“—4 H.-.” MSU RETURNING MATERIALS: Place in book drop to remove this checkout from your record. FINES “LIBRARES will b° charged if book is returned after the date stamped bclow. ’fiRMm" 91.3.1-9." P", 'fi if 175 KINSHIP,‘GENDERHANDtPERSONHDOD IN'A.KDREAN”VILLHGE By Hym'tgsookYoon A DISSERTATION Sunnitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of IDCIDROF PHILOSOPHY Departmnt of Anthropology 1989 5979137 ABSTRACT KINSHIP,GENIERANDPERSONHOODINAKREANVIIIAGE By HyungsookYoon 'Ihis thesis, based on field research in a Koreanvillage near Seoul, deals with omtinuitias and change in patterns of kirship, marriage, calamity organization and the castruction of gendered personhood. Departingfrantheapproadutothetradition/mdemityoppositionin nuch of the Korean literature on rural society, the thesis analyzes the ecornnicardotherlirflcsbetweenthevfllageandthelargersociety which sustain, and sanetimas, intersify traditions, while altering them insubtleways. Areconstructionardinterpretatimoftheprowsses in the reproductim of households and agnatic groups, prior to the rapid social ardeconanicdnngesofthelast fewdecados, providesaoorrtext for the examination of marriage and constitution of fanale personhood. I slmthatmarriagewasarbigumsarfloverlappedwifluothermansof recruitingnewfemalemenbersintohmseholds. ‘metlmisshowshowan mtdetstarxiirg of the grip, the agnatic principle of organization, can be enhancedbyfowsirgmitstenporalaspectsandmthewaysinmidm it is interwoven with the construction of selfhood. Copyright by 1989 Myforemosttharflcsgoestomylcng—timementorardcatmittee chairman, Dr. HarryRaulet. Hehasgivenmeguidance in identifyingand fonmlating the problan as well as organizing the dissertation. He has given me intellectual stimlation as well as strong moral support fran the beginning, especially during the period of writing the dissertaion. ImehimmrethanIcanacl-crmledge. Ialsowanttoadcmledgethesupportofothercmmitteemadoers, Drs.BernardGallin,RobertMckinley,ardFredRoberts. Drs.Mckinley arxiRobertshavegivenmeencouragmrtandsupportattimesoflcw morale. Dr.FredRobertshavesharedmx:hofhistimetoeditmy dissertation. Dr. Gallin has been especially considerate of my financial situation and tried to give me help W it was possible. IthankDr.AnnMillardforhermralsupportanisharinghertinetc readpartofmydissertation. Also, Ithankmy friends, SejinandAmy. 'Iheirfriendshiphasbeenagreatresazrcetome. Iwanttothankmyownparentswhosupportedmyinitialdecisionto caneovertotheUnitedStatestostudyanthropology. Byfinishingup mydegreemanyyearslaterthantheyexpected,myac]mcwledgementof thankstothenislongoverdue. Ialsotharflcmybrothersaxflsisters for givingme financial andmoral support. Myhusband and in-laws back hmehavesupportednefiramiallyandthereismwayIczntharflcthem iv v adequately for their extra-ordinary effort in caring for my two boys at home. My special thanks goes to my sisters-in-law, Kyungrang Kim, E‘unsoon, Bargson, Miha, andmyhusband's nice, Sukja. I amgratefulto my parents-in—law who have been generous and patient with their oldest daughter‘in-law who has been neglecting her in-law duties for so long. Last, butobviouslynot least, I thankmyhusband, KcokshinAhn, arrimytwoboys, manghymardcnmghytm, for sufferingmylong—absence franhane. Myhusband, Kookshin, hadundergonelongperiods of separation during the periods of preparation of my camrehensive examination and my fieldwork. Daring these times, he has been a warm arfllovingpartnerarrigoodfrierfl. Iowehimsonuchofmylife. manghytmamcmghym, whoaccatpaniedmetothe field, havetriedto understandthe inportance of theirman's finishingupthemm. degree even though it was not entirely within their catprehensim. I dedicate this dissertatim to all of my family mariners. CHAPTER III CHAPIERIV CHAPTER V CI'IAPI'ERIV CHAPIERIIV CHAPTER IIIV 'IABLEOFCH‘TI'ENI'S mm.’.0...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO.1 IITERA'I‘UREREVIEMANDA BRIEF OVERVIEW OF mW...OOOOOOOOOOOOOCCCCOOOOCO00.0.000000017 'IHEVIIIAGEANDWY................................37 I-HJSEl-DIDANDKINSHIP..................................64 MARRIAGE...............................................87 SOCIALCINS'IRJCI‘IQI OFGENDERAND W.........111 WINDBEYCND..................................152 mm WOOOOOOOOOOO00......0.0.00.0000000000197 WOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOZM WUOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO00....OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO...0.0.00.0000000212 WWOOOOO0...0..0.00....0...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO ....... 00.216 vi Table Table Table Table Table Table Table L'ES'I‘OF'EBLES Land Distribution in Angol. . ..................... . ....... 50 land Distribution in 'Iwuitgoji ........................... 50 Distribution of Haaseholds with (he or More Wage- earning Menbers by Size of Household Farm ................ 61 Employment Channel ....................................... 62 Occupational Categories ofWanen.......... ........... ....63 Households by the Generational (Imposition ............... 66 Household Mebers and their Relationship to the Household Head .......... . . . .............................. 67 vii GIAPI'ERI This study isbased onmy fieldwork inKoksan, a Korean village nearSeoul, duringAugust1985-October1986. Topicalinterestsof this study are household and kinship, marriage and genderedpersonhood. AftertheKoreanWar(1950-53), andespecially beginninginthe19605, vhenecormicgrmthaccelereted,fl1erehavebeenrapiddmangesinthe politicalandsocial fabircofKorea. mralareashavenotbeeninmme tothedaanges,anithisisespeciallytrueofKoksanwhid1issih1ated closetoSeoul. mzs,theisa1esofculmralcontimityandd1angemake upaninportantdinensimofmysufly. Indiswssirgrecentdaange,Iquestionthewaysinwhid1m1diof theexistingKoreanliteratmredealswithpresentarfipast nanifestations of tradition. Some of previous approachs by other sdtolarstenitoasameadidiotanybetweenthetraditionalardthe mdemaswellasthemconfucianelitetraditionardthecamer tradition. Inthis study, I question the general notions underlying such studies that "tradition" is a given entity or a holdover fran the cannaer(cf.Brarflt197l). Indnpter2,Ipreserrtanoverviewofthe socio-wltural history of Korea to damnstrate that interactions between 2 involve carplex historical processes . In Koksan, a camaier village, where "traditional" family and kinship practices differed considerably from the Confucian elite tradition, nonetheless, people seem to have re-institutionalized and intensifiedtheOmimciantraditionsinthepasttwoorthreedecades (i.e., elaborate lineage ancestor worship). 'Ihis susggests that "tradition" is not merely a given entity but actively reconstituted through social practices (of. Gidders 1987: 178; Ranger and Hobsbawm 1983) . 'Ihis thene of invention of tradition in recent practices is one of major themes of my dissertation. Ineraminingthecnirrenthouseholdarflkinshipstnicture, Idepart fran approaches in m of Korean literature, which utilizes mdernization theory eaaetrplified by W. Goode's work World Evolution and W (1963) . In my view, modernization theory tends to be misleading because it assumes an wersinplified dichotauy between the traditimarflthemdern, views traditionasarelic ofthepast, and becauseit ignoresthecorrtalporaneityofKoreansocietywiththe industrialized Western societies. An alternative perspective offered by world systan's theory (see Marcus and Fischer 1986: 77-110) views persistent "traditional" features of social structure in peripheral and sani-perirheralareasasstenmingfranthestrucmralpositimoffliese areasintheworldsystem. AlthoughIamnotconcernedwiththe validity of details of world system's theory, its perspective has Arnther, ardequallyinportantardrelatedthaneofmysuflyisto advanceanarguenartthatperscrhoodissociallyooretmctedinthe 3 developnental cycle of the agnatic household (QLip) , in which everyday life is intertwined with ritual life. With recent socio-econanic development, however, there is a socio-econanic process which uncouples and differentiates everyday practices frcm ritual practices . Differentiation of everday social life decanters the social identity of villagers fran the reproductive cycle of the agnatic household (gig) and raises questions regarding social identity both on individual and catmunity levels. In approaching the issues of socially constructed personhood in village Koksan, I follow a tradition in interpretive anthropologyandexaminehowsocial forms, discourses, andpersonhood are nutually coastituted. M. Rosaldo's study Mlfle and @1101”: (1980) , especially, has provided me with useful guidelines both in terns of its theoretical perspective on the mutually constitutive aspects of form of selfhood, social action, social structmre and language, and its display technique (life cycle and danestic cycle). More specifically, I look at interactions of social form and "personhood" - especially centeringarcurdthesocial constructionof femalepersonhoodinthe contextofthedanesticcycleofthegLip. QipistheKoreannativecategoryardaailtural idianwhichcan beextendedtovarimskinardnon—ldngroupingstoconnotedifferent levels of connectedness. Many scholars (Jae-seuk Choi 1965:43; Taik- kyoo Kim 1964: 286: Kwang—kyu Iee 1975: 29: Myung-ki Yoo 1977: 14: Kendall 1985; Sorenson 1981) have paid attention to the native Korean termmip. Previousattarptstoexploretheneaningoftheggipin diversesocialcontextshavebeennaiMydirectedtoidentifygLipwith different levels of agnatic groupings. Rather than dealing with the 4 chip as different levels of agnatic groupings, I approach it as what Wittgenstein calls a " form of life" through which features of agnatic stnicuireaIflMtraditionaswellasformsofsocialpersonhood arereproduced.1 Byfocusingonthedanesticcycle,ltrytoshowhow fliemderstarflingofflieglipcanbeenhamedbyexplorirgitsterporal aspectandhanitisintenoovenwiththesocialconstructionof personhood. Idevoteachaptertomarrage. MarriagepracticesinKoksanare re-interpretedasaprocessetbeddedinthedmtesticcycle. Itryto showtmmrriagewasaubiguwsintherecentpastandhowitwasan awectof fenale identityandcormectedwithvmen'srolesinthe danesticcycleofgfipmhapterS). Likemarriage,cthermanentsinthe danestic cycle, such as household division, retirement of old people frunproductiveworkarxitransitimintoancestorhoodveregradual processesamienbeddedinthedevelognentalprocessofthedanestic cycle. The inpermanent qualities of the individual life cycle are more closely associated with fenale identity and often men are active in rituals dealing with the transitional period and liminality while men areactiveinriunlsdealingwiuithepernerentapsectsofthedaneetic group(diapter6)- 1 Marcms and Fischer (1986: 31) state that "E(e)ach historical period has its own assxmtptions and prejudices, and the process of cammication is the engaging of the notions of one's own period (or culture) with those of another. .. A historical hermeneutics should be able to identify and clarify the nature of this difference. ..." Ioftaiusethetermgiipinterdaargeablywitheitherhmseholdor family, I argue that there is only "family resemblance" (Wittgenstein 1958:17; see also McGough 1976; Neetmam 1971: 30). ‘Ihe meaning of 'p hasdiangedintherecentperiodandltrytogiveaninterpretationof the nature of the change. 5 Norms, neaningsandpracticespertainingtothegiiparedrawnupon to organize the extra-kin and comnmity relationships. While the inportance of the carmunity rituals, which are often interpreted as the indigenous caunmer tradition by scholars, has declined in recent years, traditional kin activities (i.e., lineage meetings and elaborate lineage ancestormrship) seemtohavebeenintersified. Atthecamunity level, withthedecreaseduseof laboureaachange (m) in agricultural production, the obligation to give mrtual help and to engage in ritual p_'umasi in cerenonies related to culturally marked life events (i.e., one year birthday celebration, wedding, sixtieth birthday celebration, and funerals, etc.) has considerably increased. All of this point to the fact that rituals connected with the Confucian tradition have been strengthened with modern socio-econcmic change. Ncnetheless, meaningsofritualpractiesshaveshiftedastheyare mmrpledfrmuaecartimatimofthedanesticcycleandtendtobecane "ritualistic" (diapter 7) . In this thesis, I am critical of the way the tradition-modernity opposition is used in nuch of the literature on Korea; it is important to clarify my own usage of the term "tradition". Throughout the thesis I focus upon the sociocultural patterns and practices before the accelerateddiangesbegiminginthe1960's. Itrytoreconstructthe structureoftheggjp, marriagepracticesandconstructionofthe gerfleredpersonhoodbeforerecentdxanges franvarious accounts ofthe experiences of the old people. My own interpretation is primarily based 6 on the accounts given by my informants, especially elderly people even thaxghitdrawsupmliteramanimyamlowledgeasaKoreanwhen necessary. In my presentation of chapters 5-6, I have intermingled accounts of thewaythingswere intheearlierperiodwith realitiesastheyexisted at the time of my fieldwork in the mid-1980s. Particularly, in chapter 6, Idoattetptaninterpretationofagenderedpersonhoodinthe danestic cycle which refers to realities as they existed a few decades ago. Secondly, inmydiscussion oftherecentaccelerated change, Iuse thecmditionseadstinginthedecadesprecedingthe1960'sasthe baseline. InreferringtotheKoksanofthisperiodeitherin recmstnictingpatternsorindrawingcmstrastswithccnterpomry changing conditions, I often use the term "tradition". In fact, it is hard to avoid the term "tradition" since it occurs so counonly in the literature. But as I have stated, I do not regard these sociocultural patterns as the original or timeless condition in rural Korea. In chpater 2, I discuss the historical constiultion of Korean "traditim," and elsewhere I discuss the contenporary invention of tradition. However, I do take the positicm that in features of imtitutional structure and cultural form, the pre 1960's period contrasts much more sharply with the society emerging in the 1980's than withotherperiodsinKorea. Ihaveinmirxisidifeamresas institutional differentiation and rationalization of the life world (cf . Berger, Berger and Kellner 1973; Habermas 1985; Weber 1947). Thus, myuseofthetermtraditionisinpartamatterofliterary 7 convenience. Ihave attenptedtoremainsensitivetochangesinKorean society throughout its history and, unlike modernization theory, I recognizetheconterporaneityofKoreawithWestemsocietiesinthe senseofnmbershipwithinthesaneworldsystem. However,whenIuse thetermtraditiontorefertothepre1960'speriodinKoksanarrirural KoreaIgenerallyalsoassmestrucuiralfeaulresofsocietyardwlUlre which are carrently undergoing a marked transformation. m Mk5 on flel’ dwork. Methodolgy. and Writim' In recent years, anthropologists have becane increasingly conscious of the fact that the conditicrs of their field study ard the nature of relatialships with the people they study influence the ethnographies they produce (i.e., Briggs 1970: emu: 1978; Rabinow 1977: sriostak 1981) . Interpretive anthropology, which attempts to interpret the native's own interpretation of social life, require that the anthrqlologist be self-conscious regarding his/her own epistamlogical orientation and social background (Marcus and Fischer 1986: 7-40) . As a native anthropologist who has a different social and personal badcgmmd from people in Koksan, my fieldwork produced a field situation, methodology, as well as theoretical insights, perhaps different fran western anthropoloigsts working in non-western settings. ‘Iherefore, a short account of my fieldwork may be useful. In 1983, I went back to Korea with hopes of conducting fieldwork inmediately. HmeverduetomypersonalcircunstanceinwhichIhadto takecareofmytwoyoungchildrenandteachpart-tineatseveral universities in Korea, I had to postpone my fieldwork. Because of need 8 toca'rtinlemysuny,1hadtoseekdrmestichelp. 'IhiswashowIcame tomeetmymaid,Misuk'smther,whowasabletointroducemetomy fieldsite,Koksan. Mismc'smtherwasintroducedtomeinthesmmerof 1983arrimrkedforneasarmsemaidforabarttwoardhalfyears. As webecame close, shetoldme aboutherpersonal life history. Misuk'smothercanefmntheChollaProvincetoSeoulinearly 1970saftergraduatingfrunhighschool,ardtookajobinafacotry. ‘Ihen,shenetherlmsbardwhowasworkinginabarbershcp. According toher,shewasnotinterestedinhim. alt,herhusbandwantedtomarry lerarfltoldheramrtardotherrelativesthathehadadeep not. Herparentswereverydisappointedtohearthatshewasimrovled withabarbervmohadhadonlyaprimarysdlooleducation,butfeltthat theyhadnochoicebuttolethermanytheman. Astheycouldnotaffordawedding,theyattendedthecollective weddingcerenyWflc)fl1atthemyorofSemlprovided forpoorcouples. Afterthemarriage,shehadtodoallkirrisofthings tomakealiving. Hertmsbandwasoftenunetployedandshehadtobe themajorprovider. Forsaretime,shebecaneascavengeratNanjido,a garbagesitewhereallthegarbagefranSeoulareawasdtmped. 'Ihen, sheandherfamilynovedtochsanwherehermther—in-lawhadbeen livingasaroan—reiter,lookingforadleaproanforrent. InKoksan, hermlsbarxiopenedavillagebarbershopanishecamutedtoworkinthe factoryinSeaJl. Wmslnwasattnne,shehelpedhermlsbani, shaving custaners. Shealsomrkedasanagriculturalworkerduringthebusy agricultural season (i.e., rice-transplanting season). After years of 9 hardworkandsaving,shearriherhusbarriwereabletoblyahouseat Ilsan, atownship (5p) locatednearKoksan, in1982. Bythat time, her mnsbaniwaseuplcyedasanightguardatapolicestationinSeml. When shenovedtoIlsan,shestayedathaneforseveralnmths. However, she soalrealizedthatshecmldmtsupportherthreediildren'seducation withherhusband's earnings. AsmanyofherneighborsinIlsan, she decided to mrk as a maid herself and visited a prviate employment agency. 'Ihatwashcwshecametoworkatmyplace. Iwasquiteintriguedbyherlifehistoryandvariousissues elderplified by her life such as econanic development, urban migration, proletarianization, sexuality and gerderhierardly. I further inquired abartherreighbomoodvmeremanywmenlikehercanmtedtoSewlto providecheaplabourtothemiddle-class familiesinSeoul. InJuly of 1985, I visited her neighborhood in Ilsan a couple of times to explore thepossibility of contiuctingmy fieldwork. Then, I gaveupthe possibility because I found it would be difficult to contact other m,mm1thoughtvmldbemajorinformants. Manyofthemworkedin Seallandcamebackhanelateintheevening. Also,Ididnotfeelthat theneighborhoodwasveryhospitable. AccordingtoMisuk's mother,the neighborhood was an "artifical" ccmmmity which had been established thrulghthegovernment's policy of resettling squattersinSeouloutside ofSeoul. Assquatterswereforcedtoresettleinthearea,whichdid mthaveanyirdustriesorfactories,theyhadtocamuteto$eoulto mrk. AsanalternativetoIlsan,IaskedMisuk'smotherwhethershe couldintroducenetoKoksanwhereshehadlivedbeforeshenoved. At 10 first,shehesitatedandrefusedmyrequest. Shetoldmethatshedid notwantvillagersinKoksantolomthatshewasworkirgasamid. ShehadmovedootofKoksanasahouse—owner. I-bwcouldsheletanybody inthevillagelmowthatshewasworkingasamaid? But,whenIasked herthesecouitine,sheagreedoncorditionthathouldnottell anybodyaboutourrelationship. Shetoldmethatshewasgoingto introducemetoherfriendsinKoksanasherdistantrelative. InAugustof1985,shetookmetoKoksan. InKoksan,sheexchanged friendly greetings with most of villagers. I sersed that people in Koksanwereeasygoingandhospitable. Misuk'smothertookmetothe hmseofthevillageheaddjgy)inthefirstsectimofKoksan,tmere shehadbeenalong—timeroan—renter. Sheintroducedmetotheshy ymmgvillageheadwhowasinhisearlythities. Ihadanilrpression that despite Misuk's mother's careful explanation of my project, the villageheadwassaneuhatccmfhsed. Atthesametime,heseenedtobe afraidthatImightasksmediffiwltqtestialsfllathemfldnctbe abletoanswer. Aftersaleinformalcmversatim,Mism<'smotherardI visitedherformerfriends'hmsesandintroducedmetothem. Iwanted tofirdahalsewhidlmlldprovideueroanarriboard,hltwasmlableto findit. Acoupleofvnnenwereinterestedinthearragement,butwere mtsurehavnuditheyshalldchargeforthefood. Asanalternative,IdecidedtocarmltefrunSeoultoKoksanand caductahasetohmsesurveywifllastnlcturedqueetioraireinorder toddtaindetailedandbasicinformatiminregardtohousehold cmposition, size of landholdings, household mariners in waged jobs and fleircmtrihxtimtoflnMsdmldecammnanagexentofthehalsehold ll incane, family practices such as marriage, adoption, household division, aswellastheirkinrelations, etc. MysurveybeganinSeptemberof 1985. Jina, agradutestudentinsociologydepartmentat Yonsei University helped with the survey arri gave me moral support. Icalbinedmyhousetohousesurveywithparticipantdaservaticn untiltheearly Spring of 1986. msouedays, Ivisitedthreeorfour houses. But,motherdays,Ivisitedonehouseandspentthewhole day. WhenIstayedcninonehmseengaginginanidletalLIfelt thathasiuposingmyselfonthan. Afteracarpleofmcmtlsofdaily visitstoKoksan,Iwasgenerallyaccepted-orstmldlsaythatlwas tolerated? - by villagers. Often, I self-invited myself to family occasions such as weddings, birthday celebrations and ancestor worship andthevinylhwsevdsreoldpeopleveremakingstrawmtsanddlattirg duringthewinter. WhenIattended special occasions, Icarried gifts sudiasabottleofdistilledwineaboxofdetergentsoamandacash giftasothervillagers did. mringtheseperiods, theParklineage heir, chg-ch'mPark,andhiswifewereverygenerousardkirfltome ardwelcanedmetoparticipateinhouseholdandlineageancestor wordlip. IfIvisitedthenduringthemealtine,theyalwaysirNitedne toeatwiththem. BytheSpringof1986,Ihadadetailedinformationinregardto whowasrelatedtowlm. Still,Ifeltthathaslimitedinmy caltactswithpeopleasIhadtoccmmtetothevillageduringtheday timeanddecidedtoliveinthevillage. Irentedaroanfrananold cwple'stmodidmthaveanyslrvivingchildren. Itookmytwoboys, whowerethreeardhalfarxitwoyearsoldwithme. Whenvillagersknew 12 thatIrentedarcaninKoksan,theytcldmethatlhadbecanea"real" villager. Somepeople welcomed ne. Tosomectherpeople, Ibecameeven morestrange. NomattervmatItoldthemofmybackgmmd,theytried tofigureoutwhonaswithcxlttoomlchsuccess. Saneoldwomenin Koksanjokedwithnethatmyhusbarrimightfirriotheryormgwomnifl My73yearsold landladybecameoneofmymajor informants whileI waslivingianksan. Asshewasretiredfranprcductivework,shehad timetotalkwithmeformanyhours. Moreover,shehadaverydetailed menoryofpasteventsinthevillage. Mycontacts with villagers, of course, couldnotbeeven. AsIstayedinthatsectionofthevillage (seechapterB),Ihadacloserrelationshipwithvillagersinthefirst section. Igotalongbetterwitholdpeopletlenyoungpeople-both menandvmen. Oldpeopleweremoregenermswith informationinregard to their life experiences and often extended re invitations to various ritual occasions. Asamatter of fact, Ifelt thatscmewomenofmyage resented my presence and my seemingly "lazy" life. I also felt limited inmycontactwithyoungandmiddle-agedmenbecauseofmysexual identity. Nontl'leless,saneyomlgandmiddle-agedwutensudlasKi- t'ae's mother, Hym-yong'snotherandMyong-son'smotherwereverykind. 'Ihevillageheadofthefirstsectionalsoprovidednewithmlch infemtiminregardtoworkexchangeanljointpurdeseofthe agricultural nachines. Kit'ae,vmopassedanentranceexamination with renorstoHanyangUniversityinSeathelpednewithquestimairesin regardtolife historiesandyoungpeople's attitudetowardtheir ocwpation. He helped ne in obtaining essays written by village 13 childreninthefifthgradeattheDaekokprimary school on"0ur village" (m) and "What I want to be in the future" (Denim). Mymg-hyonKimintleseconisection, whohadbeenadeputynenagerof an absentee lardowrer before land reform, gave ne detailed information about the absentee landowner's identity prior to land reform (1950) and his contiuning ownership of the housesites in the village. I obtained the land distribution record made during land reform from the Guido comtyofficeardthehistoryofKoyangtamshipfrantheKoyang Township Cultural Institute. airing the whole fieldwork period, I experienced many anguished nxmentsderivingfruncmflictsbetweenmyownattetpttopresentmy ideatitytovillagersandtheiratteuptstodefireme intheirfamiliar categories and images. During the initial period of my field study, and toanextentduringnyentire fieldworkperiod, Iwasdefinedby villagers in various ways aldl as a travelling hairdresser, a Jehovah's witness, a government family planner, an insurance saleswanan, a student, anewspaperreporter, acoummistspyfruntheNorth, and finally, a "strange wunan" who was asking nany weird questions that nobody else would ask. Sanetimes, I sensed that villagers were uneasy about the fact that I did not fit their categories. Many times, I felt the falsity of the naive assumptions of my major research methodology, "participant observation, " that we anthropologists participate in the native' 3 daily lifeandobservetheirsocialpracticesandcllturalmeanings. Ina way, sane of assunptions underlying "participant observation" are naive myths that Western anthropologists have when they study "others." If I 14 wasthere inKoksanandparticipated intheir daily life as one of them, "asayamgmarriedKoreanwman,"Ishalldmthavebeengoingaromfl thevillage asking questions, visiting others, and even freelytalking withmen. Neither stmldIhavesl'tomupatvillagers' housesearlyin the warning on their ancestor worship day, nor should I have followed thelileagemenwhowereperfomingtheseasorelamestralriteswhile tleirownvxmenfolk,whocarriedtheritualfoodont1eirheads,were watchingtheperformanceatadistance!2 Bydoingthingsthatother nerriedwunenofmyageandmaritalstamswouldnotdo,Iwasactively castructin; myself as the "other" in villagers' view, which they did nothllyapproveof. 'Iheirdiscanfortquiteoftenderivedfrmtheir feelingthat"asaneducatedwcuen(if1wasasIclaiuedtobe)you sl'mldknowbetterthanthatt". mile villagers did not welcane my participation in their mmdane dailyactivitiesardseanedtothinkthathasintrudingintotheir life, they welca'ned my participation in their ritual activities, especiallyarmstorworship. ‘Iheyreasonedthatthosethingswereold traditions. Ayamg"modern"educatedpersonlikenewhohadbeento tIeStates,mightmtloewthosethingsanishmldbeinterestedin observingandtakingnotes. Asamatter of fact, asvillagers assumed, I was ignorant of "traditional" practices but due to different reasons: MyparentsconvertedtoChristianityevenbeforeIwasbornandlike 2Infact,wheanasfollowingagroupofnenwhowereperforming tleancestorworshipontleFullMoon'sdayatdifferenthmses, I encamteredaprotestfranayotmgwmtanofmyage. Sheshowedher angertowardmytransgressimaskingne: 'leintheworldcanymcate to salebody else's ancestor worship early in the morning? Is it right foryoutodoit?". 15 manyotherProtestantsinKorea, theygaveamemorial serviceonmy grandparents' death day anniversary, but never performed the "traditional" ancestor worship. ‘Ihus, in Koksan, I was re-aquainted with my own tradition -or should I say my (or our) "Korean" tradition?. IfIhadtohavealongjourneyarxitakeadetourtobere-aquainted with my "Korean tradition, " what about the villagers in Koksan? If, as a native Korean, I was encountering villagers as "others," whowasI? WasIencounteringthenasarepresentiveofthewestern academic tradition as western anthropologists did with non-western others? Surelynot! WheanasintheUnitedStates, theprimary criteria that I used in order to define myself was my Korean identity. Others intheStates alsotriedtodefinemethroughmyKorean identity. When I did not fit their image of a "traditional Korean man," it was not due to the expression of my "authentic self," but was a matter of non-typicality: Imssinplynotatypicallbreanmn-butsanething else! ‘Ihen, wretconstitutedthe"sanethingelse"otherthanthe connotation of deviance which made up the non-typical ity of my identity? MydecisiontocanebacktotheUnitedStates leavingmytwoboys andhusbandinorderto finishupthedissertationwasstrongly supported by my in-laws partially as a fulfillment of my own academic career but primarily as a collective enterprise of my husband's gl_ip. MlenIcanebacktotheUnitedStates, Iwasdepictedasamodernized (mtamode’mhltalwaysontheprocess ofbeingmodernized) career- pursuing wanan. wring my period of writing the dissertation, I was stranded between my single most strongly pre-defined identity as a marriedKoreanvmanarfladesiretobelryownpersm. Perhaps, from 16 the modernizationist's view, I was being modernized by western education. In the traditionalist's view, however, I was tainted by comlprting western influences and had lost my own true cultural "roots". 'Itepredicamentofmyownidentityardtteawarenessoftheilmerse visible and invisible presence of others, in one way or anther, in the formingandnekingofmyself imageshavemadememreaccutely attentivetotleissressudlasthesocialcorstructionofgender, perscnhoodandtheinportanceofggipasacontextformysocial existenceandinturn, mysocialexistneceaspartofthecollective identity. I discerned similar, if less sharply defined, dilemmas facing the villagers in Koksan in the changing socio-econanic conditions. (see chapter 7) Ultimately, I believe that either at the individual level or at the collective level, we should encounter our socially castructed realityardselfhoodontleirowntermsratherthanthrougha'bad faith" attadment to our "cannon sense" mderstanding of reality. This dissertation is written in that spirit. Ammmm ionofKoreanNmnesandWords Koreanternsarerunanizedaccordingtotretmlre-Reischauer systen, except where Korean scholars have established different rmanizations for their names. I cite full Korean names in references. QiAPI'ERII LITERATUREREVIEWANDAHUEFOVERVIENOFKDREANHISIW clarqesardcartinuitiesofthefamilyardkirshipstructurein nedernKoreahavebeenoreofthemajorconcensanengKoreansdlolars (Kyung-dong Kim 1983: 322-3) . Sane scholars have assumed that there was amoreorlesshanogeneoustraditional familyandkinshipstructure which we can take for granted as a baseline for measuring modernization (i.e., Seong-hi Yim 1966) . As a matter of principle, we shcnld be very cautious about accepting assunprtiors regarding original hanogeneous and "authentic" tradition (of. Clifford 1988 and also Hobsbawm and Ranger 1983) .1 Moreover, a closer examination of the literature indicates considerable controversy regarding the structural principles involoved inpre-modernkinshipandfamilypatterns. ‘Iherearemanyquestions regarding the historical processes which conditioned the pre-modern kinship and family structure. Scholars have resorted to carparisons wiflldlinesearflJapanesekinshipardfmnilystrucmrearflinmanycases have arrived at varying conclusions regarding similarities, contrasts, and influences during them (of. Janelli and Janelli 1982; Kendall 1985; 1 Clifford (1988) cautions us that searching for the "authentic tradition" has a danger of objectifying the non-western people as the eternal other. Hobsbawm and Ranger (1983) suggest that traditions of Westernandnon-Westernsocietiesoftenburnouttobearecent invention and have sarething to do with the politics of nationalism and a search for a national identiy, which itself is a recent socio- political perineum. 17 18 mang-kyu Lee 1975: Sorenson 1981) . A brief survey and critical examination of the literature dealing withthosevariatioansandprocesseswillhelppavetheway formyown findings in Koksan. Wires Scholars such as Man-gap Lee (1963) and Brandt (1971) point out that despite an assumed hanogeneous culmral tradition of Korean society, there are variations deriving from social , regional and ecological differences. In their carparative studies of rural cannmities, sociologists such as Man-gap Iee (1960) , Ki—hyuk Pak and Semg—yun Lee (1963) claim that in the camunities in which the traditimal elite yangban class have a strong lineage organizations [see below pp.11-13 for discussion of W], people maintain their social prestige and clan unity and are less willing to cooperate for the develcpnentoftheccmnmity. Ontheotherhand, intheccmmoner caunmitiesinwhichstronginfluenceoftheymnreage isabsent, people are more favorable to modern change and are cooperative in carmlnity development activities. In his entlmographic study of a fishing and farming village, Brandt (1971) suggests that the hierarchical m tradition and the egalitarian cannoner tradition are not mrulally exclusive but are cmplanentaryanitogetheractastremflerpinningsofKoreansocial structure. 'Ihehierarchial kin-orientedmuaditionneedstobe regarded as co-eldsting with the egalitarian community-oriented cannorer tradition. Brarrit calls these two structural principles "sociological 19 dualisn". Other scholars such as Shin-pyo Kang (1974), Haejoang (ho (1986) , and Kerrhll (1985) adqmledge that two traditions and structural principles underlie traditional Korean society. Shin-pyo Kang (1984:95) clains that two interacting social forces, which are spatially and temporarily unequal, underlie the Korean cultural grammar. According to him, conflictsbetweenthetwointeractingsocial forces, suchasthe rulerandtheruled, thefatherandtheson, andtteeliteyagflnand thecameraremediatedthmlghtheclltural etphasisontheinfinite harm'ly between the two. Haejoang C110 (1986) and Kendall (1985) pay attenticm to the gender division of social and ritual labour. Haejoang Cho (1986) questions the existence of the indigenous ccnmorer tradition in a "pure" form. Considering that the Confucian tradition deeply penetrated into the calmer life through the Confucian M's conscious efforts to inculcatetlecamnrerswiththeoonfilcianethicarflcodeofconduct sincetheseventeenthcenturyintheYidynasty, itisnotlikelythat the cmnnrers maintained their own tradition (Haejoang Cho 1986:89) . Haejoang Cho insists that it is more likely that Korean wuuen maintain separate lifedworlds and ritual traditions to deal with their social experience. 'Ihemaintenanceoftheshamanictraditionthroughwmenis a good exanple (see also Kendall 1986) . In her study of waren's household ritual, Kendall notes that women are responsible not only for the household rituals but ultimately for 20 sane ocummity rimals (see also rim-gun Chang 1983; Kendall 1935) .2 Kendall suggests that the female appropriation of the household and cmmmity ritualsmaybeanctherinstance inwhichtheegalitarian indigenous traditionhasbeenmaintainedinoppositionto, aswell as canplementary to, the hierarchical Confucian tradition. Kendall (1935) finds that the Korean household differs both from theChinesehouseholdQLaandtheJapanesehouseholdie. Accordingto heracccunt, themimsel‘mseholdisbasedmtheideal cfnchousehcld division (see also Cohen 1976). When household division ocmrs, however, it is divided equally among the male siblings. Unlike the Chinese practice, the division of the household property is not expected inJapan. 'IheJaparesehmseholdieisslcceededineachgererationby a single heir, most likely, but not neccessarily, the oldest son. To the Japanese, the continuation of the mainline household jg as corporate unit is more important than the observing of strict agnatic succession rules and adopted sons and sons-in-law can be designated as heirs (Beardsley 1959; Befu; 1962; Nakane 1967). An incarpetent son even can be passed over for an adopted son (Beardsley 1959;239) . InKorea, theevenulaldivisionoftl'el'niseholdanmgtlemale siblings is expected. Like the Japanese practice, the Korean household divisicm emphasizes the unequal division of the household ard favours the continuation of the mainline household. 'Ihe continuation of the Korean minline l‘lcusehcld differs fran the Japanese haJsehcld in that it strictly observes the succession of the mainline household by the oldest 2 (mu-91m Chang (1983) points out that indigenous household and cmmmity rituals have been understudied possibly due to the Korean scholarly emphasis on the Confucian tradition. 21 male offspring regardless of his personal carpetency. 'Ihus, Kendall concltxles ttet the Korean grip corresponds with the agnatic family systemvzhiletteJapaneseieisahmseholdsysteminwhidltle cartinuatim of the household as a corporate unit is given a higher priority than the agnatic descent rule. (Kendall nd:22) . Consideringthatthetermghipisnot isanorphiceitherwiththe householdorthefamilybutreferstovariousothersocial unitsas well, Kerdall'suseofthegipascotermirmswiththehouseholdmaybe oversinplifying the situation. @p can refer to various agnatic kinship units as well as the residential places depending on the soical cmtexts inuse. gripcanmean: 1) adanestichouseholdunit, 2) a grwpofkinsmenvbosharearrlworshiparsestorsinfalrasceniing generations, 3) a patrilineage, 4) the social hierarchy of various agnatic units, 5) the house, and 6) the native place (Mng—kyu Iee 1975:29) . grip is also defined as an ideological trans-historical group thatconrectstheagnaticancestorstothedescendants (Jae-seukChoi 1982:275). Hoe-soc Yang (1967:227) suggests that in the pre-industrial traditional Korean society, it was likely that non-agnatic matters such as long-term resident agricultural workers (_ng_s_mn) in the elite m Inseholdcalldmebeencmsideredtcbeneldoerscfthesanehasehcld flip. Myung-ki Yoo (1977:14) notes that boarders are often referred to as merbers of the sane household gig (hanjlp' Sign) by the landlady. ‘Ihus, theextensiveuseoftretermgipsuggeststhatthe reproductimoftlegipencatpassesnorettentherepmductimofthe Confucianagnatic familyarrikinshipstructure. 'Ihisisasarewhat 22 different interpretation from Brandt's. Brandt postulates a clear-cut distiretimbetweenkirshipstruculreardcmmmitystrucmremereasI amclaimingthattheidianofkinshipcanbeextendedtothelevel of community-wide relationships.3 ‘Ihe approaches of several authors (i.e., Biernatzki 1967; Man-gap Ice 1963) that stress a dualistic principle such as yam vs. cmmoner forms of organization tend to lack an appreciation of historical processes. Brandt's sociological dualism is similarly limited in that it does not provide historical specificity to institutional develqments arri the socio-econanic structures of traditional Korean society. Several scholars point out (Haejoang (ho 1986; Peterson 1983; Wagner 1983) that the institutionalization of the Confucian m family tradition and the emergence of the strong patrilineal kin organization maynothavehadalonghistoryinKoreansociety. Accordingtothe analysis of the genealogical records, it is only in the seventeenth century in which the hierarchical agnatic Confucian family tradition began to be consolidated in Korea. Therefore, a short overview of the historical formation of the Confucian family and kirship system in Korean society is useful here. This will shed light on :1) the role of Confucian principles in Korean society, specifically on kilship, 2) the part played by other historical forces including Japanese colmialism in shaping family, kinship and calamity, and 3) the terriency to reify "traditional" Korean family and 3 We should recall that other terms designating various agnatic Imitscannotbeappliedtonon-kinwhereasthetermchipcanbeapplied bothtokinandnon-kin. Alsowemayaddthatthetermchipisusedto express more affectionate and intimate relationship between people. 23 kinshipthat hasbeenocalringinofficialandotherdiscoursesin recenttimes. mg m ical mien! of Traditional Korean 30¢ng Korea is a peninsula which is located between latitutes 34 and 43 degreesmrtharribetweenlongit:udes124arri132degreeseast. It shares itsnorthern frontierwithChina. Totheeast, there isJapan. Due to its goo-political location, Korea becane the confrontational frontierbetweentheEastandtheWestinrecenthistory (Ki-baikIee 1984: 374) . 'Ihe truce-line which runs through approximately 38 degree latitutearddividesKoreaintotheNortharritheSouthcanbe corsideredasaproductofthecoldwarbetweentheUSSRarritIeUSAin the post-World War II period. AlttnlghtheChinesesocio-cllulral influenceinKoreahasbeen strongintheearliestperiodoftheKoreanhistoryas isevidencedin theintroductionofthebronze implements fromChinaaroundthenineth or eighth centuries B.C. (Ki-baik Iee 1984:9), the indigenous Korean socio-cultural tradition has been always present in opposition to as well as ccmplementary to Chinese influence. However, historical processes resulting in strong penetration of Confucian scholarly traditiors into the fabric of Korean society began in Yi Chasm dyansty (1392-1910) .4 'Ihe development of the traditional ConfuciancultureinKoreaentailedinternalaswellasexternal forces 4Confucianismwhichhadastronginfluenceintheconstitutionof pre—modernKoreansocietywasfirstintroducedintoKoreaasearlyas around the fourth century (Ki—baik Iee 1984:57-9) . 24 derivingbothfranKoreaardChinaattumofdynasticduargesinboth countries.5 Atti‘etireofthedynasticchangebetweentheKoryo dynastyandthecuosondynastyinKorea, thefaundercfthechoson dynasty drew his political as well as ideological support frcm the local-based Nee-Confucian gentry scholars. Neo-Confucian scholars at theenioftleKoryodynastycorstitutedanewlyrisingeliteclassthat wasintellectually influencedbytheduiresesduolarcmHsiandhisnew interpretation of Confucian teachings. As a newly rising elite class, the Woo-Confucian gentry scholars were critical of the Koryo aristocratic class' expansion of their "agricultural estates" Mary) and the monopolization of socio-political power (Ki-baik Iee 1984: 160). me aristorcatic class's expaxsion of agricultural estates was accmplished through the outright seizure of private peasant lands as wellasbytleinpositimofhighrentsarrifreqtentcorveelabourm peasants enforced by privately erployed retainers. ‘Ihe high rents inposed by the aristocratic families often forced peasants to give up theirlandstothepowerful familiesortotheBuiihistmonasteriesand becanetheirtenantsandretainers. ‘meexpansionofprivate landby thepowerful familiesandtheBindhistmuasteries inpoverishedthe govennnenthrigetaswellasthelifeofthepeasants. Underthe ciramstance, therewgentrysduolarswhowereversedintheomfucian classics on goverment and who attained bureaucratic positions through 5WhileKor'eahadadynasticchangefranKoryodynastytori dynasty (1392-1910) , Ming was rising as a new military-political power andcontestedforthepolitical hegemonywiththeYuandynastyinChina. While the Koryo dynasty had had political relatiouship with the Yuan dynasty, the new Yi dynasty tried to establish a political relationship 25 scholarship were highly critical of the aristocratic families as well as the socio-econanic power of the Buddhist nonasteries (Ki-balk Iee 1984:159). MuenGereralScrgkyeIeeretunedfranhisabortiveexpeditionfor militaryaidonuandyrestyardpressedtleKirgKongyangtoconiucta land reform, he received ideologiclal and political support fran a group of rec-Confucian gentry scholars. When General Songkyae Lee founded the Yi Choson dynasty with the political and ideological support of the neo- Cmfucian scholars in 1392, he rewarded the "merit scholars" who gave him special political support with inportant bureaucratic positiors and grants of ”nerit land" (Mi-£199) . With grants of "merit land, " sane "writ scholars" received the right to collect the rent fruit the lard during their lifetime. Rights to collect the rent from public land were granted to officials and their families for various purposes throughout tiedynastyarriwereoftenallowedtopassontotherextgeneratim. unis, in turn, pranoted the privatization of public land in due time, although ironically, the privatization of land had been a principal target of rec-Confucian criticism. The rec-Confucian gentry-scholars constituted the m class. The m were menbers of the "two orders" of officialdan who served as civil or military officials during the m dynasty. They were differentiated fran the camoner class (53min) ccmsisting of peasants, artisars, ardner'chants. Belowthecaunouerclasstherewereoutcasts (QM) consisting of butduers, shamans, and actors, etc. MMerebroadlybasedfluantlerulingclassesof earlier ages (Ki-baik Iee 1984:173-4) . 'Ihey were different fran other 26 elite class in that they kept up their relationships with their kiusmen at their native places. The euquansion of the population of the $911913.“ class in the face of the limited availability of bureaucratic positios ledtoacutecoupetitionandconflictwithintheMnclass. Under theseciromstances, ttembgntriedtodecktl'eexpansimoftre nunber of the yams through the application of strict agnatic rules specifying legitimte m family neubership. Accordingtoanalysesofthegenealogybooks (Mo) writtenboth intheearlyduosonperiodandinthemiddleofthednosonperiod (Peterson 1983; Wagner 1983) , there is evidence suggesting a trarsition in family and kinship practices fron the pre-Confucian tradition to the Confucian tradition. Genealogical books node in the early (boson period indicate that rules of houselnold succession and inheritance division had bilateral tendencies. Wonen were not discriminated against in favour of their nale siblings. They could becone the legetimate heirs to their natal householdsandhadanequal shareintheirparents' properties (Peterson 1983; Wagner 1983) . Wonen's remarriage was not socially stigmtized. 'Ihe offspring of a remarried wcman could be the legitimate heirtohersecondhusband. Astherewasnostrictruleinregardto thelegitimateheir, adoptionofagnatickinbysonlessnenwasnot freqently practiced (Wagner 1983; Peterson 1983) . 'I'owardsthebeginningoftheseventeenthcentuurytheagnatic succession rules were more strictly observed. Strict observation of a male primogenitural succession rule favored the oldest son over his junior and ferale siblings. Women could not succeed their natal families. Wonen's ranarriage was discouraged. The male offspring of 27 renarried wonen could not claim the legitimate heirship to their parents' households. In the absence of a legitimate heir to the household, adoptiou of agrnatic kin was practiced. A series of changes infleldushippractiwsintleseventeonthcenburyareinterpretedas the m class's conscious effort to restrict the number of m arrl cosolidate their class identity in the face of the disintegration offlneMClass. 'Ihisdisintegrationwasdueto increasedmmber ofthemandloweriryoftheirsocial statusintheafternathof the invasion of the Japanese (1592-1598) (Haejoang (ho 1986: 87; Ki-baik Iee 1984:250-1; Joan-ho Song 1980) although groviry social inequality ammgagnatickimnenuiatcaildhavederivedfromtheprimogenimral succession was mitigated by agnatic kin ideology and agnatic ancestor worship practices (Heo-soo Yary 1963:167; Freedman 1958:136-7) .6 Growth of political factios amorng the Confucian scholars (M) inthecentralGovermentalsocontribrtedtothethepatrilineal ‘ organizatiouofflexambansardtotleperetrationofmwml principles into counoner segment of society. The gentry-scholars who hadlosttheirpoliticalpowerinthecentralgcverrmentretiredto their hone villages among their kinsmen, consolidated the agnatic lineage organization through various ways (e.g. publication of genealogy 6Inhisstariyoftheczhineselineageor'ganizationinSoutheast Asia, Freedmn suggests that the primogenitural succession rule in Korea myhavepreventedthemsvensegnentationoftrelireagesashasbeen thecaseinChinawheretheunevenholdingof corporate lineage property amory different segments of the lineage was the significant factor pronotiry internal segmentation (Freedman 1958:136-7) . In their examination of the validity of Freedman's hypothesis, Jarnelli and Janelli (1978) conclude that it was not the prinogenitural succession rulebutsocialprestigemidnhadbeenmrecrucial intheinternal segmentation of the Korean lineages. 28 books and ”ration of agnatic ancestors). 'Ihe retired m educated young people at their private Confucian school (m) . Also, theretiredmstriedtooultivatetheConfucianethiesandcodeof coriuctanaytlecomuersaniapparertlyuleseattetptsweretoscue extentsucesssful (HaejoangCho1986: 87). WhiletheConfucian ethics arricodeofcorductwereoultivatedamoyttecotmoerpeoplebythe localm,thesocialorderofthecnosonsocietywas disintegratiry. Asmenticned,agrowthinthemmberoftheygygaln classpeopleanitheconcertrationofagrioulturallarxiintrehandsof powerful m officials produced great socio-econonic differentiation amongthebiglarri-omiryMsardtheirkirsnen. 'nneriseofthe themerdnantclassandamanagerial—typeofridnpeasants (Wm)tonardthemiddleoftleseverteenthcertury (Yoy-sop Kim 1962) producedmanyw who claimed high social statusthrotyhagnaticconectioshutcouldnotmaintainthem style of life. The worms had towork in the fields like ordinary comnners and had little knofledge of the Confucian classics (Ki-bail: Iee, 1984:250). Poverfulandridnyaryfinfinancedthe nercantile activites of the big merchants (Yory-sop Kim 1962), while tleirpoormkirsnenoftenfarnedtleagrioulturallanioftleir rich kinsnen on tenant contracts (Goldberg 1973:164; Yoy-sop Kim 1962; My-mKim1983). Mearmhile, newly energiry richpeasants andmerchants emulated the Molassculturethroughthepurchaseof yangbangenealogybooks M) and by ritual practices such as arncestor worship. Wtimofuiepeasantsarduienerdantsmrmerdisruptedthe 29 status systen of yam society and exacerbated the contradictions inherent in Chosonsociety (Yory-sopKim1962). Coltradictiorsinmsocietywereoftenexpressedinthe various peasant revolts led by the declassed m (Ki-baik Iee 1984:250-1). 'rcwardthebegiming ofthenineteenthcentury,themumber ofthepeasantrevoltsgrewinmmberardintensity. Andtheterm Mcanetohaveadualneamry Ontheonehand, Mneanta persol who was lowledgeable and well-versed in the Confuc1an llterature V , andethics.’Ontheotherhard, italsomeantapersonwhowas eu’rploitative and snobbishju'lhe term m was even used in a derisoryway as a cannon term of address among the counoners. Thus, theanbiguosnatureofmyfininthelatednosondynasty suggests that Brandt's notion of the sociological dualism between the m tradition and the counoner tradition as the underlying structural rule of Korean society must be reinterpreted in the light of the specific historical processes whidn we have outlined. The dualism Brarritreferstoisnotonlyacortrastbetveenmardconnoer tradition , hutisalsoareflectionoftheanbiguityofthem status itself (see also Goldberg 1973: Man-gap Ice 1981: 44) .3 Disruptionofthemsocietyintheninteenthcenturyandthe annexation of Choson society by Japan in 1910 led to self-criticism of 7HereIwanttopointoltthatthedualmeaniuyofm suggeststhat Brandt's sociological dualismbetweenthem traditionandthecomnorertraditionastwodistincttraditiosdoesnot hold. 3 Goldberg (1973: 164) points out that in the village he has studied villagers say that they worked on tenant contracts for their rich 3m kiusnen. 30 the "fetrialistic," "Confucian," "M13," Choson society amoy Korean intellectuals. thiever, while the Japanese colonial government tried to justify colonial expansion in the nane of its modernizing mission of badmard Korea, it reinforced and perhaps even strengthened sore aspects of the pre-colonial social structure. The hierarchical Confuican family and kinship patterns were codified in the family law enactment promulgated by the colonial government. The Confucian ethic was taught in ethics classes in modern public schools (Kil-song Ch'oe 1986:131-50) . The new family law enacted by the Japanese colonialists reflected theinfluenceoftheJapaneserxuuseholdLestructure. Thelaw admowledged the stray authority of the household head over the household harbors (Byoy-ho Park 1986: 47) . Various kin idions were deployed to denote flue political relatioship between Korea and Japan. For instances, Japan's relationship to Korea was likened to that of the mainhousetothebranchhouse. TheJapaneseetperorwasdescribedas thesuccessorofthemainhouseofallhissubjectsandKoreauswere conceptualizedastheadoptedsonsoftheJapaneseenperor (Kil-soy Ql'oe 1986:143-7). The land survey project (t'g’i m sag), whidn wascorriuctedbytheJaparesecolonialistsbetween1909ard1918 in ordertousurpalargeshareofthepublic landwhichhadbeen cultivated by Korean peasants, also reinforced the pre-colonial social structure by strengthenin the legal right of land-ownership of the rich W. Maintenance and reinforcement of the socio-econonic differentiation my the Koreans apparently suited the colonial policy to "divide and rule. " Modernization and reorganization of the socio-econonic infra- 31 structures inKoreabyJapanesecolonialists linkedtherural subsistence econouy of Korea to the world economy. A fluctuation of agricultural prices in the world market could effect the subsistene econouyoftheruralKoreans. Insertionofthesubsistenceeconcmyin thecolonialecomyseenedtoirduoemralKoreanstoreorganizethe householdeoonouy. Phusenoldmenbersweresentoxttootherhousenolds in various arrangerents such as short-term and long-term agrioultural workers (m) (Byeog-tai Kim 1956) and the nun-(orilocal marriage (jg-£1; gm.) of junior sons of the very poor households (Sorensen 1983b; of. T'. anith 1959 for Japan) . Urban arnd overseas migration to Japan, Harmonia, Sahalin, Mexico and Hawaii, etc. was another solution (Yong- ch'on Yoon 1987). As I have stated, the family law codified by the Japanese colonial Government strengthened legal authority of the household head. Records of the inheritance practices written in the early twentieth century suggestthattheoldestsonreceivedmrethantwothirdsofthe householdproperty. Whenthel'nuseholdpropertywas enall, itwasnot divided and, instead, irinerited entirely by the oldest son (Jae-sank Choi 1972; 1983) . Successionofthehouseholdpropertybytheoldestsonseenedto influence the patterrs of the urban migration of the household numbers. 'nnosewhoweresentoutinvariousarrangenentssudnasagrioultural workers, adoptedsons-in-law, aswellasurbanandoverseasmigrant workers, were the yournger sons of the poor peasants (Sorenson 1983b; of. T. Smith 1959 forJapan). Not only men, but alsomenwere sent out through various arrangenents such as donestic worker, adoption, child- 32 bride (my , and urban factory worker (Hyo-je Lee 1976; Uhn (ho 1986) . In the cases of the fenale domestic workers and urban factory workers, the household heads often maintained their authority over their daughters arnd directly received their daughters' wage (Uhn Cho 1986:66) . Reorganization of the household through various arrangements during thisperiodeuggeststhatthestatusofflneyomgnelesardfenaleswho weresentcuttootheragrioultural householdswasoftenveryanbigucus andraisesaquestimastowhethertherewasaclear-outlirebetween the donestic worker, adopted son (daughter) and the adopted son-in-law (daughter-indent). This is an issue that will be futher discussed flnruughmyfielddataind‘napterél inordertoshedlightonthenature of the transformation ard continuity of the neam'n; of the "traditional" nerriage in agricultural households. Increasing sociopolitical turmoil including the Korean war (1950- 1953) and the institutionalization of a series of social programs including land reform (1950) in the post-colonial period (1945- ) further reorganized the structure of the Korean society. Land reform denolished the socio-econonic basis of the "traditional" was a \ powerfulsocial classandinstead producedalargemmberofmediumarfl ‘\ small-sized landholding farmers.9 Small-sized landholders (messes) hadtohireoutsanelnusenoldmenberseiflnertootherhousetnldsorto ,9 the urban areas. The massive urban migration durirng the 19503 and the/J 1960s took place in the absence of any significant urban industrial developnent, i.e., by the "push factor" of rural poverty not by the 9 By small-sized landholders, I refer to farmers holding less than 0.5 m (One gm approximately equals 0.99 hectare.) of rice field. 33 "pull factor" of urban industrialization (Mason et al. 1984: 384-6) .10 Theurbanmigrants duringtheseperiods soughtworkmainly inthe "service" sector, e.g., catering, donestic labour and other manual services (Mason et al. 1984: 386; Soon Young Yoon 1977: 164).11 The urban migration of friends and relatives facilitated the urban migration of rural people through the provision of tenporary acconodations and an introdution to city life and job opportmities. A series of the export-oriented econonic development plans initiated by the Government of the Third Republic of Korea (1961-1979) weresubsidizedbythecheap labour force ofthemigrants frontherural areasandtheiroontiumingtieetotheirruralhouseholds, aswellasby the Government-controlled price of the products (Mi-Kyong lee 1983: Hi- wangYang 1984). Theurban-rnural linakagesbetweentheurban—migrants and their rual households show sone parellels with the seni-proletarian household that Wallerstein (1984:16-7) describes. This will be further discussed later. The national drive for rapid econonic development and the "‘\ nodernization of Korean society in the 1960s helped place the status of \\ "traditional" kinship and family into both folk and scholarly 3 discourses. "Patriarchal, " "oppressive, " "hierarchical, " and j loTheremayhavebeenagrowthofthemiddle-classandurban - econnyduetomilitaryaidfrontheUnitedStatesaftertheKoreanWar (seeT'ae-hmlee1984),anissuelcannotpursuehere. 11 I may point out that the growth of the "service" sector in Korea hasadifferert connotationfronthat oftheWest. IntheWest, the service sector may iunclude various social programs such as health and social service. In Korea, various manual services such as donestic work, catering, etc., account for a large mnnber of workers in the service sector. 34 ”traditional" family structures along with the "clamish" and "factional" (m) lineages were denounced as backyard-looking social imititutions (see Biernatzki 1967; Ki-hyuk Pak and Ganble 1975: 102) . 97 5*"— The Government-initiated New Community Movenent (saenaul M) was carrried on in the 1970s under catch-phrases sudn as "self-relp (Lacie) ." "Self’wfficiemy (gill-"19) ." and "0009813111011 (WW and produced various social discourses, denigrating "clannish," "factional, " "primordial" and "backyard-looking" lineages. The end resultoftheNewOonnunityMovementwas increasedsurveillancebythe Government Administration into the daily lives and productive activities oftl'eruralpeqalearritlegrcvingdeperdereeofagricultural production on industrial products sudn as fertilizer, herbicides and various agricultural machines. Incontrastwithtlesocialdiscourseswhichviewedttepersistence oftl'eprimrdialtiesoftretraditional familyandkinshipas backward-looking pre-modernn practices, traditional synbols and neanings were often deployed in new transformed social contexts. For eample, variouskinaniregioelretworksbecaneveryinportantinttenatioel parliamentary politics. Kin networks were actively mobilized by kinsmen bidding for seats in the National Parlianent (Man-gap lee 1981: 150). Socialpracticesanddiscoursesontheectravagantsperiingon family rituals celebrating the life events of its refiners such as marriage, thesixtiethbirthdayandthefureralbyurbanasvellas rural people my be viewed fron a similar perspective. Lavish quending on family rituals was oondemed as a reritage of 'tre 1m tradition 35 in which the public display arnd claim to prestige were overenphasized at tie expense of practical consumption. Also, extravagant family rituals by He rich people were denournced for creating a sense of disparity \‘K betweentteridnandtrepoorandthusdestroyingttesolidarityoftle / Korean people as a nnation. Reports by various people on the coumoner ritualpracticesintheearlynineteenthoenturyinKorea (Moose 1911:161; Knez 1959:65) , however, suggest that comnoers could not afford elaborate family rituals. Most of tie family rituals such as weddings, sixtieth birthday celebration and tte ancestral worship were practiced in a very sinplified form. In Koksan where I did my field study, thosecerenoniesverenotreldinanyelaboratewaypriorto 19708. All of this suggests that tte elaborate ceremonies of recent yearsarenotsomuchacontimuationoftraditionbutreflectamore oonplex process of reinstitutionalization. The possibility that various "traditional" family and kinship practices could have been reinstitutionalized in recent years in modern Korea leaves man for the re-interpretation of the past and modern family arnd kinship practices. ‘ By looking at the ways in which the traditional Confucian values in arripracticessudnasastrongenphasisonfilial piety, tre fig hierarchical relatioship based on seniority and gender differecnes, the ; gender division of tie social space and labour, and elaborate life : crisis rituals that have been reinstitutionalized in the recent past in ' Koreansociety, Icanshowthatthednangeinfamilyanrikinehip practices in Korean society does not reflect a simple linear transition fronthetraditionaltothemodern. Iwillpresentamore focused discussion of the current trend toward reinstitutionalizing 36 "traditional" practices inKoksan inchapter 7. However, inttenext dnapterIwilldiscussthehistoryanrieconouyofKoksan. CHAPTER III 'IHEVIL'LAGEANDWY V' 1a Koksan TlnevillageofKoksanbelongstanidogpwowminKoyangm connty),Kyonggig9(province). Itislocatedataboutzomnsnorthwest of Seoul. At thetime ofmy field study (1985-1986), the W trainwhidncomutedbetweenSeoul'sWestTrainStationM)and uneanwastlemajortransportation. 'netrainstopatKoksanwasestablistedin1967; beforethethis, villagershadtowalkeithertomarketsinSeculorinNnmgkokorIlsan inKoyangcounty. Ittookabont8to9hourstosinch'onmarketin Seoulforaroundtriponfoot. Now,tl'etrainoperatesbetweenSeonl andMnmsaneveryhourbetween7Amand10m. Villagersonnconmuteto tleir workplaces in Seoul and other neighboring towns. Village wonen go totleNnmggokmarketortleSinch'onMarketinSeoultobuyeveryday necessities. Children attend middle and high schools in te neighboring tonehipssudnasNunggokandIlsan.1 Theconmutertrainlinkstlevillagetothecutsideworldsuchas tiereighboringmarkettownsandtlecapitalcityofSeoulonadirect 1KoksancinildrenattenritheT'aegokprimaryschoolwhicinislocated in the neighboring village, T‘aej anngri . After primary school , children attend middle school either in Ilsan or Nunnggok. Ilasnn is located at trefirsttrainstopnorthofKoksanmileNnnnggokislocatedattle first train stop south of Koksan. 37 38 anndeverydaybasis. Thus, therailwayandtraincanbeseenassynbols of the direct connection of tie village to tie outside world. The train bothtakestievillagerstootherareaseasilyanribrings outsidersinnto tie village. Poor migrants to Seoul fronn other rural areas re-migrate iunto the village looking for cheap boarding roots since people can find muchdneaperroonsherethaninSeoul. Alsofenalerenterscanfind agricultural work (i.e, the tying of sesane leaves) during tie saunter, whichrelpsthennpaysonedomestic expenses, apoinntwhianwill discuss later. MostpeoplewhogetofftleWtrainatKoksanareeitter village residennts or relatives of villagers. Sonetines wonen peddlers, life-insurance salesnen, traveling hairdressers, and occasionally Jehovah's Witnesses stqn there to finnd custonners and converts. So, villagerste'dtoplacestrangerswredonetseentohaveanyfriendsor relatives intl'evillage intooeofthosecategoriesandtreatthen with caution. looking eastward toward tie village fron tie train platform, oe may be impressed by the village residential pattern. Adjoining the railway, there are rice paddies annd a cenent-paved village road leading frontietrainstoptotheresidenntial area. Euncirclingtheresidential area are low mountains; villagers infornned re that tie village was called Koksan (literally Koksan neans "tie Mounntain Valley") as it is locatedwithintheencirclingmuntains. Roundgravesontl'emountains arepartoftlevillage landscape, asiscounoninmanyrnuralKorean villages. Sore graves are even located next to tie residential area. Standing facing eastward tovard tte village fronn tie train 39 platform,oeseesalargetreeontleleftoft1enuuntainandadmrdn ontheright. 'nevillagersusedtogivettebigtreem) tteanmualnnmtainworshiponOctcberlstinttelunarcaleriar. However,tleynnologerperformtlenonmtainritualinfrontoftletree butatttestoetable,whidnis placedseveralstepsaway. AKorean armymnitwasstatioedonthenom'ntainandenciroledtnetreewith barbed-wire in 1975. Thevillage church is located oppositetl'etreeon treelevatedmountainslopewhidndenarcatesKoksanintotwo adminstrativesectioe. Koksanhadbeenoevillagemntilabontten yearsagowlenitwasdividedintotnmadministrativemnits. Beforethe division, Koksan had onevillage head. However, despite the administrative d‘nange, nest of the villagers fron both sections consider thenselvesasbelongingtotlesamevillage, Koksan. Villagersfronthe two administrative sectioe still collectively participate in the annual OonmunityMountainritual.2 'nnus,t1'esacredtreeandtteChristian dnurchinttevillageseentosuggesttlecontimuityandchangein villagelife. ontleloerpartoftlennunntainslopewhiclnfacestlesecond section of the village (Twiggoji), there is a hnuge grave with two stoe guardiansculpturesonbothsidesoftregrave,whichhaveinagesof highgovernmentofficalsofthednosondynasty. Ahugestoemonument anndaritualtablearelocatedinfrontoftlegrave. Thegraveis 2Muennecessary,IwillspecifywtetherIannntalkingaboutthe firstsectionorthesecondsection. Ashortnnotemaybenecessaryhere inregardtotlepositionandrole ofttevillage head. Villageheads are young and have little authority. Village heads both in te first tranmitting information on government policies to villagers. 40 lonomtobelongtoason-in-lawoftleoeofthelatednosonkingsand istakencareofbyoeoft‘revillagers.3 Thisgravealludestotne villager's relatioehiptot‘neoutside worldinthechosondynnasty. 'Itemajorsettlenentislocatedabout300to400netersfronthe trainplatfornn. UnntilabontlSyearsagotlefirsthousefronthe trainwasadrinkinghouse (533,19). Oldwonenoftentalkabontthe drifldugtmseandtlefenaleomer(§_ym)vfiesedneedtteirneninto spendinghouseholdmeyondru’nku’ng. Shewasparalyzedanridisappeared frouthevillageandnohodyknowswhereshenent.4 Nov,l-Iong-kidni frontieTWitgoji (ttesecondsection oftl‘evillage) lives there. Next toI-Iog-ki Chi'srnuseiscnmg-konKim'shcuse. Chung-Ron Kim,whois 63yearsold,isnnotanativeofthevillage. Hecamefroncnangdan nathichnowbelogstotheDenilitarizedZoe. Heisoeofthebiggest landowners intrevillage, andhe lives withhiswife, first son, daughterbin-lawanxianadqutedgrani-danghter. Nexttohu'unliveshis widowed old sister-in-law and her second son, daughter-in-law annd fer grandson. TtecentralsettlenentofAngol(thefirstsectionofthe 3Itwasbeingtakencareofbycn'onbongKimatthetineofthe fieldstudy. Hesaidthatlehadtakentleresponsibilityfronoeof hisrelativeswhohadleftthevillage. Inreturnn fortlecare,he receives housesite rent (E211) fron three families who had built their housesonlandwhichbelongedtotnedescendantsofthegrave. Ch'onbonngKimalsohastherighttocultivatettevegetablegarden attached to tie gravesite. He receives one bag of rice fronn each household. Heusesonebagof riceinpreparationoftteritual food fordesceriantsofthegravewhoconetoKoksantoperformtleseasonal anecstormrhsipcsijg)everyyearsonetinein0ctoberoftlelmercaleear. 4Althoughseveraloldwonenintreir605havetoldneaboutthe drinking house, theywere not able togivennemuch information about the owner. 41 village), however, is occupied mostly by Parkssi (literally "Parkssi" neant people with tie surnnanne Park) .5 Non-Parks in the village say that Angol is the Parkssi _to_ngm (meaning "Parks' village") The village store W) isinttecentralpartofAngol. Ithasasnnall display sectionandaroonattadedtoit. Infronntofthestore, thereisasmallwoodenfloorandatablewithseveralchairs. Villagers, especially nen, gather ttere to dnat annd drink. Cpposite the villagestore, tiereistheNewOonmmitybuilding W), whichisclosedecceptwnenthere isamonthlyvillagemeeting W) . In tle building, collective property of tie village, such as the funeral bier, various kitden utensils, etc., are kept. In contrast to Angol, Mtgoji (the second section of the village) is called W (neaning "village of various surnnames) . 'nereareChi, Kim, Yun, Gnonsurnnamegroupsithgoji. Locatedtlere areavillagelealthcennterwitharesidentmurseandlerfamilyandtle agricultural coquerative's storage building. In Mtgoji, there is also a village store. However, the village store is infrequently utilized as a gathering place for tie people in T’witgoji. Ecceptforafevwestern-stylehcuses, mostofttelnousesarebuilt inttesanestyle. ThiscanbeattribntedtotreKoreanWar. During tl'eKoreanWar, ttewholevillagewassetonfirebytreUnitedNations' Army, andalunostalltlevillagehouseswererebuiltaftertleWar. Subsequently, thegoverrmentbannedttebuildingofhonsesintre village sinnce it was located in te "greenbelt". I have heard several villagers complain that this made the village baclovard and 5Iwillcallthelocalsurnnalnegrnoupalineage. 42 unrierdevelqned.6 Recently, however,tregovernmentbeganencouraging paintinganrire-buildingofhcuseswithasubstantialamomtof governmenntaidanndlon—inter'estgovernmenntloanns.7 TteKorean governmentecpectsthattleNorthKoreandelegatestoOlynpicganesmay passthroughKoksantoSeoulin1988andwantstopresentaninegeofa prosperousruralvillagetotIeNorth Koreans. Tieroofs of all village houseshavebeenpaintedred,greenanribluewithgovernmentfinaneial aid. Threewestern-stylehouseswerebuiltin1986. Includingtlese newhouses,t1ereareabont9westem-stylehousesinttevillage,andI havel'eardthatseveralmorenewhouseswereplannedtobebuiltin 1987 . W The present nnature of tie relatioehip of the village with tie outside world is significantly different than in earlier tines. Sinnce thesednangesarecrucialtomflerstandingttewayinwhidntlegeemal transformation of the larger socio-cultural systen has affected specific socio-cultural characteristics of the village, I will discuss then briefly. 6VillagesclosetoSeoullikeKoksanhadoftenbeentleplacefor realestatespeculationbytheurbanmiddleclasspeoplefronSeouland itsoutskirts. ThonghKoksanwasclosetoSeoul, itslandpriceshad not gone up as much as villagers would like. Relative physical isolation of tie village fronn tie outside could have been tie major reason. Still, villagers toldnethat itwasduetottefact that Koksanwaslocatedwithintlegreen-beltarea,anriconstructionofnev houseshadnnotbeenalloued. 7Governmentgave4millionwonfortheaidand7millionwonfor tl'elong-term loan. 'neGoverrmeunt's loan shouldberepaidinlOyears through tie monthly repayment. 43 'nenameofthevillageKoksandoesnotshowupinanywritten recordnedeintheChosondynasty. WhentteJapanesecolonial administration reorganized its colonial administration in 1914 , it registeredtlevillageaspartoftreanidomm(tomship),Koyannguln (CO-BTW)- Thereisnowrittenrecordoftteearlysettlersintrevillage. 'nneKoyangcountyhistorybook(m kunnji) states tlet"accordingto theParks, treoldestandttebiggest residentialgroupintl'evillage, tteiraneestorshadsettledinKoksanabont3to4tmndredyearsago." AresearderattleculturallnstituteofKoyangcomty,showedneamap thattethougnntwasmadeintlemthcenturybytreNationalLibraryof thednosondynasty(m,ujm). Koksandidnotappearinthemap, although its neighboring villages (e.g. , T'aej ang-ri and Sanhwang-ri) wereontl'emp. MostoftteParkswithwhonnIspokefeltthatbecause tleliviugnain-linedescendantoftheparkliueagewastteeleventh generationfrontrelineageaneestorinKoksan,anrieadngeeration couldacconntforabontBOyears,t1eParklineageshouldhaveahistory of about 300 years intlevillage (see chapter 4 fortre discussion of lineage) Parklineagepeopledonothaveanyrecordswithwhichtotrace anaccurate history; however, theyhaveanoral tradition. Accordingto Parks,tteirgenealogybookwasburnntduringtreKoreanWar(1950-53). AnnevgeealogybookisinpreparationbytleMilyangParkAssociation inSecul. Iamnot certainwhethervillagersactuallypossessedtte previousgenealogybook. Eboceptforafevoldpeoplemnohadseveral years of training in Chinese literature at tle traditional village Oonfucianschool (mm)abont40yearsago,mostoldpeoplearenot 44 sufficiently literate to read tte genealogy book. Noetheless, Park lineagepeopleareiunterestedinourdnasingtleuewgeealogybook. OttersurnanegrcupssuchasChi,KimanriYun,whoconsider thenselvesasthenatives of the village, t'obagi, tracetheirancestral settlenent in the village four or five generations back. PeOple fronn ttesesurnnanegroupstoldnethattheydidnotknovenactlywhentheir ancestors had cone to tie village. Thermgegravesitethatlhavedescribedintheprecedingsection scans to testify to tie villagers' relationship with tie Choson dynasty. Altlnghtlepoerfulflmbgnfamiliesandlandoaersdidnetresidein thevillage andhadnodirect inpact on thedaily life of tlevillagers, theywererelatedtotrevillagersthroughtheirectensive landownership. Astl'eabsenteelandholders, theycollectedthetenant- rennts fronn tte villagers through their resident deputies (m) . AccordingtoMyog-hyonKim,a73yearoldex—mfornankyogKim,an absentee lanndlord duringthe colonial period, tierewere two large absenteelandownersinKoksan. Bothofthenweredescendantsofthe ponerfulyamnofficialsofthednosondynasty. mun-suKimwhowas trebiggestabsenteelandownerinKoksandonatedalargeportionofhis landtotlenvangiogBuddhisttenpleinYangjucomtyandsoldtlerest ofhislandtoHan-kyongKim. Han-kyong Kim, wlnose fatherwas am at tie King's Palace, firstinvestedhisinheritanceinagriculturallanriandinttepaper businessincnogro,t1ebusinessstreetof8eoulatthattime. He reinvestedthenoneynadefronthepaperbusinessintleaccmulationof agricultural landinKoksanandotherneighboriugareas. Therewere 45 otherabsenteelandowners. TheywererecalledasSeculresidents (SE, gram) , but even tie old villagers renenber little about then. Villagers' involvement with the unarkets in te neighboring towns andSeoulseenstohavehadaloghistory. Oldpeoplerecallthat eceptforseveral landowners, mostoftnevillagecculdnotsubsiston tleirtenant-landearnningssincetenantshadtopaymorethanhalfof their product to landowners.3 After the landowners collected the yearly rentaftertreharvest, therewaslittle left forthetenants' own families. Exacerbating the situation was the annnnual summer flood whidn often swepttlericepaddiesanditwasonlyaftertreHanRiverBankhadbeen built by tl'e Japanese (1926-?) that tie annnual summer flood was controlled. T'omeettteirsubsistenceneeds, villagershadtoengage in varioushoneindustriessnxflnastleproductionofreedmats, reed broons, eartlsweepers, rush head mats, etc. Widows eitler worked as donestic servants in Seoul or carried small household goods for sale fronvillagetovillage. Childrenhadtobesentontthroughvarious arrangenents (e.g., adoption, child-bride marriage, moorilocal nerriage, or as long-term resident agricultural workers) to "relieve an extra mouth" in the household. LanddistributionbytheUnitedStatesMilitaryGovernment (migu_n_nj9;g) and tte First Republic of Korea greatly transformed the patterns of lanndholding in Koksan. Through land reform, most of tte villagers became owner-cultivators. Nevertheless, sons of the old large 8 See Sung-je Kc (1977:361—4) for more detailed information on tenant-contract farmingandhightenancyrateinKyogkiProvinceduring the colonial and post-colonial period. 46 landownershadbeenabletoretaintheirlandbybeconingowner— cultivators,andmanyoftteChifamilieshaverenainedtobetl‘elarge landowners inTWitgoji, apoint Iwill discuss further later. The Korean War (1950-53) greatly affected family and village life. DuringtteWar,thewholevillagewasburnntbytheUNarnny. Sore villagerswerekilledinthewar. Sonefamilieswerebrokenup. Tue KoreanWaralsobrnoughtsonewarrefugessintotlevillage. Mostofthe refugees,wtehadrelativesorfriendsintlevillagehadbeenrecruited intohoseholdsasagriculturalworkers. Severalotlers,liketheChon brotIersfronKinp'oandIn-baeKimfronAnsong,p.uthasedagricultural landinthevillage. Soneoutsiders,suchascnng-gonKimandhis deceasedolderbrotter,managedtobeconetl'elargestlandomersintte first section of thevillage duurinng theseperiods. It is sonnewhat puzzling to he that outsiders with little capital could becone the largest landholders in Koksan. Fronthe land distribution recordmade duringttelandreformperiod,IfondthatChung—gonKimwasatenant ofacouple of bigJapanese landowners.9 Morethan5,000mofthe ricepaddieslerentedfronthenwasdistribntedtohimduringtl'eland reform. Icanonlyspeculatethathisbackgroundofworkingina Japanese-owned factory and knowledge of Japanese language might have had sonnethingtodowithhis tenarncy, andhis eligibilityto receive the landduringland reform period. Tue industrialization of Koreahasbeen especially inportant in transforming the nnature of the relatioship of tl'evillagetotlecutsideworld. metoitseasyaccessbyregular 9T'enantscouldbecouelandownersofthefarmlandthattheywere cultivating at tle tine of land reform. 47 transportationtoSeoulandotlertomshipsintIeoutskirtsofSeoul, villagers couldparticipateintleurbaneconomyparttinewhile cultivating their own agricultural land.10 This resulted in the semi- proletarianhosehold structure, apoinntthathilldiscuss inchapter 4 . Industrialization brought sane transformation in the traditional sexualdivisionof labour. AgrovingdennandintheSeoulareaforfreeh vegetablesincreasedtteinportanceofttegrwingof vegetables for the unarket by village wouen.11 Also, the inncreased ennployment ogportunities for young girls loosened tie parents' matriuuounial control overtheyoungpeople. AsIhaveunenntioedpreviosly, easyaccessto theSeoulareabroghtintoKoksanmanyoutsiderswhohadoutsidejobs and looked for cheap roons for rent (m).12 The New Community Project (saenaul sag) whidn was initiated to inncrease the inncone sources of agricultural hoseholds and transform the rural "life environment" in the early 1970s, changed tte agricultural patternsofproductionaswellasthepatternnsofconsmuptionintre village. Utilization of advanced agricultural technnology in transplanting and harvesting helped us villagers nest the labour shortagethathadbeencausedbyincreasedurbanenployment opportunities. Atthesametiuneitincreasedthedependenceof 10 See Suung-je Ko (1977:413-6) for more infornnation on the growth of agricultural hcuseholdswhichalsohavewagingmenbers inother suburban areas of Seoul. 11 See Sung-je Ko (1977: 417-22) for the prodnuction of cash vegetables in suburban areas of Seoul for Seoulites. 12 See Sunng-je Ko (1977: 400-412) on urban migration, tie growth of theSeoularea, andtheirinnpactonsuburbanareasofSeoul (suchas Koyangcounnty). 48 agriculturalproductiononindustrialproducts, anddecreasedthedenand andalteredthetimiugofttedenandforlabourecdnangebetween neighborsandkinsmenintl'eoverallprocessoftteagricultural prodnuction, anissueIwillreturntolater. TieGovernmenntinitiated tIechOonmmityMovenenttoencourageruralpeopletodnangetIeir "traditional life style" into a "unodernn life style," i.e., dnange their "traditional" straw-roofed houses into tte western-style houses, use waterfaucetsandutilizegasfuel forcookiug, etc. Thisresultedina steadyincreaseintlepurohaseofindustrialconsmergoodssuchas refrigerators, rice-cookers, washing machines, etc. The New Ooummity Movenennt opened uup mnen's participation in community nnatters. Tue Association of the Wives M) and Motters' Association (M) were organzied. Tueir role in village affairs, however, has been limited to certain projects such as family planning and giving a feast to cosole tie old people (W) . EJ!° 1111' 25.1%! As of October, 1986t1ere were 198 households in Koksan. Only 133 households belog to villagers who claim to have their origins in Koksan. Sixty fivehoseholdshavebeensetupbytl'eoutsiders, who usually rent a roan for their family. The population of the village announts to 1054, consisting of 518 nen and 536 wonen. About 90 % of tie native village households are reported as agricultural households in te Guido up (town) office. According to my ownhouseholdtohoseholdcensus, however, alunosthalfoftre households which have been reported as agricultural households have 49 numbers earning wages outside of the agricultural sector. Fifty four of 117 native households about which I have been able to obtain detailed informationinmysurveyhaveoneormrehouseholdmenberswhohold wage-earning jobs outside of the village, and 63 are agricultural households which do not have any lnousehold umber working outside of the village. 'Iwo agricultural households are headed by widows without any immediate relatives, and they depend on their agricultural wage-labour. Ninne households report that they mainly depend on wage-labour outside of the village. It is clear that semi-proletarian households are an aspect of life in Koksan: agricultural households depending on additional inccne sources, particularly fron urban jobs. 'Ihere is sane difference in the distribution of landownership betleonthefirstsectionofxoksan, Aungol, anndtheseoondsectionof Koksan, Mtgoji, as indicated in Tables 1 and 2. Although there are differences in the size of the landholdings ammg the villagers, the size of the landholding does not autcnatically guaranteehighersocial status inthevillage. Eventhoughtherewere three big landowners in the village, villagers say that there were no Mainthepastinthevillage. 'nnethreebiglandowners, Rum-san Kim. One-won Chi, Bong-re Park are considered I'm-Mus for different reasons. Aooordingtotheiraocomt, Kma-sanKimwasjustricharrinon- m. Che-won Chi had a "lowly" family name. Bon-gre Park was frcn aocmnonerlinneage. 50 Table 1 land Distribution in Angol farm size .5 .5-i-f-1.0 1.0+-1.5 1.5+—2.0 2.0+-2.5 2.5+-3.0 3.0+ N./ H.H. 7 25 16 5 6 1 1 % 25.8% 41.0% 26.0% 8.2% 9.8% 1.6% 1.6% Note: unit of farm sizeism (WMapprocinately equals 0.9.9hectare);N/H.=H. numberofhouseholds Table 2 land Distribution in Mtgoj i (chungbo) farm_size_ .5 .5+-1.0 1.0+—1.5 1.5+-2.0 2.0+-2.5 2.5+-3.0 3.0+ N./ H.H. 21 13 ll 2 3 3 3 % 5.3 38.0% 23.2% 19.6% 3.7% 5.3% 5.3% InthepreviouschapterIallndedtothecontroversiessurrcnding attitdestmammmtusinmmatoday. 'Iheresponsesof villagersinKoksanirdicatetheambiguitysurrondirgthetemyambin. If asked who were m in the village, villagers often replied with aquestion: "whereisygggfluinthemodernperiod? Everybodyisthe sane." Onewonansaid thatthosewhodidnothavea'flowly" (ml) 51 surnamesuohaaniareall man Wang-ki'smother,myold lardlady,saidthatMyong-hyonKimardhisnephewwerem. Pressedastowhysheoosideredthantobem,sherepliedthat mliJcetheothervillagers,theydidrotcarrytheflmeralbiersfor theirneighbors. 'nnisoorrespodswiththeoommresposethatother anthropologistshavereoeivedinotherareasofKoreaOdan—gaplee, 1960: 36-7; Jannelli am Janelli 1982:14) . There are further indications of the anbiguities associated with thetermm. Gscanpractioetheymbggstyleoflifeandthe mmwnenme'ssocio-eoomicstatuspermits. Atthesame tine,thepretosiontoyg;gfigstatscanbegraduallydroppedwhena person'sfortmegoesdown. 'Innus,whenaskedwhetherhewasam, MyoghyonKimwasalittleanbarrassedandsaid,"l—Iowoculd1bea m? Ibecameanorphanattheageofseven. Iwassenrtoutasan agriculturalworkerattheageofninne! Maybeshemeansthatmywife didmthavetoworkvmenIbecamebetter-offlater." WWW Mnilemgbanstatusismtaneasuranentofone'ssocialprestige inKoksan,goodurbanjobsareregardedassignofsocialmobility. Higtsredumtion,whidngivesoneabetterdnanoeofaquirirggoodurban jobs,beocmesveryinportant. Whenayoungmaninthevillagepassedan entranoeexaminnationtoauniversityinSeoulwithgoodstandingin 13Itisinterestingtonotethatthelargestlandownersocnefrom Gni families; yet, villagers say that those with Gni surname are "lowly people" (mm) - 52 1986, villagers tried to disregard the bragging father and the prestige iuplication of college education. One wcnan said, " college graduates donctalwaysfindgocdjobs. 'Ihinkaborttheotherboyswhodidrcrt findgocdjobs." I-Iowever,thisdoesrctmeanthatvillagersarereally nunawareoftheinportanceofeducation. Onotheroccassios,thesame wclanachniredttcboywtcwasadmittedtotlcmiversityandhalfcursed herownlazyhighschcolboy. 'nnere are sane differences in the villagers' expectation of educationforboysandgirls. Scneyoungparentssaythattheydonot feelbcysandgirls should haveunequalopportunities. Aslogasthey perform well in their school work, both boys and girls can go on for higher education. Andyet, theyadd, it isnatural thattheyshculd expectboystogetncreeducationthangirls. Boysshculdsupportthe familywhile girls' futuredependongoodhusbands. Despitewhatthe parentssay,girlsterdtobepreparedtotakeclericaljobsafterhigh sdcol. 'Iheybegintoreceive typing lesso'sfrcnprivatetraining institutions (W)whentheyareinmiddlesdcol,andmostofthe girlsgototheccunercial high sdnoolmidnpreparesthemforvarios clericnljobs. Boys,ontheotherhard,gotohighsd'colinorderto pass a university entrance examination. Few of village boys pass the university entrance examination, whichisverycotpetitive. Mnentheyfailtoenrterthemniversity, sore ofthebcysstayathonehelpiugtheirparenrtsinagricultural production. Othersfindurbanjobsandmovetocitiee. Unlikethe girls, theseboys are usually not able tomake a finnancial contribtuion to their parents' household in the years following their cmpletion of 53 school. 'meyaresubjecttotmandahalfyearscotpulsorymilitary serviceafterhighsdcol. Ibreover,ttcsewrcareatployedinlow- payingandunstablejobsmanybesupportedbytheirparentsintheir initial settlcnentpericd. Soneofthemreturntothevillageandstay withtheirparentstosavelivingexpenses. Also, attimesof maploynent,soteoftheboysdecidetoreturntoxoksanpemancnrtly ardsucceedtheirparentsinagriculturalwork. W 'Ihe tables on the distribution of landholding in Koksan provided in the proceeding section show that, except for several large landholders, a najority of the fans are less than 1.02 hectare, the average landsize per household in Korea in 1982 (Hi-wang Yang 1984: 351) . ‘Ihe division of labour by gender in agricultural production is acknowledged. Rice production is considered the najor activity and man's work. According the rough estimation of villagers, 200 m of rice paddies produce about3bags (onebag=80kg) ofpolishedrice. ‘Ihismeansthatone hetare (oronegnggQ) ofricepaddiesproduceabout45bagsof polished rice. Depending on the composition of the household, household cosunption can vary. Several informants told me that it would be generally correct if I estimated that a household of five consumed about 9 to 10 bags of rice a year. Those who cultivate a small-sized farm (less than 0.5 hectare) keep ncst of rice products for the houselcld provisioning; those who cultivate moderate- and large-sized farms produce rice for the market. The Government's purchasing price in 1986 was 64,160 M for a bag 54 of polished rice. According to the official estimate by the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries, production cost for a bag of polished rice was 43,977 m, and farmers made 20,183 M net profit for production of one bag of rice. While the official estimate took into consideration the cost of agricultural labour as a cost of production, villagers themselvesoftendidncttakeintoaccomtthecostoftheirfamily labour in their estimation of inccue from rice production. 14 For instance, Bong-Q) Kim in Twitgoji told us that he had about 4 million mofinccuefronhiszmmlding. 'Ihisneansthathecalculates that to produce 90 bags of polished rice (approximately 5,774,400 gm) , heinvestsaborthillionygn. autthecostoffamilylabourisnot included in this calculation. Growing of various vegetables is wmuan's work. Various vegetables, sudnascabbage, onion, greennaudredpeppers, etc., aregrownmainly for housel'cld consumption. "Wild sesame" (M) is an exception to thispatter'nJ-S Growingwildsesane (M) formarkethasbeccnean inportant agricultural activity since the 19705 and is one of the major someofincoueinxoksan. Aswildsesamebecameaprofitablecash crcp, scnevillagersturnedsoueoftheirricepaddylandintovegetable gardens and gran wild sesame. An informnt who cultivated about 1,100 mofwildsesanetoldneflnathemadeabout1t02million§ma 14 The Government's statistics may exaggerate the net—profit that farmers make frouu their rice production and underestimate the farmers' "self-exploitation" of their ovn and other household nusubers' labour (see Guayancv 1966: 113; Hanguk Kidoggyo Gn'ogyoghaphoe 1984:121) . 15 the term "wild sesauue" slnculd not confuse the reader. "Wild sesane" is a literal translation of the Korean termggl_ld_<§, and it is cultivated by villagers. 55 year, dependingonthefluctuation ofthemarket price. Healsotoldme thathedidnctinntendtoturnhisricepaddiesintovegetablegarden for the cultivation of wild sesanne because the price of the wild sesame was not stable, and, moreover, cultivation of a large-sized vegetable gardencouldrequireanextensiveuseoflabourbynon-household menbers. Wildsesaneleavesarecollectedbytwovillagewoueneachday. ‘nneycarrythecollectedwildsesaneleavesbytnxflctoSeoulwlerettey dclesaletheneitheratltyogdogmarketorYogsan. Alsoawholesale agentfrcnYogsanmarketeueeinrtotl'evillagewithatruckeither crerydayoreveryotherday,dependingout1eanumtofproduction. Growiugofvegetablesasacashcropgivesvmenanopportmityto participate in the market. It also gives wcnen more opportunity to have moreyforthenselves. chencanretainthecashfrcnthesaleoftheir vegetables. Ifthegrowingofwildsesaneisundertakenashousehold prodctiouinwhidnacoupleoftcusetcldvnnenworktogeflerintleir omfieldwithoccassionalhelpfrunnen,anyinccnemadefrcnthe productionandsalebelogstothetcuseholdaccomt. mver,ifa mntieswildsesameleavesforsonebodyelse,stecnnretaintlecash inccunuewhiclnisinawayawageforherworkload.16 WW Due to the prologation of the formal educational period and increased employment in non-farm wage jobs, the number of household 16 Ifawonanpiclssesaneleavesaudtiesthenforothers, shecan make 5,000 to 6,000 won a day. 56 nueubersmcogage inagricultural prodctionseemtobelimited. Although with the increased use of agricultural agricultural machinery, such as rice-transplanters, tractors, and harvesters, rice production does not require as large a labour force as before, villagers still experience labour shortages during the busy agricultural seasos (i.e., rice-transplanting and rice-harvesting, etc.) . Villagers try to manage tlelabourstcrtageduringthebusyagriculturalseasonthroughtleuse ofwage labour and labour orchange (p'umasi) (see below and chapter 7). Other fornus of agricultural recruitment such as resident agricultural labouranlog-termcontractanduxorilocalmarriage M) areno longerpracticedinKoksan, althoghthoseforms of recruitment agricultural labour for the household prodction are renumbered by the old people. And there are sane people living in the village who worked as resident agricultural workers in the village as well as who had undergone uxorilocal marriage (see chapter 5). 'nemeilabourexdnangeisanreciprocal arrangementof labour service between two people. Villagers say that p'umasi labour euchange inriceproductianisrctascamcnlypracticedasbefore. Accordingmy informants, uup until early 1970s, p'umasi labour exdnange was arranged for the same load of work amog neighbors and friends . 'Ihis involved the obligation to give mutual help for similar tasks, such as aid in the transplanting and harvesting, without counting work days. Since the middle of the 1970s, people began to return their help to friends and neighbors forthenumberofdays' worktheyhadreceived. Fortheextra days' workgivenu, theyarepaidintheformofadailywage. 'Ihis digests that villagers' uneasuranent of work has beenn transforned fron 57 workload to be done to workdays given. As a result, people tend to prefertodothepgmsilabourwith friendsandneighborswrchavethe samequalityoflabourandcandothesameancuntofworkinagiven time. Similarcasesarereportedinotherareasstdiedbyothers (Oakla Gc 1982: 207: Gu'un-dog Kim 1983: 160). 'nelabourochaugebetweonkinsmenisncstlylimitedtoWIebig house" 05mm) and "the small house" (mono): the two housel'clds created after the household division (see dnaprter 4 for fuurther information). The labour exchange between "the big house" and "the small house" is distinguished fran the general p'umasi labour exchangebythevillagersandisoftenphrasedasamoral obligation betweensilbings. Oldpeople saythat inthepastmerbersofthesmall house worked for the big house log after the housetcld division. AgriculturalwagelaborinKoksanisdifferent franwagelabourin uurban areas. Even during the busiest agricultural season with a big labourstcrtage, agricultural labourinthevillagecannotbeobtained by offering a higher wage. ‘Ihis is because the daily agricultural has beenn set by a tacit camunity consensus (Hi-wang Yang 1984: 363) . So, duringthebusyagricultural seasouonemobilizes one's social relatio'ships based on friendship and neighbor" s log-standing warm feelingst) towardeachothertoneetthelabourshortage. Iwill return to this issue in chapter 7. Agricultural machines are jointly purrrhased. Friendship, neighborhood and kin networks play important roles in the joint purdnase and operation of agricultural machines. For instance, Gnog-won Kim in thesecondsectionoftlevillagehadmadeajointpurchaseofarice 58 cultivator with his younger brother in the first section of the village in 1971. Kyog-an Gui, the biggest landowner in Koksan, purchased a rice cultivator with his nephew and a close neighbor. Other villagers have purchased rice planters and harvesters jointly with friends, neighbors and relatives. 'neuseandmaintenanceof jointly-ownedmadnineryaredoe cooperatively. Joint owners often form a work team during the agricultural season. For instance, during the rice planting season, joint owners of the rice transplanting nechines work in each other's rice field in turn. 'lhey also work inn the rice fields of other villagerswhodonotovnaricetransplantingmachine. Anymoneyearned franworking fornon-omersisusedeither forthemaintenanceofthe machineortherepaymentoftheagricultural loanthattheytookin ordertopurduasetremadnine. Asof1986, inKoksantherewere24 cultivators, 7 rice-transplanting machines, 2 rice- harvesting and threshing machines, 2 tractors, 4 high-powered Sprayers, 5 back-carrying Sprayers, 2poweredwaterpumps, andlthreshingmachine. TenantfarmingisnotasprevalentinKolsanasreportedforother ruralareas. Asof1986, thereare7householdswhich farmthe agricultural land of their relatives on tenant contract. 17 With the exception of one household, these tenants also om agricultural land, and they caubine the cultivation of their own land with tenant-farming. Accordingtooereport, asof 1981, householdswhich farmontenuant contract account for 46.4% of all agricultural households in Korea, and 17Accor'dingtomyinformant, thosewhofarmontenantcontractpay totlelandcwrerbetween 1.25 and 1.5bagsof polished riceper200 mofricepaddies. 59 agricultural land cultivated by tenuanuts accounts for 22.3% of all the agricultural land in Korea (Gn'uung-dog Kim 1983: 159) . Sane scholars suggestthatbothtteincreasingnubneroftenantfarmersandthe persistence of small and medium sized agricultural households resulted fran the articulation of the household econany with the urban economy and the continuing rural-urban linkage of household nuadoers (cf. Gn'un— dag Kim 1983; Hi-wang Yang 1984). The rural-urban linukages show sate parallels with the sani-proletarian household that Wallerstein (1984: 16-7) caceptualizes, andeillcauebacktoadiscussionofthisissue in chapter 4. v' 'esin eV'l 'Iherearetwootherincauesouroesinthevillage. Oneisthe rentingofroanstooutsiders. Aboutonethirdofthehouseholdsrenta roanortwotoothersfor 25,000 or 30,000wonperaroanwith 100,000 wonanadeposit. 'Iheotterincaue—generating activity carriedon withinuthevillageitselfisthemakingofstrawmats (W) duringtheslackseason,franlateNovemberthroughlateMarch. After theharvest,severalvinylhousesaresetup. Agroupofoldnenand wanen, eachnnuufloeringbetweenStolo people, workineach vinylhouse. Mostly, close friends and neighbors work in the samevinylhouse. For a strawmat,theyarepaidabout2,500won. Askillfulpersoucanmakea mataday. If a skillful personworks everyday, he/sheearrs about 150,000wonamonth. Ruyersofthestrawnatscaueintothevinylhouse toourduasethematsfranthem. Sanetimes,buyersprepaythemoneyfor anmberofthestrawmatsthattheyorderfranthevillagers. Cash 60 generatedbythenekingofstrawmatscanbeaninportantsourceof privateincanefortreoldpeoplewhodonothaveanycontroloverother sourcesofmoeyandaredependentontheirdnildren. Yongwauendonctmakestrawmats. Inaway,thevinylhouseisa social place for the old people during the winter. Old people ohitchat, gossip,ardworkatthesanetime. 'Iheycanalwaystopworkingwhen therearesocial occassions. Usually, theyshareabottle ortuoof distilled wine, gag, whiletheywork. Saneyoungwauenknitsweatersduringtlewinter. Iftheyare reallyskillfulandneedcash,theylmitoueatersforfriendsand neighborsonuorder. Withafewocceptions,rcwever,mostlonitsueaters fortheiroml'cuseholdmaflaersandnotforsale. uErrrilairiurrlihirrluuuflsrras As I have stated, many of the agricultural households in.Kbksan have mariners who have mun-agricultural jobs. Sane of them caubine agricultural prodction with a mun-agricultural occupation. Table 3 abomthehousdnold famsizeardthemmberoftmseholdswhidnhave one or none as maubers holding wage jobs. I categorize households with less 1 m farm "poor" , households with 1-2 M farm "mickile" , households with 2-3 m "well off", and household with lucre than 3 gm farm "rich" as other scholars generally do (Mi-kyog lee 1983:142). Table 3 shoe a higher percenntage of participation in wage-earning jobs ancng small and medium landholding households than large landholding households except for those households which hold more than 61 3 m of land. 'Iheir numbers are, hooever, not very significant. large-landtclding households tend to be three and four generation Icuseholdswtereoldparentsstillnanagetlefarnrswithtleuseof agricultural nachinery and wage labour while co-residing married sons are arployed in stable wage paying jobs. A majority of small- landholding households, rcwever, tend to be two generational households, and household heads in wage paying jobs tend to cultivate the household farm with the fuull utilization of their family labor and labour exchange with other mall-landholding friends and neighbors. Participation in wage labour by mothers in small laudholding households seemstobeless stablethanthatbymorbers inlarge lanudholding housel'clds, as a majority of wage earners frauu srruall land-holding lncuuseholshavelessthanahigh school educationardmostlyworkin service jobs such as building guards, boilermen, repairman, etc. Table 3 Distribution of Houserclds with One or More Wage-earning Members by Size of Household Farm Farm Size of H.H. Number of H.H. H.H. W/ w—w % of H.H. W/ W-E + - 1.0 56 27 48.2 1.0 + - 2.0 45 19 42.2 2.0 + - 3.0 12 5 41.7 total 117 54 46.2 Notes: unit of farm size is m; H.H. = households; H.H. W/ W-E = lnouseholds with wage-earners 62 Ontheotherhand, sauemalewage-earners frantheuuediumuandlarge land-holding households work either in white-collar jobs, even though a few in.number. .Also, as I will discuss further in.dhapter 4, at.the manennt, thetendenncytopool incmeforhouseholdcousumptionamog anallandrrediumlandlrcldinghouseholds isstrogerthanamogtl'elarge landl'cldu'ng houselclds. Whereas for small landholders, additional incanefraruwagelabourisessentialtosustainthehousehold, forlarge landtclders to have wage-earning uruerrbers means a diversification of the collective housel'cld enterprise. However, the denuand for the pooling of theincareseemstobelessstroginlarge lardingholdinghouseholds (888 chapter 4) - Table4 showsthewayswageearnerswereabletofindtheirpresent jobs. The majority of them report that they have fond their present work through the personal introduction of friends, neighbors, and relatives. Table 4 Employment dnannel pens. intro. exam. visit ad. agency ownbusi. total 44 14 1 1 1 2 63 note: pers. intro. = personual introduction by friends and relatives; ad. = advertisement; own busi. = own business Table 5 shows the categories of wanen's wage earning jobs according to marital status. 'Ihe categories are divided to shov sane of the 63 culturalassumptiosinregardtothefemaleworkthathavebeenbuilt intothelabolrmarket. Marriedwaruenareheavilyconcentratedinwork whichcanbecategorizedasdanestic, suchascleaningandcooking. On theotherhand, singlewarenworkinjobs whichrequirepleasing social mannersandphysical charm. 'Iheyworkascaddies, clerks, telephone operators,andcashiersatthedapartrentstores. Inmostcases,they areexpectedtoquittheirjobswhentheygetmarried. Table 5 Occupational Categories of Warren Mafital Status Dareetic Non-Danestic single none 15 married 12 5 CHAPI'ERIV MIDANDKENSHIP Sane studies of changing family structure and household carposition by previous scholars in Korea have utilized Fortes' concept of the developnental cycle (Fortes 1958) and have attempted to analyze household canposition fran a terrporal perspective (i.e., Ok-pyo Moon 1976: Gmng-ch'ol Yo 1777: 25-38) .1 Hooever, instead of discussing how the articulation between the household and outside forces such as the job market and various socio-cultural influences botln reinforce and transform sane aspects of the traditional household structure, they ted to identify tne persistece with tradition and the transformation with modern. However, as many scholars working in other areas of world (i.e., Meillassoux 1981; Wallerstein 1984; Wolpe 1972) have denonnstrated, persistence of sane of the traditional features of lnousehold structure in the peripl'ery and seni-periphery of the world systen in modern coditios should be viewed as a charactersitic deriving fran the very articulation between the danestic group and the 1Scholarsoftenmakeadistinuctioubetweenthefanuuilyandthe household (Freedran 1970:28; Gallin 1966: 137: see also Yanuagisako 1979: 161-205) 'Ihe family is defined as a kin group related through blood, marriage, and adoption and share a corporate property (Gallin 1966: 137) wlereastlehouseholdisdefinedasagroupofkinaudnon-kinwlcshare thecarmonresidece. InKoksan, householdisoftencoterminouswith fannily. Inmystudy, Iusethetermhouseholdmore carnnonlythan, but interchangeably with, fannily to refer to the darestic group which share a collective property and identity. 64 65 outersocio-ecouanicfield. AlthoughFortes'coceptofthedevelcpnentalcycleoftredonestic groupisuseful, itdoesnotadequately explainhowtheincorporation of tleruralhousencldinvillagescudnasKoksanintotrenatioelecanany directlyorindirectly influuencesthestructnring ofthehousehold. In thischapter, Iwillexplicatethecarplexchangesinthedeveloprental cycleofthehouseholdanddiscusswhatstructuralaspectsoftte householdaremaintainedandtransforrreduunderthenewsocial Wed In Koksan, nean household size at the tine of my fieldwork (1985-6) was 5.32 persos. Mean hosehold size of nnative villagers was 6.05 persons, and that of outsiders was 3.83 persos. The native household inKoksanislargerthantheaverageof 5.96 forruralhousetcldsize suurveyed in 1959 by Hyo—je lee (1959: 23) and also sliglntly larger than the nean agricultural household size of 6.04 in I-ch'on county in Kyoggi Province in 1974 surveyed by Ok-pyo Moon (1976:168) . Table 6 shors the geeratioual canposition of households in Koksan. This Table isbasedonnuysuurveyand includes only 117 nativehouseholds in Koksan.2 Tableesnmsthatmorethanhalfofthehcuseholdsaretwo gestational households. Three and four generational households accountfor41peroennts,alittlelargerthantheperoentagereported foragriculturaltnusel'cldsinasuburbofSeoulinKyoggiProvince 2 Inmysurveyoftlehouseholdcarposition, Iwasabletoobtain information about only 117 households. 66 (i.e., 37.0% in I-ch'on, see Ok-pyo Moon 1976: 172). This may be enclained by Koksan's closer geographical location to Seoul than I-ch'on, and the possibility of carbinirg agricultural work with waged occupations. Viewed this way, persistence of the "traditional" three and four generational households is neintained through the village's specific articulation with the outside ecanany, an issue I will returnn to later in this dnapter. Table 6 Housekclds by the Generational Carposition Generation No of houserclds percentage 1 6 5.1 2 63 53.9 3 44 37.6 4 4 3.4 Total 117 100.0 Table 7 shows the relatioship of household renters to the household head. In the three-generational and four-generational households the oldest mrried son and/or his spouse reside with his parents (either oe or both), unmarried siblings and their own uunnmarried children. This shows that household neutership is still primarily determined through agnatic descent. Oldest sons reside with parents afternnarriage, especiallywhenoeoftheparentshasdied. Wentne 67 oldestsonsunoveoutofthehousehold at marriage, it isusually because theyhavesecuredurbanerployment. ‘Iheoldestsonwhohasmanyyonger siblings feels more canfortable in setting up his om housetcld with an anticipation that he will later move back and take residence with the parentswrentteothersiblingsareallmarriedardsetuptheirovn housekclds. Thereareabouttentwogenerational households, which camriseonlytheparentsaudtheirumnarrieddnildren. Inaboutone thirdoftlethreegeerationalhousetclds,lnvever,tresecodorthird marriedsonand/orhisspouseresidewithhisoldparentsandthis suggests that "traditional" rule of tte oldest son residing with tl'e parentsischanging. Table 7 l-kuusetcld Mariners and their Relationship to the Household Head Gen. Household Mariners in Relation to the Household Head Y.C. B.C. C.+ U.C. P.+ M.C. P.+ M. & U.C. Oths. 1 2 2 / 2 2 63 3 33 11 4 4 Notes: Gen. = geeration; 11.0. = young couple; E.C. = elderly couple: C.+ U.C. = couple and uunmarried children; P.+ M.C. = Parents (both or single) and married children and grand children; P.+ M. 8: U.C. = Parents(both or single): married and unmarried children and grandchildren: Oths.= others,etc. 68 Incaseswl'ennenarereuarried,theymayprefertolivewiththe sonborreofthesecodnerriage. Thisisduetotheideathatthestep motlershouldbeprimrilytakencareofbyreromson(seednapter5). Evenincaseswlenthecouplesdoncthaveoffspringfranthesecod marriagetheymayprefertohaveaseparatehousetcld. Sosbythe firstmarriagemay feeluncanfortablewiththeideaoftakiugcareof thestepmotl'er. Whenoneoftheparentsdies,hovever,thechildren tendtodecidethatitistimetolivewiththesinnglepare‘rts. Thus, for instance, 75 year old Ban-young Park moved to live with his fifty fiveyearoldsonwnenhissecondwifediedof cancer. Atthattime, Ban-yogPark's 55yearoldsonhimselfwaslivirg withhisthirdwife whilehisthreesonsbornefranthepreviousmarriageswereliving separately outside of tie village. Insanethree-generational horserclds, tlecostitrtion ofthe hosetcld presents a nore carplex picture and reflects an articulation oftelnausetcld withtheoutside econarry. Inoehousehold, amarried manisterporarilyabsentasanoverseascostructionworkerwhilehis wifeanddnildrenstaywithhisparents. Onemarriedmanisabsentdue tocarpulsoryserviceintheKoreanNationalArmy,whilehiswifeand hissonarelivingwithtteman'swidoredrrctrerinKoksan. Inthree other three-geerational households, the grandparents live with their marriedsanandtnegrandohildren. Inttcsecases,tleirdaughters—in- lawlefttnelmsbandsandchildrentolookforwagedjobsinSeoulafter big fights with their parents-in-law several years-ago and never returned. Ithinkthatthesethingsmightncthavehappeedinthe previous coditios where waged jobs for wauen were not as available as 69 inrecenutyears. Intwootherhouseholds,marriedsos'childrenare stayingwithtleirpatemalgnardparentsasbothoftleirparentswork andtlnereisncoeelsetotakecareofthen. Theirresidencein Koksanisconsideredtobetenporary. In to households, however, married daughters' families were stayingwithttewanen's parents. Inoehousehold,wherethemarried daughterhastakenmatrilocal residence, thehousetcldhead isasonless widow. Inanotherhouseholdwherethemarrieddaughterhastaken matrilocal residence, however, themarried daughter'sparentsareboth aliveandhavemanyyoungerdnildrenincludingason. Itissaidthat themarrieddaughterisstayingatternatalhanebecausettereisnc oetotakecareofthedauesticchoresatlermother'shousebecause hernctherworksinSeoulasamaidandherotlerchildrenarein school. Inoethree-generational household,awidowliveswithl'er adolescentsanandayounggrandsonwhowasbornoutofwedlockbyan unmarried working-daughter. At the time ofmy fieldwork, theboy's motherwasnctlivinginthevillage. Thesethreehouseholdsseento representanewtrend. Meillassoux (1981), Wolpe (1972) and Wallerstein (1984) suggest that self-provisioning households in the soul-peripheral area of the world capitalist systen are often maintained through the additional incanederived franwage-earningmerbers. Wage-earningmerbers, in turn, are supported by the self-provisioning houselnold at tines of umerployment and sickness, etc. Wolpe characterizes this pattern of the 7O articulation of the domestic eccnmy with the labour market in the capitalist ecmmy as the process of preservation and traxsformtim of the "traditional" household structure. And Wallerstein (1984:16-7) calls the self-provisioning household with wage-earning member sani- proletarian. Households with suall holdings in Koksan seem closer to sani—proletarian households than those with large landholdings (see chapter 3, p.28). 'Iheir agircultural products are mainly kept for provisia'xingtnlseholdnmbers, mambomindmesticprommimard wage-earning jobs. At the same time, the self-provisioning household is mintainedbyadditional incanefrcmmge—earnimmaflaers. Asamatter of fact, anong the stall-launching hmseholds, many wage-earning rmsehold members are either household heads or their spouses. Oartrihrtimsbytnsetnldmatbersotherthanfllelwserwldheadsam theirspmsestakebathregularandin'egularfoxms. Daughtersfranthe mall-larflholding households nake an especially inportant cartributicn tothehouseholdinthefomof irregularcartrihrticnsthmjghthe payment for male and fatale younger siblings' education, even though unircartrimtimhasbeendecreasinginreoentyears. Iwasinformad ofmanycases inwhicholder sistershadhelpedpay fortheedlmtion fortheiryamgerbrothersardsistexs. Inturn, theyreceivedsane help frun their parents with wedding expenses. Small land-holders occasionally cultivate additional rice paddy, whidnarepirchasedbyhalseholdmembers inwage—eamirgjobs. For instance, awidow informedmethatoutofthe 1.6mm? rioepaddy, sbeownedlessthanOJSM. 'Iherestofthelarflbelongedtoher son. Hersmpjrduasedthelandfrunwagesthatheeanxedfrmhistwo- 71 yearccntractasaccnstnlcticnmrkerinSalxiiArabia. Heentrusted thelandtohiswidcwednothersothathispccrnothercmldsuppcrt othersiblings. limever, thelandwasregisteredmflerhisnaneand could not be subject to division by other siblings. For households with medium and large holdings, which cultivate rice primarily forthemarket, havingwageearningmembers isamatterof having a variety of occupations among members. Incane fran wage-holding members have relatively little significance in the maintenance of the agricultural household. Daughters from the medium and large land- holdinghouseholdstendtosavelrostoftheireamings fortheirwedding experses and private spending on clothes and other things. Bong-op Kim, whohadmorethanZMof ricepaddy, toldmethathisworking daughterdidmtmakeanycmtrihxtimtothehalsetnldecamyarfltlnt sanetimessheevenaskedhimtogiveherperscnalspeniingmney. Several parents told me that their daughters'saving still helped them because itrelievedthemoftheburdenofpaying forthewedding expenses.3 But, the semi-proletarian household concept, even among the mll-landholding households, only partially applies to Koksan today as thecollective identityofthehwseholdardtheterdercytopcol incane becane increasingly fragile and attenuated. ‘Ihe implication of this for thetxJuseholdstructurearxithecharacterof intergenerationalbcndis significant. Iwillcanebacktcthisissueinchapterm 3 Unmarried daughters' earning and saving capacities are admledgedbytheirparentsinotherways. Forl'xstance, awidowin thesecmldsectimofthevillageaskedherdaughtertoquitherjobard help with household and agricultural work by pranising that she would payforherweddingexpenses. Whenherdaughterwasgettingmarried, thewidowspentabQItSmillimwonforthevedding. 72 u . n ' . II alse Traditionally, inKoksanthemarried oldest son is expectedto residewiflltheparentsandsucceedtotheheadshipoftheparental household (the "big house" (mu unless there are some definite reascnsforsettinguphismnresidenceanhasanurbanjob(see diaptersfornoredetaileddiswssicnmthemitymfithedivisimof thebigtnlseardthesmallhouse). AsfarasIknow,inKoksan there isnocaseinwhidltheoldestsonsetuphisownresidenceinthe village immediately after marriage. Junior sons, however, become the separate legal household head of the branch house (the "small house" (Wig). Jtmiorsonstendtoestablishaseparatehousdloldeither veiysoonaftermarriage, oraftermaintaining cnlyabrief residence withtheirparents. Inthepast, the authority ofthebighouse (1(_'_I.n_1d;i_p) overthe shall house (Mil-P) , both for large and small land-holding halseholds,seanstohavebeenmx:hstmgerthannow. Accordingtothe elderly people ihKoksan, it oftentookseveral yearsbeforetheyounger sanswereallowedtomoveartofthe'big hmse" (Jg'unchip) of their parents and establish their own "snall house" (M19). Iftheheadofthebighwsewantedtokeepthejuniorsonsard fileirspmsesinthesanehalseforvariwsreasons,sudlasthedenmri for labour and the need to delay the divisim of the household property, flleydidnotallmthejmiorsonstoeetablishtheirmnsmallhwses (see also Sorensen 1984) . Apparently, delay of the household division wasrationalizedasashowoffilialpietybythejuniorsontowardhis parents and of unity among siblings. An eighty year old grandmother of 73 thesecarisectimvillageheadinKoksantoldnethatshelivedinthe bighouse forabout 15 years, threeyears afterherolder sister-in-law brought in a daughter-in-law. She told me that her parents-in-law and oldersister-in—lawdidnotallowthentosetuptheirownresidence becauseshewantedtonetainaccesstotheirlabcur. Ihavehear'd similarstoriesfrunseveralctherelderlyvnnen. Evenincaseswhen theyhadtheir separate house, theprcpertydivisionwas delayed. wringthedaytime,theyhadtooometothebigbwseandworkameat withrelativesinthebighouseanireulrnedtotheirwnplaceinthe eveniny"justtosleep." Asfl1esxncessortotheheadshipofthe"bigtmse",authorityof theoldestsonoverhisyoungersiblingswascatparabletothatofhis father. Authority of the oldest son's wife over younger sisters-in-law was also cmparable to that of her motherin-law. Several elderly wanen iancsantoldnethattheiroldersisters—in-lawwereveryharshard authoritarian. Awunaninherlate sixties toldmethatshewasstill afraid of her older sister-in-law.4 The mother of the village store owner in the first section told me that her older sister-in-law was very orpressiveardmistreatedhertmtilafewyearsagowhenthelatter became paralyzed and seriously ill. Her sisterin—law treated her so badlythatshelefthanetoworkasadanesticservantinSemlfor about a year before finally returning to the village. The relationship between the older and yamger siblings was not entirely characterized by the authority of the big house over the small 4 Her older sister-in-law is 74 years old. She is still very energetic and manages the household econauy. 74 house. Old pecple in Koksan often told me that the older siblings should love their younger siblings and the younger siblings should be respectful of the older siblings. Also, they praised the prosperous farmercnmg-gonKim, who, thaxghhewaslomnbyvillagers forhis shrewdnessardstinginess, was, nonetheless, heldupasamodelof brotherly solidarity and mutual help. Inrecentyears, however, boththeauthorityoftheparentsmrer theirscmsanithatofthebighcuseoverthesnallhwsehavebeen attenuated. There seems to be considerable ambivalence and anbiguity surrumdirgcmrrentattitutetwardcannituenttothepoclirgof household incane. I learnedthatwage—earningmarriedsonsresiding in theirparents' householdssaletimeswanttohaveecormicirflependence andtrytokeepfortheuselvestheincanetheyreceive, eventlnlghthey areprovisionedbytheirparents' household. 'Ihisleadstodisputesand coflictsamongtheparentsandchildren, andeventoshiftsinresidence by married sons outside of the village under various pretexts. Sanetimes they try to mitigate the notion of the divided family econauy infllesanehmseholdbynakihgirregularcashgiftstotheirparents. Parentskeepthecashgifts forpersonalpocketmoney (Mon). In households inwhichthereseatstohavebeenmreor lessadefinite division of incane (usually where the son is an outside wage-earner), the children provide expensive gifts of consumer durables such as T.V. sets, refrigerator, rice-cooker, etc., on special occasions (i.e., the New Year's Day (M) and Full Moon's Day (M). etc.) creating the iupression for themselves and their parents that inccme pooling is still in place, and that the collective identity of the household 75 retainsits force (cf. Ch'mlg-dongldm1983: 167). However, inmany alchcasesthesesonsdorelycntheirparents'hwseholdfor provisimingwhentheyaremlatployed. Smetines,thereisanattenptmd1ildren'sparttorecreatean agricultural householdinthevillage. Inthat case, brothers maybuya anallplotofagriwlmrallardasatokenofthethetmselmldproperty andcollectiveidentity. ‘meygivethelandtcabrotherwhoreturnsto thevillageandtakescarecftheparents. Undersuchanarragement, Joo—bongPark'sseca'dsm,whocncemovedtoSemlardhadhisseparate Inlseholdthereforseveralyears,camebacktol