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An Investigation Of The Effects Of Global Education
On The Attitudes Of High School Students

presented by

Michael Joseph Yocum

has been accepted towards fulfillment
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AN INVESTIGATION OF THE EFFECTS OF GLOBAL EDUCATION ON THE
ATTITUDES OF HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS

by

Michael Joseph Yocum

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Teacher Education

1988

ABSTRACT

AN INVESTIGATION OF THE EFFECTS OF A GLOBAL EDUCATION
PROGRAM ON THE ATTITUDES OF HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS

BY

Michael Joseph Yocum

The effect of 21 global education program (n1 the
nationalist/globalistic attitudes (n5 high school students
constitutes the focus of this study. Specifically, the
attempt has been to assess whether participation in a global
education course: can increase global. mindedness without
adversely affecting appreciation of CHMBHS own nation. In
addition, the study sought to uncover predictors of global
mindedness and classroom level variables which contributed to
increased globalistic thinking.

A pretest-posttest control group design was utilized.
The sample was drawn from four high schools which were
selected on the basis of program characteristics and
demographic factors. Within each school, students enrolled
in global education courses were compared tx> a sample of
students in social studies courses which did not have an
explicit international content.

The flEuflJL_Affair§_‘Analysi§_ (Joyce, .Alleman, Little,
1987), was used to measure global mindedness. In order to
assess the student's appreciation of their own country, the
WM (Thurstone, 1932) was

administered. In addition, the students' perception of

relevant classroom environmental factors was measured with a
researcher-developed index.

Multiple regression and t-tests were used to identify
predictors of global mindedness, and test the hypothesis that
global education could increase global mindedness, without
decreasing appreciation of one's own country.

Gender, level of patriotism and foreign language
instruction were identified as predictors of globalistic
thinking. Global education was not found to affect either
the level of global mindedness or the level of patriotism of
the student. However, there was indication that global
mindedness increased in those classrooms in which open
discussion (ME controversial issues occurred, and students

felt free to express their opinions.

To Jeannie
for all your love and support

iv

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I owe a great deal to all the individuals who have
assisted me throughout my graduate career, and in the comple—
tion of this project. First, I must thank Dr. Stan Wronski
who initially urged me to pursue an advanced degree. His
unwavering belief in the power of social education as one
means to a more just society has been, and will continue to
be, an inspiration to me. I have also been fortunate to have
the guidance and wise counsel of a select group of profes-
sional educators includingu Cass. Gentry, Janet .Alleman,
Timothy Little and especially Irv Lehmann, who has been
particularly helpful. Each of them has challenged my
thinking, not allowing me to be content with simplistic
conclusions.

I am especially grateful to Bill Joyce and John Suehr,
two individuals who have been a constant source of support
throughout the past six years. I have benefitted not only
from Bill's wisdom, but also his encouragement during those
periods when the goal seemed too distant and unsure; and I
will always be in debt to John for providing me with a vision
of what schools can be.

Many people have willingly given of themselves in time

and effort to help me complete this manuscript. To Carrie

Zahm for carefully transcribing hours of taped interviews; to
Kurt Snyder and John Yocum for painstaking editing of the
numerous drafts, to Janice Snyder for assisting with the
compilation of data, and to Joe Yocum for providing his
expertise with the computer, I give special thanks. I also
wish to recognize the support and encouragement of Tim Yocum,
Jim Yocum, Helen Yocum, and Marian Weber. No one, however,
has contributed as substantially as Tom Yocum. I feel
especially fortunate that I was able to experience with him
the "rigors" of graduate education. His insight and advice
have been invaluable, but I am most grateful for his friend-
ship. He "owns" more of this work than he knows.

To my parents, Bruce and Mary Helen Yocum I wish to
express rm] deepest gratitude. Accomplishing anything of
worth in this life takes courage and love, and they have
taught me both through their example.

With all the assistance I received in completing this
manuscript, it would not have been enough without the help of
my wife, Jeanne. She selflessly lent her assistance at every
stage of tflua project through. typing, organizing' notes,
compiling data and editing. But her most valuable contribu-
tion has been her ideas, for not only is she a wonderful wife

and friend, she is an educator whom I respect highly.

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ......................................... vii
LIST OF FIGURES ........................................ ix
CHAPTER 1: Introduction ................................ 1
Statement of the Problem .......................... 2
Goals of Global Education ...................... 4
Patriotism and Nationalism ..................... 6
The Conflict Between Content and Affect ........ 7
The Conflict of Multiple Loyalties ............. 11
Purpose of the Study .............................. 13
Hypotheses ........................................ 14
Definition of Terms ............................... 14
Significance of the Study ......................... 16
Assumptions and Limitations of the Study .......... 17
CHAPTER 2: Review of the Related Literature ............ 19
Frameworks for Organizing International
Education ......................................... 19
National Identity and Attitudes Toward
Other Nations ..................................... 27
Orientations Toward International Processes ....... 36
Impact of Schooling on Attitudes Toward
World Affairs ..................................... 48
Summary ........................................... 62
CHAPTER 3: Methodology ................................. 64
Sample ............................................ 65
Small Town High ................................ 67
Suburban High .................................. 69
Private High ................................... 71
Urban High ..................................... 72
Instrumentation ................................... 73
World Affairs Analysis ......................... 73
Attitude Toward Patriotism Scale ............... 78
Classroom Environment Index .................... 79
Treatment ......................................... 80
Small Town High ................................ 82
Private High ................................... 83
Suburban High .................................. 85
Urban High ..................................... 86

vii

Procedures ........................................
The Variables .....................................
Data Analysis .....................................

CHAPTER 4: Results .....................................

Hypothesis One ....................................
Hypothesis Two ....................................
Hypothesis Three ..................................
Hypothesis Four ...................................
Hypothesis Five ...................................
Summary ...........................................

CHAPTER 5: Summary for Conclusions and Suggestions
for Research ................................

The Predictors of Global—Mindedness ...............
The Effects of Global Education on Patriotism .....
The Effect of Global Education on Global-

Mindedness ........................................
Implications for Curriculum Planning ..............
Implications for Future Research ..................

APPENDIX ...............................................

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...........................................

viii

87
89
90

98

102
103
109
113
120
122

125

125
129

131
135
137
142

144

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. Factor Loadings on Student Questionnaire ..... 81

Table 2. Item Analysis of Classroom
Discussion Index ............................. 82

Table 3. Regression Equation Predicing WAA

Pretest Scores ............................... 98
Table 4. Percentage of Neutral, National,

Global Response by Gender .................... 101
Table 5. Mean Scores on the ATPS ...................... 102
Table 6. Comparison of Gain Scores on the ATPS

for Treatment and Control Groups ............. 103
Table 7. A Comparison of Mean Scores on the WAA

by Condition and Gender ...................... 105
Table 8. Regression on WAA Posttest Scores ............ 108
Table 9. Scores on the Ten Problems on the WAA

by Condition ................................. 110
Table 10. WAA Scenarios Divided by the Favored

Solution ..................................... 111
Table 11. Difference Scores on the Ten WAA

Problems ..................................... 112
Table 12. Test of Hypothesis Five ...................... 113
Table 13. Scores on the CDI by Clasrooms ............... 115

Table 14. High, Medium and Low Group Means
on the CDI ................................... 116

Table 15. Effects of High, Moderated, Low
Discussion on Global—Mindedness .............. 118

Table 16. Mean Scores on ATPS Postest for Low,
Moderate and High Open Classrooms ............ 119

Table 17. ANCOV on Posttest ATPS Scores by
Level of Classroom Openness .................. 120

ix

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1. Treatment and Control Groups by Gender ....... 68
Figure 2. Distribution of Mean Scores on the ATPS ...... 104
Figure 3. Distribution of Mean Scores on the WAA ....... 107

CHAPTER 1
Introduction

In 1928 educational historian, Thomas Woody, delivered a
paper to educators at the lannual Schoolman's Week in
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. The presentation caused such an
uproar that the Veterans of Foreign Wars and the Philadelphia
County Council requested the Governor of Pennsylvania to
"take such measures as to prevent a continuance of such
evils" (Woody 1928). The thrust of the speech follows:

It requires no exercise of imagination to see that

nationalism has become the religion of the schools.

As the schools of the Church were charged to beware

of philosophy and grammar, as at least unnecessary,

and as many thought inimical to the welfare of

Christ's regent on Earth, so the schools of the

nation have been zealously guarded against alleged

subversive subjects" (p. 100).

Woody argued that the conservative function of education
was dominating modern schooling just as it had in the world
of Christendom in medieval Europe. The only difference was
that while the earlier education existed to support the
interests of the Church, modern education serves the
interests of the state. Due to this "nationalism" of U.S.
schools, Woody felt students were run: being sufficiently

prepared for a world which was exceedingly more interdepen-

dent.

The backlash caused by Woody's paper should not surprise
us in 1988. Modern proponents of school programs collective-
ly referred to as global education share some of the same
ideas as Woody and have also been subject to similiar
criticism and controversy (Jaschik 1983, 13). These contro-
versies are rooted in difficult questions about the nature of
citizenship in the modern age. What is the focus of our
rights and obligations and to what community, if any, do we

owe our allegiance?

WW

Social studies educators have regarded the development
of citizenship as a major focus of their discipline (Barr,
Barth, and Shermis, 1977). The National Council of the Social
Studies (NCSS), the leading professional organization in its
field, states in its curriculum guidelines that "the basic
goal of social studies education is to prepare young people
in) be humane, rational, participating citizens in.aa world
that :n; becoming increasingly interdependent" (NCSS 1985
266). Further, in its document "Essentials of Social
Studies," the NCSS (1981) declares

...citizenship participation in public life is
essential to the health of our democratic system.
Effective social studies programs help prepare
young people who can identify, understand and work

to solve the problems that face our increasingly
diverse nation and interdependent world" (p. 1).

It is readily evident that the NCSS is not narrowing its
conception of citizenship to the nation-state, but in fact is
advocating 21 global View of citizenship. This is xxx: a
recent development. Day (1987) reviewed the hflfifiL_JQnrnal
Social_fidn§atign from its inception, in 1932, and concluded
that global education has received consistent support.
Despite this apparent consensus among leaders of the NCSS,
others have suggested that the notion of promoting "global"
citizenship as a goal for the social studies curriculum may
conflict with.tflna promotion of national citizenship (e.g.
Battistoni, 1985; Janowitz, 1983).

Education is a major agent for the transmission of the
values and beliefs which hold a society together and provide
it with a common identity and purpose. If global education
is to receive broad based support, questions about its
effects on this process must be considered. Shukar (1983),
has argued that this :hs one reason global education has
received little support in the United States.

The purpose and direction of formal education in

every society is a function of the ideals, values

and behaviors that each society seeks to perpetu-

ate. Schools serve as a means for social reproduc-

tion and the school curriculum is often no more

than a reflection of the dominant social, economic

and, political value structure. Schools and

curricula change, but generally only in response to

major value shifts in the society at large. Educa-

tion is a reactive system, dependent on external

forces and events to guide it. It is for these

reasons, more than any others, that global perspec-

tives education has had only minimal impact on the
schools (p. 92).

211W

Those involved in global education have struggled to
reach consensus on definition and goals, but one assumption
is left unquestioned. That is, "better understanding of the
world and its people will bring us considerably closer to a
better and more just world—one that is more stable and
cooperative, and less divided by conflict and hostility"
(NCSS, 1987, 245). The rationale for this viewpoint is based
on the concept of interdependence which Kobus (1985) claimed
is the one concept central to all definitions of global
education. According to this viewpoint, due to advances in
communication, transportation and other technologies,
interdependence between nations and cultures has become so
complex that we are misled in believing we can solve problems
unilaterally, or that significant national decisions will
have ramifications only within our borders. Furthermore,
proponents of this view argue the reality of the situation is
that we are participants within a world system, whether we
consciously and deliberately act accordingly, or choose to
remain ignorant and. passive. .According to Joyce and
Nicholson (1979) this makes it imperative to

..recognize our true interests and loyalties and

to resolve any possible conflicts among them. Each

person must learn to think of him or herself—and of

everyone else—as an individual, as a member of the

human race, as an inhabitant of the planet earth,

and as a citizen of a global society (p. 108).

This idea is echoed in the NCSS definition of global

education as:

...efforts to cultivate in young people a perspec-

tive of the world which emphasizes the interconnec-

tions among cultures, species and pdanets (NCSS

1982, 63).

Interdependence as an organizing concept has two
important implications for global education. First, it places
a strong emphasis on international cooperation and conflict
management. Numerous writers in the field have suggested
that this should be one of the main areas of study within
global education (Leetsma 1978; Hanvey 1982; Kniep 1986).
Leetsma (1978) argues it "is becoming more apparent that
whatever form the future ultimately takes, mankind has an
increasingly common destiny" (p. 9). The focus on interna—
tional cooperation demands an understanding of processes such
as bilateral and multilateral negotiations and use of
regional and global institutions for problem solving and
mediation. Hanvey (1982) believes that international issues
which 1) are transnational in scope and can only be solved
through multilateral action, 2) represent a conflict, and 3)
are persistent over time, should be 21 major component of
global education.

A second closely related implication of the concept of
interdependence is the congruence of national and interna-
tional interest. The idea is that our interests are so
intertwined with world interests that we cannot realistically
separate them. Given the consistency of these two elements in
the literature (n1 global education—that ix» international

cooperation and congruence of national and international

interest—we can say that an individual who holds a world view
which encompasses both is "global-minded." The opposite of
this would be "nation-minded," an orientation which sees
national interest as pmimary and therefore conflicts and
problems within the international arena are dealt with
through power politics and confrontation. The question is
whether a social studies program can develop more global-
minded. students ‘without 'undermining' national. allegiance.
Individuals from varying perspectives have suggested that a
close attachment to the nation-state is not a barrier to

global-mindedness, but in fact are complementary.

The term patriotism in its common usage has taken on
significant positive and negative connotations. In its
truest form, patriotism simply refers to devotion to country
(Funk and Wagnalls). As far back as 1917, Charles Waldstein
argued that true patriotism must be distinguished from false
patriotism. False patriotism includes a hatred of all others
as well as a love of country. With true patriotism no such
chauvinism.:h3 present. Rather, it. is based (n1 ethical
justifications which incline the individual toward a higher
moral idealism and forms the foundation for an international
patriotism (Nelson 1976, 36-37). While Waldstein derived his
position from a philosophical perspective, it is consistent

with the work of Adorno (1950) on the psychological founda-

tions of patriotism. Adorno refers to a love of country
without the presence of chauvinism as genuine patriotism.

The term patriotism as used here does not mean
"love of country." Rather, the present concept
involves blind. attachment. to certain national
cultural values, uncritical conformity with the
prevailing group ways, and rejection of other
nations as outgroups. It might better be termed
pseudopatriotism and distinguished from genuine
patriotism, in which love of country and attachment
to national values is based on critical understand-
ing. The genuine patriot it would appear, can
appreciate the values and ways of other nations,
and can be permissive toward much that he cannot
personally accept for himself. He is free of rigid
conformism, outgroup rejection and imperialistic
striving for power (p. 55)

Janowitz (1983) attacks the definition from a sociopo-
litical perspective and arrives at much the same conclusion
as Waldstein and Adorno. Rather than patriotism, he prefers
the term "civic consciousness." Civic consciousness is the
positive and meaningful attachment a person develops to the
nation-state (p. 152). However, it is not "a blind mechani-
cal nationalism," but is "compatible with the realities of an
interdependent vunflri community. Furthermore, it: is a
necessary element in the search for supranational world

citizenship, which incorporates an enlightened self-

interested nationalism and a self-critical patriotism" (p.
152). Janowitz, Adorno, and Waldstein have conceptions of
patriotism which contain common elements. These are

contained in Nelson's vision of a positive national educa-
tion. According to Nelson, what is needed is
one which fosters knowledge of (global affairs

without necessary hate of others or false national
biases; one which provides for critical examination

of national and global issues; and one that
inspires a sense of global community (p. 48).

Each of these authors views nationalism as potentially
constructive or destructive. An individual could hold a
strong sense of love of country which does or does not reject
outgroups. In this sense, patriotism is either a foundation
for the supranational citizenship of which Janowitz speaks,
or includes nationalistic, and chauvinistic elements. Despite
the agreement among these writers, Nelson's criteria are the
basis for much of the criticism which has been directed at
global education. The problem can be analyzed from two
perspectives: 1) the conflict between the content of a global
education course and student attitudes toward their own
nation, and 2) the conflict between the development of

national and global loyalties.

W

Butts (1977), 1J1 his historical analysis (If civic
education programs in the United States concluded that there
were two dominant trends that have accelerated civic
education at different times in the nation's history. The
first was when liberal reformers saw the need to promote a
new social integration” The second was vflmni conservative
forces saw the need for social cohesion and to stave off
threats from alien sources. In essence, groups at both ends
of the political spectrum had as a nmmivation the need to
create unity. With unity as a fundamental goal in citizen-

ship education, cognitive goals which stress critical

analysis and legitimacy of divergent opinions may threaten
the attempt to maintain group solidarity. Battistoni (1985)
focuses on this problem in his analysis of citizenship educa—
tion in the United States. He states,

Citizens whose critical thinking and reasoning
skills are fully developed might have difficulty
obeying the will of the polity when it squarely
opposes their own interests or cognitive knowledge
about which public course is best. If such
citizens perceive the burden of community loyalty
to be oppressive at times, this in turn may begin
to break down their affective bonds toward the
polity...On the other hand, the internalizing of
affective lessons of citizenship may stunt the
proper growth of cognitive concerns. People who
learn to love their fellow citizens may then be
reticent to engage in strident debates over policy
or law, even though their interests or knowledge
would incline them to disagree with their neighbors
(p. 161).

Many' writers have suggested 'that global education
presents the type of problem with which Battistoni is
concerned. First, global education proponents suggest we can
maintain a loyalty and love of our nation while critically
examining world issues and problems from the perspective of
other nations or cultures. This will lead to increased
cooperation and reduction of conflict in the international
arena. The idea is expressed by Anderson (1979).

Cognitively and emotionally, we are very capable of

combining a special loyalty and affection for our

country, or nation, with an honest and realistic
comprehension of the larger world in which we have

been cast (p. 378).

But this means that "to have an honest and realistic

comprehenshmn of the larger world" students will need to

10

critically appraise their (nu) national institutions. Can
they do this and maintain a first allegiance to their own
country? Remy, et a1. (1975) states,

If our institutions were not felt to be superior,
at least for us, they would be equal to all others.
If they were equal to all others, we should be
indifferent to what institutions we do have since
they would be no different than others. Thus pride
in our institutions is psychologically and
logically useless if one .accepts the initial
assumption of the equality of institutions which
international educators hold. For they cannot
coexist on the basis of equality (p. 63).

Bertrand Russel recognized the inherent conflict between
a critical view and national loyalty and said,

'The whole conception of truth is hard to reconcile
with the usual ideals of citizenship [because]...it
is impossible to instill the scientific spirit into
the young so long as any propositions are regarded
as sancrosanct and not open to question' (quoted in
Fitzgerald, p. 209).

Certain individuals have suggested. that an (overly
zealous critical approach t1) citizenship education. has
already made a serious impact on the attitudes U.S. students
hold toward the nation-state:

There is a need for a kind of civic education which
gives young children, particularly, the idea that
their country is a pretty good place. I think we
have gone much too far in many schools in concen-
trating on the deficiencies and warts in American
history and American life-so that children and
young people get the idea that maybe America is an
awful place to live...(Weber 1976, 136).

11

I] : EJ'I Ellll' J I ll.

The notion of global citizenship also introduces a
possible conflict in the affective bonds one establishes with
the nation and the global community. The National Council of
the Social Studies' Ad Hoc Committee on Global Education
(1987) recognized this problem in their response to a recent
controversy sparked by charges leveled at the University of
Denver's Center for Teaching International Relations. The
Committee stated,

Global education clearly promotes certain values

and there can be confusion and conflict about some

of them. For example, does global education foster

attitudes that are at odds with patriotism and

national loyalty?" (p. 245).

Numerous writers have suggested. that ‘there is 119
conflict between patriotism and the goals of global educa-
tion. Goodlad (in Becker, 1979) states

There is evidence to suggest that school programs

designed to develop pride in one's own country

succeed very well. There is no evidence to suggest

that one loses this pride in also acquiring a rich

appreciation of the whole of mankind (p. xiv).

Anderson (1979) would seem to support Goodlad.
Specifically referring'txa the world systems perspective he
writes;

...it needs to be made clear that such an approach

does run: detract from the development within

students of a special identification with and love

for their own country. We human beings have always

been capable of multiple loyalties. This has not
been changed by the advent of a global age. (p. 3)

12

These assertions seem plausible on the surface. However,
Torney (1979), in a review of the literature on global educa-
tion, states, "national esteem as either potential prerequi—
sites or obstacles to successful global education programs
need considerable further study" (p. 71).

The inherent conflict in the idea of multiple loyalties
is pointed out clearly by Battistoni (1985) in his study of
citizenship education. He argues that while we can develop
loyalty to different groups we are subject to the conflicts
these multiple loyalties create.

Contemporary proponents of global education and the
global community fail to understand the tensions
involved in such a teaching of universal citizen-
ship. They end up promoting a cognitive orientation
of "love of humanity" or "world reponsibility"
completely at variance with our affections,
memories and direct experiences, which teach us to
prefer those more involved with our immediate
political lives. Ultimately the lesson of global
citizenship must give way (p. 162).

The Ad Hoc Committee on Global Education also acknowl-
edges this problem when they state

Better understanding of the world is one thing.
Refusing to give special weight to your country's
welfare or to your own countrymen is quite
another...it may be taken to Suggest that global
education promotes taking'1u>la certain point of
view for judging international conflicts-namely the
global point of view. If this... means that
whenever there is a conflict between the United
States and one or more other countries, a U.S.
citizen should always support the resolution for
the world as a whole, it is obvious how global
education, on this interpretation would be contro-
versial. It would teach a lesson that on its face
anyways seems at odds with the special loyalties
and committments that characterize communities (p.
246).

13

But where does this leave us with respect to the goals
of global education? Remy, 6%: a1. (1975) outlined. the
difficulty over a decade ago, saying,

International educators who hold the world systems

view feel that loyalties to the state and the

international system need not be antithetical but

rather can coexist side by side with each other.

Moreover, international educators commonly suggest

that we can hold meaningful loyalties to institu-

tions at the nation—state level and to those that

are merging at the global systems level at the same

time. Yet, this literature also asks for an

abolition of ethnocentrism. What does this mean if

it is not the squaring of the circle? (p. 63).

Essentially, the argument global educators are advancing
is that through acquiring more knowledge and understanding of
other cultures, world issues and international processes,
students can develop a more global-minded perspective.
Moreover, they argue the development of a global-minded

perspective will not adversely affect the individual's sense

of patriotism and national loyalty.

W

This investigation is concerned with the effects of a
global education progranl on the global—mindedness and
patriotism of high school students. There has also been an
attempt to see whether patriotism acts as a prerequisite or
barrier txn the development CHE global—mindedness. Certain
classroom processes which have been found in earlier research
to impact on the development of political attitudes among

students have been analyzed as a possible mediating variable.

14

Hypotheses

1. There is no relationship between selected student back-
ground variables and nation/global-mindedness.

1a. There is no relationship between the socio-economic
status of the community and nation/global—mindedness.

1b. There is no relationship between gender and
nation/global-mindedness.

2. There is no difference in patriotism between students who
have completed a global education course and students who
have not completed such a course.

3. There is no difference in nation/global-mindedness
between students who have completed a global education
course and students who have not completed such a course.

4. Students who have completed a global education course are
more global-minded than students who have not completed
such a course on specific international issues.

5. The students' perception of the openness of classroom
discussion is not related to nation/global—mindedness.
Patriotism: For the purpose of this investigation patriotism
is used to refer to "true" or "genuine" patriotism. It is
defined as a love of country which has as its basic elements
a positive attachment to the nation—state without a rejection
of outgroups. Patriotism can be thought of as existing on a
continuum. At one extreme is a rejection of the nation. At
the other extreme, attachment to the nation-state is intense
and includes a rejection of other national groups. True
patriotism represents the Huddle ground 511 this range of
attitudes. It is characterized by a strong and positive

identification with one's nation—state but without elements

of chauvinism.

15

W: For the purpose of this study global
education is any program which investigates the interactions
between sovereign states, or non-state actors within the
international arena, and has as a primary goal the cultiva-
tion in young people of a world perspective which emphasizes
the interconnections among cultures and nations. While
programs differ widely in terms of other goals, objectives
and processes, the emphasis is on viewing world areas as part
of 21 larger, interacting, interdependent systenn Study of
global issues and concepts such as change, conflict, communi-

cation and interdependence form the basis of the curriculum.

International_fidncationz This represents a category of which
global education is a component. International education is
any program of instruction which attempts to teach about the
world. It includes programs directed toward an understanding
of international relations and foreign policy, as well as
study of specific countries, cultures, or regions of the

world.

Global;MindedLNaLiQn_minded: Global-mindedness is character-
ized by the view that social, economic, ecological and
political problems cannot be solved by placing the interests
of one nation above another. Rather, most problems in the
international arena are (ME sufficient complexity, and so
interrelated, tfluu: their solution requires ea perspective

which rises above national interest.

16

Therefore, the emphasis is on nonconfrontational,
consensus—oriented tactics employed usually through multi-
national. diplomatic: channels cn: global. institutions. A
nation-minded perspective, on the other hand, is character-
ized by the belief that the interests of one's own nation
take precedence over the interests of other countries or
cultures. Problem solving is characterized by confrontation,

power and militarism.

While global education is widely touted by social
studies educators, its impact on the schools has been
minimal. The apparent contradiction it presents to the more
traditional goal of nationalistic education may be one cause.
It is also seen by some as an attempt by a left wing fringe
to control a politically powerful component of the curricu—
lum” The controversy over the materials put (nu: by the
Center for Teaching International Relations demonstrates the
kind of concern global education can create. At the same
time, numerous proponents of global education argue that it
is not in conflict with national loyalty and patriotism. In
fact they claim patriotism represents an important prerequi-
site for a global-minded individual:

Neither independence nor patriotism is compromised

in educational attention to global reality.

Learning to see the national interest in world

perspective and world interest in national perspec-

tive are two sides of the current coin of national

sovereignty and enlightened self—interest (Leetsma
1978, 12).

17

Despite the vehemence with which many individuals push
their claim, little empirical evidence exists to suggest what
the reality of the situation may be. This study will begin
the process of accumulating data on the effects of different
types (Hf global education programs (n1 students' global-

mindedness and patriotism.

The findings in the study should be interpreted
cautiously in light of the following assumptions and limita—
tions:

1) Due to the method by which the sample was chosen the
results of the study cannot be generalized beyond this
particular sample. The results are only suggestive of
what we might find in schools, or students, which fit
the general characteristics of those chosen for this
study. However, given the lack of random sampling or
random selection any conclusions must be regarded with
caution.

2) The major dependent variable in this study is measured
by the Wgrld_Affairs_Analysis_Scale. This instrument is
based on the assumption that globalistic and nationalis-
tic thinking is characterized by a zero sum game. That
is, given any particular issue of international
importance the presence of one form of thinking necessi-
tates the absence of the other. Or, more specifically,

one gains :U1 globalistic thinking an: the expense of

3)

4)

18

nationalistic 'thinking. This assumes that am; one
increasingly views a particular issue in terms of world-
centered interests, the emphasis placed upon national—
centered interests decreases. It is important that this
assumption be clarified since it is not universally
shared by social educators.

The assumption that social class is defined as the
complex of social relations within which one operates is
also not universally shared. Choosing to measure social
class differences with reference to the school one
attends does not deny that students in the same school
come from different economic backgrounds. Rather, it is
an attempt to operationalize a concept which has
implications far beyond economic conditions. It stems
largely from the social mileu in which one's relation-
ships with others are formed. (Hue school, even the
comprehensive high school, reflects the dominant social
class relations of the community and is therefore useful
as a gross measure of this variable in making compar-
isons. Again it should. be recognized that this
assumption is not universally shared by cmher social
scientists.

An important limitation of this study is that it inves-
tigated only a small range of global education courses.
The concept of global education is still in its infancy
and, therefore, has not been sharply defined in

practice. The programs included in this study represent

5)

19

a middle ground view of global education. While they
are based on the concept of interdependence, they do not
necessarily emphasize the concept of world interest.
Important global issues are examined in all of the
courses, but the extent to which the notion of interde-
pendence is equated with world interest varies.

The assumption is made that the results of this study
and the conclusions which are derived from those results
are based.cnlza valid and reliable measurement of the

dependent variable.

CHAPTER I I
Review of the Related Literature

Little systematic research has been carried out to
assess the impact of global education on student global-
mindedness and patriotism. However, work from four distinct
lines of research will be drawn on in this study. They are:
1) the development of frameworks for evaluating global educa-
tion as they relate to the development of globalistic
thinking; 2) the development of attitudes towards one's
nation, other countries, and the international political
arena, including significant international institutions and
processes 3) political socialization research as it relates
to the impact of education on attitudes toward the interna-
tional political arena; 4) investigations of the effects of

various global education programs on student attitudes.

E 1 E : . . I I I' 1 E1 I'

There have been three major attempts at categorizing the
various approaches to global education. Remy et al. (1975)
were the first to suggest a framework based on the implicit
and. explicit assumptions cu? each. approach. The first
approach these authors termed the "State Centric View," which
looks at the world primarily in terms of nation-states

pursuing the national interest (p. 46). International educa-

19a

20

tion from this perspective stresses the lack of political
consensus and cooperation in the international arena, and is
based on the belief that survival in such a hostile world is
contingent on the state. Citizen allegiance to the state is
necessary if it is to survive, and is therefore an important
objective of this approach. Also consistent with this view
is the idea that teaching about other nations is important
because they represent a potential threat to one's own
country. This type of international education was pushed
into the social studies curriculum as the U.S. became a
predominant post-war global power (p. 56-57). Its emphasis
is on the idea that support for U.S. foreign policy must
start in the classroom (p. 57).

The two other categorizations for global education
programs were offered by Lamy (1983) and Becker (1979). Each
of them includes an approach consistent with the state-
centric view. Lamy termed this state-centric perspective the
Geopolitical Internationalist approach. As with Remy's
state-centric view the Geopolitical Internationalist perspec-
tive is based on a realpolitik, the belief that the interna-
tional system is anarchic and nation-states have to protect
their interests through ndlitary strength aunt alliances.
Becker (1979) termed this type of education the "Foreign
Policy Studies View" and saw it as being designed to help
students become intelligent, loyal supporters of the national
interest through the examination of diplomatic history,

foreign policy issues and America's role in the world.

21

Remy et al. (1975) choose to call the second approach to
international education the "Moral Unity View of the Human
Race." This perspective, in contrast to the state-centric
view, stresses the rejection of power as the "guiding
principle tn) measure, understand (n: conduct international
relations" (p. 53). The Moral Unity View is based on an
idealistic vision of the international community with world
government seen as the final end, and in fact Lamy refers to
a similar approach in his framework as the Idealist Perspec-
tive. Like Remy et al., Lamy notes that this perspective
emphasizes the development of cross-cultural understanding.
In this sense, Lamy's Idealist perspective is consistent with
Becker's description of Area Studies, which also sees inter-
cultural understanding as a major focus. However, the major
thrust of area studies according to Becker is not the
development of a world community. In fact, Vocke (1988), in
his analysis of Becker's work has suggested it is more
consistent with the traditional state-centric perspective.
According to Becker, foreign policy study and area studies
are both information— and spectator—oriented approaches to
education about the international community.

One of the best examples of the Idealist, or Moral
Unity, approaoh is Wbrld Order Studies (Mendlovitz et al.
1977) which is based on the belief that the "global situation
is seriously deteriorating as a result of avoidable evils"
(Falk and Kim 1982). According to Mendlovitz, the concept of

interdependence as the basic organizing element of many

22

global education programs, "masks a IHHMxNS of fundamental
value issues, blurs important strategic distinctions and
narrows the range of acceptable policy alternatives" (p.
189). Mendlovitz argues that the asymmetry between powerful
and less powerful nations is a significant factor in under-
standing international relations. An emphasis on interdepen-
dence creates a false allusion of symmetry and advantages the
more powerful nation. However, while the focus of World
Order Studies is on the nation—state, it is consistent with
the Idealist approach in that it does not endorse national-
ism. The emphasis is on the question "How can we create a
more just and peaceful world?"

A third approach is Remy et al.'s Global Systems View of
the World, or as Becker termed it, the World Centered
Approach. This approach, which is also recognized by Lamy,
stresses the interconnections between non-state actors in the
international arena, and regards the world as a vast, inter-
dependent system. The Global System View stems from the
belief that the nation-state is no longer an appropriate
political unit for solving the problems of the human race,
nor is it capable of protecting its citizenry. Since the
very existence of the nation-state is justified on the basis
of these functions, the traditional basis of authority for
the nation—state has been eroded. With the existence of
nuclear weapons, the traditional force a nation can wield to
exert its will is less relevant. Also, advances in tech—

nology have speeded communication across national borders and

23

increased the flow of information worldwide. Finally, it is
becoming increasingly clear that social and economic life
bind nations in an inextricable web of interdependence.
Given this situation, the emphasis in the study of interna-
tional relations from a global system view is on
transnational interactions between non-state actors (Remy et
al., 1975, EHJ. This is significantly different from the
Idealist or Moral Unity View. The Global System View sees
the inevitability of increased unity and interdependence in
the world system as a result of social, political, economic
and technological forces. Preparing for that inevitability
becomes a rational decision. The Moral Unity View, on the
other hand, is based on natural law and the inherent goodness
of humankind. The movement toward world government is a
moral necessity to contain the uncontrolled power of the
nation-state.

One element the Moral Unity and Global System views
have in common pedagogically is the goal of "broadening the
area of childrens' loyalty and concerns" (Remy et al., 1975,
59). For example, with regards to the Moral Unity View Remy//,
et al. comment,

To the international educator conscious of the
moral unity of the human race, the traditional
civics goals of educators—pride in national insti-
tutions and an understanding of the mechanics of
these institutions—obscure the great technological
and economic changes of our time" (p. 58).

Lamy, Becker and Remy all recognize the systems perspec-

tive as a major category. However, only Lamy further divides

24

it iJux> two differing approaches. The first 1M3 calls the
Free 'Trade Internationalist. Perspective. This approach
emphasizes global interdependence in time economic sphere.
Yet, it is based on the national interest, with a stress on
the preparation of individuals for a competitive, interdepen—
dent world. An article in the WW
SecondarLSchooLPrincinalLBulletin gives an example of this
orientation.

There is mounting concern in the United States, as

abroad, to provide better preparation for young

people to communicate with and understand the
people of other nations. Our nation's escalating
trade deficit clearly indicates the need for better
understanding of other cultures so that American
products and sales techniques can be adapted to

them (Bray 1980, 51).

The second orientation from a systems perspective Lamy
terms the Functionalist-Internationalist. It stresses global
stability as a result of increasing transnational interac-
tions. The major purpose of this perspective is the encour—
agement of mutual understanding and cooperation between
various countries and cultures. For this reason, it is more
closely related to Remy's Global System Perspective and what
Becker terms World-Centered Education than it is to the Free
Trade Internationalist perspective.

Anderson (1982) expresses the functionalist view well.
He argues that a decline in Western cultural dominance and
United States hegemony along with an increase in geopolitical

interrelatedness are all serving to reduce world cultural

homogeneity. The result is a world that is increasingly more

25

interconnected, less dominated by one civilization, less
hegemonic, more heterogeneous, and one in which American
society will become more integrated. Therefore, preparing
American school children for this world is an educational
necessity. The essence of this perspective is reflected in
the following:

Education mirrors society, and the society it
mirrors in contemporary times is world society.
Intuitively VH3 all know this. The teachers of
Vietnamese and Cambodian children, or other over-
seas victims of declining U.S. hegemony intuitively
know it. School board members struggling with the
financial problems created by the decision of
business firms to locate their production in the
Mexicos, Taiwans and Koreas of the world intuitive-
ly know it. The thousands of people involved in
adjusting American education to the reality of
millions who are no longer content to be the silent
victims of western civilization's racism intuitive-
ly know it (p. 160-161).

The argument Anderson and. others advance is that
citizenship in a changing world needs to be broadened. The
concern is less with promoting the national interest as seen
in the Free-Trade Internationalist Perspective, but rather
with preparing students for a nmme interdependent world in
which the U.S. takes less of a dominant role. Rosenau (1983)
argues:

The challenges of interdependence must be seen for

what they are; and to be so perceived, traditional

perspectives must give way to transnational ones.

More specifically, the attitudes, loyalties and

participatory behavior of citizens must undergo

profound transformations (p. 30).

The importance of the distinction Lamy makes between the

Free Trade and Functionalist perspectives is evidenced by the

26

fact that third world members of the International Associa-
tbma of University Presidents expressed concern about the
national interest rationale which underlies so much of the

recent concern with internationalizing higher education in

the U.S. (Tangeman 1987). Lamy also adds a perspective
Becker and Remy do not. He refers to it as the Radical
Perspective. This perspective rejects the notion of interde-

pendence and stresses the inequitable distribution of
resources and power in the international arena.

Many of the curriculum approaches which have been
developed in the field of global education are based on one
or more of these world views. While elements of the Free-
Trade Internationalist and Geopolitical Realist are clearly
in the tradition of nationalism in citizenship education, the
Functionalist—Internationalist, Idealist and Radical perspec—
tives can truly be categorized as globalist. For that reason
these latter perspectives have come under attack for
undermining the power, influence and legitimacy of the U.S.
in the international political arena. Certainly any blanket
condemnation does little to inform us since the assumptions
and purposes of each of these perspectives differ radically.

What is important about distinguishing between these
perspectives is the recognition that those approaches
characterized as globalist demand a shift in the "world view"
the individual typically holds. In reviewing the studies on
national identity' and. orientation toward international

politics it becomes apparent that the typical individual has

27

a world view which does not conform to that of the globalist
schools <xf international education. Therefore, :tf global
education is to be successful it must be able to alter what
is a typical political orientation. The following section
reviews studies in the area of national identity and
attitudes toward other nations and provides some clues as to
how successful an educational program might be in changing

this orientation.

H !' 1 Il I'I l E!!'! l I l 2!] H I'

The development of £1 national identity is ea process
which occurs early in life, proceeds rapidly and has a
powerful impact on the individual's world View. Coles (1986),
after two decades of research with young children throughout
the world, stated:

Nowhere on the five continents I've visited in this

study has nationalism failed to become an important

element in the developing conscience of young
people...Who can listen to young people and not
hear the political superego constantly exerting its
requirements upon eager' and ‘vulnerable 'minds?

(p.66).

The development and impact of national identity is an
especially important topic for those in the U.S. Cross-
national comparative studies have shown that U.S. high school
students possess an exceptionally strong national identity
(Torney, Farnen 1975). While it raises more questions than it

answers, developmental research provides some insight into

how national identity affects peoples' view of the interna-

28

tional arena. Although there was a good deal of research on
children's feelings of nationalism and patriotism conducted
between the two world wars, it was not until Piaget and
Weil's (1951) seminal study that the focus became developmen—
tal. Piaget and Weil conducted a series of interviews on 200
children between the ages of 4 and 5 in Geneva, Switzerland.
They found that the child initially displays an egocentrism,
or an unconscious assumption that his/her perspective is the
only one possible. In) order to progress from this stage
toward reciprocity, a faculty which allows the individual to
understand the perspective of others, the child must must
make an effort at "decentration", or broadening of his center
of interest. As this occurs, the child progresses through
stages of sociocentricity as he integrates new data and is
confronted with perspectives other than his own. Thus, socio—
centricity represents a survival of the earlier form of
egocentrism on a broader social plane, but is also necessary
to the development of a national identity. When the child
can apply the concept of foreigner to his own nationality
from the viewpoint of others, he has a national identity.
According to Piaget and Weil this stage is reached at about
the age of 10 or 11. The developmental framework posited by
Piaget and weil has received extensive support from later
research (Moore et al. 1985; Lawson 1963; Connel 1971; Button
1972; Coles 1986; Hess and Torney 1967)

Jahoda (1962) expanded (Hi this initial research by

examining the manner in which the perception of other

29

countries becomes organized, and how favorable and unfavor-
able attitudes emerge. He interviewed randomly sampled
groups of 6-7 year olds, 8—9 year olds, and 10-11 year old
Scottish children from four primary schools in Glasgow. The
children were asked to: 1) list countries they knew, 2) tell
which countries they liked or disliked, and, 3) tell what
they knew about America and Russia. He found that the
development of national identity was parallel to the
development of spatial and geographic understanding. Even
more revealing was a pattern of children's responses to a
question asking what countries they liked or disliked. While
younger children were attracted by exotic countries the older
children were repelled” .Also, older children consistently
chose communist countries as least liked and when commenting
on Russia displayed a "growing approximation to adult stereo-
types" (p. 105). Jahoda's study was important for
demonstrating the role that stereotypes play in this develop-
mental process. .As Torney (1977) has indicated, children
ironically may develop national identity through the use of
stereotypes. In the earlier stages of development their
logical abilities are limited and stereotypes give them a way
to draw distinctions in the geographic and political realm.
It may also be the basis by which they are socialized into
the dominant political thinking of their society.

A study by Allen (1976) using students in grades 1, 3
and 6 from schools in Canada, Australia and the United States

examined the changing nature of children's concepts of their

3O

own and other countries. They were asked to write whatever
they thought of in response to the names of eight countries.
The responses were coded according to whether they exhibited
stereotypes, egocentric thinking, or evaluations. 'The
findings supported Piaget in that egocentrism diminished with
age, although the variation was greater than suggested by
their ages. Furthermore, Allen concluded that stereotypes
disappear as children acquire data about other countries, but
the overall pattern suggests that "the amount of stereotyping
in reference to other countries remains fairly constant after
a sufficient knowledge base has been acquired" (p.90). Allen
found that although most stereotypes were based on
differences, the associations were positive. However, by the
sixth grade, children were making associations based on
international events (i.e. wars) more frequently, and associ-
ations were colored by the relationship between the respon-
dent's own country and the country of interest. This trend is
supported by a number of other studies which included older
subjects (Button 1972; Targ 1970, Peterson 1980, Masters
1984).

Cooper (1965) used a sample of 300 English and Japanese
school children between the ages of 7 and 16 to investigate
the development of politico-moral ideas. Each child
responded to a written survey, with a small subsample being
interviewed 1J1 depth. In interpreting rue; results Cooper

coined the term the "patriotic filter":

31

Whilst patriotism serves useful functions in

binding individuals together for some common task,

it also provides for a hostile evaluation of the

actions of others. Information about events passes

through a "patriotic filter" which admits certain
information and distorts other. In our data the
hostile function of this filter appears around the

age of nine or ten years. The formation of it

depends on the distinction of us from outsiders,

and the differentiation of time and space." (p. 6)

Cooper suggests that the development of a national iden-
tity, and the positive benefits which might accrue from it-
association with a political community-come at the expense of
what Piaget might term patriotic sociocentricity. This notion
is reflected in the results of a number of studies.

In one of these studies, Lambert and Klineberg (1967)
investigated children's preferences 1km: other countries by
surveying the views of 3,300 6, 10, and 14 year-olds in
eleven countries. They found that children's preferences for
other countries changed in the older children. Among the
U.S. students in the sample, by the age (HS 14 the Soviet
Union was chosen as the "least liked" country by a majority
of the children, whereas there was no clear choice among
younger children. Smith (1979) used factor analysis to
assess the way seventh graders perceived other countries and
found that Western European democracies and Soviet bloc
countries were consistently clustered together.

Targ (1970) administered a questionnaire to 4th through
6th graders in two middle class communities to assess their

attitudes toward foreign policy making and international

politics. He concluded that by 6th grade, children had

32

disdain for certain other countries and that the choice of
these countries was essentially' based. on a "cold war
mentality." Button's (1972) survey of 183 4th through 10th
graders in Texas supports Targ's findings. He found children
tend to "dislike" perceived enemies of the U.S. and "like"
allies.

Pike anui Barrows (1979) surveyed.21 randomly selected
sample of 4th, 8th and 12th graders. By the 12th grade
students were categorizing countries according to
"geopolitical considerations." At the same time, however,
12th graders exhibited a less U.S. centered view of the world
and a more balanced perspective.

The common thread which runs through all of these
studies might be best understood in terms of what Connel
(1971) referred to an; the "threat schema." Connel inter—
viewed Australian children and adolescents (n1 a number of
issues including support for the Vietnam War. He found
almost universal support for Australian involvement in the
war, even among those who claimed to be against war in
principle. He attributed this inconsistency to a fear, which
has roots in early life, of a threat to the homeland

The idea of an external threat to the country thus

becomes charged at an early age with personal

emotion, with fears of violent intrusion into the

nice and safe places of the child's own life. We

will not be far out if we trace the affect laden

threat schemata of latter childhood and adolescence

to these roots. At later ages, naturally, as the

children construct an image of the political order,

the threat is placed more firmly leEi political
context. (p.102)

33

Connel surmised that the "triangle of nationalism, anti-
communism and the threat schema" is effectively conveyed to
children and is adapted by most of them in a form which
appears to be permanent. In that sense the ideas adolescents
hold about the political world are thoroughly derivative of
adult ideas. The development of a national identity, Connel
is suggesting, takes place within a general process common to
all societies (the threat schema) and within a particular
political context (anti-communism).

A 1969 study by Volker of U.S. children and their
perceptions of the Vietnam war drew a conclusion similar to
Connel's. Based on interviews with parents and children she
recognized what Connel terms the threat schemata as having a
social root. It is transmitted from familiar adults into a
general tradition of threats to, and defense of the country.

To infer from the results of these studies that there is
a single political orientation within the nation-state, and
that the process of political learning is simply to be
socialized to this orientation would be obviously simplistic.
As early as 1962 differences between individuals based on
group affiliation were recognized. Jahoda found that working
class children were more inclined to associate the term
foreign country with the strange and exotic, while the middle
class children understood the term in the more conventional
way. Further, working class children expressed more negative

attitudes toward foreign countries, especially Russia.

34

Differences in national orientation according to social
class was also evident in Coles (1986) research. In
describing the attitudes of middle class white children he

stated:

The eagerness in white suburbs to defend this
country at all costs and in all respects contrasts
sharply with the previously mentioned scornful
expressions that pepper the talk of boys and girls
in poorer sections of our cities and in some rural
areas. I hesitate to slap the word rigid upon such
an eagerness, but I have at times noticed that an
effort to probe the patriotic attitudes of these
children with even the slightest hint of doubt does
not make for a relaxed response (p. 254).

Yet, Coles does not mean to imply that attitudes toward
country can be easily classified by reference to social
class. In discussing the views of children in South Boston he
says

...one moment an uncritical adoration of flag, of

national achievements, with Sousa. marches and

patriotic songs; the next moment a passionate
populist egalitarian critique cxf the corrupt,
devious manipulative ways of power...followed the

next moment by a spirited defense of American

democracy and the American military as the only

hopes (p. 254).

Connel suggested that children acquire aspects of a.
mainstream nationalist tradition and a minority class-based
tradition. It is these political traditions which serve to
channel the diffuse fears and anxieties that young children
have into a socially validated symbol of evil. For some that
may mean enemy nations, for others it is some group within

the nation. For example, Connel found that a small minority

of Australian students who professed strong class conscious,

35

pro labor beliefs were opposed to Australia's involvement in
the Vietnam War. Yet, they perceived a threat from the
wealthy class in their own society. (p.113). Finally, as is
suggested by Cole's work, these traditions merge into a
collection of attitudes not easily categorized in terms of
nationalism.

In summary, what we know from studies of the development
of national identity and orientation toward other nations
includes:

1) The development of national identity occurs early in
life and progresses rapidly.

2) National identity develops based (n1 a. we-they
distinction and the use of stereotypes to make sense
of the socio-political world.

3) While associations with other countries are positive
early in life, they quickly become colored by the
political environment.

4) Social class acts as an important factor in the
development of national orientation

The research on national identity points out a nettle-

some problem for anyone concerned with political education.
As Torney (1982) stated it:

How can a child's natural ability to take a wide

range of perspectives be nurtured in a way which

neither subtracts from the students' basic positive
national feeling nor is hindered by extremes of

that feeling? (p.13)

Before reviewing the studies on the schools' impact in

this regard, it is useful to evaluate the studies on young

peoples' orientation toward international processes.

36

The same process by which children begin to conform to
adult stereotypes and political thinking affects not only
their view of other countries but also international
processes, institutions and interactions. 'This section of
the review will focus on the question of how individuals come
to understand the international political arena, and high-
light the differences according to group affiliation.

One of the major foci in the area of international
political processes has been on the way in which children
come to understand the concepts of war and peace. Substantial
agreement exists that the concept of war begins to form
around the age of 6 or 7, and is understood by the age of 8.
In the initial stages it is based on concrete manifestations
of war such as guns and soldiers, but eventually moves to an
understanding of the concept in terms of consequences, such
as dying and killing (Cooper 1965; Rosell 1968, Alvik 1968;
Haavelsruud 1970, Targ 1970, Tolley 1973).

There is also substantial agreement that the concept of
peace develops differently from that of war (Rosell 1968;
Alvik 1968; Haavelsrud 1970, Cooper 1965). In Cooper's study
of 300 English school children, few were able to give a clear
definition of peace. Responses fell into four categories.

1) inactivity

2) respite-an end to hostile activity

3) sociable activity
4) reconciliation from war

37

Cooper concluded that, "In all events the idea of peace to
these children scarcely represents a vigorous drive towards
international cooperation" (p.5).

The Cooper study also investigated the justifications
children and adolescents gave for war. The respondents were
asked to state or guess why Japan and England entered World
War II. Two conclusions were drawn from this analysis.
First, Cooper concluded that justification for war increases
with age. While 70% of the eight year olds in Cooper's
sample felt war has no justification, only 10% of the fifteen
year olds felt the same. The older respondents grew to
appreciate the motivations for actions in terms of such
things as desire for power, which they recognized as instinc-
tive human emotions. Ae recognition. of 'these :motives
increased, restrictions on war lessened. Hence, war becomes
more "necessary" with age (pu7). Secondly, Cooper alleges
that the adolescent is incapable of seeing both sides as
right or wrong in a conflict. It is as if the adolescent
"conceives of only a finite amount of morality which he must
distribute amongst the conflicting parties." UD- 5) Cooper
interpreted his findings within a Piagetian framework and
suggested

...the noted act of maturing which enables the

child to divorce himself from a restricted perspec-

tive also fosters an attitude more disposed towards

war. His new found reciprocity of thought which

might ideally permit him to gain sympathy with

other people, to appreciate their motives, and not

only his own, also leads to an understanding of
undesirable motives. It is on these grounds that

38

war can be justified as a defense against supposed

undesirable intentions (p. 12).

One other finding of Cooper's pertinent to this study is
the differences in responses between males and females. In
general, girls were less likely to believe war is necessary,
expressed less interest in war, and were more concerned about
its negative aspects. In the event of a war, girls would
tend to defend their family first while boys would defend
their country.

Alvik (1968) used a modified version of Cooper's
questionnaire with a purposive sample of 2nd, 4th and 6th
graders in Norway. He asked students to draw a picture of
war and peace as the basis for the questions. His results
agree with Cooper that peace is not as easily defined as war.
He explained this as a result of children not utilizing their
growing intellectual capacity when it comes to developing
their knowledge of peace. That is, children get too little
information about "what lies at the bottom of conflict condi—
tions."

Haavelsrud (1970) also used the Cooper instrument with a
purposive sample of 565 West Berlin school children age 10,
12, 15 and 17. He was interested in clarifying the relation—
ship between age, sex, IQ and social position with the
individual's international orientation. By international
orientation, he was specifically concerned with: (1) the
logical consistency with which they defended answers about

which nations were right or wrong in World War II; (2) the

39

meaningfulness tflua individual displayed.:h1 describing the
terms peace, war and prevention and causes of war; (3) images
of war and peace; (4) reaction to threat; and, (5) the
necessity and probability of war. His findings indicated
that significant differences existed on these dimensions on
the basis of socio-economic background and age. In general,
younger subjects and low socio-economic subjects tended to:
(1) be less consistent in justifying answers about who was
right or wrong in World War II; (2) display less
"meaningfulness in describing war, peace, prevention of war
and causes of war; (3) were less concerned with the effects
of war on people; (4) less favorable toward starting a war
when threatened; and, (5) believe in man's good nature. He
also found that girls were more concerned with the negative
effects of war on people, which was consistent with findings
of both Alvik and Cooper.

Unfortunately, it is difficult to draw inferences about
American students from these older studies on European
students. Most of tflua investigations carried cnn: with
American samples have been concerned with children's impres-
sions of specific wars, or their attitudes toward the possi-
bility of nuclear war. One large-scale study which provides
some insight on the thinking of American youth is a study
conducted by Tolley (1973). He was concerned with finding
out how and when children acquire attitudes about war as well
as their primary sources of information. He used a sample of

2,677 students, age 7 to 15, in fourteen schools. His data

40

was collected through the use of interviews with parents and
teachers and with a Likert type questionnaire.In terms of
general attitudes toward war he found that children and
adolescents tend to separate their moral judgements of war
from their feelings of patriotic duty (p. 32). That is,
children almost unanimously condemn war in principle yet,

Feelings of national duty or patriotic loyalty

alter children's views on the morality of war. As

might be expected the young do justify war
conducted for national defense or against a hostile

enemy (p. 36).

Tolley also found that "early in life Americans learn to
regard war as a regular feature of international relations."
(p. 36) Despite the fact that Tolley collected his data at
the height of the public outcry against the war in Vietnam,
he found no difference between young peoples' attitude toward
war in the 19705 and the attitudes of young people polled in
the 19303.

Two of Tolley's findings also were consistent with many
of the findings of the European studies. The older children
were more likely to be tolerant of war, (that is to accept it
as inevitable) and boys were more tolerant than girls. He
also found that private school children had more tolerance
than public school children, and students from military
academies had the greatest tolerance.

Tolley investigated the contributions of various agents

of socialization to the students' attitudes toward war, and

drew a number of conclusions. Using regression analysis he

41

found that school, age and parents contribute most to the
acceptance of war. While television and the press contribute
substantially to young people's knowledge, personal contact
with family and teachers account for opinion differences.
More specifically, he found that for children of what he
termed the "attentive public", parents were the paramount
influence, but for less vocal or concerned parents, schools
play a larger role. Finally, children's acceptance of war as
a normal feature of international politics depends more on
the influence of family and school than familiarity with or
attentiveness to world affairs.

In summary, these important early studies on young
peoples' orientation to war and peace have a number of
consistent findings:

1) By the time an individual reaches a stage of
reciprocity theme is an acceptance or tolerance of
the inevitability of war.

2) Young people have an easier time defining and concep-
tualizing war than peace, which is seldom defined in
active terms or as an international process

3) Significant differences exist between. males and
females. Females are less interested in the strategy
of war, less convinced it is inevitable and more
concerned about its negative consequences

4) School can have an important influence on the
student's attitude toward war as EH1 international
process

Two important studies from this same period began to
look beyond the concepts of war and peace and take a broader

view of children's orientation to the international arena.

Targ (1970) attempted to establish some measure of orienta-

42

tion levels of children from the 4th to the 6th grade. Using
a questionnaire to tap attitudes toward national foreign
policy making anui international politics, 1M3 found that
children at relatively early ages begin to develop orienta-
tions to international politics. As grade level increased,
children were more likely to describe the U.S. as strong and
the USSR and China as important. Furthermore, as students
grew older, war was increasingly seen as legal and nonaggres-
sive, while acts of trade and.cmeation of alliances were
viewed as aggressive but good. Targ concluded that childrens'
choices modeled Cold War attitudes. Children, he argued,
were being socialized to accept a world view not unlike
Morgenthau's Realpolitik,which justifies the achievement of
international political ends with the use or threatened use
of force.

A study very similar to Targ's used a sample which
included high school age students. Button (1972) gave a
questionnaire to a sample of 183 4th through 10th graders in
Texas tx> explore their orientations toward international
politics and the role of the school in inculating these
attitudes. He found that a majority of children at all ages
expressed attitudes which were consistent with those of
adults polled in the same time period. These included belief
in the inevitability of war, dislike of the USSR, belief in
the necessity of alliances, belief in aggressive trade-all of

which led Button to conclude:

43

these attitudes closely resemble those of

Morgenthau's 'realpolitik,‘ in which national self-

interest and international competitiveness flourish

as ideal international orientations while estab-

lished norms of international law and morality are

deprecated (p. 350).

Button also analyzed the data to explore developmental trends
and discovered that early attitudes remained the same despite
cognitive development. However, this conclusion should be
carefully qualified since the study was not longitudinal.

While these early studies have shown students to hold an
outlook of political realism, more recent studies have also
uncovered a desire in young people for more international
cooperation. Essentially, the more recent studies have
corroborated the earlier ones while adding another perspec-
tive.

A comparative study of American and Japanese university
students was undertaken to explore the concepts of
nationalism and world-mindedness as social cognitions (Der-
Karabetian, Shang and Shu 1983). The sample included 210
students from a college in Los Angeles and 270 students
enrolled in a college in Tokyo. Data were collected with a
questionnaire. Respondents were asked to agree or disagree
with 32 statements. The authors concluded that the students
exhibited a "global humanism," which would include elements
of nationalism with a desire for international cooperation.
For example, in the U.S. sample, 55% agreed that war is

inevitable, 50% agreed "loyalty to one's country should come

before world brotherhood", 53% agreed national boundries

44

should be preserved at all costs," and 64% agreed "people
must be willing to fight to maintain their culture and
heritage." At the same time, 81% agreed "no country should be
allowed to possess nuclear weapons," and 85% agreed "World
citizenship should be taught in all schools."

The overall results are consistent with a more rigorous
international survey by Klineberg (1979), which attempted to
assess college student attitudes. Basing his conclusions on
surveys from 10,000 college students in eleven countries he
recognizes three major orientations: (1) internationalism,
which combines attitudes favorable to immigration and elimi-
nation of nationalism and the establishment of world govern-
ment; (2) nationalism, which opposes any elimination of
national sovereignty, promotes the need to control immigra—
tion anui distrusts supranational organizations; and, (3)
social protectionism, which works for elimination of nation-
alism, has some distrust of world government, and some
support of immigration limitation.

Klineberg placed U.S. students in the latter category.
Social protectionism implies an iuwdllingness tn) give up
scarce resources and distrust of cultural integration. These
results again indicate a form of nationalism which is not
inconsistent with lunxa for international cooperation. The
findings of the Klineberg (1979) and Der-Karabetian et al.
(1983) studies give indication that attitudes need to ba

looked at in terms of specific issue areas.

45

Peterson (1980) conducted a survey of 1,391 junior and
senior high school students in Kentucky to determine their
attitudes toward international affairs. He found that the
majority see the world becoming more conflictive in the years
ahead, and that the view overall was one of "realpolitik and
pessimistic." He also found a consistency with the earlier
surveys in that students viewed the world as bipolar, much
like the cold war attitudes of the 19603. The difference was
that students in Peterson's sample felt the U.S. was on the
decline. Despite these findings, the students also indicated
a lack of support for the use of force in international
affairs, but with a significantly greater proportion of
females rejecting the use of force. Both males and females
favored cooperation over independence in world affairs.

Masters (1984) used Peterson's questionnaire to survey
2097 junior and senior high school students in the Atlanta
area. His findings were consistent with those of Peterson,
with the majority of students expressing a pessimistic
position (based on a bipolar view of the world), but favoring
an internationalist, cooperative stance toward world affairs.
Masters also found significant differences in attitudes
between males and females, with males being more isolation—
ist, less cooperative and more inclined to use force.

One other difference which Peterson and Masters
uncovered, as compared to results from the earlier surveys,
is the role of television as an agent of international

political socialization. As Master indicates

46

It seems that television has become a major,

if not the major, agent of international political

socialization...the superficial nature (Hf such a

medium can hinder the development of an adequate

understanding of tflmazmajor processes within the
international system. The public schools must do

more to make sure today's youth understand and

appreciate the interdependent world in which they

live (p. 34).

Despite Master's warning, there is indication changes
have taken. place that might explain the difference in
findings between the surveys of the 19605 and the early 705
and those of the 19805. The National Assessment of Educa—
tional Progress (1978) found that between 1969 and 1976 there
was improvement in the ability of high school students to
state peaceful methods to avoid future wars. Also, a signifi-
cantly higher proportion of the students in 1976 as compared
to those in 1969 could state the purpose for the United
Nations.

Close (1984) conducted a survey which was similar to
that of Peterson and Masters, but used Canadian students.
Hi5 purpose was to determine attitudes toward the Cold War,
foreign aid and the political community in order to compare
these attitudes on the basis of sex, age and social class.
He sampled 1,126 5th, 8th and 11th graders from two school
boards in a rural part of Newfoundland. He found that
maturation tended "to bring young people both a greater
awareness of foreign affairs and a more open outlook on the

world" (p. 339). He also found that the working class

students in his sample had more authoritarian, nationalistic

47

attitudes. Each of these findings is consistent with the
earlier research cited. However, Close found no difference on
the basis of gender, a finding which conflicts with much of
the other socialization research, including the Peterson and
Masters studies. The difference is run: easily interpreted
and may be the result of the particular sample Close used.

A number of conclusions can be drawn from this review of
young peoples' orientation to international politics and
processes. Most important of these are:

1) By adolescence, children have developed concepts of
war and peace which remain fairly stable. Generally,
they hold a more sophisticated understanding of war
and a narrow, simplistic view of peace. There is
reason to believe these immature concepts of peace
lag behind intellectual development due to underexpo-
sure to the concept.

2) As individuals mature, they see more justification
for war and this is weaved into a world view that
largely reflects the ideology of the country in which
they live. While they reject war in principle, they
see it as inevitable and a matter of patriotic duty,
patriotism and morality.

3) There is evidence of a fairly strong strand of
nationalism which underlies youthful attitudes, but
also a belief in the necessity of international coop-
eration, a need to avoid military conflict and
support for the U.N.

4) There are significant differences between males and
females in their attitudes toward world affairs.
Generally, females are less interested, less inclined
to favor the use of force to solve disputes and less
willing to concede war is inevitable.

5) There is reason to believe there are differences
between social classes with working class students
holding more parochial attitudes.

In summarizing the attitudes of students of the 19805

Hepburn (1984) stated, "American high school students in the

48

19805 are generally loyal to their country, but cannot be
considered rabidly patriotic" (p.12). However, in terms of
the attitudes toward international problems she felt

For too many teenagers it seems that perceptions of

the world are based on the stereotypes and oversim-

plifications produced by episodic and often

nonanalytical school and mass media treatment of

such topics as the Hitler era, WWII, the Berlin

Wall, the Cold War, U.S.-Soviet power struggles and

the Iranian upheaval (p. 27).

If Hepburn's appraisal of the situation is anywhere near
accurate, then certainly the role of the school in producing

this deserves exploration. It is to this concern that this

review will now turn.

The early research on the effects of schooling on the
political socialization process at tflua high school level
found no effect of curriculum on student attitudes (Langton
and Jennings, 1968). The explanation advanced for this lack
of effect was the redundancy principle. That is, the high
school curriculum simply represented a more in-depth teaching
of content initially introduced an: the elementary level.
Therefore, many political attitudes were in place prior to
the student reaching high school. The difficulty with this
research was that it used very gross indexes as measures of
curriculum (i.e. number of social studies courses taken).
Secondly, as already indicated by many of the studies

previously cited, if the concern is specifically with

49

international political socialization, there is disagreement
over whether attitudes change through adolescence (Millard
1981; Close 1984; Button 1972).

Ehman (1980) conducted an extensive review of the
literature on political socialization and concluded that the
school is the most important source of political information
for adolescents. However, the school's effect on political
attitudes seems to be minimal without a "special effort or
treatment being mounted"(p.107). He also concluded from the
empirical studies reviewed that

Although there are a few contradictory studies, it

is impressive that the evidence from a variety of

studies lines up solidly in support of classroom

climate as a potent correlate of student political

attitudes (p.110).

The important element in terms of cflassroom climate
according to Ehman is that it be "open," a situation he
defines as being when

...students have an opportunity to engage freely

in making suggestions for structuring the class-

room environment, and when they have an opportuni-

ty to discuss all sides of controversial topics,

the classroom climate is deemed open.

The factors Ehman pointed to as essential in an open
classroom climate are consistent with a list of factors
Torney, Oppenheim and Farnen (1975) suggest is related to low
authoritarianism 531 the classroom. These include: (1)
encouragement of freedom of expression and political

discussion, (2) infrequent participation in patriotic

rituals, (3) emphasis on non-western cultures, (4) infrequent

50

use of printed drill, (5) willingness of teachers to discuss
sensitive issues. Based on their findings from a 10—nation
study, the authors concluded that these elements are related
to support of democratic political values and interest in
politics.

Rosell and Hawley (1981) used questionnaires for
students and teachers, content analysis of classroom
materials, sociograms, and classroom observation to test
whether the way teachers treat their students has an effect
on political cynicism. They used a stratified random sample
to select 79 North Carolina classrooms with a total of 1625
students. They found that when the teacher showed interest
in student ideas and openness, the students expressed less
political cynicism.

Ehman (1980b) carried.cnn: a longitudinal study iJI 10
schools for two years. He hypothesized that more open
classrooms would 1x2 associated. with increased. positive
political attitudes. These included political confidence,
political trust, political interest and political integra—
tion. He found that use of controversial opinions, freedom
to express opinion and expression of a range of views in the
classroom was positively associated with trust, interest and
integration, but negatively associated with confidence.
Ehman defined political confidence as the "belief one's
actions can have an effect on political activities and

decisions" (p. 256). The results may indicate that increased

51

discussion of political issues bring with it an increased
"realism."

The thrust of these studies has been to investigate
relationships between domestic political attitudes. However,
they are instructive in considering changing international
political attitudes. It should be pointed out that in class-
rooms in which discussion is open, attitudinal changes are
not always positive. Ehman found that political confidence
decreased in an environment in which there was open exchange
of ideas. This suggests that attitudes may be altered when
one is confronted with ideas which challenge previously held
beliefs and new information which is not easily integrated
into one's existing mental framework. Open classroom discus-
sion produces conflicts within the group which leads to
conceptual conflict within the individual and which
eventually leads to attitudinal change. It may be that this
dynamic is just as operative in altering attitudes about the
international political arena as it is the domestic political
arena.

Another reason why open classroom discussion is in need
of investigation in terms of international political atti-
tudes is suggested by the research on teacher attitudes.
Naylor (1973) developed a questionnaire to measure the
beliefs (ME educational administrators about nationalistic
education. The instrument consisted of a series of hypothet-
ical situations involving issues of nationalism in a public

school. He asked the administrators to respond to the issues

52

in terms of what they thought should happen in the given
situation, and what they thought would happen. The majority
of administrators at both the elementary and secondary levels
felt the schools should act in a way which was non-national-
istic, but would act nationalistically. The results of
Naylor's survey suggest there are pressures on schools to
behave in a nationalistic way, possibly because it is
perceived to be less controversial.

Two early studies suggest this assumption. Both Button
(1972) and Tolley (1973) found in their surveys of elementary
and high school students that the Vietnam War was avoided as
a topic of discussion in social studies classrooms during the
height of the war.

Tye (1980) also surveyed teachers. He found teachers
"by and large nationalistic" (p.10), with social studies
teachers only slightly less so. Possibly most revealing was
that 60% of the teachers felt that "schools are not placing
enough emphasis on patriotism and respect for the flag." This
is significant in relation to Torney et al. (1975) finding
that among 10 countries U.S. students ranked at the top in
terms of national loyalty. Tye interpreted his findings by
stating most teachers

...want to teach about other nations and people,

they even want to develop more positive attitudes

in students towards others. However, they want this

done within a framework which also acknowledges and
even promotes national loyalty." (p.8)

53

A number of researchers have investigated the effects of

specific programs in international education on student atti-

tudes. Torney-Purta (1984) undertook a large scale survey of
global education programs. Her sample was nation—wide but
was not randomly selected. Schools were contacted through

the head administrator and asked to participate if they
offered a course which could be described under the rubric of
global education. This meant, of course, that the types of
programs identified were wide ranging. Within each partici-
pating school, a control group, which consisted of social
studies students not enrolled in global education courses,
was selected for as a basis of comparison. The questionnaire
completed by the students was extensive and included sections
designed to measure both knowledge and affect in the area of
global issues. If an individual scored high on the affective
measure it indicated he had interest in personal contact with
those from other nations, attempted to be informed about
other nations and showed empathy for others. Torney-Purta
found significant differences on affective scores by program
and concluded that intense, highly selective programs
enrolling able students were very successful at changing
attitudes; especially those programs combining curricular and
extra-curricular aspects. She also found that programs which
had continuity and a component of teacher training were
highly successful. Traditional programs (these included
programs such as Area Studies and World History) had little

success. A multiple regression analysis was done to identify

54

valid predictors of high global concern scores. The
predictors thus identified included: reading international
news, watching television news, GPA, gender, extracurricular
participation, foreign language fluency and duration of
foreign language study. Torney-Purta concluded by stating

Although this survey provides strong evidence that

global education. does work, its interpretation

suggests that simply creating a course and calling

it International Relations or world Studies will

not insure the desired outcome. (p.25)

Studies by Williams (1961) in Great Britain and Elly
(1964) :UI New Zealand support this contention. In both
cases, teacher—designed courses which made a conscious effort
to foster attitudinal change were successful. Both however,
used non—traditional methods of instruction while focusing on
traditional content. These studies also indicated that
improved attitudes do not necessarily result from increased
knowledge.

In contrast, two studies looked at courses which used
more traditional teaching methods, but were based non-tradi—
tional content. Smith (1973) attempted to determine if a one
semester course developed In! the Anthropology Curriculum
Study Project would increase the world-mindedness of high
school students. He administered the Sampson—Smith World-
mindedness Scale to 171 students before and after taking: (1)
the new course, (2) a general world studies course, and (3) a

current affairs course. No difference was found among the

mean scores of the three groups.

55

Mercer (1974) used. a questionnaire to assess the
attitudes of high school students in Scotland after a formal
course in Political Education. He matched students who had
taken the course with students who had not, by social class,
sex, and verbal reasoning. The total sample was 2,400. He
found. no <difference :uu the way respondents judged. war
(intentions vs. consequences) or the students' ability to
give an abstract definition of war and peace. These results
were so despite the fact that those were explicit objectives
of the course.

Smith (1979) attempted to assess the impact of materials

from the Global Studies Project on the structure of student

attitudes towards other nations. The design was
pretest/posttest with a control group. The sample included
15 schools, which were self-selected, from 6 states. The

experimental group and control groups were determined by the
individual school. The treatment lasted 15 weeks and data
were collected by means of a questionnaire. Factor analysis
was used to measure the perceptual structures of the
students. Smith's conclusion was that the materials had no
effect on the perceptual structure of the experimental group.

In contrast to the findings of these studies, many other
studies have identified programs in global education which
were successful at changing attitudes. Tye and Tye (1983)
carried out a five year evaluation of a project designed by
Global Perspectives iJIZEducation (GPE). They selected 14

classrooms in tflma San Francisco and Albuquerque areas as

56

their sample. The students were predominantly white, middle
class, of high ability and "conservative." They used class-
room observation, teacher interviews, and student surveys
including a knowledge test and attitude scale. The attitude
scale was adopted from the large-scale study minim
Schooling (1977). By using this scale the researchers were
able to make comparisons between their small sample and the
larger sample ixl'the IDEA study. The scale included ten
items and on all but three, the GPE sample "had much more
positive scores on the average than the IDEA sample" (p. 53).
On two other items, the GPE sample was slightly higher and on
one they were about the same. The classroom observations and
teacher interviews indicate one possible reason for this
result. Overall, teachers were motivated and valued global
awareness. They were described as "flexible" and expended
time and effort in incorporating new activities into their
teaching. Most telling, however, in terms of what other
research has indicated as important, is that lessons were
concept rather than fact oriented, and various grouping and
other activity modes were used. Overall, classes had a high
level of student-teacher interaction. A "different content
was observed in each of the 14 classrooms visited and most
involved a significant adaptation of GPE materials." (p.52).
While no direct causal connection should be inferred from
this study, it suggests that it was not the content per se
but the way the content was transmitted that had an effect on

student attitudes.

57

Carlson (1984) reported on the results of a quasi-exper—
imental study of a curriculum to teach about "Security in the
Nuclear Age." Two social studies cflasses anui one science
class were used as the experimental group and one social
studies and one science class were used as the control. The
teachers were volunteers, but assignment to the experimental
or control group was random. The cmrriculum was designed
around the concepts of security, values, the nature of
conflict, security planning, diplomacy and the U.S. role in
security. The approach to the study of these concepts was
based on interaction and included discussion, simulation and
debate. A test was designed to assess knowledge level and
attitude in terms of the major concepts focused on in the
curriculunu There were IN) significant differences between
the two groups in terms of attitudes, and Carlson attributed
that to tflma short ‘treatment jperiod. Nevertheless, ‘two

important findings resulted from an analysis of the student

responses. First, males felt the best means of preservation
for' the ‘U.S. is ea strong :military. For the females,
democratic government held the greatest hope. This result

occurred within both the control and experimental groups,
again indicating that gender is ea powerful predictor of
attitude toward international politics. Secondly, there were
significant differences between those who claimed to use the
media as their main source of information on world affairs
and those who claimed to use the school as their main source

of information on world affairs. For those claiming to use

58

the media, fear between nations was seen as the biggest
obstacle to peace. They also felt that the U.S. has preserved
the peace through a strong military and that the purpose of
arms control is 113 maintain world peace. For those who
claimed to use the school as their source of information, (1)
the major obstacle to peace was perceived to be an absence of
effective international cooperation and agreement, and (2)
the purpose of arms control was to limit the destructiveness
of war if it occurred. Another important difference was that
those relying on the media answered higher level questions
(analysis/synthesis) from what Carlson termed a protec-
tion/power/predominance paradigm. Those relying on informa—
tion from school used a negotiation/limitation of power
paradigm.

Torney—Purta (1986) reported on two studies of
curriculum projects in the area of global education both of
which proved to be effective in changing student attitudes.
The first was the "Stanford in the Schools, American Schools
in tflma World” jproject. Student. questionnaires, teacher
interviews and intensive classroom observations were used to
collect information on global education courses in the Bay
Area. The student questionnaire included knowledge subscales
as well as the attitudinal scales from the ETS study by Pike
and Barrow (1979). A regression analysis showed that freedom
to disagree in class with an opinion expressed by the teacher

was a valid predictor on the knowledge and attitude scales.

59

A second study was conducted on a project by the
Maryland. Center for International Studies. IFifty—nine
secondary school students were the recipients of a specially
designed two week curriculum which had as a major component a
computer-assisted simulation. The students took the roles of
representatives of five countries and participated in a
simulated international negotiation. The students also had
lectures, visited embassies and participated in other small-
scale simulations. Questionnaires were filled.cnn: by the
subjects prior to the start of the project and two days
before the seminar was completed» Trained observers
conducted more than one-hundred ten to fifteen minute obser-
vations of the simulation and rated the subjects on the
amount of jparticipant interactitnn The questionnaires
included scales measuring national chauvinism, perception of
the world divided into U.S. allies and enemies, importance of
rationality and moderation in foreign policy, and support for
international cooperation. There was a statistically signif-
icant decline on the national chauvinism scale from pre to
post test, with a large decline in agreement on two items:
(1) the best way to insure peace is for the U.S. to be
stronger than any other nation in the world, and (2) the U.S.
should be free to intervene militarily in other countries in
order tn) protect our national interest. The observations
corroborated this and indicated that "some students decreased
moderately in their readiness to express nationally chauvin—

istic attitudes." (p.17) There was also a significant

60

increase 1J1 support tin: international cooperation from
pretest in: posttest, especially 111 the areas <xf nuclear
proliferation and world economy.

The Maryland study gives support to the idea that inter-
action is an important variable in changing attitudes toward
international politics. Whether the results produced in this
very intense two week seminar could be reproduced in the
classroom is unanswered.

Two studies at opposite ends of the educational
hierarchy give evidence that global education can increase
individual global perspective without adversely affecting
their appreciation for their own country. Mitsakos (1978)
attempted to evaluate the results of a specific curricular
intervention in the field of global education known as the
Family of Man: His study compared third graders who had been
through this program for three years with students who had
experienced tan) other social studies programs. Using 15
statements, on a semantic differential scale designed to
assess political chauvinism, he found all three groups low on
ethnocentrimn. Furthermore, while the experimental group
expressed more favorable attitudes toward foreign peoples, he
found no difference in the three groups in regards to their
perception of the United States. The finding led Mitsakos to
conclude:

This fact negates the claim made by some skeptics

that time spent on the study of other nations

reduces the time spent on the U.S., which results
in a lack of understanding about America (p. 12).

61

Barnes and Curlette (1985) subjected a group of college
students to a ten week graduate course in global understand-
ing. The students were administered the Worltmindedness
Scale and the Patriotism—Scale before and after formal
instruction. The results were compared to a group of
students enrolled in a graduate course without a global
component. The researchers found. significant increases
between the pretest and posttest for the experimental group
on world—mindedness. At the same time, this group experi-
enced no significant reduction in scores on the Patriotism
Scale. The results suggest global education can be effective
in increasing global perspective without reducing apprecia-
tion for one's own country.

To summarize, the important findings from this research
are:

1) An open classroom climate and a high degree of
interaction among students is an important element in
changing student political attitudes.

2) Predictors of high global concern include reading
international news, watching television news, gender,
extracurricular participation, foreign language
fluency and duration of foreign language study.

3) Innovative ‘teaching’ methods appears to 1x2 more
successful in affecting student attitudes than
innovative course content.

4) Global education programs at the elementary and
college level have been successful in increasing
student world-mindedness and decreasing ethnocentrism

without affecting students' sense of patriotism. No
studies exist at the high school level.

62

Summary

In the area of international education, those programs
which have been termed "global education" have as a common
objective shifting the world perspective of the typical indi-
vidual. The intent is in: provide students with 51 global
perspective rather than a narrow nationalistic perspective.
However, research (n1 young peoples' attitudes toward the
nation-state, other countries, and international processes
tells us these attitudes are firmly set early in life. For
the most part, we can characterize these attitudes as being
we-they in perspective and somewhat nationalistic. From a
political standpoint, they are based on an ideological
mindset whioh views the world as bipolar, and colors the
individual's attitude toward other countries and internation-
al issues. At the same time, there are subtle but important
differences among and between groups such as males and
females, and different social classes.

While attitudes are firmly set early in life, it does
not mean they are unalterable. The difficulty seems to be
that the nationalistic thinking developed early in life is
reinforced throughout school. Schools seem resistant to any
form (If education which is run: nationalistic. Teachers,
according txa survey information, are either reluctant to
present another view due 11) perceived social, legal and
bureaucratic pressure or are simply unwilling. However, a
small handful of studies have found programs based on the

concept (Hf interdependence tn) be successful 1J1 changing

63

student attitudes toward other countries and the internation-
al political arena. Programs which were successful used
interactive and innovative teaching strategies. This seems
t1) be consistent with research on time open classroom and
student political attitudes. The connection might be that
students hold rigid attitudes because they are neither forced
to confront differing opinions, nor have the opportunity to
test their own beliefs in a supportive but intellectually
challenging environment. Therefore, there is reason to
believe that a course based on the concept of interdependence
and having as a purpose the inculcation of a global perspec-
tive can be successful in shifting student attitudes.
However, we would expect that those attitudes which would
shift are the ones based on the least information. In this
case, students' attitudes toward international issues would
be likely to change, but one's basic orientation toward the

nation-state would not.

CHAPTER III
Overview

The purpose of this study has been to assess the impact
of a global education course on students' global-mindedness
and patriotism. Four schools, each with one-semester-length
global education courses participated. The schools were
chosen on the basis of their geographic location and the
predominant socio-economic make—up of the community in which
they were located. .A pretest/posttest quasi—experimental
control group design was utilized. CHM; control group was
comprised of intact classes at the same grade level as the
treatment group but who had not received formal instruction
in global education. Data were collected during the first
and last week of formal instruction. The W5
Analxsis and the WWW (Thurstone.
1932) were used to measure the dependent variables of global-
mindedness and patriotism. Demographic information and
student perceptions of the classroom climate were collected
to determine if certain variables correlated with global-
mindedness. Finally, interviews *with time participating
global education teachers were conducted to categorize their
particular approach to international education, and to draw

inferences from the results of the student questionnaires.

64

65

Sample

Four high schools in the state of Michigan were chosen
to participate in the study. Since global education courses
are relatively rare, the schools were not randomly selected.
Instead, they were chosen on the basis of their geographic
location within the state, the pmedominant socio-economic
make up of the student body, the type of community in which
the school was situated, and the existence of a course
defined by the school as falling within the domain of global
education. The final sample consisted of 618 students in 25
classes in tflma four schools. Those enrolled in E1 global
education course constituted the experimental group and
totaled 396 students. The control group was made up of 222
pupils enrolled in various social studies courses which did
not have a global education content. The age of the sample
ranged from 14 to 18 with 47% being 15 years old. Although
the sample included students in the ninth through the twelfth
grade the majority were in the ninth and tenth grades.
Females (52.5%) slightly outnumbered males (47.5%).

The majority of the students (81%) said they planned to
attend college. This large number can be partially explained
by the high proportion of ninth and tenth graders included in
the sample, but may also be partially due to over representa-
tion of upper middle class students. This is also reflected
in the fact that 45% of the students claimed the head of

their household is a professional. Further, 66.5% have

66

traveled outside the country and 29.6% of those students have
spent more than a month outside the U.S.

The largest percentage of students came from suburban
areas (29.8%) with 27.3% describing their area of residence
as urban, 24.9% as a small town, and 18.0% as rural. Televi-

sion is claimed by 49.7% of the students as their major

source of information on world affairs. The daily newspaper
was read by 26.4%. Teachers were chosen as a major informa-
tion source by only 13.5% of the sample. In terms of course-

work, the average number of social studies courses taken at
the high school level was 1.7. A foreign language course was
taken by 77.2% of the sample, with 61% of those students
taking it for two or more years.

A complete picture of the sample and a comparison of the
experimental and control groups is provided in the appendix.
While the two groups were essentially equivalent, some impor-
tant differences should be noted. A higher percentage of the
experimental group (28.5%) as opposed to the control group
(16.2%) used the newspaper as their major source of informa-
tion. While 45% of the experimental group claimed their
fathers' occupation as part of a profession, only 32% of the
control group claimed this for their fathers. The percentage
of subjects who claimed their mothers as professionals was
also larger for the treatment group (28.3% vs. 18%). The
largest difference between the two groups was in the type of
community in which they claimed to live. While 41% of the

control group lived in an urban area, only 15% of the

67

experimental group did. The percentage of males and females
in each group is presented in Figure 1. As the graph
indicates, the two groups are equivalent in terms of gender.
While this gives some indication of the representative-
ness of the sample, a more detailed description of the

individual schools follows.

Wish

The first school, called Small Town High, is the only
high school in a district encompassing 300 square miles.
Within that large area is a town of approximately 15,000
people. The main economic activity of the area comes from
tourism and agriculture. The district services a total of
9,906 students with 9,626 being defined by the State Depart-
ment of Education as Caucasian. The next largest ethnic
group is Native American with 116 (1.2%). Hispanics total 84
(.8%), Asians 64 (.6%), and Blacks 16 (.2%). The high school
itself has 2,339 students, 2,279 of whom are Caucasian.

Due to the rapid economic growth the area is experienc-
ing and the success of the tourist industry, the district is
relatively well-off financially.

It was originally intended that the experimental group
in Small Town High include all students in the first semester
tenth-grade level "Global Perspectives" course. This would
have involved 11 intact classes. However, the social studies

curriculum at Small Town High is two-tiered, with a "general"

 

 

 

 

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69

level of studies, and what is referred to as a "skills"
level. The skills level includes students VHK) are less
proficient learners and typically have reading difficulties.
Due to the method of data collection in this study, and after
consultation with the social studies teachers at Small Town
High, it was determined that the two "Global Perspectives
Skill Level" classes would be left out of the study.
Therefore, 1J1 9 classes at the general level 237 students
were used as the experimental group. The control group was
first semester tenth grade American History students. This
included 74 students in three classes taught by two teachers.

Of the total sample, 51.1% were female and 48.9% were
male. Three-fourths of the students planned to go to college
with the next largest percentage being undecided (13.8%).
Most of the students (46.9) relied on television as their
major source of information on world affairs, with the
newspaper being used by 30%. The majority (63%) had traveled
to a foreign country and 80.7% had taken a foreign language.
The largest occupational group for the head of the household

was professional (37%).

W

The district in which Suburban High is located is within
a major metropolitan area. It is an established, 25 square-
mile community of 50,000 people. The community is home to
many of the area's executives and professionals and therefore

has a large tax base with which to support its schools. The

70

average expenditure per pupil is $6,250, which places the
district among the top five in the state. There are 6,062
students in the school system. The ethnic breakdown of the
district according to the State Department of Education is
5,250 (86.6%) Caucasians, 233 (3.7%) Blacks, 60 (1%)
Hispanics, 529 (8.7%) Asians, and 0 Native Americans. Subur-
ban High is one of two large high schools in the district,
and has an enrollment of 1211 students. The school has 78
(6.4%) Asians, 74. (6.1%) Blacks, 1&3 (1.5%) Hispanics and
1,041 (86%) Whites.

The experimental group in Suburban High includes all
the students enrolled in the first semester ninth grade
course called "International Studies". The control group is
comprised of two sections of the ninth-grade "Practical Law"
course. This resulted ill 90 students ill the experimental
group and 45 in the control group. Of 135, 69 (52%) were
female and 66 (48%) were male. A percentage similar to that
at Small Town High (80.7%) planned tx>gy3 to college after
high school. Also similar was the percentage of students who
cited television as their major source of information on
world affairs (47.4%). A smaller percentage, however, (15.6%)
used the daily newspaper to get such information. More of the
Suburban High sample has traveled out of the country (82.8%),
with 31.2% of those being out of the country longer than a
month. .A large proporthmu of the students have taken a

foreign language course (83%) and 55% of those had studied it

71

for more than a year. Finally, 66.7% claimed the head of the

household to be in a professional occupation.

11:11am

Private High is located in a small university city with
a population of 79,000. The church-affiliated school has an
enrollment of 299 students. The school has been in existence
since the late 1960's and has experienced significant enroll—
ment changes. Attendance costs over $2,000 Inn: year in
tuition and books, but the school has maintained a fairly
stable reputation as being academically sound. Over 95% of
its graduates go on to college with many of them attending
the country's elite universities. Needless to say, the cost
makes attendance prohibitive for many families at the lower
end of the socio-economic ladder. The student body not only
reflects a strong class bias but it is extremely homogeneous
ethnically and racially. Of the 299 students there are 284
Caucasians, 8 Blacks, 6 Hispanics and 1 Asian.

The experimental group consisted of 16 students enrolled
in an eleventh and twelfth grade elective course entitled
"Crisis Spots." The control group NEH; 29 eleventh— and
twelfth-graders in EH1 elective jpsychology course. One
student in the control group had previously taken "Crisis
Spots," and consequently he was not included in the analysis.
Of the 45 students in the sample, 23 were females and 22 were
males. Eighty-nine percent of the students were planning to

attend college after high school graduation. .As with the

72

students in the other three schools, television was the
choice of most of the students (51.1%) as their primary
source of information, although a large proportion (40%) also
chose the newspaper. Only 2.2% chose teachers as the major
source.

As for travel, 75.6% had spent time out of the country.
Only 1 student in the sample had never had a foreign language
course, and 80% had studied a language at least two years.
As with Suburban school, 66.7% claimed the head of the house—

hold was in the professional ranks.

Erbaniigh

While the students in Small Town High, Suburban High and
Private High were similar in many ways, the same cannot be
said for the students in Urban High. Urban High is located
in an urban area of 130,400 people and is part of a district
that services 22,477 K-12 students :Ui 40 schools. The
community is an important industrial as well as governmental
center and as such spans all socio-economic levels. It also
has emu ethnically diverse anui integrated population. The
student ethnic make up is 57% Caucasian, 27.9% Black, 10.6%
Hispanic, 2.7% Asian and 1.5% Native American.

Urban High is one of three high schools in the district
and has a student population of 1987. Of these, 62% are
Caucasian, 7% are Hispanic, 28% are Black, 2% are Asian and
1% Native American. The experimental group iJI‘Urban High

consisted of 53 students in two sections of a required tenth-

73

grade course called "Global Studies." The control group of
74 students came from three sections of tenth grade American
History. Of 127 students, 74 (58.3%) were female and 53
(41.7%) were male. Compared with Small Town and Suburban High
a similar percentage of students (73.2%) were planning on
college after high school. However, only 37.8% relied on
television as their primary source of information on world
affairs. While a small percentage (11%) depended on the
newspaper as a source of information, the teacher (21.3%) was
looked to by more of the Urban High students as a primary
source of information than in the other schools. Urban High
students also traveled less than students in the other three
schools with only 55.1% spending any time outside the
country. And they qui experienced less fOreign language
study with only 55.9% having had one year of study, and only
14.9% of those studying for more than a year. ley 13.4%
described the head of their household as a professional. On
the basis of these demographics it appears the sample of
Urban High students is somewhat different from those in the

other three schools.

Instrumentation

Ih§_HQle_A£iai£S_Anal¥Si§ (Joyce, Alleman, Little, 1987)

The World_Affairs_Analysis (WAA) is "intended to assess
the incidence of nationalistic and globalistic thinking in

high school and college students enrolled in social studies

74

courses in the United States, Canada and Great Britain"
(Joyce, Little, Alleman, 1987, p. 1). A modified version of
the WAA was used in this study. The full instrument presents
13 hypothetical international problems tn) the respondent.
Each problem focuses on a single issue of global importance.

The issues were selected for inclusion in the instrument
on a number of bases. First, each is plausible. The problems
reflect issues (ME continuing concern le'the international
arena such as freedom of navigation, foreign trade and over—
population. Secondly, they are problems whose resolutions
can conceivably be approached either unilaterally or multi—
laterally. Third, they are problems which have serious
consequences for more than one nation. In order to avoid
ideological mindset on the part of the respondent, no country
other than the U.S. is mentioned by name in the U.S. version
of the instrument. A short description of the ten problems
chosen for use in this study follows:

1. Earthsafe. An international environmental protection
group, Earthsafe, threatens t1) blockade a: small
uninhabited island upon which the United States
plans to test a new weapons system. Earthsafe

claims that the test will upset the island's
ecological system for 25 years.

2. Performing_1n33;. A major world power threatens to
cancel its cultural exchange agreement with the
United States on the grounds that the values
expressed by the United States artists and
performers are inimical to those of its people.

3. World Health. The World Health Organization asks the
United States government for $10 million in
assistance to combat a deadly disease that has not
been identified in the United States.

75

4. W A bill has come before the United
States Congress to severely limit the number of
immigrants allowed to enter our country from a
foreign nation with a high incidence of a lethal,
communicable disease.

5. .IerjgugLsm‘_ An obscure band of 'terrorists has
kidnapped several high—ranking diplomats, one cf
whom is an American.

6. Overpopulation. One of the poorest, most
overpopulated nations in the world asks the United
States to allow 10 million of its refugees to enter
the United States over the next ten years.

7. Olympic Games.A major world power refuses to compete
in the forthcoming summer Olympic Games and will
encourage its allies not to compete unless the Games
are moved to a more politically acceptable site.

8. Foreign-Made Goods. A major United States industry
is urging Congress to severely limit the importation
into the United States of certain foreign—made
goods, which. are .artificially' priced. far Ibelow
comparable United States-made goods.

9. Nuglear_AcgidenL+ A nuclear powered submarine owned

by a major foreign power has exploded within 3 miles
of the United States coast.

10. Air_Irayel_Stoppagel A nationwide strike of domestic

airline pilots threatens to spread to other nations
of the world.

The respondent is asked to take the role of a high-level
government official and choose two courses of action- one the
respondent considers most acceptable and one the respondent
considers least acceptable. There are five alternatives from
which to choose. Two of the alternatives represent a globally
minded response. That is, the response places world interests
above national interest. Two of the responses are
nationcentric in that they clearly place the interests of the

nation ahead of the world. Finally, one response is neutral

76

by avoiding placing the interests of one political entity
over the other. Neutral responses typically call for study
of the situation, and make no commitment on the part of the
respondent.

For the purposes of this study the WAA was reduced from
13 to 10 problems. The reasons for this reduction were time
constraints and the difficulty of certain items for the
typical high school student. Given the large amount of data
which was needed from the students and the need for both pre
and post testing, it was determined that the full length WAA
would take an inordinate amount of time. Secondly, through
field testing the instrument, three of the items on the WAA
were determined to be conceptually difficult for the average
high school student.

Since the instrument is designed to measure the degree
of globalistic thinking an individual possesses, the method
of scoring takes into account the relationship between the
respondent's least acceptable and most acceptable response. A
global-minded response is scored.21 +1. This would include
either:

1) a solution chosen by the respondent as "most accept-
able" which has been coded as "globally minded"

2) a solution chosen by the respondent as "least accept-
able" which has been coded as "nationcentric."
Similarly, a nationcentric response is scored a -1. This
would include either:

1) a solution chosen by the respondent as "most accept-
able" which has been coded as "nationcentric"

77

2) a solution chosen by the respondent as "least accept-
able" which has been coded as "globally minded."
Finally, choosing a neutral option as either "Most Accept-
able" or "Least Acceptable" is scored a zero.

This method of scoring yields a possible range of —2
(most nationcentric) to +2 (most global—minded) for each of
the 10 scenarios, and —20 (most nationcentric) to +20 (most
globally minded) for the instrument as a whole. The WAA was
constructed over the course of two years and underwent six
major revisions. It has been reviewed by a number of subject
matter experts and been deemed to have content validity
(Joyce, Alleman, Little, 1987).

In order to assess the criterion-related validity of the
modified version of the WAA it was administered to 27
eleventh-grade students in a high school social studies
class. The students were administered the Sampson and Smith
(1957) We one week later. The World-
mindednessm is designed to measure nationalistic-
internationalistic attitudes on the following eight
dimensions: religion, immigration, government, economics,
patriotism, race, education and war. It was believed that a
high correlation between the scores of the individual
students would provide evidence of criterion validity on the
WAA. The Spearman Rank Order Coefficient for the scores on
the two measures was .639 indicating the WAA has criterion

validity.

78

The reliability of the WAA has not previously been
reported. Due to the nature of this study there is a concern
that it exhibit consistency over time. This is more signifi-
cant than internal consistency, since each of the hypotheti-
cal problems in the WAA could be considered as a separate
social referent and produce different responses. However, it
is essential that the WAA exhibit some consistency over time
in order to use it to investigate the effect of a global
education course on student global-mindedness. Therefore, a
Pearson Product Moment Correlation coefficient was computed
with the pretest and posttest scores of the students in the
control group. This coefficient was .453 which was statisti-

cally significant (p<.01).

W (Thurstone, 1932)

The W (ATPS) was
developed using the method of equal appearing intervals. Its
purpose is to measure the intensity of affection or disaffec-
tion one feels toward his/her own nation. It consists of two
comparable 20-item forms. The respondent is asked to indicate
agreement or disagreement with each of 20 statements. The
score is then determined by the median of the scale values of
the items endorsed. The higher the score the more patriotic
the respondent's attitude.

Form A of the Scale was administered to the sample at
the time of the pretest. Form B was administered at the time

of the posttest. The alternate form reliability has been

79

reported by Lorge (1939) as between .69 and .83. Validity of
the instrument has been based on content and the method of

selecting the items (Shaw and Wright, 1967).

We;

In order to measure the student's perception of the
openness of the classroom it was necessary to construct an
index. From the literature, it was determined that an open
classroom is characterized by:

1) students' perception that their opinion is valued by
the teacher

2) a sense of freedom on the part of the student to
raise issues and participate in discussion

3) discussion of controversial issues
4) freedom to make classroom rules

5) freedom in choosing what will be studied.

From these characteristics a pool of 15 Likert-type
statements was initially created. These were drawn from a
number of sources including the work of Ehman (1980) and
Rosell and Hawley (1981), as well as items written by the
researcher. In the pilot stage individual administrations of
the instrument were conducted in the Fall (ME 1987 with a
number of students from various high schools. This led to a
number of alterations including the revision of ambiguous, or
vague items.

A factor analysis of the fifteen items indicated it

loaded (n1 three factors: ll items related tn) classroom

80

discussion, 2) items related to rule making, and 3) a third
factor which was not easily interpreted. A decision was made
to use only the first factor of classroom discussion. This
factor, which was based on eight of the items, had a high
eigen level, high individual factor loadings and was consis-
tent with the variable of interest in this study. These
results are reported in Table 1.

From these eight items, a Classroom Discussion Index was

created. Scoring for the index was accomplished by assigning
a point t1) each response, with "strongly agree" == 5 and
"strongly disagree" = 1. These were totaled for the eight

items providing a possible range on the instrument of 8 to
40.

In order to further test the reliability of the index,
an item analysis was done on the total sample. The results
of that analysis are reported in Table 2.

The item analysis yields an acceptable alpha level of

.8126.

Treatment
Each of the four schools involved in the study will be
presented separatelyu The description of tflua treatment is
drawn from: (1) interviews with teachers and other individu-
als involved in creating the course, (2) examination of
written documents such as course outlines and descriptions,
amd (3) examination of cmrricular materials including the

major texts used in each course.

81

Table 1. Factor Loadings on Student Questionnaire

 

 

 

j i —
Factor
1 2 3
1. If I disagree with a classroom .095 .323 -.682

rule I am able to do something
to help change it.

2. If I have a complaint about an .352 .350 -.481
unfair classroom rule, I believe
I could get the teacher to listen
to me.

3. The students in this classroom have -.179 .759 -.244
some say in what will be studied.

4. I feel free to participate in .669 -.109 -.187
classroom discussions.

5. This class provides an oppor- .435 .284 .263
tunity to get involved in many
different activities.

6. The teacher encourages students .542 .192 .175
to ask questions.

'7. We often disagree about solutions .161 .352 .482
to problems we are studying.

8. We often discuss issues in this .575 .006 .197
class that are in the news.

9. Students help plan classroom -.056 .747 -.008
activities.
10. I feel I have the freedom to .687 -.152 -.220

raise questions in class about
the material we study.

11. The teacher values my opinion. .469 .264 .022

12. Important social issues are .646 .097 .205
discussed in this class.

13. It is all right to make comments .730 -.084 .016
about controversial issues in
this class.

14. Nearly everyone in this class .167 .507 .094
participates in classroom
activities.

15. I feel free to express my opinion .722 -.028 -.136

in this class.

 

82

Table 2. Item Analysis of Classroom Discussion Index

 

Item-Total Alpha if
Correlation Item Deleted

1. I feel free to participate in .509 .794
classroom discussions.

2. The teacher encourages students .509 .794
to ask questions.

3. We often discuss issues in this .459 .801
class that are in the news.

4. I feel I have the freedom to .482 .797
raise questions in class about
the material we study.

5. The teacher values my opinion. .497 .795

6. Important social issues are .582 .783
discussed in this class.

7. It is all right to make comments .589 .783
about controversial issues in
this class.

8. I feel free to express my opinion .604 .779
in this class.

 

Small Town High

The students in Small Town High who comprise the experi-
mental group are enrolled in a required, one semester course
at the tenth-grade level entitled "Global Perspectives".The
course has been in existence for a number of years. It has
evolved from a more traditional social studies course which
focused (n1 international relations and foreign. policy.
Currently, it focuses on significant international problems.
Included in the topics covered are: the global environment,
the Mideast, overpopulation, food, the arms race, human

rights and the role of the United Nations. The primary

83

objective of the course is the "development of a global
perspective." The developers of the course are two of the
social studies teachers in the school. They define having a
global perspective as the "ability to understand the perspec-
tive of foreign peoples in regards to problems of global
importance." The course zus based largely (M1 discussion,
although there is also a good deal of lecture (estimated by
the teachers at 40%). fflua course concludes with a large—

scale simulation of the United Nations General Assembly.

Wish

The experimental group in Private High was enrolled in
an elective eleventh and twelfth-grade level course entitled
"Crisis Spots". The course has been in existence for eight
years. It was originally incorporated into the curriculum in
order to broaden the focus of the social studies. The intent
was to give more emphasis to the political and social
problems which exist in the international arena. At the same
time, the course has a perspective somewhat different from
the other course previously described in that it has problem
resolution as a major concern. The description in the
official course description booklet reads:

The focus of this course is on current problems

within the international community. Emphasis will

be placed upon the nature of problem resolution and

policy fOrmulation iJI.a pluralistic, democratic

society. Topics such as the U.S. role in the

Mideast, military' aid. to Nicaragua, and the

relative strengths of (JAB. and. Soviet defense
systems are examined.

84

As the description makes clear, the course investigates the
foreign policy process. In fact, the major txnd: for the
course is Great_flegisigns (Foreign Policy Association, 1987),
which is an annual publication of the Foreign Policy Associa-
tion. The 1987 issue of Eagmfig_uegisigns focused on eight
major world problems: (1) the role of law in international
relations, (2) the U.S. defense budget, (3) U.S. - Egyptian
relations, (4) problems for the U.S. in the Pacific Basin,
(5) foreign investment in the U.S., (6) South Africa, (7)
the conflict between Pakistan and Afghanistan, and (8) how
the U.S.should deal with worldwide revolutions. Each of the
eight topics was covered in the course through readings and
lecture, supplemented with panel discussions and debates.
There was also a Lengthy simulation called "Dangerous
Parallel," which was used as a concluding activity. The
students were expected to do outside reading in a major
weekly news magazine or newspaper on each of the major
topics, as well as any other international issues which were
of interest to them. The students were accountable for
sharing articles from these with the rest of the class.

A major continuing objective for the course was to have
students develop opinions on international problem resolution
and share their opinions in an open forum. The overall goal
according to the instructor is the "development of an

informed and concerned citizenry."

85

W11

Students 111 the Suburban School treatment group are
enrolled ill a required.:ninth—grade, one-semester—length
course entitled International Studies. According tx> the
official course description, International Studies

Emphasizes themes related to the independence and

interdependence of nations. Topics include:

cultural diversity, world religions, natural

resources, food, energy, political systems and the

effects of geography on the development of nations.

Social studies skills are developed and reinforced

in this course, with emphasis on drawing logical

conclusions, distinguishing factual claims from

opinions, listening, speaking auui writing skills

and interpreting maps, charts and tables.
The course has been in existence a number of years. However,
it was not until the 1986-1987 school year that the course
began to focus on the non-western world. As the course
description makes clear, there is more emphasis in this
course on skill building than in any of the other schools.
This was interpreted by the teachers as consisting of
geography skills and library/research skills. .At the same
time, there is an effort to develop "thinking skills" through
the use of open—ended essay questions based on international
problem situations.

One other emphasis of this course which is not evident
in the description is on historical development. The text
used in the course--Glgbal_lnsights (Merril, 1988)—-focuses

on cultural geography, .However, the teachers involved in

this study chose to supplement this with historical informa-

86

tion. Due partly to this choice, all of the teachers opted to

use lecture as the primary vehicle of instruction.

Erhanjigh
The treatment in Urban High is a one-semester, required
course at the tenth-grade level. It is entitled Global

Studies. The official course description reads as follows:

The purpose of this course is to increase students'
knowledge of historical events and global issues,
sharpen their skills in evaluating information, and
deepen their understanding of the World and the
concept of interdependence. Units of study for
this course have been developed with an interdepen-
dence emphasis. This course is not confined to a
survey of historical events. Emphasis is placed on
student analysis of persisting problems of the
world society. Examples of these problems might
include human rights, conflict resolution, interde-
pendence, hunger and poverty, terrorism and
environmental pollution. Discussion of these
problems is related to contemporary society and
focuses upon ethical and public policy issues.

The text for the class is Global_lnsights. The course
is organized by regions and focuses on global interdepen-
dence. The global issues which have been chosen for use in
the course include: conflict resolution, international
economic problems, population, human rights, the environment,
and the future. Consideration is also given to what are
termed "citizenship skills" including attention to issues
that affect society, expressing personal convictions and
adjusting behavior to fit the dynamics of various groups and

situations.

87

The teacher who took part in the study was in his first
year of teaching. He followed a closely-prescribed regime
which involved a reading assignment from the text, the
assignment of vocabulary terms from the text which were to be
defined in the students' notebooks, a day of lecture, the use
of visual media and a short test over the reading assignment.
Therefore, there was little discussion of the material by the

students.

Brocsdnrss

Data were collected during the first semester of the
1987-88 school year. During the first week of the semester,
students were administered the WAA, Form A of the ATPS, and a
questionnaire directed at relevant background variables. The
second data collection took place during the final week of
the semester and included administration of the World_Affairs
Analxsis, Form B of the Wis and
the Classroom_Dlsgnsslon_lndex. It was also during the final
week that interviews with teachers were conducted.

At each administration, the questionnaires were
distributed tx> the students :uu booklet form. A separate
sheet was also distributed which had directions and a consent
form.<n1 one side, and.au1 answer sheet (Hi the other. The
teacher read the directions and the consent form aloud to the
students. The students were guaranteed confidentiality and
were assured that the results of the survey could not affect

their grade in the course. The students were asked to sign

88

the consent form, complete the questionnaire, seal their
answer sheet in an attached envelope and place the envelope
into a larger envelope at the front of the room. This
somewhat cumbersome method was designed to provide the
students with the right of informed consent, as well as a
visible demonstration that their confidentiality would be
protected.

Teacher interviews were conducted by the researcher
subsequent to the collection of the posttest questionnaires.

Separate interviews were conducted with each of the global

education teachers. The interviews lasted approximately one
hour. .All of the immerviews were taped and later tran-
scribed. The interviews were used txa gather information

about the course, including the teachers' own purposes and
methods.

The administration of the student questionnaires was
carried cat In; the individual classroom teachers. All
teachers involved in the study met with the researcher prior
to the first administration and were briefed on the proper
procedures for administering the surveys. Shu each of the
schools, the students were given one class period to complete
the questionnaires. This varied from a length of 48 minutes
in Private School to 55 minutes in Urban School. Despite this
time difference the teachers reported no difficulties with

students finishing within one class period.

89

Ths_Yariablss
This section will attempt to give the reader an
understanding of how the major variables were classified and
operationalized.
Dependent Variables

Patriotism: This is treated as interval data as measured by
scores on the Attitnds_Ihward_2atristism_§sals. For the
first hypothesis it is treated as the outcome or dependent
variable. However, in all other hypotheses it is an
independent variable.

Globalist/Nationalistic Thinking: This data is also treated
as interval level as measured by scores on the World
Affairs Analysis.

Independent Variables

Gender: Is a categorical variable. Since it is bivariate it
is regarded as interval level in those analyses which
involve multiple regression.

School: Is a categorical-level variable. :n: is being used
for interpretive purposes as representative of socio-
economic level of the community. In order to measure it
for use in the multiple regression, three dummy variables
were created and entered into the appropriate equations.

Father's Occupation: This is aa categorical variable with
seven levels. Six dummy variables were created to enter
into the regression analysis.

Mother's Occupation: Is a: categorical variable with seven
levels. Six dummy variables were created to enter into the
regression analysis.

Condition: Is a dichotomous variable. It represents partic-
ipation in either the treatment or control group. It will
be treated as an interval-level variable in the regression
analyses.

Grade: Is a categorical variable with four levels. For
interpretive purposes three dummy level variables were
created to enter into the multiple regression analysis.

Area of Residence: Is a four-level categorical variable. It
has four levels, therefore three dummy variables were
created for use in the regression analyses.

90
Number of Social Studies Courses Taken: Is an interval—level
variable.
Plans After High School: Is a categorical variable with five
levels. Four dummy variables were used in the regression

analysis.

Regularity of Newspaper Reading: Is a categorical variable
with three levels. Two dummy variables were created.

Regularity of Reading World Affairs Section of the Newspaper:
Is a three—level categorical variable. Two dummy variables
were used in the regression.

Purpose of Foreign Travel: Is a four-level categorical
variable.

Number of Foreign Trips: A ratio-level variable from the WAA
questionnaire.

Time Outside the Country: The length of time the individual
spent outside the country was treated as an interval level
variable.

Foreign Language Experience: A dichotomous variable. There-
fore, it was treated as interval-level in the regression.

Time Spent Studying a Foreign Language: Is treated as an
interval-level variable.

Classroom Discussion: This was represented by the score on

the Classroom Discussion Index. It was regarded as an
interval—level variable.

We
Hypothesis One
HO: There is IN) relationship between selected
student background variables and nation/global-
mindedness.
In order to test this null hypothesis, data from the
student background questionnaire on the WAA, and the scores
from the ATPS pretest were entered into a multiple—regression

equation. The independent variables included: the students'

level of patriotism, school attended, gender, regularity of

91

newspaper reading, major source of information on world
affairs, father and mothers' occupation, whether the
individual had studied a foreign language, number of years
studying a foreign language, area of residence, number of
foreign trips, plans after high school and GPA. The scores
on the pretest of WAA represented the dependent variable
while the various student background variables were used as
independent variables.

A correlation matrix was constructed in order to deter-
mine if the independent variables were statistically
independent of each other. After analyzing the data from
this matrix, ii; was decided that tn“) separate regressions
would be conducted to avoid problems of multicolinearity. The
second regression included mother and fathers' occupation,
age, amount of time spent outside the United States, and the
number of social studies courses taken previously.

In order to use regression it was necessary to create
dummy variables for a number of the independent variables.
Dummy variables were used for all variables which had
nominal—level data and were not bivariate. These included
the students source of information on world affairs,
regularity of newspaper reading, type of community in which
the subject resides, father's occupation, mother's occupa-
tion, school attended and plans after high school. A "new"
variable was created for each k—l category of the nominal
level variables.Using' this procedure requires that the

results be interpreted in relation to some reference

92

category. For example, with.ea bivariate factor, such as
gender, the value of B indicates the difference between the
two levels of the variable (male v. female). With a three
level variable, and assuming dummy variables are created for
the first two levels, the B values for the first level
represents the difference between the first level and the
third level. The same holds true for the B value of the
second level. The t—tests for beta can be used to assess
whether the difference is statistically significant.

The F test for the null hypothesis was calculated and
found to be significant at the p<.05 level. This indicated
there was a relationship between the WAA pretest scores and
the entire set of independent variables. However, the major
concern was which variables were the best predictors of
global-mindedness. Therefore, a mmltiple-regression model
was built by the process of backward elimination. Backward
elimination starts with all the variables in the equation and
sequentially removes them according to preestablished
criteria. The first criterion is a minimum F of 2.71. If
this is met the second criterion is the maximum probability
of F of .1. The variable with the smallest partial correla-
tion coefficient is examined first. If this variable is
removed, the equation is reevaluated and the next variable is
selected for examination. This process continues until all
the variables in the equation meet the criteria.

The F test represents a means for statistically testing

the null hypothesis B = 0. Therefore, all independent

93

variables with a probability of F greater than .1 will be
included in the final equation. Inclusion of any independent
variables will constitute a rejection of the null hypothesis
that no background variables are related to global—
mindedness.

Multiple regression analysis is based.cn1.a number of
assumptions: (1) the relationship between the dependent and
independent variables is linear, (2) for any fixed value of

the independent variable, the dependent variable is normally

distributed with a constant variance, and (3) there is
independence of the dependent values. In order to test these
assumptions a number (n3 steps were taken. First, the

residuals were plotted against the predicted values. Scatter—
plots revealed no discernable pattern and therefore linearity
was assumed. In order to further check this assumption,
residuals were plotted against independent variables, and
again no pattern was detected.

This same process was used to check the assumption of
homogeneity of variance. Since the spread of the residuals
did not increase or decrease with either the predicted values
or the values of the independent variables it was concluded
this assumption was met. Finally, a histogram of observed
residuals was superimposed with a histogram of expected
residuals in a normal distribution and visually analyzed for

differences.

94

Hypothesis Two

Ho: There is no difference in patriotism between
students who have completed a global education
course and students who have not completed such
a course.

The mean difference between individuals' scores on Form
A of the AIRS and Form B of the AIRS will be the dependent
variable in a t-test for independent samples comparing those
enrolled in a global education course and those not enrolled
in such a course. Since the F value yielded by a comparison
of the sample variances was 1.06, which has an alpha value
greater than .05, the null hypothesis that the variances are
equal was accepted. Therefore, a pooled variance t-test was
employed to test the null hypothesis that patriotism does not
differ between those in the treatment as opposed to those in
the control group.

In order to protect against a Type II error, a liberal
level of significance has been chosen. An observed signifi-
cance level of .10 has been used to test the null hypothesis:
d1=d2.

Since this is a two—tailed test, a t value greater than
-1.96 but less than +1.96 will support the null hypothesis,
amd we can conclude that global education does not effect
patriotism.

Hypothesis Three

Ho: There is no difference in nation/global—

mindedness between students who have completed

a global education course and those who have
not completed such a course.

95

Multiple regression with dummy variables was used to
test this hypothesis. The posttest score on the WAA was used
as the dependent variable. The independent variables were
the prescore on the WAA, which served as a covariate, the
condition (treatment vs. control), the school attended, the
scores on the ATPS pretest, as well as those variables which
were found to be related to the pretest scores on the WAA.
These included gender, foreign language training and level of
patriotism. The B values were used to test the null hypothe-
sis that B=0 for the independent variable 'condition.‘ Since
the E values represent the effect of an independent variable
when adjusted for other independent variables in the
equation, a B value with an alpha greater than .05 will
indicate that the treatment group is more global-minded than
the control group when controlling for gender, age, scores on
the ATPS, and WAA pretest scores.

For this analysis, stepwise selection was used for
building the regression equation. In stepwise selection the
variable with the largest correlation with the dependent
variable is entered into the equation first. If the F value
of this variable is at least 3.84, and the probability of F
is less than .05, it is retained in the equation. Once a
variable is in the equation, the statistics for those not in
the equation are recalculated and used to select the next
variable. The one with the largest partial correlation with
the dependent variable adjusted for the independent variables

in the equation is selected next. If the criterion is met,

96

the variable is included in the equation and the process
continues. If the criterion is not met the procedure ends.
The assumptions underlying multiple regression were tested in
the same way for this procedure as they were in testing

hypothesis two. Once again, all the assumptions were met.

Hypothesis Four

Ho: Students who have completed a global education
course are more global-minded than students who
have not completed such. a course, on the
specific international issues on the WAA.

In order to assess whether global education increases
the global-mindedness <xf students 1J1 regards tn) specific
issues, t—tests were conducted for each of the ten problems.
The difference between the pretest and posttest score on the
WAA for each problem was used as the dependent variable to
compare changes in global-mindedness between the control and
the treatment groups. Ten separate t-tests for independent
samples with. equal ‘variance ‘were (conducted. Since ‘the
concern was with whether global education increased global-
mindedness a one tailed test with an alpha level of .05 was
used. Since the test is one-tailed, a t value greater than
1.65 will lead to rejecting the null hypothesis.

On three of the problems (1,2 and 6) the F test for
equality of variance proved to be significant (p<.05). There-
fore, separate variance estimates were used on those three

t-tests.

97

Hypothesis Five

1kg The students' perception (M3 the openness of
classroom discussion is not related to
nation/global—mindedness.

The scores on the Classroom Discussion Index were used
as an independent variable in a regression on WAA posttest
scores. Since the research question under consideration asks
whether the environment in the classroom acts as a mediating
influence in the development of global-mindedness in a global
education course, only the treatment group was used to test
the hypothesis. Edfferences between the subjects at the
beginning of the treatment were controlled for by entering
the WAA pretest score as an independent variable in the
regression. Once again backward selection was used in the
analysis since the interest was in the value of the CDI score
with all other variables entered. The B value will indicate
the difference in WAA posttest scores when initial
differences between the subjects are controlled. fmua null
hypothesis is B=0, and was tested at an alpha level of .05.

The assumptions on which multiple regression are based

were met .

CHAPTER IV
Results

Hypothesis One

Ho: There is no relationship between student

background variables and global-mindedness.

A total of 24 independent variables were entered into
the regression analysis with pretest score on the WAA being
used as the dependent variable. The use of backward
elimination as the procedure for choosing predictor variables
in the final equation is intentionally liberal in order to
avoid excluding any variables which may help explain how the
individual develops nation/global-mindedness. The results of

this procedure are summarized in Table 3.

Table 3. Regression Equation Predicting WAA Pretest Scores

 

Multiple R .32 DE: Smarss Smarss
R Square .10 Regression 4 920.38 230.09
Adjusted R .09 Residual 296 7950.11 26.85
Standard E. 5.18 F= 8.56 Sig. of F= .00
VARIABLE B Ss_B BETA. I. Significance
Gender 2.88 .60 .26 4.8 .00
Patriotism -.55 .27 -.11 -2.0 .04
Foreign Lang Study 1.31 .78 .09 1.7 .09

DE W W
Regression 4 920.38 230.09
Residual 296 7950.11 26.85

F= 8.56 Sig. of F= .00

 

98

99

Only three of the independent variables proved to be
significant at time .10 level. These included. Foreign
Language study, Gender and Patriotism. Both foreign language
and gender have positive B values. According to the coding
for the levels of foreign language study this positive value
indicates that students who had foreign language instruction
tended to be more global-minded than students who had not had
such instruction. In terms of foreign language instruction,
those who had such instruction score 1.31 points higher on
the WAA than those who did not. For gender, the positive B
value tells us that girls tend to be more globally minded
than boys. fflna difference between boys and girls is 2.88
points on the WAA pretest. Or, in other words, girls score an
average of 2.88 points higher than boys on the WAA after
controlling for the other independent variables.

Patriotism presents the only independent variable which
has a negative relationship to WAA pretest score. This means
that as ATPS pretest scores go up, the WAA pretest scores
tend to go down. A one-point increase in ATPS score is
related to a .55 point decrease in WAA pretest score as
indicated by the B value. The final equation is represented
by the following:

WAA Pretest Score= 2.78 + (1.31) Foreign Language Study +
(2.88) Gender + (-.55) ATPS Pretest + error

Gender was found to be the strongest predictor of

global—mindedness and inns therefore further' analyzed. to

determine which of the ten international issues on the WAA

100

were related to gender differences. The subjects' choice of
a "most acceptable" response was used as the basis of
comparison. The "most acceptable" response provides a means
of determining whether the policy option the subject selected
as the "best" course of action is globalistic, nationalistic
or neutral. The proportion of each type of response (i.e.
globalistic, nationalistic or neutral) was then crossed with
gender in a 2x3 contingency table for each problem. A chi-
square analysis with 2 degrees of freedom was used to test
the null hypothesis that the proportion of globalistic,
nationalistic or neutral responses chosen as "most
acceptable" was the same for males and females. An al/pha
level of .05 for the chi—square value was used to indicate
statistical significance.

Based on these ten separate chi-square analyses, we can
conclude that females differ from males in their selection of
a "most acceptable" response on six.cnf the ten scenarios.
These include Immigration, Terrorism, Overpopulation, Olympic
Games, Foreign-Made Goods and Air Travel Stoppage. Table 4
gives a summary of these ten analyses.

On five of the six problems on which males and females
had significantly different proportions (Hf nationalistic,
globalistic and neutral responses, the two groups had the
largest percentages of responses in the same category. For
example, on the Immigration scenario the nationalistic

solution was the choice of the largest percentage of male

101

Table 4 Percentage of Neutral, National, Global Response
by Gender

 

Percentage of "Most Acceptable"
Responses Chosen as:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Pr 1 m Neutral Nat; Qnal Global 33
Males 40.1 25.7 34.2

Earthsafe 4.34 .11
Females 46.9 19.4 33.8
Males 20.8 36.3 42.9

Performing Arts 1.91 .38
Females 19.3 32.3 48.4
Males 9.6 65.9 24.6

World Health .49 .78
Females 8.6 64.5 26.9
Males 11.3 70.5 18.2

Immigration 43.0 .00
Females 25.8 44.7 29.6
Males 20.2 10.3 69.5

Terrorism 13.3 .00
Females 10.9 7.2 81.9
Males 26.6 45.0 28.4

Overpopulation 8.9 .01
Females 26.6 34.7 38.8
Males 11.7 46.2 42.1

Olympic Games 15.8 .00
Females 12.5 30.9 56.6
Males 12.2 54.9 32.9

Foreign-Made Goods 9.1 .01
Females 8.8 46.5 44.7
Males 34.0 27.8 38.2

Nuclear Accident 4.16 .12
Females 32.7 21.8 45.5
Males 18.4 56.2 25.4

Air Travel Stoppage 6.74 .03
Females 26.4 46.9 26.7

 

*p < .05

 

102

respondents. The same is true for females. The difference,
however, is that there is more agreement among the males than
among' the females 1J1 regard t1) this issue. The same
situation holds true on the Terrorism scenario, the Foreign
Made Goods Scenario and the Air Travel Stoppage Scenario. On
Overpopulation and the Olympic Games this pattern does not
hold. On the Olympic Games scenario, the majority of females
chose a globalistic solution, but for the males a plurality

chose a nationalistic solution.

Hypothesis Two
Ho: Participation in a global education course does
not affect the individual's degree of
patriotism.
The mean scores from the ATPS were used to test the
hypothesis that global education does not affect patriotism.

The mean scores for the control and experimental groups are

given in Table 5.

Table 5. Mean Scores on the ATPS

 

Group. P_retss_t Posttest d
N x s N x 5
EXPERIMENTAL 222 6.67 1.10 222 6.05 21.13 -.62
CONTROL 392 6.71 1.15 392 6.13 1.10 -.58
ENTIRE POP. 614 6.64 1.08 614 6.01 1.14 -.63

 

As shown in Table 5, the mean scores, and the variances,
for the experimental and control groups are extremely close

on both the pretest and the posttest. Furthermore, for both

103

the experimental and control groups, ATPS scores decreased
from the first to the second administration. To test whether
the greater decrease in the treatment group mean might be
attributable to the treatment, a t-test for independent
samples was used. This test had 609 degrees of freedom and
an alpha level set at .10. Table 6 gives the results of this
test.

Table 6. Comparison of Gain Scores on the ATPS for Treatment
and Control Groups

 

 

Groin). N E S SE 1 DE Prob.
EXPERIMENTAL 221 .5787 1.22 .082

.6 609 .55
CONTROL 390 .6392 1.19 .060

 

Given these results we accept the null hypothesis that a
global education course does run: affect the individual's
level of patriotism.

Figure 2 displays the distribution of scores for each
group on the pretests and posttests. The graphs demonstrate
that the distribution of scores for the control and treatment
group are essentially the same, although the distributions

between the pre and posttests differed.

Hypothesis Three

Ho: There is rm) difference 1J1 global—mindedness
between students who have completed a global
education course and those who have not
completed such a course.

104

Figure 2.

RELATIVE FREGU (NOV

RELATIVE FREQUENCY

DISTRIBUTION OF MEAN SCORES ON THE ATPS

TREATED" V. com (FREEST)
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DISTRIBUTION OF MEAN SCORES ON THE ATPS

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105

The scores on the WAA posttest were used as the
dependent variable to test this hypothesis. The mean scores
on this measure for both the pretest and the posttest are
reported in Table 7, and are broken down by condition and
gender.

Table 7. A Comparison of Mean Scores on the WAA by
Condition and Gender

 

gRogzp RE E EQSIIEST
N X S X

Entire Pop. 617 1.67 5.43 1.62 5.36
Males 293 .07 5.50 .60 5.40
Females 324 3.10 4.97 2.52 5.17

Control 222 1.18 5.54 1.14 5.52
Males 104 -.07 5.95 -.26 5.65
Females 118 2.29 4.92 1.19 5.31

Experimental 395 1.93 5.37 1.87 5.26
Males 189 .15 5.25 .79 5.26
Females 206 3.56 4.95 2.87 5.07

 

An inspectbmn of the summary data indicates that the
mean score for each group is positive with the exception of
males in the control group. This indicates that with the
exceptitnl of’ males in time control group, the students
attitudes were slightly more globalistic than nationalistic.
Also, on the pretest, the mean score for the treatment group
(1.93) is higher than the mean score for the control group
(1.18). This difference of .75 remains fairly constant on
the posttest although both groups decreased slightly. Table

7 also points out a difference in scores between males and

106

females. This difference holds for the treatment and control
groups and on the pretest and posttest. This difference has
already been noted as being statistically significant through
the regression on the pretest scores. However, as seen from
Table 7, the difference between sexes remains constant from
pretest to posttest.

The summary data in Table 7 would lead us to believe
there are no effects of global education on global-
mindedness. The graphs of the relative frequencies in Figure
3 would give further credence to this conclusion since it
shows the distributions are similar. However, to substantiate
this, it is necessary to control for those factors which were
found to be related to the pretest (i.e. gender, foreign
language study' and. patriotism). To control. for other
confounding variables not measured in the study, the pretest
score has been used to create statistical equivalency between
the two groups. Multiple regression with dummy variables was
employed in the analysis. Table 8 provides the results of
this analysis.

The overall F value of 31.68 indicates that the
independent variables are related to the posttest scores on
the WAA. The R square value of .21 tells us that the
cumulative effect of these variables explains a little more
than 20% of the variance in the dependent variable. While
this is low, it is typical of results on attitudinal
variables. While these statistics give us some understanding

of the explanatory power of the predictor variables, of

107

Figure 3.

RCMTNE FREQUENCIES

RELAY“ FREQUENCIES

DISTRIBUTION OF MEAN SCORES ON THE WAA

mmem v. com (warm)

 

 

 

 

 

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DISTRIBUTION OF MEAN SCORES ON THE WAA

3‘ WWW V. cannon. (POSTEST)
0.

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0.20 -I
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108

Table 8 Regression on WAA Posttest Scores

 

 

— _ —
Multiple R .46
R Square .21
Adjusted R 20

Standard Error 4.76

SUMMARY STATISTICS

 

V ri l E SE B BETA L SIQ.L
Condition .40 .41 .03 .97 .33
Patriotism —.37 .17 —.07 —2.07 .03
Gender .63 .41 .06 1.53 .12
Foreign Language .00 .52 .00 -.01 .98
Prescore .41 .03 .42 10.91 .00
DE Sam Qf Sggaree Mean Squares
Regression 5 3600.75 720.15
Residual 575 13069.66 22.72

F: 31.68 Significance of F=.OO

 

greater concern in this study are the statistics associated
with each independent variable. It is important to note that
the t values for gender and foreign language study are not
significant. 'This means that when we control for pretest
scores there is no difference on posttest scores for students
who differ on these variables. Patriotism, however, remains
significantly and negatively related to WAA scores. The B
value of -.37 indicates that a one-point increase on the ATPS
results in a .37 point decrease on the WAA.

Most important for the purposes of this study is the
value for condition. Since the control group is coded '0'
and the treatment group '1', a positive B value indicates

that the treatment group tends tc>lxe more globalistic than

109

the control group when controlling for pretest scores.
However, the value of .4 is low and means that the
difference between the two groups is only .4 of a point on
the WAA. This difference is in fact not statistically
significant since it results in a t value of .97 which has an
alpha level greater than .05. Therefore, we cannot reject
the null hypothesis that the treatment condition has no
effect on global—mindedness. We have to conclude that there
is no difference in global-mindedness between students who

have had a global education course and those who have not.

Hypothesis Four

Ho: There is IN) difference 1J1 global-mindedness
between those students who have had a global
education course and those who have not had
such a course, on the individual problems on
the WAA.

Each of the problems in the shortened version of the WAA
is based.<n1.a specific issue of international importance.
Therefore, comparison of mean scores on each problem provides
insight about differences in attitude between the control and
treatment groups in regard to those specific issues. Table 9
shows the means, and standard deviations, on the pre and

posttests, for the total sample as well as the experimental

and control groups on each of the ten problems.

110

Table 9. Scores on the Ten Problems on the WAA by Condition

 

Emblem

Earthsafe

Performing
Arts

World Health

Immigration

Terrorism

Over-
population

Olympic
Games

Foreign-Made
Goods

Nuclear
Accident

Air Travel
Stoppage

Grsnn

Entire Population
Control
Experimental

Entire Population
Control
Experimental

Entire Population
Control
Experimental

Entire Population
Control
Experimental

Entire Population
Control
Experimental

Entire Population
Control
Experimental

Entire Population
Control
Experimental

Entire Population
Control
Experimental

Entire Population
Control
Experimental

Entire Population
Control
Experimental

Erstsst
X S
.42 1.35
.42 1.35
.43 1.37
.44 1.56
.32 1.62
.51 1.51
-.33 1.46
-.41 1.43
-.29 1.48
-.43 1.42
-.35 1.42
-.47 1.41
1.27 1.12
1.20 1.16
1.31 1.09
—.17 1.52
-.24 1.57
-.12 1.49
.26 1.42
.16 1.44
.32 1.41
.11 1.38
.05 1.41
.15 1.37
.43 1.27
.27 1.26
.52 1.27
-.31 1.46
-.24 1.41
-.35 1.50

P_o_s_t.tss_t

x S
.53 1
.34 1
.63 1
.32 1
.32 1
.33 1
-.38 1
—.36 1
-.38 1
—.49 1
-.50 1
.49 1
1.31 1
1.13 l
1.41
-.28 1
-.11 1
-.37 1
.32 1
.24 1
.37 1
.17 1
.15 1
.18 1
.39 1
.24 1
.48 1
-.26 1
-.33 1
-.23 1

.35
.39
.32

.61
.59
.62

.45
.41
.47

.42
.44
.42

.06
.16
.98

.51
.53
.50

.43
.46
.41

.37
.37
.37

.24
.26
.22

.47
.47
.47

 

111

A positive score is an indication that the sample tends
to be globalistic, and a negative score is an indication the
sample tends to be nationalistic. Based on this we can
represent the subjects responses on the ten problems as

follows:

Table 10. WAA Scenarios Divided by the Favored Solution

 

Glebalistie Seletien Natienistie Seletien
Earthsafe World Health
Performing Arts Immigration
Terrorism Overpopulation
Olympic Games Air Travel Stoppage

Foreign—Made Goods
Nuclear Accident

 

This breakdown of the ten problems is the same for the
pretest and the posttest and for the treatment and the
control group. The scenario which has the highest mean score
is Terrorism, indicating ‘the sample strongly favors a
globalistic solution for this problem. The scenario with the
lowest mean score is immigration which tells us the sample
has a strong preference for a nationalistic solution on that
problem.

The concern in this study is whether the treatment group
means changed relative to the control group means. In order
to determine whether changes occurred in the global-
mindedness of the treatment group relatiwe to the control
group, the difference between the pretest and the posttest

means (dx) was calculated. This difference score was then

112

used as time dependent variable in 61 t-test comparing the
control group with the treatment group. Each problem was
analyzed separately to test the null hypothesis that d1 = d2.

Results of these analyses are reported below.

Table 11. Difference Scores on the Ten WAA Problems

 

 

Controller w .t Sig...

1. Earthsafe .076 —.19 2.11 n.s.
2. Performing Arts .000 .19 -1.24 n.s.
3. World Health -.O45 .10 -l.02 n.s.
4. Immigration .13 .01 .92 n.s.
5. Terrorism .06 —.08 1.43 n.s.
6. Overpopulation —.13 .25 -2.73 p<.05
7. Olympic Games -.07 -.04 -0.22 n.s.
8. Foreign Goods -.10 -.03 -0.50 n.s.
9. Nuclear Accident .03 .05 -O.14 n.s.
10. Air Travel Stoppage .09 -.11 1.40 n.s.
Only on problem six, "Overpopulation," was there a

significant difference in the predicted direction (t=2.73).
For this particular probleml we can conclude that the
treatment group gained in global-mindedness relative to the
control group. However, for the other nine problems the null
hypothesis that a global education program has no effect on
global-mindedness cannot be rejected” It should be noted,
that the experimental group changed relative to the control
group on seven of the ten problems. However, the difference
was not great enough to achieve a level of statistical

significance.

113

Hypothesis Five

Ho: There is no relationship between the students'
perception of the cflassroom environment and
global-mindedness.

The sample used in testing this hypothesis included only
the treatment group. The postscore on the WAA was used as
the dependent variable in a multiple regression with the
pretest score (M1 the WAA, pretest score (M1 the patriotism
scale, gender, foreign language study , and score on the CDI

serving an; independent 'variables. The results (If this

regression analysis are summarized in Table 12.

Table 12 Test of Hypothesis Five

 

Multiple R .44

R Square .19

Adjusted R2 .18

Stan. Error 4.74

Variable a Ss B Beta t 5.19

Discussion Index .09 .04 .093 1.92 .05

Patriotism -.50 .23 -.105 -2.14 .03

Gender .77 .53 .074 1.45 .14

Foreign Language -.19 .71 -.013 -.26 .79

WAA pretest .36 .05 .376 7.27 .00
E Sum of Squares Msan_5_quarss

Regression 5 1895.9 379.18

Residual 344 7444.1 22.51

F: 16.84 Significance of F=.OO

 

The most powerful predictor of WAA posttest scores after
the WAA pretest, is still patriotism. This means that when

we control for the other independent variables, a one-point

114

increase in patriotism results in a .514 point decrease in
WAA scores. After patriotism, however, the (Mud! other
significant predictor of WAA posttest scores is the score on
the Discussion Index. The B value of .09 means that a one-
point increase in CDI leads to a .09 increase in WAA score.
The beta value of .093 for the CDI score indicates it
accounts for approximately 10% of the variance in the
posttest scores on the WAA. While this explains a very small
proportion of the variance, the B value of .09 yields a t of
1.92 which is statistically significant at the .05 level.
This result means we reject tflua null hypothesis that the
perception of the cflassroom environment has 1K) effect on
global-mindedness.

It is important to note that with pretest WAA scores
controlled, Gender and Foreign Language Study are no longer
significant predictors of global-mindedness. This indicates
that students who studied a foreign language did not tend to
increase in global—mindedness relative to those who did not
have a foreign language course as a result of the treatment.
In fact, the value of -.19 tells us that those who did not
have a foreign language course tended to gain in global-
mindedness, relative to the control group, as a result of the
treatment.

With Gender the positive B value indicates females still
score higher on global-mindedness than do males. However,
this difference is run: statistically significant (P<.14).

The one predictor of WAA scores which is still strongly

115

related.tx> global—mindedness after instruction is tine ATPS
pretest score (B=-.5). This means that as students' level of
patriotism increases, their WAA posttest scores decrease.
Or, in other words, the entry level of patriotism affects the
extent to which student attitudes will change as a result of
instruction in global education.

The analysis described above gives support to the notion
that open classroom discussion is related to increased
global—mindedness. However, since the variable of interest
in this case, classroom openness, is a classroom-level
variable,the decision was made to aggregate scores on the CDI
by class. These were divided into a high, medium and low
group by taking the top third, the middle third and the
bottom third of the classes according to mean score on the
aggregated CDI score. The mean on the CDI for all classes in
the treatment group was 32.02 with a standard deviation of
5.43. The statistics for the three groups are listed in

Table 13.

Table 13. Scores on the CDI by Classrooms

 

High Medium Low
Clams X S Clams X S Class X S
l 35.61 4.49 6 32.53 4.93 12 31.22 4.07
2 34.42 4.99 7 31.96 5.07 13 30.25 6.2
3 34.00 6.13 8 31.84 4.74 14 29.21 5.22
4 33.59 5.79 9 31.84 4.71 15 28.86 5.91
5 32.86 5.78 10 31.65 4.18 16 26.08 4.44
11 31.64 5.10

 

116

The three levels of classroom openness were used as an
independent variable in a regression on the WAA posttest
scores. This was accomplished by assigning each subject in
the treatment group an additional variable which represented
either the high, medium or low group, and creating two dummy
variables to allow for interpretation of results.

The means on the WAA for each of these groups gives the
researcher cause to believe the level of Openness had a
significant effect on global-mindedness (refer to Table 14).
The high and moderate groups each increased in global-
mindedness after having a global education course. The high
group increased. from. 2.47 tn) 2.87. The :moderate group
increased from 1.66 to 2.01. The low openness group,
however, dropped over a full point from pretest to posttest

(1.66 to 0.54).

Table 14. High, Medium and Low Group Means on the CDI

 

 

 

Gross Fish Medium Low
WAA Pretest 2.47 1.66 1.66
WAA Posttest 2.87 2.01 0.54

 

Entered into the equation with level of openness as
independent variables were gender, foreign language study,
score on the ATPS pretest and score on the WAA pretest. The
posttest WAA score runs the dependent variable. The null

hypotheses which were tested are:

117

Ho: Low or moderate discussion level classrooms
score lower on global-mindedness than high
discussion level classrooms.

Since this is a directional hypothesis a one tailed test
of significance is appropriate. The statistical hypothesis
is: B<O for the low or moderate group with the high level
classrooms as the reference group. Using aggregated
classroom means to represent discussion openness highlights
an important relationship. It appears that tflmz ladk of
openness in the classroom has the effect of decreasing
global-mindedness, while a moderate or high open classroom
increases global-mindedness. The B value of -1.95 for the
Low Openness level indicates that the average score for a
class in that group is 1.95 points lower on the posttest of
the WAA than a class in the high open group. This is after
controlling for tflua differences on time WAA pretest. The
moderate open group however is not significantly different
from the high discussion group. The value in this case is
-.57 indicating the moderate discussion group is; p57 of a
point lower than the high discussion group on the WAA. This
difference, however is not statistically significant. We can
therefore reject the hypothesis that the low-level classroom
is not significantly different from the high open classroom
in global-mindedness. At the same time we cannot reject the
hypothesis the moderate level group is different in global-
mindedness from the high level group. Table 15 displays the

results of the regression analysis.

118

Table 15. Effects of High, Moderated, Low Discussion
on Global—Mindedness

 

Multiple R .45

R Squared .20

Adjusted R2 .19

Standard Error 4.70

Variable B SE_B BELQ L flig-
Low Open Classroom -1.95 .63 -.16 -3.06 .00
Moderate Open Class -.57 .58 -.05 -.99 .32
Patriotism -.40 .22 —.08 -1.80 .07
Gender .75 .51 .07 1.45 .14
Foreign Language Study -.25 .68 -.01 -.37 .70
WAA Pretest Score .37 .04 .38 7.65 .00

DE W W

Regression 5 2153.15 430.63
Residual 368 8149.82 22.14

F=19.44 Significance of F=.OO

 

The results of this regression are interesting when
compared.tx>'the previous regression equation“ ‘The summary
statistics indicate this equation is a better predictor of
global-mindedness than tflua previous regression 1J1 which
student perception of classroom discussion was not aggregated
by classroom. The mmltiple R has increased slightly (from
.44 to .45) and the standard error has been reduced from 4.74
to 4.7. This tells us the second equation explains a greater
proportion of the variance in the dependent variable and with
greater precision.

The equation is instructive in one other sense. Not
only are gender and foreign language study insignificant
indicators of global-mindedness but patriotism is also

statistically insignificant at an alpha level of .05.

119

The results of this equation may suggest that patriotism
is affected by global education in classrooms characterized
by open discussion. To test this hypothesis, an analysis of
covariance was conducted on the posttest ATPS scores. The
pretest was used as the covariate and the three levels of
classroom openness represented the factors. The null
hypothesis can be represented as: 01:02:11.3 for ATPS
posttest scores after controlling for pretest scores. The
alpha level for rejection of the null hypotheses is .05. The
summary statistics for the three groups are listed in Table
16.

Table 16. Mean Scores on ATPS Posttest for Low, Moderate
and High Open Classrooms

 

Gross N 21

Low Openness 107 6.02
Moderate Openness 158 6.15
High Openness 125 5.83

 

The mean scores for the three groups are fairly close
and this is reflected in the results of the ANCOVA (see Table
17). The overall F=2.46 which has an alpha level of .09.
Since this is greater than .05 we cannot reject the null
hypothesis that the three mean scores differ, and we can
conclude that level of classroom openness does not effect the

individuals' level of patriotism.

120

Table 17. ANCOVA on Posttest ATPS Scores by Level of
Classroom Openness

 

 

Sum of Mean
521W eri in Ssnags DE Ssuane E Ssri
Pretest ATPS 95.30 1 95.30 90.27 .00
Openness of the Class 5.19 2 2.60 2.46 .09
Residual 407.5 386 1.05

508.01 389 1.30

Summary

The statistical analysis has yielded. a :number of
interesting results. It appears that prior ‘to formal
instruction :hi global. education, gender, patriotisml and
foreign language study' are 'valid. predictors of (global-
mindedness. It was further discovered that gender is the
most powerful predictor of global-mindedness, and there are
significant differences between males and females on specific
issues on the WAA. When these variables as well as pretest
scores are used to control for differences among groups it
seems that global education is net successful in altering the
nation-centered/world-centered orientation of the individual.
This is true whether the gauge is the overall WAA score or
specific issues on the WAA. However, when WAA scores are
analyzed according to the student's perception of classroom
discussion there is support for the idea that more open
discussicml is related t1) higher' global-minded. thinking.
Finally, despite the fact that patriotism appears negatively

related related to globalistic thinking, both prior to and

121

related related to globalistic thinking, both prior to and
after instruction in global education, it does not seem to be

affected by global education.

CHAPTER V
Summary, Conclusions and Suggestions for Research

Traditionally, the school has held as one of its roles
the creation of a.pmflitical communicy. The focus of that
community was the nation-state and while there was
disagreement over the process by which young students were
socialized into their political roles, the focus of
allegiances was rarely questioned. The development of global
education as a curriculum innovation has altered that state
of affairs. Its objective of instilling a "global
perspective" in students has become the target of numerous
critics who see it as undermining political allegiance to the
nation-stateu The proponents of global education, on the
other hand, argue that technological, social and economic
forces have created conditions which demand that we teach our
children to see the national interest reflected in world
interests.

While educational programs are adapted or dismantled on
the basis of one cu Iflna other of these viewpoints, little
empirical evidence exists to describe the effects of global
education on students' patriotism and world view. In light
of that problem this study set (nu: to determine if: (1)
correlates <xf global—mindedness could 1x2 identified, (2)

patriotism acts as a potential prerequisite or barrier to the

122

123

development (n3 global-mindedness, (3) 21 global education
course can be successful in increasing global—mindedness in
high school students and, (4) the openness of the classroom
environment contributes to the development of global—
mindedness.

In order to answer these questions, 618 students from
four high schools in Michigan were administered the flnrld,
W, the WW and
the ClaSSLQQm_JLUHHUEEUHL_lndsx during the 1987-88 school
year. Of the 618 students, 396 were currently enrolled in a
global education course and represented the experimental
group. The remainder of the sample (n=222) was enrolled in
social studies courses which did not have global education
content and were used as a control group. The students were
surveyed at the start of the course and again at the end.
Multiple regression analysis and t-tests were used to test
the hypotheses.

Valid predictors of global-mindedness included: (1) the
gender of the student, (2) patriotism and (3) whether the
student had a foreign language course previously.
Specifically, girls were identified as being more global-
minded than boys. Global-mindedness was also higher among
students who had a foreign language course in their
background. And, as feelings of patriotism increased global-
mindedness tended to decrease. However, while this finding
suggested patriotism may act as a barrier to global—

mindedness, there was no effect on the level of patriotism as

124

a result of taking a global education class. The researcher
also found a relationship between the perception of the
classroom environment and the students' global-mindedness for
students in the treatment group. While there was no
discernable effect of a global education course on global-
mindedness, this finding appears to be a function of the
"openness" of classroom discussion. Finally, whether the
student was in a high or moderate open classroom was a valid
predictor of global-mindedness.

The following sections discuss the implications of these
findings. However, the implications and conclusions must be
considered in light of the limitations of the research.
First, and most important of these, is that the courses which
represented the experimental treatment in this study, do not
represent. the full range CM? global education. programs.
Second, the sample included only four programs, each of which
had a "Functionalist-Internationalist" perspective. It would
be inappropriate to generalize from findings based upon a
non~random sample of students, who had instruction in
programs which reflect only one theoretical orientation, to
other students and other types of programs. For example, it
is reasonable to assume that a global education course which
had EH1 "Idealist" perspective would have 21 far different
effect on student attitudes. Therefore, curriculum designers
should proceed cautiously when using the findings of this

study to guide program development.

125

The duration of the study also limits its
generalizability. One important curricular option in global
education is infusion. Infusion involves the inclusion of
global education content throughout tflue curriculumu Since
this approach would expose students to global education
content over an extended period of time, this study does not
offer any insight as 113 how infusion-based programs might

affect student attitudes.

Ihflmdistsrmfilsbalzmindsdnsss

The results of the regression analysis on the pretest
WAA scores are consistent with much of the earlier research,
but also highlight some factors not previously identified.
Previous studies, for example, have identified gender as a
significant variable in predicting global-mindedness (Torney-
Purta 1986; Peterson 1980; Masters 1984) and this is also
true in this research. Most of the earlier research,
however, asked the respondents general questions concerning
the international arena. The difference fill this study is
that the subjects responded to specific problem situations on
issues of international importance. The results of this
study give some indication that more general attitudes toward
international politics transfer to specific policy choices.

This study also found a difference in the types of
issues on which males and females differed. If we use
Klineberg et al.'s (1979) categories to analyze perspectives

on international problems, then it becomes fairly clear that

126

both males and females as a group fit into the category he
termed social protectionism. In other words, when the issue
involves immigration or redistribution of scarce resources,
both. males and females as 21 group favor nationalistic
solutions. The difference between males and females is in
the degree to which they support nationalistic solutions on
such issues. Given these findings, there seems to be more
substantive agreement between the genders, on yawn: may be
deemed crucial issues, then it may at first glance appear and
may help explain the discrepancy between studies which have
noted gender differences and those which have not.

In addition, while males were significantly less global-
minded than females, the level of patriotism was the same for
both groups. The scores for both groups on both the AIRS
pretest and the ATPS posttest are extremely close. Once
again, this pattern is similar to what other researchers have
found. That is, taken as a whole, the subjects in this study
exhibit a fairly strong sense of patriotism in conjunction
with a desire for international cooperation. However, girls
are more likely than boys to favor world interests over
national interests when choosing solutions to international
problems.

Another factor related to global-mindedness is whether
the individual had had foreign language instruction. This is
also somewhat consistent with previous research (Torney-Purta
1986). However, while Torney-Purta found positive global

attitudes correlated with the length of time an individual

127

studied a foreign language, this is not true for the sample

in this study. Length of time spent studying a foreign
language did, however, show a positive relationship to
global-mindedness. This gives support in) the notion that

changes in the students' world view may be an unanticipated
outcome of the curriculum in areas outside of social studies.
If one's interest is in increasing global-mindedness of high
school students, than exposing them to foreign language
instruction is a powerful means of accomplishing it.

It could be argued that the relationship between these
two variables is not clarified by the regression analysis. We
cannot, for example, determine whether global-minded students
are more likely to take a foreign language or whether foreign
language affects global-mindedness. Nevertheless, the
positive relationship between length of time spent studying a
foreign language and global-mindedness, found in this study,
does give some indication of the latter.

Possibly the most significant finding, in terms of the
predictors of global-mindedness, is that patriotism is
negatively related. As student patriotism increased, global-
mindedness tended to decrease. This suggests, that as one's
identification with the nation-state becomes more intense,
there is less willingness to solve international problems on
the basis of world interest. In other words, students who
scored at the upper end of the ATPS held nationcentric views
which were reflected in their choice of solutions for

international problems. What is left unanswered, is why this

128

relationship is exaggerated for males as compared to females.
That is, at any given level of patriotism, males are more
nation—centered than females. Yet, the relationship between
patriotism and global—mindedness is negative and linear for
both groups.

What may be equally revealing from the regression
analysis on the pretest WAA scores are the variables which
were not related to global-mindedness. Most noticeable of
these is the absence of any independent variables which might
be used tn) represent social class. Neither father's or
mother's occupation nor school attended relate to the pretest
scores. Since the schools were purposively chosen on the
basis of the socio—economic characteristics of the community,
we would expect to see mare nationalistic attitudes among
working class students if the data was consistent with
previous research. This was net the case. However, it should
be noted that attendance at Urban High, which represented a
largely working class area, approached significance as a
predictor of WAA pretest score. It also seems likely that
the absence of parent's occupation as a valid predictor is
due to the way in which this variable was operationalized.
Social class as an indicator of attitudes toward
international affairs has been recognized as a predictor of
global-mindedness in studies which used in depth interviewing
as the data collection method. It may be that a survey

instrument is insufficient for detecting these differences.

129

One other predictor found to be related to high global
concern, in earlier research (Torney-Purta 1986) was reading
international news. Among this sample, reading international
news and daily newspaper reading, although positively related
to global—mindedness, were not statistically significant.

The results of the initial analysis have important
implications for the interpretation of how global education
affects both patriotism and global-mindedness. It is to

these questions that we now turn.

The scores on the ATPS pretest give some support to the
notion that adolescents' attitudes are not overly
chauvinistic. The mean score of 6.01 roughly corresponds to
the statement "I can accept the leadership of foreign
countries in many fields." While this suggests that the
students in this sample are not overly nationalistic, it does
not tell the complete story. tuna overall mean score was
6.01, yet over 35 % of the students scored 8.0 or above on
the ATPS pretest, which corresponds to the statement "I don't
know much about other countries but I'm satisfied with the
U.S." The statement obviously expresses some nationalistic
sentiment euui chauvinism. While students :hi the study
exhibit a broad range of patriotism, the findings support the
idea that global education courses at the high school level
will not affect the level of patriotism initially held by the

student. Early researCh indicated that tflua process of

130

developing national identity is intense and occurs early in
life. It is reasonable to assume that the effects of the
process will therefore not be easily redirected by an 18 week
course of study. This research supports that assumption.

The suggestion that global education leads to conflicts
which undermine the patriotism of the individual is not
supported by these data. Each of the schools studied relied
on a curriculum which stressed one or more aspects of world
citizenship.(interdependence, international conflict
resolution etc.). Yet, there was no decrease in patriotism
among the students at the conclusion of the course.
Furthermore, it appears that a critical approach to the
subject matter does not undermine the students' levels of
jpatriotism. In. analyzing' the jposttest scores for the
treatment group, openness of the classroom discussion is a
significant predictor of WAA scores, while scores on the AIRS
pretest were not. The students' levels of patriotism when
entering the course was therefore neg related to the levels
of global-mindedness at the conclusion of the course. What
this suggests is that the study of global issues within an
open environment may alter the perspectives students take on
conflict resolution within the international arena but not at
the expense of a love of country. An identification with
both the world and national communities appears to be a
realistic outcome of an effective global education program.

At the same time, it is important to make clear what is

meant by identification. :n: is nQL an abstract notion of

131

brotherhood or "love of man." Rather, it simply refers to a
positive attachment to the nation-state on the one hand, and
an acceptance of world interest as a basis for settling
international disputes on the other. That acceptance could
be the result of an ideal of "universal brotherhood." But it
may also be the result of coming to a conclusion that world
interest is a necessary foundation for solving the types of
international problems we have today. With regards to this
sample, the conflict of multiple loyalties does not seem to
be a valid concern. Considering the existing world
conditions, educating students to view problems from multiple
perspectives and to search for common interests in solving
those problems seems reasonable. Students who expressed a
global-minded attitude were run: antagonistic toward their
nation-state. In fact, only 5.2% (32) of the students scored
below 4.0 on the AIRS (4.0 is the point at which the
statements in the ATPS begin to express resentment or
hostility towards one's own country). And if we look at the
mean WAA score of those students it was particularly low

(1.09).

I] BEE I E S] 1 1 El l' 3] 1 ]_”. I l

The results from this study indicate that an effective
global education program mns1,focus on the methods used in
the instruction as well as the content of the course. The
classrooms which. were successful. in increasing“ global-

mindedness in students were those which were characterized by

132

an open environment. While a number of alternative
explanations might be advanced for this relationship, one
seems most plausible. An open environment is characterized
by high levels of discussion, free expression of opinion and
consideration (Hf controversial issues. When students who
hold different views are allowed to present them publicly,
all students benefit by being exposed to perspectives other
than their own. Johnson and Johnson (1979) describe this
connection:

That is, the situation begins with students

categorizing and organizing their present

information and experiences so that a conclusion is
derived. When they realize that other students (or

the teacher) have a different conclusion,

conceptual conflict, uncertainty, or disequilibrium

is aroused. The conceptual conflict leads to

epistemic curiosity which, 111 turn, motivates a

search for more information, new experiences and a

more adequate cognitive perspective and reasoning

process. The more adequate cognitive perspective

and reasoning process is derived from more

accurately understanding the perspective and

reasoning process of the students' opponents and
adapting their own perspective and reasoning

process accordingly (p.57).

The regression analysis on the pretest scores indicated
the differences in globalistic thinking which existed between
groups, such as those between males and females, and those
who had had foreign language instruction and those who had
not. An open classroom environment presents the opportunity
for students txa take advantage (n5 these differences. A

closed classroom environment does not. Unless students are

presented with alternative viewpoints, they are not forced to

133

evaluate their own belief systems. Therefore, stereotypical
notions which develop in early childhood and allow the
individual to establish national identity and make sense of
the political world are those on which the individual
continues to rely. Attitudinal change is unlikely since the
individual's thinking is based on overly simplistic models of
the political world, such as the threat schema suggested by
Connel. It is not until students are consistently confronted
with alternative perspectives that there is a need to
evaluate and expand the mental framework within which they
think about international politics. This type of
intellectual confrontation is more likely to occur in an open
classroom where discussion and controversy are the norm
rather than the exception. It could be argued that the
choice <of a: nationalistic solution. does not constitute
reliance on "a simplistic model of international politics."
This is certainly true. However, when a sociocentric
individual is making a choice of a policy option to solve an
international problem the schema on which they base their
judgement is nationalistic. Mental frameworks such as the
"patriotic filter" suggested by Cooper do not allow them to
interpret the data otherwise. Therefore, we would expect that
in an environment in which the individual is forced to
assimilate information and opinions from a wide range of
perspectives, he/she is more likely to experience a change of
attitude. Or, at least base their attitude on a more

sophisticated schema. What we have seen in this study is

134

that in the right environment students can change their
attitude toward problem solving in the international
community without altering their attitude toward the nation-
state. The Torney-Purta study (1986) of student attitudes
before and after participation in an international crisis
simulation demonstrates this process. The results of this
study's findings are best explained within that structure.

One crucial point which must be made about the findings
of this study is that there were no statistically significant
differences among schools on the WAA scores. Despite the fact
that the schools represented substantially different segments
of society in terms of community, and social class background
of the student bodies, the school attended was not a valid
predictor of either the pretest or posttest scores. While it
would be questionable to regard this finding as indicating
that global-mindedness does run; vary according tn) social
class, it does give support to the notion that a global
education program can have similar effects in different types
of communities.

If our goal is to change the framework within which
students think about international problem solving, it is
important to note that the effects of global education on
males and females is similar. The wide discrepancy in the
attitudes between the genders on international politics does
not appear to be a barrier to delivering effective global
education to either group. In fact, if the environment is

open these differences are probably an advantage. The unique

135

perspectives each group brings to the classroom contributes
to the conditions under which individuals are most likely to

alter their thinking.

I J' I' E C . J E] .

The results of this study suggest a number of
implications for the development of curriculum at the
secondary level. At the least, it would seem to indicate a
need for global education in the social studies curriculum.
The high percentage of students who demonstrated chauvinistic

attitudes on the A1123; for example, should be cause for

concern. However, there are also more subtle implications
which can be inferred from the data. These are outlined
below.

1) The implementation of global education at the
secondary level should be pursued. Many individuals
have argued that global education should be focused
on the middle school/junior high level, and that
introduction of global education concepts at the high
school level is too late. While introducing global
concepts in elementary and middle school is more
likely to produce students who are less ethnocentric
and express an awareness and concern for global
issues, it should not lead to abandoning global
education in the high school. The research reported
here gives support to the idea that global education
can be successful in altering the perspective the
student takes toward problem solving in the
international area as late as the eleventh and
twelfth grades. Certainly, the most fruitful
approach would be a well structured K-12 program
which introduces global education early and continues
throughout formal education. Still, the secondary
school which is concerned with providing its students
with more global awareness can find some success in
changing nationalistic attitudes cu? its students
despite the effects of their earlier education.

2)

3)

4)

136

It seems that the :most fruitful area for the
implementation of global education content is--at the
very least--through multidisciplinary programs which

combine foreign language with social studies. Other
syntheses should be pursued for the delivery of
global education. Adthough social studies is the

most obvious area of the curriculum for global
education, it would be shortsighted to confine this
innovation to one subject area.

The results of this study point out the problems in
attempting to separate content from methodology in
the social studies classroom. Both the use of
controversial subject matter and an emphasis on
student discussion are important in changing student
attitudes. Development of materials which promote
both of these in the classroom is an essential step
in creating successful global education programs.
Furthermore, teachers need to feel free to use such
materials in the classroom. Earlier research (Nelson
1976; Naylor 1973) indicated that controversy is
discouraged in most schools and that teachers believe
content should be presented from a strictly
nationalist perspective. Until that informal
restriction on teachers is lifted, we can not expect
to find many global education programs which are
successful in changing student attitudes. Curriculum
materials should be based on analyses of crucial
international problems and be presented from multiple
perspectives. Foreign policies of the United States
government should be open to criticism and critique.
Teachers need to feel confident in expressing
opinions which conflict at times with established
U.S. policy. Students need to see reasoned
dissension modeled in the classroom.

Global education instruction should be based on
strategies which promote high levels of student-
student and student-teacher interaction. Approaches
such. as simulation. and, role jplay' are excellent
devices for promoting interaction. Also, more recent
innovations in the area of cooperative learning offer
potentially useful means of delivering global
education content. These approaches encourage
students to teach each other through dialogue and
debate. It is important that high school students
hear, and have an opportunity to respond to,
differing opinions.

137

Wm

A number of the findings in this study suggest a need
for future research. Foremost among these is the need for a
longitudinal study. This particular research focused on the
effects of global education following an eighteen week
course. What would be most helpful to social educators and
curriculum developers is information about these effects long
after the student has finished formal education. Since the
consequences of altering student attitudes are only relevant
in the long term, it is important to gather data on long term
effects.

Closely related to this is a need to gather information
on how students are affected in terms of global-mindedness
and patriotism when they are in global education programs of
longer duration. The likely scenario for many schools is an
infusion of global education content into the curriculum at
numerous (n: even all grade levels. It is reasonable to
assume that an individual's identification with the nation—
state is not easily altered by a short term treatment.
However, if students are exposed to more lengthy educational
interventions of a global perspective, then national
identification may be altered.

This study found statistically significant differences
in global—mindedness only Vflmfll the instruction 511 global
education was characterized by an open classroom climate.
Even then, the differences were substantively' minimal.

However, the dependent variable in this case involved a basic

138

political orientation. To bring about substantive change may
demand more intense and lengthy interventions. Until
longitudinal data is obtained, the basic question of whether
global educathmn can influence global-mindedness without
affecting patriotism is left cuan This study begins to
suggest an answer but it.:h3 far from providing sufficient
evidence for curriculum developers who need to make important
decisions.

A second potentially rewarding avenue for future
research is investigation of classroom discussion as impetus
for attitudinal changes. The underlying dynamic may be that
an open classroom allows students a better opportunity for
linking old information with new information. Such linkages
clarify relationships and assist them in giving meaning to
course content. However, this is E: highly individualized
process since these relationships are created based on prior
knowledge.

Most of the research in social studies education on
attitude change has been concerned with whether a course is
successful in developing "positive" political attitudes. In
the area of democratic education, that has meant such goals
as greater political confidence or greater political trust.
In this study, it meant an increase in globalistic thinking.
It may be that attitudinal change is related to knowledge in
such a way that it is simplistic to predict the direction of
that change. Possibly our concern should be with the

connections students are making between their prior

139

knowledge-and the content of the course and the strategies
used to transmit that content. When there is open discussion
and use of controversial issues in the classroom, students
develop more sophisticated relationships between old and new
information, thus leading to attitudinal changes. The need,
therefore, is to investigate this process in various types of
classroom environments. This calls for more phenomenological
methods of investigation such as classroom observation and in
depth interviewing.

A third area which should receive further study is the
relationship between social class and political attitudes
about the international arena. This study was not able to
identify any such relationships. However, the gross measure
of social class used in this study may be the cause for that
failure. The differences in national identity and attitudes
about foreign policy which other researchers have found
between social classes have important ramifications for
global education program development. Intense nationalism
and anticommunism combined with distrust of the government
and the social elite which some researchers have found among
the working class (Coles 1986; Connel 1971) will certainly
affect how they respond to global education instruction. This
again may call for methods of investigation which try to
understand how students at different socio-economic levels
are linking the new information of a global education course
with their prior knowledge, and what the attitudinal outcomes

of that process are.

140

Social studies educators have promoted the idea that the
development of ea global perspective ix1'the individual can
lead to identification not only with their own nation—state
but with the world community as well (Anderson 1982; Parker
and Jarolimek 1984). This research has given some initial
support to the idea that such an outcome is possible as a
result of social studies instruction. At the same time, it
has brought to focus the difficulty of carrying through on
such an endeavor. Success seems to depend on the teacher's
willingness to emphasize such global concepts as
interdependence as an essential organizing principle for the
content of the course. Recent events have shown that this is
a politically risky venture for social studies teachers to
attempt. The notion of global education, as well as
curriculum materials created for it, have come under
strenuous attack. It may 1x3 unrealistic txJ expect the
typical teacher to undertake a program which has the
potential for 5%) much public criticism“ Furthermore, if
recent research is txa be Ibelieved, schools and school
teachers do not appear willing to teach from other than a
nationalistic perspective at this time. Not only do
teachers need to be willing to emphasize global education
content, to develop more globalistic thinking in students,
they must also be willing to use controversial issues and
open discussion in the classroom. Again it appears unlikely
that many social studies teachers are willing to alter their

present practices. Teachers tend to avoid classroom

141

controversy and conflict in favor of more easily manageable
and predictable activities. McNeil (1988) makes the point
that control over the content of social studies classrooms is
important to the teacher as a means of conforming to the
bureaucratic administrative structure of tflmz typical high
schools. She found that teachers presented only factual
content to "avoid creating student cynicism and at the same
time txa head off inefficient discussion"(p.435). Moreover,
McNeil states students tend to weigh what they hear in school
against what they hear outside of school, and if there is a
contradiction they simply assumed the teacher to be wrong.
Unfortunately, as McNeil states: "a friend or boss at
McDonald's was not always an accurate source of information.
But since the classroom did not provide a place to discuss
ideas (as one can do at home or at a job) the students were
not able to compare sources of ideas and arrive at informed
conclusions"(p.435).

Without informed classroom discussion of international
politics, the "patriotic filter" or the threat schema of
which Cooper and Connel spoke will continue to dominate young
people's organization of knowledge, and thereby shape their
opinion, on international politics.

These two imposing constraints on successful
implementation of global education endangers its future.
However, the results of this research suggests that we do not
threaten young people's identification with the nation-state

by teaching them about global interdependence.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX

Summary of Descriptive Statistics for
Treatment and Control Group

Control Treatment
N % N %

Major Source of Information on World Affairs

Newspaper 36 (18.8) 113 (30.3)
Parents 18 (9.4) 25 (6.7)
Teachers 30 (15.6) 46 (12.3)
TV 105 (54.7) 176 (47.2)

Grade in School

Ninth 50 (22.6) 93 (23.5)
Tenth 126 (57.0) 243 (61.5)
Eleventh 28 (12.7) 39 (9.9)
Twelfth 17 (7.7) 20 (5.1)

Regularity of Newspaper Reading

Never 81 (38.4) 139 (36.5)
Usually 111 (52.6) 185 (48.9)
Always 19 (9.0) 55 (14.6)

Regularity of Reading World Affairs Section of Newspaper

Never 94 (60.6) 134 (50.8)
Usually 53 (34.2) 133 (39.0)
Always 8 (5.2) 26 (9.8)

Area of Residence

Rural 37 (18.1) 65 (17.9)
Urban 92 (45.1) 63 (17.4)
Small Town 24 (11.8) 117 (32.2)
Suburb 51 (25.0) 118 (32.5)

Father's Occupation

Agriculture 2 (1.0) 13 (3.7)
Clerical 10 (5.1) 16 (4.5)
Unskilled Labor 31 (15.7) 14 (3.9)
Household Care 2 (1.0) 2 (.6)
Technical 30 (15.2) 66 (18.6)
Professional 72 (36.4) 180 (50.7)
Other 51 (25.8) 63 (17.7)

142

10.

11.

12.

13.

143

Mother's Occupation

Agriculture 1
Clerical 44
Unskilled Labor 24
Household Care 54
Technical 17
Professional 40
Other 13
G.P.A.

Less than 2.0 7
2.0 - 2.49 17
2.5 - 2.99 63
3.0 - 3.49 65
3.5 — 4.0 45
Plans After High School
College 162
Training 3
Military 13
Job 4
Undecided 28

(19.8) 68
(10.8) 25
(24.3) 92
(7.7) 19
(18.0) 112
(5.9) 38
(3.2) 11
(7.7) 30
(28.4) 66
(29.3) 102
(20.3) 103
(77.1) 314
(1.4) 7
(6.2) 14
(1.9) 1
(3.4) 40

Amount of Time Spent Outside the United States

One Week 55
1 Week to 1 Month 48
1 Month to 6 Months 28
More than 6 Months 10
None 81

(24.8) 84
(21.6) 108
(12.6) 63
(4.5) 23
(36.5) 118

Participation in a Foreign Language Course

No 47
Yes 160
Age

14 55
15 97
16 43
17 21
18 2

How Long Have You Studied a

1 Year 73
2 Years 51
3 Years 32
4 Years 10

(22.7) 57
(77.3) 317
(25.2) 108
(44.5) 187
(19.7) 49
(9.6) 31

(.9) 8

Foreign Language?

(44.0) 118
(30.7) 102
(19.3) 77

(6.0) 31

(19
(17
(26

(3.

(21.
(32.
(33.

(83.
.9)
.7)

(1

(10.

(21
(27

(15

(84

(28

(12

(36.
(31.
(23.

(9.

.2)
.1)
.0)

(5.
(31.
(10.

4)
6)
7)

5)

6)

.2)
.3)
(15.

(5.
(29.

9)
8)

.2)
.8)

.2)
(48.
.8)
(8.
.1)

1)

0)
1)
5)
5)

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