had access to a working television. Forty—five percent of the sampled population reported that they read newspapers everyday, 29% read newspapers once a. week, 25% seldom read. newspapers, and 2%. never read newspapers. 82 Seventy-seven percent of the sample indicated that they listened to the radio everyday, 10% once a week, and 13% seldom listened to the radio. Ninety-eight percent of those sampled reported that they listened to the local F_M__Badi_g Stations. These FM stations broadcast virtually the same programs in the different languages spoken in Namibia on separate stations. Like their counterparts in South Africa, these FM Radio Stations are under the South West African Broadcasting Corporation (SWABC), a body that is financed and controled by the South African government. The programs broadcast by these various FM Radio Stations, are written in one of the official languages (Afrikaans and English) then translated verbatim into the different vernaculars of Namibia. Only programs dealing with cultural events differ from station to station (Head, 1974). For example, there is a Herero station, Ovambo station, etc., but the contents of the different station programs, particularly, ‘programs such as news and. editorials, are exactly the same. Fourteen percent of those sampled reported that they listened 1x) the British Broadcasting Corporation (B,_,B_.,_CM.,), 6% reported listening to the Voice of America (ygggAg), and 12% listened to Radio Freedgm (these are the radio stations of SWAPO that broadcast from the capitals of the surrounding independent African countries). It is important however, to bear in mind that to tune in to the B.B.C., V.O.A., and Radio Freedom one needs a transistor equipped with the short wave band (SW), but most radios sold 83 in Namibia are furnished only with FM and AM bands. (While in Namibia, I did not see a single radio equipped with any of the short wave bands). Of those sampled, thirty-six percent reported that they used newspapers for reliable news, 23% used radio, 31% used television, 9% used interpersonal communication, and 2% used other sources such as magazines, telex. etc... Tgv. Viewing in Katutura The respondents were provided with a list of American- produced entertainment television programs and then asked to indicate for each program whether they (1) did not watch it at all, (2) watched it sometimes, or (3) always watched it. Of those sampled, fifty-three percent indicated that they always watched the A;Ieam, 51% always watched Airwolf, 49% always watched the Billmggsbymfihgw, 44% always watched Dynasty, 38% always watched T.J.Hooker, and 35% always watched Falcon CreSL (Table 3). Blank spaces were left on the list and the respondents were asked to fill them with any other programs they watched that were not listed. The respondents mostly listed more American-produced programs and a few from Germany and South Africa. The only locally-produced programs mentioned were NAH.§.1.--.N.§.E§J which is a variety show largely consisting of local music videos, mentioned by 25% of the sampled population, and Sports, mentioned by 6% of the sample (Table 4). 84 Table 3. Percentage of Respondents who always, viewed the American-produced programs. Program’s Name Percentage A-Team 53% Airwolf 51% Bill Cosby Show 49% Dynasty 44% T. J. Hooker 38% Falcon Crest 35% Kojak 30% Jeffersons 29% Police File 29% Murder She Wrote 27% Matt Houston 24% Hill Street Blues 20% WKRP in Cincinnati 08% Golden Girls 07% lt§.mam9n_.£r.9.sram_Apsgal. Each program appeal item required that the respondents indicate which of the listed programs provided them with pertinent information on several aspects of their lives. The first question was: of all the programs on the list, which program tells you the most how to deal with problems in your daily life? The Bill Cosby Show was the most frequently 85 mentioned program with 36% (78 respondents). Dynasty was next with 20% (43 respondents). Table 4. Percentage of Respondents who mgntioned the locally produced programs. Programs Name Percentage Nawa Nawa 25% Sports 06% For the question which program presents a lifestyle that you would most want to fellow, 53% (149 respondents) mentioned the Bill Cosby Show, followed again by Dynasty with 12% (34 people). For the question which program shows you the proper values to live by, 39% (97 people) again said the Billmggsbx Show and 14% (35 respondents) mentioned Dynasty. Responses for the question: what program portrays objectionable values, Dynasty with 17% (46 respondents) was the most frequently mentioned followed by Pgligewfiile with 13% (35 people) and the A;Ieam with 11% (31 respondents). To the question: which program best shows you which items to purchase, 27% (55 people) said the Billmgosbywfihog, and 25% (52 respondents) said Dynast . Finally, for the question: which program do you trust to represent a realistic picture of life in America, 32% (81 £36 respondents) mentioned the Bill Cosby Show, and 16% (40 people) said Hill Street Blues (Table 5). (able 5. Percentages for Prograa Appeal Iteas Prograa’s Naae Type of Appeal Solving Itees Presentation of Daily Appealing Proper Objectionable to Realistic Picture Probleas Lifestyle Values values 8uy In naerioa 1 8111 Cosby 36.0 53.0 39.1 2.9 27.0 32.0 2 Golden Girls 0.5 2.8 4.0 7.7 2.9 3.1 3 Jeffersons 1.9 4.3 6.9 2.6 6.3 5.5 4 IKRP in Cincinnati 0.0 0.0 0.8 4.8 2.4 1.2 5 Dynasty 20.1 12.1 14.1 16.9 25.1 9.0 6 Falcon Crest 8.9 5.3 8.5 8.8 7.2 5.1 7 Hurder She lrote 6.5 2.1 3.2 7.0 1.9 3.9 8 7.3. Hooker 4.2 3.6 3.6 2.6 2.9 2.7 9 Kojak 2.8 1.4 2.0 3.7 2.4 2.7 10 Hill Street Blues 2.3 1.1 2.8 9.6 2.9 16.0 11 Hatt Houston 0.9 0.7 1.2 3.7 1.9 2.7 12 Police File 4.2 2.5 4.0 13.0 3.9 3.9 13 n-Teaa 5.1 5.7 5.2 11.4 6.8 8.2 14 Airwolf 3.3 2.8 3.2 4.8 3.9 3.1 Internalization Qfilflggten.YQlue$ Itemg These items were statements that according to critical theory express typical Western capitalist societies’values. The respondents were asked to indicate whether they (1) disagreed, or (2) were neutral, or (3) agreed with each statement. For the item: the main goal of life is to be financially comfortable, 19% disagreed, 30% were neutral, and 50% agreed with the statement. For the item: a family with father, mother, and young children but no other 87 relatives in the house is preferable: 31% disagreed, 15% were neutral, and 54% agreed. Poverty is the fault of the individual him/herself and the government has no obligation to assist him/her, was the next item. Sixty percent of the sample disagreed, 22% were neutral and 18% agreed. For the item the best friends to have are those who (1) are financially well-off, (2) are genuine and moralistic, (3) have known for a long time, 4% chose option 1, 47% picked option 2, and 49% selected option 3. Another item included in the section of the questionnaire asked the respondents to indicate whether they (1) disagree, (2) were neutral, (N? (3) agreed. that the images conveyed by the listed programs accurately portrayed life in America. Seventeen percent disagreed, 44% were neutral, and 36% agreed (Table 6). Respondents were also asked to indicate how well they understood the television broadcasts in English. Fifty-nine percent said they understood it well, 37% said poorly, and 4% said they did not understand it at all. To the question: besides the language, how well do you follow the programs by just watching the picture, 55% said well, 32% said poorly, and 10% said they did not follow it at all. 88 Table 6. Percentage of Responses to the Internalization of Western Values Items. Western Values Items Responses in Percentages Disagree Neutral Agree 1. The main goal of life is to be financially comfortable. 19.5 30.0 50.0 2. Nuclea family preferable to an extented family 31.9 15.1 54.0 3. Poverty is the fault of the individual him/herself 60.1 22.4 17.5 4. The best friends to Financially Genuine Known for have are well-off and a long those who are: moralistic time 3.8 46.9 49.3 National Rating Items For these items the respondents were provided with a list of the eight chosen countries. Then they were asked to rate these countries on several subjective dimensions. Only the first two high-rated countries for each item are reported here (The full results are in Table 7). In responses to the first question: of all the countries listed, which country offers all its citizens the most economic equality: 43% (140 people) said the U.S.A., and 31% (103 people) said the U.S.S.R.. For the question, if you were to immigrate which country would you like to go to, the U.S.A. led the list £39 lable 7. Percentages for the Rating of the Countries. Rating Iteas Ihich country offers all its citizens the aost econoaic equality? As a Nawibian, which country would you like to iaaigrate to? As a Naaibian, if you have to iwaigrate within the continent of African which country would you like to go to? If you had a choice, where would you like your faaily to grow up or to have grown up? If you had a choice, where would you like your faaily to grow up or to have grown up on the continent of Africa? Hhich country do you prefer to he ailitarily the strongest in the world? Ahich country do you prefer to be the world econoaic leader. If Nawibia is to becoae a truly developed country, which country does she need the aost. Ihich country has the west honest citizens? which country has the happiest citizens? which country has the best dresed citizens? Countries Angola Botswana Naaibia hozaabique 1.9 3.1 6.8 1.2 2.4 3.0 - 1.5 5.0 28.8 - 18.7 1.5 3.3 37.1 1.5 4.3 19.9 30.0 13.7 5.3 1.6 17.3 1.6 0.9 1.5 27.1 2.1 11.6 6.8 - 2.4 4.1 11.0 22.1 4.7 2.5 8.0 12.1 2.5 1.5 1.9 18.9 1.5 0388 UK 31.9 7.4 8.3 25.3 5.0 13.6 36.8 4.1 15.5 9.7 17.2 9.2 15.5 14.5 9.6 15.8 2.5 10.5 USA laabia 43.3 4.3 50.9 8.6 - 30.8 33.5 4.5 - 19.9 28.9 4.4 41.3 1.8 41.2 10.7 20.5 7.6 44.9 4.6 60.1 2.5 90 with 51% (171 respondents), followed by the U.K. with 25% (85 respondents). For the next question which was, if you have to choose an African country for immigration purposes which one would you choose, 31% said Zambia and 29% said Botswana. In response to the question, if you had a choice, where would you like your family to grow up or to have grown up, 37% (125 people) said Namibia, and 34% said the U.S.A.. When asked to choose an African country for the same question, 30% said Namibia, 20% said Zambia, and another 20% said Botswana. Thirty—Seven percent (117 respondents) said that they would feel more secure about the future of the world if the U.S.S.R. were to be the strongest world power militarily, while 29% (92 respondents) mentioned the U.S.A. The United States was the most frequently mentioned nation, when the respondents were asked to name the nation they would prefer to become the undisputed leader in the world economically. The U.S.A. was mentioned by 136 respondents representing 41% of the sample. Namibia was next most frequently mentioned with 27% (89 respondents). If Namibia is to become a truly developed country, 41% (139 respondents) felt that Namibia needed the U.S.A. the most, and 17% (58 people) felt that Namibia needed the U.S.S.R. the most. 91 Namibia topped the "most honest nation" item with 22% (70 people) of the sample. Twenty-one percent (65 people) mentioned the U.S.A.. Heading the list on the "happiest nation" item was the U.S.A. with 45% (145 people), followed by the U.K. with 16% (51) of the respondents. Again the U.S.A. was perceived as the "best dressed nation", mentioned by 194 subjects representing 60% of the sample. Namibia with 19% (61) of the respondents was the next most frequently mentioned nation (Table 7). National Ranking Items To stimulate the visualization of the exercise, respondents were provided with a ladder consisting of ten steps. Then they were told to image that step 10 represented the overall best country in the world, and step one the overall worst country in the world. Furthermore, they were toLd to rank the eight chosen countries, using any number between one and ten. They were also told that they could use the same number more than once. It was also made categorically clear to the respondents to use any criteria that were salient in their own perceptions to rank the respective countries. Means were calculated for the ranking of each country, and again the front runner was the U.S.A. with an average of 7.35. The rank, means, and standard deviations for all eight countries are in Table 8. 92 Table 8. Rank, Means, and Standard Deviations of the Countries. Country Rank Mean ' Standard Deviation (on a 10 point scale)‘ U.S.A. 1 7.35 3.21 Namibia 2 6.94 2.93 U.K. 3 6.88 2.70 U.S.S.R. 4 6.21 3.18 Zambia 5 5.48 2.67 Botswana 6 5.37 2.17 Mozambique 7 5.07 2.19 Angola 8 4.66 4.56 ‘ 10 is high and 1 is low ANALYSIS OF RELATIONSHIPS (CHI-SQUARE) un.—.~u~.-u-o en.~-e~o»¢ The primary analysis that was carried out was the examination of associations between the demographic variables and Namibians’ viewing habits of television entertainment programs. The relationships were analyzed in terms of crosstabulations or contingency tables, which examine the relationships between two variables. When significance is referred to, it is in terms of the Chi- square statistic. 93 Ten demographic variables were used as independent variables in this analysis (Table 9). Only those results that were significant at the 0.05 level are discussed here in the text, the full results are presented in the tables in Appendix A (Tables A-l to A-10). RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Age Age was significantly related to the viewing of only three imported programs, The Jefferfigagi WKRP in Cincinnati and Airwolf, out of fourteen, and it was not a significant factor 1J1 the 'viewing cd' the locally-produced. television programs. For the adolescents, people 20 years and younger, 24% “lmaxs watched the Jeffersgns, versus 27% for the group that was 40 years and over. Similarly 27% of the adolescents glwgyg viewed KEEP in Cincinnati, versus only 12% for the 40 years and up group. The same pattern also held for Airwolf, 57% for the adolescents, and 52% for the older adults group (Table A-l). It was expected to find the youth watching the imported programs more than the older folks, (Straubhaar, 1987), what was somewhat unexpected was the kind of programs that were significantly related to age. Besides Airwolf, one would have expected ix) find the action-packed, adventure series, such as A;Te_am, Police Files, etc., to be significantly associated with age, but they were not. 94 Table 9. Demographic Variables and Their Categories. Demographic Variables Categories 1. Age groups (1) adolescent: under 20 (2) young adults: 21-30 (3) adults: 31-40 (4) older adults: over 40 2. Gender (1) Male (2) Female 3. Educational Level Low: 0 - 4 yrs. (1) (2) Intermediate: 5-12 yrs. (3) High: 13 yrs. + 4. Educated Abroad (1) Yes (2) No Lutheran (2) Catholic Oruuano (4) Anglican 5. Religion (1) (3) (5) Methodist (6) (7) Independent African Churches Others 6. Language (1) Herero (2) Ovambo (3) Damara/Nama (4) Afrikaans (5) English (6) German (7) Others 7. Where Are Most Family (1) Urban (2) Rural Members 8. Where Are Most Friends (1) Urban (2) Rural 9. How Often Meet People (1) Frequently (2) Sporadically From Other Countries (3) Not at all 10. Travel Outside Namibia (1) Yes (2) No 95 Gender. As was expected, gender was significantly related to the viewing of certain kinds of imported television programs. Straubhaar’s (1987) study and many others have indicated that women tend to prefer soap operas or telengvelas more than men. Findings from this research corroborated the results of those previous studies. Table 10 shows that of those sampled, the percentage of females who watched G.9,l.d.en...§i.rls. Dynastic . and FalconlCrest. are higher than that of males. Conversely, as expected, of those sampled more males watched Airwolf than females. Fifty six percent of the males always. watched Airwolji compared to 44% of the females. Gender was not significantly related to the viewing of the locally—produced programs (See also Table A-2). Educational Level The educational level was a significant factor in the viewing of two of the imported programs, Ewaglggnmgrest and Airwolf, but it was not a significant factor in the viewing of the domestic programs. Of those who had a high level of education, 24% always watched Falcon Crest, compared to 0% for those who had a low level of formal education. On the other hand 25% of those who had a low level of education always watched Airwolf, compared to 24% of those with a high level of education and 96 Table 10. Summary Table of Viewing Percentages for Golden Girls, Dynasty, Falcon Crest, and Airwolf by Sex.‘ (Proportion Viewing "sometimes" or "always")‘ Sex Program’s Name Viewing Habits sometimes always Golden Girls 28% 4%** Male Dynasty 37% 38%** Falcon Crest 41% 27%** Airwolf 25% 56%** Golden Girls 30% 12%** Female Dynasty 37% 52%** Falcon Crest 29% 47%** Airwolf 24% 44%:* 1 This is a summary table, the full results are in Table A- 2. t The proportion that "never watch" was omitted, but it is equal to 100% - "sometimes" + "always." 3* Denotes significance at the 0.05 level of significance. 97 55% of those with intermediate level of education (Table A- 3). It is somewhat expected that the relatively less educated Namibians would prefer Airgolf to Ealggnwgregt and vice versa for those with the high level of education. Airwolf, an action-packed adventure series, is relatively easy to comprehend compared to Falcon Crest, even without understanding the language. To comprehend what is going on Falcon Crest, one needs to understand the verbal exchanges. Moreover, one needs to be familiar with the American way of life to an extent. Some of the verbal exchanges, such as humorous (expressions are culture-specific, therefore, for someone who is not familiar with the American way of life, humorous expressions will not be funny to him even if they are translated for him in a language he understands. Since English-speaking ability in Namibia is closely related to educational level, and in some instances exposure to the Western way of life, naturally, one would expect the relatively less educated. Namibians to prefer .Airwglf, to Falcon Crest. Educated Abroad Whether someone received formal education from outside of Namibia or not was a significant factor in the viewing of only two American-produced programs, Magmmwflgwmtgn and Airwolf, For the domestically-produced programs, whether someone was educated abroad or not did not seem to be a significant factor. 98 Of the sample population, of those who did not receive any education abroad, 54% alwgys watched Airwolf, and only 14% of those who had some education from. abroad. always watched that program. The same pattern repeated itself vis- a-vis the viewing of Mautt Houston. Of those who were not educated outside Namibia, 25% always watched Matt Houston and for those educated abroad 7% always watched that program (Table A-4). Religion and Language Neither of these demographic variables was significantly related to the viewing of either the foreign- produced programs nor the locally-produced programs (Table A-5 and A-6). anilxmliss This demographic variable was a significant factor in the viewing of 2 of the 14 imported programs on the list. But it seemed not to be a significant factor in the viewing of the domestic programs (Table A-7). Of those sampled, 35% of those who had most of their family members in the urban area, alwgys watched the gwffgrsgng. For those who had most of their family members in the rural areas, 21% always watched the Jeffersgng. Similarly, of those with urban family ties, 41% always watched Falcon Crest, compared to 28% of those with rural family ties. 99 It was somewhat expected to find those with. urban family ties to watch more imported programs than those with rural family ties, because they are most likely more cosmopolitan. And according to the dependency theory (Dos Santos 1973), the 'more cosmopolitan. they are, the more likely they will watch imported programs, because they are "alienated from the local culture by the elements of the metropolitan culture they are confronted with". Friends Ties This variable was significantly related to the viewing of 4 of the imported programs, but it was not a factor in the viewing of the local programs. As expected, and as Table 11 would indicate, of those sampled, more of those who had most of their friends in the urban area, watched the 4 imported programs more than those who had most of their friends in the rural areas (See also Table A-8). Meeting Pe Op 1 e F r omlgthwxintries This variable was a significant factor in the viewing of 2 imported programs, Police Fileg and A;Igam, but it was not a significant factor in the viewing of the domestically produced programs. As Table 12 would indicate most of the sampled subjects who watched these two programs, were also those who frequently and sporadically met people from other countries (See also Table A-9). 100 Table 11. Summary Table of Viewing Percentages for Cosby Show, Golden Girls, Jeffersons, and Kojak by Friends Ties1 (Proportion viewing "sometimes" and "always"):. Locale Program’s Name Viewing Habits sometimes always Bill Cosby Show 36% 53% Urban Golden Girls 33% 10% The Jeffersons 23% 33%** Kojak 30% 32%** Bill Cosby Show 51% 32%** Rural Golden Girls 25% 0%** The Jeffersons 28% 8%** Kojak 19% 25%ae 1. This is a summary table, the full results are in Table A-8. t The Proportion that "never watch" was omitted, but it is equal to 100% - "sometimes" + "always" it These results are significant at the 0.05 level. 101 Table 12. Summary Table of Viewing Percentages for Police Files and .A-Team ‘by Meeting People from Other Countries.1 (Proportion Viewing "always")! "sometimes" and Contact with Foreigners Program’s Name Viewing Habits sometimes always Frequently Police Files 40% 28%31 A-Team 26% 54%** Sporadically Police Files 49% 27%** A—Team 38% 55%:* Not at all Police Files 31% 30%** A-Team 30% 52%** 1. This is a summary table, the full results are in Table A-9. * The Proportion that "never watch" was omitted, but it is equal to 100% - "sometimes" + "always" ** These results are significant at the 0.05 level. 102 Traveling abroad or not was a significant factor in the viewing of only one imported program, Ealggn_§re§t. It was not a significant factor in the viewing of the locally- produced programs. Forty—five percent of those who had ever traveled outside Namibia watched Falggn_grgst, compared to 30% of those who had never traveled outside the country (Table A-lO). ANALYSIS OF ASSOCIATIONS BETWEEN THE INDEPENDENT AND DEPENDENT VARIABLES .....—.c.u-_ Individual Programs as the Independent Varigblg. The first investigation of relationships between the independent and dependent variables that was performed, used each television program ens a separate independent variable (Table 13). A Chi-square statistic was calculated to examine the relationships between the viewing of each television program (as the independent variable) and each of the 20 dependent variables (Table 14). The viewing of some of the television programs was significant related to some of the dependent variables, while significant relationships were not found between the viewing of some of the programs and some of the dependent variables. Therefore, the discussion will concentrate only 103 Table 13. Independent Variables and Their Categories. Independent Variable Categories Used in the Analysis (1) The Bill Cosby Show (1) not at all (2) sometimes (3) always (2) Golden Girls (1) not at all (2) sometimes (3) always (3) Jeffersons (1) not at all (2) sometimes (3) always (4) WKRP in Cincinnati (1) not at all (2) sometimes (3) always (5) Dynasty (1) not at all (2) sometimes (3) always (6) Falcon Crest (1) not at all (2) sometimes (3) always (7) Murder She Wrote (1) not at all (2) sometimes (3) always (8) T.J. Hooker (1) not at all (2) sometimes (3) always (9) Kojak (1) not at all (2) sometimes (3) always (10) Hill Street Blues (1) not at all (2) sometimes (3) always (11) Matt Houston (1) not at all (2) sometimes (3) always (12) Police Files (1) not at all (2) sometimes (3) always (13) A—Team (1) not at all (2) sometimes (3) always (14) Airwolf (1) not at all (2) sometimes (3) always (15) Nawa Nawa (1) not at all (2) sometimes (3) always (16) Sports (1) not at all (2) sometimes (3) always Transformed Independent Variable (Measure for Foreign Programs Viewing) WESTVIEW (1) Low (2) High 104 Table 14. Dependent Variables. Dependent Variable Name Operationalization of Variable Name Internalization of Western Valuea_Xariahlea The main goal of life is to be financially comfortable. A nuclear family is preferable to an extended family. Poverty is the fault of the individual him/herself. Who are the best friends to have? Ratings of Countries Variablea_llransfgrmedl (1) RICH (1) (2) NUCLEAFA (2) (3) POVERTY (3) (4) BESTFRND (4) (1) EVENLY (1) (2) LEAVE (2) (3) MATURE (3) (4) POWER (4) (5) MONEY (5) (6) MODERN (6) (7) SINCERE (7) (8) JOLLY (8) (9) SMART (9) (10) INAFRICA (10) (11) GRAFRICA (11) Which country offers all its citizens the most economic equality? As a Namibian, which country would you like to immigrate to? If you had a choice where would you like your family to grow up or to have grown up? Which country do you prefer to be militarily the strongest in the world? Which country do you prefer to be the world economic leader? If Namibia is to become truly developed, which country does she need the most? Which country has the most honest citizens? Which country has the happiest citizens? Which country has the best dressed citizens? As a Namibian, if you have to immigrate within the continent of Africa, which country would you like to go to? If you had a choice, where would you like your family to grow up or to have grown up within the continent of Africa? R.e.n.1s.ins.-__gf -. .9 aunts; e .a....._Yariabl .e .3 (1) WESTPREF (1) (2) EASTPREF (2) (3) WESTALLP (3) (4) EASTALLP (4) Rank of the U.S.A. and U.K. Rank of the USSR Rank of Botswana and Zambia Rank of Angola and Mozambique (5) NAMIBIAP (5) Rank of Namibia 105 on those relatioships that were significant at the 0.05 level of significance (Table 15). T.J.Hooker The viewing of T.J.Hooker was significantly related to several of the dependent variables. Sixty—five percent of the respondents who algaya viewed T.J. Hooker agaaad with the statement that a nuclear family was preferable compared to 50% of those who did not watch that program at all who agreed with the statement. There was also a significant relationship between the viewing of T.J. Hooker and the statement: poverty is the fault of the individual him/herself. Twenty percent of those who always watched this program agreed with the statement versus 11% of those who did not watch T.J.Hooker at all who agreed with the statement. In response to the question: as a Namibian, if you have to immigrate, where would you like to go, as expected, 83% of those who algaya watched T.J. Hooker mentioned the Western countries (USA and UK), and 67% of those who did not watch that program at all mentioned the same countries. There was a inverse significant relationship between the viewing of T.J. Hooker and the ranking of the Western Allies in Africa. Only 9% of those who always watched T.J. Hooker ranked the Western Allies high, while 521% of those who did not watch T.J. Hooker at all ranked them high. On the other hand 16% of those who did not watch T.J. Hooker at all ranked the USSR Allies in Africa high compared 106 Table 15. Table of Significant Relatioship Between Each T.V. Program As an Independent Variable and The Dependent Variables. Independent Dependent X2 d.f. Significance Variable Variable Level * T.J.Hooker NUCLEAFA 10.24 4 .037 T.J.Hooker POVERTY 9.78 4 .044 T.J.Hooker WESTALLP 11.28 2 .004 T.J.Hooker EASTALLP 7.02 2 .030 T.J.Hooker LEAVE 13.91 6 .031 Jeffersons POVERTY 10.75 4 .029 Dynasty EVENLY 16.21 8 .039 Dynasty EASTALLP 8.76 2 .012 Kojak EVENLY 15.81 8 .045 Kojak EASTALLP 7.82 2 .020 Murder She Wrote LEAVE 13.57 6 .035 A-Team LEAVE 18.84 6 .004 Bill Cosby MATURE 16.85 8 .032 Bill Cosby EASTPREF 6.56 2 .038 Falcon Crest POWER 16.66 8 .034 Falcon Crest SINCERE 16.01 8 .042 Falcon Crest EASTPREF 10.47 2 .005 Airwolf POWER 18.56 8 .017 Airwolf WESTPREF 8.59 2 .014 Golden Girls SINCERE 18.82 8 .016 Police Files WESTPREF 7.95 2 .019 Matt Houston EASTALLP 9.62 2 .008 Matt Houston WESTALLP 7.25 2 .027 Hill Street Blues NAMIBIAP 6.13 2 .047 i All these relationships are significant at 0.05 level. 107 to 7% of those who always watched that program who ranked the USSR Allies high. Falcon Crest The viewing of Falcon Crest was a significant factor in relation to three of the dependent variables. In response to the question: you will feel more secure about the future of the world if which country (ies) were to be the strongest world power militarily, 39% of those who alyaya viewed Falcon Crest picked the USSR, 33% picked the Western Countries and, 17% picked Namibia. Only 6% selected the USSR Allies, while 4% selected the Western Allies. On the other hand, of those who algaya watched Falcon Crest, 41% selected the Western countries, 12% the USSR, 23% Namibia, 15% the Western Allies, and only 9% the USSR Allies, as the countries with the most honest citizens. Surprisingly, 49% of those who always watched Falcon Crest ranked the USSR high and only 31% of those who QLQ_QQL watch it at all ranked the USSR high. Disastx Of those who alaaya watched Dynasty 54% believed that the Western countries offer all their citizens the most economic equality compared to 31% of the same group who chose the USSR. Four percent selected the Western Allies, 2% selected Namibia, and only 1% selected the USSR Allies. 108 Also, 95% of those who alaaya watched Dynasty ranked the USSR African Allies low while only 82% of those who did not watch Dynasty at all, ranked the same countries low. Bill Cosby Show In response to the question: if you had a choice, where would you like your family to grow up or to have grown up, of those who alaaya viewed the Bill Cosby Show, 53% chose the Western countries, 34% picked. Namibia, and only 5% selected the USSR. Eight percent selected the Western Allies and only .6% picked the USSR Allies. In general all the respondents ranked the USSR low, but of those who watched the Bill Cosby Show, 54% of those who 74% of those who did not watch it at all. Kojak The viewing of Kojak was a significant factor in how the subjects responded to the question: of all the countries listed which country(ies) offer all their citizens the most economic equality. Sixty-three percent of those who algaya viewed Kojak selected the Western countries, 24% picked the USSR, 7% ‘picked. the Western .Allies, 3% picked. the USSR Allies and 3% picked Namibia. On the other hand. of those who ranked. the Western Allies in Africa high 9% alaaya watched Kojak while 19% did not watch it. 109 Airaglf I~1.w-v-acm Of those who alaaya watched Airwolf 43% responded that they will feel more secure about the future of the world if the USSR were to become the strongest worhd power militarily. Of the same group, 34% selected the Western countries, 13% picked Namibia, 5% picked the Western Allies and 4% the USSR Allies. On the other hand, of those who ranked the Western countries high, 50% alwaya watched Airwolf and 53% did not watch it at all. Matt Houston The viewing of Matt Houston was significantly related to the ranking of both the Western and Eastern Allies in Africa. Of those who ranked the Western Allies high, only 7% all. The same pattern was repeated in the ranking of the Eastern Allies in Africa. As expected only 2% of those who algaya watched Matt Houston ranked the USSR Allies in Africa high, while 14% of those who gave a high rank did not watch Matt Houston at all. Azlfiém Eighty—two percent of those who alaaya watched the A— Team said if they have to immigrate, they will go to the Western countries. Of the same group, only 6% chose the 110 USSR, 11% chose the Western Allies, and only 2% chose the USSR Allies. Golden Girla In response to the question: which country(ies) has the most honest citizens, of those who 8.1.8.837; watched Golden Girls, 60% picked the Western countries, 28% selected Namibia, 8% selected Western Allies, 4% picked the USSR Allies, and nobody selected the USSR. ....a-....-...u~...uu .m- ”are" uuuuuuu The relationship between the viewing of the Jeffersons and the statement: poverty is the fault of the individual him/herself; was exactly the opposite of what was expected. Sixty—six percent of those who alaaya watched the Jeffersons digagreed with the statement, and 20% of the same a... u nu... uol—au‘m-auon - group agraad with the statement. Murder She Wrote When those sampled were asked the question: as a Namibian, if you have to immigrate, which country would you choose; 80% of those who alaaya watched Murder She Wrote, picked the Western countries. Only 8% picked the USSR. Eslipflilsa Overall, the respondents who viewed Police Files, ranked the Western countries low. Of those who ranked the Western countries high, 46% alwaya watched Police Files, unmuou ‘ while 52% did not watch that program at all. 111 Hill Straet BLQES Overall, the respondents who were viewers of Hill Street Blues, ranked Namibia high. Fifty-four of those who gave a high rank alaaya watched that program, while 43% of the high rankers of Namibia did not watch Hill Street Blues at all. ANALYSIS OF RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN THE TRANSFORMED INDEPENDENT VARIABLE AND THE DEPENDENT VARIABLES. The 14 American-produced television programs were combined to create one independent variable that was a measure of the amount of viewing foreign-produced television programs. The transformed independent variable had two categories; low and high viewers of American-produced television programs. (For the procedure followed in the construction of the new independent variable see: Chapter 4; The Independent Variable). Then Chi-square statistics were performed between the transformed independent variable and each of the dependent variables. Significant relationship were found between only two out of the twenty pairs at the 0.05 level of significance. Only those relationships that were significant are discussed here in the text. The full results are presented in Table A-11 in Appendix A. Migaation and Imported Televiaion Overall the Western countries were the most desirable destinations for inmdgration purposes Eur the sample 112 subjects. Even the group that was low viewers of American- produced programs fancied the Western countries. Sixty-nine percent of the low viewers of American-produced programs selected the Western countries, 11% the USSR, 13% the Western Allies, and only 7% selected the USSR Allies as the countries they would like to immigrate to. Of the high viewers of American programs, 81% selected the Western countries, 11% the Western Allies, 7% the USSR, and 2% picked the USSR Allies as the places where they would go, if they had to immigrate. .12.a.pp.e..r._.ri.e.._s.-s_.and..Impo r t ed Te 1 ev i s i on Overall the entire sample believed that the Western countries have the best dressed citizens. Sixty-eight percent of the low viewers of American-made television programs chose the Western countries as those with the best dressed citizens. Twenty—six percent of the same group selected Namibia, 7% the Western Allies, 4% the USSR Allies, and 2% selected the USSR. Among the high viewers of USA-made programs, 77% picked the Western countries, 15% picked Namibia, 3 the USSR, 3% the Western Allies, and 2% picked the USSR Allies as the countries with the best dressed citizens. CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION Discussion As has been reiterated throughout the entire dissertation, the primary objective of the research was to study the effects of American-produced television entertainment programs on Namibians. The data analysis revealed several interesting states of affairs aprgpaa the effects of American-produced television programs on Namibians. In general, Namibians consistently rated and ranked the Western countries higher than the USSR, except on a few items. They were also consonant in rating and ranking the Western Allies in Africa higher than their USSR counterparts. Also, Namibians congruously displayed their patriotism by rating and ranking Namibia higher than the other African countries, in spite of Namibia’s political, economic, and social quandaries. However, when statistical analyses were executed to investigate whether there were significant associations between the viewing of American-produced television programs (the independent variable) and the internalization .of Western values, the rating and ranking of countries (the dependent variables), two important points were unveiled. 113 114 (1) Not all programs affected Namibians significantly. Some programs, even if they were viewed regularly, did not have significant effects on Namibians, as evidenced by the crosstabulations of each program by each dependent variable. (2) Not all domains of Namibians'lives were affected by the viewing of foreign-produced television programs. Even among those programs that had significant effects, their influence was limited. The fact that only a few of the crosstabulations between the independent and each of the dependent variables produced significant associations, substantiates that. When the independent variable was transformed to create two categories of low and high viewers of American-produced television programs, even for the high viewers the effects of foreign television viewing were still confined to certain domains of their lives. For example, there was a significant relationship between high viewing of American-produced programs in general, or the Bill Qgstma_§hga; in particular, and the country Namibians would choose for immigration purposes. On the other hand, even for the high viewers of .American- produced television programs, there was no significant relationship between the viewing of these programs and any of the internalization of Western values variables, or the high ranking of the Western countries. Yet the majority of those sampled, agreed. with some of the statements that expressed Western values, and they also ranked the Western countries high. 115 In essence the data have shown that Namibians are fond of the Western countries, particularly the U.S.A., in spite of the fact that the Reagan administration policy of "constructive engagement" towards Southern Africa, is perceived as an impediment in Namibia’s struggle for independence. I sensed this perception through my numerous informal conversation with Namibians from all walks of life both in Namibia and in exile in the U.S.A., U.K., and West Germany. Similarly, the data have demonstrated that Namibians are more iknml of the Western countries’ African allies than their USSR analogs. Then the critical question that emerged is; if television’s influence is so limited, how then is Namibians’ favorable disposition towards the Western countries abetted? As alluded 1x3 earlier in this paper, "cultural imperialism" is believed to be fostered via multiple avenues, such as music, fashion, books, education, etc... This notion was espoused by Clignet (1971) when he asserted that foreign cultural effects on local cultures and populations might be the result of culture: the machinery, the books, the movies [not merely television] and the curricula which affects indigenous culture. In other words, it is the confrontation with all the facets of the dominant culture, in this case the Western culture, which is transmitted via multiple avenues that foster "cultural imperialism". 116 The results of this research seem to bear out Clignet’s (1971) notion. Namibians’ fondness of the Western countries is probably promoted via many avenues, and television is only one of the many avenues. Television programs have only a small but a significant relationship to Namibians’ fondness for the U.S.A.. Probably, besides the other potential avenues as enumerated by Clignet (1971), the perceived high standard of living in the U.S.A. in itself could also In: a significant contributor towards Namibians’ fondness for the U.S.A.. The results of this study also revealed another interesting finding. Overall all the sampled Namibians watched the American—produced television programs more than the locally-produced programs. But the relatively less educated Namibians watched the action-packed adventure series such as Airgglf and the A;Iaaa, more than the relatively' educated Namibians. Converselyy the relatively educated Namibians watched programs such as Dyaaaay, Ealaga Qaaaa, etc., more than the relatively less educated Namibians. The programs that were watched more by the relatively educated Namibians are culture-specific and use more complex language, being oriented to dialogue not action. To comprehend what is going on on those kind of programs, one needs not only to understand the verbal exchanges, but one also needs to be familiar with the American way of life to an extent. On the other hand, the action-packed adventure 117 series are comparatively easy to comprehend even without understanding the language and without being familiar with the American way of life. In the Namibian context, the ability to understand and speak English is an indication of a high level of formal education and/or of cosmopolitism. Therefore, given that in this study level of formal education was used as an estimate of social class, coupled with the relatively educated Namibians’ preference for programs that require English verbal and comprehension competency and some familiarity with the American way of life to comprehend, the results of this study seem to buttress that "internationalization of the bourgeoisie" notion i.e., the elite and middle class tastes are internationalized because they have more cultural and economic contact with the center nations via the multinational corporations, imported cultural products, travel, education, etc., as espoused by Chilcote, 1984; and Salinas and Paldan, 1979. From a methodological stand point, this research shed some light on several disputatious issues. Historically, many of the traditional researchers have felt that their approach was the only befitting approach to science. By so doing they have arbitrarily, and sometimes arrogantly, discounted the scholarship and experience of a large and growing number of critical scholars from both the LDC’s and developed countries which have focused on the meaning of 118 colonialism and underdevelopment in the national experience of the LDC’s. This study, however, has demonstrated. that critical research is vital in understanding the psychological formation of the LDCs’ citizens and their socio-cultural agenda as they interface with developed countries media. Not only is critical theory important in providing knowledge, it is also important in generating theory. To examine thoroughly the effects of imported mass media on the inhabitants of the LDC’s, scholars should distance themselves from the critical versus the quantitative debate, because there is no scientific logic why both methodologies cannot be used simultaneously. The findings of this study have also validated one of the traditional researchers’ charges against the critical theorists. That accusation being that critical theory is too general in scope. As the results have indicated, not every dependent variable was significantly related to the independent variable. Therefore, it is erroneous to make a sweeping generalization that foreign television viewing in Namibia is related to "cultural imperialism", in spite of the fact that there were some dependent variables that were significantly related to the independent variable. As mentioned earlier in this study, it is important to reiterate here that no causal explanation is implied in this study. The only reasons why the variables were classified as independent and dependent variables was to render them 119 statistically manipulable. It is ac; suggested that the independent variable caused the dependent variable. The statistic that were used in. this study do gag explain causation, they merely demonstrate associations between variables. Therefore, it is conceivable that those Namibians who were high viewers of imported television programs were favorably disposed towards the Western countries to begin with, and this is why they were viewers of American-produced television programs and not vice versa. The examination of causation was beyond the scope of this study. To express categorically the causal relationships between the variables in this study will entail another study that will use different statistics. On the other hand, it is common knowledge that the relationships between the dominant, colonial and dependent colonized nations were unequal in most, if not all spheres, including the area of information. These unequal relationships among nations still exist, albeit in more modern forms and made more complicated by an increasingly sophisticated international information environment. Given the existence of these unequal relationships and the fact that the broadcasting hours of the LDC’s televisions are still filled with imported programs, it is natural to expect the citizens of the LDC’s to exhibit a psychological dependency. Therefore, the study of cultural imperialism", particularly in a former colonial setting, is not a far- 120 fetched enterprise. However, proper delineation of the problem to be investigated is essential. Future Research As state earlier, the results of this study seem to confirm. Clignet’s notions that "cultural imperialism” is fostered through many avenues. Therefore, based on this research empirical evidence, it is plausible to suggest future research in this area. Proceeding on a country to country basis, the first yeoman’s task which awaits scholars in this line of research is to devise holistic or comprehensive research designs that will identify all the possible avenues through which "cultural imperialism" could potentially be fostered. It is important to work on a country to country base, because different countries have different experiences. What might km: a potential conduit. of' ”cultural imperialism" in one country, might not necessarily be as such in another country. The results of this research have also shown that not all domains of the peoples’ lives are affected. by the viewing of foreign-produced television programs. Maybe, those domains that are not influenced by television are influenced by books, education, etc... Therefore, after the potential avenues of "cultural imperialism" have been successfully specified, then additional research should be carried out to single out the avenues that foster the L 121 effects on the various domains of the indigenous peoples’ lives. Another important suggestion, emanating from the ordeal experienced during the data collection stage of this study, goes to the administrators in the LCD’s. I am cognizant of both the manpower and resource shortages that plague most LDC’s, but if those societies advancement is going to be predicated on scientific knowledge, the maintenance of up to par and verifiable records is indispensable. Without these records it is virtually impossible to construct sampling frames, enui without sampling frames id; is impossible to conduct scientific research, particularly in the form of surveys. Contributions of the Study As elaborated in the introductory chapter of this treatise, historically, research done on this subject has been political and ideological in nature. And because of these political overtones, there seemed to be a natural dichotomization of methods according to theory. Usually the traditional researchers used quantitative research methods, while the critical theorists focused on critical analysis. However, studies such as those of Skinner (1984), and Straubhaar (1987) deviated from that mold. These studies demonstrated that in spite of the topic’s political and ideological nature, both quantitative and critical analysis methods, can be used concurrently in the same study. 122 Likewise, the results of this study have illustrated the same point. Earlier studies done on the subject produced contradictory results. Some studies indicated that extensive exposure of the LDC’s citizens to media exports from the metropolitan societies promote "cultural imperialism". Others indicated that the exposure did not have effects, while others indicated that the effects of foreign media programs were only superficial. The results of this study have shown that extensive exposure (A? Namibians to fbreign-produced. television programs is related to "cultural imperialism". But not all programs are significantly related, and those that are significantly related are significant factors in only a limited number of the Namibians’ lives domains. According to Schramm (1967), one of the major exponents of mass media for development, some of the envisaged contributions of the mass media for the LDC’s were the following: (1) To contribute to the feeling of nation-ness. (2) Permit participation in national planning. (3) Prepare people to play their role as a nation among nations. (4) help teach the necessary skills. Given the kind of programs shown on Namibian television one only wonders how the aforementioned anticipated 123 contributions of mass media to development could be realized. Furthermore, if the viewing of programs such as the Bill Cosby Show, Dynasty, etc., is related to Namibians being envious of the Western countries, given the proclaimed anticipated contribution (M? the mass media 1x) development, one could legitimately argue that these programs have "detrimental" effects. Therefore, the government of a future independent Namibia could use the findings of this research as one of the beacons in deciding what kinds of programs to broadcast on television. According to a study by Read (1976), the widespread showing of American-produced programs on most of the LDC’s television is the norm rather than an aberation. A follow-up study by Varis (1985) also showed a similar pattern although some countries had reduced imported programs and a number of countries now imported from countries in their own region. Therefore, given the fact that these kinds of programs may be contributing to Namibians’ fondness for the Western countries, a re-evaluation of the broadcasting policies of the LDC’s, particularly those that attained their political independence recently, is in order. Political emancipation not accompanied by the necessary mental or cultural emancipation does not amount to much more, than the mere hoisting of the national flag - flag independence. Therefore, for the nations which became free ‘L 124 recently, the findings of this research can be used as one of the guides in deciding what to put on television. APPENDICES APPENDIX A CHI-SQUARE TABLES Table A-1. Viewing of USA vs Local TV Prograas by Agegroups. (Proportion Viewing 'soaetiaes' or 'always')1 Prograa’s Haae Agegroups Adolescents Young Adults Adult Older Adults (20 yrs and under) (21-30 yrs) (31-40 yrs) (40 yrs and up) (Base = 199) (80) (28) (33) soaetiaes always soaetiaes always soaetiaes always soaetiwes always Bill Cosby Show 378 538 448 418 328 548 398 428 Golden Girls 338 98 348 68 218 118 308 68 Jeffersons 228 248 268 348 188 508 368 2784 HARP in Cincinnati 278 88 148 138 218 008 368 128* Dynasty 428 408 308 468 218 548 308 558 Falcon Crest 398 338 338 388 298 438 278 338 Hurder She Hrote 358 268 338 298 368 188 158 398 7. J. Hooker 328 388 208 388 218 258 218 488 Kojak 288 308 368 238 328 298 128 528 Hill Street Blues 478 198 398 248 468 78 458 248 Hatt Houston 218 248 248 238 148 328 398 218 Police Files 448 278 408 268 328 398 308 398 A-Ieaa 368 548 298 518 218 548 368 528 Airwolf 248 578 208 458 258 368 368 5288 Nawa Nawa 98 268 18 138 008 008 008 008 Sports .58 78 18 38 008 48 008 68 1 7he Proportion that 'never watch' was owitted, but it is equal to 1008 - 'soaetiaes' 4 'always.‘ 9 Denotes significance at the 0.05 level of significance. 1.255 126 Table A-2. Viewing of USA vs Local TV Programs by Gender. (Proportion Viewing "sometimes" or "always")1 Program’s Name Gender Male Female (Base = 204) (131) sometimes always sometimes always Bill Cosby Show 42% 48% 33% 53% Golden Girls 28% 4% 39% 12%* Jeffersons 24% 30% 24% 27% WKRP in Cincinnati 25% 8% 22% 9% Dynasty 37% 38% 37% 52%8 Falcon Crest 41% 27% 29% 47%8 Murder She Wrote 32% 24% 33% 32% T. J. Hooker 26% 37% 30% 37% Kojak 29% 30% 30% 30% Hill Street Blues 47% 17% 42% 23% Matt Houston 23% 24% 23% 24% Police Files 42% 26% 40% 31% A-Team 34% 55% 34% 49% Airwolf 25% 56% 24% 44% Nawa Nawa 5% 16% 6% 22% Sports .4% 7% .7% 3% 1 The Proportion that "never watch" was omitted, but it is equal to 100% - "sometimes" + "always." 8 Denotes significance at the 0.05 level of significance. 1137' Table A-3. Viewing of USA vs Local TV Prograas by Educational Level. (Proportion Viewing 'soaetiees' or 'always')1 Prograe’s Haae Educational Level Low lnteraediate High (0-4 yrs) (5-12 yrs) (13 year 4) (Base = 8) (303) (17) soaetiaes always soaetiaes always sowetiaes always Bill Cosby Show 508 348 388 508 418 418 Golden Girls 508 138 328 88 188 128 Jeffersons 138 138 258 298 298 358 HKRP in Cincinnati 258 008 248 108 128 68 Dynasty 388 258 378 458 188 418 Falcon Crest 258 008 378 388 128 2488 Hurder She Hrote 388 138 338 288 358 298 7. J. Hooker 138 138 278 408 248 298 Aojak 138 138 288 328 418 68 Hill Street Blues 508 008 448 228 418 68 Hatt Houston 138 008 228 258 298 248 Police Files 138 508 408 308 478 68 A-Teaa 388 258 328 568 478 298 Airwolf 258 258 248 558 298 2488 Hawa Nawa 258 008 58 198 008 008 Sports 008 008 .338 68 008 008 l The Proportion that 'never watch' was oaitted, but it is equal to 1008 - 'soaetiaes' 4 'always.’ 8 Denotes significance at the 0.05 level of significance. 128 Table A-4. Viewing of USA vs Local TV Programs by Educated Abroad. (Proportion Viewing "sometimes" or "always")1 Program’s Name Educated Abroad Yes No (Base = 14) (320) sometimes always sometimes always Bill Cosby Show 36% 43% 38% 50% Golden Girls 21% 14% 33% 8% Jeffersons 21% 43% 24% 28% WKRP in Cincinnati 29% 00% 24% 9% Dynasty 21% 50% 37% 44% Falcon Crest 21% 36% 36% 35% Murder She Wrote 43% 14% 33% 27% T. J. Hooker 14% 29% 28% 38% Kojak 21% 43% 29% 30% Police Files 64% 7% 39% 30% A-Team 36% 36% 33% 54% Airwolf 43% 14% 23% 54%8 Hill Street Blues 64% 00% 44% 21% Matt Houston 50% 7% 22% 25%* Nawa Nawa 00% 7% 5.3% 19% Sports 00% 00% .7% 6% 1 The Proportion that "never watch" was omitted, but it is equal to 100% - "sometimes" + "always." 8 Denotes significance at the 0.05 level of significance. 11229 L ..m>~s~.. + .aocaso.om. . wood a» -=uo mo.w»o-om u .ao-om a“ aw uza .uOuuw-o «an .:0u~s uo>ocu can» caduaonoLa 02— _ woo as“ new «on woo «mm and "mu amw «co «mu «mm «a «mm poo «mm woo no «sq ann one and p~v «mm and «nu «ma um. «mm poo o- qu woo anN no. «on "ma u—n woo nun "nu «an an“ «on and «mm poo «No «co no nnm «g» «o. and «on um— am— am“ «on "an unw «mm «on umN woo woo «mu «on «on am~ woo «om «mu woo «an «ms no: umN use «on woo poo pee «on new «co «co— «om «mu «ms «on noo poo «cm «mu umw «mu an. new uou unv poo uau «cu new a.“ «am an. u.~ a.“ «co «an ace «co usm u_~ «am »_~ «on «me ads od~ «hm «fin mom «on u—s an. woo an «me «mm awn and no awn "av and a“. u_‘ «ed «on avg «on «co an av“ «NN «Nu unu «N» anN "RN non no "RN «as and u~n "N” a. «~— no. «am new nod no— umn non non «cw "mm a". «mm as no. poo “N «N» «mu «mm «mm no. a- no~ new new «QN nod unN won as» no u_~ n~m «on uNn umu «cu «em «on «em «cm an. no pun no new woo on «Na umn ad. «ad «av udn u- awn «on "on new new nun «an “steam use: «an: asogasc .ao»-¢ moswm cusses saunas: use: noasm “macaw as”: x.no‘ Luxooz .n .— osocs gem Locus: “no.0 ceased >amacaa assesso=ao as age: «camcoaaoa uses“ cause“ seem assoc Adam m>~x~m .uo-om m>mx- .uo-om mxmxfia .uo-om m>~x~m .uo-om m>a3~a .uc-om mxmxda .uo-om m>as~a .uo-om «as. 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A.ss Anne ANN. lass .a- n ”was. meccao cuuecw smegma“ meaaxgaac auaz\~.-ao oa-mso cacao: amusoeas nueoam «sax «sag asoscac .aop-¢ mo~aa oos_oa coamzoz “as: uo=~o .ooeam -wz seas. Logos: .» .— oLOL: new Loves: Emacs ceased Namsc>a Ns~==_oeso es aux: mesmeoaao» macaw seesaw scam Nance -_o o-qz m.-Lmo.a «A.m>~:-. Lo .mo.asu.om. meanow> ecaueoao.a. .ooaamcmL Na m.memo_a >~ -oos m> «m: as meszuw> .e-< magma 131 Table A-7. Viewing of USA vs Local TV Programs by Family Ties. (Proportion Viewing "sometimes" or "always")1 Program’s Name Family Ties Urban Rural (Base = 176) (161) sometimes always sometimes always Bill Cosby Show 41% 49% 36% 48% Golden Girls 34% 10% 29% 6% Jeffersons 25% 35% 23% 21%* WKRP in Cincinnati 28% 7% 19% 11% Dynasty 34% 49% 39% 38% Falcon Crest 35% 41% 37% 28%* Murder She Wrote 32% 30% 34% 24% T. J. Hooker 29% 40% 25% 35% Kojak 32% 32% 25% 28% Hill Street Blues 47% 21% 42% 17% Matt Houston 26% 25% 19% 24% Police Files 39% 31% 42% 25% A-Team 36% 53% 30% 54% Airwolf 26% 55% 23% 48% Nawa Nawa 5% 21% 6% 16% Sports 1% 7% 00% 4% 1 The Proportion that "never watch" was omitted, but it is equal to 100% - "sometimes" + "always." 8 Denotes significance at the 0.05 level of significance. 132 Table A-8. Viewing of USA vs Local TV Programs by Friends Ties. (Proportion Viewing "sometimes" or "always")1 Program’s Name Friends Ties Urban Rural (Base = 283) (53) sometimes always sometimes always Bill Cosby Show 36% 53% 51% 32%8 Golden Girls 33% 10% 25% 00%8 Jeffersons 23% 33% 28% 8%* WKRP in Cincinnati 25% 10% 19% 4% Dynasty 34% 46% 47% 38% Falcon Crest 34% 37% 43% 21% Murder She Wrote 33% 28% 30% 23% T. J. Hooker 28% 37% 25% 36% Kojak 30% 32% 19% 25%: Hill Street Blues 46% 19% 42% 21% Matt Houston 23% 27% 21% 13% Police Files 40% 29% 47% 26% A-Team 33% 53% 38% 51% Airwolf 24% 51% 26% 53% Nawa Nawa 6% 19% 4% 13% Sports .7% 5% 00% 9% 1 The Proportion that "never watch" was omitted, but it is equal to 100% - "sometimes" + "always." * Denotes significance at the 0.05 level of significance. 1.313 Table A-9. Viewing of USA vs Local TV Prograas by Heating People frow other Countries. (Proportion Viewing 'sowetiaes' or 'always')1 Prograa's Haae fleeting People Free Other Countries Frequently Sporadically lever (Base = 82) (144) (103) soaetiaes always soaetiaes always soaetiaes always Bill Cosby Show 348 518 438 488 368 498 Golden Girls 338 138 328 88 298 48 Jeffersons 248 338 228 338 98 68 HKRP in Cincinnati 298 108 238 88 228 108 Dynasty 338 488 398 428 368 478 Falcon Crest 288 418 428 358 348 328 Hurder She Hrote 398 228 338 268 298 338 T. 3. Hooker 338 388 268 358 258 428 kojak 348 358 308 278 248 318 Hill Street Blues 418 228 488 208 438 178 Hatt Houston 268 288 248 228 198 278 Police Files 408 288 498 278 318 308* A-Teaa 268 548 388 558 308 5284 Airwolf 178 518 318 498 238 568 Hawa Hawa 28 158 88 188 48 238 Sports 18 78 008 58 18 68 1 The Proportion that 'never watch' was oaitted, but it is equal to 1008 - 'soaetiaes' 4 'always.’ 8 Denotes significance at the 0.05 level of significance. 134 Table A-10. Viewing of USA vs Local TV Programs by Travel Abroad. (Proportion Viewing "sometimes" or "always")1 Program’s Name Travel Abroad Yes No (Base = 109) (225) sometimes always sometimes always Bill Cosby Show 38% 50% 39% 49% Golden Girls 34% 9% 31% 8% Jeffersons 26% 36% 23% 26% WKRP in Cincinnati 23% 10% 25% 8% Dynasty 29% 52% 40% 40% Falcon Crest 28% 46% 40% 30%! Murder She Wrote 35% 28% 32% 27% T. J. Hooker 27% 35% 28% 39% Kojak 31% 30% 28% 31% Hill Street Blues 45% 17% 45% 20% Matt Houston 29% 23% 19% 25% Police Files 37% 26% 43% 29% A-Team 29% 58% 35% 51% Airwolf 24% 46% 24% 55% Nawa Nawa 4% 13% 6% 21% Sports 1% 4% 00% 7% 1 The Proportion that "never watch" was omitted, but it is equal to 100% - "sometimes" + "always." 8 Denotes significance at the 0.05 level of significance. 135 TABLE A-11. Chi-square Values between Transformed Independent Variable and The Dependent Variables. Independent Dependent X2 d.f. Significance Variable Variable Level Westview RICH .436 2 .804 Westview NUCLEAFA 4.20 2 .121 Westview POVERTY 2.70 2 .259 Westview BESTFRND 2.56 2 .278 Westview MONEY 6.84 4 .145 Westview MODERN 1.39 3 .707 Westview SINCERE 3.19 4 .526 Westview JOLLY .707 4 .950 Westview LEAVE 9.37 3 .025 8 Westview MATURE 1.70 4 .790 Westview POWER 2.86 4 .580 Westview INAFRICA 1.35 1 .244 Westview GRAFICA 232 2 .891 Westview SMART 10.93 4 .027 8 Westview EVENLY .955 4 .917 Westview WESTPREF .046 1 .831 Westview EASTPREF .548 1 .459 Westview WESTALLP 2.48 1 .115 Westview EASTALLP 3.61 1 .057 Westview NAMIBIAP .030 1 .862 8 denotes significance at the 0.05 level APPENDIX B THE STUDY’S QUESTIONNAIRE 1 ) 22) 3.) 4 ) 5’) 6') 7 ) £3) 9) 1.() ) 1 1_) 1.23) 1.53) 14) QEMQQRAPHIQMMARIMELES I'D. Gender: (1) Male (2) Female Age: What is your marital status? (1) single (2) married (3) divorce (4) widowed Do you have any children (1) yes (2) no If yes, how many What is your level of formal education? none 1 - 4 yrs. completed primary some high school completed high school some university bachelors degree graduate degree AAAAAAAA mud-impure.- vvvvvvvv Name of school Have you been educated abroad? (1) yes _______ (2) no If yas, where? What is your occupation? (1-3) (4) (5-6) (7) (8) (9-10) (11) (12) (13) (14-15) (16) Whom do you work for? What is your religion? What language do you speak at home? (17) (18) (19) How long have you been living in the city? years months 136 (20-24) 137 215) Where are most of your family members? (1) city ______ts (2) rural area (25) 216) Where are most of your friends? (1) city (2) rural area (26) 117) How often do you meet people from other countries? (27) (1) frequently (2) sporadically (3) not al all 1E3) Have you ever traveled outside Namibia? (28) (1) yes ________ (2) no If 39, skip 19 and 20 If yaa, answer 19 and 20. 159) If yaa, which countries did you visit and how long did you stay in each country? If more than five, list only five countries where you spent the longest time. (29-48) CountryV1_81ted I,ime._.spe t -1.in..-.monthsl u .-.-.a-un.u.~.~. (a) (b) (o) (d) (e) 20 J When you traveled abroad, did you go on a guided tour? (1) yes (2) no (49) 21) 22) 23) 24) 25) 26) 27) 28) 138 MEDIALUSAQEMANDLAIIIIUDINAL_¥AEIA§LE§ How often do you read newspapers? (50) (1) everyday (3) seldom (2) once a week (4) never How often do you listen to the radio? (51) (1) everyday (3) seldom (2) once a week (4) never Which radio stations do you listen to? (52) (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) Which medium do you use for reliable News? (53) (1) newspaper (4) interpersonal (2) radio communication (3) television (5) other What medium affects your ideas the most about what to wear? (54) (1) newspaper (4) interpersonal (2) radio communication (3) television (5) other What medium affects your ideas most about what to purchase? (55) (1) newspaper (4) interpersonal (2) radio communication (3) television (5) other DO you have a working television in your home? (56) (1) yes _____a_ (2) no If you do not have a television in your home, do you have access to a working television? (57) (1) yes _______ (2) no 29) 30) 31) 32) 33) 34) 35) 36) 37) 38) 39) 40) 41) 42) 43) 44) 45) 46) 47) 48) Now here is a list of entertainment programs shown regularly on Namibia television. 139 Indicate how much you watch each program or whether you do not watch it al all. Programlname Golden Girls Jeffersons Dynasty Falcon Crest T.J. Hooker Kojak Matt Houston Police File A-Team Airwolf Kissinglflahits (1)not at all (2)sometimes (3)always Bill Cosby Show WKRP in Cincinnati Murder she Wrote Hill Street Blues (58) (59) (60) (61) (62) (63) (64) (65) (66) (67) (68) (69) (70) (71) (72) (73) (74) (75) (76) (77) 49) Of all programs on the list, which program tells you the most about how to deal with problems in your daily life? (78-79) 50) 51) 52) 53) 54) 55) 56) 57) £58) 80) 140 Many programs show appealing lifestyles. What program on the list presents a life style that you would most want to follow? (80—81) Many programs, some people say, show them proper values to live by. Which program on the list best shows you the proper values to live by? (82-83) Some people say that some programs portray objectionable values. Which program on the list portrays values you do not like? (84-85) Some people say that many programs tells them what items to purchase. What program on the list best shows you what items to purchase? (86-87) Which program on the list, do you trust to represent a realistic picture of life in America? (88-89) For the following statements indicate whether you agree or disagree with each statement. The images conveyed by most of the listed programs portray life accurately in America. (90) (1)disagree (2)neutral (3)agree The main goal of life is to be financially comfortable (91) (1)disagree (2)neutral (3)agree A family with father, mother, and young children but no other relatives in the house is preferable. (92) (1)disagree (2)neutral (3)agree Poverty is the fault of the individual him/herself and the government has no obligation to assist him/her. (93) (1)disagree (2)neutral (3)agree The best friends to have are those who (94) (1) are financially well-off (2) are genuine and moralistic (3) have known for a long time How well do you understand the television broadcasts done in English? (95) (1) good (2) poor (3) not at all 61) 62) 63) 64) E55) 141 Besides the language, how well do you follow the programs by just watching the picture? (96) (1) good (2) poor (3) not at all If you do not understand the programs, does someone interpret them for you? (97) (1) yes _______. (2) no If yes, who? (98) PROVIDED IS A LIST OF COUNTRIES Angola Botswana Namibia Mozambique Soviet Union (Russia) United Kingdom (England) United States of America (USA) Zambia AAAAAAAA ooqoscnposmw vvvvvvvv Now I am going to ask you to rate these countries on several dimension. Of all the countries listed, which country offer all its citizens the most economic equality? (99) As a Namibian, if you were to immigrate, which country on the list (excluding Namibia) would you like to go to? (100) If you first choice is a non-African country, if you have to choose an African country, which one from the list would you choose for immigration purposes? (101) If you had a choice, where would you like your family to grow up or the have grown up? (102) If your first choice is a non-African country, which African country from the list would you choose, if you have to choose an African country? (103) You will feel more secure about the future of the world if which country from the list, were to be the strongest would power militarily? (104) 68) 69) 70) 71) 72) 142 Which country on the list would you prefer to become the undisputed leader in the world economically? (105) If Namibia is to become a truly developed country, which country on the list, does Namibia need most as a friend? (106) Which country on the list, has the most honest citizens? (107) Which country on the list, has the happiest citizens? (108) Which country on the list, has the best dressed citizens? (109) Consider the following ladder. Imagine that step 10 represents the overall best country in the world, and step 1 the overall worst country in the world. 10 <_:-—_ 73) 74) 75) 76) 77) 78) 79) 80) 143 Using any number between 1 and 10, indicate where you would rank the countries on the list. You may use the same number more than once. Angola Botswana Namibia Mozambique Soviet Union (Russia) United Kingdom (England) U.S.A. Zambia (110-111) (112-113) (114—115) (116-117) (118-119) (120-121) (122-123) (124-125) APPENDIX C AFRIKAANS VERSION OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE DEMOGRAFIESE VARIASIES. 17 ID ------ (1_3) 2) Geslag: (1) Menlik -------- (2) Vroulik --------- (u) 5) Cuderdom: I ------------ (5.6) 4) Wat is jou huweliks staat? (7) (1) enkel --------- 2) getroud ---------- ' 3 Geskei ---------- 4),weduwee ----------- 5) Eat u kinders (8) (I) Ja ------------- (2) Nee - — 6) Indian Ja, Hoeveel ------------ (9-10) 7) Wat is die standaard van u formele onderwys? (II) (I geen ----------- (2 1 - 4 jaar ----------- (3 voltooi primereskool ---------- (4) bietjie hoerskool _ ----------- (5) voltooi hoerskool - ----------- (6; bietjie universiteit ----------- (7 bachelors graad ----------- (8) volwaardige greed ------------- 8) Naam van skool ------------- - — — (12) 9) Eat u eniae opleiding in die buiteland ontvang? (I) Ja ---------- (2)Nee ---------- (13) Indie: Ja, Waar ----- - ------- (14-15) 10) Wat is u huidige beroep? ---------------- (16) 11) Vir wie werk u? ------------------------- (17) 72) Wat is u geloof? ------ — -------------- (18) 13) Wetter taal gebruik u by die huis? -- (19) 14) Vir hoe lank woon jy in die stad? ------------ Aantal Jars --------- Haande -------- (20-24) 15) Wear bevind meeste van u familie lede? (1) stad -— —— (2) platteland ----------- (25) 16) Wear bevind meeste van u friends? _ ' (1) Seed ------------ (2) Platteland - - (26) 17) Hoe gereeld ontmoet u mense van ander lande? (27) (I) Dikwels ------------- (2) 5? en toe ----------- (3) Joe genaamd nie --------- 18) Rat u ooit besoek buite Namibia afgele? (28) (I) Ja -------- (2) Nee ----------- 1n dien nee last no. 19 en 20 uit. Indien Ja aanteoord 19 en 20. 144 19) 20) 21) 22) 25) 24) 25) 26) 27) 28) 145 Indian 1a, wetter lende bet u besoek, en vir hoe lenk bet a dear gebly As dit meer as vyf is, noem net vyr weer u die langete gebiy hot. .48 29 Lande beeoek 21d gespendeer (in meende) 3 _ _ 3 > 7 ' - - - - 1 SI Toe u besoek ergele het een die buitelend, was dit op n voorligtingtoei (1) Ja -------------- (2) - — —- (49) MELIA GEBRUIKE EN HCUDING VARIASIES. Hoe nereeld lees u koerente? (50) (I) deegliks ------- (3) selde ---------- (2) eenkeer per week ------- (4) nooit ......... Hoe dikwels luiter u na die Radio? (51) (I) dagliks -------- (3) golde .......... (2) eenkeer per week ------- (4) nooit -2 ...... Na wetter Radio stasies luister u greeg? (52) (I) --— ......... (2) — ----------- (5) —— ------- - ------ (a) ........................ (5) ----------------- - ----- Wetter nuusmedia gebruik u vir betroubare nuus? (53) (I) koerant ----------- (a) interpersoonlike kommunikasie ...... (2) Radio ----------- (S) endere ----------------- (5) televisie -------- Wetter nuusmedia het groot invloed op u opvetting oor wat u eantgek? 54 (I) koerent ------- (4)interpersoonlike komminikasie ---------- (2) Radio ------ Z (5) endere -— (5) televisie --- ------- Wetter nuusmedie beinvloed u gedagtes grootliks oor wat u eenkoo ? — 55 (I) koerant ------ (4)interpersoon1ike kommunikesie--- -------- (2) radio ------- (S) endere— ——— (3) television -------------- Hat u n televisie stel wet werk in u huis? (56) (1) Ja ------ ----- (2) Nee ------ ' ------ As u nie n televisie het nie, bet u toeganz tot ene wattwet werk? (I) Ja ----------------- (2) Nee ------------- 146 Under vind u n lys van vermeaklikheids programme soos dit op teIGVisie in Namibia vertoon word: dui ean hoe ver u elke wen kyk of nie kyk nie. NAAH VAN PROGRAAM. KYK GEWOONTES. (I)Hoegenaemd nie (2)somtyds (3) eltyd 29) Bill Cosby Show --------- ------ -----—--- (58) 30) Golden Girls - _ (59) 51) Jeffersons __ __ __ __ (60) 32) WKRP in Cincinnati ___ (61) 33) Dynasty _ __ __ (62) 34) Falcon Crest (63) 35) Murder she Wrote _ (64) 36) T. J. Hooker ___‘__a (65) 37) Kojak (66) 58) Hill Street Blues _“_~ , (67) 39) Matt Houston __ _________ _ __ (68) 40) Police File _,__:__7,__ --------- (69) 91) A—Team . _____ (70) 42) Airwolf .___"_ _ ea: (71) 43) --------------------------- == - ----- ~--- (72) an) ---------------------------- —— — (73) 45) -- — l -------- I ------ __ ——— (74) 45) -------------- —- -—-- H ——— (75) as) --------------------- l ------- _ L i (76) 47> -------------------------------- Z ------------ (77) 48) -------------- ——- -— (78) “9) Van dic genoemde programme, wetter een vertcl u meer oor hoe u probleme ken aanpak in u daeglikse laws? (79) 50) Baie programme vertoon aantreklike lewenstyl een. Wetter program op die lys verteenwoordig n lewensstyl wet u meesel sou volg----(80—81) S1) Baie programme, toon die regte weerde wearvolgens n mens ken leef se sommine menae. Wetter procreem op die lye wys u die geskikte weerde om dearvolgens te leer? ------------ (82-83) Sonmige mense voerean dat sonmige programme eenstootlike waerde uitbeeld. Wetter programme op die lys beeld dit uit? ---------- 484-85) 53) Sonmige mense se det baie programme hulls eanspoor wetter items om een te koop. Wetter program op die lys wys u die beste ean wet om aan te koop?-—— (86-87) 147 5(1) Wetter progreem op die lys. vertronudet dit die were beeld van die laws in lmerike aendui? ------- — (88-89) Vir die volgende atellings dui een of u seem stem met die stalling of ad 55) Die beeld oorgedra deur meeste van die programme op die lye beeld die lewe in Amerike noukeurig een. (90) (I) stem nie seem nie ----- (2) neutreel ------- (5) stemsaam ----- ~ 56) Die hoof doel van die lewe is on finanseel gemaklik te wees (91) (I)stem nie seam nie ------ (2)neutreel -------- (3)8tem seem -------- 57) N Kuisgesin met veder, moeder en jonk kinders, meer geen ander verwantes is verkieslik. (92) (I)stem nie seem nie ------- (2) Neutreel----(3) stemseam ...... 58) Armoede is die idividu se eie font en die regering het geen verpligting om hom te help. (93) (I) stem nie seem ---------- (2) neutraal ------- (3) stem seam ------ 59) Die beste friende om te he is die wet (94) (I) finenseel beter deernatoe is (2) eg an moralisties is (3) bekend is vir n lengtyd 60) Hoe goed versteen u die televisie uitsending wet in Engels gedoen word? (I) goed -------- (2) swek ----------- (3) toteel nie --------- - 61) Behalwe die teal, hoe vole u die programme deur net ne die beeld te kyk (I) goed-é------(2) swak ---------- (3) totael nie—— 62) As u die programme nie verstaan nie, is deer iemend wet u help? (97) CI) Je ---------- (2) Nee— — 63) Indian 3e, wie?; --------------------- (98) HIERONDER VOIG N LYS VAN.LANDE. (I) Angola 2 Botswana 55; Namibia 4 Mozambique (5 Ruslend (6 Amerike (7 Engeland (8) Zambia U word nou gevra om hierdie lande volgens skael op onderskeie omvang (dimensie) te pleas. 64) Van die lande genoem wetter een bied e1 hear burgers die mees ekonomies gelykheid? ---------- (99) 65) As n Namibieen, indien u sou emigreer (die lend uitgeen) na wetter land op die lys sal u greag gaen (los Namibia uit)? ------------ (100) 148 is u ecrste keuse n land buite Afrika is. on u nou n land in Afrika moet uitkies, wetter een sou u vir hierdie doel gekies bet? ----- -(101) 66) As u n Reuse sou he, waar sou u graag u gesin laat op groei of laat opgegroei bet? ------ - (102) As u eerste keuse n land buite Afrika is. wetter Afrika-land 0p die lys sou u gekies het? --------------- ' ----------- (103), 67) U eel meer veilig voel oor die toekoms van die wereld indien wetter land volgens die lys die sterkste op die militere gebied sou wees? - (104) 68) Wetter land op die lvs sou u verkies om ongetwvfeld leiding te neem op die ekonomiese gebied in die wereld? — ———- ------ (105) 69) .15 Namibia n ontwikkelende lend sou word, wetter land op die lys sou Lemibia die meeste benodig as n vriend? --- — ——— (106) 70) Wetter lend op die lys bet die meeste eerlike burgers? -------- (107) 71) wetter land op die lys het die gelukkizste burgers? ----------- (108) 72) setter lend op die lys se burgers is die beste geklee9 --------- (109) Skenk u aandeg ean die volgende leer (treppe), neem ean det step 10 oor die elgemeen die beste land verteenwoordig en step 1 die slegste land in die wereld. i — _1 O 'wvv'v cwmsfim‘o vvvvvv NW vvvvvvvvv'v Gebruik enige nommer tussen 1 en 10.. dui aen by wetter rang u die lands op die lys sou plaes. 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