AGENTS OF CORPORATE IDENTITY: PATTERNS AND VARIABILITY OF EFFIGY
MOUND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND RITUALISM

By
Jered Boyd Cornelison

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
Anthropology – Doctor of Philosophy
2013

ABSTRACT
AGENTS OF CORPORATE IDENTITY: PATTERNS AND VARIABILITY OF
EFFIGY MOUND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND RITUALISM
By
Jered Boyd Cornelison
This dissertation uses a contextual approach for elucidating the social
organization of Effigy Mound peoples of southern Wisconsin during the Late Woodland
period (AD 600 – AD 1150). Specifically, mound form, internal mound features,
biological status, and biological distance analyses are used to inform the structure of
Effigy Mound societies. Other studies of effigy mound form have suggested that
individual mound groups were built and maintained by lineal corporate groups (Mallam
1976; Goldstein 1995; Rosebrough 2010).
Relying on both biological and ritual paraphernalia, the results of this study
confirm that the mound groups were maintained by specific corporate groups and these
corporate groups were likely lineage based. The evidence for a lineal form of social
organization was marked by a combination of differential burial dispositions, internal
structuring of mound features, inclusion of age classes, and phenotypic structuring
among mound groups. Further, the ritual landscapes, represented by the mound
groups, likely symbolized and asserted the lineage’s control and access to critical
resources in the area. This study also argues that the mound groups primarily
functioned as formal cemeteries, evidenced by a majority of mounds containing burials
and other features in the mounds tended to co-vary with burials. It is reasoned that the
burial and non-burial features may have functioned as surrogate bodies or memorials to
individual identities, corporate identity, or ritual offices.

Patterned regularities were found across all mound groups including: the building
and maintenance of mound groups that usually included geometric and effigy mound
forms, the use of mounds for burial purposes, the use of fire in mound building rituals,
the inclusion of earthen fireplaces and stone altars, and equal access to males and
females. However, there were also several markers of variability among the mound
groups including: differential mound construction methods, the inclusion of idiosyncratic
internal mound features, variable modes of burial disposition, differential positioning of
internal mound features, and differential inclusion of juveniles in geometric and effigy
mound forms.
The results of the epigenetic analyses indicate variable levels of intra and interregional interactions. These interactions are consistent with other biological and cultural
patterns presented in this research. Biological distance generally correlated with
geographic distance; however there was internal homogeneity within the western
groups and among the central and eastern mound groups of Wisconsin.
Agency/Practice Theory was used for interpreting variation in Effigy Mound
ritualism. Although, there was likely an overarching ritual system that was shared
among all Effigy Mound peoples, ritual practitioners may have been interpreting and
reinterpreting ritual customs locally.
This study illustrates how a combination of skeletal data and archived
archaeological data may provide valuable insight into the nature and social organization
of communities participating in one of the lesser understood mound building episodes in
the Eastern Woodlands.

Copyright by
JERED BOYD CORNELISON
2013

To Dr. Teri Hall, for inspiring me on my career path, for championing me as a
graduate student at ISU, for encouraging me as a graduate student at Michigan
State University, and for continuing to guide me with the memory of her support
and inspiration. You will always be missed Teri.

v

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

It is nearly impossible to characterize the contributions of others to an endeavor
such as this because, without the assistance of all of those to be mentioned, it would
not have been possible or difficult to complete the dissertation without the support of
professors, children, my wife, and friends.
I would like to thank my dissertation committee, Drs. Lynne Goldstein, Norman
Sauer, William (Bill) Lovis, Todd Fenton, and Gillian Bice for their valuable guidance
and contributions to this work.
Lynne Goldstein was central to the motivation of the topic and the mortuary
archaeology perspective important in this study. Not only did Lynne guide me through
the entire process of data collection and analysis, but on my first trip to the Milwaukee
Public Museum, she worked with my wife and me the first day to make sure we knew
the key museum personnel and where to locate important records.
I thank Bill Lovis for his reflective and insightful contribution, especially regarding
methods and interpretation of the results. Bill also contributed greatly to my
understanding of Eastern Woodland prehistory and was instrumental in editing and the
organization of the dissertation.
I thank Norm Sauer for giving me the opportunity to pursue my academic goals at
MSU. Norm contributed significantly to my development as a physical anthropologist,
skeletal biologist and forensic anthropologist. He also provided invaluable comments
and suggestions on how to improve and present the methods and interpretation of the

vi

skeletal analyses. Finally, it was a privilege to be schooled in skeletal biology and
forensic anthropology under Norm’s guidance.
I would like to thank Todd Fenton for his believing in me and encouraging me
early in my training as a bright-eyed physical anthropologist and forensic anthropologist.
It was an honor to be able to train and work under his guidance.
I appreciate Gillian Bice’s wordsmithing, eliminating redundant information and
her attentiveness to grammatical detail, resulting in a document more legible to the
English speaker. Any confusing phrases or grammatical errors are due to my
overlooking her thoughtful revisions.
I thank Drs. Lyle Konigsberg, Joel Irish and Arkadiusz Sołtysiak for their advice
and assistance with formatting and analyzing the data for the biological distance
analyses.
I am thankful for Dawn Scher-Thomae, MPM Anthropology Collections Manager,
for her continual support of this research. Dawn was instrumental and incredibly
accommodating on all of the research trips, constantly rearranging her schedule,
making sure materials were available, and giving us as much time as possible to collect
data.
I also thank Dr. James Pivarnik and Kim Sager for their support and patience
throughout this process. Jim provided valuable guidance throughout the research
process and both Jim and Kim provided the flexibility at work to allow for numerous
research trips and flexibility around the writing phase.
Thanks to the Department of Anthropology for the teaching assistantships, the
lecturer position, the travel award, and guidance of Nancy Smith. I would like to

vii

express my appreciation for the Kenneth E. and Marie J. Corey Research Enrichment
Award.
It must be rare to find a mate that you can work side by side for weeks, months,
and years and maintain a healthy loving relationship. A huge thanks and hug must go
to my beautiful wife, best friend, and colleague, Wendy Lackey-Cornelison, who stood
by me throughout the entire research process, especially when her own research was
halted. Wendy was there through the entire process including data collection, providing
key theoretical advice, partially financing this research and reading multiple drafts. I look
forward to her assisting me for many years to come.
Of course, I want to thank my beautiful girls, Mackenzie, Riley and Brynn, for
their patience and understanding. Thanks also to Mack for her assistance with editing
portions of the dissertation. I never would have imagined that my baby daughter would
be editing my dissertation. I also want to thank Shalane Shirey for supporting my
education and following me across the country and altering the course of her life,
hopefully for the better. I will always be grateful.
Finally, I thank my parents, Bud and Ramona for always supporting me in my life
pursuits and always encouraging me through their expressions of pride in my academic
accomplishments.

viii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES

xiii

LIST OF FIGURES

xx

Chapter 1: Introduction
1.1 Introduction
1.2 What is the Effigy Mound Manifestation?
1.3 Mounds and Mound Features
1.4 Framework for Current Study
1.5 Definitions
1.6 Conclusion
1.7 Organization of the Dissertation

1
1
3
7
9
10
12
13

Chapter 2: Bioarchaeology and Contributions to Mortuary Archaeology
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Bioarchaeological Approaches
2.2.1 Biocultural and Contextual Bioarchaeology
2.2.2 Bioarchaeology and Identity
2.3 Mortuary Archaeology
2.3.1 Theoretical Framework
2.3.2 Postprocessual and Agency/Practice Theory
2.4 Contributions of Bioarchaeology to Mortuary Archaeology
2.4.1 Sampling Bias
2.4.2 Effective Use of Indicators of Biological Distance
2.4.3 Contextualizing Late Woodland Effigy Mound Peoples
2.5 Conculsion

14
14
15
15
18
20
21
28
36
38
44
50
59

Chapter 3: Research Questions
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Research Question #1
3.3 Research Question #2
3.4 Research Question #3
3.5 Research Question #4
3.6 Conclusion

61
61
62
64
65
66
67

Chapter 4: Materials and Methods
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Mound Groups and Physiographic Regions
4.2.1 Western Uplands Physiographic Province
4.2.2 Central Plains Physiographic Province
4.2.3 Eastern Ridges and Lowlands Physiographic Province
4.3 Description of Cultural Variables

69
69
70
71
73
75
77

ix

4.4 Description of Skeletal Materials and Methods
4.5 Statistical Methods
4.6 Conclusion

79
86
89

Chapter 5: Effigy Mound Group Descriptions
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Western Uplands Physiographic Region
5.2.1 Trowbridge Mound Group, Trempealeau County
(Site # 47-TR-28/66)
5.2.2 Raisbeck Mound Group, Grant County (Site #47-GT-112)
5.2.3 Polander Mound Group, Crawford County (Site #47-CR-39)
5.3 Central Plains Physiographic Region
5.3.1 Kratz Creek Mound Group, Marquette County
(Site # 47-MQ-39)
5.3.2 McClaughry Mound Group, Marquette County
(Site # 47-MQ-38)
5.3.3 Neale Mound Group, Marquette County
(Site # 47-MQ-49)
5.4 Eastern Ridges and Lowlands Physiographic Region
5.4.1 Kletzien Mound Group, Sheboygan County (Site # 47-SB-61)
5.4.2 Kolterman Mound Group, Dodge County (Site # 47-DO-189)
5.4.3 Nitschke Mound Group, Dodge County (Site #47-DO-27)
5.4.4 Big Bend Mound Group, Waukesha County
(Site # 47-WK-196)

90
90
95
95

Chapter 6: Results
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Results for Research Question #1
6.2.1 Frequency of Features
6.2.1.1 Burial Frequency
6.2.1.2 Earthen Fireplace Frequency
6.2.1.3 Stone Altar Frequency
6.2.1.4 Ceramic Vessel Frequency
6.2.1.5 Clay and Pebble Cist Frequency
6.2.2 Co-variation of Mound Features
6.2.2.1 Polander Results
6.2.2.2 Raisbeck Results
6.2.2.3 Trowbridge Results
6.2.2.4 Kratz Creek Results
6.2.2.5 McClaughry Results
6.2.2.6 Neale Results
6.2.2.7 Kletzien Results
6.2.2.8 Kolterman Results
6.2.2.9 Nitschke Results
6.2.2.10 Western Upland Physiographic Region Results
6.2.2.11 Central Plain Physiographic Region Results

129
129
130
130
131
133
134
136
137
138
138
140
141
142
143
145
146
148
148
150
151

x

100
102
105
105
110
113
116
116
120
122
126

6.2.2.12 Eastern Ridges and Lowlands Physiographic
Region Results
6.2.3 Horizontal and Vertical Position of Features
6.2.3.1 Horizontal Dimension of Burial Features
6.2.3.2 Horizontal Dimension of Clay and Pebble Cist Features
6.2.3.3 Horizontal Dimension of Earthen Fireplace Features
6.2.3.4 Horizontal Dimension of Stone Altar Features
6.2.3.5 Horizontal Dimension of Ceramic Vessel Features
6.2.3.6 Vertical Dimension of Burial Features
6.2.3.7 Vertical Dimension of Clay and Pebble Cist Features
6.2.3.8 Vertical Dimension of Earthen Fireplace Features
6.2.3.9 Vertical Dimension of Stone Altar Features
6.2.3.10 Vertical Dimension of Ceramic Vessel Features
6.3 Results for Research Question #2
6.4 Results for Research Question #3
6.4.1 Analysis of Sex by Mound Form Among Mound Groups
and Physiographic Regions
6.4.2 Analysis of Age Distribution by Mound Form Among Mound
Groups and Physiographic Regions
6.5 Results for Research Question # 4
6.5.1 Sex and Age Effects on Trait Frequency
6.5.2 Analysis of Epigenetic Trait Frequencies
6.5.3 Biological Distance: Mound Groups
6.5.4 Biological Distance: Physiographic Regions
6.6 Conclusion
Chapter 7: Interpretation of Effigy Mound Social Organization
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Summary of Research
7.3 A Place for Remembering: Effigy Mound Groups as Sacred
Landscapes
7.4 Theoretical Framework
7.5 Sampling Bias
7.6 Research Question #1: Summary of Results and Discussion
7.6.1 Presence and Co-variation of Features
7.6.2 Feature Variability Among the Mound Groups
7.6.3 Spatial Pattern and Variability: Vertical and Horizontal
Positions of Features
7.7 Research Question #2: Summary of Results and Discussion
7.7.1 Discussion and Interpretation of Burial Disposition
Results
7.8 Research Question #3: Summary of Results and Discussion
7.8.1 Summary of Sex Results and Discussion
7.8.2 Summary of Age Results and Discussion
7.9 Research Question #4: Summary of Results and Discussion
7.10 Interpretation of Effigy Mound Manifestation
xi

152
153
156
158
158
160
161
162
165
165
168
170
171
184
184
188
195
196
198
198
205
209
212
212
213
215
219
220
223
224
229
231
235
237
239
241
242
247
256

7.11 Conclusion
7.12 Future Research

263
264

APPENDICES
Appendix A: Non-metric Trait Recording Form
Appendix B: Description of Mound Contents
Appendix C: Presence of Mound Features in Mound Groups
Appendix D: Epigenetic Trait Contingency Tables
Appendix E: Frequency and Proportion of Trait Presence
Appendix F: Permission to Reprint Figures

267
268
272
299
307
333
336

LITERATURE CITED

345

xii

LIST OF TABLES

Table 4.1 Sex determination cut-off points for long bone measurements

82

Table 6.1 Frequency of burials among mound groups

131

Table 6.2 Frequency of earthen fireplaces among mound groups

133

Table 6.3 Frequency of stone altars among mound groups

135

Table 6.4 Frequency of stone altars among physiographic regions

135

Table 6.5 Frequency of occurrence and co-variation of features in excavated
mounds of the Polander mound group

139

Table 6.6 Frequency of occurrence and co-variation of features in excavated
mounds of the Polander mound group

140

Table 6.7 Frequency of occurrence and co-variation of features in excavated
mounds of the Trowbridge mound group

142

Table 6.8 Frequency of occurrence and co-variation of features in excavated
mounds of the Kratz Creek mound group

143

Table 6.9 Frequency of occurrence and co-variation of features in excavated
mounds of the McClaughry mound group

144

Table 6.10 Frequency of occurrence and co-variation of features in excavated
mounds of the Neale mound group

146

Table 6.11 Frequency of occurrence and co-variation of features in excavated
mounds of the Kletzien mound group

147

Table 6.12 Frequency of occurrence and co-variation of features in excavated
mounds of the Nitschke mound group

149

Table 6.13 Summary table of frequency and approximate percentage of
features occurring in mound groups

150

Table 6.14 Summary table of frequency and approximate percentage of
features occurring in physiographic regions

151

Table 6.15 Frequency and percentage of mound forms excavated in each
mound group

154

xiii

Table 6.16 Frequency of excavated mound forms in each mound group

155

Table 6.17 Frequency of effigy and geometric mound forms among the
physiographic regions

155

Table 6.18 Frequency of horizontal positions of earthen fireplaces in geometric
mound forms among mound groups

160

Table 6.19 Frequency of the horizontal positions of stone altars in effigy mound
forms among mound groups

160

Table 6.20 Frequency of the horizontal positions of stone altars in geometric
mound forms among mound groups

161

Table 6.21 Frequency of the horizontal positions of ceramic vessels in effigy
mound forms among mound groups

161

Table 6.22 Frequency of the horizontal positions of ceramic vessels in
geometric mound forms among mound groups

162

Table 6.23 Frequency of vertical burial positions among mound groups

163

Table 6.24 Frequency and expected counts of vertical burial positions among
physiographic regions

164

Table 6.25 Frequency of the vertical positions of clay and pebble cists among
mound groups

165

Table 6.26 Frequency of vertical positions of earthen fireplaces among mound
groups

166

Table 6.27 Frequency of the vertical position of earthen fireplaces among
physiographic regions

168

Table 6.28 Frequency and expected counts of the vertical positions of stone
altars among mound groups

169

Table 6.29 Frequency of vertical positions of stone altars among physiographic
regions

170

Table 6.30 Frequency of vertical positions of ceramic vessels among mound
groups

171

Table 6.31 Frequency of all burial dispositions represented in a mound for all
mound groups

172

xiv

Table 6.32 Frequency of Burial disposition among mound groups

173

Table 6.33 Frequency of burial dispositions in mounds among mound groups

176

Table 6.34 Frequency of mounds with aggregated burial disposition among
physiographic regions

177

Table 6.35 Frequency of burial disposition among geometric and effigy mound
forms

178

Table 6.36 Frequency of burial disposition in geometric mound forms among
mound groups

179

Table 6.37 Frequency of burial disposition in geometric mound forms among
mound groups

181

Table 6.38 Frequency of burial disposition in geometric mound forms among
physiographic regions

183

Table 6.39 Frequency of burial disposition in effigy mound forms among
physiographic regions

184

Table 6.40 Frequency of sex categories among mound groups

185

Table 6.41 Frequency of males and females in geometric mound forms among
mound groups

186

Table 6.42 Frequency of males and females in effigy mound forms among
mound groups

187

Table 6.43 Female and male frequency in mound forms among physiographic
regions

187

Table 6.44 Frequency of age classes in geometric mound forms among mound
groups

189

Table 6.45 Frequency of age classes in effigy mound forms among mound
groups

190

Table 6.46 Frequency of age classes in geometric mounds among mound
groups

191

Table 6.47 Frequency of age classes in effigy mound forms among mound
groups

193

xv

Table 6.48 Frequency of age class in geometric mound forms among
physiographic regions

194

Table 6.49 Frequency of right lambdoid ossicle among males and females

197

Table 6.50 Frequency and statistical significance of traits among mound groups 199
Table 6.51 Variable status of non-metric traits in MMD analysis

200

Table 6.52 Variable status of traits that presented positive mean MMD values

201

Table 6.53 MMD Matrix

202

Table 6.54 MMD standard deviations

202

Table 6.55 Biological distance among mound groups from MMD values

203

Table 6.56 Physiographic regions that exhibited significant differences in
the frequency of traits

206

Table 6.57 Variable status of 17 nonmetric traits

207

Table 6.58 Variable status of 11 nonmetric traits

207

Table 6.59 MMD values matrix for physiographic regions

208

Table 6.60 MMD standard deviation matrix for physiographic regions

208

Table 7.1 Summary table of frequency and approximate percentage of
features occurring in mound groups

225

Table 7.2 Frequency of Primary and Secondary burials in geometric mound
forms among physiographic regions

238

Table 7.3 Frequency of sex in geometric and effigy mound forms among
mound groups

242

Table 7.4 Frequency of Juveniles and Adults among the mound groups

243

Table 7.5 Mean Measure of Divergence Matrix

250

Table 7.6 Biological distance among mound groups from MMD

250

Table B.1 Trowbridge Mound Group description of mound contents

273

Table B.2 Raisbeck Mound Group tabulation of mound contents

275

xvi

Table B.3 Polander Mound Group tabulation of mound contents

277

Table B.4 Kratz Creek Mound Group tabulation of mound contents

279

Table B.5 McClaughry Mound Group tabulation of mound contents

284

Table B.6 Neale Mound Group tabulation of mound contents

290

Table B.7 Kletzien Mound Group tabulation of mound contents

292

Table B.8 Kolterman Mound Group tabulation of mound contents

294

Table B.9 Nitschke Mound Group tabulation of mound contents

295

Table C.1 Polander presence (X) of mound features and mound forms

300

Table C.2 Raisbeck presence (X) of mound features and mound forms

300

Table C.3 Trowbridge presence (X) of mound features and mound forms

301

Table C.4 Kratz Creek presence (X) of mound features and mound form

302

Table C.5 McClaughry presence (X) of mound features and mound form

303

Table C.6 Neale presence (X) of mound features and mound form

304

Table C.7 Kletzien presence (X) of mound features and mound forms

305

Table C.8 Kolterman presence (X) of mound features and mound forms

305

Table C.9 Nitschke presence (X) of mound features and mound forms

306

Table D.1 Frequency of left supraorbital foramen among mound groups

308

Table D.2 Frequency of right supraorbital foramen among mound groups

309

Table D.3 Frequency of left supraorbital notch among mound groups

310

Table D.4 Frequency of right supraorbital notch among mound groups

311

Table D.5 Frequency of left parietal foramina among mound groups

312

Table D.6 Frequency of right parietal foramina among mound groups

313

Table D.7 Frequency of left tympanic dehiscence among mound groups

314

xvii

Table D.8 Frequency of right tympanic dehiscence among mound groups

315

Table D.9 Frequency of left mastoid foramen among mound groups

316

Table D.10 Frequency of right mastoid foramen among mound groups

317

Table D.11 Frequency of right mastoid foramen number among mound groups

318

Table D.12 Frequency of left mandibular torus among mound groups

319

Table D.13 Frequency of right mandibular torus among mound groups

320

Table D.14 Frequency of left mylohyoid bridge among mound groups

321

Table D.15 Frequency of right mylohyoid bridge among mound groups

322

Table D.16 Frequency of left lambdoid ossicles among mound groups

323

Table D.17 Frequency of superior sagittal sulcus flexure among mound groups

324

Table D.18 Frequency of left third trochanter among mound groups

325

Table D.19 Frequency of right third trochanter among mound groups

326

Table D.20 Frequency of left supraorbital foramen among physiographic
regions

326

Table D.21 Frequency of right supraorbital foramen among physiographic
regions

327

Table D.22 Frequency of left supraorbital notch among physiographic regions

327

Table D.23 Frequency of right supraorbital notch among physiographic regions

327

Table D.24 Frequency of left parietal foramina among physiographic regions

328

Table D.25 Frequency of right parietal foramina among physiographic regions

328

Table D.26 Frequency of left tympanic dehiscence among physiographic
regions

328

Table D.27 Frequency of right tympanic dehiscence among physiographic
regions

329

Table D.28 Frequency of left mastoid foramen among physiographic regions

329

xviii

Table D.29 Frequency of right mastoid foramina among physiographic regions

329

Table D.30 Frequency of left mastoid foramen among physiographic regions

330

Table D.31 Frequency of right mastoid foramen among physiographic regions

330

Table D.32 Frequency of left mandibular torus among physiographic regions

330

Table D.33 Frequency of right mandibular torus among physiographic regions

331

Table D.34 Frequency of left mylohyoid bridge among physiographic regions

331

Table D.35 Frequency of right mylohyoid bridge among physiographic regions

331

Table D.36 Frequency of left lambdoid ossicle among physiographic regions

332

Table D.37 Frequency of left third trochanter among physiographic regions

332

Table D.38 Frequency of right third trochanters among physiographic regions

332

Table E.1. Number of all trait observations among mound groups

334

Table E.2. Percentages of trait presence among mound groups

334

Table E.3. Number of all trait observations among the physiographic regions

335

Table E.4. Percentages of trait presence among physiographic regions

335

xix

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1.1 Effigy Mound regional distribution

4

Figure 1.2 Crawfordsville Effigy Mound Group

6

Figure 4.1 Map of Wisconsin physiographic provinces (regions) and the
associated mound groups

71

Figure 4.2 Location of Western Upland Physiographic Province (highlighted)

73

Figure 4.3 Location of Central Plain Physiographic Province (highlighted)

75

Figure 4.4 Map of Eastern Ridges and Lowlands Physiographic Province

77

Figure 5.1 Map of Wisconsin Physiographic Regions and mound
group locations

95

Figure 5.2 Trowbridge Mound Group map, Trempealeau County

100

Figure 5.3 Polander Mound Group map, Crawford County

105

Figure 5.4 Kratz Creek Mound Group map, Marquette County

109

Figure 5.5 McClaughry Mound Group – Site I map (near Buffalo Lake),
Marquette County

113

Figure 5.6 Neale Mound Group map, Marquette County

115

Figure 5.7 Kletzien Mound Group map, Sheboygan County

119

Figure 5.8 Kolterman Mound Group map, Dodge County

122

Figure 5.9 Nitschke Mound Group map, Dodge County

126

Figure 5.10 Big Bend Mound Group map, Waukesha County

128

Figure 6.1 Frequency of burials among mound groups

132

Figure 6.2 Frequency of ceramic vessels among mound groups

137

Figure 6.3 Frequency of the horizontal position of burials in effigy mound
forms among mound groups

157

xx

Figure 6.4 Frequency of the horizontal position of earthen fireplaces in
effigy mound forms among mound groups

159

Figure 6.5 Frequency of vertical positions of burials among mound groups

163

Figure 6.6 Frequency of vertical positions of burials among physiographic
regions

164

Figure 6.7 Frequency of vertical positions of earthen fireplaces among mound
groups

167

Figure 6.8 Frequency of vertical positions of stone altars among mound groups

169

Figure 6.9 Frequency of burial disposition among the mound groups

174

Figure 6.10 Frequency of burial disposition among physiographic regions

175

Figure 6.11 Frequency of burial disposition in mounds among mound groups

177

Figure 6.12 Frequency of burial dispositions in geometric mound forms among
mound groups

180

Figure 6.13 Frequency of burial disposition in effigy mound forms among
mound groups

182

Figure 6.14 Frequency of burial disposition in geometric mound forms among
physiographic regions

183

Figure 6.15 Frequency of age class in geometric mound forms among mound
groups

192

Figure 6.16 Frequency of age class in effigy mound forms among mound
groups

193

Figure 6.17 Frequency of age class in geometric mound forms among
Physiographic regions

195

Figure 6.18 Hierarchical Cluster Dendrogram using average linkage
(between groups)

204

Figure 6.19 Multidimensional Probability Scaling (PROSCAL) scatterplot of the
MMD among eight mound groups

204

Figure 6.20 Multidimensional probability scaling scatterplot of physiographic
Regions

208

xxi

Figure 7.1 Frequency of juveniles and adults in geometric mound forms
among the mound groups

244

Figure 7.2 Frequency of juveniles and adults in effigy mound forms among
mound groups

245

Figure 7.3 Multidimensional Probability Scaling (PROSCAL) scatterplot of the
MMD among eight mound groups

250

Figure 7.4 Multidimensional probability scaling scatterplot of physiographic
regions

251

Figure 7.5 Map of Wisconsin indicating mound group locations and tributaries

254

xxii

Chapter 1: Introduction
1.1 Introduction
The purpose of the research presented in this dissertation is threefold including:
1) elucidate intra-mound group and regional variation in the ritual and burial program
among the Effigy Mound peoples of Wisconsin through an analysis of mound features
and skeletal data within a bioarchaeological contextual framework, 2) demonstrate that
the presence and positions of certain mound features and skeletal biological variables
will systematically co-vary between mound groups and among physiographic regions as
a product of specific lineage based ritual and mortuary programs, and 3) utilize
epigenetic traits of the cranial and postcranial skeleton to investigate whether the ritual
materials in mounds, among mound groups and physiographic regions were maintained
through a lineal based form of social organization.
Findings from this study indicate that social organization(s) in Late Woodland
southern Wisconsin was variable, with at least two levels of social organization. On one
level, this research demonstrates that there existed a broadly distributed mortuary
pattern which shared a few basic ritual links including the construction of effigy and
geometric mound forms in groups and the inclusion of ritual features, including burials,
within the mounds. On another level individual mound groups were quite variable in
terms of the frequency, type and spatial structuring of the mound features. In addition,
biological factors were found to be quite variable among mound groups. As will be
shown in subsequent chapters, this research found that, although there was a loosely
bound social organization that linked effigy mound groups, sometimes over great

1

distances, individual mound groups were likely built and maintained by individual
corporate lineal groups with a land tenure form of social organization.
The dissertation does not assume this Late Woodland phenomenon represents a
cohesive cultural social system. Therefore, this phenomenon will be referred to as Effigy
Mound manifestation (Mallam 1976) and the people participating in the Effigy Mound
manifestation will be referred to as Effigy Mound peoples. These terms simply refer to
groups of individuals in the Late Woodland period that built and maintained mounds and
mound groups. While the Effigy Mound manifestation, as a whole, shares basic
overarching principles of social organization and ritual cohesiveness, it is likely that
individual lineages demarcated their corporate identity through the types of mounds
they erected on the landscape, the ritual features they incorporated into the mounds or,
conversely, the absence of such features, and how these features were oriented in
space (both vertically and horizontally). The biological and mortuary framework,
developed in this dissertation research, will contribute to our understanding of the social
structure of the Effigy Mound manifestation.
Buikstra (1976) demonstrated that any interpretation of biological phenomenon
should be done with a firm understanding of the cultural context of burial. To
understand Effigy Mound intra-and inter-regional continuity, this dissertation research
examines skeletal biological and cultural variables that elucidate a) whether, and to
what degree, there are regularities or significant differences among the social structures
(as observed through ritual and mortuary practices) of the peoples who constructed
effigy mounds; and b) whether these specific corporate affiliations can be identified.

2

1.2 What is the Effigy Mound Manifestation?
Goldstein (1995) presents a description of the Wisconsin Effigy Mound
manifestation. The Late Woodland Effigy Mound phenomenon geographically
encompassed southern Wisconsin, northern Illinois, eastern Iowa, and southeastern
Minnesota. The northern extent of this manifestation extended to Green Bay,
Wisconsin on the eastern side and to La Crosse, Wisconsin on the western side of the
state. This roughly west to east sloped northern border is commonly known as the
tension zone. The tension zone demarcates the change in forest composition with
eastern deciduous woodlands to the south and mixed hardwoods and conifers to the
north (Figure 1.1). The area of the Effigy Mound manifestation includes the southern
hardwood forests, prairies, oak savannas of southern Wisconsin, northern Illinois,
eastern Iowa, and southeastern Minnesota (Birmingham and Eisenberg 2000). Effigy
sites, particularly mound groups, tend to be clustered near resource rich aquatic
resources within this region (Birmingham and Eisenberg 2000; Goldstein 1995; Mallam
1976).

3

Figure 1.1 Effigy Mound regional distribution adapted from Lapham, Increase (1855)
The Antiquities of Wisconsin. Smithsonian Institution, Washington. Dashed line
indicates eastern, southern, and western extent and solid black line indicates the
northern extent of Effigy Mound peoples.

4

It is generally agreed among most researchers that the subsistence and
settlement patterns of the Effigy Mound peoples is one of seasonal mobility with
hunting/gathering/fishing in resource rich areas (Birmingham and Eisenberg 2000;
Goldstein 1995; Mallam 1976). In general, the Effigy Mound manifestation emerges as
a phenomenon not unlike other areas of the Midwest during the Late Woodland. Most
agree that the general Late Woodland trend involves a transition from a more sedentary
settlement pattern associated with major tributaries in the warmer months to dispersal
into secondary tributaries and the uplands in colder months (Birmingham and Eisenberg
2000; Milner 2004; Storck 1974). Not surprisingly, the Effigy Mound groups are found
in warm-season resource rich areas (Birmingham and Eisenberg 2000; Goldstein 1995;
Mallam 1976).
The Effigy Mound manifestation, however, is chiefly characterized by the
presence of mound groups that contain low earthen mounds of zoomorphic shapes
such as bear, panther, turtle, buffalo, lizard, bird and some human forms. These effigy
forms ranged from one to four feet in height and up to hundreds of feet long (see Figure
1.2). More numerous, but nonetheless associated with the effigy mounds, are
geometric mound forms including: conical and flat topped conical mounds, oval, linear
mounds and compound conical mounds. Effigy Mound groups ranged from three to
over 100 mounds. There appears to be no systematic organization to mound placement
on the landscape other than the mounds tend to be located on prominent landforms and
blend into the natural landscape topography.

5

Figure 1.2 Crawfordsville Effigy Mound Group from Lapham, Increase (1855) The
Antiquities of Wisconsin. Smithsonian Institution, Washington. This is an example of
an effigy mound site showing variety and scale of mounds and the mound group.
6

1.3 Mounds and Mound Features
Goldstein (1995) outlined the variation in construction and contents of Effigy
Mounds. While it is believed that most Effigy Mounds were constructed in one episode,
three distinct methods were employed in their construction. In the first and most
common method, the A-horizon (humus) was removed, creating the shape of the
mound, followed by the erection of the mound above the ground surface. The second
method involved construction directly on the ground surface. Occasionally, an intaglio
was created followed by an excavation below A-horizon, soil was re-deposited in the
empty space and the mound was erected. Finally, in other mound groups, like Kletzien
and Kratz Creek, the A-horizon was removed followed by the deposition of one or more
layers of sand and then completion of the mound form using soils (Goldstein 1995).
Not all mounds were used for burial purposes and even when burials are found in
a mound this does not necessarily indicate that the sole purpose of the mound was for
burial. When burials are found, they are generally located in the head or heart of effigy
forms. In geometric mound forms (e.g. conical, oval, linear, compound conical) burials
were predominantly placed in or near the center of the mounds. In Wisconsin, most
burials were secondary bundle burials. However, there are many primary flexed burials,
a few extended burials, a few cremations, and a mix of primary and secondary burials.
Burials can occur on the mound floor, in subfloor pits below the mound floor, or within
the mound fill. When all burials from mound groups are aggregated into a single
sample; children, adults, males and females are generally represented in the mounds,
and there were no differences in the frequency of males and females in the mounds
(Birmingham and Eisenberg 2000; Ruth 1999). Artifacts directly associated with burials
7

are rare, but when they occur, items are generally utilitarian objects; such as projectile
points, ceramic vessels, or stone celts (Goldstein 1995). These objects are generally of
local origin. Most often, instead of a burial (but sometimes co-occurring with burials),
earthen fireplaces, stone altars, ceramic vessels, or clay and pebble cists were found in
the head or heart region of effigy mound forms. These features also generally occurred
in the center of geometric mounds.
Several interpretations have been proposed for the meaning or symbolism of the
Effigy Mound groups. Stout (1911) was one of the first researchers to propose the idea
that the mounds were possibly built as totems to symbolize the clan of the creators who
built them. Mallam (1976) suggested mound groups functioned as multicomponent
ceremonial centers that served several related families during times of increased
resource abundance. The relative low number of habitation sites associated with the
mound groups suggests these sites were not long term habitation sites but seasonal
aggregation centers where mounds were constructed and other rituals were performed
(Hurley 1976; Goldstein 1995; Mallam 1976; Benn 1979).
Some researchers believe the conical, linear, and compound conical mounds
may also be Effigy Mounds (Rowe 1956; Hall 1993) but it is unclear what animal or
other natural feature they could represent. Lackey-Cornelison (2012) suggests these
geometric forms may represent a connection with earlier mound-building traditions.
Others have attempted to ascribe meaning to the mounds and mound groups, primarily
through Native American ethnography and historic documents (Benn 1979; Mallam
1976; Rowe 1956; Hall 1993). Mallam (1976) suggested the effigy mound forms
represented three classes of natural phenomena; air, earth, and water and these three
8

effigy classes were created to symbolize and balance the natural world. Hall (1993)
argued effigy mound forms could be divided into an upperworld and lowerworld
cosmology typical of the Midwestern Native American groups, such as the Winnebago
and Menominee. Generally, bird effigy forms represented the upperworld and earth and
water effigies, such as the water panther and bear, symbolized the lowerworld.
1.4 Framework for Current Study
This study relies on the guiding principle of mortuary archaeology that the social
organization of the society at large will be reflected in the mortuary program (Binford
1971; Carr 1995; Goldstein 1981; Saxe 1970). More specifically, this research tests
Mallam’s (1976) and Goldstein’s (1995) interpretation of Effigy Mound sites as
multipurpose ceremonial or aggregation centers, the organization and appearance of
which may have been influenced by corporate identity. According to Goldstein (1995),
the mound groups also served as territorial markers that may have communicated to
outsiders their control of limited resources.
Both Goldstein (1995) and Mallam (1976) suggest that: a) Effigy Mound groups
were associated with seasonally resource rich areas which were most likely exploited by
communities participating in Effigy Mound ceremonialism, b) the social structure of
Effigy Mound peoples was segmented into subgroups which can be recognized by
differences in the dominance of particular effigy mound forms, and c) Effigy Mounds
communicated corporate rights to resources in a particular area. In other words, Effigy
Mound communities used mound form, mound distribution, and mound group
composition to make statements about resource allocation and social structure within
and between regions.
9

This dissertation complements the work of Mallam and Goldstein by utilizing the
combination of skeletal biological data, mound form, burial context, and other ritual
features to further our understanding of variation in social structure of groups in this
Late Woodland manifestation. Further, this dissertation demonstrates that these mound
groups were likely maintained and used by specific lineages as part of a corporatebased land tenure sociocultural system.
1.5 Definitions
Since the descriptive language has been quite variable in the literature and
published site reports, it is important to clarify the nomenclature used throughout this
dissertation. It is noted that mound groups occupying sacred landscapes likely
represented a fragment of the entire social system(s). This study accepts the premise
that mounds and mound groups are ritual sites and therefore, use of these terms may
imply ideology and ritual. Therefore, following is a list of the terms and their meanings
as presented in this dissertation:.
•

“Effigy Mound manifestation” refers to the widespread occurrence of Late
Woodland effigy mound groups, constructed by groups of people who share
certain features of a ritual system.

•

“Effigy Mound peoples” and “Effigy Mound communities” refer to a collective of
individuals who share a similar tradition of building and maintaining mound
groups in the Late Woodland of southern Wisconsin.

•

“Geometric mound forms” refer to the aggregate of conical, compound conical,
oval, and linear mounds.

10

•

“Effigy mound forms” refer to mounds that are typically in the shape of an
animal, anthropomorphic shape, or representations of man-made objects
(projectile point shape).

•

“Mound Groups” refers to a loosely bounded area containing more than three
mounds constructed during the Late Woodland.

•

“Physiographic region” refers to three regions of southern Wisconsin; including
the Western Uplands, Central Plains, and Eastern Ridges and Lowlands.
These regions are specifically defined in Chapter 4.

•

“Burial” refers to the purposeful deposition of human remains in a mound before
or during construction of the mound.

•

“Primary Burial” refers to a burial that was deposited close to the time of death,
resulting in appropriate anatomic relationships among skeletal elements.

•

“Secondary Burial” refers to burials containing one or more individuals that were
exposed for a period of time, processed, or buried and later interred in a mound
as a collection of skeletal elements or as a bundle burial.

•

“Earthen Fireplace” refers to “a flat, circular area, blackened by charcoal, with
elements of ash present” (McKern 1928:261).

•

“Stone Altar” refers to a plat of two or more stones intentionally placed in the
mound. These altars usually contain evidence of charcoal and ash but this is not
a requirement.

•

“Clay and Pebble Cist” refers to “a small bowl-shaped type of structure with more
or less vertical walls of red, unbaked clay, reinforced to some extent with

11

pebbles, and with a slightly concave bottom lined with small stones” (McKern
1928:263).
•

“Ceramic Vessel” refers to a vessel purposely placed in the mound. It does not
include isolated ceramic fragments which were common in many mounds.

1.6 Conclusion
This dissertation research examines the degree of biological and cultural
heterogeneity among mound groups and physiographic regions. This study tests
current models of Effigy Mound peoples’ social structure utilizing skeletal and burial
content and context data.
Benn (1979), Goldstein (1995), Mallam (1976), and Rowe (1956) demonstrated
patterned variation of mound forms within and among mound groups. In addition, these
spatial studies have confirmed that mound groups tend to be associated with seasonally
rich resources, possibly representing markers of corporate identity and rights to
resources on the landscape (Mallam 1976; Goldstein 1995). This study tests the degree
of continuity among Effigy Mound communities and among physiographic regions
through examination of the ritual features in the mounds. The question, however, is
what can the biological and cultural variables tell us about a) whether, and to what
degree, there is continuity in social structure among mound groups and among
physiographic regions of Wisconsin; b) whether specific corporate affiliations can be
identified; and; c) whether specific lineal groups can be identified.
First, documenting and examining patterned variation in who was buried, how
individuals were buried, and in what mound forms individuals were buried help us
understand interaction spheres in the Effigy Mound manifestation. Second, these same
12

patterned variations provide valuable information about group membership and social
structure, especially where marked biological and cultural variation among mound
groups and physiographic regions are identified. An examination of biological distance
between mound groups and physiographic regions furthers our understanding of gene
flow (degree of social continuity), group membership (social structure), a membership of
which may have a lineal based affinity.
1.7 Organization of the Dissertation
Chapter 2 surveys perspectives on bioarchaeological research, reviews pertinent
mortuary archaeological theory and research, considers the contributions
bioarchaeology has made to mortuary archaeology, and discusses the history of Effigy
Mound research and interpretations. Chapter 3 lays out the specific research questions
of this dissertation and discusses possible interpretations and their consequences for
definitions of Effigy Mound social organization and variation of the social system.
Chapter 4 reviews the methods for collection and analysis of the biological and
archaeological data. Chapter 5 describes the mound groups and the contents of the
mounds. Chapter 6 presents the results of the data analysis. Chapter 7 summarizes
the findings of this dissertation, discusses the regularities and important differences
among mound groups and physiographic regions, offers interpretations on the social
organization of these Late Woodland communities, and discusses future directions for
this research.

13

Chapter 2: Bioarchaeology and Contributions to Mortuary Archaeology
2.1 Introduction
This dissertation adopts the expectations and theoretical underpinnings of
bioarchaeology as proposed by Buikstra (1976) and Buikstra et al. (2011), which
maintain that the analysis of human remains should be contextually grounded,
specifically in ethnographic, ethnohistoric, historic, and archaeological contexts. The
research questions developed as part of this research were formulated in a manner that
contextualizes Wisconsin Effigy Mound burials as they relate to other features within the
mound and the potential variation across different mound groups. Additionally, this
research aims to contextualize other ritual features and their co-variation within the
mounds.
To provide a theoretical and methodological framework within which to interpret
this dissertation research, the various schools of thought regarding bioarchaeology will
be reviewed. Specifically, biocultural bioarchaeology, contextual archaeology, and the
bioarchaeology of identity will be examined. Following this review, this chapter will
examine mortuary theory with particular emphasis on both processual and
postprocessual perspectives, and how each of these contribute to the interpretation of
the results of this research. Next, bioarchaeological contributions to mortuary
archaeology will be reviewed. Finally, a discussion of how bioarchaeology and
mortuary archaeology can yield a more humanistic and socially grounded understanding
of one of the previous “good gray cultures”, traditionally known as the “Effigy Mound
Culture” is presented. Not unlike other more recent efforts to clarify the social
14

organization (Clauter 2012; Rosebrough 2010) and mortuary behavior (LackeyCornelison 2012) of this Late Woodland Culture, this research incorporates biological
analyses within an archaeological context that is firmly embedded in bioarchaeological
and archaeological theory.
2.2 Bioarchaeological Approaches
There are several different interpretations of the meaning and practice of
bioarchaeology pertinent to this research. Only those particularly relevant to the goals
of this research are reviewed in this chapter.
2.2.1 Biocultural and Contextual Bioarchaeology
Buikstra et al. (2011) state that the major stumbling block in present-day
bioarchaeology is an absence of collaboration between those engaged in increasingly
specialized research and those engaged in more holistic generalized theories.
According to the authors, the specialized methodologies should be combined and
guided by overarching theories in the discipline.
In the introduction to their text, Buikstra et al. (2011) reviewed the history of
bioarchaeology. The integration of archaeological and biological problems began in the
early twentieth-century with Aleš Hrdlička and Earnest Hooton. While Hrdlička was
accumulating large skeletal collections at the Smithsonian to preserve and document
variation in the “American Indian” skeleton, Hooton was actively involved in field
research with a more contextual motivation. Hooton’s protégé, Lawrence Angel, went
on to develop what he termed “social biology”.
The mid twentieth-century saw the introduction of the “New Physical
Anthropology” which attempted to break from a descriptive culture-historical science to
15

one that emphasized hypothesis testing. This concept was heralded by Sherwood
Washburn who was influenced by the processual paradigm of the time.
Within the “New Anthropology”, the processual archaeological perspective was
heralded by Walter Taylor and Lewis Binford, who focused on site formation and
function (Buikstra et. al 2011). As a consequence of site function, research sites were
generally divided into either habitation or mortuary. This processual paradigm resulted
in the emergence of processual mortuary archaeology.
The first proponents of processual mortuary archaeology were Arthur Saxe and
Lewis Binford. Relying on cross-cultural ethnographic data, Binford (1971) and Saxe
(1970) argued that the mortuary program was a reflection of the larger sociocultural
system. Their findings supported the idea that the greater the elaboration of the
dimensions of mortuary treatment, the greater the complexity of the society. The
Binford-Saxe approach would ultimately influence a contextually based bioarchaeology.
The 1970s was a time of self-reflection in archaeology and bioarchaeology.
Although there was still an emphasis on empirical hypothesis testing, two divergent
paradigms emerged in anthropology, both claiming the term bioarchaeology. Jane
Buikstra’s (1977) bioarchaeology emphasized a multidisciplinary approach that
combined biological attributes of the skeleton within a cultural context. According to
Buikstra (1976) and Buikstra et al. (2011) bioarchaeology is the inter-digitation of the
archaeologist and physical anthropologist in all aspects of research design. This means
the physical anthropologist is empowered to be an anthropologist instead of merely a
skeletal biologist or population geneticist, examining human groups as organisms
responding to their natural environment. Buikstra et al. (2011) contended that, although
16

there is great value in the recent specialized research, the use of these specializations
should be embedded within general theoretical constructs. Buikstra’s bioarchaeology
emphasizes social theory, history, archaeology, and ethnohistorical events that shape
biology and how biology shapes cultural factors.
Larsen’s (1997) volume “Bioarchaeology: Interpreting Behavior from the Human
Skeleton” succinctly articulates his definition of bioarchaeology. To Larsen (2002)
bioarchaeology is the application of osteological methods to interpret issues regarding
health, diet, genetics, and sex and age status from human remains in an archaeological
context. Here, instead of relying on context, the most direct means for understanding
the biological history of individuals and populations is the data contained in the bones
themselves. This bioarchaeology emphasizes biology over context and is seen as a
tool that can be used by archaeologists for interpreting the social, political, and
economic matters of a society. This is not to say that this biocultural bioarchaeology
has any less value, it is simply a different conceptual perspective for studying human
remains.
Zuckerman and Armelagos (2010) identify biocultural bioarchaeology as
composed of three components including: a population approach, the recognition of
culture as an adaptive mechanism that is linked to biological adaptation, and numerous
methods can be used to test alternative hypotheses regarding the biological and cultural
domains and view these as adaptive processes. In this paradigm, the theory guiding
the research is largely evolutionary and focuses on large-scale social effects in cultural
transitions; consequently there is less emphasis on the details of the mortuary and
social context. Furthermore, these ecological/evolutionary empirical approaches are
17

typically methodologically driven and not guided by social theory (Knudson and
Stojanowski 2009).
Biocultural bioarchaeological questions differ in scale and scope compared to
contextual bioarchaeology. As noted, the research interests are usually guided by
culture ecology and evolutionary theory and consider the impact of culture change on
biology and the impact of biology on culture change. This type of research is largely
concerned with population level evolutionary forces including, for example, the social
and health impact of the transition from hunting and gathering to the adoption of
agriculture (Larsen 1997). Other studies conducted within the biocultural
bioarchaeology tradition include: explorations of sexual division of labor, bio-behavioral
studies focused on biomechanics and cross-sectional geometry, studies of migration,
population replacement, postmarital residence, and population stability using
specialized techniques with a genetic basis (Zuckerman and Armelagos 2011).
2.2.2 Bioarchaeology and Identity
Another bioarchaeological approach, which shares similar goals with contextual
bioarchaeology, is the exploration of individual, corporate, and ethnic identity in
archaeological research. According to Knudson and Stojanowski (2009:1) identity
“refers to people’s perceptions of themselves and how they relate to larger social
phenomena that characterize their existence”. Further, since the bioarchaeologist
focuses on the individual in their analysis, they should be the ones involved in
theoretically driven identity research (Goldstein 2006).
Individual and group identity encompasses many dimensions including:
affiliations with the economic, political, religious, ethnic, nationalist, tribal, linguistic, sex,
18

gender, and social and biological age (Knudson and Stojanowski 2009). Identity
research has largely been influenced and guided by contextual bioarchaeology and
practice theory. In an edited volume, Knudson and Stojanowski (2009) explore group or
ethnic identity, the operationalization of individual identity within the social system.
Whether analyzing the group or individual, identity research is focused on larger world
system theory and a contextualized perspective, including the ethnohistoric,
ethnographic, historic, and archaeological context.
In the same volume, Buikstra and Scott (2009) argue that identity research
should be multidimensional, i.e. consider other dimensions of identity including, religion,
social status, ethnicity, gender, and the life-course (age and sex). The authors illustrate
that mortuary context is particularly important for religious identity and status distinction.
In fact, the ritual or ceremonial realm is probably best represented materially in the
mortuary sites, particularly in the processing of human remains, bodily disposition, and
the manipulation and alteration of human remains. Social status may be analyzed by
examination of the differential treatment of the remains, modification of the remains, and
through dietary differences. Studies of ethnicity have focused on the material culture
including: ceramic styles, lithic technologies, and dietary differences. Gender studies
grew out of feminist theory, in reaction to the interpretation of objects using cultural
definitions of male and female roles. Many of the new gender studies recognize gender
and sexuality as cultural concepts and sex as biological. As a result of contextual
bioarchaeology theoretical positions, gender issues have been explored both
biologically and culturally. Life course studies, which by their nature subsumes sex and

19

age, have resulted in studies that examine more closely the social roles individuals may
have played within their cultural context.
According to Buikstra and Scott (2009), a unidimensional identity approach is
inadequate for understanding identity. Since all of the dimensions are fluid and change
during a person’s lifetime, any change in one dimension can have dramatic social
effects in other dimensions of identity. Specific examples of identity focused research
are presented later in the epigenetic section of this chapter.
In conclusion, each of the bioarchaeological approaches contributes to the
theoretical framework of this research. The biocultural methodological
bioarchaeological approach is useful for understanding microevolutionary forces and
how these may have been affected by culture change and the environment. The
contextual approach is particularly useful for understanding cultural, environmental, and
transformation of the living to all of the possible avenues for final disposal or retention of
the dead. Identity research, specifically as it informs corporate identity, is particularly
important in this research since one goal is to investigate site specific and regional
indicators of group identity. To further emphasize the approach of this research,
contextual bioarchaeology will be relied on for analysis and interpretation to understand
the nuances of human decisions regarding disposal of the dead.
2.3 Mortuary Archaeology
Because this dissertation uses multiple lines of evidence to consider
archaeological and burial context, the focus is primarily a bioarchaeological analysis of
the mortuary ritual domain of the Late Woodland Southern Wisconsin effigy mound
peoples. As such, it is important to consider the various theoretical positions of
20

mortuary archaeology and how they may contribute to the tenets of this thesis. As
stated above, the foundation of this research resides in the domain of a contextual
archaeology, one that relies on an understanding that we are, for the most part, blind to
a good proportion of the mortuary ritual. Given the inherent natural and cultural biases
of mortuary samples, this section will outline how some of these biases can be
reckoned through a firm understanding of mortuary archaeology theory.
Important to this section is the recognition that Effigy Mound sites can be viewed
in three ways: (1) monumental cultural landscapes (re)creating social memories, (2)
cemeteries articulating ancestral claim to territories and its resources, and (3) as sacred
landscapes where ritual is performed. As such, the theoretical basis for evaluating the
Effigy Mound sites as ritual spaces, monuments representing corporate affiliation, and
the mortuary program will be considered in this review of the applications and
contributions of mortuary archaeological theory.
2.3.1 Theoretical Framework
The theoretical positions of the “New Anthropology” relied on “strength in
numbers” to legitimize the science as empirical and reproducible (Binford 1971).
Mortuary studies in the 1980’s and 1990’s focused on the regional perspective;
diachronically and synchronically. Some of those important contributions relevant to
this research are reviewed and critiqued here.
This research is guided by two both processual and post-processual approaches.
The processual perspective will guide the analysis of systematic variation across mound
groups and physiographic regions but it will also isolate those dimensions of the
mortuary program that are shared across most or all mound groups, possibly
21

representing an overarching ritual system. Given the nature of systematic variation that
will be demonstrated between mound groups and physiographic regions the postprocessual theory of structuration agency will be used, where appropriate, as an
interpretive tool for explaining the idiosyncratic nature of certain dimensions of the
mortuary program.
Lewis Binford’s (1962) approach signaled the beginning of an empirically based
method and theoretical position in archaeology which would later influence physical
anthropologists and mortuary archaeologists that were interested in social forces
affecting the biological and cultural traces of mortuary behavior. Binford’s approach of
systematically partitioning societies into technomic, sociotechnic and idiotechnic
dimensions provides an empirically based environment for examining the complexity
and subsistence and settlement practices of societies. Later, Arthur Saxe (1970) and
Binford (1971) proposed that the mortuary program was a reflection of the social
organization of the larger community.
Saxe (1970) incorporated role theory, componential analysis, evolutionary
political theory, information theory, and structural-functional theory to introduce a broad
sociocultural theory for analyzing mortuary behavior. The main goals were to use
mortuary data to understand how different sociocultural elements interacted with each
other. First, he chose to analyze and explain the formal disposal categories in three
social systems. Second, he wanted to demonstrate how the domain (constructed from
categories) could illustrate the social organization that produced them. He derived eight
hypotheses to test cross-culturally with data from three different societies. Important to
this research is Hypothesis 8, which stated:
22

To the degree that corporate group rights to use and/or control crucial but
restricted resources are attained and/or legitimized by means of lineal descent
from the dead (i.e., lineal ties to ancestors), such groups will maintain formal
disposal areas for the exclusive disposal of their dead, and conversely. (Saxe
1970: 119)

Saxe’s first four hypotheses, which rely primarily on role theory, are concerned
with the manner in which social personae are differentially represented in the disposal
domain. For this he defined social identity relationships, and social persona. Social
identity referred to the social status of an individual. Identity relationships referred to the
interaction of two or more social identities. The social persona was a composite of all
social identities. Saxe maintained that the social persona was the most important
dimension celebrated in funerary behavior because, as predicted by role theory, the
most significant social identity will be chosen and symbolized in death.
The second four hypotheses focused on the manner in which social structures
were differentially represented among different disposal domains. Of these, Hypothesis
8 was supported by all three ethnographic groups, which would later influence Lynne
Goldstein’s (1980) approach.
Goldstein (1980) stated that the problem with Saxe’s Hypothesis 8 is that it
implied that all cultures respond in similar fashion given certain economic and
environmental conditions. The hypothesis did not allow for variability. Goldstein noted,
“One [not the only] means of ritualization is the maintenance of a permanent,
specialized, bounded area for the exclusive disposal of their dead”. Goldstein asserts
that a corporate group may legitimize its claim to critical resources through reference to

23

the ancestors, as represented by a corresponding bounded cemetery, but other
societies may ritualize this in other areas of social life.
Using mortuary data from the Mississippian Spiro site, Brown (1971) adapted
information theory to the mortuary program. Brown (1971) devised a dichotomous
keying system (similar to Saxe’s) whereby combinations of attributes could be evaluated
to identify the degree of complexity of a society. In a perfect paradigm all attributes are
independent and there can be a low degree of redundancy. A perfect tree would
indicate high redundancy and all attributes are dependent on preceding dimensions. In
Saxe’s study he found a high degree of redundancy for all three societies, indicating the
reliability of archaeological data.
Later, in her analysis of ethnographic data Goldstein (1981) modified Saxe’s
(1970) Hypothesis 8 into three parts as follows:
A. To the degree that corporate group rights to use and/or control crucial but
restricted resources are attained and/or legitimized by lineal descent from
the dead (i.e. lineal ties to ancestors), such groups will, by the popular
religion and its ritualization, regularly reaffirm the lineal corporate group
and its rights. One means of ritualization is the maintenance of a
permanent, specialized, bounded area for the exclusive disposal of their
dead.
B. If a permanent, specialized, bounded area for the exclusive disposal of a
group’s dead exists, then it is likely that this represents a corporate group
that has rights over the use and/or control of crucial but restricted
resources. This corporate control is most likely to be attained and/or
legitimized by means of lineal descent from the dead, either in terms of an
actual lineage or in the form of a strong, established tradition of the critical
resource passing from parent to offspring.
C. The more structured and formal the disposal area, the fewer alternative
explanations of social organization apply, and conversely. (Goldstein
1981:61)

24

In his manuscript on the Saxe/Goldstein Hypothesis, Morris (1991) claims to
resurrect a debate between the processual and postprocessual archaeologists. Morris
contended that many postprocessual archaeologists tended to ignore Goldstein’s
results from the revised hypothesis 8 because the hypothesis seems to treat cultures
mechanistically, and it does not allow for human agency.
Morris (1991) criticizes his postprocessual colleagues who wish to dispose of the
hypothesis because of its presumed rigidity. He uses two examples from his research
on Classical Greco and Roman mortuary practices. Morris demonstrated that, while the
driving force behind the corporate group is not necessarily lineal in nature, it is formed
by the burden of citizenry in these two societies.
Like Goldstein (1981), Joseph Tainter (1978) provided a methodological
incorporation of the Saxe-Binford approach in specific dimensions of the mortuary
program. In his chapter Tainter (1978) reviewed the theoretical basis of Binford and
Saxe to provide a framework for mortuary analysis which could be employed to infer
social structure. There are two assumptions that are made about the importance of
mortuary data as a useful indicator for social modeling. First, the form and structure of
the mortuary program conveys information about the form and complexity of society.
Second, social identities of the living are portrayed in the treatment of the dead.
Tainter (1978) was critical of the use of evolutionary categories for pigeonholing
societies. He suggested that archaeologists must use a system of classification that
could measure the relative complexity of a society. Tainter argued that data must be
selected to represent how social positions are symbolized in mortuary treatment.
Referring to ethnographic data, Tainter claimed that grave goods are not an accurate
25

indicator of social status. Instead, Tainter measured energy expenditure pertinent to
complexity of body treatment, construction and placement of the internment facility, and
extent and duration of the ritual as a measure of social status. Tainter concludes that
this quantitative approach more accurately evaluates the degree of social complexity.
Specifically, Tainter proposed that in a ranked society there are two social
positions held in life; a vertical and horizontal social position. Tainter’s premise was that
the number and kind of ranked positions in a society are an accurate reflection of the
number of ranked positions of the living society. Tainter applied an energy expenditure
analysis to 103 ethnographic samples and was unable to reject the hypothesis that
individuals who differed in social importance also differed in the amount of energy
expended on their burial. Tainter used three different procedures in his analysis. First,
he did a cluster analysis of the burials, followed by a regrouping of the clusters based
on equivalent levels of energy expenditure. Finally, he assessed four measures of the
burial program complexity based on the regrouping of the clusters. These regrouped
clusters were seen as differing ranked levels on the vertical dimension. In addition,
Tainter evaluated the relative energy expenditure for the same grave goods differentially
in different temporal phases.
Braun (1981) was critical of Tainter’s model as it was applied to six Midwestern
Woodland mortuary sites and argued that the methods and conclusions relied on flawed
procedures and theoretical assumptions. Braun was not opposed to the idea that
mortuary samples could inform the sociocultural context but that the inappropriate use
of methods and theories could negate fruitful mortuary research. Braun further argued

26

that Tainter did not evaluate how differences in energy expenditure would always reflect
differences in social importance.
Braun (1981) was further critical of the statistical procedures Tainter used and
the assumptions he made regarding the clustering of different groups of burials. Braun
criticized Tainter’s assignment of energy expenditure, especially as it was applied to
misclassified local versus imported grave goods. Finally, Braun was critical of Tainter’s
assigned energy expenditure concerning burial treatment. Many of these dimensions in
prehistoric society are invisible in the archaeological record because certain behaviors
and mortuary treatments leave no archaeological trace.
Braun (1981) also took issue with Tainter’s misuse of the monothetic-divisive
statistical procedures. High redundancy of different burial attribute clustering should
indicate different ranked levels. According to Braun, the primary problem was that this
method would always produce clusters based on the presence or absence of discrete
data. Here, the interpretation of clusters may have been an artifact of faulty
assumptions of the statistical procedure and not necessarily an accurate representation
of the social system.
Given the tremendous planning and labor it would have taken to construct the
large effigy mounds on the landscape, it may be tempting to consider Tainter’s
approach as a legitimate method for analyzing social organization of Effigy Mound
peoples. However, we have no way of knowing how many individuals were engaged in
the activity, the amount of time that was spent constructing an effigy mound, and the
distance the material was carried. Further, the structures were probably not constructed
primarily as burial structures but were very likely community investment ventures that
27

celebrated and reproduced group cohesion through ritual. Finally, systematic variation
among peoples engaged in Effigy Mound ritualism, even the idiosyncratic nature of
some of the groups, may have reflected a segmented sociocultural system in which
groups were asserting their unique identity through very different ways (material and
behavioral) of performing ritual.
The Saxe-Binford approach has been valuable to archaeology and mortuary
archaeology for its capacity to articulate and test specific problems (Brown 1995).
These approaches have been criticized for using rigid classification systems and for
their disregard for bias and transformations in the archeological record. It is clear that
the systematic variation and structuring of burial programs could not be investigated
adequately without this empirical approach. This research uses a combined processual
approach with some of the interpretations influenced by postprocessual treatments of
ritual, community identity, and practice theory. As such, some of the approaches will be
reviewed in the following section.
2.3.2 Postprocessual and Agency/Practice Theory
The postprocessual movement arose in response to the perceived inadequacies
of the processual movement. First, the claim is that the processualist generally
disregards the great variation in practice and symbolism. Second, there is unfounded
focus on vertical and horizontal status, which disregards other potential social
dimensions. Third, the use of ethnographic analogy is misused and the only proper use
of ethnohistory and ethnography is within the specific cultural customs of the society of
interest.

28

Rakita and Buikstra (2005) provide a concise summary of the postprocessual
paradigm in archaeology. According to the authors, postprocessualism grew out of the
scholarly work of the European structural-symbolic-interpretive paradigm and includes
many theoretical perspectives. For the mortuary domain it is believed that “mortuary
rituals frequently utilized by the living to negotiate, display, mask, or transform actual
power or social relations” (Rakita and Buikstra 2005).
Ian Morris is one of the most influential mortuary postprocessual theorists.
Morris (1992) argued that social structure is created through ritual. Although the extent
of ritual cannot be completely inferred, social structure can be partially inferred based
on burial, cultural, and regional context. Morris defined social structure as societal
norms, power relationships, and social obligations. In his view, social structure is a
constantly renegotiated concept on the individual level. Ritual is regulated by who can
do what and when. To Morris, ritual should be examined in four different ways
including: direct observation, textually, through artistic representation, and material
remains analysis. The most preferable means for reconstructing ritual is through
material remains as this allows examination of the physical symbols and their variability.
In this context the symbolic meanings do not have to be inferred. The inherent
shortcoming is that only the tangible and preservable traces of ritual can be examined.
Morris (1992) presented two methods for interpreting symbolism, including the
‘direct’ and ‘linguistic’ approach. The ‘direct’ method implies that one can interpret the
exact meaning of a particular symbol, even out of context. The second approach,
‘linguistic’, requires a more comprehensive understanding of a symbol within a larger
body of evidence and context. Here the same symbol could mean a different thing in
29

different contexts, times and places. Alternately, different symbols could mean the
same thing in different contexts, times and places.
This is an important concept since this research examines variation in the
selection of ritual features in the mounds and the dispositions of those features. This is
important on two levels. First, different groups may be symbolizing something different
from those around them through the incorporation and position of various features in the
mounds. Second, it may be that the mounds and mound groups themselves
represented a “sacred landscape” (Rakita and Buikstra 2005) and a ritual system that
was not primarily funerary. We see evidence that the mounds may not have functioned
solely as funerary since many of the mounds that contained no burials contained other
stone, fire, or pottery features that may have communicated to the rest of the
community the same symbolism as a burial.
Morris (1992) asserted that some archaeologists have failed to recognize that
social structure is created through ritual and that grave goods are produced and
deposited through ritual. Ignoring the complexities of ritual and the profound lack of
ritual evidence makes for uncomplicated functionalist interpretations. Important
elements for reconstructing ritual and tracking transitions in ritual include developing
typology, investigating change through time, and analyzing both local and regional
contexts, examining spatial relationships and developing demography.
Dornan (2002) reviews the history of Agency Theory and its important role in
archaeology. Largely in response to the structural deterministic approaches in
anthropology, this theory was originally put forward by Pierre Bourdieu (1977) and
Anthony Giddens (1979).
30

To Bourdieu, social change operated through agency in which the agent could
potentially alter the structure through practice. The practice is seen to be embedded in
the structure or the social setting and conditions that result from the relationship
between individuals. The habitus is an internalized disposition that determines
perception and appropriate conduct. Therefore, the structure is seen to structure
behavior and in turn be structured by behavior. Any given societal change was brought
about by accidental changes in habitus in varying social conditions.
In Giddens’ Structuration Agency theory (1979), agency both constrains and
enables social structure. Giddens’ agency allows the agent to be malleable, creative
and innovative. Here the habitus allows conscious reflection on context and meaning of
actions. Societal change takes place because the structures are reproduced with
varying interests and motivations of the actors.
The basic premise of agency theory, as presented by Bourdieu and Giddens, is
that the agents or actors reproduce societal structures to (re)create social reality.
Agency/Practice theory has been viewed as a theory that focuses on the individual
actors and also as a societal phenomenon that, on some level, whatever the dimension,
must be negotiated with others in the community for the practice to be reproduced. The
approach used here maintains agency manifests as the creativity or free will of
individuals operating within the confines of the existing social structure.
Structure in the context of this study includes the rules determined by an
overarching ritual movement during the Late Woodland. The structure of this society is
equivalent to the corporate identity reflected in the systematically reproduced rituals
consistent with the overarching social system. The agency model, as applied here, is
31

composed of two possibilities. First, it is possible that Effigy Mound ritualism allowed for
slight to extreme derivations from the societal structure. Alternately, existing structures
allowed for, or possibly encouraged, derivation from the social system. If, as we know
occurs ethnographically (Pollock 2012), there was the existence of a secret society of
funerary ritual leaders, these leaders could have ritually set themselves apart from
others through creative symbolizing in the ritual context. In addition, due to the possible
infrequency of the secret rites in some societies, it is quite possible that the ritual agents
forgot or adapted certain rites spontaneously. Important in all this is an understanding
that, while individuals play a role in reproducing and participating in structures, it is likely
structures accommodate and have an embedded agency at the group level.
Interestingly, in the literature on Agency there is no discussion of the possibility
that different structures of society may be differentially malleable and more receptive to
modification and reinterpretation. For example, the technological aspects of a society
may more likely be modified and open to new ideas since actors see the immediate
benefits of improved technology, making it more likely to be adopted. Here it may be
that individual agents have a greater effect on social change. Alternatively, if we look at
the sociopolitical structures of society, agency may be possible, but it is conceivable
that any change would have to be negotiated by the larger community.
There could be multiple scenarios occurring in ritual and religious structures of
society that could result in diachronic and synchronic variability. The result of variable
rituals practiced differently could be due to secret societies surrounding rites,
specialized knowledge to perform the rites, and/or the infrequency of ritual performance
(Pollock 2012). Also, ritual specialists may improvise and deliberately augment their
32

practices as a way to reinforce and/or elevate their own authority (Pollock 2012). Any
one of the above conditions could result in great variation in the ritual and mortuary
program. Although there may be great variability in the allowance for creativity agency
on the individual or group level, it is likely that there is differential encouragement or
abstinence for certain practices within a given structure.
Since the Effigy Mound sites are viewed as sacred monuments within a sacred
landscape it is important to draw on Bradley’s (1993) work which focused on
monumental symbolism. Bradley attempted to define the fundamental properties of
prehistoric monuments in Britain and continental Europe as follows. Much like
contemporary archaeology, monuments have continually been interpreted and
reinterpreted. The symbolism may not have been totally clear, even to the builders.
Monuments may have served several purposes including: invoking memory, ritualized
communication, passive reflections of something outside religion, burial exchange, food
storage, and warfare. An important feature of all monuments is their intended
permanence, meaning that monuments were meant to endure long periods of time. The
erection of monuments served to affect human consciousness by creating a renewed
sense of place, enhancing the meaning of significant locations, and the meaning and
symbolism of the monuments may have changed through time without the change of
form.
Bradley (1993) took issue with the notion that monuments served as a corporate
group’s attempt to communicate a claim to scarce resources that was legitimized
through reference to the ancestors. In Europe, Bradley identified this as a problem
since many of the Neolithic monuments were erected prior to an agricultural economy.
33

Bradley referred to two different areas of the world (Australia and Eastern North
America Adena and Hopewell Traditions) where monuments had been constructed in
the absence of an agricultural economy. He further argued that a sense of place was
important prior to the construction of monuments. Most of the monuments were
constructed to mimic or were situated in relation to natural topographic features. The
conception of space and time for agriculturalists and hunter/gatherers would have been
different and this would affect the way that places were perceived and given meaning.
In fact, as Bradley argued, societies may have adopted an agricultural economy as a
result of a new sense of place created by the monuments.
Bradley claimed that monuments functioned as a representation of basic
beliefs, to constrain and affect behavior and movement, a permanent staging of ritual,
and they could have played an active role in social change. It is also important to
recognize that monuments were erected in relation to natural landmarks and in relation
to each other; therefore he recommends a regional approach for interpretation of the
meaning of monuments.
The meaning of the monument was not only intended for future participants as a
mechanism for linking an identity with the past, but the construction alone, accounted
for group identity in the present (Bradley 1993). Monuments were meant to be
experienced in a particular order or manner, therefore the monument areas themselves
should be analyzed as they relate to the surrounding landscapes and other monuments,
both relics and contemporaneous.
Bradley (1998) drew further attention to monuments and the possibility that manmade monuments may not be conceptually different than natural monuments. He noted
34

that many of the monuments in Europe were built next to natural monuments or the
monuments were built to mimic natural monuments. This may indicate that prehistoric
peoples did not have a worldview that distinguished between natural land forms and
cultural forms and that the meaning archaeologists assign to monuments did not
necessarily carry the same symbolism. It may be that the mimicking of the natural
landforms provided special powers, and by extension, power for the groups that
controlled them.
The ideas presented by Bradley are particularly valuable for this study and other
monumental research in the Eastern Woodlands. In southern Wisconsin we see the
same monumental sites used through time and we may even see transitional mounds
that may not fit the definitions of a time period. Bradley’s (1993) discussion is
particularly relevant to Effigy Mound patterns of variability since it is has been
documented that each group seemed to signify a unique symbolism to themselves and
to outsiders. Also, it is well documented that many of the mounds were added to or
changed in later generations (Barrett and Hawkes 1919), possibly resulting from
changing meaning, or the need to connect with the ancestors in a symbolic physical
manner, or as a mechanism for subverting the symbolism of past groups. The presence
of Hopewell mounds alongside Effigy Mounds at the Trowbridge site (Trempeleau
County) and Effigy Mounds associated with Aztalan (Jefferson County) are a testament
to the potential adoption or reinterpretation of these mounds and the symbols
associated with them (Birmingham and Eisenberg 2000; Lackey-Cornelison 2012).

35

2.4 Contributions of Bioarchaeology to Mortuary Archaeology
As stated earlier, a contextual bioarchaeology can greatly contribute to our
understanding of the mortuary program and archaeology, which is the goal of this
dissertation; a thesis that unites both contextual and archaeological data to uncover
patterns, or possibly the nonexistence of patterns in the archaeological record. It has
been observed that variability, even idiosyncrasies in the burial ritual program, may in
fact represent a pattern (Pollock 2011).
Goldstein (2006) argued that the original goals of bioarchaeology, as envisioned
by Buikstra have not been fulfilled. In her chapter, Goldstein reviewed 30 years of
publications in physical anthropology and was unable to find many bioarchaeological
applications. While it is true that many traditional physical anthropology publications do
not typically publish contextual bioarchaeology papers, it is the case that there has been
research published that is in line with the goals of contextual bioarchaeology. For
example, Blakey (2001) has emerged as a prominent figure as a bioarchaeologist
working on the African Diaspora. He has been critical of physical anthropologists who
take a strictly “forensic” approach to their analyses of burials. Although he examined
differential health in slave and freed slave cemeteries, Blakey argued that the historic
context is important for understanding the health of past individuals.
Charles and Buikstra (1983) employed Goldstein’s (1981) postulates of mortuary
behavior to devise a regional interpretive model for resource competition by focusing on
the spatial distribution of Archaic mortuary sites. The manuscript contributed greatly to
our understanding of burial programs and settlement patterning and how this
information can aid in the reconstruction of population structure. Also important is that,
36

during the Illinois Valley terminal Archaic, the mortuary program tended to be bimodal
where a minority of the community, those deemed productive in the subsistence
economy, were buried in the bluff-top cemeteries, and the infirmed tended to be buried
in the middens associated with the village (Buikstra 1981).
In another study, Charles and Buikstra (2002), in their diachronic assessment of
social change from the Archaic through the Mississippian periods in the Illinois River
Valley, found that as mobility decreased and sedentism increased, there was an
associative increase in the display of visible burial tumuli on bluff tops. They interpreted
the visible cemeteries as a link to the land by reference to the ancestors. Further,
through time there was an increased reuse of the same mortuary sites. Charles and
Buikstra (2002) concluded that the space and place of death are vital for understanding
the long-term changes in the mortuary program. Further, it was observed that changes
in the mortuary program reflected social, economic, political, and demographic
conditions. Finally, the mortuary program was one way that groups negotiated political
and social power in a region.
Another notable example is presented by Margerison and Kneusal (2002) who
analyzed two historic cemeteries in London, including one that contained interred
plague victims. The structure of the cemetery was composed of mass burials up to five
bodies thick with an unusual representation of individuals between the ages of 25 and
35 years. Also unusual, was an unexpected frequency of individuals between the ages
of 20 and 25 years. The authors contend that this is the age in which most people
working in London were migrants and did not have families in the vicinity. Therefore,
these individuals disappeared into the countryside due to the threat of death. This study
37

has the advantage of relying on historic documentation as an avenue to reconstruct the
cemetery structuring.
This train of thought could be extended to North American prehistoric
bioarchaeology where the physical anthropologist primarily relies on context and the
mortuary program to make interpretations about the past. Rather than, relatively
simplistic regimented ecological studies concerning differential access to resources,
status differences, and division of labor, it might be more fruitful to understand these
processes in the historic and agency driven contexts in which behavior occurred. Put
simply, there may be other stressors that were culturally driven, rather than simply as a
consequence of dietary stress.
Other than solely identifying the dimensions of burial, that is the cultural
treatments and final disposition of the dead, this research also explores the use of and
disposition of other features in the mounds as potentially meaningful symbols of the
overarching ritual system. These non-biological features within the mounds may carry
the same symbolic meaning as the bodies themselves. This idea is not proposed in the
absence of evidence. For example, it has been noted that other features such as
intentional ceramic depositions, stone altars, earthen fireplaces, and clay and pebble
cists are found in the same positions in mounds where bodies are found (Goldstein
1995). They may symbolize the group, an individual, the ancestors, the community, or
some combination of the above; the same way a human body could be represented.
2.4.1 Sampling bias
Before performing any analysis of mortuary behavior, the sample characteristics,
particularly potential biases, must be investigated. The bioarchaeologist must assume
38

that every mortuary sample is biased, subject to natural and cultural factors that
introduce bias. Without understanding site formation and transformation processes, we
cannot assume a sample is representative of the biological population. Another issue
concerns the cultural determination for who gets buried, how they get buried, where
they get buried, the postmortem treatment, and what skeletal elements were selected
for burial. There should be some attempt to understand the source of bias, whether
natural or cultural.
Along with understanding the sociocultural systems that were involved with the
disposal of the dead, it is clear that a contextual bioarchaeology is important for
understanding that very rarely do physical anthropologists have access to a
representative sample of the population. Instead, they commonly encounter a collection
of individuals that a) happened to be encountered archaeologically, b) were chosen by
the living to be buried within a certain context (e.g. a cemetery or under residence), c)
were culturally selected for specific postmortem treatment, d) were recovered and
recorded by the archaeologist, e) underwent differential taphonomic processes, f) may
have included the selection of certain skeletal elements to be included in burial. For this
study, probably the most important bias is found in the archaeological methods that
were employed. First, not all of the mounds were sampled and it is unclear how the
individual mounds were chosen for sampling. Second, the mounds were not completely
excavated but were typically “trenched” in areas where features had been found in the
past. Both of these issues could, and likely have, created important confounders in this
study.

39

It was a focus on paleodemography and paleopathology in the late 1980’s and
early 1990’s that promulgated a concern with sampling of the burial series and an
overall concern with a representative demographic profile of the biological population as
opposed to a biased segment of the biological population. In physical anthropology this
spawned what was to be termed the “osteological paradox” as articulated by Wood et
al. (1992). The original concern for sampling bias grew out of studies on
paleopathology but can be translated to any biological dimension of the sample. Wood
et al. (1992) identified several problems with paleodemographers and paleopathologists
inferring disease prevalence and patterns in archaeological skeletal samples.
Specifically, the problems inherent in demographical research were “demographic
nonstationarity, selective mortality, and unmeasured, individual-level heterogeneity in
the risks of disease and health” (Wood et al. 1992:343).” Demographic nonstationarity
is defined as a departure of the population from the stationary state in which there is a
change in the population structure through migration and fertility and mortality rates.
Selective mortality refers to the observation that the sample is composed of the
individuals who died from a disease or stressor but does not account for all the
individuals at risk for disease or mortality. This could result in an overestimation of
pathological conditions or other biological features to be analyzed. Finally, hidden
heterogeneity refers to varied prevalence in frailty or susceptibility to morbidity and
death which could be caused by socioeconomic status, genetics, and temporal
differences in health. Hidden heterogeneity refers to the inherent bias of having a burial
sample from an unknown mix of individuals.

40

In her study of two Archaic sites in Illinois, Buikstra (1981) presented clear
evidence for how sampling bias could be extreme if archaeologists and physical
anthropologists do not account for the entire burial program. In this study Buikstra
demonstrated that there was a duel mortuary program in which part of the community
was interred on the bluff top and part of the community was interred on the valley
bottom. Only through a contextual analysis of human remains can we begin to discern
some of the inherent biases in this type of research.
Historical and ethnographic studies can help to understand the potential sources
of bias. Mary Jackes (2011) gives an historical example of the changing mortuary
pattern in St. John’s Church, Ashfield, Sydney, Australia. In the early period the church
was the center of the community but as the community expanded other cemeteries and
churches were established. The church cemetery had been in use from the mid 1800’s
to the mid 1900’s. She demonstrated that changing social conditions had an effect on
the demographic profile of the cemetery. The period encompassing 1840-1890
reflected a U-shaped curve, wherein the very young and old were represented in higher
frequencies. This is a pattern an expected for most communities. In the later period
there was a shift to a general bell curve skewed to the older age categories; when life
expectancy increased. When the historic information was considered the following
observations were made to explain the biased sample. First, many young adult males
died and were buried elsewhere during World War I. Second, during the early 1900’s
many of the individuals of reproductive age migrated to industrial centers, thereby
reducing children and young adults in the community. Third, preference for burial in the
original church cemetery changed in the later period. Other churches and secular
41

cemeteries became preferred locations for burial of middle and upper class individuals
after 1900.
Both of these studies reveal that without context, or at least an attempt at
understanding social processes of the community, one cannot understand the
demographic profile of the sample.
Another source of bias resides in the osteological methods. Although Wood et
al. (1992) claimed that estimation of age was no longer a problem in anthropological
studies, many have pointed out that estimations of age are population dependent
(Konigsberg et al. 2008; Jackes 2011). Bayesian formulae have been designed to
smooth the data and take into account the age structure of the study population.
More specifically, if we look at the effects of taphonomy and the differential
preservation of bones between sites, we realize that not all methods may be applicable
for determining age and sex (Jackes 2011). In other words, assessment of the
demographic profile is not equal across the sample. This is most evident in the Effigy
Mound sample, where there is differential preservation and the real possibility that not
all skeletal elements were selected for burial, which could introduce additional bias into
the sample. Nevertheless, in this situation, the investigator is faced with the fact that,
although all potential age indicators are used for assessment, not all indicators are
equally reliable. The difficulty with this is that any assessment of age or sex is
population dependent, and in fact, it is the sample itself that determines the parameter
(demographic profile) of the age categories and the assessment of sex. Most skeletal
biologists agree that it is best to use a multifactorial approach when assessing biological
indicators of age and sex (Konigsberg 2008).
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In her chapter “The Formation of Mortuary Deposits: Implications for
Understanding Mortuary Behavior of Past Populations”, Weiss-Krejci (2011) described
the potential inherent biases in various mortuary programs. First, many cultures define
what is a good death and a bad death. Therefore, circumstance of death may
determine the death rituals and some individuals may not be included in the mortuary
context if the circumstances of death were not appropriate. Second, the funerary cycle
can introduce bias in that the funerary rules for final disposition are temporally variable.
In some cultures rituals may precede death, come at the time of physical death, or when
the descendants have declared the death; sometimes well after death occurred. The
funeral may include the immediate separation or transformation of the individual’s
identity or it may include the reintegration of the individual into the community through
various secondary treatments. In addition, bodies may not be represented at all, but
other objects may be used to symbolize the transition of the living into the dead. Third,
the treatment of the body after death introduces bias due to bodily manipulation after
death. Sometimes remains are stored indefinitely by the descendants and sometimes
the remains may be stored, buried, or cremated after death and later buried in another
funerary context. Another important point here is that certain skeletal elements may be
selected for burial. Further, different elements from the same body may undergo
different types of treatment ranging from immediate burial of some elements to
cremation of selected elements and burial of others. Finally, the context of burial is
important in providing clarity for why some bodies or elements are included but the
context of burial may convey specific meaning in a given burial program pertaining to
individual or collective identity.
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In the context of Effigy Mound mortuary behavior it is important to consider all
possibilities of bias. It is generally agreed that that not all individuals were chosen for
burial in the Effigy Mound sites (Birmingham and Eisenberg 2000; Goldstein 1995;
Lackey-Cornelison 2012). Considering the biased nature of the Effigy Mound mortuary
program it is important to understand the various natural and cultural processes that
influence what the archaeologist actually has to analyze. For example, LackeyCornelison (2012) found a low frequency of individuals exhibiting debilitating pathology
and healed trauma from Effigy Mound sites. In addition, no individuals with healed
trauma were included in the zoomorphic mounds. This may provide valuable insight
into whom or what bones might be excluded from burial in this mortuary program.
It is only through a contextual bioarchaeology that we can begin to understand
the natural and cultural biases in the mortuary program. We must remember that,
although there may be rules guiding ritual and mortuary ritual, individual groups and
spiritual leaders are making decisions about the details of the ritual. The selection and
maintenance of the ritual cycle for an individual or group of interred individuals can be
understood through the recognition that, from the beginning of the investigation, the
sample is biased. It is the bioarchaeologist who can assist in elucidating some of the
sources of bias.
2.4.2 Effective Use of Indicators of Biological Distance
An important line of inquiry in this study is to determine whether Effigy Mound
groups were constructed, maintained, and occupied by a corporate group which
asserted its rights to critical resources in the area, specifically a corporate group
composed of a single or related lineal group with a lland tenure oriented social
44

organization. Some studies have suggested this form of social organization utilizing
mound form (Mallam 1976; Goldstein 1995; Rosebrough 2010) and others have relied
on ceramics (Hurley 1976; Rosebrough 2010) to suggest a lineal based corporate group
social organization for Effigy Mound peoples. This study uses multiple lines of evidence
to investigate whether the mound groups’ social organization was structured in this
manner. This study analyzes the pattern of burial and disposition of other ritual features
in the mound to examine whether the mound groups were built and maintained by lineal
groups. As an independent test to determine whether there was a heritable component
to Effigy Mound social organization, this study will conduct epigenetic biodistance
analyses on the skeletal remains. This section outlines the benefits, limitations, and
contributions of the biodistance analysis to social organization of the Effigy Mound
peoples.
Epigenetic traits, ancient DNA, and isotopic analyses are methods used to
investigate patterns of population genetic stability, migration, and gene flow. The
methods may also be used to understand cultural proximate causes of epigenetic
patterning within and across populations. Metric and epigenetic analyses have the
same goal essentially, to infer biological distance and explain or interpret cultural
processes or environmental processes that occurred to explain the observed biological
distance. This study focuses on the use of cranial and infracranial nonmetric skeletal
traits as one way to understand the relative cohesiveness of these Late Woodland
groups, as represented by the Effigy Mound groups.
A basic assumption of epigenetic analyses is that the traits under study are under
genetic control, and therefore, can be used to infer genetic relationships on several
45

different population levels (Jantz 1994). Given this basic assumption, the scope of
various types of analyses include: measurement of worldwide genetic relationships for
questions of origin, synchronic regional and intra-population biological distances and
diachronic models of genetic change within and across regions. This research uses
epigenetic data to examine whether mound groups were maintained by lineal groups.
Epigenetic analyses must begin with an investigation of the potential sources of
biological variation. The primary sources of variation include age and sex. The
epigenetic analyst generally attempts to identify those traits that differ significantly
between sexes. These traits are generally eliminated from the analysis. Many of the
studies make some assumptions about the raw data, in terms of the degree in which
genes, the environment and culture effect morphology. Some authors (Fulginiti 1993;
Rothhammer and Silva 1990) go to some length to filter out the potential environmental
and cultural influences on the expression of traits. This is particularly important
because, in these studies, biological distance is presumed to be a proxy for genetic
relatedness. Most studies attempt to filter out or attempt to control for traits that may be
effected by sex, age, or the environment (e.g. Saunders 1976; Buikstra 1972; Hanihara
and Ishida 2001; Stojanowski and Schillaci 2006; Narayana et al 2007).
As stated earlier, a skeletal sample does not necessarily reflect or indicate a
breeding population. The samples are typically accumulated over long periods and may
not represent an accurate demographic profile of a population at any point in time.
Ideally, good temporal control is important for understanding whether the biological
structure of the population is contextualized diachronically and synchronically.

46

Many studies (Sciulli 1990; Connor 1990; Owsley 1981; Sutter and Verano 2007)
focus on intra-regional, inter-site, and intra-site differences. What is measured is the
biological distance of groups separated geographically and/or temporally. Typically, the
hypotheses are derived from archaeological interpretations of social interaction and
migration. In some instances archaeological interpretations are disputed if the
biological/phenotypic data contradict them. A sampling of a few of these studies will
provide a backdrop for understanding this approach, its use, and some of the problems
implicit and explicit in this type of research.
Through epigenetic and craniometric analyses Sciulli (1990) compared the Ohio
Duff Cemetery to eight other skeletal samples from Ohio. He concluded that the more
geographically disparate sites are from each other the more heterogeneous they
become. In a more detailed epigenetic analysis Conner (1990) examined several Early
to Late Woodland skeletal samples throughout southern Illinois. The important point
was that the diachronic and synchronic pattern of biological distance was more
important than the specific observation of biological distance. Employing a biological
distance matrix analysis he found greater heterogeneity between Early and Late
Woodland sites. The samples became more homogeneous between the Middle and
Late Woodland. He inferred that the homogenizing effect was due to increasing
population sizes and social interactions at that time. His thesis stressed the need for
physical anthropologists to coordinate with archaeology in order to fully understand the
processes of change in skeletal samples.
In an interesting demonstration of the utility of biological distance studies Owsley
(1981) attempted to identify the origin of a sample from the Mobridge site to a specific
47

part of the site. Owsley argued that if biological distance studies are to have utility,
physical anthropologists should be able to situate non-provenienced samples with a
sample of known provenience. In the 1920’s WH Over excavated a burial area at the
Mobridge site. He reported that the area he was working in was north of the village site.
Only three burial areas were known at the site, one east of the village, one west of the
village, and one north of the village. Owsley compared the Over sample to these three
known samples and found that it did not cluster with any of them. Since all three burial
areas represent unique morphologies, Owsley suggests that Over’s sample most likely
came from a different burial area within the site.
More recently, epigenetic data has been used in identity bioarchaeological
research. Not unlike this research, others are using multiple lines of evidence to
investigate ethnicity using a combination of epigenetic data, isotopic analysis,
ethnohistorical texts, historical texts, and the archaeological contextual data (Knudson
and Stojanowski 2009; Stojanowski 2009; Nystrom 2009; Sutter 2009).
Identity research in bioarchaeology considers individual, community, and ethnic
identity as exemplified by Knudson and Stojanowski’s (2009) volume, which is divided
into two parts: studies focused on community and studies of individual identity. The
chapters by Stojanowski (2009), Nystrom (2009) and Sutter (2009) apply biological
distance analysis along with archaeological, ethnographic, ethnohistoric, and settlement
data to examine ethnogenesis in three different societies.
Using dental epigenetic data Stojanowski (2009) examined the remains from late
th

precontact, early mission, and late mission periods in Spanish La Florida (14

48

th

-18

Century). He found there was greater genetic variability before contact and during the
Early Mission periods. In the Late Period he found a decrease in variation. Using
historic, archaeological, ethnographic, and settlement data, he concluded that during
the early to contact periods earlier ethnic distinctions loosened. During the late contact
period new alliances and connections developed and then stabilized resulting in
decreased genetic variability. Out of this a new identity developed for these groups,
suggesting a pan-Spanish Indian identity which resulted in the contemporary Seminole.
Nystrom (2009) investigated ethnicity and the impact of biological and cultural
dimensions of ethnicity for the ethnogenesis of the Chachapaya of Peru before, during,
and after the Inka conquest using cranial epigenetic data. Ethnohistoric and
archaeological evidence suggested that the preconquest Chachapaya were a
heterogeneous group, composed of at least 22 ethnicities and with restricted gene flow
in a north-south direction. Before and after Inkan conquest, the genetic structuring of
the groups correlated with geographic distance, with the most northern groups greatly
differentiated from the most southern groups. Although the Chachapaya adopted Inkan
architecture and political economy, there was very little change in their population
structure. The incorporation of the Chachapaya with the Inka, through selective
enculturation, allowed the Chachapaya community to coexist without affecting the
genetic structuring. There is clear evidence that the Chachapaya adopted Inkan
architecture and textile and ceramic motifs, but no evidence that this affected gene flow
in all three regions. Therefore, for the Chachapaya ethnogenesis proceeded with the
selective adoption of Inkan cultural traits.

49

These chapters did not focus on heritability alone, allowing the investigators to
infer causes for the way social units and social form changed in an environment of
ethnogenesis (Knudson and Stojanowski 2009). Also important is that a diachronic
approach was preferred because it allowed for understanding evolutionary change
within a social and historic context. Both of the above studies examined biological
change as a result of expanding imperialism and the resultant ethnogenesis. This study
uses epigenetic traits in the same manner, by using them as a tool for understanding
societal organization, specifically whether the mound groups were built and maintained
by closely related lineal groups.
In this area, just as other areas of bioarchaeology, bioarchaeologists should
consider biological and cultural influences. It is only through careful examination of
demography, population structure and cultural interaction that we can examine not just
biological distance, but the social processes and patterns effecting biological distance.
Relevant to this study is that ethnic identity is complex, historically embedded
and subjectively dependent on the level of inquiry (i.e. local, regional, etc.). Epigenetic
data and biodistance analysis is used as one tool to examine group identity and
cohesiveness. As the above studies demonstrate one cannot proceed with a
meaningful analysis of the genetic structuring of a population without considering the
cultural causes and consequences.
2.4.3 Contextualizing Late Woodland Effigy Mound Peoples
Before discussing how bioarchaeology and mortuary archaeology can contribute
to our understanding of the social organization of Effigy Mound peoples, it is important

50

to briefly review environmental and social conditions from the Middle Woodland to the
Late Woodland in the Midwest in general.
The Late Woodland period in the Eastern Woodlands is a period of dramatic
change and extreme variation. Milner (2004) characterized the Late Woodland as a
period of increasing territoriality, the emergence of segmented societies, the dispersal of
settlement patterns from primary river valleys to uplands and secondary tributaries, the
emergence of villages, and a general increase in the reliance of domesticates.
According to McElrath et al. (2000), unlike other formally recognized periods, the Late
Woodland can be characterized as a period of cultural variability, a tendency towards
regionalization, shifting centers and peripheries, and population fluctuations. Settlement
systems varied from fixed agricultural settlements to semi-sedentary hunter-gatherers to
fortified villages. Mortuary programs ranged from the highly visible communal facilities
to the archaeologically invisible.
For the Southeast, Nassaney and Cobb (1991) support the claim that there was
great variability in the subsistence, settlement, exchange patterns, and demographic
patterns in the Late Woodland. They argued that the Late Woodland Southeast did not
represent a collapse of earlier Middle Woodland social organization, but a stabilization
of an earlier egalitarian period that relied more heavily on interregional alliances. The
same holds true for the upper Midwest, where there seemed to be communication and
exchange of ideas that, although loosely articulated, there was interregional
coordination of ritual and economy (Rosebrough 2010). Further, in her analysis of
ceramic materials and style, Clauter (2012) found that there were different levels of
interaction within and between regions of southern Wisconsin.
51

The northern extremities (Michigan, Wisconsin, Ohio, and Minnesota) of the
Eastern Woodland were quite variable during the Middle to Late Woodland periods.
One of the most prominent features of the Late Woodland was the abundance of
earthworks in Wisconsin and northern Iowa. Birmingham and Eisenberg (2000)
summarize the distribution, forms, proposed meanings, cultural significance and
function of the effigy mounds.
This dissertation builds upon the early descriptive works of Taylor (1838), Squire
and Davis (1848), Lapham (1855), Locke (1840), Thomas (1894), Mckern and
Ritzenthaler (1949), as well as later works by Hurley (1975) Rowe (1956), Goldstein
(1995), Mallam (1976), Rosebrough (2012), Clauter (2012) and Lackey-Cornelison
(2012).
Early Effigy Mound research began 150 years ago with an antiquarian interest to
determine whether Indians built the mounds and to document and survey the mounds
before they were destroyed by the agricultural industry (Hurley 1975). Hurley (1975)
divided the history of Effigy Mound research into three broad categories; 1836-1919,
1919-1956, and 1956-1972. The initial period (1836-1919) is characterized as the
acknowledgement and description of the mounds. Although Taylor (1838) was the first
to survey and publish descriptions of mounds from Dane County, Wisconsin, Increase
Lapham’s (1855) treatise was the first systematic survey and documentation of the
effigy mounds of Wisconsin and remains a valuable resource today. Since that time,
Lapham published his survey of the mounds, most of the mounds and mound groups
had been destroyed, primarily due to agriculture and infrastructure projects. John Locke
(1840) also surveyed and crudely measured several mound groups. The goal of both
52

Lapham and Locke was to survey and document the mounds before they were
destroyed by agriculture. Relying on previous surveys, Squire and Davis’ (1848)
objective was to present evidence for the mound builder myth. It was their belief that
Native Americans were not responsible for the mounds, but some other extinct race. In
reaction to this, the Bureau of Ethnology, Smithsonian Institution, arranged for Cyrus
Thomas to head an expedition to determine who the mound builders were. Thomas
(1894) completed a thorough survey and description of the mounds, described the
construction process of the mounds, and documented the geographic range of the
different types of effigy mounds. Thomas supported the idea that Native Americans
constructed the mounds and that the mounds were not of great antiquity.
A second period (1919-1956) of research into effigy mounds consisted of survey,
excavation and search for habitation sites. W. C. Mckern, of the Milwaukee Public
Museum, conducted a state-wide survey of the effigy mounds of Wisconsin that
involved test excavations of mound groups along an east-west transect across southern
Wisconsin (Hurley 1975). This resulted in the publication of effigy mound trait lists
including; stone tool types, ceramics, burial practices, and subsistence patterns
(McKern and Ritzenthaler 1949).
A third period (1956-1972) is characterized by research questions pertaining to
dating of the Effigy Mound sites, subsistence and settlement patterns, belief systems,
and social organization (Hurley1975). Rowe (1956) attempted to describe subsistence
and settlement patterns, belief systems, and developed trait lists for the Effigy Mound
peoples. Hurley (1970) focused on research conducted over the previous 100 years on
two sites in Wisconsin to analyze and draw inferences about the material culture of the
53

Effigy Mound peoples. He primarily focused on habitation, burial patterns, and
settlement patterns. Mallam (1976) was the first scholar to systematically study mound
groups in Iowa with the goal of making interpretations about the function and
interpretation of the Effigy Mound phenomenon. He proposed that the mound groups
functioned as multipurpose seasonal aggregation centers where groups coalesced
during resource rich times of the year.
Some believe that there were at least two Late Woodland cultures, each with its
own settlement pattern, in this region (Salkin 1987), and described two separate Late
Woodland phases in the region at this time. According to Salkin (1987), the Effigy
Mound manifestation is represented by the Horicon Phase in Dodge County from AD
650 to AD 1200. It is characterized by short-term seasonal camps, little evidence of
house structures, shallow cooking pits, a hunting-gathering-fishing subsistence pattern,
the construction of effigy earthworks, secondary burials as the dominant burial form,
and Madison ceramics. The second tradition, the Kekoskee Phase arose around AD
800 and lasted until AD 1300. This phase was characterized by semi-permanent
villages, evidence of keyhole habitation structures, large storage pits, and a huntinggathering-fishing subsistence pattern supplemented by the use of some domesticates,
non-mound flexed burials, and collared Madison ceramics (Salkin 1987). However,
according to Rosebrough (2010) there is no evidence that both of these groups were
not participating in Effigy Mound ritualism. When she investigated the ceramic
evidence, although some regions were dominated by a particular ceramic form and
style, not one site or region could be definitively assigned to the traditional notions of an
“Effigy Mound Tradition” if Madison ware alone were used to define a site. In fact,
54

Salkin presents no clear evidence that links either site to the builders of the effigy
mounds.
What is unclear about the Effigy Mound peoples is what the dispersal pattern
was during those times of the year that would not permit a large group to inhabit Effigy
Mound sites (Birmingham and Eisenberg 2000). Although occasionally associated with
Effigy Mound groups, few habitation sites have been located (Birmingham and
Eisenberg 2000). Related to this, it is unclear what the seasonal cycle was and how
people settled onto the landscape during the fall and winter months. Rosebrough
(2010) proposed that certain segments of the community stayed near the Effigy Mound
sites, while others dispersed across the landscape in the winter months.
Mallam (1976) tested several hypotheses driven by the cultural ecology paradigm
and found that the earthworks could be regionally analyzed to infer the social
organization of the Effigy Mound peoples. First, Mallam (1976) and later Benn (1979)
suggested that the mound groups may have been associated with different lineages
within a larger society. Although most of the mound groups shared the same effigy
forms with other groups, certain forms tended to be more prevalent at each site. Hurley
(1975) also found that there was systematic variation between the Effigy Mound groups
when one looked at mound features and artifacts. Second, Mallam (1976) found that
the Effigy Mound complexes were associated with areas that would have served as
seasonally rich resource areas. Mallam (1976) and Benn (1979) speculated that the
Mound complexes probably served as corporate ceremonial centers for gathering,
resource exploitation, and burial of the dead. The visibility of the mounds probably

55

served as territorial markers, asserted through reference to ancestors buried in the
mounds.
Similarly, in her analysis of the Effigy Mound manifestation of southeastern
Wisconsin Goldstein (1995) asserted that intersite and intrasite spatial and structural
relationships within a region can provide insight into territoriality and the corporate
group. She further stated that the mounds themselves (i.e. the sites) should be treated
as artifacts within a larger site or region. In her analysis of the Effigy Mound groups of
southeastern Wisconsin Goldstein found that the type of effigy that dominated a mound
group tended to correlate with the dominant natural resources in a given area. Based
on her analysis, she concluded that the mound groups may have served as resource
maps.
Three recent studies have investigated the social organization of the Effigy
Mound peoples. One important contribution by Rosebrough (2010) is that each
subregion in southern Wisconsin could be divided up by dominant ceramic styles and
effigy mound forms. Her dissertation established for the first time that the Effigy Mound
peoples shared only one common denominator; the construction of effigy mounds in
groups. According to her, there are no other features that can be seen as a universal
Effigy Mound trait. Thus we see the emergence of several ethnic or local identities in
this Late Woodland phenomenon that has been traditionally united under one cultural
umbrella.
Individual and community identity is a complex issue that Rosebrough has
methodically and theoretically demonstrated (through ceramic analysis) in her
dissertation. Salkin’s and Hurley’s work has essentially contributed to the notion of two
56

synchronically different groups, one that could be attributed to a single Effigy Mound
culture and one that was not. According to Rosebrough, there was no empirical reason
for doing so. In her study she finds variation within Late Woodland habitation sites and
links this variation to the Effigy Mound sites proper. In other words, the variation that is
observed is localized and can be correlated with the frequencies of styles within a given
area. Therefore, what others have observed as ethnic differences were likely local
differences in style within a broader overarching ritual system.
Using ceramic manufacture and style from Effigy Mound sites, Clauter used a
territorial model that included a monolithic system, a Low-level Territorial model, and
High Level Territorial model. Clauter (2012) found, based on ceramic manufacture and
style, that there was differential interaction throughout southern Wisconsin in the Late
Woodland. Clauter found that the western groups were generally distinct from the
central and eastern Effigy Mound groups, with less variation in south-central and
southeastern Wisconsin. In her territorial analysis, Clauter identified the Effigy Mound
peoples at as Low-level Territorial which is a territorial model that does not strictly
prohibit participants from ranging and interacting with others in other territories. She
also found that there was great variability in interaction among Effigy Mound peoples.
Lackey-Cornelison’s (2012) dissertation represents one of the few accounts of an
Effigy Mound contextual bioarchaeological approach. In her regional study of seven
Effigy Mound sites, Lackey-Cornelison considered both biological and ritual traits in
Effigy Mound ceremonialism. The skeletal data included determination of age and sex,
determination of minimum number of individuals per mound, and severe debilitating
pathology. Contextual data included mound form (effigy vs. geometric forms), burial
57

disposition (primary vs. secondary postmortem treatment), and other ritual
paraphernalia in the mounds.
In considering whether there were age and sex demographic differences
between effigy and geometric forms, Lackey-Cornelison found no significant
differences, concluding that these life statuses did not preclude an individual from being
interred in either mound type. Analysis of whether there were significant differences for
MNI between effigy and geometric mound forms, Lackey-Cornelison found that
geometric forms held more individuals than effigy forms. Examination of whether there
was a significant difference between effigy and geometric mound forms for the
disposition of burial, Lackey-Cornelison found that geometric forms held many more
secondary burials. The former two findings led her to conclude that the geometric forms
likely represented the corporate group. By contrast, the increased number of primary
burials in effigy forms suggested that individuals interred in effigy mounds may have
represented a masked hierarchy, in which these were individuals of special status in the
community, likely shamans or ritual leaders.
This research is important because, much like this research, it considers the
burials and the biology represented in those burials as material artifacts that are part of
an overarching ritual program in which: not everyone was included; inclusion was likely
limited by circumstances of life and death; there was a divided burial program which
partitioned the community along secular and ritual statuses; burial disposition carries
with it a symbolism that can only be interpreted within a larger cultural context; and that
a regional level of analysis is a preferred form of inquiry to investigate whether there is

58

potential bias and variation within a community that is socially embedded within a larger
religious movement.
2.5 Conclusion
The Effigy Mound groups, burials, and cultural features provide an opportunity to
apply Goldstein’s Hypothesis 8 (1981) because it is unclear what specific form of
sociocultural system existed for these people. Effigy Mound peoples may have been
structured by a clan or moiety social system. The archaeologically observable features
of the Effigy Mound mortuary program included mounds as one means of disposing of
the dead, yet not all Effigy Mounds contained burials or any other features. This
suggests three possibilities including, (1) the mound groups themselves could represent
a bounded cemetery, (2) each mound could be viewed as a bounded cemetery, and (3)
the mound groups do not represent a bounded cemetery at all, but rather reflect a
mortuary program that is incorporated into an overarching ritual system that sometimes
uses human remains as a symbolic representation of the corporate group. In other
words, we are only observing part of a larger ritual that gets played out behaviorally and
materialistically (Morris 1992).
This dissertation asks whether the people who built effigy mounds were part of a
sociocultural system that was governed by lineal descent and whether it is the descent
groups that were maintaining the mound groups. These mound groups were
demonstrably as different within regions as they are across regions. Goldstein (1995)
and Rosebrough (2010) suggested that, based on mound form predominance in mound
groups and regions and a general clinal pattern of effigy mound forms, the mound
groups are likely the product of a corporate group social structure managing and staking
59

claim to territories and the scarce resources in those areas in a lineage oriented land
tenure system. This is one of the principles this research will address. The difference is
that this analysis will examine variation in the dimensions of burial (postmortem
treatment and vertical and horizontal position in mound) and other features (frequency
of type and vertical and horizontal position in mound). That is to say that the lineal
groups managing the specific mound groups ritually symbolize their dead and other
sacred features (mounds and internal mound features) as a way of communicating and
symbolizing identity that is unique from those around them.
In short, this dissertation research investigates the social organization of the
Effigy Mound peoples by incorporating aspects of what have traditionally been
described as processual and postprocessual theoretical approaches. Specifically, the
initial research by Saxe (1970), Binford (1971), Mallam (1976), Goldstein (1995), and
Lackey-Cornelison (2012) informs the empirical approach of this research with the idea
that the mortuary program, on some level, provides a means through which to explore
society through burial and ritual. Practice theory enables variation in the burial program
to be explained from an agent driven perspective; agents include both community
agency and individual agency. These concepts will be used to examine both systematic
variations in the dimensions of the mortuary program of the people who built effigy
mounds in Wisconsin, and also provide explanations for the inherent idiosyncrasies
represented in the mound groups investigated here.

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Chapter 3: Research Questions
3.1 Introduction
As stated in Chapter 1 and 2, this research takes a contextual bioarchaeological
approach (Buikstra et al. 2011). Therefore, it is important to address these contextual
and biological data in a manner which will elucidate sociocultural patterns and variation
among Effigy Mound peoples. This chapter introduces the research questions posed in
this study and describes the impetus for each question. It is generally understood that
the Late Woodland period in the Eastern Woodlands was a time of climactic cooling and
drying. As a result, there was a shift from the settlement pattern seen during the Middle
Woodland period when larger habitation sites along primary riverine tributaries shifted to
secondary tributaries and the uplands (Milner 2004; McElrath et al. 2000). It is
commonly held that this Late Woodland shift in settlement pattern resulted in variability
in the social systems, increased regionalization, and the emergence of segmented
societies (Milner 2004). It is these shifts in settlement and social context that motivated
this study. Applied to Effigy Mound cultural and biological material, it is expected that
there should be great variability.
Chapters 1 and 2 emphasized that the studies that inspired the specific questions
for this study arose from Mallam’s (1976) and Goldstein’s (1995) interpretations on the
social organization of Effigy Mound peoples. They found that there were specific
mound forms that dominated each mound group and broader regions of the Effigy
Mound areas. Both of these studies found that the builders of the mound groups were
likely semi-autonomous groups that returned to their perspective mound groups in the
61

warmer months to engage in subsistence activities, ritual activities, and mound building
and maintenance that, at least to some degree, incorporated mortuary ritual. Further,
the prominence of specific mound forms built in specific mound groups indicated a
corporate social organization based on one or a few related lineal groups.
This study applies similar logic by investigating the internal ritual and mortuary
features of the mounds to understand the ritual structure, and by extension, the social
organization of the Effigy Mound peoples. It has been demonstrated that the
dimensions of the mortuary ritual and context can reflect the social organization of the
larger society (Saxe 1970; Binford 1971; Brown 1971; Tainter 1978; Goldstein 1981;
Braun 1981; Carr 1995). Further, ethnographic, ethnoarchaeological and
archaeological studies of ritual and symbolism have demonstrated that the social
organization is reflected in the ritual domain (Goldstein 1981; Howey and O’Shea 2006;
Brown 1997). Dimensions of the mortuary domain that may be represented materially
include: postmortem handling and treatment of the remains (Carr 1995; Buikstra and
Scott 2009), positioning of the remains (Weiss-Krejci 2011), rituals surrounding the
preparation for the burial space (Weiss-Krejci 2011), and the organization of the burial
space (Goldstein 1980), the postmortem disposition(s) of decedents, and other ritual
materials that may be funerary related.
3.2 Research Question #1
Among mound groups and physiographic regions of southern Wisconsin, is there
clear patterning in the number and co-variation of features in mounds, and
the vertical and horizontal positioning of internal mound features (burials,
earthen fireplaces, stone altars, clay and pebble cists, and ceramic vessels)?
62

The impetus for Research Question 1 was driven by the observation of
systematic patterning of burials, earthen fireplaces, stone altars, ceramic vessels, and
clay and pebble cists in specific mound groups, as described in the archaeological
reports (Barrett and Hawkes 1919; McKern 1928, 1930; Rowe 1956). Specifically, this
question explores the frequency, co-variation, and spatial aspects of each mound group
and how that may have varied among mound groups and physiographic regions.
The evidence that mound building was accomplished in one episode or season.
Unlike other time periods in which mounds were accretional (built up over many years),
Effigy Mounds were constructed within a short period of time. As such, mound
construction and ritual inclusions were likely planned and structured before the mound
was built. This structuring and inclusion of mound features was likely dictated by a
spiritual leader who would have shared ritual knowledge (Pollock 2012). If a mound
group involved multiple unrelated groups, one would expect great variation in ritual
paraphernalia within the mound groups. If, on the other hand, mound groups were
maintained by lineal groups, one would expect to find consistency and patterning of
ritual behavior within a cemetery (Goldstein 1981). It may also be the case that there
was an overarching ritual program, shared among all groups, but the items used in
various rituals varied (Morris 1992). Variation may also be introduced by ritual
specialists distinguishing themselves through creative symbolizing in the ritual context
(Pollock 2012). Comparison among mound groups and physiographic regions could
reveal patterning and/or systematic variation.

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3.3 Research Question #2
Is there significant patterning (similarities and/or differences) in the postmortem
treatment of burials among mound groups and the physiographic regions within
which those mounds are found?

Research Question #2 considers ritual practices involving how decedents were
ritually manipulated, processed, and interred. Others have investigated the ritual of
secondary treatment of remains (Kuijt 2008; Chesson 2007). Some have studied
secondary disposal of human remains as a measure of societal complexity (Schroeder
2001). Lackey-Cornelison (2012), in her analysis of the Wisconsin Effigy Mound
sample, found that geometric mound forms primarily included secondary burials and
effigy mound forms principally included primary burials. She argued that this may have
reflected distinctions in social position such that individuals included in effigy forms may
have held a ritual role in the community, while those interred in the geometric mounds
were symbolic of the corporate group.
This study considers the disposition of the remains in a similar manner to that of
Research Question 1. Specifically are these patterns within a mound group for the
preference of postmortem treatment of remains interred in effigy and geometric mound
forms. If patterns are present, it may be that the groups maintaining the mounds were
organized by lineal descent. It may also demonstrate that, at the very least, mound
groups were constructed and maintained by autonomous groups that were symbolizing
the mortuary ritual to assert group identity.

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3.4 Research Question #3
Are there patterns in the selection of effigy or geometric mound forms (with
burial) with reference to sex and age? If these patterns exist, are they related to
mound groups, mound form, and/or physiographic regions?

Goldstein (1995) and Birmingham and Eisenberg (2000) have made the observation
that not all individuals were interred in the mound groups. Even if group numbers were
relatively low, one would expect a greater number of individuals to be interred in the
mounds. Therefore, it is probable that certain individuals were excluded from mound
burial. If this was the case, then one would expect certain individuals to be excluded
based on some status, possibly related to age or sex.
The impetus for this question stems from the idea that groups may have bestowed
or denied access to mound burial for individuals based on age or sex. It is expected
that if the ritual system was maintained by individual groups that there would have been
variability in who was represented in the mounds and the form of the mound. In her
examination of the skeletal material from seven mound groups, Lackey-Cornelison
(2012) found no difference in the frequency of males and females in the mound groups
between effigy and geometric mound forms. When Lackey-Cornelison (2012) explored
the frequency of age classes in effigy and geometric mound forms she found that
juveniles were underrepresented overall and that juveniles were more likely to be found
in geometric mound forms. The exception to this was found at Nitschke where a
comparatively large number of juveniles were interred in effigy mound forms.

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In this study age and sex frequencies will be examined among mound groups and
physiographic regions with the idea that, if the mound groups were maintained by
specific lineal groups, then it is expected that age and sex differences may have limited
membership in the mound groups, and that this may have been differentially
represented among mound groups.
3.5 Research Question #4
Does the epigenetic structuring of these populations (at the level of the mound
group and physiographic region) suggest the construction and maintenance of
mound groups by lineal groups?

Research Question #4 addresses whether the mound groups were built and
maintained by lineal groups by using phenotypic traits and attendant biological distance
analyses. The basis of epigenetic analysis relies on the understanding that populations
that exchange mates will be internally more phenotypically similar than other
populations (Stojanowski and Schillaci 2006). Using these phenotypic traits to measure
biological distance within and among communities is often used to infer the political and
social structure of an archaeological population (Howell and Kintigh 1996).
This study argues that biological distance studies must also rely on the burial
context to inform the social organization of a community. In this sense, this question
shares the same goals as the previous questions in that it provides one way to
biologically access social organization. In the same vein, Rosebrough (2010) using a
stylistic analysis investigated ceramic attributes and mound form as a measure of
population interaction. What she found was that ceramic types, styles and frequencies
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were more similar within narrow geographic areas, indicating regionally autonomous
groups with smaller interaction spheres than one might have found in the Middle
Woodland period.
To put this research question into a broader context, the Late Woodland period
was a time of population dispersal, regionalization and the creation of segmented
societies (Milner 2004). In this scenario, biological distance would be expected to
increase as distance between groups increases. If it is the case that lineal groups built
and maintained specific mound groups, the expectation is that those interred in the
mound groups were phenotypically more similar than those interred in other mound
groups. Applying this logic to physiographic regions, it is expected that individuals
buried within mounds in a particular physiographic region will be more internally
homogeneous than individuals from other physiographic regions.
3.6 Conclusion
The research questions were designed to gain an understanding of patterns and
variability of the ritual program, and by extension, the social organization of Effigy
Mound peoples. It has been observed that effigy mound styles varied among mound
groups and regions, indicating that the mounds groups may have been built and
maintained by specific corporate groups, and possibly corporate lineal groups (Mallam
1976; Goldstein 1995; Rosebrough 2010). Answering these research questions will
enhance our understanding of the interaction spheres and social organization of Effigy
Mound people by exploring the contextual and biological data found in the mounds. As
such, this research intends to examine patterns and potential variability within and
across mound groups and physiographic regions using the cultural and biological data
67

contained in the mounds. The next chapter describes the materials used to answer the
research questions, the methods for data collection, and the methods for analyzing the
data.

68

Chapter 4: Materials and Methods

4.1 Introduction
This chapter will describe the materials and methods used to address the
research questions in this study. This study used both biological and archaeological
data. The biological data include age, sex and epigenetic/non-metric skeletal traits.
Cultural/archaeological data included: the mound groups, excavated mound forms,
features contained in the mounds, vertical and horizontal location of burials in the
mound, and the disposition of the burials (e.g. primary, secondary, cremation).
Specifically, this study documented sex, age, and epigenetic profiles for each
appropriate skeletal element, associated with the Effigy Mound manifestation, housed at
the Milwaukee Public Museum (MPM). Sex and age were analyzed to derive the
demographic profile of individuals buried within mound groups, physiographic regions
and to explore potential systematic patterns in the burial program. Specifically, as
outlined in Chapter 3, this study explores whether possible patterns and systematic
variation exist among mound groups and physiographic regions in: a) the frequency,
covariation, and location of features in the mounds; b) the frequency of age and sex
classes interred in geometric and effigy mound forms; and c) the postmortem treatment
of decedents and d) the frequency of epigenetic traits.
The research questions presented in Chapter 3 are based on previous research
on the Effigy Mound manifestation that found systematic variation in the representations
of mound form among mound groups and regions (Mallam 1976; Goldstein 1995) and
parallel variation in the form and style of ceramics among the mound groups
69

(Rosebrough 2010). In fact, Rosebrough (2010), through her analysis of ceramic styles,
demonstrated that mound groups were likely maintained by closely related families or
lineages.
In this study the same logic is extended to other dimensions of the ritual setting
including the burial context, context of other mound features that may have varied due
to local differences in construction and management of the effigy mound groups, which
may have functioned as high visibility territory markers in a lineage based land tenure
system. In addition, biological distance analyses were used to test whether mound
groups were constructed and maintained within the context of a lineage based social
organization.
4.2 Mound Groups and Physiographic Regions
Three physiographic regions extend through southern Wisconsin, the Western
Uplands, Central Plain, and the Eastern Ridges and Lowlands. These are largely
defined by the underlying Precambrian, Paleozoic, and Cenozoic rocks. The southern
Wisconsin landscape has also been greatly altered by glaciation, glacial retreat, the
formation of glacial tributaries, erosion and wind and wave activity. Based on Lawrence
Martin’s (1965), The Physical Geography of Wisconsin, the physiographic regions are
described below.
Effigy Mound sites located in the Western Upland physiographic province
included: Trowbridge Mound Group (Trempealeau County), Raisbeck Mound Group
(Grant County), and Polander Mound Group (Crawford County). The Central Plains
physiographic province included the following sites from Marquette County: Kratz Creek
Mound Group, McClaughry Mound Group, and Neale Mound Group. The following
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mound groups are located in the Eastern Ridges and Lowlands physiographic province:
Kletzien Mound Group (Sheboygan County), Kolterman Mound Group (Dodge County),
Nitschke Mound Group (Dodge County), and Big Bend Mound Group (Waukesha
County). The mound groups and their excavations are described in detail in Chapter 4.

McClaughry

Kletzien

Trowbridge

Neale

Polander

Kratz
Nitschke
Raisbeck

Big Bend
Kolterman

Figure 4.1. Map of Wisconsin physiographic provinces (regions) and the associated
mound groups (from Wisconline.com). For interpretation of the references to color in
this and all other figures, the reader is referred to the electronic version of this
dissertation.
4.2.1 Western Uplands Physiographic Province (Region) (Figure 4.2)
In general, the Western Uplands are described as a dissected upland with
elevations ranging from 900 feet to 1280 feet above sea level. The area exhibits a
71

rugged and mountainous terrain with trenches and gorges. The topography is due to
most of the area situated within the driftless area, an area that was spared from glacial
effects during the last glaciation. The driftless area is located in most of southwest
Wisconsin and parts of the Central Plain and Northern Highland physiographic
provinces. Three factors resulted in the preservation of the Western Uplands during
glaciation including: protection from the highlands to the north, the rapid movement of
the glacier on the east and west sides, and glacial retreat at the same time the region
was being surrounded.
There are two cuestas in this region. A cuesta is a ridge with a steep
escarpment on one side and a long, gentle slope on the opposite side. The northern
four-fifths of the driftless zone is located on the Lower Magnesium limestone cuesta and
the southern one-fifth is located on the Galena-Black River limestone cuesta. Ridges
and coulees dominate the Western Uplands. Some prominent features include; the
Mississippi on the western margin, the Baraboo Range in Sauk and Columbia Counties,
the Military Ridge, which divides the northern and southern tributaries flowing into the
Rock River and Mississippi Rivers, and the Blue Mounds (flat-topped ridged hills), Platte
Mounds, Sinsinawa Mound, and a large mound near White Oak.
It is should be noted that all three sites are situated on or near the Mississippi
river. Although, not located on the ridge tops, they are located on prominent bluff tops
within a short distance of riparian natural resources.

72

Lake Superior Lowland

Central
Plain

Northern Highland

Central Plain

Western
Upland

Eastern Ridges
and Lowlands

Figure 4.2. Location of Western Upland Physiographic Province (highlighted) - from
Wisconline.com
4.2.2 Central Plain Physiographic Province (Figure 4.3)
The Central Plain is primarily characterized by rocky hills, sandstone crags, and
gently sloping bluffs. The plain is made up of a Cambrian sandstone belt, roughly
crescent shaped. The Central Plain is a region of gradually sloped, low hills created by
river deposit, lake accumulation, swamp vegetation and glacial drift. It varies in
elevation from 1242 feet at Cumberland in Barron County to 685 feet at Ellis Junction in
Marinette County.

Today, the region is not ideal for agriculture. The vegetation over

much of the area includes evergreens on buttes and tamaracks of the northern forest.
73

The soil is sandy which promotes the growth of prickly pear and dwarf cacti. Much of
the Central Plain is the result of alluvial infilling of valleys.
Primarily bluffs and steep slopes comprise most of the landscape along the
western border of the Western Upland. The Central Plain was created through a
combination of factors including glaciation, weathering, and wind and stream action. In
the glaciated portion of the Central Plain there are flat-topped ridges and hills,
commonly referred to as mounds (not to be confused with manmade earthen
construction). Here, there are resistant sandstone layers that are slowly weathered and
eroded.
The driftless area counties of Wood, Portage, Adams, Juneau, Monroe and
Jackson were spared from glaciation. This portion of the Central Plain exhibits mesas,
buttes, and pinnacles.
The remainder of the Central Plain, like the western portion, exhibits evidence of
glaciation including: scoured out lake basins, undulating moraines, terminal moraines,
outwash plains, and sandy soils. In general, there are not as many lakes compared to
the rest of the state due to well drained sands. A notable feature is Lake Wisconsin, a
glacial lake that originally covered a large portion of central Wisconsin. Today, this lake
is represented as a large swampy area with granite, greenstone, sandstone and chert
boulders.
All four sites in this study come from the central and southern portion of the
Central Plain. The McClaughry, Kratz Creek, and Neal Mound Groups were all located
in the Buffalo Lake area, an area which during the Late Woodland would have been a
large marsh. As will be described in Chapter 5, while these mound groups tended to be
74

located close to lakes, springs, and creeks, they were situated on bluffs overlooking
bodies of water. It is likely these groups were exploiting the rich marsh and springs for
their resources.

Lake Superior Lowland

Central
Plain

Northern Highland

Central Plain

Western
Upland

Eastern Ridges
and Lowlands

Figure 4.3 Location of Central Plain Physiographic Province (highlighted) - from
Wisconline.com

4.2.3 Eastern Ridges and Lowlands Physiographic Province (Figure 4.4)
The Eastern Ridges and Lowlands physiographic region is characterized as a
region of relatively level topography with fertile soil and moderate climate. The
topography of this region is defined by three underlying cuestas. The steep escarpment
was created from river and stream action eroding the softer bedrock, thereby cutting
75

small valleys through the bedrock. The extreme western border contains the Lower
Magnesian limestone cuesta and along the eastern border lays the Niagara limestone
cuesta. Intermediate between these two cuestas lays the Black River and Galena
Limestone beds on which Green Bay and the Lake Winnebago lowlands are contained.
Occasionally, small beds of bedrock were left behind and today are represented by flattopped buttes or mesas. Most of the cuestas were formed by the formation of glacial
tributaries.
Glaciation greatly altered the landscape. There are approximately 1,400
drumlins (small hills of glacial drift) in a 4,200 square mile area. These hills are typically
longer in one direction, indicating the direction the glacier was traveling. It is estimated
that 100 to 200 feet of eastern Wisconsin was scraped away through repeated
glaciation. Inorganic matrix left behind by the glaciers include: unsorted till, boulder
clay, stratified gravel, sand and clay, limestone, shale, sandstone, and igneous and
metamorphic rocks and copper from the north. Other notable topographic features
created by glaciation include expansive ground moraines, kettle moraines, and outwash
deposits.
All four mound groups in this study were found in the center of the Eastern
Ridges and Lowlands region. Unlike the mound groups in the Central Plain, these
mound groups tended to be associated with small creeks or rivers. The mound groups
themselves tended to be oriented parallel to the tributaries on bluff tops. At Nitschke
there was evidence of an ancient garden bed near one of the springs. Each of these
mound groups is describe in detail in Chapter 5. It is likely that these groups exploited
these streams and rivers for their riparian natural resources.
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Lake Superior Lowland

Central
Plain

Northern Highland

Central Plain

Western
Upland

Eastern Ridges
and Lowlands

Figure 4.4 Location of the Eastern Ridges and Lowlands Physiographic Province
(highlighted) - from Wisconline.com

4.3 Description of Cultural Variables
The cultural data used in this study was primarily drawn from published reports,
MPM catalogues, MPM photographs, and field notes held by the MPM. In some cases
the reports were relatively complete and descriptive. In a few instances photographs
and field notes were used to document and describe the mound groups (See Chapter
5). To get a thorough appreciation of the potential variation between the qualities of the
cultural data available for analysis, detailed descriptions of each mound group and how
they were excavated warranted their own chapter (Chapter 5). Data originating from the
MPM included: data on mound forms within the studied mound groups, burial position
77

and disposition in the mounds, feature location in the mounds, and burial information for
internments where skeletal material was lacking from the MPM collection.
Differential mound sampling and excavation by archaeologists of the mound
groups resulted in often incomplete, missing, and/or biased samples. Basic burial
context was present for many of the burials. Unfortunately, artifact associations with
burials were largely absent. However, it is generally understood that few grave items
were found directly associated with mound burials (Goldstein 1995; Birmingham and
Eisenberg 2000) and there is a lack of provenience in the archaeological records (Ruth
2000).
The following describes the contextual variables used and the values for each
variable. All cultural data were taken from written reports, publications, field notes and
photographs. Basic data collection proceeded by first delineating mound form followed
by whether the mound contained burial(s). Even though there may be some
controversy in assigning specific mound forms, for the purpose of this study, the
recognized mound forms include conical, oval, linear, compound conical, turtle, panther,
canine, deer, bird, squirrel, fish, bear, rabbit, lizard, otter, and problematical (or
unclassified). While the overall sample size is large, due to low sample size in each
mound group for effigy mound forms, the mounds are analyzed by geometric or effigy
mound forms in Chapter 6.
The second class of data collection involved delineating the horizontal and
vertical position and disposition of features within the mound. For conical, oval and
linear mounds (geometric mound forms) the values for determining the horizontal
position in the mound were assigned based on the following criterion: center/near center
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or periphery. For effigy mound forms the values for determining the horizontal position
in the mound were assigned based on the following criterion: head, tail, heart, stomach,
hip, wing, and between rear legs. For geometric and effigy mound forms the values for
determining vertical position included the following values: mound floor, pit below
mound floor, and above mound floor (in mound fill).
Postmortem treatment or the context of disposal of the dead was recorded using
two different variables. Assigning values for this variable included recording the
observation as primary (in the flesh) burial, secondary burial, cremation, combination of
secondary and primary burial, or a mix of secondary and cremation. These burial
categories were generated based on observed burial dispositions reported in the
published reports and field notes.
Since it has been observed that earthen fireplaces, stone altars, ceramic vessels
and clay and pebble cists occurred in similar locations to where a burial would occur,
data for these features were also collected. These burial features may carry meaning
that could potentially vary among mound groups and mound forms and therefore, could
signify variation in social organization among mound group communities or among
physiographic regions.
4.4 Description of Skeletal Materials and Methods
Data was collected for age and sex so that an analysis of the demographic profile
could be reconstructed for individual burials, mounds, mound groups and physiographic
regions. The partitioning of the demographic profile regarding aggregations of sexes
and age categories among mound groups and physiographic regions was largely
determined by analysis of the materials available at the MPM. Unfortunately, not all of
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the skeletal material described in the reports was available for analysis probably due to
preservation issues. Although these skeletal remains were not directly analyzed, the
burial descriptions were included in the database for analysis. For these burials the site
reports were relied on to determine whether a burial was in a mound, and if so, the
burial disposition and sex and age were recorded. Burial disposition and sex and age
determination of these burials were partitioned in the database.
Data collection of the skeletal remains consisted of documenting the skeletal
elements present, followed by the collection of the appropriate data for age, sex, and
epigenetic trait presence. Initially, it was believed that the MPM NAGPRA inventory
documents could be relied on to identify the appropriate skeletal elements for analysis.
However, after the initial research trip to the MPM, it was discovered that there were
discrepancies between the inventory and what was actually present in the collections. It
was decided that a complete inventory would be performed prior to analysis of the
skeletal remains. Therefore, data collection involved laying out the bones for an entire
burial (if possible), rearticulating skeletal elements, and inventorying the remains.
The skeletal collection, for the most part, was largely fragmentary, therefore to
simplify data collection a large amount of time was spent reconstructing crania for
analysis and reuniting loose dentition with the appropriate mandibula or maxillae.
Finally, anthroposcopic and/or metric data were collected on each bone. In this study,
the individual was not the minimum unit for data collection and analysis. Since the
collections consisted predominantly of comingled remains, the individual bone was the
level of inquiry. Individuals were ultimately derived from the MNI of each burial.

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In Ruth’s (2000) text, determination of sex was based solely on nonmetric data.
The frequency of identification of sex increased in this study because anthroposcopic
and metric data were used to determine sex. Anthroposcopic assessment utilized the
methods of Phenice (1969), Rogers and Saunders (1994), and Stewart (1979). Metric
data of the long bones was collected following the standards of Buikstra and Ubelaker
(1994) and France (1998) for sex determination. Since the collections were
fragmentary and long bones were the predominant skeletal elements, sex determination
was accomplished frequently using postcranial metrics. The only measurements that
were used to assess sex in this study were those that have been derived from Native
American populations (France 1998); primarily comparative data from the Arikara,
Central California (2500 BC - 500 BC) and the Libben site, Late Woodland Ohio (Table
4.1).
Sex determination was based on multiple measurements and, when possible,
nonmetric analysis. Based on the cutoff values of measurements and anthroposcopic
observation, sex determination categories were assigned as: male, female, probable
male, probable female, indeterminate, and indeterminate juvenile. If the measurements
were at or near the cut-off measurements or the skull and innominate morphology was
inconclusive, indeterminate sex was recorded. Therefore, each bone was scored as
male, female, probable male, probable female, indeterminate, and indeterminate
juvenile. Although the overall sample size is large, due to small sample sizes of
individual mound groups, probable males and probable females were recoded and
analyzed as males and females for analyses in Chapter 6.

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Table 4.1. Sex determination cut-off points for long bone measurements
Skeletal
Measurement
Cut-off measurements from Arikara, Central
Element
California, and Libben Site, Late Woodland Ohio
(France 1998)
Humerus
Maximum head diameter
43.9 mm – Arikara, 44.3 – Central CA
Humerus
Maximum biepicondylar width 58.2 mm – Arikara, 59.3 – Central CA
Femur
Maximum head diameter
44.6 mm – Central CA
Femur
Bicondylar width
77.49 mm – Central CA
Femur
Midshaft A-P diameter
29.01 mm – Central CA
Femur
Midshaft circumference
81.00 mm – Libben Site, Ohio

As previously mentioned, Ruth (2000) grouped individuals into five broad age
categories. Her subadult Individuals were assigned based only on dental development
and eruption and epiphyseal closure of the long bones. To analyze whether certain age
groups were included or excluded more frequently, in this study, Scheuer and Black’s
(2004) text was consulted for evaluation of juvenile material to more accurately estimate
age. In the absence of dentition, bone development and measurements were used to
estimate the age of subadults. In addition, this study used standard aging techniques for
assessment of dental development established by Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994).
Adult age determination methods included: Suchey and Katz (1998) for
assessment of pubic symphysis morphology; Iscan et al. (1984 and 1985) for sternal rib
end morphology; and Lovejoy et al. (1985) for auricular surface morphology. Due to the
fragmentary state of most of the skeletal remains, occlusal dental attrition was used as
a suitable method for determination of biological age (Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994).
Further, it has been found that in many studies seriation of mandibles based on dental
wear has proven to be effective in determining the MNI and estimated age (Jackes
2011).
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Numerous examples of dentition from individuals between the age of five years
and 20 years were examined to determine the rate of wear in the collection. For
example, it was observed that just prior to completion of second permanent molar
eruption, the cusps of the first permanent molars tended to range from barely
distinguishable, blunted cusps to complete flattening of the cusps with attendant
patches of dentine exposure. This indicates that between the age of six and 12 years,
or over the course of six years, molar cusps were rapidly rounded or flat (stages 3-4
using the Scott system, 1979). Subsequently, by the age of 20-25 all molar occlusal
cusps were flat or exhibited extensive dentine exposure. Ultimately, for many
individuals over the age of 16 years, reference individuals that had other age indicators
were used to assess dental wear of individuals that did not possess other age indicators
to determine age. The dental wear of these older age categories (i.e. 16-19 years, 2025 years, 26-30 years, and 30 + years) were corroborated with other age indicators
where it was possible (e.g. from adult single primary burials).
The goal of age determination was to categorize individuals into one of the
following age categories (values): infant (0-2 years), young child (2-4 years), older child
(9-12 years), young adolescent (12-15 years), adolescent (16-19 years), young adult
(19-25 years), middle adult (26-30 years) and old adult (30+ years).
Due to low numbers of individuals aged zero to 15 years and a large number of
adults (greater than 16 years) that could not be assigned a specific adult age category,
juveniles and adults were recoded as juvenile or adult for analyses in Chapter 6.
An analysis of MNI was conducted for each burial, mound, and mound group.
MNI was determined in a stepwise fashion by first determining the most frequently
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occurring redundant skeletal elements. Using Bedford et al.’s (1993) multifactorial
aging method, age was determined for all elements to determine whether there were
inconsistencies between the known repeated skeletal elements and skeletal age
indicators. For example, MNI may have been initially determined by repetition of four
adult left femora. A closer inspection of the burial revealed two juvenile mandibles. In
this case, the MNI would result in four adults and two juvenile individuals.
Epigenetic research was utilized for understanding the biological and social
relationships within and between human groups. Epigenetic traits can be described as
the discontinuous expression of morphological traits and the frequency of trait
expression within a population. Epigenetic analyses test hypotheses on the biological
behavior of populations.
Epigenetic data are assumed to be heritable. However, expression of many of
these traits can be influenced by extraneous effects including, environmental effects,
sex, age, and asymmetry (for paired traits). Epigenetic non-metric data may be
considered discrete, quasi-continuous, or continuous. Most discrete data are really
quasi-continuous data in which the trait may manifest varying degrees of expression
(Saunders 1977). Discrete analysis is usually relatively straightforward in terms of data
collection, especially if presence/absence data are collected and the quasi-discontinuity
of trait expression is ignored. However, some researchers believe that much can be
learned about the effects of age, sex, and the environment by analyzing continuous
variations of trait expression (Corruccini 1974; Saunders 1977). Finally, epigenetic
analysis is not inhibited by fragmentary or culturally deformed skeletal material
(Cheverud et al. 1991; Fulginiti 1993; Konigsberg et al. 1993).
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The advantage of using a nonmetric approach in this study is that the methods
do not require intact and complete human remains (Cheverud et al 1991; Fulginiti 1993;
Konigsberg et al. 1993). Merbs (1966) successfully documented marked differences
between two Dane County Wisconsin Effigy Mound sites in the expression of rare
epigenetic cranial traits. Although metric data are considered by some (Corruccini
1974) to be more meaningful genetic measures, morphometrics have been documented
to be sensitive to secular trends including alterations in anterior-posterior dimensions
that may have been the result of nutritional changes during historic times (Koningsberg
etal 1993; Kouchi 2000). If similar secular changes occurred in prehistoric populations,
then caution must be used for the independent utility and validity of craniometric data as
precise indicators of biological distance. Due to the fragmentary nature of the remains
and the absence of cranial material in the Wisconsin Effigy Mound sample, this study
will use the epigenetic methods defined by Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994) for cranial
traits and Saunders (1977) for infracranial traits.
Cranial and infracranial epigenetic data were collected following the description
and methods of Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994) and Saunders (1977) (see data collection
form in Appendix A). Postcranial epigenetic traits were collected for bones that most
frequently occurred in the collection. Traits that were observed for the femur included
presence or absence of Poirer’s facet and the third trochanter (Saunders 1977). Traits
that were observed on the humerus included: presence of a septal aperture (distal
humerus) and presence or absence of a supratrochlear spur (Saunders 1977). The
trochlea of the ulna was observed to determine whether the trochlea exhibited two
discrete facets or whether the facet was a single continuous facet (Saunders 1977).
85

Finally, the distal tibia was evaluated for the presence or absence of both distal anterior
and distal lateral squatting facets (Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994).
Although data on non-metric traits were collected based on the variations in
expression of some traits according to Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994), the traits used in
the biological distance analyses required conversion of traits to presence or absence. If
multiple response traits could not be converted to binary traits, they were excluded from
further analysis. Also, Smith’s Mean Measure of Distance analysis requires only two
responses. Further, traits were excluded if there was a small number of responses as
present. As an extreme example, there were no observations of supratrochlear spur.
Therefore, it made no sense to include those traits for the analysis.
4.5 Statistical Methods
SPSS/IBM (IBM SPSS Statistics for Windows, Version 21.0) statistical software
was used for data entry and analysis. To answer the research questions, basic
descriptive statistics were obtained including the frequency of mound forms, frequency
of mound features, frequency of burial position and disposition, frequency of age and
sex, and frequency of epigenetic traits.
If descriptive statistics yielded appropriate sample sizes, categorical inferential
probability statistical analyses were performed including Pearson’s Chi-square and
Fisher’s Exact tests. Chi-square and Fisher’s exact tests were used to investigate
patterns in the distribution among observed variables.
If a Chi-square test resulted in robust differences, binary or multinomial logistic
regression tests were performed to analyze the specific differences among mound
groups and physiographic regions and to calculate an odds ratio. The logistic
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regression statistics are based on the Chi-square statistic but have the advantage of
identifying the sources of variability within a sample. These differences are calculated
by providing an odds ratio for each dependent variable. The analysis holds one
independent and dependent variable constant and compares each variable to these
control variables. Therefore, it is most useful to choose a variable that is closest to the
statistical mean of the sample. The probability statistic is reported along with the
frequency of occurrence of each dependent variable occurring compared to the control
variables. Fisher’s Exact, Chi-square, and Logistic Regression tests were used as a
tool for identifying important variation of two or more variables. However, it should be
noted that these probability statistics were not used to test for statistical significance
since it is the case that the sample could be biased, the degree of which the bias is
unknown. Further, it should be understood that what is observed in this study are the
residues of ritual, behaviors for which simple descriptions of variation and idiosyncrasies
may be more appropriate than the 95% confidence interval (Gigerenzer 2004).
Therefore, many of the discussions of the data are based on apparent patterns,
variability, and idiosyncrasies of mortuary ritual.
To investigate Research Question 4, whether the mound groups are constructed
and maintained by lineal groups, Chi-square and Fisher’s Exact tests were performed.
These tests were performed to investigate whether traits demonstrated variability
among samples to justify their use in further biological distance analyses.
When possible, age and sex were determined for each observed skeletal
element. Potential age and sex effects on epigenetic traits were analyzed using Chisquare tests, Fisher’s exact tests, and binomial logistic regression. This was followed
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by identification of similarities or important differences in the frequency of the traits
among mound groups and physiographic regions.
The data for epigenetic traits that presented adequate sample sizes (n > 70)
were exported to R statistical software for analysis of Smith’s Mean Measure of
Divergence (MMD). Harris and Sjøvold (2003) and Sołtysiak (2011) provide a detailed
account of the statistical procedures used in this analysis. Two Excel files were created
for MMD analysis. The first file includes the number of trait observations for each
mound group or physiographic region. The second Excel file included the percentage of
trait presence for each mound group or physiographic region. An R script, provided by
Sołtysiak (2011), was used to generate the results of the MMD. MMD measures the
similarity in groups of unknown data. A squared MMD matrix is generated which reports
each genetic numerical value between each pair-wise comparison of the groups. In
other words, the statistic compares each mound group to every other mound group
based on similarities of multiple non-metric traits. The greater the MMD value indicates
greater biological distance (divergence). A standard deviation matrix is also generated.
If the sum of two standard deviations exceeds the MMD matrix values, the comparison
between the two samples is statistically significant (Harris and Sjøvold 2003; Donlon
2000). Because the frequencies of many of the traits were generally low, the Freeman
and Tukey Grewal correction was used in the MMD analysis (Harris and Sjøvold 2003;
Sołtysiak 2011).
To visually examine the relationship among the mound groups and physiographic
regions Euclidean distance calculations were used to produce cluster dendrograms and
multidimensional scaling scatterplots (Sutter and Verano 2007).
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4.6 Conclusion
The purpose of this chapter was to describe the cultural and skeletal materials
and methods used to analyze (1) the geographic, cultural and biological variables, (2)
the various methodologies for determining age and sex and (3) the statistical and
descriptive analyses for distinguishing regularities, variability, and idiosyncrasies among
the mound groups and physiographic regions.

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Chapter 5: Effigy Mound Group Descriptions
5.1 Introduction
The focus of this research relies on a firm understanding of the archaeological
context in which Effigy Mound features occur. Given that Late Woodland effigy mound
groups are viewed as multi-component and multi-function community projects, the
skeletal remains are treated as one component of the ritual context, in essence they
represent a feature or artifact of the social system in which they were a part. To begin
to understand the Effigy Mound manifestation patterns and variation in monumental
alteration of the landscape, this chapter will summarize the original reports, publications,
and site notes to give the reader a sense of the variation inherent in mound group
architecture.
As will be demonstrated below there were differences in how mounds were
constructed, which mound forms were more numerous, and how burial and other
features were incorporated into the mounds. These descriptions provide the basis for
analyzing whether sociocultural variation among mound groups and physiographic
regions occurs. They serve to reinforce the patterns and variability of Effigy Mound
communities participating in a generalized ritual and social system, and for most mound
groups, by idiosyncratic means. The evidence suggests that, while mound construction
brought groups together (i.e. through resource procurement and mound building), at the
same time the individual groups “acted out” the ritual programs in a variety of ways.
This is especially true if one examines the context of the burials and the differential use
of other features such as earthen fireplaces, stone altars, the inclusion of faunal
remains and domesticated dogs, clay and pebble cists, complex alternating strata in
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mound construction, charcoal layers, ceramic materials, celts, projectile points, clay
pipes, shell beds, shell beads, and empty pits that likely served as containers for
organic materials.
Most of the mound groups in this research were excavated by W.C. McKern,
whom, when he began his excavations, was interested in whether the Kratz Creek
Mound group observations by Barrett and Hawkes (1919) represented a typical Effigy
Mound group or whether there was potential variation in this Late Woodland
phenomenon. As can be seen in McKern’s reports, his impressions and definition of the
Effigy Mound peoples evolved as he excavated and reported on more sites. In the 80
years since McKern's work, much has been learned about the Effigy Mound
manifestation. As such, the work of Goldstein (1995), Birmingham and Eisenberg
(2000), and Rosebrough (2010) are referenced to get a sense of the current theoretical
positions relating to Effigy Mound content and context, and the social organization and
settlement pattern of the Effigy Mound peoples.
The Effigy Mound manifestation is chiefly characterized by the presence of
mound groups which contain low earthen mounds of zoomorphic shapes such as bear,
panther, turtle, buffalo, lizard, bird or anthropomorphic forms (Goldstein 1995;
Birmingham and Eisenberg 2000). More numerous, but nonetheless associated with
these mound groups, are conical and flat topped conical mounds. In addition, there are
oval mounds, linear mounds and compound conical mounds. Effigy Mound groups
range from three to over 100 mounds. There is no apparent systematic organization
other than the mounds tend to be located on prominent landforms and blend into the
natural topography.
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Goldstein (1995) outlined the variation in construction and contents of the Effigy
Mounds. While each effigy mound was constructed in one episode, three distinct
methods were employed in their construction. In the first and most common method,
the A-horizon (humus zone or loam) was removed, creating an intaglio of the mound,
followed by the erection of the mound above the ground surface. The second method
involved constructing directly on the ground surface. Occasionally, an intaglio was
created followed by an excavation below A-horizon, soil or sand was re-deposited in the
empty space and then the mound was erected. Most often, instead of a burial, fire
hearths or clay cists were found in the head or heart region. Not all mounds
incorporated burials, but when present, the burials were generally located in the head,
heart, center of the body, or hip of the effigy form. The majority of burials were
secondary bundle burials. However, there were some primary flexed and extended
burials and a few cremations. Cremations appeared in three different forms; in situ
cremation, cremains processed elsewhere and brought to the mound, and burned bone
that may not have been burned on purpose but were near other fire features. Burials
could occur on the mound floor, in excavations below the mound, or within the mound
fill. When all burials from mound groups have been aggregated into a single sample;
children, adults, males and females were generally equally represented in the mounds
(Ruth 2005). Grave furniture was rare, but when it occurred, items were generally
utilitarian artifacts.
The geographic distribution of the Effigy Mound manifestation included the
southern hardwood forests, prairies, oak savannas of southern Wisconsin, northern
Illinois, eastern Iowa, and southeastern Minnesota (Birmingham and Eisenberg 2000).
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Effigy Mound groups tend to be clustered near resource rich aquatic resources within
this region.
Rosebrough (2010) deconstructed the idea that there was a defined “Effigy
Mound Tradition” by demonstrating, based on ceramic styles and mound form, that the
Effigy Mound Tradition was incredibly diverse and that only one site conformed to the
traditional definition. The title described the results of her research perfectly; “Every
Family a Nation.” In her study she suggested that each site was unique in its own right,
not just in mound construction, but in the styles of pottery fabricated and used. This is
important since, in the following site descriptions it is apparent that there was great
variation in mound construction, burial context, and in the incorporation of other features
and artifacts in the mounds.
As stated previously, the mound groups were primarily excavated by W.C.
McKern as part of a program funded by the Milwaukee Public Museum to understand
who constructed the Effigy Mounds , why they were built and used, how the mounds
were built, and to understand the temporal dimensions of the Effigy Mound
manifestation. These projects focused investigations to a band through Wisconsin
running east to west. Since it was believed that commerce, exchange of ideas, and
material culture flowed on a north to south trajectory, proceeding within the confines of
the roughly north to south tributaries, the east to west sampling method was chosen as
an adequate method since it would crosscut those tributaries. Also, since the Kratz
Creek Mound group had already been excavated and reported by Barrett and Hawkes,
McKern wanted to test other mound groups against the Kratz Creek mound group to
understand potential variation in the Effigy Mound manifestation.
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McKern (1928) described the archaeological field methods and excavation
strategies as follows. Documentation of the mound groups was accomplished by
surveying and mapping the entire sites, followed by the measurement and survey of
each mound. Conical mounds were trenched from side to side and expanded in the
center when a feature was encountered. Linear mounds were trenched lengthwise.
Effigy mounds were excavated in the center of the head, in the body center where the
legs or wings intersected the body, in the center of the body behind the shoulders, in the
center of the body between the nose and base of the tail, and occasionally other areas
were trenched to insure the excavators were not missing important features.
Excavation was expanded if features were encountered. To mention this excavation
method is important since it could have introduced further bias, thereby omitting
important features in unexpected locations in a given mound.
Since my analysis tests whether there are differences in social organization
among mound groups and potential differences among physiographic regions of
Wisconsin, the following mound group descriptions are organized by physiographic
regions, including the Western Uplands, Central Plain, and the Eastern Ridges and
Lowlands (Figure 5.1). This may help the reader get a sense for qualitative similarities
and differences within and between mound groups and physiographic regions. The
completeness of the individual mound group descriptions were tied to the availability of
field notes, photographs and published reports for each mound group. Therefore, some
of the mound groups may only include brief descriptions. Each mound group
description is presented through text, site maps (Figures 5.1 - 5.10) and context tables
(Appendix B).
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Lake Superior Lowland

Central
Plain

Northern Highland

Central Plain

Western
Upland

Eastern Ridges and Lowlands

Figure 5.1 Map of Wisconsin Physiographic Regions and mound group locations.
Mound group locations are indicated by red bullets - from Wisconline.com

5.2 Western Uplands Physiographic Region
5.2.1 Trowbridge Mound Group, Trempealeau County (Site # 47-TR-28/66)
Excavated by W.C. McKern (1928) Field Notes and McKern (1925)
See site map in Figure 5.2 and Appendix B (Table B.1) for a summary of mound
contents

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The Trowbridge site was first surveyed by Squire (Squire and Davis 1848). The
Trowbridge Mound Group was excavated by McKern in 1928 but the site report was
never published. Fortunately, the site notes were located in the Milwaukee Public
Museum (MPM) library collections. This site summary is based on the original field
notes of W.C. McKern. It should be cautioned that there is a slight discrepancy
between materials reported in the field notes and what was represented in the MPM
catalogues.
The Trowbridge Mound group is located on the Trowbridge Farm in
Trempealeau Township, Trempealeau County, Wisconsin, east of Trempealeau Bay, a
bay connected directly to the Mississippi River. Two other mound groups, Shrake I and
Shrake II, lie directly to the northwest and north respectively. These groups have
temporal affiliations with the Middle Woodland period. The Trowbridge Group was
composed of 30 conical mounds, one linear mound and two effigy mounds. The
Trowbridge Mound Group appeared to be divided into two distinct groups, a larger
northern group of 26 mounds and a southern cluster of six mounds. Lying in between
the two groups were two large conical mounds and a fox-like effigy mound. These
mounds were widely spaced compared to the groups to the north and south.
Mound construction seemed to be consistent throughout the site. There was no
stratigraphic evidence of a grass line, indicating the humus layer was removed prior to
construction of the mounds. No stratification of the mounds was apparent and all sands
and soils appeared to be extracted locally. However, there was a difference in the type
of materials used between the northern and southern groups. The northern-most
mounds (MD#s 56, 57, 58, 62, 67, 69, 70, 76) were constructed of a blackish sand or
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loam which rested directly on yellowish sand. The southern-most mounds (MD#s 80,
81, 82, 83, 84) were constructed of yellowish sand, which was sometimes mottled with
darker soil, and rested on slightly lighter colored sand.
Burials were a common feature in the excavated mounds at Trowbridge. Of the
14 mounds excavated, 10 of which were conical mounds, 13 contained burials. Five of
the conical mounds held two burials and two conical mounds contained three burials.
Four of the conical mounds contained single burials; notably three of these were part of
the southern-most group. Both fox-like effigy mounds contained burials. Secondary
bundle burials dominated the burial type at Trowbridge. Conical mounds held 10
secondary bundle burials, two primary burials, two compound primary and secondary
burials, and three indeterminate burials. The oval mound (Mound 79) held one burial
with eight extended primary, two secondary bundles, and one indeterminate disposition
type. Both of the fox-like effigy mounds contained a single burial; Mound 81 contained
a primary flexed burial and Mound 82 an indeterminate burial type. Of particular interest
is that Mounds 79 and 80, both conical mounds, each contained 11 individuals in a
large subfloor pit. These mounds were also two of the three mounds separated from
the clustering of the other two groups. One important difference between the two
mounds was that Mound 79 contained almost all individuals as primary flexed burials
and Mound 80 contained all secondary burials.
The location for burial within mounds varied. In almost all the conical mounds
burials tended to occur near the center of the mound. For the conical mounds six of the
burials were in the mound fill at varying depths above the mound floor (range = 0.4' 2.06'), three burials were directly on the mound floor, and seven burials were in pits of
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varying depths (i.e. between one and two feet) below the mound floor. Conical Mound
67 was unusual in that Burial 1 was located above the subfloor pit of Burial 2. The
space between the pit and Burial 2 contained artificially placed gravel, instead of the
typical black sand in most of these mounds. The burial of oval Mound 79 was contained
in a large pit that covered almost the entire floor of the mound. Both of the burials in the
fox-like mounds occurred in pits below the mound floor.
There were few non-burial features in the Trowbridge Mound group. Mound 57
contained two copper celts two feet above Burial 1. The fox-like Mound 81 contained
an empty subfloor pit below the hip position which could have contained a burial.
Mound 81 also contained a bed of clam shells on the floor of the mound in the center of
the body (stomach). Similarly, fox-like Mound 82 contained an empty pit below Burial 1
and another empty pit below the hip position.
As mentioned previously, the mound content inventories do not correspond
between the mound data sheets and museum catalogs. The catalogs contain the items
listed on the field data sheets but also contained additional materials. Therefore, both
were consulted for describing the associated burial contents and other objects
incorporated in the mound fill. There were a number of objects associated with burials.
Burial 1 of Mound 58 contained two copper celts and one bone bead. Burial 2 of Mound
62 contained two projectile points associated with small bits of human bone. Burial 1 of
Mound 69 held a projectile point and carbonized wood directly on top of the burial and
four copper fragments directly under the burial. Mound 70 contained one quartzite
implement associated with Burial 3 and one potsherd over the face of one of the
extended males of compound Burial 3. There were several potsherds associated with
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the large primary and secondary burial in Mound 79. There was one stone spud celt
next to the western-most skull of Burial 1 in Mound 82 and there were several potsherds
under the skulls in this burial. Finally, there were two potsherds under Burial 1 in
Mound 84. Objects that were found in the mound fill included: a chert implement in
Mound 56; a chert implement, pieces of stone, and potsherds in Mound 62; a
hammerstone, a quartzite implement, two quartzite projectile points, a piece of hematite,
and potsherds in Mound 79; and potsherds in Mounds 67, 82 and 84.

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Figure 5.2 Trowbridge Mound Group map, Trempealeau County (McKern 1931).
Excavated mounds are shaded.
5.2.2 Raisbeck Mound Group, Grant County (Site # 47-GT-112)
Excavated by W.C. McKern (1928); Published by Chandler W. Rowe (1956)
See Appendix B (Table B.2) for a summary of mound contents
The Raisbeck mound group was originally excavated by W.C. McKern in 1930
and was published by Rowe, originally for his dissertation and later in the Milwaukee
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Public Museum Publications in Anthropology No. 3. The Raisbeck mound group was
located in Grant County, Wisconsin, on the property of Clarence Raisbeck. The mound
group consisted of 80 mounds including 38 conical mounds, 14 linear mounds, 13 bird
mounds, 11 canine mounds, three oval mounds, and one problematical mound. No
known map exists for this mound group.
Mound construction appeared to begin for most mounds with the removal of the
humus layer. The mounds did not exhibit stratification or the use of non-local materials
in construction. The most common feature, besides burials, appeared to be the
inclusion of earthen fireplaces and stone altars.
Twenty-one mounds were excavated by McKern including; 14 conical mounds,
two conical mounds, one oval mound, three bird effigy mounds, and one canine effigy
mound. At Raisbeck disposal of the dead included 21 burials; including two single
primary burials, two multiple primary burials, three single bundle burials, eight multiple
bundle secondary burials, one bundle burial with partially cremated remains, and five
burials had an indeterminate burial disposition. Of the four primary burials, three
occurred in conical mounds and one occurred in the center of a linear mound in a
subfloor pit. In conical mounds burials occurred above the mound floor, on the mound
floor, and in subfloor pits and all burials were in or near the center. In all four effigy
mounds there were subfloor pit burials in the heart position. Canine effigy Mound 11
contained subfloor pit burials in the heart and head position. An exceptional burial
occurred in conical Mound 66 where one large bundle burial occurred above the mound
floor included 30 individuals.

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Other than burials there were 21 features; including 19 earthen fireplaces and
stone altars, one dog burial, and one clay dome-like structure. The ceramic
assemblage consisted of approximately 445 rim and body potsherds. The pottery was
grit tempered with a paste of reddish clay. Elbow pottery pipes, with incised lines
around the bowl, were also excavated from some of the mounds. The stone tools
consisted of 36 projectile points including 26 stemmed and side and corner notched
points and there were 10 that were too fragmentary for classification. Three perforators
or drills were also among the stone tools in the Raisbeck mound group. Bone artifacts
consisted of two bird leg awls, one antler awl and one turtle plastron “mesh spreader”.
5.2.3 Polander Mound Group, Crawford County (Site #47-CR-39)
Excavated and Reported by W.C. McKern (1929), Thomas (1894)
See site map in Figure 5.3 and Appendix B (Table B.3)
In 1929 W.C. McKern conducted several surveys and excavations in LaCrosse,
Vernon and Crawford Counties. Unfortunately, McKern only provided a brief description
of the Polander Mound Group in his 1929 Milwaukee Public Museum Yearbook
manuscript. Originally, Cyrus Thomas (1894) reported on the excavation of twelve
mounds, nine mounds containing burials. Cyrus Thomas reported the burials were
contained within stone walls and stone lined pits. McKern decided to excavate seven
mounds unexcavated by Thomas. Of these seven mounds, the results of only one of the
mounds were presented in any detail; oval Mound #7. McKern mentioned that all of the
mounds excavated contained one to two burials (described below); however he does
not report on which of the other six mounds were excavated. Mounds 4, 18, and 19

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were three of the mounds not reported on; however skeletal remains from these
mounds were analyzed at the MPM.
The Polander Mound Group was located in Seneca Township, Crawford County,
Wisconsin. It was located on a steep talus slope at the base of a riverside cliff. The site
was composed of 20 conical mounds, four linear mounds, one oval mound, and one
biconical mound.
Mound construction at the Polander site was unusual. As mentioned previously
Thomas interpreted the burials as entombed. McKern found that burials occurred
directly under a plat of large stones, some difficult to remove by one person. McKern
reported that, for every mound excavated, a plat of stones was found overlaying the
burials. He believed that Thomas misinterpreted these plats as tombs, principally
because they tended to collapse around the bodies as the body decomposed and also
from the compressive forces from above. The oval Mound 7 matrix is reported as
follows. The top of the mound was composed of about one foot of earthen fill. At about
a foot in depth a stone plat, roughly 35 feet in length and 15 feet in width was
encountered. Under this stone plat was a burial composed of three individuals, two
primary flexed adults and one bundle burial of a child. These remains were not
available for study at the MPM. Below this burial two to three feet of soil was excavated
before another stone plat was encountered. This stone plat was circular and measured
approximately 25 feet in diameter. Under this stone plat was a single large burial
composed of a tightly compacted group of 31 primary extended individuals. Note: the
archaeologists designated this as a single burial; however, others may have

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characterized this as multiple burials. McKern reports that there is a great range of
ages and both sexes were represented in this burial.
There were several artifacts found associated with this multiple individual
internment, including several potsherds, two bone tubes from elk long bones, two
fragments of worked bone, worked unio shells, a celt fragment, and a string of 20
ellipsoidal copper beads.
The following summarizes the findings of Thomas’s (1894) excavations. All the
burials mentioned below were reported to be enclosed in stone walled tombs or stone
lined subfloor pits. Mound 3 contained 12 skeletons and Mound 4 contained a "folded"
(tightly flexed) individual. One bundle burial in Mound 6 was contained in a stone lined
tomb near the top of the mound and the remains of four flexed burials were below that
burial. Mound 8 contained two bundle burials, one with two individuals and the other
with three individuals. Mound 9 contained two individuals in a bundle burial. Mound 11
contained a flexed individual near some charred stones. Mound 12 contained an
extended burial in a limestone vault. Mound 16 contained one half of a skeleton in a
“stone vault”. Finally, Mound 17 contained three flexed skeletons.

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Figure 5.3 Polander Mound Group map, Crawford County (From Thomas 1894).
Excavated mounds are shaded.
5.3 Central Plains Physiographic Region
5.3.1 Kratz Creek Mound Group, Marquette County (Site # 47-MQ-39)
Excavated and reported by Barrett and Hawkes (1919)
See site map in Figure 5.4 and Appendix B (Table B.4) for a summary of mound
contents
The Kratz Creek mound group was located in the Buffalo Lake region of
Marquette County, Wisconsin. The mound group was located on a formerly aboriginal
wild rice marsh where fish and waterfowl were plentiful. At the time of excavation the
mound group was located on the banks of Kratz Creek and Buffalo Lake. The mound
group was divided into two large sections which can be further broken down into four
smaller units. There were 51 mounds composed of effigy, linear, and conical forms.
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The main group, east of the mouth of Kratz Creek encompassed 36 mounds with
Mound 20 somewhat distant from this group. The groups seemed to be pointing to the
large conical Mound 1 on a bluff overlooking Buffalo Lake (Barrett and Hawkes 1919).
The second group was composed of five effigy mound forms east of the main group
about 1200 feet. The third group was composed of four mounds (two conical and two
effigy mound forms) west of Kratz Creek. The fourth group was composed of six
conical mounds to the west of group 3; along the shore of Buffalo Lake. The geometric
mound forms included conical and linear mounds. The effigy mound forms included
panthers, bears, a bird, a lizard, and a rabbit.
Many of the mounds contained intentional stratigraphic layers with, alternating
layers of imported “sacred earths” (term from Barrett and Hawkes 1919) and local soils.
The soils, sands and clays that were transported to the site were used under or around
burials, between fire layers, and also around stone altars and animal remains. The four
types of imported matrix included light yellow sand, golden sand, white sand, red sand
and red clay. These sands and clay layers were interspersed with and contrasted with
the local soils. In addition, there were interspersed layers of fire-blackened and
charcoal ash and layers of decomposed organic matter.
Many mounds, especially effigy mound forms were begun as intaglios, followed
by the laying down of alternating strata of sands, intentional surface burning, and clay.
According to Barrett and Hawkes (1919) mound construction of most mounds at Kratz
Creek appear to have begun as conical forms. For mounds that did not begin with the
excavation of intaglios, construction of most of the mounds involved the initial removal
of the humus layer. The effigy mound forms appear to have been first constructed of
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small conical mounds followed by filling in to achieve the final effigy shape. Conical
mound construction began with the laying down of a thin layer of imported sand,
followed by the altering layers of local matrix and imported earths. Effigy mound
construction also involved the alternating imported matrix, local matrix and ash and
charcoal layers.
Of the 36 mounds excavated at Kratz Creek only seven contained burials, three
of which contained multiple burials in the same mound. The mounds that contained
burials included: conical Mounds 1, 8, and 50; panther Mounds 3, 5, and 41; and rabbit
Mound 9. There were four primary burials in the mound group and one mound that
contained two primary flexed burials, a bundle burial, and a cremation. Burial
disposition in the conical mounds included all three being centrally located, with two
burials occurring above the mound floor and one burial in a subfloor pit. Burial position
in the three panther mounds included: three burials in the heart position above the
mound floor in Mound 3; a burial in the center of the body above the mound floor in
Mound 5; and in the heart position in a subfloor pit of Mound 41. Burial in rabbit Mound
9 was located in a subfloor pit in the hip position.
Conical Mound 1 was an unusual mound because it contained a multiple bundle
burial (Burial 1) with 109 individuals represented, two primary burials immediately above
Burial 1, and a crematory (Altar 7) with burned human bone. Burial 1 was in a large
subfloor pit below the mound. Important features associated with Burial 1 were the
alternating strata of sands below the burials, the presence of several fireplaces and
altars surrounding the burials, and the alternating layers of fire-strata and light and dark
sands in the mound construction. Barrett and Hawkes (1919) believed this mound was
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the center-piece in the mound group because all of the other mounds seemed to be
pointing to this one.
According to Barrett and Hawkes (1919) the linear and conical mounds were
used for primary burial, secondary burial, crematories, a space for unburned offerings,
animal sacrifices, and the repository of stone implements. They also describe
crematory altars for animals, goods, and possibly humans. The effigy mound forms
were primarily used for mortuary purposes. Burial types consisted of primary, cremation
and partial cremation, and bundle burial. Artifacts associated with burials, earthen
fireplaces and stone altars included quartzite projectile points, pottery fragments, and
charred wooden remains of a paddle.

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Figure 5.4 Kratz Creek Mound Group map, Marquette County. Adapted from Barrett and
Hawkes 1919. Excavated mounds are shaded.

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5.3.2 McClaughry Mound Group, Marquette County (Site # 47-MQ-38)
Excavated and reported on by McKern (1928)
See site map in Figures 5.5 and Appendix B (Table B.5) for a summary of mound
contents
The McClaughry mound group was located on the shores of Buffalo Lake in
Pauckwaukee Township, Marquette County, Wisconsin. The mound group was
composed of 82 mounds in two distinct mound groups. Site I was composed of 60
conical and effigy mound forms, including 43 conical mounds, four oval mounds, five
biconical mounds, three linear mounds, three effigy mound forms, and two
“problematical” effigy mound forms. This mound group tended to be grouped compactly
in a pattern that paralleled the lake shore. There was a freshwater spring and stream
associated with the mound group, as well as evidence of campsites east and west of
the mound group and also associated with the mounds. The Site II mound group was
composed of 22 conical mounds north of the eastern end of Site I. Campsites were
found associated with this mound group as well.
With the exception of a parallel arrangement along the lake shore, there did not
seem to be evidence of intentional orientation. The mound materials appeared to have
been mined from the local area and there was no difference in the matrix between the
geometric mound forms and the effigy mound forms. Features encountered in the
mounds consisted of stone altars, burials, earthen fireplaces, ceramic vessels and
fragments, and small artifacts. However, many of the mounds contained no features or
artifacts. All of the burials were inclusive (interred at the time of mound construction)
and were found on the mound floor, in the mound fill, and below the mound floor.
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Thirty-five mounds were excavated including; 23 conical mounds, four biconical
mounds, one linear mound, one egg-shaped mound, and five effigy mound forms (one
bird, one skunk or squirrel, one panther, one fish, and one bear). At Site I 46 burials
were recovered including 29 bundle burials, nine flexed primary burials, and four burials
in which burial disposition could not be determined. Of the 23 conical mounds
excavated 19 contained burials; burials ranged from one to five individuals. Of the four
biconical mounds two contained burials. Conical Mound 28 contained an unusual burial
pattern when compared to the other mounds. Burials were arranged in three separate
burial strata. The first burial stratum (near the top of the mound) contained three
primary flexed burials; stratum two contained one flexed, three bundle burials, and three
indeterminate burials; and stratum three contained a large bundle burial in a large
subfloor pit. Of the five effigy mound forms excavated four contained burials including;
one central bundle burial in a bird effigy mound, two bundle burials in the hip and tail of
a problematic effigy mound, two flexed burials in the shoulder and center of the head of
a panther effigy mound, and three bundle burials in the tail and head of a fish effigy
mound.
Earthen fireplaces, stone altars, clay and pebble cists, and ceramic vessels,
constituted the other features at McClaughry. Earthen fireplaces and stone altars
tended to be associated with burials or were in locations where a burial would have
been expected. Eleven earthen fireplaces and 13 stone altars were uncovered at
McClaughry.
Clay and pebble cists were bowl-shaped features with sloping walls, constructed
of red baked clay and pebbles for reinforcement. The floor of the cists had concave
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bottoms with small stones embedded. At McClaughry 10 cists were excavated,
including eight in conical mounds and two in effigy mounds. All of the cists were closely
associated with burials.
Ceramic vessels and fragments were found in 28 mounds at McClaughry,
however most of the potshards were loose in the mound fill. Some were associated
with earthen fireplaces and stone altars and it appeared that others were intentional
inclusions within the mound fill, especially where groups of potsherds together. In
Mound 57 a portion of a foot and leg modeled from clay was uncovered.
Although rare, artifacts were found associated with burials. An unworked piece
of float copper and a copper chisel were found beneath a skull in a bundle burial
(Mound 28, Stratum 2), and another copper awl was centrally placed in a bundle burial
in Mound 49. A piece of red sandstone was placed beneath the skull of a flexed burial
(Mound 49). One pottery pipe was included in a bundle burial in Mound 51 and two
pottery pipes were found in Mound 16 unassociated with any burials. Two projectile
points were placed in a compound flexed primary and bundle burial in Mound 53. In a
few cases potsherds were found associated with burials.

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Figure 5.5 McClaughry Mound Group - Site I map (near Buffalo Lake), Marquette
County (Adapted from McKern 1928). Excavated mounds are shaded.

5.3.3 Neale Mound Group, Marquette County (Site # 47-MQ-49)
Excavated and reported by McKern (1928)
See site map in Figure 5.7 and Appendix B (Table B.6) for a summary of mound
contents
The following description was summarized from McKern’s (1928) report on the
Neale and McClaughry mound groups. The Neale Mound group was located in
Marquette County on the shores of Pauckwaukee Lake, immediately adjacent to steep
hills and springs to the eastern and western ends of the site. The mound group was
composed of 88 mounds including 28 effigy mound forms, 47 conical, and 13 mounds in
which shape could not be determined. Surface surveys suggested the presence of
camp sites associated with the mound group.
After removal of the humus zone, effigy mound forms were constructed of
yellowish sand with mottled dark spots. Conical mounds were constructed of a darker
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matrix or black silt from the area. Although many of the mounds contained no features,
other mounds included stone altars, burials, earthen fireplaces, ceramic vessels and
potsherds and other small artifacts. Of the nine excavated conical mounds two
contained centrally placed burials. Of the 15 excavated effigy mound forms, eight
contained nine burials. However, two of the conical mounds could have contained
burials but the remains were too disintegrated to distinguish specific skeletal elements.
All effigy mound form burials were in subfloor pits and burials were placed behind the
shoulder in the “heart” position, and in the center of the body (stomach position).
With the exception of a few potsherds, there were almost no artifacts associated
with burials in the Neale mound group, however one oblong piece of serrated slate, two
serrated scrapers, a spud celt, six hard sandstone and granite stones were found within
mounds. Other features included 11 earthen fireplaces and stone altars and15 clay and
pebble cists. Earthen fireplaces, stone altars and cists occurred on the mound floor as
well as above the mound floor at varying depths from the top of the mounds.

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North

Figure 5.6 Neale Mound Group map, Marquette County (McKern 1928). Excavated
mounds are shaded.

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5.4 Eastern Ridges and Lowlands Physiographic Region
5.4.1 Kletzien Mound Group, Sheboygan County (Site # 47-SB-61)
Excavated and reported by WC McKern (1925, 1930)
See site map in Figure 5.10 and Appendix B (Table B.7) for a summary of mound
contents
The Kletzien Mound group was located in Wilson Township, Sheboygan County,
Wisconsin. The mound group was made up of two subgroups, one on top of a flat bluff
north of Hartman’s Creek and another on the east bank of the Black River. Six
campsites were found associated with the Kletzien mound group. Mound forms
included 22 effigy mound forms, five short linear mounds, two oval mounds, and four
conical mounds. The effigy mound forms included seven deer mounds, six panther
mounds, and nine unclassified effigy mounds. Typically panther mounds have long
straight tails but two were found at Kletzien to have tails that angled upward near the tip
of the tail.
An analysis of the mounds themselves led McKern (1930) to make the following
observations. Most of the effigy mound forms at Kletzien appeared to be oriented
towards the south. Mound material appeared have been derived from the immediate
area. Mound matrix consisted of rusty yellow sand, mottled with humus. Seventeen
effigy mound forms and nine geometric mound forms, and one indeterminate mound
were excavated. With the exception of the floor of four mounds, there was no evidence
of intentional stratification in mound construction. At Kletzien the humus zone was
removed previous to mound construction. Four of these mounds had a sub-mound floor
stratification consisting of a layer of grayish sand, followed by the burning of brush
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before the mound was erected. A single panther effigy intaglio contained this white
sand layer in its base but the layer of burning was absent.
Features in the mounds consisted of burials, earthen fireplaces, and ceramic
vessels; however there were very few artifacts. Of the 17 effigy mound forms
excavated nine contained burials; including two out of the three panther mounds, and
three of the six deer effigy mounds, and four of the eight unclassified effigy mounds. Of
the nine geometric mounds excavated six contained burials including; both conical
mounds, all three oval mounds, and one of the four linear mounds excavated. There
were no other features in the mounds that did not contain burials.
McKern (1930) described the burial provenience as follows. Of the 27 mounds
excavated there was only one mound, a panther effigy mound, which contained more
than one burial. Burial types were primary flexed and secondary bundle burials. Flexed
burials occurred in one conical mound and four effigy mounds. Bundle burials occurred
in one linear mound, one effigy mound, and one effigy mound form contained a
compound burial consisting of a flexed and bundle burial. The number of individuals per
burial varied from one to three individuals. The horizontal position of the burials in the
effigy mound forms included; five in the “heart” position, one in the hip position, and
three in the center of the body. In conical mounds the burials occurred in or near the
center. The burials in the linear mound occurred along the major axis of the mound. In
the vertical dimension, burials occurred on the mound floor or in an excavation below
the mound floor.
As noted earlier other features only occurred in mounds containing burials and
included earthen fireplaces and ceramic vessels. Seven earthen fireplaces were
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uncovered on the mound floors of five effigy mound forms, one linear mound, and one
oval mound. Five of the earthen fireplaces were found within the same mound as
burials; the two remaining earthen fireplaces were found in direct association with
burials. In the effigy mound forms earthen fireplaces occurred in the shoulder (heart
position) of one panther effigy mound, the center of the shoulder (heart position) of one
deer effigy mound, the center of the hip in one deer effigy mound, the center of the body
of an unclassified effigy mound form, and in the terminal end of one unclassified effigy
mound.
Artifacts at Kletzien were rare. Two antler tine stone tool pressure flaking tools
were found with a bundle burial in a panther mound (Mound 3). A polishing stone was
uncovered in the mound matrix in a linear mound (Mound 12). A flat piece of sandstone
was uncovered beside a fireplace on the floor of an effigy mound form (Mound 27).
Finally, a group of potsherds were found on the floor of a linear mound (Mound 8),
proximate to a burial.

118

Figure 5.7 Kletzien Mound Group map, Sheboygan County (Adapted from McKern
1930). Excavated mounds shaded.

119

5.4.2 Kolterman Mound Group, Dodge County (Site # 47-DO-189)
Excavated and Reported by Warren L. Wittry and E.G. Bruder (1955), Bruder (1953)
See site map in Figure 5.11 and Appendix B (Table B.8) for a summary of mound
contents
The Kolterman Mound group was located near the town of LeRoy, Dodge
County, Wisconsin. The original mound group was composed of 22 mounds but a road
construction project in the late 1800s destroyed Mounds 16, 20 and a portion of Mound
15 (otter effigy). In 1954 another road construction project threatened to destroy
Mounds 15, 16, 17, 18 and 20. Therefore, Mounds 15, 16, 17, 18 and 20 were planned
for excavation. Mounds 17 and 18 were the only mounds sufficiently excavated and
sampled.
The existing mound group was located along a creek (200-300 feet distant) and
not far from the Horicon Marsh. The mounds were arranged parallel along a creek to
the east. To the west and cutting into the mound group was a highway. Further to the
west, next to the highway was what is termed an “old Indian trail”. At the time of the
survey in 1953 there were 20 mounds including; seven otter mounds, nine conical
mounds tightly clustered, one conical mound at the south end next to the otter group,
one linear mound, one panther mound, and one mound that had an odd curving shape.
This last mound was described as two adjoining mounds. Bruder (1953) described the
results of a survey of the mound groups he conducted prior to excavation. Samples
from Mounds 17 and 18 yielded uncalibrated radiocarbon dates of 1,180 years BP, or
AD 776, within the Late Woodland time period (Wittry 1956).

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As previously mentioned, Wittry and Bruder conducted a salvage operation of
Mounds 15, 16, 17, 18 and 20. Mounds 17 and 18 were completely excavated. Otter
Mound 17 contained two features, both in the “heart” position. The first was Burial 1
which was a primary flexed burial of a male in a 1.2 foot deep pit below the mound floor.
The only surviving elements were the lower leg bones and the skull. This burial was
associated with an elbow pottery pipe. Also of note was that the skull exhibited occipital
deformation which is not typical of Effigy Mound burials. Burial 2 consisted of a
cremation approximately one foot in diameter and varying between 0.5’ - 0.8’ below the
mound floor. It consisted of approximately 50 small calcine bone fragments indicative of
green bone cremation.
Otter Mound 18 contained three features. The first feature was an earthen
fireplace in the hip position and 1.2 feet below the mound floor. The second consisted
of a large glacial boulder in the head position of the effigy mound, which the mound was
likely built around. The third feature was a cremation burial in the “heart” position and
was 0.9 foot to 1.1 feet below the surface of the mound. The cremains consisted of 74
calcine bone fragments and a piece of charred wood. Associated with this burial were a
crushed Madisonware Cord Impressed vessel (from one vessel) and two projectile
points.
Mounds 15, 16 and 20 were all sampled using heavy equipment. The surface
was scraped until features were exposed. The scraper exposed pits filled with
decomposed human bone and charcoal in the centers of each mound. Therefore, these
were likely burials. Also, within each mound was a large glacial stone like that of Mound

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18. Other objects that were recovered from the fill included chert flakes, hammerstone
fragments, and potsherds.

Figure 5.8 Kolterman Mound Group map, Dodge County (Bruder 1953). Shaded
mounds do not indicate excavated mounds but were shaded in the original map.

5.4.3 Nitschke Mound Group, Dodge County (Site #47-DO-27)
Excavated and Reported by W.C. McKern (1930)
See site map in Figure 5.12 and Appendix B (Table B.9) for a summary of mound
contents
The Nitschke Mound group was located in Burnett Township, Dodge County,
Wisconsin. The site was situated along two adjoining ridges, segmented into two
subgroups. The site is composed of 62 effigy, linear, oval, and conical mound forms.
The Group I mound group, lying in a north to south direction, consisted of 46 mounds
and Group II, to the south, consisted of 16 mounds. Of the 62 mounds 30 were effigy
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mounds consisting of three turtle, five panther, six canine, one buffalo, three deer, three
waterfowl, two birds, two gourd-shaped, and five indeterminate effigy mound forms.
The Group II mounds were primarily conical mounds. There were a spring and
prehistoric garden bed, consisting of parallel rows, associated with the Group I mounds.
The Group II mound group also had an adjacent spring that emptied into Horicon Lake,
about two miles from the site. There was no evidence of campsites, however the
mounds contained campsite debris.
McKern (1930) summarized shape of the mounds, arrangement orientation, and
mound matrix as follows. Group I was composed of panther, turtle, canine, waterfowl,
other bird, deer, gourd-like, and problematical effigy mound forms. The panther
mounds of Group 1 exhibited the tip of the tail turned up and one with the tail turned
down. Group II was composed of turtle, bird, deer, hawk or eagle, and waterfowl effigy
mounds. The Group I mounds tended to be dominated by canine and panther mounds,
whereas the Group II mounds tended to be dominated by bird forms. The arrangement
of the mounds tended to be parallel upon the ridge and closely spaced. The matrix
used to construct the mounds was from soils in the immediate area. The matrix
consisted of gray-black clay soil built upon the adjacent soils and sub-soils. The humus
or grass line was largely absent at Nitschke, indicating its removal prior to mound
construction.
Features in the mounds consisted of burials, earthen fireplaces, stone altars,
animal bone and ceramic vessels. All of the burials were inclusive at the site.
Excavation of the mounds revealed that burials were found in both turtle mounds, four
of the five panther mounds, the one buffalo mound, one of the two gourd-like mounds,
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none of the two canine mounds, the one deer mound, two of the three bird mounds, four
of the five unclassified effigy mound forms, two of the three linear mounds, 10 of the 12
conical mounds, and within the one oval mound. Overall, 16 of 20 of the effigy mound
forms contained burials and 13 of the 16 geometric mound forms contained burials.
Three burials occurred in the buffalo and linear mound. Two burials were encountered
in two turtle, three conical, one gourd-like, and two unclassified effigy mound forms.
McKern elaborated on the burial proveniences as follows. Primary flexed burials
and secondary bundle burials were the only burial types encountered at Nitschke.
Flexed burials were encountered in 11 effigy, three conical, one oval, and four linear
mound forms. Bundle burials were found in eight effigy and seven conical mound
forms. Seven indeterminate burials were encountered in four effigy and three conical
mound forms. The number of individuals in each burial ranged from one to eight
individuals, the multiple burials primarily composed of bundle burials. McKern (1930)
estimated that 56 individuals were recovered including; 24 primary burials, 25
secondary bundled individuals, and seven indeterminate burials. Three unusual
compound burials were encountered. The first burial consisted of four individuals from
a deep pit below Mound #9 - Burial 1, composed of three primary flexed adults, one
male and two females, and a small infant lain across the chest of one of the females.
Two unusual burials occurred in oval Mound 44 and Mound 52 in which the primary
flexed burials exhibited an adult female superimposed over an adult male. On the
horizontal axis burials within effigy mound forms occurred in the heart position 11 times,
in the hip three times, and in the center of the head three times. On the vertical axis
burials tended to occur on the mound floor or in excavations below the mound floor.
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Seventeen of the burials occurred on the mound floor and 21 were found in oval,
rectilinear, or round pits below the mound floor.
As mentioned previously, stone altars and earthen fireplaces occurred at
Nitschke. Two stone altars occurred in the Group I mound group, including one in the
head of a buffalo mound (Mound 9) above a bundle burial and one in the center of the
shoulder in a panther mound (Mound 21) above a bundle burial. One earthen fireplace
was found in between the shoulders of a turtle mound (Mound 50) of Group II, above
and between two burial pits.
Artifacts at Nitschke tended to be more numerous than at other effigy mound
groups. Eleven flaked stone tools were uncovered including; two loose projectile points
in the mound fill, two associated with flexed burials in effigy mound forms, five projectile
points associated with bundle burials in effigy mound forms, one projectile point
associated with an indeterminate burial in an effigy mound form, and one stone celt
associated with a flexed burial in an effigy mound form. Several bone implements were
recovered from the effigy mound forms including: two bone scrapers, one bone awl, and
the calcaneum of a deer under a skull associated with the compound burial in Mound 9;
one double-pointed awl and one barbed harpoon associated with a bundle burial in a
turtle effigy mound (Mound10); and one barbed harpoon in a bundle burial in a gourdlike mound (Mound 20). Two perforated shell beads and several gastropod shells were
found associated with a bundle burial in a turtle mound (Mound 10).
Ceramic vessels and potsherds were associated with burials and recovered in
the mound fill. Two ceramic pipes were recovered, one in a conical mound and one in a
linear mound. A ceramic container was found associated with an indeterminate burial
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type in an effigy mound form and potsherds from a single pottery vessel were found
under a bundle burial in a panther mound (Mound 21). Potsherds were found loose in
the mound fill of seven effigy, two conical, and two linear mounds.

Figure 5.9 Nitschke Mound Group map, Dodge County (McKern 1930). Excavated
mounds are shaded.

5.4.4 Big Bend Mound Group, Waukesha County (Site # 47-WK-196)
Excavated by McKern (1936) and reported on by Wood (1936)
See site map in Figure 5.13
The Big Bend mound group was located near the town of Big Bend in Vernon
Township, Waukesha County, Wisconsin. The Big Bend mound group was actually
composed of two mound groups. Both subgroups are located on the Fox River where
the river turns from the east to the southwest. Group II, the mound group of interest in
this study, lies one half mile to the southeast of Group I. Group I was composed of six
oval mounds, one panther mound, and a fish-hook shaped embankment (mound).
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According to an original survey the Group II site was composed of at least 31 mounds.
According to MPM accession forms it was composed of 14 linear mounds, one effigy
mound form, and 13 conical mounds. In the late 1880's Pete reported two panther
mounds, 19 linear mounds, and 10 bird mounds, but he made no mention of the conical
mounds (Wood 1936).
Although the records at the MPM indicated this mound group had been
excavated by various parties, the MPM holds the contents of a single mound of Group II
excavated by McKern. According to museum records, including a newspaper article
from 1977 (no source on document), an oblong mound was leveled on the Peterson
farm during construction of a parking lot. McKern was subsequently called in to
examine and document the exposed skeletons. The newspaper article and accession
records indicate that 17 skeletons were documented and removed to the MPM. As an
aside, this study documented an MNI of 25 individuals. One of the skeletons had a
necklace of shell beads placed around the neck. From the 1934 photograph in the 1977
newspaper article it appeared that the burials were tightly compacted, placed side by
side, extended burials. This is the only known information from this site.

127

North

Figure 5.10 Big Bend Mound Group map, Waukesha County (Wood 1936).

128

Chapter 6: Results
“It is also possible that archaeological data are different enough that they are hard to
interweave into the osteological analysis. Archaeological data are often ‘messy,’
requiring more interpretation and more work than osteological data.” Lynne Goldstein
(2006)
6.1 Introduction
This chapter describes the analyses and results from the analyses to determine
whether individual mound groups and physiographic regions vary in their ritual and
mortuary practices. Each research question will be reviewed, followed by the results of
each research question.
As mentioned in Chapters 2 and 4, the effigy mound sample (1) represents nine
mound groups in a universe of hundreds in southern Wisconsin, (2) not all mounds were
excavated in each mound group, (3) most mounds were not completely excavated, (3)
the mounds that were sampled were non-randomly selected by the archaeologist, (4)
features and skeletal remains were differentially preserved, and (5) there are
inconsistencies between MPM records and what was documented in this study. For
these reasons the available data are problematic and may or may not be representative
of the complete Late Woodland context in southern Wisconsin.
Therefore, the descriptive and categorical inferential probability statistical
analyses are used in this research simply to assess patterns and variability in the
available samples. As such probability thresholds are reported merely to draw attention
to potential important patterns and/or variability among the samples. Thus, many of the
ritual patterns, variability and idiosyncrasies are reviewed descriptively rather than
statistically.
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Before the questions are addressed the basic descriptive statistics will be
provided including, frequency of all excavated mound forms, minimum # of individuals,
the frequency of burials in each mound group, the frequency of various burial
postmortem treatments, and the demographic profiles of each mound group and
physiographic region will be summarized.
6.2 Results for Research Question #1
Research Question #1: Are there regularities or important differences in the
number, co-variation of features in mounds, and vertical and horizontal
positioning of internal mound features (burials, earthen fireplaces, stone
altars, clay and pebble cists, and ceramic vessels) among mound groups and
among physiographic regions of southern Wisconsin?
6.2.1 Frequency of Features
Research Question # 1 analyzes the frequency of each feature in a mound
(ranging from 0-11). In this regard they are treated as counts of the number of each
feature occurring. Therefore, Chi-square and Fisher’s exact tests were performed on
the mound groups and physiographic regions to test for important patterns or
differences in the frequency of the various features.
It is important to point out that each of these mound groups have been
differentially excavated (both in quantity and method) and mound numbers at each
mound groups are not equal. Therefore, a source of variation among mound groups
may be the result of sampling bias and bias introduced through variable excavation
methods, rather than by cultural activities.

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6.2.1.1 Burial Frequency
Table 6.1 and Figure 6.2 present the results of the frequency of burials occurring
in mounds, ranging from zero (no burials) to 4 burials. Note, the greatest number of
burials occurred as single burials in mounds (n=97) and 79 mounds contain no burials.
Of the 217 mounds, 29 mounds contained two burials, while the number of mounds
containing three (n=9) and four (n=3) sharply drop off.
Table 6.1 Frequency of burials among mound groups
Mound Group
Kletzien
Kolterman
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Neale
Nitschke
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge

0
13
0
28
7
13
9
3
2
4

Total

79

Number of Burials
1
2
12
2
3
1
5
1
18
7
11
0
18
8
8
3
15
3
7
4
97

131

29

3
0
0
2
2
0
2
1
0
2

4
0
0
0
2
0
0
1
0
0

9

3

Total
27
4
36
36
24
37
16
20
17
217

Figure 6.1 Frequency of burials among mound groups
To test whether there were differences among mounds with burial features, the
number of mounds containing no burials were excluded from the analysis followed by
recoding the variables as containing one burial or multiple burials. The result indicates
there are no important differences among mound groups and among physiographic
regions.

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6.2.1.2 Earthen Fireplace Frequency
This section analyzes the potential differences in frequency for Earthen
Fireplaces. As a reminder, an Earthen Fireplace is defined as “a flat, circular area,
blackened by charcoal, with elements of ash present” (McKern 1928 p.261).
Table 6.2 presents the results of the frequency of earthen fireplaces represented
among the mound groups. Again, similar to the burials contingency table, the
occurrence of multiple earthen fireplaces is rare in mounds.
A visual inspection of the frequencies of fireplaces reveals that the fireplaces are
rare in mounds with 178 of 213 mounds containing no fireplaces. When they are found,
they tend to occur as a single fireplace (n=27/213). The single mound with 11 fireplaces
occurs at Kratz Creek – Mound 1, which is an unusual mound in that it contains 111
individuals and several stone altars. It should also be noted that two of the three mound
groups from the Western Uplands physiographic region (Trowbridge and Polander) do
not contain any earthen fireplaces.
Table 6.2 Frequency of earthen fireplaces among mound groups
Number of Earthen Fireplaces
0
1
2
3
Kletzien
Kolterman
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Neale
Nitschke
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge
Total

4

Total

11

19
3
28
30
18
36
13
14
17

8
1
2
6
4
1
0
5
0

0
0
1
0
2
0
0
1
0

0
0
2
0
0
0
0
0
0

0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0

0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0

27
4
35
36
24
37
13
20
17

178

27

4

2

1

1

213

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Mounds not containing earthen fireplaces were excluded from the next analysis.
A Fisher’s exact test was performed which indicated there were no differences in the
number of fireplaces among the mound groups or physiographic regions. When the
values were recoded as single versus multiple earthen fireplaces, there were still no
significant differences among mound groups and physiographic regions.
6.2.1.3 Stone Altar Frequency
This section explores differences in the frequency of stone altars among mound
groups and physiographic regions. Stone altars in this research refer to a plat of two or
more stones intentionally placed in the mound. These altars usually contain evidence of
charcoal and ash but this is not a requirement. The first test considers the mounds that
do not contain stone altars and, for the mounds that include them, the number of stone
altars in each mound. The second analysis focuses on the frequency of stone altars
when the mounds not containing stone altars are excluded. Finally, an analysis of
single versus multiple altar mounds was investigated.
Table 6.3 presents the frequency of the number of stone altars among the mound
groups. The modal pattern is for stone altars to be absent in mounds (n=181/214).
Twenty-two mounds include at least one altar. Notice, similar to that of burials and
earthen fireplaces, there were few mounds containing multiple stone altars.

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Table 6.3 Frequency of stone altars among mound groups
Mound Group
0
Kletzien
Kolterman
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Neale
Nitschke
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge

Stone Altar
2

1

Total
3

4

7

0
0
2
5
3
3
2
7
0

0
0
0
2
2
0
0
2
0

0
0
0
3
0
0
0
0
0

0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
0

0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0

27
4
36
36
24
37
13
20
17

181

Total

27
4
33
26
19
34
11
10
17

22

6

3

1

1

214

Table 6.4 presents the frequency of the number of stone altars among the
physiographic regions. In general, stone altars are more prevalent among the Western
Uplands and Central Plain physiographic regions and are also the only two regions that
are composed of multiple stone altars in mounds.
Table 6.4 Frequency of stone altars among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region

Number of Stone Altars
1
2
3
4

0
Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and Lowlands
Western Upland
Total

Total
Mounds

7

78
65

10
3

4
0

3
0

0
0

1
0

96
68

38
181

9
22

2
6

0
3

1
1

0
1

50
214

To investigate differences in the frequency of stone altars present in a single
mound, mounds not containing stone altars were excluded from the analysis.
Trowbridge (Western Upland) and two of the Eastern Ridges and Lowlands

135

physiographic region mound groups were absent from this analysis since no stone
altars occurred in those mound groups.
Finally, the frequency of the presence of single and multiple stone altars were
analyzed for potential differences among mound groups and physiographic regions.
Results from Fisher’s exact tests from these two analyses resulted in small differences
in the frequency of stone altars among mound groups and physiographic regions for all
tests.
6.2.1.4 Ceramic Vessel Frequency
This section explores the frequency of ceramic vessels among mound groups
and physiographic regions. The analysis included mounds containing from zero to two
pots. In the second analysis, the frequency of the number of pots occurring only in
mounds containing pots was analyzed. Finally, only mounds containing single or
multiple pots were included in the analysis.
Figure 6.2 presents the frequency in the number of ceramic vessels among the
mound groups and physiographic regions. All mound groups contained at least one
vessel and McClaughry had three mounds that contained two vessels. The number of
mounds containing vessels were few (n=19/195) and Fisher’s Exact tests for any
differences resulted in no difference among mound groups and physiographic regions.

136

Figure 6.2 Frequency in the number of ceramic vessels among mound groups
6.2.1.5 Clay and Pebble Cist Frequency
Only two mound groups contained this feature, Neale and McClaughry, both are
in the Central Plains physiographic region. Out of the total of 214 mounds in this study,
only 14 mounds contained clay and pebble cists. At McClaughry two mounds contained
one clay and pebble cists and four mounds contained two clay and pebble cists. At
Neale three mounds contained one clay and pebble cist, three mounds contained two
clay and pebble cists and two mounds contained three clay and pebble cists. No

137

analysis of the frequency of this feature was conducted since the feature appears to be
an idiosyncratic ritual feature among these two mound groups.
6.2.2 Co-variation of Mound Features
This section addresses the presence of features and, where present, the covariation of features in mounds.
The following summary tables and descriptions present the presence or absence
of the various features at each mound group. The mound groups are presented in order
of the physiographic regions from west to east. There are a total of nine mound groups
in this analysis, three mound groups for each physiographic region. Tables 6.5 through
6.13 summarize the frequency of the presence of features among mound groups and
physiographic regions. A tally of for the presence of each mound and the features
found in each mound can be found in Appendix C.
For each mound group a summary table, the frequency of feature presence,
mounds that do not contain any features, and the co-occurrence of mounds containing
burial features with the other four features will be described. Since burials were the
most common feature found in mounds and the other four features exhibited a low
frequency, the co-occurrence of the other four features in mounds with burials and the
occurrence of aggregated non-burial features were assessed in mounds where no
burials occurred.
6.2.2.1 Polander Results
The following description is based on the results in Appendix C (Table C.1) which
presents the presence of the five features included in this research. Table 6.5
summarizes the frequency of occurrence for the presence of features at Polander. The
138

total mounds excavated at Polander included 18 geometric mounds. Of the 18 mounds,
83% (n=15) of the mounds contained burials and 17% (n=3) contained no burials.
Only one mound (33%) without a burial also contained one other feature. Mounds with
burials that contained any of the four additional features composed 13% (n=2). No clay
and pebble cists or ceramic vessels were found at Polander. The frequency of mounds
with burials that also contained a stone altar was 7% (n=1) and an earthen fireplace 7%
(n=1). There were no occurrences of more than one additional feature found in mounds
without burials.
Table 6.5 Frequency of occurrence and co-variation of features in excavated mounds of
the Polander mound group
Frequency
Percent ∗
Mounds with burial(s)
15
83
Mounds with burials and any other features
2
13
Mounds without burial(s)
3
17
Mounds without burial that contain other features
1
33
Mounds with burials and cists
0
0
Mounds with burials and earthen fireplaces
1
7
Mounds with burials and stone altars
1
7
Mounds with burials and ceramic vessels
0
0
Mounds with burials and 2+ features
0
0
Total number of mounds excavated
18

To summarize, most of the mounds at Polander contained burials and few other
features. Two notable features that occurred at Polander were stone lined burials and
burials overlain with stone boulders. These idiosyncratic features will be discussed in
more depth in Chapter 7.

∗

Percentiles do not total 100% because each row is an independent examination of the
presence or co-variation of features.
139

6.2.2.2 Raisbeck Results
The following description is based on the results in Appendix C which presents
the presence of the five features included in this research. Table 6.6 summarizes the
presence of features in the excavated mounds at Raisbeck. Of the 80 mounds at
Raisbeck, the total mounds excavated included 16 geometric and 4 effigy mounds.
Mounds with burials composed 90% (n=18) of the sample and 10% (n=2) contained no
burials (both geometric mounds). Burials were the most common feature in the mounds
but earthen fireplaces and stone altars were also common in mounds. There was only
one earthen fireplace in one of the two mounds without burials. Mounds containing both
burials and other features composed 72% (n=13) of the sample. Clay and pebble cists
were not found at Raisbeck. One ceramic vessel was found in a mound also containing
a burial. The frequency of mounds with burials that also contained a stone altar was
56% (n=10) and an earthen fireplace 28% (n=5). There were two occurrences where
both an earthen fireplace and a stone altar were found in the same mound as a burial.
Table 6.6 Frequency of occurrence and co-variation of features in excavated mounds of
the Raisbeck mound group
Frequency
Percent ∗
Mounds with burial(s)
18
90
Mounds with burials and any other features
13
72
Mounds without burial(s)
2
10
Mounds without burial that contain other features
1
50
Mounds with burials and cists
0
0
Mounds with burials and earthen fireplaces
5
28
Mounds with burials and stone altars
10
56
Mounds with burials and ceramic vessels
1
6
Mounds with burials and 2+ features
2
11
Total number of mounds excavated
20
∗

Percentiles do not total 100% because each row is an independent examination of the
presence or co-variation of features.
140

In summary, most of the mounds in the Raisbeck mound group contained burials,
including all four of the effigy mounds. Stone altars and earthen fireplaces were a
common co-occurrence with burial mounds.
6.2.2.3 Trowbridge Results
The following description is based on the results in Appendix C which presents
the presence of the five features included in this research. Table 6.7 summarizes the
presence of features within excavated mounds at Trowbridge. Of the 33 mounds (31
geometric and two effigy mound forms) at Trowbridge, the number of mounds
excavated included 15 geometric mounds and two effigy mound forms. Mounds
containing burials composed 76% (n=13) of the sample while 24% (n=4) contained no
burials.

At Trowbridge, mounds without burials contained no other features. Only one

mound with a burial at the site contained a ceramic vessel. In summary, much like the
Polander and Raisbeck mound groups, most of the mounds included burials. However,
the Trowbridge and Polander groups are similar in that they contain few non-burial
features. Like the other two Western Upland mound groups most mounds at
Trowbridge included burial features.

141

Table 6.7 Frequency of occurrence and co-variation of features in excavated mounds in
the Trowbridge mound group
Frequency
Percent ∗
Mounds with burial(s)
13
76
Mounds with burials and any other features
1
8
Mounds without burial(s)
4
24
Mounds without burial that contain other features
0
0
Mounds with burials and cists
0
0
Mounds with burials and earthen fireplaces
0
0
Mounds with burials and stone altars
0
0
Mounds with burials and ceramic vessels
1
8
Mounds with burials and 2+ features
0
0
Total number of mounds excavated
17

6.2.2.4 Kratz Creek Results
The following description is based on the results in Appendix C which presents
the presence of the five features included in this research. Table 6.8 summarizes the
presence of features in excavated mounds at Kratz Creek. Of the 51 mounds at Kratz
Creek, the total number of mounds excavated included 22 geometric and 14 effigy
mounds. Mounds with burials composed 22% (n=8) of the sample and 78% (n=28)
contained no burials (both geometric mounds). Mounds without burials that included
other features was 14% (n=4). Mounds with burials that also included additional
features was 63% (n=5) of the sample. Unlike the other two Central Plains mound
groups, Kratz Creek contained no clay and pebble cists in the mound group. Mounds
with burials that also contained earthen fireplaces composed 50% (n=4) of the sample
and stone altars composed 25% (n=2) of the sample. Three (38%) mounds with burials

∗

Percentiles do not total 100% because each row is an independent examination of the
presence or co-variation of features.
142

also contained ceramic vessels. Finally, burials that also included two or more features
included 50% (n=4) of the sample.
Table 6.8 Frequency of occurrence and co-variation of features in excavated mounds in
the Kratz Creek mound group
Frequency
Percent 1∗
Mounds with burial(s)
8
22
Mounds with burials and any other features
5
63
Mounds without burial(s)
28
28
Mounds without burial that contain other features
4
14
Mounds with burials and cists
0
0
Mounds with burials and earthen fireplaces
4
50
Mounds with burials and stone altars
2
25
Mounds with burials and ceramic vessels
3
38
Mounds with burials and 2+ features
4
50
Total number of mounds excavated
36

In summary, the Kratz Creek mounds are predominantly free of burials. Mounds
without burials may contain other features including earthen fireplaces or stone altars.
However, for most of the mounds that contained burials there were also earthen
fireplaces, stone altars, and ceramic vessels.
6.2.2.5 McClaughry Results
The following description is based on the results in Appendix C which presents
the presence of the five features included in this research. Table 6.9 summarizes the
presence of features in excavated mounds at McClaughry. Of the 82 mounds at
McClaughry, the total mounds excavated included 29 geometric mound forms and six
effigy mound forms. Mounds with burials composed 80% (n=28) of the sample and

∗

Percentiles do not total 100% because each row is an independent examination of the
presence or co-variation of features.
143

20% (n=7) contained no burials. Mounds without burials that included other features
was 43% (n=3) of the sample.
Mounds with burials with additional features was 57% (n=16) of the sample.
Twenty-one percent (n=6) of mounds with burials at McClaughry also contained clay
and pebble cists. While mounds containing burials and earthen fireplaces composed
18% (n=5) of the sample, mounds with burials and stone altars composed 32% (n=9).
Mounds with burials that also contained ceramic vessels composed 14% (n=4).
Mounds with burials that also included two or more non-burial features included 25%
(n=7) of the sample.
Table 6.9 Frequency of occurrence and co-variation of features in excavated mounds in
the McClaughry mound group
Frequency
Percent ∗
Mounds with burial(s)
28
80
Mounds with burials and any other features
16
57
Mounds without burial(s)
7
20
Mounds without burial that contain other features
3
43
Mounds with burials and cists
6
21
Mounds with burials and earthen fireplaces
5
18
Mounds with burials and stone altars
9
32
Mounds with burials and ceramic vessels
4
14
Mounds with burials and 2+ features
7
25
Total number of mounds excavated
35

In summary, the McClaughry mounds predominantly contained burials. Mounds
not containing burials may have contained other features including earthen fireplaces,
stone altars, or ceramic vessels. However, for most of the mounds that contained
burials all four of the other features were found frequently.

∗

Percentiles do not total 100% because each row is an independent examination of the
presence or co-variation of features.
144

6.2.2.6 Neale Results
The following description is based on the results in Appendix C which presents
the presence of the five features included in this research. Table 6.10 summarizes the
presence of features in excavated mounds at Neale. Of the 88 mounds at Neale, the
total number of excavated mounds included nine geometric and 15 effigy mound forms.
Mounds with burials composed 46% (n=11) of the sample and 54% (n=13) contained no
burials. Sixty-four percent of the mounds without burials (n=7/13) contained other
features. Four of these mounds contained clay and pebble cists. One of these four
mounds contained clay and pebble cist, an earthen fireplace, and a stone altar.
The frequency of mounds with burials that included clay and pebble cists was
27% (n=3/11) of the sample. Thirty-six percent of mounds with burials (n=4/11) also
contained earthen fireplaces. Mounds with stone altars and burials composed 27%
(n=3/11). Two (18%) mounds with burials also contained ceramic vessels. Mounds
with burials that also included two or more additional features composed 36% (n=4/11)
of the sample.

145

Table 6.10 Frequency of occurrence and co-variation of features in excavated mounds
in the Neale mound group
Frequency
Percent ∗
Mounds with burial(s)
11
46
Mounds with burials and any other features
7
64
Mounds without burial(s)
13
54
Mounds without burial that contain other features
6
46
Mounds with burials and cists
3
27
Mounds with burials and earthen fireplaces
4
36
Mounds with burials and stone altars
3
27
Mounds with burials and ceramic vessels
2
18
Mounds with burials and 2+ features
4
36
Total number of mounds excavated
24

In summary, the Neale mound group presents relatively even numbers of
mounds with and without burials. Mounds without burials may contain other features
including earthen fireplaces, stone altars and clay and pebble cists. However, for most
of the mounds that contained burials there were also clay and pebble cists, earthen
fireplaces, stone altars, and ceramic vessels.
6.2.2.7 Kletzien Results
The following description is based on the results in Appendix C which presents
the presence of the five features included in this research. Table 6.11 summarizes the
presence of features in excavated mounds at Kletzien. Of the 33 mounds at Kletzien,
the number of mounds excavated included eight geometric mound forms, 17 effigy
mounds forms and two indeterminate mound forms. Mounds with burials composed
52% (n=14) of the samples and 48% (n=13) of the mounds contained no burials.

∗

Percentiles do not total 100% because each row is an independent examination of the
presence or co-variation of features.
146

Mounds without burials that included other features was 15% (n=2/13), and both
mounds included earthen fireplaces.
Mounds with burials that also included additional features was 57% (n=8/14) of
the sample. Both clay and pebble cists and stone altars were absent in the mound
group. Mounds with burials that also contained earthen fireplaces composed 43% (n=6)
of the sample. Two (14%) mounds with burials contained ceramic vessels. None of the
mounds with burials contained more than one additional feature.
Table 6.11 Frequency of occurrence and co-variation of features in excavated mounds
in the Kletzien mound group
Frequency
Percent ∗
Mounds with burial(s)
14
52
Mounds with burials and any other features
8
57
Mounds without burial(s)
13
48
Mounds without burial that contain other features
2
15
Mounds with burials and cists
0
0
Mounds with burials and earthen fireplaces
6
43
Mounds with burials and stone altars
0
0
Mounds with burials and ceramic vessels
2
14
Mounds with burials and 2+ features
0
0
Total number of mounds excavated
27

In summary, the Kletzien Creek mounds have a fairly equal proportion of mounds
with and without burials. Mounds without burials rarely contained any other features. In
general, there seems to be a strong association between the presence of a burial and
the co-occurrence of other features (i.e. earthen fireplaces and ceramic vessels).

∗

Percentiles do not total 100% because each row is an independent examination of the
presence or co-variation of features.
147

6.2.2.8 Kolterman Results
The following description is based on the results in Appendix C which presents
the presence of the five features included in this research. Of the 22 mounds that
originally composed the Kolterman group, the total number of mounds excavated
included four effigy mound forms. Mounds with burials composed 100% (n=4) of the
mounds. Only one mound contained both an earthen fireplace and a ceramic vessel.
6.2.2.9 Nitschke Results
The following description is based on the results in Appendix C which presents
the presence of the five features included in this research. Table 6.12 summarizes the
presence of features in excavated mounds at Nitschke. Of the 62 mounds at Nitschke,
excavated included 18 geometric mound forms and 14 effigy mound forms. Mounds
with burials composed 76% (n=28) and 24% (n=9) contained no burials. There were no
features included in any other mounds that did not also contain burials. Mounds with
burials that include additional features was 21% (n=6/28) of the sample. Mounds with
burials that also contained earthen fireplaces composed 4% (n=1) of the sample and
stone altars composed 11% (n=3) of the sample. Three (11%) mounds with burial
contained ceramic vessels. Only one mound with a burial feature contained more than
one additional feature.

148

Table 6.12 Frequency of occurrence and co-variation of features in excavated mounds
in the Nitschke mound group
Frequency
Percent ∗
Mounds with burial(s)
28
76
Mounds with burials and any other features
6
21
Mounds without burial(s)
9
24
Mounds without burial that contain other features
0
0
Mounds with burials and cists
0
0
Mounds with burials and earthen fireplaces
1
4
Mounds with burials and stone altars
3
11
Mounds with burials and ceramic vessels
3
11
Mounds with burials and 2+ features
1
4
Total number of mounds excavated
37

In summary, the Nitschke mounds predominantly contained burials. Mounds
without a burial feature contained no additional features. However, the presence of
additional features is minimal at Nitschke.

Table 6.13 presents the presence of mound features among all mound groups.
The majority of mounds contained burials except for Kratz Creek and Neale. Additional
features were common when burials were also present at Raisbeck, Kratz Creek,
McClaughry, Neale, and Kletzien. Mounds that did not contain burials usually did not
contain other features in the mound. Mounds that contained earthen fireplaces and
stone altars and burials were not that frequent, but when earthen fireplaces and stone
altars were present they tended to co-occur in the same mound with a burial.

∗

Percentiles do not total 100% because each row is an independent examination of the
presence or co-variation of features.
149

Table 6.13 Summary table of frequency and approximate percentage of features
occurring in mound groups. (PL=Polander, RB=Raisbeck, TB=Trowbridge, KZ=Kratz
Creek, MC=McClaughry, NL=Neale, KL=Kletzien, KM=Kolterman, NK=Nitschke)
PL
RB
TB
KZ
MC
NL
KL KM
NK
Mounds with burial
15
18
13
8
28
11
14
4
28
83% 90% 76% 22% 80% 46% 52% 100% 76%
Mounds with burials
2
13
1
5
16
7
8
1
6
with any features
13% 72% 8% 63% 57% 64% 57% 25% 21%
Mounds without burials
3
2
4
28
7
13
13
0
9
17% 10% 24% 78% 20% 54% 48% 0%
24%
Mounds without burial that
1
1
0
4
3
6
2
0
0
contain any features
33% 50% 0% 14% 43% 46% 15% 0%
0%
Mounds with burials and
0
0
0
0
6
3
0
0
0
cists
0%
0%
0%
0% 21% 27% 0%
0%
0%
Mounds with burials and
1
5
0
4
5
4
6
1
1
Earthen Fireplaces
7% 28% 0% 50% 18% 36% 43% 25%
4%
Mounds with burials and
1
10
0
2
9
3
0
0
3
stone altars
7% 56% 0% 25% 32% 27% 0%
0%
11%
Mounds with burials and
0
1
1
3
4
2
2
1
3
ceramic vessels
0%
6%
8% 38% 14% 18% 14% 25% 11%
Mounds with burials and 2+
0
2
0
4
7
4
0
1
1
features
0% 11% 0% 50% 25% 36% 0% 25%
4%
Total number of mounds
18
20
17
36
35
24
27
4
37
excavated
Table 6.14 summarizes the presence of features in mounds among the
physiographic regions.
6.2.2.10 Western Upland Physiographic Region Results
The Western Uplands physiographic region was composed of 84% (n=46) of
mounds with burials mounds and 16% (n=9) did not contain burials. Of the mounds that
did not contain burials, 22% (n=2/9) contained other non-burial features. The frequency
of mounds containing burials and other features was 35% (n=16/46). No clay and
pebble cists were uncovered in the Western Uplands mound groups. Mounds
containing burials and earthen fireplaces composed 13%(n=6/46) of the sample.
Mounds containing burials and stone altars composed 24% (n=11/46) of the sample.
150

Mounds containing both burials and ceramic vessels and more than one additional
feature composed 4% (n=2/46) of the sample.
In summary, the Western Uplands mounds predominantly contained burials.
Few of the mounds with burials contained other features. Finally, about one-third of the
mounds contained other features, suggesting a weak association between burials and
other features.
Table 6.14 Summary table of frequency and approximate percentage of features
occurring in physiographic regions.
Western Uplands Central Plain Eastern Ridges and Lowlands
Mounds with burial
46
47
46
84%
49%
68%
Mounds with burials
16
25
15
with any features
35%
53%
33%
Mounds without burials
9
48
22
16%
51%
32%
Mounds without burial
2
13
2
that contain any features
22%
27%
9%
Mounds with burials and
0
9
0
Clay and pebble cists
0%
19%
0%
Mounds with burials and
6
13
8
Earthen Fireplaces
13%
28%
17%
Mounds with burials and
11
14
3
stone altars
24%
30%
7%
Mounds with burials and
2
9
6
ceramic vessels
4%
19%
13%
Mounds with burials
2
15
2
and 2+ features
4%
32%
9%
Total number of
55
95
68
mounds excavated
6.2.2.11 Central Plain Physiographic Region Results
The Central Plains physiographic region was composed of 49% (n=47/95) of
mounds with burial features and 51% (n=48/95) of mounds without burials (Table 6.14).
Twenty-seven percent (n=13/48) of mounds without burials contained other features.
151

The frequency of mounds with burials that contained any other features was 53%
(n=25/47). Although no clay and pebble cists were found at Kratz Creek, mounds with
burials also containing clay and pebble cists composed 19% (n=9/47) of the sample.
Mounds with burials that also co-varied with earthen fireplaces composed
28%(n=13/47) of the sample. Mounds with burials that also contained stone altars
composed 30% (n=14/47) of the sample. Mounds with burials that also contained
ceramic vessels composed 19% (n=9/47) of the sample. Mounds with burial that also
contained more than one additional feature composed 32% (n=15/47) of the sample.
In summary, the Central Plains mounds were composed of approximately equal
numbers of mounds with and without burial features. Approximately one-fourth of the
mounds without burial contained other features, while over half the mounds with burial
contained other features, suggesting a weak association of burials with other features.
6.2.2.11 Eastern Ridges and Lowlands Physiographic Region Results
Table 6.14 summarizes the results of the number of mounds with features
present. Within the Eastern Ridges and Lowlands physiographic region 68% (n=46/68)
of mounds contained burials and 32% (n=22/68) of mounds did not. Nine percent
(n=2/22) of mounds without burial contained other features.
The frequency of mounds containing burials and any other features was 33%
(n=15/46) of the sample. Mounds with burials and earthen fireplaces composed 17%
(n=8/46) of the sample. Mounds with burials and stone altars composed 7% (n=3/46) of
the sample. Mounds containing burials and ceramic vessels composed 13% (n=6/46) of
the sample. Finally, mounds with burial and more than one additional feature
comprised 9% (n=2/46) of the sample.
152

In summary, a little over two-thirds of the mounds contained burials and those
that did had about a third with associated features. For this region, the mounds without
burial had a very low frequency of any of the other four features.
6.2.3 Horizontal and Vertical Position of Features
Thus far Research Question #1 dealt with the relative frequencies and
associations of the various features among the mound groups and physiographic
regions. The next section addresses another dimension of the ritual program of the
effigy peoples that constructed and maintained the mound groups. Specifically, this
section focuses on the spatial preference for placement of various features, on the
horizontal and vertical axis of effigy and geometric mound forms.
Before describing the horizontal and vertical positioning of specific features, the
frequency of specific mound forms in the study is reviewed. As can be observed in
Table 6.15 there are 21 different mound forms in this research. The first four are
commonly categorized as geometric forms and the remaining 17 are commonly
categorized as effigy forms. Problematic and Unclassified forms are those that either
did not fit a predefined category or were eroded beyond recognition. These forms were
typically defined as some type of effigy form. The two Indeterminate mound forms could
not be classified as either geometric or effigy forms. Because mound forms are diverse,
the mound forms were recoded into two broad categories of effigy and geometric
mound forms. The indeterminate forms were excluded from the analyses in this
section.

153

Table 6.15 Frequency and percentage of mound forms excavated in each mound group
Mound Form
Conical
Linear
Oval
Biconical
Turtle
Beaver
Egg
Fish
Gourd-like
Lizard
Moccasin
Squirrel
Rabbit
Buffalo
Otter
Panther
Bear
Bird
Deer
Problematic Effigy
Unclassified form
Indeterminate
Canine

Frequency of Excavated Mounds
109
13
8
4
2
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
3
18
9
10
8
13
4
2
5

Total

Percent of Sample

217

50.2
5.9
3.6
1.8
1.0
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.5
1.4
8.3
4.1
4.6
3.6
6.0
1.8
0.9
2.3
100.0

Table 6.16 describes the frequency of the mound forms after they were recoded
as geometric or effigy mound forms. The indeterminate mounds were excluded from
the analysis. It must be cautioned that the frequencies represent only the mounds
excavated and not the total number of mounds in each mound group.

154

Table 6.16 Frequency of excavated mound forms in each mound group
Mound Group
Kletzien
Kolterman
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Neale
Nitschke
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge

Geometric

Total

Effigy
17
4
14
5
15
19
0
4
2

25
4
36
36
24
37
16
20
17

135

Total

8
0
22
31
9
18
16
16
15

80

215

Table 6.17 presents the frequency distributions of mound forms among the
physiographic regions. Although geometric forms appear to be the dominant form
overall, clearly effigy mound forms dominate the Eastern Ridges and Lowlands. Again,
these frequencies include only the mounds excavated and not all the mounds observed
in the regions.
Table 6.17 Frequency of effigy and geometric mound forms among the physiographic
regions
Physiographic Regions
Total
Geometric
Effigy
Central Plain

62

34

96

Eastern Ridges and Lowlands
Western Upland

26
47

40
6

66
53

135

80

215

Total

In this section, all features in the horizontal dimension will be examined as
though from a bird’s-eye view with the following values used to assess the geometric
mounds including: center and far from center. For effigy mound forms the following
155

“anatomic” values were used including: head, heart, hip, tail, stomach, between rear
legs. For both geometric and effigy mound forms the following values will be used to
analyze the vertical dimension: a) above mound floor, b) on mound floor, c) and below
mound floor. An important confounding effect in this section is that rarely were entire
mounds excavated; instead excavators exposed areas of the mounds that, from
previous excavations, demonstrated a patterned presence of features.
6.2.3.1 Horizontal Dimension of Burial Features
Figure 6.3 presents the frequency of the horizontal position of burials in effigy
mound forms. Polander was excluded from this analysis since all mounds in that
mound group were geometric forms. There are a total of 60 burials in effigy mound
forms and 39 of those were found in the heart position.

Although burials occur most

often in the heart position of effigy mound forms, burials can also occur in the head,
stomach, hip, tail, and between the rear legs. It should be noted that, if a burial occurs
in an effigy mound form, the burial was typically found interred in the heart position first,
followed by additional burials occurring elsewhere in the mound.
The result of a Fisher’s exact test indicated no important differences in the
frequency of horizontal position among mound groups (p=0.543) and physiographic
regions (p=0.577).

156

Figure 6.3 Frequency of the horizontal position of burials in effigy mound forms among
mound groups
Next, the horizontal position of burials in geometric mounds was examined. Two
possibilities are possible for the position of burials in geometric mounds; in or near the
center of the mound or far from center. There were a total of 117 burials in geometric
mound forms, only nine of which were found far from the center of the mounds for all
mound groups. Therefore, it is concluded that the typical burial pattern among all
mound groups was in or near the center of a geometric mound.

157

6.2.3.2 Horizontal Dimension of Clay and Pebble Cist Features
Since clay and pebble cists only occur in the Neale and McClaughry mound
groups it makes little sense to analyze these data. At both McClaughry and Neale two
clay and pebble cists were found in effigy mound forms. At McClaughry one was found
in the tail and one was found in the heart position. At Neale one clay and pebble cist
was found in the head position and one was found in the heart position. At McClaughry
seven clay and pebble cists were found in the center of geometric mound forms and
one was found far from the center. In geometric mound forms at Neale nine clay and
pebble cists were found in the center and three were found far from the center. It
appears these features at these two sites were found in the same locations as burials
would be found, suggesting these features had important meaning to the people who
built the mounds.
6.2.3.3 Horizontal Dimension of Earthen Fireplace Features
Figure 6.4 presents the frequency and expected counts of the horizontal
positions of earthen fireplaces in effigy mound forms. Two of the Western Upland
mound groups were excluded because a) there were no effigy mound forms at Polander
and b) no earthen fireplaces were found in the Trowbridge effigy mound forms. To
review, the heart position is the mode for burial deposition in effigy mound forms,
followed closely by the hip and stomach positions. With the exception of Kletzien and
Kolterman, this same pattern is evident for earthen fireplaces.

158

Figure 6.4 Frequency of the horizontal position of earthen fireplaces in effigy mounds
among mound groups
The next analysis focuses on the horizontal position of earthen fireplaces in
geometric mounds among mound groups. Table 6.18 presents the frequency of
fireplaces among the mound groups. Of the 28 geometric mounds, only six mounds
contained earthen fireplaces far from the center. Five of the nine groups are
represented since earthen fireplaces were absent from geometric mounds at Polander
and Trowbridge (Western Uplands) and Nitschke (Eastern Ridges and Lowlands) and
there were no excavated geometric mounds at Kolterman.

159

Table 6.18 Frequency of horizontal positions of earthen fireplaces in geometric mound
forms among mound groups
Mound Group
Total
Center
Far From Center
Kletzien
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Neale
Raisbeck

2
6
4
2
8

2
6
6
4
10

22

Total

0
0
2
2
2
6

28

6.2.3.4 Horizontal Dimension of Stone Altar Features
Table 6.19 presents the frequency of stone altars among the mound groups.
Four of the nine mound groups are represented since stone altars were absent from
effigy mounds at Polander and Trowbridge (Western Uplands), Kratz Creek (Central
Plains) and Kolterman and Kletzien (Eastern Ridges and Lowlands). Again, the modal
horizontal position was in the heart position, followed closely by the head position.
Table 6.19 Frequency of the horizontal positions of stone altars in effigy mound forms
among mound groups
Mound Group
Total
Wing
Head
Heart
Stomach
McClaughry
Neale
Nitschke

0
0
0

2
1
1

4
1
1

2
0
0

8
2
2

Raisbeck

1

1

0

0

2

Total

1

5

6

2

14

For geometric mound forms (Table 6.20) six of the nine groups are represented
since stone altars were absent from geometric mound forms at Trowbridge (Western
Uplands) and Kletzien (Eastern Ridges and Lowlands) and there were no excavated
geometric mound forms at Kolterman. Of the 34 geometric mounds, 10 mounds
contained stone altars far from the center.
160

Table 6.20 Frequency of the horizontal positions of stone altars in geometric mound
forms among mound groups
Mound Group
Total
Center
Far From Center
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Neale
Nitschke
Polander
Raisbeck

6
5
3
1
2
7

6
9
3
1
2
13

24

Total

0
4
0
0
0
6
10

34

6.2.3.5 Horizontal Dimension of Ceramic Vessel Features
The next analysis focuses on the horizontal position of ceramic vessels in effigy
mound forms among mound groups. Table 6.21 presents the frequency of ceramic
vessels among the mound groups. Four of the nine groups are represented since stone
altars were absent from effigy mound forms in all three Western Upland sites, and
Kolterman and Kletzien (Eastern Ridges and Lowlands). Again, the modal horizontal
position is in the heart position, followed by the stomach position. Of the nine ceramic
vessels found in effigy mound forms three were from Nitschke (Eastern Ridges and
Lowlands). All three Central Plains mound groups contained ceramic vessels in effigy
mound forms.
Table 6.21 Frequency of the horizontal positions of ceramic vessels in effigy mound
forms among mound groups
Mound Group
Total
Heart
Hip
Stomach
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Neale
Nitschke

2
2
0
1

0
0
1
0

0
0
1
2

2
2
2
3

Total

5

1

3

9

161

Table 6.22 presents the frequency of ceramic vessels within geometric mound
forms among the mound groups. Five of the nine groups are represented since ceramic
vessels were absent from geometric mounds at Polander and Raisbeck (Western
Uplands); Neale (Central Plains); and Kolterman (Eastern Ridges and Lowlands) had no
excavated geometric mound forms. Of 11 instances of ceramic vessels occurring in
geometric mound forms, only three were found far from center.
Table 6.22 Frequency of the horizontal positions of ceramic vessels in geometric mound
forms among mound groups
Mound Group
Total
Center
Far From Center
Kletzien
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Nitschke
Trowbridge

1
2
4
1
0

0
0
2
0
1

1
2
6
1
1

Total

8

3

11

6.2.3.6 Vertical Dimension of Burial Features
This section focuses on the analyses of the potential differences of vertical
position of burials among mound groups and physiographic regions. Table 6.23 and
Figure 6.5 present the frequency of the three vertical positions among mound groups.
The most frequent form of burial is in a pit below the mound floor, followed by burial on
the mound floor. Unfortunately, due to zero values in many cells and lower than
expected cell counts, the results of the Chi-square and Fisher’s Exact tests were
inconclusive

162

Table 6.23 Frequency of vertical burial positions among mound groups
Mound Groups
Mound Floor
Below Mound Floor Above Mound Floor

Total

Kletzien
Kolterman
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Neale
Nitschke
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge

5
0
0
17
0
22
3
3
4

11
5
4
19
11
14
10
11
8

0
0
8
10
1
2
3
6
8

16
5
12
46
12
38
16
20
20

Total

54

93

38

185

Figure 6.5 Frequency of vertical positions of burials among mound groups
Table 6.24 and Figure 6.6 present the frequency and expected counts for the
vertical positions of burials among physiographic regions. What is significant is that
there are relatively large differences between the expected and actual counts for the
163

mound floor and above mound floor positions, particularly in the Eastern Ridges and
Lowlands and Western Upland regions.
Table 6.24 Frequency and expected counts of vertical burial positions among
physiographic regions
Physiographic Regions
Mound Floor
Below Mound Floor Above Mound Floor

Total

Observed
Expected
Eastern Ridges Observed
and Lowlands
Expected
Observed
Western Upland
Expected

17.0
20.4
27.0
17.2
10.0
16.3

34.0
35.2
30.0
29.7
29.0
28.2

19.0
14.4
2.0
12.1
17.0
11.5

70.0
70.0
59.0
59.0
56.0
56.0

Total

54.0

93.0

38.0

185.0

Central Plain

Figure 6.6 illustrates how the Eastern Ridges and Lowlands are dramatically
different in number and proportion of mound floor and above mound floor frequencies,
relative to below the mound floor. A Fisher’s Exact test indicates important differences
(p=0.000) in the frequency of vertical positions among the physiographic regions.

Figure 6.6 Frequency of vertical positions of burials among physiographic regions
164

6.2.3.7 Vertical Dimension of Clay and Pebble Cist Features
Table 6.25 presents the frequency of clay and pebble cists among the
McClaughry and Neale mound groups. As mentioned previously, these are the only two
groups where this feature is present. Further, clay and pebble cists frequently occur in
pairs and are commonly placed above the mound floor. There are a total of 25 clay and
pebble cists, 10 at McClaughry and 15 at Neale. At McClaughry all 10 are above the
mound floor, while at Neale, two were on the mound floor, two were below the mound
floor, and 11 were found above the mound floor.
Table 6.25 Frequency of the vertical positions of clay and pebble cists among mound
groups
Mound Group
Mound Floor
Below Mound Floor Above Mound Floor Total
McClaughry
Neale

0
2

0
2

10
11

10
15

Total

2

2

21

25

6.2.3.8 Vertical Dimension of Earthen Fireplace Features
Table 6.26 and Figure 6.7 present the frequency of earthen fireplaces among the
mound groups. Six of the nine sites are represented in the table because earthen
fireplaces are absent from Polander and Trowbridge (Western Uplands) and Kolterman
(Eastern Ridges and Lowlands). As can be seen in Table 6.25 there are important
differences between actual and expected counts in many of the cells. In the Raisbeck
and Kratz Creek mound groups earthen fireplaces only occur above and below the
mound floor. At Neale and Nitschke earthen fireplaces only occur on the mound floor.
At McClaughry earthen fireplaces occur on or above the mound floor. At Kletzien
earthen fireplaces were found on or below the mound floor.
165

Of the mound groups containing earthen fireplaces, employing a Fisher’s Exact
test resulted in important differences (p=.000) in the vertical positions among mound
groups.
Table 6.26 Frequency of vertical positions of earthen fireplaces among mound groups
Mound Group
Mound Floor
Below Mound Floor
Above Mound Floor Total
Observed
Expected
Observed
Kratz Creek
Expected
Observed
McClaughry
Expected
Observed
Neale
Expected
Observed
Nitschke
Expected
Observed
Raisbeck
Expected
Kletzien

Total

5.0
3.1
0.0
5.2
3.0
2.2
8.0
3.5
1.0
0.4
0.0
2.6

2.0
0.9
2.0
1.5
0.0
0.6
0.0
1.0
0.0
0.1
1.0
0.8

0.0
3.1
10.0
5.2
2.0
2.2
0.0
3.5
0.0
0.4
5.0
2.6

7.0
7.0
12.0
12.0
5.0
5.0
8.0
8.0
1.0
1.0
6.0
6.0

17.0

5.0

17.0

39.0

166

Figure 6.7 Frequency of vertical positions of earthen fireplaces among mound groups
Following are the results of the analysis for patterns and differences among
physiographic regions (Table 6.27). Here the differences are evident in that the mound
floor and above the mound floor are the typical areas for earthen fireplace placement in
the Central Plains. For the Eastern Ridges and Lowlands the most frequent placement
was on the mound floor. For the Western Uplands the most frequent placement of
earthen fireplaces was above the mound fill. Results of the Fisher’s Exact test were
that there were important differences (p=0.004) in the vertical position of earthen
fireplaces among physiographic regions.

167

Table 6.27 Frequency of the vertical position of earthen fireplaces among physiographic
regions
Physiographic Region
Total
Mound Floor
Below Mound
Above Mound
Floor

Floor

Observed
Expected
Eastern Ridges Observed
and Lowlands Expected
Observed
Western
Upland
Expected

11.0
10.9
6.0
3.5
0.0
2.6

2.0
3.2
2.0
1.0
1.0
0.8

12.0
10.9
0.0
3.5
5.0
2.6

25.0
25.0
8.0
8.0
6.0
6.0

Total

17.0

5.0

17.0

39.0

Central Plain

6.2.3.9 Vertical Dimension of Stone Altar Features
Table 6.28 and Figure 6.8 present the frequency of stone altars among the
mound groups. Six of the nine mound groups are represented. Trowbridge (Western
Uplands) and Kletzien and Kolterman are absent from the analysis since no stone altars
were found at those sites. Notable is the discrepancy among most counts and expected
counts. At Polander the two stone altars were only found on the mound floor. At
Raisbeck and McClaughry stone altars were found at all three vertical positions. At
Kratz Creek stone altars were found on or above the mound floor. At Neale stone altars
were found on or below the mound floors. At Nitschke stone altars were only found
above the mound floor.
The results of the Fisher’s Exact test indicates important differences (p=.002) in
the vertical position of stone altars among mound groups.

168

Table 6.28 Frequency and expected counts of the vertical positions of stone altars
among mound groups
Mound Group
Mound Floor
Below Mound Floor Above Mound Floor Total
Observed
Expected
Observed
McClaughry
Expected
Observed
Neale
Expected
Observed
Nitschke
Expected
Observed
Polander
Expected
Observed
Raisbeck
Expected

1.0
2.6
10.0
7.4
6.0
3.1
0.0
1.3
2.0
0.9
2.0
5.7

0.0
1.1
4.0
3.2
1.0
1.3
0.0
0.6
0.0
0.4
4.0
2.4

5.0
2.3
3.0
6.4
0.0
2.6
3.0
1.1
0.0
0.8
7.0
4.9

6.0
6.0
17.0
17.0
7.0
7.0
3.0
3.0
2.0
2.0
13.0
13.0

Total

21.0

9.0

18.0

48.0

Kratz Creek

Figure 6.8 Frequency of vertical positions of stone altars among mound groups
Table 6.29 presents the frequency of vertical positions among physiographic
regions. In the Central Plain there was a preference for stone altars on the mound floor.
169

In the Eastern Ridges and Lowlands, although stone altars are rare, three were found
above the mound floor. In the Western Uplands there was a preference for deposit
above the mound floor; however they were found frequently in the other two locations.
The results of the Fisher’s Exact test indicates an important difference (p=0.066) in the
vertical position of stone altars among the physiographic regions.
Table 6.29 Frequency of vertical positions of stone altars among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region

Vertical Positions of Stone Altars
Total
Mound Floor Below Mound Floor Above Mound Floor

Observed
Expected
Eastern Ridges Observed
and Lowlands
Expected
Observed
Western Upland
Expected

17.0
13.1
0.0
1.3
4.0
6.6

5.0
5.6
0.0
0.6
4.0
2.8

8.0
11.3
3.0
1.1
7.0
5.6

30.0
30.0
3.0
3.0
15.0
15.0

Total

21.0

9.0

18.0

48.0

Central Plain

6.2.3.10 Vertical Dimension of Ceramic Vessel Features
Table 6.30 presents the frequency of ceramic vessels among the mound groups.
Six of the nine mound groups are represented. Raisbeck and Polander (Western
Uplands) and Kolterman are absent from the analysis since no ceramic vessels were
found in those mound groups. The Fisher’s Exact tests indicate a shared pattern
(p=.433) among mound groups and physiographic regions.

170

Table 6.30 Frequency of vertical positions of ceramic vessels among mound groups
Mound Group
Total
Mound Floor Below Mound Floor Above Mound Floor
Kletzien
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Neale
Nitschke
Trowbridge

1
0
2
2
2
0

1
1
4
0
1
1

0
3
2
0
1
0

2
4
8
2
4
1

Total

7

8

6

21

6.3 Results for Research Question #2
Research Question #2: Is there significant patterning (similarities and/or
differences) in the postmortem treatment of burials (burial disposition) among
mound groups and the physiographic regions within which those mounds are
found?
This question will be examined in three different ways. The first set of analyses
focus on potential differences in the burial disposition of individual burials among mound
groups and physiographic regions. Here the level of analysis focuses on the individual
burials in the mound group. Individual burials may contain multiple individuals with
differing postmortem treatments. For example, if a mound contained two burials, one
primary and one cremation, the data was recorded as one primary and one secondary
burial. Second, the postmortem treatment of aggregated burials (combined postmortem
treatment of all burials) within single mounds will be analyzed for potential differences
among mound groups and physiographic regions. Here the level of analysis focuses on
the individual mounds in the mound group. For example, if a mound contained a primary
and secondary burial, the mound is characterized as a “mixed” burial mound. Finally,
171

potential differences between geometric and effigy mound forms in the postmortem
treatment of individual burials are investigated among mound groups and physiographic
regions. Here the level of analysis focuses on the individual burials in the mound group.
Table 6.31 presents the frequencies for the disposition of burials in each mound
group. This table presents the great variation in burial treatment at the mound level.
What is clear is that secondary burial treatment is the primary mode of postmortem
treatment. Also note that there were 135 mounds that contained some type of burial.
Table 6.31 Frequency of all burial dispositions represented in a mound for all mound
groups (Indet = Unknown burial type, 10=Primary burial, 20= Secondary burial,
Crem=Cremation)
20 10, 20 Crem 10, 20, 20,
Indet 10
10,
20,
10 10,20, Total
Crem Crem Indet Indet Crem Indet Mounds
Kletzien
Kolterman
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Neale
Nitschke
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge
Total

6
2
2
2
4
5
0
3
2

2
0
0
11
2
6
5
10
5

2
0
1
11
2
6
5
10
5

1
0
0
4
0
4
1
0
1

0
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0

0
0
1
0
1
0
0
0
0

0
0
0
7
0
0
0
0
0

0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
1

0
0
0
1
0
2
0
1
0

1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0

0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
2

14
4
8
29
11
28
10
18
13

26

35

41

11

2

2

7

2

4

2

3

135

Given the great variation in postmortem treatment, the values were recoded as
primary, secondary, or a mixed burial (primary and secondary). Secondary burial here
includes bundle burials and cremations. Table 6.32 and Figure 6.9 present the
frequency of burial type among mound groups, when only individual burials are
considered. Secondary burial is the mode for burial while mixed burials are rare when
172

just the burials are considered. All mound groups with the exception of Kletzien, Kratz
Creek, and Nitschke exhibited higher frequencies of secondary burials. After the mixed
burials were excluded from the analysis, the result of the Fisher’s Exact test indicates
an important difference (p=0.001) in the frequency of primary and secondary burials
among mound groups.
Table 6.32 Frequency of Burial disposition among mound groups
Mound Group
Primary
Secondary
Mixed
Kletzien
Kolterman
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Neale
Nitschke
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge
Total

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

6.0
3.7
1.0
1.1
8.0
4.0
6.0
15.4
5.0
2.6
17.0
11.3
6.0
6.2
4.0
5.9
3.0
5.9

3.0
5.7
2.0
1.7
3.0
6.3
32.0
23.9
2.0
4.0
12.0
17.6
11.0
9.7
12.0
9.1
10.0
9.1

1.0
0.7
0.0
0.2
0.0
0.7
4.0
2.7
0.0
0.5
2.0
2.0
0.0
1.1
0.0
1.0
3.0
1.0

10.0
10.0
3.0
3.0
11.0
11.0
42.0
42.0
7.0
7.0
31.0
31.0
17.0
17.0
16.0
16.0
16.0
16.0

56.0

87.0

10.0

153.0

173

Figure 6.9 Frequency of burial disposition among the mound groups
Figure 6.10 presents the frequency of burial disposition of individual burials
among the three physiographic regions (mixed burials excluded). The modal burial for
the Western Uplands and Central Plains is secondary burial, while primary is the modal
burial form for the Eastern Ridges and Lowlands. The result of the Chi-square analysis
was indicates an important difference (Chi-square value = 9.398, Likelihood ratio =
9.309, d.f = 2, p=.009) among physiographic regions for burial disposition.

174

Figure 6.10 Frequency of burial disposition among physiographic regions
In the next analysis, burial disposition will be investigated on the level of the
mound. Here, any combination of burial forms is included for the whole mound. For
example, if a mound contains one primary burial and one secondary burial, burial
disposition was coded as “mixed”. Many of the mounds were excluded from the
analysis if any burial disposition was determined to be unknown.
Table 6.33 and Figure 6.11 present the frequency of the aggregated burial
disposition represented in the mounds among the mound groups. Again, the
predominant form of burial is secondary (n=50/100). Mixed burial mounds were minimal
but every mound group (except Raisbeck) had at least one mound with a mixed burial.
McClaughry had four mounds that included mixed burial for those mounds. Results
from a Fisher’s Exact test indicated important differences (Exact value = 23.741, p =
0.042) in the frequency of postmortem treatment among the mound groups.

175

Table 6.33 Frequency of burial dispositions in mounds among mound groups
Mound Group
Kletzien
Kolterman
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Neale
Nitschke
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge
Total

Aggregated Burial Disposition for Mound
Primary
Secondary
Mixed
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

4.0
2.8
0.0
0.7
4.0
2.1
3.0
8.8
4.0
2.5
10.0
7.0
4.0
3.5
4.0
4.9
2.0
2.8

2.0
4.0
1.0
1.0
1.0
3.0
18.0
12.5
2.0
3.5
6.0
10.0
5.0
5.0
10.0
7.0
5.0
4.0

2.0
1.2
1.0
0.3
1.0
0.9
4.0
3.8
1.0
1.1
4.0
3.0
1.0
1.5
0.0
2.1
1.0
1.2

8.0
8.0
2.0
2.0
6.0
6.0
25.0
25.0
7.0
7.0
20.0
20.0
10.0
10.0
14.0
14.0
8.0
8.0

35.0

50.0

15.0

100.0

176

Figure 6.11 Frequency of burial disposition in mounds among mound groups
Table 6.34 presents the frequency of the mounds with the aggregated burial
disposition among physiographic regions. There are no notable differences among
physiographic regions (Fisher’s Exact value = 8.440, p=.073).
Table 6.34 Frequency of mounds with aggregated burial disposition among
physiographic regions
Physiographic Region
Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and
Lowlands
Western Upland
Total

Aggregated Burial Form for Mound
Primary
Secondary
Mixed

Total

Observed

11.0

21.0

6.0

38.0

Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

13.3
14.0
10.5
10.0
11.2

19.0
9.0
15.0
20.0
16.0

5.7
7.0
4.5
2.0
4.8

38.0
30.0
30.0
32.0
32.0

35.0

50.0

15.0

100.0

177

This section investigates whether mound form had an influence on burial
disposition. The analysis was conducted in two stages: (1) Evaluation of the
relationship between mound form and postmortem treatment (burial disposition) and (2)
Analysis of variation among the mound groups and physiographic regions.
Table 6.35 presents the frequency of burial disposition by mound form. An
examination of the frequencies using Chi-square and Fisher’s exact analyses indicates
an important difference (Chi-square value = 8.135, Likelihood ratio = 8.063, d.f. = 2, p=
0.015; Fisher’s exact = 7.789 p =0.018) in the disposition of burials for the entire
sample.
Table 6.35 Frequency of burial disposition among geometric and effigy mound forms
Mound Form
Primary

Effigy Mound Form
Total

Total
Mixed

29.0
37.0
27.0
19.0

64.0
57.4
23.0
29.6

8.0
6.6
2.0
3.4

101.0
101.0
52.0
52.0

56.0

Geometric Mound
Form

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Burial Form
Secondary

87.0

10.0

153.0

Given the low number of mixed burials (n=10) they were excluded from further
analyses. Important, however, is the trend among mound groups that mounds are
generally used for either primary burial or secondary burial.
Table 6.36 and Figure 6.12 present the frequency of burial disposition in
geometric mounds among mound groups. In general, secondary disposal is the modal
pattern for burial in geometric mounds. Nitschke and Kletzien (Eastern Ridges and
Lowlands) and Kratz Creek (Central Plains) are the only mound groups that have a
higher number of primary burials in geometric mounds. Also notable, although
178

secondary burial is the modal form of burial, the three mound groups in the Western
Uplands (Polander, Raisbeck, and Trowbridge) have similar patterns in the proportion of
primary and secondary burials. The geometric mounds of the Central Plains are quite
variable, with Kratz Creek containing more primary burials, Neale containing only
primary burials, and McClaughry having a high number (n=25) of primary burials.
Table 6.36 Frequency of burial disposition in geometric mound forms among mound
groups
Burial Form/Geometric Mounds
Primary Burial
Secondary Burial

Mound Group
Kletzien
Kratz
McClaughry
Neale
Nitschke
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

2.0
0.9
3.0
1.2
4.0
9.0
1.0
0.3
7.0
4.1
6.0
5.3
4.0
4.4
2.0
3.7

179

3.0
3.0
4.0
4.0
29.0
29.0
1.0
1.0
13.0
13.0
17.0
17.0
14.0
14.0
12.0
12.0

29.0

Total

1.0
2.1
1.0
2.8
25.0
20.0
0.0
0.7
6.0
8.9
11.0
11.7
10.0
9.6
10.0
8.3
64.0

93.0

Figure 6.12 Frequency of burial dispositions in geometric mound forms among mound
groups

Table 6.37 and Figure 6.13 present the frequency of burial dispositions in effigy
mound forms among mound groups. Effigy mounds overall present a different pattern,
with primary burials the modal pattern. In the Western Uplands physiographic region,
Trowbridge has only primary burials in effigy mounds, Raisbeck has only secondary
burials in effigy mound forms, and no effigy mounds were excavated at Polander. In the
Central Plains, both Kratz Creek and Neale contain over half the burials as primary
burials in effigy mound forms, and McClaughry contains about one-third primary burials
in effigy mound forms. In the Eastern Ridges and Lowlands, Kletzien and Nitschke both
exhibit greater numbers of primary burials, and Kolterman has a higher number of
secondary burials.

180

Table 6.37 Frequency of burial disposition in geometric mound forms among mound
groups
Burial Disposition/Effigy Mound Form
Primary Burial
Secondary Burial

Mound Group
Kletzien
Kolterman
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Neale
Nitschke
Raisbeck
Trowbridge
Total

Total

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

4.0
3.2
1.0
1.6
5.0
3.8
2.0
4.9
4.0
3.2
10.0
8.6
0.0
1.1
1.0
0.5

2.0
2.8
2.0
1.4
2.0
3.2
7.0
4.1
2.0
2.8
6.0
7.4
2.0
0.9
0.0
0.5

6.0
6.0
3.0
3.0
7.0
7.0
9.0
9.0
6.0
6.0
16.0
16.0
2.0
2.0
1.0
1.0

Count

27.0

23.0

50.0

181

Figure 6.13 Frequency of burial disposition in effigy mound forms among mound groups

Chi-square and Fisher’s exact tests were performed to detect variation in burial
disposition among mound groups between geometric and effigy mound forms. The
Fisher’s Exact test indicated an important difference (Exact Value = 15.592, d.f. = 7,
p=.015) in burial disposition in geometric mounds. The same test for effigy mounds
resulted in similar patterns (Exact value= 8.870, d.f. = 7, p=.222) in burial disposition
among mound groups.
Table 6.38 and Figure 6.14 present the frequency of burial dispositions in
geometric mound forms among physiographic regions. Secondary burial was the mode
in the Western Upland and Central Plains, while in the Eastern Ridges and Lowlands
primary and secondary burial were equally represented. A Fisher’s exact test indicates
variation (Exact significance = 15.592, p = 0.015) in the frequency of burial disposition
among physiographic regions.
182

Table 6.38 Frequency of burial disposition in geometric mound forms among
physiographic regions
Physiographic Region

Burial Disposition/Geometric Mounds
Primary
Secondary

Total

Observed
Expected
Eastern Ridges and Observed
Lowlands
Expected
Observed
Western Upland
Expected

8.0
10.6
9.0
5.0
12.0
13.4

26.0
23.4
7.0
11.0
31.0
29.6

34.0
34.0
16.0
16.0
43.0
43.0

Total

29.0

64.0

93.0

Central Plain

Figure 6.14 Frequency of burial disposition in geometric mound forms among
physiographic regions
The final analysis considers possible differences in burial disposition in effigy
mound forms among physiographic regions. Table 6.39 presents the frequency of
primary and secondary burial dispositions among the physiographic regions. In general
there are fewer secondary burials found in effigy forms. However, in the Central Plains
there are an equal number of primary and secondary burials. The Western Upland is
183

underrepresented since there were fewer effigy mound forms in that region. The result
of a Fisher’s Exact test indicates a similar pattern (Exact value = 1.110, p = 0.596) in
burial disposition among physiographic regions.
Table 6.39 Frequency of burial disposition in effigy mound forms among physiographic
regions
Physiographic Region

Burial Disposition in Effigy Mounds
Primary

Total

Secondary

Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and Lowlands
Western Upland

11
15
1

11
10
2

22
25
3

Total

27

23

50

6.4 Results for Research Question #3
Are there patterns in the selection of effigy or geometric mound forms (with
burial) with reference to sex and age? If these patterns exist, are they related to
mound groups, mound form, and/or physiographic regions?
6.4.1 Analysis of Sex by Mound Form Among Mound Groups and Physiographic
Regions
Table 6.40 presents the values that were coded for sex and also the frequency of
these values among the mound groups. Sex was recoded for the following analyses.
Probable male and probable female were recoded as male and female. Indeterminate
juveniles and adults were excluded from these analyses respectively, which resulted in
218 identified males (n=103) and females (n=115).

184

Table 6.40 Frequency of sex categories among mound groups
Male Probable
Male

Female

Probable Indeterminate Indeterminate Total
Individuals
Female
Adult
Juvenile

Big Bend
Kletzien
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Neale
Nitschke
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge

7
6
32
15
1
10
12
15
6

0
0
1
4
0
1
4
4
1

4
5
34
21
0
10
12
13
10

0
0
3
7
2
2
3
4
2

3
2
17
31
3
26
31
6
35

11
1
32
20
2
18
12
15
1

25
14
119
98
8
67
74
57
55

Total

104

15

15

23

154

112

517

The following analyses focus on the shared patterns and differences of the
selection of mound form along the lines of biological sex. In the following test the
mounds and their physiographic regions are: Raisbeck, Trowbridge, and Polander
(Western Uplands); Kratz Creek, McClaughry, and Neale (Central Plains); and Big
Bend, Kletzien, and Nitschke (Eastern Ridges and Lowlands). Kolterman was excluded
from these analyses since the sex of those individuals was indeterminate.
As can be seen in Table 6.41, the proportion of females and males were equally
represented in geometric mound forms in the Western Upland mound groups of
Polander and Raisbeck, while at Trowbridge there were slightly more females than
males. In the Central Plains groups, although there were more females than males, they
were proportionally similar among these mound groups. Due to preservation issues at
Nitschke and a low number of individuals from Big Bend and Kletzien, the Eastern

185

Ridges and Lowlands have generally low frequencies of identified sex among those
mound groups.
Table 6.41 Frequency of males and females in geometric mound forms among mound
groups
Mound Group
Big Bend
Kletzien
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Nitschke
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge

Number of Males and Females in Geometric Mound Forms
Male
Female

Total

4
2
36
22
8
15
17
11

11
4
67
39
13
31
35
18

103

Total

7
2
31
17
5
16
18
7

115

218

Table 6.42 presents the frequency of sex in effigy mound forms among the
mound groups. The Western Upland mound groups exhibit low frequencies with one
identified male at Raisbeck and one identified female at Trowbridge, and Polander is not
represented because no effigy mound forms occur in that mound group. In the Central
Plains, Kratz Creek contained few individuals in effigy mound forms (n = 3), McClaughry
had three times as many females (n = 6, males n = 2)), and Neale also only had three
total individuals with identified sex. The Eastern Ridges and Lowlands, represented by
Kletzien and Nitschke had a fairly equal distribution of males and females in effigy
mound forms.
Chi-square and Fisher’s Exact tests for frequency differences in sex in geometric
mounds among mound groups indicated similar patterns (Chi-square exact significance
p=.908; Fisher’s Exact sig. p=.906). A Fisher’s Exact test for differences in frequency of
186

sex in also yielded a similar pattern for sex in effigy mound forms among mound groups
(p=.595).
Table 6.42 Frequency of males and females in effigy mound forms among mound
groups
Mound Group

Number of Males and Females in Effigy Mound Forms
Male
Female

Kletzien
Kratz
McClaughry
Neale
Nitschke
Raisbeck
Trowbridge

Total
3
1
6
2
4
0
1

7
3
8
3
10
1
1

16

Total

4
2
2
1
6
1
0

17

33

Table 6.43 presents the frequency of both sexes in geometric and effigy mound
forms. On the level of the physiographic region there was minimal difference in the
frequency of males and females in geometric mound forms (Fishers exact value =
0.357, p = .846) and effigy mound forms (Fisher’s exact value = 1.844, p = 0.560).
Table 6.43 Female and male frequency in mound forms among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region

Frequency of Sex in Mound Form
Male
Female

Total

Western Upland
Central Plain
Geometric
Eastern Ridges and Lowlands
Total

41
48
14
103

43
58
14
115

84
106
28
218

Western Upland
Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and Lowlands
Total

1
5
10
16

1
9
7
17

2
14
17
33

Effigy

187

6.4.2 Analysis of Age Distribution by Mound Form Among Mound Groups and
Physiographic Regions
The focus of this section is to explore any regularities or variability in the
frequency of age classes in geometric and effigy mound forms among mound groups
and physiographic regions. Chapter 5 described the age categories for the collection of
data. There were nine age categories for data coding. Two additional categories were
included when an individual could not be assigned to a specific age class including,
“adult” and “juvenile”.
For the first analysis the following age classes were used: 0-4 years, 5-9 years,
9-15 years, 16-25 years, 23-35 years, and 35 + years were examined. The individuals
categorized as “adults” and “juvenile” were excluded for the analysis. The frequencies
were analyzed for both geometric and effigy mound forms.
Table 6.44 presents the frequency of the age classes in geometric mound forms
for each mound group. Notable differences include the absence of any juveniles in the
Trowbridge mound group; a generally higher expected frequency of the age classes 915 years,16-25 years, and 25-35 years at Kratz Creek; and a lower than expected
frequency of 16-25 year olds and a higher than expected frequency of old adults at
McClaughry. The results of a Fisher’s exact test indicate important differences (p=.000)
in age in geometric mounds among the mound groups.

188

Table 6.44 Frequency of age classes in geometric mound forms among mound groups
Mound Group

Age Class in Geometric Mound Forms
0-4 yr 5-9 yr 9-15 yr 16-25 yr 25-35 yr 35+ yr

Total

Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Kletzien
Nitschke
Total

Observed

7.0

2.0

2.0

4.0

1.0

8.0

24.0

Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

2.5
5.0
3.7
2.0
4.6
0.0
1.6
8.0
9.9
5.0
5.7
0.0
0.3
3.0
1.8

2.3
2.0
3.5
9.0
4.3
0.0
1.5
9.0
9.2
5.0
5.3
0.0
0.3
1.0
1.6

2.5
1.0
3.7
4.0
4.6
0.0
1.6
15.0
9.9
6.0
5.7
1.0
0.3
1.0
1.8

5.6
12.0
8.5
7.0
10.4
3.0
3.5
28.0
22.4
7.0
12.9
1.0
0.7
6.0
4.0

4.7
7.0
7.1
11.0
8.7
8.0
3.0
15.0
18.7
12.0
10.8
0.0
0.6
3.0
3.4

6.3
9.0
9.5
11.0
11.6
4.0
3.9
20.0
25.0
20.0
14.5
1.0
0.8
3.0
4.5

24.0
36.0
36.0
44.0
44.0
15.0
15.0
95.0
95.0
55.0
55.0
3.0
3.0
17.0
17.0

30.0

Big Bend

28.0

30.0

68.0

57.0

76.0

289.0

Table 6.45 presents the frequency of age classes in effigy forms among mound
groups. One notable difference is the comparatively high number of 0-4 year olds at
Nitschke. The pattern in effigy mound forms among mound groups is that they are
generally reserved for 16 year olds to old adults. A Fisher’s exact test confirmed no
statistically significant difference for age class in effigy mound forms among mound
groups.

189

Table 6.45 Frequency of age classes in effigy mound forms among mound groups
Mound Group
0-4 yr
Raisbeck
Trowbridge
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Neale
Kletzien
Nitschke

0
0
2
0
0
0
7

Total

9

Age Class in Effigy Mound Forms
5-9 yr
9-15 yr
16-25 yr)
25-35 yr
0
0
1
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
1
1
0
0
2
2
0
0
1
0
0
0
3
3
3
3
4
3
3

3

13

9

Total
35+ yr
0
1
1
4
3
0
5

1
2
5
8
4
6
25

14

51

The next part of the analysis focuses on the identification of regularities or
important differences among mound groups and physiographic regions and considers
juveniles and adult age classes only. Juvenile includes individuals with an age
determination between zero and 15 years old. Adult includes individuals with an age
determined to be over the age of 16 years.
Table 6.46 and Figure 6.15 present the age class frequency in geometric
mounds among mound groups. Notable differences in frequency are presented in bold
font. Trowbridge is unusual because only one juvenile and 46 adults were interred in
geometric mounds. The results of a logistic regression test indicated that adults are
13.731 (Wald Chi-square = 6.315, p = 0.012) times more likely to be found at
Trowbridge than juveniles, relative to the other mound groups. At Kratz Creek and Big
Bend a significantly greater number of juveniles and a significantly lower number of
adults were interred in geometric mounds.

190

Table 6.46 Frequency of age classes in geometric mounds among mound groups
Mound Group
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge
Neale
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Kletzien
Nitschke
Big Bend

Age Class in Geometric Mound Forms
Juvenile
Adult
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

12.0
17.0
15.0
12.4
1.0
10.8
1.0
0.5
33.0
25.9
20.0
20.0
1.0
1.1
6.0
6.7
11.0
5.7

191

74.0
74.0
54.0
54.0
47.0
47.0
2.0
2.0
113.0
113.0
87.0
87.0
5.0
5.0
29.0
29.0
25.0
25.0

100.0

Total

62.0
57.0
39.0
41.6
46.0
36.2
1.0
1.5
80.0
87.1
67.0
67.0
4.0
3.9
23.0
22.3
14.0
19.3
336.0

436.0

Figure 6.15 Frequency of age class in geometric mound forms among mound groups
Table 6.47 and Figure 6.16 present the frequency of juveniles and adults in effigy
mound forms among mound groups. One general pattern is that juveniles were largely
excluded from effigy mound burial (Lackey-Cornelison 2012), with Raisbeck,
Trowbridge, McClaughry, and Kletzien mound groups containing no juveniles in effigy
mound forms. A notable exception is found at Nitschke, where 13 juveniles were found
in effigy mound forms. The results of a Fisher’s Exact test found differences (Fisher’s
value = 11.368, p = .038) between juveniles and adults in effigy mound forms among
mound groups.

192

Table 6.47 Frequency of age classes in effigy mound forms among mound groups
Mound Group

Age Class in Effigy Mound Forms
Juvenile
Adult

Trowbridge
Neale
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Kletzien
Nitschke

0.0
0.6
0.0
1.4
1.0
1.2
2.0
1.4
0.0
2.2
0.0
1.8
13.0
7.4

Total

3.0
2.4
7.0
5.6
5.0
4.8
5.0
5.6
11.0
8.8
9.0
7.2
24.0
29.6

3.0
3.0
7.0
7.0
6.0
6.0
7.0
7.0
11.0
11.0
9.0
9.0
37.0
37.0

16.0

Raisbeck

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

64.0

80.0

Figure 6.16 Frequency of age class in effigy mound forms among mound groups
Next, the frequency of age class in geometric mound forms was examined
among physiographic regions. Table 6.48 and Figure 6.17 present the frequency of age
193

class in geometric mound forms among physiographic regions. All expected counts
vary considerably from the actual count, indicating differences in the frequency of age
class among physiographic regions. Results of a Chi-square and Fisher’s Exact test
indicated a difference (Chi-square value=8.325, likelihood ratio=8.549, d.f.=2, exact 2sided significance=.015) among physiographic regions.
Results of a logistic regression analysis (Wald Chi-square) indicate that juveniles
were 2.3 (Wald Chi-square = 5.694, p = 0.017) and 1.9 times (Wald Chi-square = 6.232,
p = 0.013) more likely to be found in geometric mounds in the Central Plains and
Eastern Lowlands, respectively, than in geometric mounds of the Western Uplands.
Table 6.48 Frequency of age class in geometric mound forms among physiographic
regions
Physiographic Region
Western Upland
Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and
Lowlands

Age Class in Geometric Mound Forms
Juvenile
Adult
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

28.0
40.1
54.0
46.3
18.0
13.5

194

175.0
175.0
202.0
202.0
59.0
59.0

100.0

Total

147.0
134.9
148.0
155.7
41.0
45.5
336.0

436.0

Figure 6.17 Frequency of age class in geometric mound forms among physiographic
regions
6.5 Results for Research Question # 4
Research Question #4: Does the epigenetic structuring of these populations (at
the level of the mound group and physiographic region) suggest the construction
and maintenance of mound groups by lineal groups?
This section describes the frequency of epigenetic traits of the cranial and
postcranial skeleton among mound groups and physiographic regions. The first step in
this analysis was to determine which traits had an adequate number of responses for
each trait. If the relative frequency of a trait was low or if only one value (e.g. absence
versus presence) was coded, the trait was excluded from further analysis. The second
step in the analysis was to examine any statistically significant differences among
mound groups and physiographic regions using Fisher’s Exact tests. Fisher’s Exact
tests were used simply as a method for determining whether there were important
195

differences in the frequencies of traits among mound groups and physiographic regions.
The final step in the analysis is to investigate the biological distance among mound
groups and physiographic regions using R statistical software to investigate the Mean
Measure of Divergence (MMD). Harris and Sjøvold (2003) and Sołtysiak (2011) provide
a detailed account of the Smith’s MMD method used in this analysis.
The traits and their frequency (number of traits observed) included in this
analysis included: left and right supraorbital foramina (n=96 and n=92), left and right
supraorbital notch (n=98 and n=90), left and right parietal foramina (n=76 and n=77), left
and right tympanic dehiscence (n=102 and n=93), left and right mastoid foramen (n=88
and n= 72), left and right mastoid foramen number (n=88 and n= 72), left and right
mental foramen number (n=144 and n=132), left and right mandibular tori (n=142 and
n=137), left and right mylohyoid bridge (n=108 and n=106), left and right lambdoid
ossicle (n=73 and n=71), left and right third trochanter (n=94 and n=90), and left and
right septal aperture (n=61 and n=75). Note: The Neale mound group was excluded
from the mound group analyses due to poor preservation.
6.5.1 Sex and Age Effects on Trait Frequency
Two tests were run to determine whether there may be a sex or age effect on the
frequency in the expression of epigenetic traits. The effect of sex on all the traits in this
study was examined using Chi-square and Fisher’s Exact tests. Two traits were found
to have significant differences between males and females. Table 6.49 presents the
frequency of the right lambdoid ossicle. The right lambdoid ossicle was found to be
significantly different between the sexes (p=.048) with a higher than expected number of
absence of this trait in males and a lower than expected expression of the trait’s
196

presence. For females there was a lower than expected frequency for the absence of
this trait and a higher than expected frequency in the expression of the right lambdoid
ossicle.
Table 6.49 Frequency of right lambdoid ossicle among males and females
Sex

Right Lambdoid Ossicle
Absent
Present

Female

29.0
25.8
13.0
16.2

Total

6.0
9.2
9.0
5.8

35.0
35.0
22.0
22.0

42.0

Male

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

15.0

57.0

As expected, the left and right septal aperture of the humerus also appeared to
be linked to sex. Of the 20 females in the sample, eight exhibited this trait and no males
exhibited this trait. The right septal aperture results were slightly different but also
indicated a strong sex link. While four out of nine males exhibited the trait, 15 out of 33
females exhibited this trait. Therefore, the right lambdoid ossicle, and the right and left
septal apertures were excluded from further analysis.
To determine age effects on the expression of traits Chi-square and Fisher’s
Exact tests were performed on juveniles versus adults. One trait that appears to be
influenced by age is the right tympanic dehiscence. Of the 80 observations on the right
tympanic dehiscence 10 of these were juveniles. Seven of these individuals expressed
the trait. However, the right tympanic dehiscence trait was included in the initial MMD
analysis.

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6.5.2 Analysis of Epigenetic Trait Frequencies
This section presents the frequency and significant differences of traits among
mound groups and physiographic regions. It should be noted that differential
preservation played a significant role in the ability to observe many of the features. For
example, an inventory of the remains may have revealed a high frequency of femora;
however, based on the relative differences in erosion of features on the bone, the
observation of the specific features on the bone may not have been possible. A good
example of a site with very poor preservation was Nitschke. At this site most of the
skeletal elements were present; however the material was fragmentary with the terminal
ends of the bones exhibiting significant attrition. Nevertheless, the frequency of each
epigenetic trait that approached statistical significance or was statistically significant will
be described among mound groups and physiographic regions.
6.5.3 Biological Distance: Mound Groups
Table 6.50 presents the traits that exhibited statistically significant differences
among mound groups. These important differences will be described, followed by a
presentation of the frequencies of the traits among mound groups and physiographic
regions. Four of the traits that indicated significant differences were paired traits and
one bilateral trait had unilateral (third trochanter of the femur) significance.

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Table 6.50 Frequency and statistical significance of traits among mound groups
Trait
Number Fisher’s Exact Value Exact Significance
L. Parietal Foramen
76
12.225
0.073
R. Parietal Foramen
77
16.234
0.014
L. Mastoid Foramen
88
13.245
0.054
R. Mastoid Foramen
72
13.895
0.036
R. Mastoid Foramen #
72
22.286
0.030
L. Mandibular Torus
141
17.949
0.004
R. Mandibular Torus
136
12.243
0.062
L. Mylohyoid Bridge
107
12.132
0.047
R. Mylohyoid Bridge
105
20.736
0.001
L. Lambdoid Ossicle
73
12.623
0.065
Sup. Sagittal Sulcus Flexure
98
30.055
0.001
L. Third Trochanter
92
13.297
0.041

Mastoid foramen number and superior sagittal sulcus are traits that have three
possible values. Because MMD analyses require only two responses, these two traits
were eliminated from biological distance analyses. Because there were multiple
responses in all three response categories, eliminating one category could not be
justified. Finally, if it were possible to remove one of the values the remaining sample
size would be too small.
The first step in the MMD analysis included the remaining 17 traits listed above.
The contingency tables for each trait used in the MMD analysis are presented in
Appendix D. To perform the MMD analysis two separate Excel files are created, one
presenting the mound groups and numbers of observations for each trait and the
second presents the percentage of trait presence (Appendix E)(Sołtysiak 2011). In
addition to performing Smith’s Mean Measure of Divergence, the Freeman and Tukey
(1950) function was used to account for small sample size.

199

The MMD output in R provides four tables of data, including a variable status
table (Tables 6.51 and 6.52), the MMD values matrix (Table 6.53), the MMD standard
deviation matrix, and the MMD significance matrix (Sołtysiak 2011). The variable status
table presents two sets of number for each trait. The first number is the mean MMD for
that trait and the second number is the proportion of positive trait responses (Sołtysiak
2011). Higher values for each of the numbers reflect greater biological variation among
the mound groups. Table 6.51 presents the variable status for all 17 traits.
Negative mean MMD values indicate the sample size is too small or that the trait
frequencies are similar, thus not contributing to variation among the mound groups
(Harris and Sjøvold 2003). Traits with a negative mean MMD were removed, followed
by another MMD analysis. Table 6.52 presents the variable status for each trait which
will be used for further analysis.
Table 6.51 Variable status of non-metric traits in MMD analysis
Mean MMD for Trait
Proportion of Positive Response
L. Supraorbital Foramen (LSF)
6.546645
0.250000
R. Supraorbital Foramen (RSF)
6.088410
0.500000
L. Supraorbital Notch (LSN)
-2.654590
0.214286
R. Supraorbital Notch (RSN)
-4.199220
0.107143
L. Parietal Foramen (LPF)
13.460190
0.428571
R. Parietal Foramen (RPF)
17.423490
0.642857
L. Tympanic Dehiscence (LTD)
5.094374
0.607143
R. Tympanic Dehiscence (RTD)
-4.271780
0.142857
L. Mastoid Foramen (LMF)
0.314404
0.321429
R. Mastoid Foramen (RMF)
32.446940
0.678571
L. Mandibular Torus (LMT)
2.149499
0.535714
R. Mandibular Torus (RMT)
2.964195
0.500000
L. Mylohyoid Bridge (LMB)
-0.135630
0.357143
R. Mylohyoid Bridge (RMB)
3.058040
0.428571
L. Lambdoid Ossicle (LLO)
10.322550
0.500000
L. Third Trochanter (L3T)
15.214410
0.607143
R. Third Trochanter (R3T)
-4.753260
0.321429
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Table 6.52 Variable status of traits that presented positive mean MMD values
Mean MMD for Trait
Proportion of Positive Response
LSF
6.546645
0.250000
RSF
6.088410
0.500000
LPF
13.460190
0.428571
RPF
17.423490
0.642857
LTD
5.094374
0.607143
LMF
0.314404
0.321429
RMF
32.446940
0.678571
LMT
2.149499
0.535714
RMT
2.964195
0.500000
RMB
3.058040
0.428571
LLO
10.322550
0.500000
L3T
15.214410
0.607143
As presented in Table 6.52, the traits that contribute most to variation include the
RMF, RPF, L3T, and LLO. The traits in 6.52 are used for the remainder of the MMD
analysis.
Table 6.53 presents the MMD values. Here each mound group is compared to
each mound group and assigned a value based on the biological distance. Lower
values indicate close relationships and the higher the value the most biologically distant.
Table 6.54 presents the standard deviation values for the MMD matrix. If the MMD
value exceeds the sum of two standard deviations it is considered to be significantly
different at the 95% confidence interval (Donlon 2000; Harris and Sjøvold 2003). The
MMD significance matrix is not presented; however, for quick reference bolded values in
Table 6.53 indicate significant differences between mound groups.

201

Table 6.53 MMD Matrix. Bold values indicate significant difference between groups.
Polander Raisbeck Trowbridge Kratz
McClaugh. BigBend Kletzien Nitschke
Polander
-0.2506
0.3340
-0.0479 0.3663
0.6462
0.5788
1.2528
0.4278
Raisbeck
0.3340
-0.1433
0.1038 0.2110
0.1972
0.2883
0.7446
0.0948
Trowbridge
-0.0479
0.1038
-0.5475 0.3673
0.3127
0.6107
1.2854
0.3699
Kratz
0.3663
0.2110
0.3673 -0.0798
0.0975
0.0224
0.2668 -0.0034
McClaugh.
0.6462
0.1972
0.3127 0.0976
-0.1264
0.2184
0.2268
0.0782
BigBend
0.5788
0.2883
0.6107 0.0224
0.2184 -0.3597
0.2300 -0.1029
Kletzien
1.2528
0.7446
1.2854 0.2668
0.2268
0.2300 -0.3747
0.4124
Nitschke
0.4278
0.0948
0.3699 -0.0034
0.0782 -0.1029
0.4123 -0.1883
Table 6.54 MMD standard deviations
Polander Raisbeck Trowbridge Kratz
McClaughry BigBend Kletzien Nitschke
Polander
0.1260
0.0942
0.2226 0.0798
0.0877
0.1400 0.1449
0.1008
Raisbeck
0.0942
0.0661
0.1954 0.0499
0.0595
0.1132 0.1178
0.0730
Trowbridge
0.2226
0.1954
0.3384 0.1833
0.1927
0.2369 0.2507
0.2027
Kratz
0.0798
0.0499
0.1833 0.0358
0.0444
0.0985 0.1049
0.0578
McClaughry
0.0877
0.0594
0.1927 0.0444
0.0557
0.1081 0.1162
0.0686
BigBend
0.1400
0.1132
0.2369 0.0985
0.1081
0.1635 0.1675
0.1223
Kletzien
0.1449
0.1178
0.2507 0.1049
0.1162
0.1675 0.1790
0.1286
Nitschke
0.1008
0.0730
0.2027 0.0578
0.0686
0.1224 0.1286
0.0825
At this point, significant biological distances have been demonstrated among the
mound groups. However, the actual distances of each mound group relative to other
mound groups have not been presented. This is accomplished in three ways including,
1) a presentation of increasing biological distances for each mound group, 2) a
hierarchical cluster dendrogram (Figure 6.18), and 3) a multidimensional scaling
scatterplot (Figure 6.19).
First, since the MMD value between two groups represents the relative biological
distance between the groups Table 6.55 was generated to present the increasing
biological distance for each mound group relative to other mound groups.

202

Table 6.55 Biological distance among mound groups from MMD values
Increasing Biodistance
Polander Trowbridge Raisbeck
Kratz
Nitschke
Big Bend Mclaugh
Raisbeck Nitschke
Trow
McClaugh Kratz
Big Bend Polander
Trow
Polander
Raisbeck
McClaugh Kratz
Nitschke
Big Bend
Kratz
Nitschke
Big Bend
McClaugh Raisbeck
Kletzien
Polander
McClaugh Nitschke
Kratz
Raisbeck
Big Bend
Kletzien
Trow
Big Bend Nitschke
Kratz
McClaugh Kletzien
Raisbeck Polander
Kletzien
McClaugh
Big Bend
Kratz
Nitschke
Raisbeck Polander
Nitschke
Big Bend
Kratz
McClaugh Raisbeck
Trow
Kletzien

Kletzien
Kletzien
Kletzien
Trow
Polander
Trow
Trow
Polander

Next, Figures 6.18 and 6.19 are provided to demonstrate the relationship and
biological distances among the mound groups. Figure 6.18 presents a hierarchical
cluster dendrogram produced from the Euclidian distance calculation of the MMD
matrix. Figure 6.19 presents a multidimensional probability scaling (PROSCAL) derived
from the Euclidian distance calculation of the MMD.

203

Figure 6.18 Hierarchical Cluster Dendrogram using average linkage (between groups)

Figure 6.19 Multidimensional Probability Scaling (PROSCAL) scatterplot of the MMD
among eight mound groups

204

In general, there are multiple distinct patterns that emerge from the results
presented in the preceding tables and figures. First, there seems to be a close
relationship among the Western Upland Groups of Trowbridge, Polander, and Raisbeck
(albeit weaker with Raisbeck). Second, Nitschke presents a close biological distance
with almost all of the mound groups. Third, Kletzien is significantly different and
divergent from almost all of the mound groups. Fourth, with the exception of Kletzien,
all of the Central Plains and Eastern Ridges and Lowlands groups are biologically
similar. Finally, Raisbeck has a tendency to ally closely with the Central Plains and
Eastern Ridges and Lowlands groups, especially Nitschke.
6.5.4 Biological Distance: Physiographic Regions
Table 6.56 includes the traits with demonstrated statistically significant (or
approaching significance) differences among physiographic regions. There are some
differences for which traits were significantly different compared to the mound groups.
The left parietal foramen, left mastoid foramen number, right mandibular torus, sagittal
sulcus flexure, and left third trochanter were not significantly different on the regional
level. Left tympanic dehiscence exhibited a statistically significant difference among the
physiographic regions but not on the mound group level. The frequency tables for all 17
traits are presented in Appendix D.

205

Table 6.56 Physiographic regions that exhibited significant differences in the frequency
of traits
Trait
Number Fisher’s Exact Value Exact Significance
R. Parietal Foramen
77
10.685
0.005
L. Tympanic Dehiscence
102
5.136
0.070
L. Mastoid Foramen
88
6.681
0.038
R. Mastoid Foramen
72
8.825
0.011
L. Mastoid Foramen Number
88
10.711
0.026
R. Mastoid Foramen Number
72
15.767
0.003
L. Mandibular Torus
142
12.131
0.001
L. Mylohyoid Bridge
108
8.746
0.010
R. Mylohyoid Bridge
106
12.919
0.001
L. Lambdoid Ossicle
73
5.431
0.077
The results of the Mean Measure of Divergence analysis of physiographic
regions are presented in this section. As with the mound group data, two tables were
created in Excel that presented the number of observations for each trait in each mound
group and the percentage of trait presence in each mound group. Table 6.57 presents
the variable status when all 17 traits were analyzed. Based on negative mean MMD
non-metric trait statuses six traits were removed from further analyses. Variable status
for subsequent analyses is provided in Table 6.58.

206

Table 6.57 Variable status of 17 nonmetric traits
Mean MMD for Trait

Proportion of Positive Response

Table 6.58 Variable status of 11 nonmetric traits
Mean MMD for Trait

Proportion of Positive Response

LSF
RSF
LSN
RSN
LPF
RPF
LTD
RTD
LMF
RMF
LMT
RMT
LMB
RMB
LLO
L3T
R3T

RSF
LPF
RPF
LTD
LMF
RMF
LMT
RMT
LMB
RMB
LLO

-0.052610
0.356991
-0.053000
-0.222680
0.294305
0.290105
0.335894
-0.006080
0.648870
1.162086
0.457781
0.048460
0.435016
0.738476
0.553474
-0.180410
-0.209720

0.356991
0.294305
0.290105
0.335894
0.648870
1.162086
0.457781
0.048460
0.435016
0.738476
0.553474

0.333333
0.666667
0.666667
0.000000
0.666667
0.666667
0.666667
0.666667
0.666667
0.666667
1.000000
0.666667
0.666667
1.000000
1.000000
0.000000
0.000000

0.666667
0.666667
0.666667
0.666667
0.666667
0.666667
1.000000
0.666667
0.666667
1.000000
1.000000

Next, the MMD values matrix (Table 6.59) and MMD standard deviation matrix
(Table 6.60). As predicted by the mound groups analysis, the Western Uplands groups
have a significant biological distance from the Central Plains and Eastern Ridges and
Lowlands physiographic regions. Also, the tables indicate a close biological distance for
the Central Plains and Eastern Ridges and Lowlands groups.
207

Table 6.59 MMD values matrix for physiographic regions. Significant differences
indicated in bold.
Eastern Ridges and
Western Uplands Central Plains
Lowlands
Western Uplands
-0.069820
0.209335
0.251185
Central Plains
0.209335
-0.049670
0.023249
Eastern Ridges and Lowlands
0.251185
0.023249
-0.099500
Table 6.60 MMD standard deviation matrix for physiographic regions
Western Uplands Central Plains Eastern Ridges and Lowlands
Western Uplands
0.032736
0.027100
0.037358
Central Plains
0.027100
0.022451
0.032727
Eastern Ridges and Lowlands
0.037358
0.032727
0.044064
To visualize these differences spatially a multidimensional probability scaling
scatterplot is presented in Figure 6.20.

Figure 6.20 Multidimensional probability scaling scatterplot of physiographic regions

208

Based on the results of the MMD analysis, it is concluded that the Central Plains
and Eastern Ridges and Lowlands physiographic regions present a close biological
distance. However, there is a dramatic distance separating these two physiographic
regions from the Western Uplands physiographic region.
6.6 Conclusion
The notable regularities and variations present among the mound groups and
physiographic regions were reviewed. Research question #1 explored the frequency,
co-variation of features and the vertical and horizontal position of various features.
There were no notable differences among mound groups and physiographic regions in
the frequency of the features. However, other than burials, some sites were almost
completely devoid of features (Polander and Trowbridge). Most mound groups
incorporated burials into at least half the excavated mounds. A notable exception was
Kratz Creek, which had few mounds that included burial. In general, the presence of
other features predicts the presence of burials. In other words, other than at Kratz
Creek, non-burial features did not frequently occur unless at least one burial was also
present. Finally, there was little variability in the horizontal position of burial in both
geometric and effigy mound forms. In geometric mounds, burials (and other features)
commonly were found in or near the center. In effigy mound forms, burials occurred
most commonly in the heart position first, followed by other “anatomical regions”. The
vertical position of burial was quite variable among mound groups and physiographic
regions. Burials typically were preferred for one of the three or two of the three vertical
locations in the mounds. This pattern also occurred for earthen fireplaces and stone
altars.
209

Research question # 2 explored regularities and variation in postmortem
treatment (burial disposition) among the mound groups and physiographic regions. In
general, secondary burial is most frequent in geometric mounds. However, when the
burial patterns were explored between effigy and geometric mound forms among
mound groups and physiographic regions, there were important differences. When the
burial disposition was explored only among the geometric mounds, there was a
significant difference among mound groups. When differences in burial disposition for
effigy forms were explored there was no important difference among the mound groups.
Research Question #3 explored patterns and variation for mound form selection
along the lines of age and sex. There was no difference in access to effigy or geometric
mound forms for males and females. When ages were collapsed into adult and juvenile
categories, there were important differences between effigy and geometric mound forms
in the frequency of adults and juveniles among the mound groups and physiographic
regions. These findings were consistent with Lackey-Cornelison (2012) in her analyses
across the entire effigy mound sample.
Research question #4 explored patterns of trait frequencies among mound
groups and physiographic regions. On the level of the mound group there were 11 traits
that were significantly different among the mound groups. On the level of the
physiographic region there were 10 epigenetic traits that were significantly different
among the physiographic regions.
Results of the biological distance analyses suggest that there was not much
epigenetic variability among the Central Plains and Eastern Ridges and Lowland
physiographic regions. The Western Upland groups exhibited a dramatic biological
210

distance from the Central Plains and Eastern Ridges and Lowland physiographic
regions. On the level of the mound group Nitschke was biologically similar to most
other mound groups and Kletzien was biologically distinct from most other mound
groups. Interestingly, the Raisbeck (Western Uplands) mound group shared a close
phenetic relationship with Nitschke (Eastern Ridges and Lowlands) and McClaughry
(Central Plains)
In conclusion, the patterns and variability presented in this chapter will be
interpreted and discussed within a sociocultural context in Chapter 7.

211

Chapter 7: Interpretation of Effigy Mound Social Organization

7.1 Introduction
This chapter a) reviews the objectives of this research, b) places the Effigy
Mound Manifestation in its broader geographic and temporal context, c) reviews the
results of the analyses conducted on the archaeological materials and skeletal remains
and, d) presents interpretations for the ritual and mortuary behaviors of Effigy Mound
peoples, and by extension, the social organization of these Late Woodland groups in
southern Wisconsin.
Most authors agree that characteristics of social organization for Effigy Mound
peoples followed common Late Woodland patterns for groups living in the Eastern
Woodlands at that time. This pattern included group dispersal into secondary and
tertiary tributaries of major rivers and uplands which resulted in dramatic cultural
variability and the creation of segmented societies (Milner 2004; McElrath et al 2000;
Nassaney and Cobb 1991).
The Effigy Mound peoples have been characterized as egalitarian, taking
advantage of hunting, gathering, and fishing (Birmingham and Eisenberg 2000). Other
studies found that male and females were equally represented and all age groups were
represented in the mounds (Birmingham and Eisenberg 2000; Ruth 1999; LackeyCornelison 2012). Grave goods were rare in the mounds, and when found, were
generally locally procured utilitarian items such as celts, projectile points, and ceramic
implements (Birmingham and Eisenberg 2000).

212

Archaeologically, not unlike other groups in this period, habitation sites are
almost archaeologically invisible. What has been sampled and studied extensively are
the mound groups, due to their high visibility on the landscape. Other than burials,
internal mound features include earthen fireplaces, stone altars, ceramic vessels, and
clay and pebble cists (Goldstein 1995).
Mallam (1976) and Goldstein (1995) began to question the cohesiveness of the
Effigy Mound peoples through examination of one dimension of ritual; the preference of
mound form among mound groups. Mallam and Goldstein both found that, although
many different effigy mound forms may be represented in a group, there was usually a
certain class of effigy mound form that dominated each group. Both argued that the
mound groups were likely built and maintained by autonomous groups, possibly lineal
groups. Later, Rosebrough (2010) deconstructed the idea that the Effigy Mound
manifestation was a cohesive group with several shared traits. In her analysis of effigy
mound styles and various attributes of ceramics, she found that every mound group was
unique in and of itself.
7.2 Summary of the Research
This research explores patterns and variation in the ritual features within mounds
belonging to the Effigy Mound manifestation. It has been demonstrated that the
structure of the physical mortuary artifacts, features, and space can be a good predictor
of the larger social organization (Saxe 1970; Binford 1971; Goldstein 1981). Using the
theoretical framework developed by Saxe (1970), Binford (1971), and Goldstein (1980),
this study focuses on the social organization of the Effigy Mound peoples through
examination of the ritual and mortuary ritual domain. The general expectation is that
213

systematic patterning across all mound groups would indicate large-scale cohesiveness
among the entire Effigy Mound area. On the other hand, variability in the number, kind,
and manner of internment among mound groups and physiographic regions may
indicate smaller-scale local cohesive lineal groups that built and maintained specific
mound groups.
Two broad data sets were used to investigate the ritual and social system of the
Effigy Mound peoples. First, Research Questions 1 and 2 explored the material and
spatial domain of features and burial disposition. Specifically, the analysis of patterning
and variation, particularly of how ritual features were represented in the mounds, was
used to examine group cohesiveness. Second, Research Questions 3 and 4 examined
biological variables within the archaeological context. As has been mentioned
elsewhere, not all individuals were granted burial in mounds (Goldstein 1995; LackeyCornelison 2012; Rosebrough 2010); therefore Question 3 focused on whether
individuals may have been excluded by age or sex status. Question 4 examined the
biological distance among mound groups and physiographic regions as another
measure of group cohesiveness.
The theoretical framework for examining the results of this research draws on
those studies and perspectives in archaeology that investigated patterning in the ritual
mortuary program (Goldstein 1980 and 1995; Saxe 1970; Binford 1971). To interpret
the results for patterning this study also draws on the bioarchaeological literature
(Lackey-Cornelison 2012; Buikstra et al 2011; Knudson and Stojanowski 2009).
Variability in the ritual and mortuary domain that may indicate maintenance of the
mound groups by individual corporate groups are interpreted from an Agency Theory
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perspective (Morris 1992; Rakita and Buikstra 2005; Dornan 2002; Pollock 2011).
Specifically, this study provides an example where the empirical rigor, as envisioned by
Goldstein (2002), Binford (1971), and Mallam (1976), Tainter (1978), Brown (1971) can
be applied to the ritual landscapes and paraphernalia of the Effigy Mound manifestation
to uncover patterned regularities in the social organization of the larger sociocultural
context. At the same time, this study uses an agency/practice approach as an
interpretive device for explaining variability (Dorner 2002; Pollock 2011; Ortner 2001;
Lesure 2005). This Agency approach bridges the gap between the patterns that early
processual archaeologists focused on and attempts to interpret how structures of
society are negotiated continuously within a social group. This chapter demonstrates
that, although there are patterned regularities in the Effigy Mound manifestation, there is
evidence indicating that the groups maintaining specific mound groups were a cohesive
corporate unit. Further, the agent (ritual practitioner) was a tool for intentionally induced
variation of the mound groups as a mechanism for asserting group identity through
creative symbolizing (Pollock 2011). As will be shown in this chapter, this creative
symbolizing is exhibited by different manners of mound construction, the incorporation
of features in the mounds, differences in the co-variation of features in the mounds, and
the spatial patterning of features in the mounds. This variation is demonstrated among
the mound groups and among physiographic regions of southern Wisconsin.
7.3 A Place for Remembering: Effigy Mound Groups as Sacred Landscapes
It is important to view the Effigy Mound groups as sacred landscapes, a place for
remembering the ancestors, a place for commemorating the corporate group, and as a
mortuary ritual space (Cannon 2002; Ashmore and Geller 2005; Lackey-Cornelison
215

2012). While it is the case that these spaces had significant meaning to the
participants, the mound groups also likely served as visible markers on the landscape of
the corporate group by reference to the ancestors (Goldstein 1980; Winter-Livneh et al
2012; Robb 2007).
In his study of ancient monuments in Europe, Bradley (1993) made several
observations that are pertinent to this study. Bradley noted that the same sacred sites
were altered and reinterpreted continually through time. In southern Wisconsin we see
the same monumental sites used through time and may even see transitional mounds
that may not fit the definitions of a time period. This would indicate a deep connection
with the ancestors and the power, both ritual and political, invoked by the relationship
and control of the space.
Also, it is well documented that many of the mounds were added to or changed
in later generations, possibly the result of changing meaning or the need to connect with
the ancestors in a symbolic physical manner (Bradley 1993). The presence of Hopewell
mounds alongside Effigy Mounds at the Trowbridge site (Trempeleau County) and
Effigy Mounds associated with Aztalan (Jefferson County) are a testament to the
potential adoption or reinterpretation of these mounds and the symbols associated with
them (Birmingham and Eisenberg 2000; Lackey-Cornelison 2012).
Morris (1992) presented two methods for interpreting symbolism, the ‘direct’ and
‘linguistic’ approach. The ‘direct’ method implies that one can interpret the exact
meaning of a particular symbol, even out of context. The second approach, ‘linguistic’,
requires a more comprehensive understanding of a symbol within a larger body of
evidence and context. Here the same symbol could mean a different thing in different
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contexts, times, and places. Alternately, different symbols could mean the same thing
in different contexts, times and places.
This is an important concept since this research examined variation in the
selection of ritual features in the mounds and the dispositions of those features. This is
important on two levels. First, different groups may be symbolizing something different
from those around them through the incorporation and position of various features in the
mounds. Second, it may be that the mounds and mound groups themselves
represented a “sacred landscape” (Rakita and Buikstra 2005) and a ritual system that
was not primarily funerary. We see evidence that the mounds may not have been
funerary in nature since many of the mounds that contained no burials contained other
stone, fire, or pottery features that may have articulated to the rest of the community the
same symbolism as a burial.
Interpretations for the social organization of Effigy Mound peoples and the
meaning of the mounds and mound groups have been contemplated for some time.
Some of the research on Effigy Mound monumentalism used ethnographic analogy, or
some would argue ethnoarchaeological homology (Radin 1911). Referring to
Winnebago (Ho-Chunk) customs Mallam (1976) and Benn (1979) suggested that the
mound groups likely represented the products of different lineages within a larger
society.
In a later study, Mallam (1984) argued that these Late Woodland groups
practiced a hunting gathering lifeway, which recognized and celebrated the idea that
nature and culture were intimately linked. The building of the mounds in the shape of
animals solidified this link. Mallam argued that between the Middle Woodland and Late
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Woodland there was a shift in the mortuary program from a focus on social
differentiation to an emphasis on the link between nature and culture (Mallam 1984).
Further, Mallam (1984) considered the mound groups to have been cosmological
representations linking nature and culture to a physical sacred space that represented
world renewal ritual. Using ethnohistoric information of the Winnebago, there were two
worlds that could be represented by the effigy mounds, an upper world and a lower
world (Birmingham and Eisenberg 2000). In this scenario the birds represented the
upperworld and the water and land creatures belonged to the lowerworld. These two
broad categories divided the world and lineages into two broad categories. In Mallam’s
(1976) study he found that, although some effigy mound forms dominated a mound
group, there were still a minority of mounds that represented other lineages or the
opposite world. This opposition has also been interpreted by Birmingham and
Eisenberg (2000) as a balancing of the natural and supernatural world (Birmingham and
Eisenberg 2000). Mallam (1976) argued that it is likely that each mound group was
maintained by a lineage and this was reflected in the dominant effigy form of the mound
group.
Later, Goldstein (1995) found a similar pattern in southern Wisconsin. She
interpreted the mound groups in general to be markers of corporate identity and posited
that the visibility of the mound groups may have communicated to outsiders a claim to
resources in the area through reference to the ancestors. She further surmised that the
mound groups may have served as some type of resource map.
Based on stylistic analysis of the mounds and ceramic vessels, Rosebrough
(2010) proposed that these autonomous groups possessed a sub-group of individuals
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who were selected as ritual practitioners and who built and maintained the mound
groups and likely inhabited the mound areas throughout the year. During the warmer
months the larger lineal group would have migrated to their respective mound group
areas for subsistence routines and ritual practices.
7.4 Theoretical Framework
This study was guided by the principle that the ritual and mortuary domain of a
society is a reflection of the larger society (Saxe 1970; Binford 1971; Goldstein 1980).
As such the structures and worldviews of the society were expected to be coded in the
ritual behaviors and materials of the Effigy Mound peoples. Specifically, the internal
mound features represented ritual paraphernalia with inscribed meaning for each. The
specific ritual items that were used and how they were represented in space were
described in Chapters 5 and 6.
Goldstein (1995) suggested that the mounds themselves should be treated as
artifacts within a site. In this study the mounds are treated as artifacts that include
attributes such as intended form and structure of various inclusions in the mounds.
Chesson (2008) noted the regularity in which Early Bronze Age Dead Sea groups
interred their dead in mapped out segmented patterns that resembled structured maps.
This study argues that mound construction proceeded the same way with a plan, a ritual
map if you will, strategically arranged by a spiritual practitioner(s). For Effigy Mound
peoples this plan was likely dictated by both overarching ritual structures and agent
driven interpretation of ritual and/or creative ritualization which resulted in both regularity
and variability among mound groups. Further, if mound groups were built and

219

maintained by lineal groups, one would expect variation among mound groups, possibly
as a way to set them apart as a distinct lineage that may do things different.
Chesson (2008) described the results of many years of Bronze Age cemetery
excavations and mortuary practices among peoples along the Dead Sea, Jordan. She
made the observation that every time there was a population shift or shift in subsistence
and settlement, there was an attendant shift in the mortuary program. Interestingly, in
the early Bronze Age society, when populations were small and nomadic, secondary
burials occurred under ground. Later, after the establishment of walled villages, the
cemeteries were more visibly located above ground in rectangular charnel houses
and/or body libraries, or on bluffs and cliffs overlooking the village. Chesson (2008)
surmises that the high visibility of the cemeteries with increasing village size and
sedentism likely represented territorial markers and assertions of entitlement to the
land.
These same shifts in social organization likely occurred between the Middle and
Late Woodland, resulting in changing mortuary ritual. As Mallam (1984) argued, the
shift from Middle to Late Woodland was a shift from an emphasis on social status to an
emphasis on the corporate group in the Late Woodland. However, examination of
Effigy Mound ceremonialism may have retained some status roles as represented by
differences in burial patterns between geometric and effigy mound forms (LackeyCornelison 2012).
7.5 Sampling Bias
It must be understood that the samples included in this study are biased on
several different levels. Weiss-Krejci (2011) provides a nice summary of the formation
220

processes resulting in the structure of archaeological sites. In order to understand the
burial or final deposition context, it is important to understand how formation processes
were determined largely by the beliefs and cultural perceptions of death, the body and
what constitutes a proper burial (Weiss-Krejci 2011). Some of the biases inherent in
this study are discussed so the reader can judge the interpretations presented in this
chapter against a backdrop of research limitations.
As discussed by Weiss-Krejci (2011) there are many different avenues for
artifacts of the mortuary program to be preserved or become archaeologically invisible
based on cultural practices. It is the case that not all mound groups were equivalent in
size and had differing numbers of geometric and effigy forms. This could have
dramatically biased the results for the questions that incorporated mound form as a
variable. Related to this, archaeologists made the decisions for what mounds to
excavate, including how many geometric and effigy mound forms. Of course, many of
the mounds had already been destroyed before the archaeologist conducted
excavations.
Most of the mound groups in this study were excavated by W.C. McKern and the
record is fairly complete for which mounds were excavated and what part of the mounds
were excavated. Rarely were entire mounds excavated. Instead, McKern relied on
previous patterns for feature locations in a given mound form. Effigy mound forms were
typically excavated in the “heart” region and subsequently expanded if features were
encountered. In most cases, effigy forms were exposed along the entire length of the
body, wings, and legs while still maintaining the original outline of the effigy form. The
conical mound forms were typically trenched from side to side, usually resulting in 50221

60% of the mound excavated. Linear and oval mounds were typically sampled along
the entire longitudinal length of the mound. From most of the published trenching
schematics it appears that bias would be most apparent in conical mound forms.
Another source of bias was related to archaeological nomenclature. Specifically,
the term “burial” may have been applied differentially among mounds, mound groups,
and among different investigators. For example, Barrett and Hawkes (1919) included
the large burial in Mound 1 at Kratz Creek as a single burial. In fact, this “burial” was
composed of approximately 45 bundle burials. This study relied on the archaeological
designations of a burial. There was also the differential and inconsistent use of “altar”
and “fireplace”, especially between McKern’s and Barrett and Hawkes definitions.
Probably the most prominent source of bias in this study was differential
preservation of the burials. In general, the secondary burials presented the highest
degree of friability and fragmentation. Most primary burials were in good condition for
complete analysis. At Nitschke the preservation resulted in severe fragmentation and
friable bone. Even though it is not considered in this study, there was much evidence of
active excarnation and weathering of the skeletal elements that could have facilitated
the decomposition of the bones. At Neale many burials were uncovered but most of the
skeletal elements were so poorly preserved that, in many cases, burial disposition could
not be determined. At Polander the skeletal sample available for study was very
fragmentary because the burials were overlain with large boulders before the mound
was completed. In general this affected the skeletal material that was analyzed.
Notably, epigenetic trait selection was primarily determined by those bones that
occurred most frequently. Sex and age determination was also difficult because the
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critical elements for sex and age estimation were eroded or missing. The two bones
that were present in high frequencies were femora and mandibles.
Finally, the curated remains in the MPM were curated differentially. Many times
catalog numbers were assigned to burials and other times they were assigned to
individual elements. Additionally, there were inconsistencies between what was logged
in the catalogs and what was available for examination. To minimize these sources of
bias painstaking review and recording of all available contextual information provided by
published site reports, field notes, museum catalogs, and even newspaper articles,
resulting in a more accurate understanding of Effigy Mound sites and materials.
7.6 Research Question #1: Summary of Results and Discussion
Research Question 1 considered two dimensions of the ritual and mortuary ritual
program including patterns in the presence of specific features, co-occurrence, and the
position of features in mounds among the mound groups and physiographic regions. In
addition to summarizing results from Question 1, this section will argue that the
evidence indicates that a) there were overarching ritual patterns, both in materials and
context, across all mound groups, b) there was systematic variation in some materials
and context, across most mound groups, c) specific mound groups were actively
symbolizing their corporate identity through creative ritualizing, and d) the mound
groups primarily functioned as a mortuary program through both the use of bodies and
other features to signal corporate identity through reference to the ancestors.
To review, the goal of Research Question #1 was to identify whether corporate
groups, particularly lineal groups, were building and maintaining specific mound groups.
To do this, the question examined whether there were overarching patterns and/or
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differences among mound groups that could be recognized in the frequency of features,
the co-variation of features, and the vertical and horizontal positioning of features in
mounds. The results for Research Question 1 were presented in Chapter 6.
7.6.1 Presence and Co-variation of Features
The results for Research Question #1 are summarized as follows. Examination
of the frequency of features resulted in no important differences in the number of
features represented among the mound groups or physiographic regions. What is more
important, and where differences were observed was found in the presence and covariation of features in the mounds at each mound group. Table 7.1 presents the
frequencies of features in mounds among the mound groups. To gain a visual
appreciation for differences among the groups, consult Appendix C. Important
observations for interpretation include: with the exception of Kratz Creek (Central
Plains), a) the majority of mounds contained burial features; b) where other features
were found there was usually a burial also present; c) earthen fireplaces and stone
altars were the most common non-burial features across all mound groups and; d)
many features such as clay and pebble cists or layering of colored soils were
idiosyncratic features limited to specific mound groups.

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Table 7.1 Summary table of frequency and approximate percentage of features
occurring in mound groups. (PL=Polander, RB=Raisbeck, TB=Trowbridge, KZ=Kratz
Creek, MC=McClaughry, NL=Neale, KL=Kletzien, KM=Kolterman, NK=Nitschke)
PL
RB
TB
KZ
MC
NL
KL KM
NK
Mounds with burial
n= 15
18
13
8
28
11
14
4
28
83% 90% 76% 22% 80% 46% 52% 100% 76%
Mounds with burials
n=
2
13
1
5
16
7
8
1
6
with any features
13% 72% 8% 63% 57% 64% 57% 25% 21%
Mounds without burials
n=
3
2
4
28
7
13
13
0
9
17% 10% 24% 78% 20% 54% 48% 0%
24%
Mounds without burial that
n=
1
1
0
4
3
6
2
0
0
contain any features
33% 50% 0% 14% 43% 46% 15% 0%
0%
Mounds with burials and
n=
0
0
0
0
6
3
0
0
0
cists
0%
0%
0%
0% 21% 27% 0%
0%
0%
Mounds with burials and
n=
1
5
0
4
5
4
6
1
1
Earthen Fireplaces
7% 28% 0% 50% 18% 36% 43% 25%
4%
Mounds with burials and
n=
1
10
0
2
9
3
0
0
3
stone altars
7% 56% 0% 25% 32% 27% 0%
0%
11%
Mounds with burials and
n=
0
1
1
3
4
2
2
1
3
Ceramic Vessels
0%
6%
8% 38% 14% 18% 14% 25% 11%
Mounds with burials and 2+ n=
0
2
0
4
7
4
0
1
1
features
0% 11% 0% 50% 25% 36% 0% 25%
4%
Total number of mounds
n= 18
20
17
36
35
24
27
4
37
excavated

Part of this research asked whether there was co-variation of two or more
features in the mound groups. Of course, the mound in and of itself was likely
considered a ritual feature. However, this research when examining co-variation, asked
what other internal features were present with and without burials. It is important to
note that this research treats the burials as an object, not unlike other features.
In their discussion of materiality, Buikstra et al. (2011) stated, “According to the
precepts of bioarchaeology, the study of human remains requires placing archaeological
bodies within a larger body of archaeological data, which provide context – spatial,
historical, and social – for more holistic interpretation.” Additionally it is the absence
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and/or interaction of these features that can yield an understanding of the social
organization of the group. This research found there was significant association
between the horizontal placement of burials and other ritual paraphernalia across
locations in both effigy and geometric mound forms. This suggests that ritual and its
associated symbolism is of equal prominence as the human remains themselves. As
Buikstra et al. (2011:17) stated, “A joint consideration shows that both the human and
material worlds create and shape each other, that both body and material artifacts have
active and affective ‘social lives’.” It may be that the collective identity of the group was
expressed materially through corpses or other material objects. The use of surrogate
bodies is not a foreign concept in various mortuary programs around the world. In fact it
has been documented that:
In a variety of societies (ancient Egypt, Ostyak of Siberia, some aristocratic
houses of Europe, Toda of India, etc.) surrogate bodies represent the deceased’s
corpse until the funerary cycle is completed. These transitional bodies look very
different and may include figurines, dolls, effigies, masks, hair locks, bone
splinters, and empty coffins (Weiss-Krejci 2011: 72).
It has also been well documented that memorials and cenotaphs or other
material artifacts for remembering have been placed in the mortuary context to
represent the corporate group or identities of the deceased (Robb 2008).
Another example of surrogate bodies (or surrogate representations of the
community) comes from Pearson (2002). Pearson (2002) argued that the sites of
Stonehenge, Avebury, Woodhenge, and Durrington Walls of southern Britain were part
of a ritual complex that involved a multi-stage process of reintegration of the dead into
the ancestors. Pearson interprets the monuments as representation of the ancestors
and argues that the henge monuments represented the ancestors in the same way the
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body did in the past. The placement of these objects in the mounds, absent a body,
does not remove what is most important, the ritual.
Among mound groups earthen fireplaces, stone altars, and ceramic vessels are
commonly linked to the presence of burial in the same mounds. A possible
interpretation is that these non-burial features symbolized the same thing that bodies
did, quite possibly the corporate group.
This study proposes the following possibilities for the use of features in the
mound. The absence of a burial may be interpreted as a product of no one dying that
year but the ritual must be performed, thus requiring a surrogate. Perhaps, as Mallam
(1984) suggested, Effigy Mound ceremonialism may have been part of a preplanned
ritual program that was linked to world renewal ceremonies (Pearson 2002; Mallam
1984). Also, since it is generally agreed that not all individuals were interred in the
mounds, it may be that the absence of burial might mean that the timing for the
mortuary ritual was not appropriate for that season. For example, the Huron of Ontario
culminated their burial rituals every 10-12 years with group wide ossuary secondary
burial (Benn 2008). More importantly, but less accessible archaeologically, is to
contextualize the entire ritual and what the meaning of death is in a given culture. Since
we can only partially examine this through the material remains, it is plausible that Effigy
Mound mortuary practices were a multistage process in which sometimes whole bodies
or parts of bodies, as evidenced by primary and secondary burials were interred while at
other times memorials (non-burial features) were used as a way to commemorate an
individual, a ritual office (see Lackey-Cornelison 2012) or the corporate group.

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To summarize what has been covered thus far, the general pattern for Effigy
Mound mortuary practices were as follows. First, there is little evidence for visible
occupation directly associated with the sites. Second, burials were included in the
majority of mounds among the mound groups. Third, burials and other features occur in
predictable anatomical regions of the mounds. Fourth, the presence of other features,
including earthen fireplaces, stone altars, and ceramic vessels, seem to predict the
presence of burial(s). Therefore, it is plausible that the non-burial features were ritually
linked to burial features. Further, referring to Pearson’s (2002) and Weiss-Krejci’s
(2011) research, it is also plausible that, when no burials were included in the mound
and other features were present, these other features may have symbolized surrogates
for the body. Here the body may not have symbolized the corporeal physical body of an
individual but may have been a representation of the corporate body.
According to Pearson, “Many monuments and buildings have a funerary or
mortuary purpose even though they contain no human bones or bodies – cenotaphs,
war memorials, and ancestor shrines are examples (Pearson 2002:145).” It is
suggested here that the Effigy Mound groups were likely a space or sacred landscape
where ritual was performed and where sometimes the dead were buried. This could
likely serve as a location where the corporate group asserted its right to critical
resources through reference to the ancestors (Goldstein 1981). The mounds
themselves, similar to the stone monuments of Madagascar representing the ancestors
(Pearson 2002), serve as a permanent and unyielding reminder to those from inside
and outside the group that this area and its resources have rights of access by the
decedents of the ancestors interred or represented in the mounds.
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7.6.2 Feature Variability Among the Mound Groups
Effigy Mound groups exhibited a degree of patterned regularity across all mound
groups but also important is the variability among the mound groups and physiographic
regions. Referring back to Table 7.1, it can be seen that the majority of mounds in all
three mound groups in the Western Uplands physiographic region (Trowbridge,
Polander, and Raisbeck) contain burials (ranging from 76% - 90%). Further, other than
Raisbeck, there were few non-burial features. This may be indicative of a greater
emphasis on the incorporation of the body into the ritual. As a side note, Polander and
Trowbridge were also the only groups that systematically interred their recent dead in
the extended burial position. Polander was unique in that many of the burials either
were enclosed in stone vaults or overlain with a plat of large stones.
Kratz Creek exhibits a pattern much different than any other groups where few of
the mounds contained burials. Again, the mounds that did not contain burials generally
did not contain other features. There are three notable observations to be made about
Kratz Creek. First, Mound 1 (conical mound) contained at least 111 individuals in one
large communal secondary burial. Second, there were multiple stone altars and
earthen fireplaces associated with this large burial. Third, many of the mounds were
constructed of alternating layers of light and dark sand and layers of fire, which was
unique to this mound group.
The pattern at McClaughry, Nitschke, and Polander is similar, with a high
frequency of burial features as well as the incorporation of other features in the same
mounds with burials. It is quite possible that the similarities of these three mound
groups could indicate contemporaneous groups in southern Wisconsin. Clay and
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pebble cists are a feature that only appears in the McClaughry and Neale mound
groups. At McClaughry they tended to co-occur with mounds that contained burials,
while at Neale these features were more often observed in mounds that did not contain
burials.
Mound groups in the Eastern Ridges and Lowlands (Kletzien, Kolterman,
Nitschke) contained a higher proportion of mounds with burials. Also, non-burial
features tended to co-vary with mounds that also included burials. Of special note,
Kletzien was composed of many intaglios prior to mound construction and in some of
the intaglios a thin layer of sand was laid down prior to mound construction.
In general, there is an overall patterning of burials in mounds where other
features are common and seem to be symbolic representations of the mortuary ritual or
the features were associated with the mortuary ritual. However, there are striking
differences in the use of ritual paraphernalia both in presence and in association with
burials among mound groups and physiographic regions. Important differences are also
found in the construction of mounds and in some materials incorporated into the
mounds. This can be interpreted as the maintenance of mound groups by a single
corporate or lineal group. The creative use of ritual paraphernalia may represent one
way that ritual practitioners asserted the uniqueness of their role and their group’s role
in the region (Pollock 2012). It could further indicate that the structure of the ritual
domain was secretive and was only shared among a subset of the group (Howey and
O’Shea 2006), allowing for creative ways to elevate sacred positions through variable
methods of ritualizing (Pollock 2012).

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7.6.3 Spatial Pattern and Variability: Vertical and Horizontal Positions of Features
Finally, the spatial dimension must be considered. Goldstein (1980), Ashmore
and Geller (2005) argue that the one dimension of the mortuary program that should not
be ignored at any scale, whether considering a single internment, or across the burial
site, is the dimension of space. The use of space and how space is used relative to
other mortuary deposits in is one way in which societies symbolize their worldview
(Ashmore and Geller 2005). One aspect of space is the location of burial and the
symbolism that it may entail (Ashmore and Geller 2005).
In this study space is defined by the burial position in the mound. Burial position
was divided between horizontal and vertical mound positions. Horizontal positions were
categorized into “anatomic” locations for effigy mound forms and center and far from
center in geometric mound forms. Vertical position was classified the same for
geometric and effigy mound forms as: above the mound floor, on the mound floor, and
below the mound floor.
An important pattern was found in the horizontal positioning of all features in both
geometric and effigy mound forms. If the feature occurred in an effigy mound form, the
most frequent location was found in the “heart position” of the effigy form. If there were
multiples of the same feature they would secondarily be located in the “head”,
“stomach”, and sometimes “hip”, “leg”, or “wing” of the effigy form. In geometric mounds
most depositions of a feature were in or near the center of the mound. This was likely
an overarching ritual feature that united the groups across the region. This could
possibly mean that there was symbolic meaning for “heart” in effigy mound forms or
center in geometric mounds that was significant enough that the structure seems to be
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shared among all mound groups. Most likely, these anatomic positions carried specific
symbolism which may have been generalized or interpreted differently among mound
groups.
Although the general pattern was for a heart preference in effigy mound forms,
some important observations and deviations from this pattern were observed among the
mound groups and physiographic regions (Appendix B). In the Central Plains, Kratz
Creek and McClaughry contained one burial located solely in the stomach position of
one Panther mound. Also notable, there were three burials at different depths in
Panther mounds at both McClaughry and Kratz Creek. The position of these shared
features in the same mound forms certainly must have been an important ritual feature
to those people and may suggest a close relationship between the two groups.
Interestingly, at Neale the stomach location seemed to be a preferred position, where
burials were found in the stomach position of four Bear effigy mounds. In a Panther
mound two burials were found in the hip and stomach positions.
Among the Eastern Ridges and Lowlands mound groups there appears to be a
different kind of pattern that emerges. Although most of the burials were found in the
heart position with additional burials occurring elsewhere in the effigy mound forms, at
Kletzien one deer effigy form contained a burial in the stomach position, and at
Kolterman two effigy forms (one indeterminate and one otter) contained burials in the
stomach position. At both Kletzien and Kolterman two burials were found at differing
depths in the heart positions of a Deer and Otter mound respectively. At Nitschke a
pattern unlike any other mound group emerges. Although most effigy mound forms
contained burial in the heart position, two mounds contained three different burials in
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different horizontal positions including: the heart, hip, and head positions of a Bison
mound and in the heart, head, and between the rear legs of a Turtle mound.
For vertical position there was great variability in the placement of features. The
patterned regularities that were observed included a modal preference for burial below
the mound floor among all mound groups and physiographic regions. The variability
among the mound groups appears to center on burial preference directly upon or above
the mound floor. For the Western Upland groups, with the exception of Polander which
exhibited three burials on or above the mound floor, Raisbeck and Trowbridge exhibited
a greater number of burials above the mound floor. For the Central Plains mound
groups, burial position was variable. At Kratz Creek most (n = 8/12) of the burials were
interred above the mound floor. At McClaughry there was a fairly uniform pattern of
burials in all three vertical positions. Of the 12 burials at Neale 11 were interred below
the mound floor. However, the Eastern Ridges and Lowlands mound groups had a
preference for burial on the mound floor.
Two other features that demonstrated differences in vertical position among the
mound groups and physiographic regions were earthen fireplaces and stone altars. The
patterned regularity observed for both earthen fireplaces and stone altars was a
preference for directly on or above the mound floor. However, mound groups in each
physiographic region exhibited certain preferences for vertical placement in the mounds.
In the Western Uplands earthen fireplaces were found more often above the mound
floor. In the Eastern Ridges and Lowlands earthen fireplaces were found most
frequently on the mound floor. In the Western Uplands stone altars occurred most often

233

above the mound floor but were generally represented in all three locations. In the
Central Plains stone altars occurred most frequently on the mound floor.
The shared effigy forms and burial dispositions among the Kratz Creek and
McClaughry groups bears witness to the fact that these groups likely had a close
relationship, which included sharing aspects of ritual and possibly represented related
lineages. Also, although different effigy forms were represented among the Kletzien
and Kolterman groups, sometimes the preferred location for burial was in the stomach
and hip of the effigy forms. Variation in observed patterns was also observed at
Nitschke with two mounds containing three burials in distinct anatomical positions in
effigy mound forms.
To summarize, there appears to be a pattern in the mode of deposition of
features in the vertical and horizontal dimension in mounds. Although there seems to
be a preference for burial in the heart position, there is considerable variation among
mound groups for burial in other primary locations. This variation among the mound
groups could represent ritual leaders creatively ritualizing as a mechanism to set
themselves apart as representing a distinct lineage (Pollock 2011).
In the vertical dimension burials were generally found in the greatest numbers
below the mound floor. Earthen fireplaces and stone altars were found on or above the
mound floor. However, there were site specific preferences or signatures for the two
non-modal vertical positions for burial among mound groups. Since space is seen to
represent structures of the larger society, it would make sense that the variation could
be accounted for by demarcating the corporate or lineal group in the mortuary ritual
domain.
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7.7 Research Question #2: Summary of Results and Discussion
This question considered burial disposition from three different perspectives
including: the disposition of all burials in a mound, the disposition of the combined
burial dispositions in a mound, and whether burial disposition was different between
effigy mound forms and geometric mound forms among mound groups and
physiographic regions. This question stems from the evidence that the social
organization, the ritual or ceremonial realm, and cosmology/worldview is most clearly
seen in mortuary sites, particularly in the processing of human remains, bodily
disposition, and the manipulation and alteration of the human remains (Carr 1995;
Buikstra and Scott 2009). As evidenced by Saxe (1970), Binford (1971), and Goldstein
(1981), it is well accepted that social organization may be understood by examination of
the differential treatment of the remains. Before introducing the results and a discussion
of the possible interpretations, the significant findings are outlined.
Before interpreting the results it is important to consider the inherent sampling
bias in this study. In general, not all mounds were excavated in a mound group.
Further, the geometric and effigy mound forms were not excavated in the same
proportions at each mound group. Despite these biases, the associations related to
burial disposition and mound form may have an overt bias. Nevertheless, it is
concluded that the mound groups in the Eastern Ridges and Lowlands diverged
dramatically from the groups in the other two physiographic regions. This is also
reflected in the mound forms that dominated each group. Conversely, it may be the
result of bias through oversampling of effigy versus geometric mound forms in this
region.
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Research on mortuary programs that exhibit secondary burial and multiple
individuals interred together are suggestive of a lineal social organization (Cannon
2002; Chesson 2007; Goldstein 2002; Robb 2007; Winter-Livneh, et al. 2012).
Chesson (2007: 115) asserted that secondary body treatment is a transformative ritual
in which the body is contextually placed “in collective contexts represent[ing] the
process of transforming a social person into something else through carefully
orchestrated and sanctioned acts of remembering and forgetting”. This is an important
principle since, in the Effigy Mound sample secondary burials most often represent
multiple individuals and occurred more frequently in geometric mound forms. This
suggests the ritual domain may have been divided by mound form, the effigy mound
forms being accessible to a narrow range of the population, while geometric mound
forms included access to a larger segment of the population (Lackey-Cornelison 2012).
As stated by several authors secondary treatment conveys symbolic ritual
meaning (Goldstein 1995, 2008; Kuijt 1996, 2008; Chesson 2007; Hertz 1907).
According to Weiss-Krejci (2011:71) “in the case of cremation, the treatment of the
corpse serves as the rite of separation whereas the collection of burned remains from a
pyre and deposition in a grave play a role in rites of transition or re-integration”. Active
excarnation, passive excarnation, and cremation were all performed by Effigy Mound
peoples, likely for specific ritual purposes that carried symbolic meaning.
Based on ethnographic data, Chesson (2007:120) argued that secondary burial
is also a way to “reassert, and renegotiate their identities, commemorate their dead, and
to reassert their visions for the future of the community”. This renegotiation of identities
and commemoration of the dead did not just take place the season of mound
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construction, but is inculcated in the memories of the participants and future
generations, especially given that these were likely community wide projects. Bradley
(1993) noted that the collective memory is created and recreated from the act of
constructing an earthwork but also the remembering of the symbolism of the earthwork.
7.7.1 Discussion and Interpretation of Burial Disposition Results
When individual burials and mound level burial disposition were analyzed it was
found that secondary burials were the dominant form of burial in the Western Uplands
and Central Plains. When the mound groups were analyzed by examining the
frequency of primary and secondary burial in geometric and effigy mound forms, the
same pattern emerged. However, although some mound groups may have included
more primary burials, these were generally limited to effigy mound forms. Table 7.2
presents the frequency of burial disposition in geometric mound groups. In her analysis
of Wisconsin Effigy Mound groups Lackey-Cornelison (2012) found that secondary
burial occurred more frequently in geometric mound forms and primary burial was the
modal pattern for effigy mound forms. As can be seen in Table 7.2 the pattern is
reversed for the Eastern Ridges and Lowlands mound groups with primary burials
occurring more frequently in geometric mound forms.

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Table 7.2 Frequency of Primary and Secondary burials in geometric mound forms
among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region

Burial Disposition/Geometric Mounds
Primary
Secondary

Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and
Lowlands

12.0
13.4
8.0
10.6
9.0
5.0

Total

31.0
29.6
26.0
23.4
7.0
11.0

43.0
43.0
34.0
34.0
16.0
16.0

29.0

Western Upland

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

64.0

93.0

At this juncture it is important to review the general mound distribution patterns
across the samples. The Western Upland mound groups do not include many effigy
mound forms. Polander contained no effigy mound forms, two effigy mound forms were
excavated at Trowbridge, and approximately 25% of the group at Raisbeck was
composed of effigy mound forms, however only four were excavated. Moving to the
Central Plains there is a shift to approximately half the mounds taking an effigy form. In
the Eastern Ridges and Uplands, mound groups are primarily composed of effigy
mound forms and consequently these constituted most of the excavated mounds.
However, even with this bias, there were still more primary burials in geometric mounds
in the Eastern Ridges and Lowlands. This could indicate a real difference in this
dimension of the mortuary program.
Again, there are patterned regularities across the mound groups in the ritual
program as represented by modal burial dispositions in the mounds. Lackey-Cornelison
(2012) suggested that the geometric mounds likely included members of the larger
community and were interpreted as representing the corporate group. Effigy mound
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forms may have been reserved for ritual practitioners who planned, built and maintained
the mound groups, but more importantly may have been responsible for the ritual
practices (Rosebrough 2010; Lackey-Cornelison). However, we also see that some
groups, especially those in the Eastern Ridges and Lowlands depart from the secondary
burial modal preference for burial. This is also reflected in the dominance of effigy
mound forms compared to geometric forms. When the composition of the Kletzien
mound group is examined, with the exception of two burials that contained a mix of
primary and secondary burial dispositions, even the secondary burials contained only
one individual. This is very different than what we see in other mound groups. If it is
the case that secondary burial and multiple individual burials are reflective of a lineal
group social organization, it could be that these sites, especially Kletzien, were not as
focused on the corporate group, but on specific identities, rituals, or ritual positions.
Diachronic differences could also explain this variation. If Nitschke and Kletzien were
not contemporaneous with other Effigy Mound groups, this could reflect a change in
ritual, from a focus on the corporate group to a more specialized focus on individual
identities or identities associated more closely with the ritual domain.
7.8 Research Question #3: Summary of Results and Discussion
This question addresses how the sex and age status of the individual may have
determined whether they were interred in a mound and whether differences in the
demographies of included individuals existed among mound groups and physiographic
regions. It is generally accepted that only a certain proportion of the population was
selected for burial in the mounds (Birmingham and Eisenberg 2000; Goldstein 1995).

239

Ultimately, it may never be known what cultural variable determined inclusion in the
mounds but it may be possible to determine who may have been excluded.
Individual and corporate identity is informed by many dimensions including:
economic, political, religious, ethnic, nationalist, tribal, linguistic, sex, gender, and social
and biological age status (Knudson and Stojanowski 2009). Ethnographic research has
indicated that for many cultures age is best understood as the accomplishment of
various social roles, rather than simply by the passage of time (Gowland 2006). It is for
this reason that studies of prehistoric societies should reevaluate the age categories
that are established for analysis. Perhaps instead of using age categories that are
structured by biological age, the context of internments should also inform the
designation of age categories to better reflect potential social statuses of individuals
(Gowland 2006). Therefore, the goal of contextual bioarchaeology is to attempt to
understand what age meant socially using a feedback loop between what the biological
age is and what the embodiment of age was in a given prehistoric society. This is not to
say that there will not be variability in the social construction in a given society, possibly
determined by individual personality or specific talents and strengths that are valued by
society.
Available to the researcher are biological and contextual data for understanding
how a person’s status was valued. Buikstra and Scott (2009) argued that mortuary
context is particularly significant for religious identity and status distinction. For Effigy
Mound peoples three basic elements are available for study including; mound form, the
biological status (age and sex), and the genetic constitution of interred individuals.

240

Here age and sex were examined to evaluate whether biological status could
have been a limiting factor for mound burial. Considering the Effigy Mound sample from
seven mound groups housed at the MPM, Lackey-Cornelison (2012) found there to be
no statistically significant difference in the frequency of males and females in both effigy
and geometric mound forms. However, she did find that children occurred at a low
frequency in effigy mound forms compared to geometric mound forms. She interpreted
the geometric mounds as symbolizing the corporate group by referencing the large
number of secondary burials, multiple individual burials, and many conical mounds
composing large numbers of burials. Lackey-Cornelison (2012) also interpreted the
effigy mound forms as mounds that were restricted to a subset of the population,
possibly for the ritual practitioners.
7.8.1 Summary of Sex Results and Discussion
Table 7.3 presents the frequency of males and females in geometric and effigy
mound forms among the mound groups. Immediately apparent is that both biological
sexes had equal access to burial. This is a consistent pattern among all mound groups.
Therefore, the overarching ritual system did not limit the internment of males and
females all mound groups.
Also apparent are general biases in the sample. In the Western Upland mound
groups few effigy mound forms were present compared to the other regions. As a
consequence few effigy mound forms were excavated. At Polander no effigy mound
forms were found at the site and at Trowbridge only two effigy mound forms were
present and both were excavated. At the Neale mound group nine geometric mound
forms were excavated, two of which contained burials.
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Table 7.3 Frequency of sex in geometric and effigy mound forms among mound groups
(X = no effigy or geometric mound form excavated at site)
Mound Group
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Neale
Big Bend
Kletzien
Nitschke
Total

Geometric Mound Forms
Male
Female

Effigy Mound Forms
Male
Female

Total

16
18
7
31
17
X
7
2
5

15
17
11
36
22
X
4
2
8

X
1
0
2
2
1
X
4
6

X
0
1
1
6
2
X
3
4

31
36
19
70
47
3
11
11
23

103

115

16

17

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7.8.2 Summary of Age Results and Discussion
Table 7.4 presents the frequency of juveniles and adults among the mound
groups. Based on low sample size in certain age categories and because many
individuals could only be determined to be juvenile or adult, age categories were
recoded as juvenile (0-15 years) or adult (16+ years)(see Chapter 4). The general
pattern observed among the Effigy Mound groups is that juveniles (0-15 years) were
generally underrepresented. Exceptions to this were found at Raisbeck, Kratz Creek,
McClaughry, Big Bend, and Nitschke. Striking variability occurs at Trowbridge and
Kletzien where only one juvenile was interred in excavated mounds. In most other
mound groups, juvenile burial was common among the multiple individual burials.
However, Trowbridge and Kletzien did not contain juveniles in multiple individual burials.

242

Table 7.4 Frequency of Juveniles and Adults among the mound groups
Mound Group

Age Juvenile and Adult
Juvenile
Adult

Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Neale
Big Bend
Kletzien
Nitschke

Total

12
15
1
35
20
2
11
1
19

74
57
54
120
98
8
25
14
66

116

Total

62
42
53
85
78
6
14
13
47
400

516

At Trowbridge and Kletzien something very different was being symbolized. For
some reason people building and maintaining mounds at Trowbridge and Kletzien were
excluding children to a greater degree than other groups. The general overall numbers
of primary internments at both Kletzien and Trowbridge and the absence of juveniles
may be indicative of less emphasis on corporate identity with a greater focus on the
ritual program. It may also be that these individuals were excluded based on cultural
parameters for what would have constituted a proper burial as defined by the cultural
expectations for age related roles in the society (Gowland 2006). Alternately, it may be
that the variability among the mound groups is one way ritual practitioners were actively
re-interpreting the ritual program. It has also been argued by Lackey-Cornelison (2012)
that the Trowbridge mound groups may have had a temporal connection to the Middle
Woodland Hopewell. It may be that the ritual connection with the Middle Woodland is
demonstrated within this group by a greater emphasis on status rather than corporate
243

group identity. The mound group certainly had a spatial connection because it is
located in close proximity to the Middle Woodland mounded sites of Shrake I and
Shrake II. In fact, similar to Shrake I and II, most of the mounds were conical and only
two effigy mound forms were present.

Figure 7.1 Frequency of juveniles and adults in geometric mound forms among the
mound groups

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Figure 7.2 Frequency of juveniles and adults in effigy mound forms among mound
groups
Figure 7.2 presents some interesting patterns and variability in which individuals
were interred in effigy mound forms. In general, juveniles were excluded from burial in
effigy mound forms. This pattern is consistent with Lackey-Cornelison’s (2012) results
from her assessment of seven mound groups in southern Wisconsin. LackeyCornelison (2012) argued that this may have reflected more restricted access and held
a different symbolic meaning. For example, Lackey-Cornelison suggested that
internment in the effigy mound forms may have been reserved for individuals closely
245

associated with Effigy Mound ceremonialism. Two notable exceptions are found among
the mound groups, at Nitschke and Kratz Creek, where a proportionally larger number
of children were found in effigy mound forms. This same pattern was also reflected in
the geometric mound forms, suggesting that some children held a different status
among these communities. In fact, at Nitschke there were over half as many juveniles in
effigy mound forms and the result of the logistic regression analysis indicated that
children were nine times more likely to be buried in an effigy mound form at Nitschke.
In general, the symbolism represented in the overarching ritual system included
access to males and female, however limited access to juveniles. Obviously, if LackeyCornelison’s (2012) interpretation is correct, and those interred in effigy mound forms
were spiritual practitioners, it would make sense that juveniles were excluded. In many
societies, protégés were trained for a period of time before they could fulfill the
responsibilities as ritual practitioners (Pollock 2011). If this training did not begin until
one was considered old enough to perform and participate in ritual and if the effigy
mound forms restricted access to ritual leaders it would make sense that children were
excluded.
At Nitschke, however, over 40% of those interred were juvenile. This could be
explained in a couple different ways. Potentially, the symbolism of the effigy mound
forms was different among the peoples maintaining the Nitschke mounds. It could be
possible that this corporate group saw the effigy mound forms as a corporate symbol no
different than the other mound forms. Another possibility is that Nitschke represents a
later episode in mound construction (AD 1040 +/- 55 years; Bender et al. 1967), where
symbolism was changing over time. It is possible that ritual practitioners continued to
246

be buried in the mounds, but access was reinterpreted to include subadult family
members of the ritual practitioners. Rosebrough (2010) argued that the mound groups
were built and maintained by a subset of the population who lived continuously at or
near the site. It may be that this segment of the population later included individuals of
all ages contributing to mound building, maintenance, and performing ritual. Of course,
another possibility was that ritual practitioners at Nitschke were reinterpreting the
symbolism to set themselves apart as a distinct lineage with access to critical resources
in the area (Pollock 2011).
Results from the analysis of age and mound burial suggest there was regularity
in the overarching ritual system for exclusion of children in the effigy mound forms. The
differential inclusion of juveniles by mound form suggests effigy mound forms were
symbolizing something different than the geometric mound forms. As argued by
Lackey-Cornelison (2012) and supported by the results of this study, the large number
of multiple secondary burials and the internment of a wide age range of individuals is
consistent with a corporate group symbolism. This dissertation extends LackeyCornelison’s assertion by suggesting that the geometric mound forms were the lineal
group’s way of communicating access to the sacred landscape and to the resources
within its vicinity. Further, the above burial patterns are indicative of a lineal form of
social organization. Finally, differences in the presence of children may be one way of
portraying and asserting the corporate groups identity as distinct from others.
7.9 Research Question #4: Summary of Results and Discussion
Based on contextual and biological data it has been established that a) there is
both patterned regularities and variability among the mound groups in frequency and
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co-variation of burial features with other features, and regularities and variation in the
vertical and horizontal positioning of features, b) there are patterned regularities and
also is variability in burial disposition, c) there are patterned regularities of sex, d) there
is variability in the age representation among the mound groups and; e) there is
variability in the age representation between effigy and geometric mound forms.
Further, it has been established that there was an overarching ritual system in place
that was shared across southern Wisconsin. These regularities suggest a lineal based
land tenure form of social organization among the mound groups. However, based on
variability among the mound groups it is also clear that each group was maintained by a
specific corporate group. This is represented primarily in the contextual domain where
different features occur and co-occur in the mound groups and the varied ways they
were represented in space. This is likely the result of ritual agents creatively ritualizing
to distinguish their lineage from other groups in the region.
This section addresses patterned regularities and/or variability in the phenotypic
structure of those interred in the mound groups. Before proceeding with the discussion
of the results in this section, it is once again important to note that sampling and
preservation bias have likely contributed to some of the variation observed on
epigenetic traits. In fact, the selection of epigenetic traits in this study was determined
solely on the basis of the most frequently occurring bones in the MPM collection.
Every study of biological distance is guided by the principle that populations that
exchange mates will be more phenotypically similar than those that do not exchange
mates (Stojanowski and Schillaci 2006). It is assumed that other microevolutionary
processes effect the phenotypic structuring of a population. In this study, the focus of
248

analysis is on inter- mound group variability. The expectation is that if specific lineages
were building and maintaining single mound groups, the biological structuring of the
burial population should be more homogeneous within the mound group. Conversely, if
single lineages were building and maintaining mound groups, greater heterogeneity
among different mound groups is expected.
Table 7.5 and 7.6 and Figure 7.3 illustrate the biological distance for each mound
group relative to the other mound groups. First, the Western Uplands groups are
phenetically similar with Trowbridge and Polander the most similar. Second, the Central
Plains and Eastern Ridges and Lowlands groups share a close phenetic relationship.
Third, Kletzien is biologically distant from all groups except Kratz Creek. Fourth,
Nitschke is not significantly different from all mound groups except Polander and
Kletzien. With the exception of Nitschke, these trends appear to suggest an association
of biological distance and geographic distance. However, the Raisbeck mound group
(Western Uplands) is phenotypically similar to Nitschke (Eastern Ridges and Lowlands).
This may be indicative of Raisbeck being contemporaneous with some groups in the
Central Plains and Eastern Ridges and Lowlands. The potential affinity between
Nitschke and Raisbeck was noted previously in this chapter based on similarities in
burial disposition, inclusion of non-burial features, and in burial position for these
groups. Possible explanations include mate exchange between these two groups or the
burial patterning represents contemporaneous occupations and temporal trends. This
would also suggest that these Late Woodland groups did not recognize physiographic
regions as geologic features that inhibited interaction between groups.

249

Table 7.5 Mean Measure of Divergence Matrix (values above the diagonal are the MMD
values; values below the diagonal are the Standard deviations; bolded values represent
statistical significance at the 95% C.I)
Polander Raisbeck Trowbridge Kratz
McClaugh. BigBend Kletzien Nitschke
Polander
0.3340
-0.0479 0.3663
0.6462
0.5788
1.2528
0.4278
Raisbeck
0.0942
0.1038 0.2110
0.1972
0.2883
0.7446
0.0948
Trowbridge
0.2226
0.1954
0.3673
0.3127
0.6107
1.2854
0.3699
Kratz
0.0798
0.0499
0.1833
0.0975
0.0224
0.2668 -0.0034
McClaugh.
0.0877
0.0594
0.1927 0.0444
0.2184
0.2268
0.0782
BigBend
0.1400
0.1132
0.2369 0.0985
0.1081
0.2300 -0.1029
Kletzien
0.1449
0.1178
0.2507 0.1049
0.1162
0.1675
0.4124
Nitschke
0.1008
0.0730
0.2027 0.0578
0.0686
0.1224
0.1286
Table 7.6 Biological distance among mound groups from MMD
Increasing Biodistance
Polander Trow
Raisbeck
Kratz
Nitschke
Big Bend
Raisbeck Nitschke
Trow
McClaugh Kratz
Big Bend
Trow
Polander
Raisbeck
McClaugh Kratz
Nitschke
Kratz
Nitschke
Big Bend
McClaugh Raisbeck
Kletzien
McClaugh Nitschke
Kratz
Raisbeck
Big Bend
Kletzien
Big Bend Nitschke
Kratz
McClaugh Kletzien
Raisbeck
Kletzien
McClaugh
Big Bend
Kratz
Nitschke
Raisbeck
Nitschke
Big Bend
Kratz
McClaugh Raisbeck
Trow

Mclaugh
Polander
Big Bend
Polander
Trow
Polander
Polander
Kletzien

Kletzien
Kletzien
Kletzien
Trow
Polander
Trow
Trow
Polander

Figure 7.3 Multidimensional Probability Scaling (PROSCAL) scatterplot of the MMD
among eight mound groups
250

The biological distance between the Western Uplands groups and the Central
Plains and Eastern Ridges and Lowlands is dramatically illustrated in Figure 7.4, where
there is a clear east-west separation. Other studies have noted that temporal
differences can account for much of the biological distance within the same site or
among archaeological sites (Konigsberg 1990; Connor 1990). Unfortunately, since few
dates exist for the mound groups, it cannot be certain if phenetic clustering is temporal
instead of geographic.

Figure 7.4. Multidimensional probability scaling scatterplot of physiographic regions

251

As has been previously demonstrated, the Kletzien mound group seems to be an
idiosyncratic group of all the mound groups. The Kletzien mound group was primarily
composed of effigy mound forms (deer), its people seem to have excluded children from
the effigy mounds, most burials in mounds were primary burials, and most of the burials
included the remains of one individual. The epigenetic evidence further supports the
contention that there was something uniquely different with the social organization of
this group. The ritual domain, especially the lack of juveniles at this site, the
overwhelming presence of effigy mound forms, and the prevalence of primary and
single burials suggest that possibly the group did not emphasize the corporate group,
but instead emphasized specific identities, rituals, or ritual positions. The biological
evidence for lack of interaction with other groups in the region argues that either
Kletzien was temporally distinct or that the group was in competition with other groups
in the region, to such an extent that there was no mate exchange. Also possible is that
if those included for burial came from a subset of a population(s) (e.g. ritual
practitioners), then it might be expected that there would be a unique epigenetic
structure associated with that group.
An important contribution of this study is that it illustrates how epigenetic
analyses can inform the social organization of the Effigy Mound peoples. The general
pattern suggests homogeneity within the Western Uplands and homogeneity among the
Central Plains and Eastern Ridges and Lowlands. In her analyses of mound form,
Rosebrough (2010) found a similar pattern with the groups in southeast Wisconsin
being very different from the Western Uplands groups. The results of the biological
distance analyses correspond to this pattern of isolation by distance between western
252

and southeastern Wisconsin. Clauter (2012) found this same pattern in her ceramic
analysis. Clauter also found that there was great variability in interaction among
different Effigy Mound sites. This is best exemplified in this study by the close phenetic
relationship between Raisbeck, Nitschke, and McClaughry and a close phenetic
relationship between Trowbridge and McClaughry.
These apparent east-west interactions can be explained in the following ways.
First, it is possible Nitschke, McClaughry and Raisbeck were contemporaneous and
shared a common recent ancestry. Second, Raisbeck may have interacted (exchanged
mates) with both the two other Western Uplands groups and the peoples maintaining
the Nitschke and McClaughry mound groups. Geographically, even though the
distances are great all of these sites are connected by two large primary tributaries, the
Wisconsin river (flowing west) and the Mississippi River flowing south along the western
border of Wisconsin (Figure 7.5). It is clear from Figure 7.5 that the Central Plains
mound groups and the Nitschke mound group are on waterways that would allow
convenient travel to the Mississippi River and, by extension, the peoples occupying the
river.

253

Trowbridge
Polander

Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Neale
Kletzien
Nitschke
Big Bend

Raisbeck
Wisconsin River

Figure 7.5 Map of Wisconsin indicating mound group locations and tributaries. Map
modified from Wisconsin Geological Survey - wisconsingeologicalsurvey.org/lnfm.htm.
Although the peoples maintaining the mound groups may have had a lineage
based form of social organization, there was also likely interaction among the regions
which probably involved mate exchange. Unfortunately, the sample size is too small to
investigate issues of post-marital residence for whether males tended to join female
groups or vice versa. Referring back to Table 7.4, there was a significant number of
group pairings that were significantly different for 16 of the 29 possible paired
comparisons between each group. Interestingly, 12 of these differences occurred in the
Western Uplands. This is largely reflective of a correlation between phenotypic distance
and geographic distance.

254

The strongest patterned evidence for a lineal based social organization is found
in the practice of secondary burial and the internment of multiple individuals in burials.
Further, group identity was asserted through variation in the mortuary program including
a) differential mound construction; b) unique ways of incorporating features in the
mounds, both in kind and in space; c) idiosyncratic uses of features; d) differences in
the interment of different age classes in effigy mound forms; and e) differential burial
dispositions among mound groups in both geometric and effigy mound forms.
Therefore, while there seems to be a lineal form of social organization that carries its
own unique identity, the archaeological and epigenetic evidence suggests some degree
of social interaction across southern Wisconsin. However, the Western Uplands group
interactions were more restricted to the west side of the state.
The MMD analysis provides some useful insights into the possible interaction
spheres during the Late Woodland in southern Wisconsin. As stated earlier, the
findings here are similar to those found by Rosebrough (2010) and Clauter (2012). The
MMD also provided information about the Kletzien mound group, whose peoples may
not have interacted with other groups at all. On the other hand Kletzien may have been
a site of ritual significance that excluded a large portion of the population. Nitschke,
could be viewed as a mound group which may have functioned as a regional center for
other groups, as evidenced by the close phonetic affinity with most other mound groups.
However, the MMD analysis provided little information about whether the mound groups
were built and maintained by corporate lineal groups.

255

7.10 Interpretation of Effigy Mound Manifestation
As stated in chapter 1, the goal of this research was to further elucidate the Effigy
Mound manifestation by providing the biological and contextual framework available and
associating that to the social organization of the Late Woodland Effigy Mound peoples
in southern Wisconsin.
Before summarizing the interpretations in this study, it is important to return to
the larger picture of Late Woodland social context. At this time, there was population
growth (Buikstra et al. 1986), movement of groups away from primary tributaries into
secondary tributaries and the uplands and the dispersal of groups across the landscape
(Asch et al. 1979; Milner 2004; McElrath et al 2000; Nassaney and Cobb 1991). This
shift in mobility, settlement pattern, and social organization seems to be consistent with
the Effigy Mound peoples. Known habitation sites are few and not visible on the
landscape. The ritual landscapes are visible, however, and were the focus of this study.
In this study it has been argued that if groups were dispersed on the landscape, and
subsistence was more focused near sites (Conner 1990), the expectation would be
variability in the ritual domain. Further, if societies were organized into lineages that
visibly marked a territory with earthworks, then we would also expect variability in the
mortuary ritual domain.
The research questions in this study were devised to test for the presence of
patterned regularities and variability in ritual symbolism among mound groups attributed
to the Effigy Mound manifestation. Specifically, it was the goal of this study to
investigate variation in the ritual and mortuary program through examination of mound
form, burial disposition and position, disposition and position of other ritual features, the
256

co-variation of features in mounds, age and sex patterns of individuals interred in effigy
and geometric mound forms, and the biological distance among mound groups and
physiographic regions. Since it is generally accepted by mortuary archaeologists that
the context of mound construction and burial can be used as a conduit for
understanding the social organization of a group; variation in mound group location, the
mortuary program among mound groups, and mound group regions may be suggestive
of a land-tenure and lineage based social organization.
At this juncture it is important to return to one of the central goals of this study; to
evaluate whether Goldstein’s (1981) Hypothesis 8 can be used to determine whether
Effigy Mound Peoples organized by a lineal land tenure society. This will be examined
within the context of Goldstein’s (1981) revision of Saxe’s (1970) Hypothesis 8.
Goldstein’s (1981:61) Hypothesis 8 stated:
D. To the degree that corporate group rights to use and/or control crucial but
restricted resources are attained and/or legitimized by lineal descent from
the dead (i.e. lineal ties to ancestors), such groups will, by the popular
religion and its ritualization, regularly reaffirm the lineal corporate group
and its rights. One means of ritualization is the maintenance of a
permanent, specialized, bounded area for the exclusive disposal of their
dead.
E. If a permanent, specialized, bounded area for the exclusive disposal of a
group’s dead exists, then it is likely that this represents a corporate group
that has rights over the use and/or control of crucial but restricted
resources. This corporate control is most likely to be attained and/or
legitimized by means of lineal descent from the dead, either in terms of an
actual lineage or in the form of a strong, established tradition of the critical
resource passing from parent to offspring.
F. The more structured and formal the disposal area, the fewer alternative
explanations of social organization apply, and conversely.

The first part of Hypothesis 8 states that one way (not the only way) corporate
groups assert their rights over critical resources through ritual practices is through “the
257

maintenance of a permanent, specialized, bounded area for the exclusive disposal of
their dead” (Goldstein 1981:61). Several lines of evidence suggest that, on some level,
the mound groups represent a cemetery. First, the mound groups appear to be
bounded to some extent in that they are not randomly placed across the landscape, but
instead seem to be grouped together so that most observers have referred to them as
groups (Mallam 1976; Goldstein 1995). Second, the majority of the mounds in most of
the mound groups contained burials, likely symbolizing an emphasis on burial of the
dead in a cemetery. Third, other features tended to co-occur with mounds that
contained burial. Due to this, it is suggested that these items are linked to the funerary
rituals. Another possibility is that these other features symbolized the same thing a
body symbolized; the assertion of rights to critical resources through reference to the
ancestors.
Since the evidence seems to support the mound groups as bounded cemeteries,
the second part of Goldstein’s (1981:61) Hypothesis 8 is addressed. If there is a
bounded cemetery “corporate control is most likely to be attained and/or legitimized by
means of lineal descent from the dead, either in terms of an actual lineage or in the form
of a strong, established tradition of the critical resource passing from parent to
offspring.” The evidence for a lineal form of social organization is summarized as
follows for the Effigy Mound peoples. Each group signified its identity in several
different ways through idiosyncratic methods of mound construction, idiosyncratic
inclusion of unique features in mounds associated with a specific mound group(s), the
differential use of mound features, positioning of features within the mounds, differences

258

in the burial disposition of the deceased, and the differential inclusion of children in
effigy mound forms.
The third component of Goldstein’s (1981:61) Hypothesis 8 states, “The more
structured and formal the disposal area, the fewer alternative explanations of social
organization apply, and conversely”. This part of the hypothesis is more difficult to
address. Internally, there is variation in many of the mound groups for materially
representing different features in space. For example, while there appeared to be
systemic variation for preference of vertical positioning of features among mound
groups, it was found that all three positions were used in almost all the mound groups
for almost all the features. Here, an agency approach best addresses this issue.
Pollock (2011) discusses ways that ritual practitioners introduce variation. Many
societies have secret ritual societies in which ritual is passed down from mentor to
protégé. Two things can happen in this scenario including: reinterpretation or
improvisation of rituals rarely performed and creative ritualization for the purpose of
elevating ones position among the group. In addition, because a small segment of the
group holds ritual knowledge, the structure likely allows for more fluidity and may also
encourage creativity. That said, there does appear to be some degree in material
structure; however the lack of spatial structuring among mounds and lack of burial in
some mounds makes it unclear whether the mound groups were more structured and
formal to a great degree.
Turning to the meaning of the mounds and the mound contents, it is important to
put the observed patterns and inter-mound group variability into a landscape
perspective. Bradley (1993) asserted that there was meaning imbued in earthen
259

monuments, not just the mound itself but also relative to the setting of the mound in the
mound group. Although no one has yet to find an ordered pattern to mound groups
(Goldstein 1995), there most assuredly was intentional planning of the space, relative to
the landscape and other monuments. This patterning likely venerated the ancestors,
sacred offices, and may have told a story. As Bradley (1993) notes, the mound groups
were meant to be experienced in a certain order. The ritual function of the mounds may
be linked to cosmology, a link to the ancestors, or both. There may not be a pattern that
modern day archaeologists can recognize but there likely was a pattern known only to
the participants of the rituals. Also, it is clear that the mound groups primarily
functioned as sacred landscapes, sacred landscapes that were ritualized and where
ritual was practiced. Likely, even in the absence of the builders, other related groups
may have understood the symbolism and stories associated with the mound group.
The data from the mound groups is ritual data, and as such, the mounds and the
features within the mounds were imbued with meaning. As Morris (1992) asserted,
there are two different ways to interpret the meaning; by ‘direct’ observation and the
‘linguistic’ approach. The linguistic approach necessitates that other information must
be known before the symbolism can be understood. In this study the symbols include
burials, earthen fireplaces, stone fireplaces, clay and pebble cists, and ceramic vessels.
Other than possibly using ethnographic analogy, we will never know the meaning of
these objects. A feature that seemed to be universal among these mound groups was
the use of fire. The important element here is that, while the features were almost
universal among mound groups, they were used in different ways including,
associations with mounds that contained burials, and the choice for the horizontal and
260

vertical dimension varied among the mound groups. Based on Morris’ (1992) premise
the evidence from this research points to three different possibilities. First, the same
objects were used to symbolize the same thing among mound groups, but used in
different ways. Second, the same objects symbolized something different between
groups. Third, different features symbolized the same things among mound groups.
For example, the use of clay and pebble cists likely carried the same symbolism as
another feature in another mound group.
Rosebrough’s deconstructs the idea that there was an Effigy Mound tradition in
southern Wisconsin. She lists five common traits that identify the effigy mound groups
as belonging to a cohesive group. In her analyses she was unable to support any of
these identifiers. Of critical importance is that some variables do not exist for more than
one mound group and as such, are not practical to test. At Kratz Creek, most of the
mounds, especially those that seemed to be pointing to Mound 1, contained a
complexity of stratigraphic sand and fire layers (Barrett and Hawkes 1919). A couple of
mounds in the Kletzien mound group contained a layer of sand spread across the floor
of the mound followed by the deposition of features on or above this layer. But one item
that stands out for the Kletzien group if the use of deer for most of the effigy forms at the
site. At the Neale and McClaughry clay and pebble cists were found in the mounds,
usually in pairs and usually associated with a burial. No other sites contained these
cists. At the Polander Mound Group, large boulders were used to cover burials in the
large mass burial mound. Large stones and flat sandstones were also used at Polander
to construct tomb like structures around burials (Thomas 1884).

261

These idiosyncratic phenomena indicate that the people that built and maintained
specific mound groups distinguished themselves as a distinct group from their
neighbors. Although there may have been an overarching ritual system uniting the
groups, each group may have articulated and practiced their own brand of ritual in sharp
contrast to others.
What is clear is that there are some generalizations that can be made that
culturally linked Effigy Mound peoples. First, the use of sacred landscapes associated
with resource rich areas. Second, earthen fireplaces and stone altars were used as
ritual symbols among most of the groups. Third, the mound groups primarily functioned
as cemeteries that likely honored the ancestors. This was determined by the
overwhelming presence of multiple secondary burials. Finally, non-burial features likely
were used as surrogate burials to honor the ancestors and/or ritual offices.
The biological distance analysis demonstrated different levels of intergroup
interaction within among mound groups and physiographic regions. In the Western
Uplands evidence suggest mate exchange among these groups; however there may
have been gene flow between Raisbeck, McClaughry and the Nitschke group. The
Central Plains and Eastern Ridges and Lowland groups did not adhere to borders
imposed by geologists. The epigenetic evidence suggests gene flow among most of the
groups in this region. However, the Kletzien mound group seems to have been
genetically isolated. This could have been due to differential access to burial by a
subset of that population that did not share a close affinity with other groups in the
region, it may have not been contemporaneous with the other groups in the region, it

262

may have been actively disengaged from interaction with other groups in the region, or
it could have been ritually subverting those surrounding the mound group.
7.11 Conclusion
This study addressed two main issues regarding the Effigy Mound manifestation.
First, the Effigy Mound manifestation has been characterized by a suite of
characteristics that define them culturally. It has been demonstrated that some of these
features were not universal (e.g. clay and pebble cists). However, the use of mounds,
particularly for the burial of decedents, the co-variation of earthen fireplaces, stone
altars, and ceramic vessels with burials certainly suggests an overarching ritual system.
Further, the overwhelming presence of multiple individuals in single burials and the
prevalence of secondary burial could also be viewed as characteristics of the
overarching ritual system.
The second important finding in this study was the determination that the Effigy
Mound manifestation was composed of multiple societies organized along lineal lines.
Also important is the biological distance evidence for variable and differential intergroup
interaction in this Late Woodland period. The evidence also indicates intraregional
homogeneity, intraregional gene flow. This pattern is consistent with other areas of the
Upper Midwest in the Late Woodland. The evidence for a lineal oriented social
organization was found in the differential postmortem treatment and internal structuring
of the mounds among mound groups. Particularly important are the variables that
cannot be analyzed statistically due to their idiosyncratic nature. Examples of this
included the use of stone plats and stone tombs at Polander, the extended burials of
Polander and Trowbridge, the prevalence of single individual burials at Kletzien, burial
263

in three distinct locations in effigy mound forms at Nitschke, the organized stratigraphic
layering of light and dark sands and fire layers at Kratz Creek, and the inclusion of clay
and pebble cists at McClaughry and Neale. It is believed that the idiosyncratic context
and the systematic variation in the use of symbols (both of human and non-human
sources) were badges for identity that were specific to each lineal group.
Finally, two distinct corporate identities are interpreted from the results of this
research: 1) an overarching identity incorporating similar ritual paraphernalia in the
mortuary program across southern Wisconsin and marked by epigenetic structuring and
2) a localized corporate lineage based identity. Local identity was marked by a
combination of differential burial dispositions, internal structuring of mound features,
exclusion of age classes, and epigenetic structuring among mound groups.
7.12 Future Research
There are many questions that can be explored in the data that was collected for
this study. In addition, with supplementary data many of the ideas considered in this
study could be further elucidated. For example, one of the confounding variables in this
study, which could account for variability, is the lack of chronological control. Many of
the interpretations in this chapter could be further explored if multiple dates could be
provided from each mound group.
In addition, it would be useful interesting to investigate changing identities with
the transition of period distinction recognized by archaeologists in Eastern Woodland
prehistory. While this study may have found evidence of ethnicity represented by
mound group and regional variation in the internal structuring of mounds, it would be
interesting to investigate biological structuring between the Wisconsin Middle
264

Woodland, Late Woodland, and Mississippian periods, specifically regarding issues of
invasive causes for ethnogenesis or whether in situ ethnogenesis occurred through
agent driven mechanisms.
This study demonstrated that there was intra-regional patterning that was
primarily reflected by an east and west division. It would be fruitful to expand this
research into other areas such as eastern Iowa and southeastern Minnesota mound
groups. Although no skeletal material is available for study from these areas there are
site reports that exist that could inform the context of the internal mound contents. For
example, a larger sample that includes other mound groups of Wisconsin, Iowa, and
Minnesota it would be interesting to investigate the vertical and horizontal positioning of
features. Specifically, the symbolism for the anatomical placement of burials and other
features may be linked to the mound form. Further, this potential association could be
linked to cosmological associations with the upperworld, world, and underworld.
Other observations were noted relating to variable postmortem treatment of
bodies. For example, some groups exhibited evidence of active excarnation. Many of
the skeletal elements exhibited cutmarks near joint surfaces, indicative of active
defleshing. At other sites there was a lot of evidence of passive excarnation through
above ground exposure, exhibited by weathering, cracked bone, and rodent and
carnivore toothmarks on the bones. Therefore, it would be fruitful to examine variation
in the methods of postmortem treatment as another source of group identity.
Finally, a genetic analysis of the remains could address issues of homogeneity
among and within mound groups. For example, it would be interesting to examine
whether individuals interred in effigy mound forms diverge from individuals interred in
265

geometric mounds. If this were the case it would support the Lackey-Cornelison’s
(2012) contention that the effigy mounds were symbolic of distinct social positions,
possibly ritual practitioners (and potentially their families). Other issues regarding the
relationship of these Late Woodland groups could be compared to Oneota and
Hopewell samples to understand the genesis and interaction sphere of the Effigy Mound
peoples.

266

APPENDICES

267

Appendix A
Non-Metric Trait Recording Form

268

Non-Metric Traits Recording Form
Site Name/Number ________________________Observer______________________
Feature/Burial Number ______________________Date_________________________
Specimen Number___________________________Location of Collection _________

L
1. Metopic Suture
0 = absent
1 = partial
2 = complete
9 = unobservable

M

L
M
R
5. Zygomatico-facial foramina:
___
___
0 = absent
1 = 1 large
2 = 1 large plus smaller f.
3 = 2 large
4 = 2 large plus smaller f.
5 = 1 small
6 = multiple small
9 = unobservable

R

___

2. Supraorbital Structures
a. Supraorbital notch:
___ ___
0 = absent
1 = present, <1/2 occluded
2 = present, >1/2 occluded
3 = present, degree of occlusion
unknown
4 = multiple notches
9 = unobservable
b. Supraorbital foramen: ___
0 = absent
1 = present
2 = multiple foramina
9 = unobservable
3. Infraorbital Suture:
0 = absent
1 = partial
2 = complete
9 = unobservable

___

6. Parietal foramen: ___
0 = absent
1 = present, on parietal
2 = present, sutural
9 = unobservable

___

___
7. Sutural Bones:
0 = absent
1 = present
9 = unobservable
a. epipteric bone: ___
b. coronal ossicle :___
c. bregmatic bone:
___
d. sagittal ossicle:
___
e. apical bone:
___
f. lambdoid ossicle: ___
g. asterionic ossicle: ___
h. ossicle in occipitomastoid suture
___
i. parietal notch bone:___

___

4. Multiple infraorbital foramina:
___ ___
0 = absent
1 = internal division only
2 = two distinct foramina
3 = more than two foramina
9 = unobservable

269

___
___

___
___
___
___

L

M
___

L
M
14. Tympanic Dihiscence:
___
0 = absent
1 = formaen only
2 = full defect presence
9 = unobservable

R

8. Inca bone
0 = absent
1 = complete, single bone
2 = bipartite
3 = tripartite
4 = partial
9 = unobservable
9. Condylar canal: ___
0 = not parent
1 = patent
9 = unobservable

15. Auditory Exostosis
___
0 = absent
1 = <1/3 canal occluded
2 = >1/3 canal occluded
3 = >2/3 canal occluded
9 = unobservable

___

10. Divided Hypoglossal Canal:
___
___
0 = absent
1 = partial, internal surface
2 = partial within canal
3 = complete, internal surface
4 = complete, within canal
9 = unobservable

R
___

___

16. Mastoid foramen
a. Location:
___
___
0 = absent
1 = temporal
2 = sutural
3 = occipital
4 = both sutural and temporal
5 = both occipital and temporal
9 = unobservable

11. Flexture of Superior Sagittal Sulcus
___
1 = Right
2 = Left
3 = Bifurcate
9 = unobservable

b. Number:
___
0 = absent
1=1
2=2
3 = more than 2
9 = unobservable
17. Mental Foramen:___
0 = absent
1=1
2=2
3 = more than 2
9 = unobservable

12. Foramen Ovale Incomplete:
___
___
0 = absent
1 = partial formation
2 = no definition of foramen
9 = unobservable
13. Foramen Spinosum Incomplete:
___
___
0 = absent
1 = partial formation
2 = no definition of foramen
3 = unobservable

270

___

___

L
23. Third trochanter (femur)
___
0 = absent
1 = present
9 = unobservable

L
M
R
18. Mandibular Torus:
___
___
0 = absent
1 = trace
2 = moderate: 2-5 mm.
3 = marked: greater than 5 mm.
9 = unobservable

24. Poirier’s facet (femur)
___
0 = absent
1 = present
9 = unobservable

19. Mylohyoid Bridge
a. Location:
___
___
0 = absent
1 = near mandibular foramen
2 = center of groove
3 = both bridges described in 1)
and 2), with hiatus
4 = both bridges described in 1)
and 2), no hiatus
9 = unobservable
b. Degree:
___
___
0 = absent
1 = partial
2 = complete
9 = unobservable

R
___

___

25. Squatting facet anterior distal tibia
___
___
0 = absent
1 = present
9 = unobservable
26. Squatting facet lateral distal
___
___
0 = absent
1 = present
9 = unobservable

20. Septal Aperture (humerus):
___
___
0 = absent
1 = small foramen (pinhole)
2 = true perforation
9 = unobservable
21. Supratrochlear spur (humerus)
___
___
0 = absent
1 = present
9 = unobservable
22. Trochlear form (ulna)
___
___
1 = single continuous facet
1 = 2 discrete facets
9 = unobservable
Adapted from Buikstra and Ubelaker
(1994)
271

Appendix B
Description of Mound Contents

272

Table B.1 Trowbridge Mound Group description of mound contents
MD #
BL # MD Form Burial Disposition
Burial Type
56

H – Near Center
V – 1.82' above mound floor
H – Northwest of center
V – .84' above mound floor
H – 5.5' south of mound center
V – 2.06' above mound floor
H – Near center
V – 1.71' subfloor pit
H – 5' Southwest of center
V – 1.99' above floor
H – 5' West of center
V – 1.77' subfloor pit
H – Near center
V – Mound floor
H – Near center
V – Subfloor pit
H – Near center
V – Above Burial 2, MD floor
H – Near Center
V – 2.03' subfloor pit
H – Near center
V – .95' above mound floor

20 Bundle

Associated
Artifacts
None

20 Bundle

None

Features and unassoc.
Artifacts
Potsherds
Chert Implement
Potsherds

20 Bundle

None

Potsherds

1

20 Bundle

None

1

20
20

2 copper celts
1 bone bead
Ungulate long bone

2 copper celts 2' above
burial
None
None

1

Indeterminate

None

1

Indeterminate

2 Projectile points

Indeterminate

None

Chert implement, piece of
stone, potsherds
Chert implement, piece of
stone, potsherds
Potsherds

10 Flexed

None

Potsherds

1

20 Bundle

None

1

Conical

H – Near Center
V – 1.22' subfloor pit

None

6

Conical

H – Near Center
V – 1.63 above floor

Compound
10 and 20

Projectile Point
Carbonized wood
4 copper frags.
None
None

None

3

1

Conical

2

Conical

3

Conical

57

1

Conical

58

1

Conical

2

Conical

1

Conical

2

Conical

1

Conical

2

Conical

1

Conical

2
1

62

67

69

70

20

273

MNI
1
1

1

1
1

Table B.1 (cont’d)
MD #
BL # MD Form Burial Disposition
70

Conical

3
76
79

2

Conical

-1

Conical
Oval

80

1

Conical

81

1

82

H – West of center
V – Subfloor pit
H – Center
V – Directly below Burial 1
No burial
H – Southeast of center
V – Large subfloor pit

Burial Type
No skeletal
elements remain
Compound
10 and 20
No burial
8- 10 extended

Associated
Artifacts
None

Features and unassoc.
Artifacts
None

MNI

Potsherd
Quartzite tool

None

5

None
Potsherds

None
Hammerstone, quartzite
implement, 2 quartzite proj.
points, piece of hematite,
chert projectile point,
potsherds
None

0
11

2

2

2- 20 bundle
1-Indeterminate
20

None

Canine
(Fox)

H – Center
V – 1.62’ subfloor pit
H – Heart position
V – .47 subfloor pit

10 flexed

None

1

Canine
(Fox)

H – Heart position
V - .78 above mound floor

Indeterminate

Stone spud celt

83

1

Conical

10 flexed

None

84

1

Conical

H – Center
V – Mound floor
H – Center
V – Mound floor

Copper awl in mound fill
Pit of probable burial
Bed of clam shells
Chert projectile point
Pit below burial 1
Pit below hip position
None

20 bundle

2 potsherds

Potsherds

274

0

11

5
1

Table B.2 Raisbeck Mound Group tabulation of mound contents
MD #
BL # MD Form Burial Disposition
Burial Type

Associated Artifacts

1

1

Conical

H – Center
V – Above mound floor

20 bundle

None

2

1

Conical

10 flexed

None

3

1

Conical

20 bundle

None

4

1

Conical

H – Center
V – Small subfloor pit
H – Near center
V – Subfloor pit
H – Near center
V – Subfloor pit

10 flexed

None

7

1

Linear

8

1

Conical

Indeterminate
Decomposed
10 flexed

Cluster of limestone
over burial
None

10

1

Bird

1

Canine

Indeterminate
Decomposed
Indeterminate
Decomposed
Indeterminate
Decomposed
10 flexed

None

11

H – Center
V – Subfloor pit
H – Near center
V – Above mound floor
H – Heart position
V – Subfloor pit
H – Heart position
V – Subfloor pit
H – Center of head
V – Subfloor pit
H – South end
V – Subfloor pit
H – Heart
V – Subfloor pit
H – Center
V – Mound floor
H – Heart position
V – Subfloor pit

20 bundle

None

20 bundle

Group of limestone
rocks over burial
None

2
18

1

Linear

23

1

Bird

24

1

Conical

31

1

Bird

20 bundle

275

None
None
None

Features and Unassoc.
Artifacts
4 stone fireplaces (altars)
-pink sandstone
Altar 3–potsherds (1 pot)
Stone fireplace altar – 3.5’
southeast of burial
Stone fireplace altar – mound
floor
Earthen fireplace above
burial, 2 stone fireplaces
Broken pottery vessel
None

MNI

Stone altar above floor
east of burial
Stone altar on mound floor- 15,
from burial
Unburned stones scattered
throughout fill
Unburned stones scattered
throughout fill
Unburned stones scattered
throughout fill
Earthen fireplace above mound
floor
None

2

Earthen fireplace
Stone fireplace (altar)

2

4
4
3
1
1

1
1
1
1
1
4

Table B.2 (cont’d)
MD #
BL # MD Form Burial Disposition

Burial Type

Associated Artifacts

38

1

Conical

20 bundle

None

38

2

Conical

Indeterminate

None

39

1

Conical

20 bundle

None

40

1

Conical

20 bundle

None

42

--

Conical

H – Center
V – Above mound floor
H – Center
V – Not reported
H – Near center
V – Above mound floor
H – Near center
V – Above mound floor
No burial

No burial

None

55

--

Oval

No burial

No burial

None

64

1

Conical

20 bundle

65

1

Conical

Limestone fragments
scattered around BR
Stemmed end-scraper

66

1

Conical

H – Center
V – Above mound floor
H – Center
V – Mound floor
H – Near Center
V – Few inches above
mound floor
H – Near Center
V – Subfloor pit

2

20 bundles
20 bundle
(Multiple)
20 bundle
Partial
cremation

276

2 pottery pipes
Squared turtle plastronmesh spreader
None

Features and Unassoc.
Artifacts
Earthen fireplace – 13’ north of
Burial1
Earthen fireplace – 13’ north
of Burial 1
2 Earthen fireplaces near mound
center
Scattered stones in mound fill

MNI

Irregular dome of burned red clay
7’ X 8’
-round cross sections
indicate poles used
Layer of limestone under
above feature
Charcoal and animal bones
Central subfloor pit contained
charcoal & organic matter
None

0

Dog skeleton on mound floor
Stone altar above mound floor
None

7

None

1

1
1
1

0
5

30

Table B.3 Polander Mound Group tabulation of mound contents
MD #
BL
MD Form Burial Disposition
Burial Type
#
1
-Conical
No burial
No burial
3
1
Conical
H – Center
20 bundle
V – Subfloor pit
4
1
Conical
H – Center
10 flexed
(Thomas)
V – Subfloor pit
4
2
Conical
H – Unknown
10 extended
(Mckern)
V – Unknown
6
1
Conical
H – Center
20 bundle
V – Subfloor pit
7
1
Oval
H – Near center
10 flexed
V – Above mound floor
20 bundle
2
Oval
H – Near Center
10 extended
V – Subfloor pit

8

1

Conical

9

1

Conical

11

1

Conical

12

1

Conical

16

1

Conical

H – Center
V – Unknown
H – Center
V – Subfloor pit
H – Center
V – Mound floor
H – Center
V – Unknown
H – Center
V – Subfloor pit

Associated Artifacts
None
None
None
Unknown
None
None

Features and Unassoc.
Artifacts
None
Hardened clay layer overlying
burial pit
Stone lined vault covered with flat
limestones
Unknown

MNI

Stone lined pit with overlying
layer of stones
Overlain by layer of stones

6

0
12
1
1

3
31

20 bundle

Potsherds,elk bone
Overlain by a layer of large
tubes, two worked bone stones
fragments, unio shells,
celt fragments, 20
ellipsoidal copper beads
None
Two stone lined burials overlain
by sandstone
None
None

10 flexed

None

1

10 extended

None

10 extended

Discoidal stone near
right hip

20 bundle

277

4 large flat stones forming a
square around burial
Stone lined vault with stone
covering
Stone lined vault with one end
incomplete

5
2

1
1

Table B.3 (cont’d)
MD #
BL
MD Form Burial Disposition
#
17
1
Conical
H – Unknown
V – Unknown
18

1

Conical

19

1

Conical

29

--

Conical

H – Unknown
V – Unknown
H – Unknown
V – Unknown
No burial

30

--

Conical

No burial

Burial Type

Associated Artifacts

MNI

None

Features and Unassoc.
Artifacts
None

20 bundle
Unknown

Unknown

Unknown

4

Unknown

Unknown

Unknown

4

No burial

None

0

No burial

None

Pile of stones tapering to a point
facing ground – copper drill and
projectile point
Unio shells near mound floor

278

3

0

Table B.4 Kratz Creek Mound Group tabulation of mound contents
MD #
BL # MD Form Burial Disposition
Burial Type
1

1

Conical

H – Center
V – Mound fill-see features

46 - 20 bundles
(Each bundle
has burial #)
2 – 10 flexed

Associated
Artifacts
Rough fragments of
stone, 2 projectile
points, potsherds
with Burial 4

Cremation

2
3

-1

Conical
Panther

No burial
H – Heart position
V – Mound fill-see features
-placed about 1.5 below
burials 2 and 3

Shell in crematory
altar 7 – also
contained subadult
mandible

No burial
10 flexed

None
None

279

Features and unassoc.
Artifacts
-Pit below burials 3’ deep
-Pit cont. three sand strata:
yellow, red, yellow sand,
and then burials placed
- 5 rock altars
- 2 crematory altars
-all the altars surround
central burial
-Alternating layers of
yellow sand (3) and
charcoal (4) overlain by
loam
- 3 fireplaces above burial
in first stratum
- the 2 10 burials in layer
above bundle burials

MNI

None
-Intaglio of mound
-Alternating layer of sands
-Burial Placed on these
-Alternating layers of
sand, earth, clay, and
charcoal similar to MD 1
-Fireplaces in hind foot
-Crematory altar with
human bones
- 2 pottery vessels
-Near mound top – Circle of
fireplaces

0
1

125

Table B.4 (cont’d)
MD #
BL # MD Form Burial Disposition

Burial Type

3

H – Heart position -5’SW
of Burial 1
V – 1.65’ above Burial 1
H – Heart position – 5’ SE
of Burial 1
V – 1.71’ above Burial 1
No burial

10 flexed

No burial

Associated
Artifacts
Burial embedded in
matrix of hard red
clay
Burial embedded in
brown-streaked,
grayish earth
None

2

Panther

3

10 flexed

4

--

Bear (?)

5

1

Panther

H – Center of body
V – Mound fill on stratified
sands

10 – 2 infants
laid in each
other’s arms

Charcoal streaks
and evidence of
burning in burial pit

6

--

Conical

No burials

No burials

None

7

--

Conical

No burials

No burials

None

8

1

Conical

H – Center
V – 2’

10 flexed
(without head)

Large pottery vessel
at feet of skeleton

280

Features and unassoc.
Artifacts
See description of Burial 1
above

MNI

See description of Burial 1
above

1

- Alternating strata of
yellow, white, golden sands
and red sandy clay
- 3 fires along body near top
-Intaglio of Bear effigy
underlying Panther
mound
-Alternating strata of dark
yellow, whitish, red, and
mixed yellow and white
sands
Alternating strata of
sands similar to tail MD5
- Alternating strata of dark
yellow sand, light yellow
sand, and whitish sand
-Animal “sacrifice”
encased in charcoal earths
below mound top –
similar to Mounds
13,14,31
Burial placed on layer of yellow
sand and layer of charcoal with
lake clams embedded

0

1

2

0
0

1

Table B.4 (cont’d)
MD #
BL # MD Form Burial Disposition

Burial Type

9

H – Hip position
V – Subfloor pit

Cremation

Associated
Artifacts
None

H – Heart position
V – Subfloor pit
No burial

Cremation

None

No burial

None

1

Rabbit

2
10

--

Linear

12

--

Conical
ended
Linear

No burial

No burial

13

--

Conical

No burial
Disturbed

No burial

None

14

--

Conical

No burial
Disturbed

No burial

None

15

--

Conical

No burial

No burial

None

281

Features and unassoc.
Artifacts
-Intaglio
-Burials placed in hardpacked stratified sands
- Fireplaces, over burials,
and evidence of burning
in pit accompany each
burial
- Alternating strata of
sands for mound
construction
See above description of Burial
1
Mound const. -yellow sand and
overlying loam
-Intaglio of conical parts
-Alternating strata of fire
and yellow, whitish, and
red sands
-Alternating strata of fire,
loam and sand layers
- Animal "sacrifice" placed
in crescent-shaped packet
of gold sand in subfloor pit
-Alternating strata of fire,
loam and sand layers
- Animal "sacrifice" placed
in crescent-shaped packet
of gray ash in subfloor pit
Strata data not collected

MNI
1

1
0
0

0

0

0

Table B.4 (cont’d)
MD #
BL # MD Form Burial Disposition

Burial Type

16

--

Conical

No burial

No burial

Associated
Artifacts
None

17

--

Conical

No burial

No burial

None

18

--

Panther

Probable burial

Indeterminate

None

19

--

Linear

No burial

No burial

None

21
22
23

----

No burial
No burial
No burial

No burial
No burial
No burial

None
None
None

24

--

No burial

No burial

None

25
26
27

----

Conical
Conical
Unclass.
Effigy
Unclass.
Effigy
Bear
Conical
Conical

No burial
No burial
No burial

No burial
No burial
No burial

None
None
None

31

--

Conical

No burial

No burial

None

32

--

Conical

No burial

No burial

None

282

Features and unassoc.
Artifacts
Strata of dark yellow sand
overlain by loam
Alternating strata as surface,
loam, fireplace, gray sand, and
red sand, mound bottom
No data –when cellar dug a
skeleton was dug up
Alternating strata of loam, brown
sand, yellow-brown sand,
mound bottom
No stratification
No stratification
No stratification & Projectile
point .5' above mound floor
No stratification

MNI

No stratification
No stratification
Fire stratum 4' thick overlain by
loam, base layers of yellow, and
4 pairs of red sandy clay and
golden sand
-shell deposit SE mound
- 15 alternating sand, fire &
clay strata
-Animal "sacrifice"
embedded in charcoal mass
- 7 alternating sand, fire &
clay strata

0
0
0

0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0

0

0

Table B.4 (cont’d)
MD #
BL # MD Form Burial Disposition

Burial Type

33

--

Conical

No burial

34

--

Bear

37
38

---

39

Features and unassoc.
Artifacts
- 6 alternating sand, fire, &
clay stratum
- Stone fireplace on fire
stratum

MNI

No burial

Associated
Artifacts
None

No burial

No burial

None

0

Lizard
Panther

No burial
No burial

No burial
No burial

None
None

--

Bird

No burial

No burial

None

40

1

Panther

No burial

No burial

None

41

--

Panther

10

None

50

--

Conical

H – Heart position
V – Subfloor pit
H – Center
V – On top of fire layer
above mound floor

Strata included surface,
fireplace, yellow sand
Fire stratum 2' thick
- Alternating strata of sands
and fire strata (3)
- Shell altar in head
- Surface of mound burned
upon completion
- Alternating strata of sands
- Surface of mound burned
upon completion
- Alternating strata of sands
- Surface of mound burned
upon completion
-No special stratification

Indeterminate

Pottery vessel next
to skull

- Alternating strata of surface
loam, burial, fire remains,
yellow sand
- Stone altar and projectile
points on mound floor

1

283

0

0
0

0
0
1

Table B.5 McClaughry Mound Group tabulation of mound contents
MD # BL # MD Form Burial Disposition
Burial Type
3

1

Conical

2
4

1

Conical

5

1

Conical

2
6

1

Conical

8

1

Biconical

H – Near Center -3’ NE
V – .71’deep subfloor pit

Cremation and 20

H – Near Center -3’South
of Burial 1
V – .65’ mound top
H – Near Center
V – Mound floor

20 bundle

Features and Unassoc.
Artifacts
Burned fish and other
-7’ east - Canid skull
animal bones, smooth & -4’ east - earthen fireplace
square stone, chert
with 3 potsherds below
projectile point, stone
mound floor
scraper, red mineral
- Loose in mound fill – 12
pigment
potsherds (1 vessel),
projectile point
None
See above for Burial 1

Cremation and
20 Bundle

Beaver teeth, deer
antler, fish skull bones

H – Near Center
V – 1.56 above floor
H – 7’ West of BL 1
V – 1.02’ above floor

20 bundle

Bed of black sand

20 bundle
Some burned bone
20 bundle

Bed of black sand
Bed of black sand

None

1

10 flexed

None

-Stone altar 1 (fireplace)
2.5’ NW of Burial 2
-Stone altar 2 (plat of fire
blackened stones
-Group of 30 potsherds
next to 2nd stone altar
-25 potsherds 5’ west of
Burial 4
-Loose in mound- 1 proj.
point & 1 potsherd

1

H – Near Center
V – Mound floor
H – Periphery- SW end
V – 1.22’deep subfloor pit

284

Associated Artifacts

MNI

5’ north -Earthen
fireplace, pottery vessel
broken into 100+ pieces
1.87’ empty subfloor pit
2 clay and pebble cysts
North of burial 1
2 clay and pebble cysts
North of burial 1

8

4

1

2
1

Table B.5 (cont’d)
MD # BL # MD Form
8

2

Biconical

3
4

Burial Disposition

Burial Type

Associated Artifacts

H – Near center
V – Mound floor
H – Near Center
V – .72’ subfloor pit
H – Periphery- NE end
V – .89’ subfloor pit
H – Near center
V – .8’ deep subfloor pit

20 bundle

Projectile point
Knife or scraper
None

20 bundle

9

1

Conical

11

1

Conical

H – Center
V – Mound floor

Indeterminate
Disturbed
20 bundle
Cremation
20 bundle
Some burned bone

13

1

Skunk or
Squirrel

H – Center of tail
V – 1.59’ below mound top

20
Single humerus

None

2

H – Center of tail
V – 1.94’ subfloor pit

None

3

H – Hip position
V – 1.29’ below mound top

20
Fragment of long
bone
20
Human leg

285

None
Animal bones with
cremation
None

None

Features and Unassoc.
Artifacts
See above description for
Burial 1
See above description for
Burial 1
See above description for
Burial 1
Potsherd
Chert projectile point

MNI

2’ deep pit west of burial
3 chert projectile points &
2 potsherds in mound fill
Inaglio
Altars in center of body-Fire blackened stones
-Earthen fireplace
-Fire blackened stones
associated with animal
bones and charcoal
-Fire blackened stones
200 potsherds associated
with altars
Projectile point in fill
See above description for
Burial 1

4

See above description for
Burial 1

1

2
2
1
3

1

1

Table B.5 (cont’d)
MD # BL # MD Form

Burial Disposition

Burial Type

Associated Artifacts

15

1

Conical

H – 3’ south of center
V – .43’ above mound floor

20 bundle
Disturbed

None

15

2

Conical

20 bundle

None

16

--

Conical

H – 3’ South of center
V - .94’ below mound floor
– under BR 1
No burial

No burial

None

19

1

Conical

H – Center
V – .67’ above floor

20 bundle
Cremations (2)

Charred animal bones

20
21

---

Biconical
Biconical

No burial
No burial

No burial
No burial

None
None

23

1

Conical

20 bundle

None

24

1

Biconical

H – Near center
V – Mound floor
H – Center of north end
V –.73’ subfloor pit

Charred animal bones

25

1

Conical

20 bundle
Cremation
10 flexed

28

1

Egg-shape H – Near Center
V – .86 below mound top –
above BR 2&3

10 flexed

None

3-10 flexed

Float copper
Copper chisel

2

H – 3’ west of center
V – Mound floor

H – Near Center
V – 1.87’- 2.8’ Below
mound top – mound fill

None

20

20 bundles

286

Features and Unassoc.
Artifacts
Earthen fireplace
2 projectile points & 11
potsherds in mound fill
See above description for
Burial 1

MNI

2 ceramic pipes in center
2 quartzite proj. points
Pit below burial
Chert projectile point
2 potsherds
2 potsherds
3 potsherds
3 stone scrapers
1 chert projectile point
1 chert projectile point
10 potsherds
Plat of stones in subfloor
pit

0

Earthen fireplace 7’ south
Burial 1, Earthen
fireplace 6’ north Burial 1
Stratified burial layers,
alternating yellow and
black sand layers
2 chert projectile points
14 potsherds
See above for Burial 1
Above pit Burial 3 and below
Burial 1

1

1
1

1
0
0
1
1

3

13

Table B.5 (cont’d)
MD # BL # MD Form
3

32

1

Panther

2

Panther

37

1

Conical

38

1

Conical

39

1

Conical

40

1

Conical

2
41

1

Conical

42
43
45

--1

Conical
Conical
Conical

46

1

Conical

Burial Type

Associated Artifacts

H – Near Center
V – 3.79’ subfloor pit

28

Burial Disposition

20 bundle

Canid skull

H – Stomach position
V – Mound floor
H – Heart position
V – 1.07” subfloor pit

10 flexed

None

10 flexed

None

H – Center
V – .61’ subfloor pit
H – Center
V – .42’ subfloor pit

10 flexed

H – Center
V – .52’ subfloor pit
H – Center
V – 1.8’ subfloor pit
H – 5’ SW of Burial 1
V – .57’ subfloor pit
H – Center
V – .4’ subfloor pit
No burial
No burial
H – Center
V – Mound floor
H – Center
V – .85’ subfloor pit

Features and Unassoc.
Artifacts
See above for Burial 1
Below Burials 1 & 2

MNI

1

None

1 stone and 1 earthen altar
2 chert projectile points
1 stone rock altar
1 Earthen fireplace
2 chert projectile points
Potsherds in mound fill
25 potsherds

20 bundle
Cremation
Indeterminate
Disturbed
Indeterminate

Potsherds

None

1

None

None

1

None

None

1

20 bundle

None

None

1

20 bundle

None

6 potsherds in fill

4

No burial
No burial
20 bundle

None
None
None

0
0
2

10 bundle

None

Potsherds on center floor
2 potsherds in mound fill
2 clay and pebble cysts
north of burial
1 stone fireplace south of
Burial -1 large potsherd
Chert projectile point in
fill

287

11

1

1

7

Table B.5 (cont’d)
MD # BL # MD Form

Burial Disposition

Burial Type

Associated Artifacts

Features and Unassoc.
Artifacts
2 clay and pebble cysts
NE of Burial 1

MNI

47

1

Conical

H – 5’ south of center
V – 1.18’ subfloor pit

10 (partial)
Leg and pelvis

None

49

1

Fish

H – Heart position
V – Mound floor

10 flexed

Fine red sandstone w/
curved incised lines

-Large sandstone with
small stones surrounding
-Clay and pebble cyst near
Burial 4

1

2

Fish

H – Center of head
V – Mound floor
H – Center of head
V – Mound floor
H – Center of tail
V – Mound floor
H – Near Center
V – Mound floor
H – SW of Burial 1
V – Mound floor

20 bundle

Point of copper awl

2

20 bundle

Point of copper awl

20 bundle

None

20 bundle

None

20 bundle

Potter pipe with stem
inserted in bowl

See description above for
Burial 1
See description above for
Burial 1
See description above for
Burial 1
Clay and pebble cyst above
Burial 1
Clay and pebble cyst above
Burial 2
3 stone altars (fireplaces)
-1 near nose position
-2 in heart position
None

0

Clay and Pebble cist next
to Burial 1
Empty 3.5’ pit E of burial

1

3
4
51

1

Oval

2
52

--

Bear

No burial

No burial

None

53

1

Conical

H – Center
V – .8’ subfloor pit

10 flexed

2 projectile points

H – Heart position
V – 1.3’ above floor

20 bundle

None

55

1

Bird

20 bundle

288

1

3
3
1
3

2

Table B.5 (cont’d)
MD # BL # MD Form
57

1

57

2

59

1

Linear

Conical

Burial Disposition

Burial Type

Associated Artifacts

H – Near end of mound
V – Mound floor

20 bundle

None

H – Center
V – Mound floor
H – Center
V – 1’ subfloor pit

10 flexed

None

Indeterminate
Only bits of bone

None

289

Features and Unassoc.
Artifacts
Skull of canid, earthen
fireplace with potsherds, plat
of red clay below fireplace,
cluster of potsherds, 2
granite stones, 2 stone
altars, circular subfloor pit

MNI

See description for Burial 1
above
Earthen fireplace east of
burial on mound floor

2

2

1

Table B.6 Neale Mound Group tabulation of mound contents
MD #
BL
MD Form Burial Disposition
Burial Type
#
1
1
Beaver
H – Heart position
10 flexed
V – 2.2’ subfloor pit

2

1

Panther

2
3
4

-1

Conical
Bird

5

1

Bear

6

1

Bird

2

Associated Artifacts

MNI

None

Features and Unassoc.
Artifacts
-Trench dug for outline
filled with light sand
-Stratum of dark organic
matter over mound floor
-2 other possible burials
in pits in head position
None

None

None

1?

None
None

None
Earthen fireplace 15’ N
of burial (center of body)
None

0
1

None

1

10 flexed

4 large stones on
edge of burial pit
None

None

1

10 flexed

None

None

1

5 granite stones & 1 red
sandstone – Ear and nose
Scattered charcoal
Dark organic substance
heart position, MD floor
Earthen fireplace in head
Earthen fireplace in body
-potsherd near fireplace
Loose potsherds

0

Perforated conch
shell

H – Hip position
V – 2.25’ subfloor pit
H – Stomach position (center)
V – 2.7’ subfloor pit
No burial
H – Heart position
V – 2.2’ subfloor pit
H – Center of body (stomach)
V – 2.57’ subfloor pit
H – Heart position
V –2.79’ subfloor pit
H – Right shoulder
V – 1.5’ subfloor pit
H – Heart position
V – 2.18’ subfloor pit
No burial

Indeterminate
Possible burial
Indeterminate
Possible burial
No burial
Indeterminate
Decomposed
Indeterminate
Decomposed
20 bundle

No burial

None

None

7

1

Panther

8

--

Bear

10

1

Bear

H – Center of body (stomach)
V – 1.81’ subfloor pit

Indeterminate
Decomposed

None

11

1

Bear

H – Center of body (stomach)
V – .74’ subfloor pit

10 flexed

Small pieces of
limestone

12

--

Panther

No burial

No burial

None

290

1

1?

1

1
1
0

Table B.6 (cont’d)
MD #
BL
MD Form
#
17
-Unclass.
18
-Panther
19
1
Bear

Burial Disposition

Burial Type

Associated Artifacts

No burial
No burial
H – Center of body (stomach)
V – 1.48 subfloor pit

No burial
No burial
20 bundle

None
None
None

20
22
34
39

-----

Unclass.
Conical
Conical
Conical

No burial
No burial
No burial
No burial

No burial
No burial
No burial
No burial

None
None
None
None

40

--

Conical

No burial

No burial

None

41

--

Conical

No burial

No burial

None

42

1

Conical

H – Near center
V – .34 above MD floor

Cremation

47

1

Moccasin

50

--

Conical

H – Center of sole
V – .37’ subfloor pit
No burial

Indeterminate
Decomposed
No burial

Cremation in Stone
fireplace – charred
bone fragments,
mandible, teeth
None

64

1

Conical

H – Not reported
V – Subfloor pit

10 flexed
Disturbed
291

None

None

Features and Unassoc.
Artifacts
None
Tail crosscuts MD 17
2 Clay-pebble cists –
1 in heart & 1 in head
2 Earthen fireplaces –
1 near hip & 1 in hip
None
Oblong slate – serrated
Clay-pebble cist – center
2 clay-pebble cists
-near center, mound fill
3 clay-pebble cists
-SE edge, mound fill
-Possible burial pit near
center in pit
3 clay-pebble cists
-center, mound fill
Earthen fireplace – SE
Stone fireplace
2 clay-pebble cists
1 subfloor & 1 fill
2 stone fireplace & claypebble cist – center heal
Stone fireplace-center
Stone slab- mound fill
Earthen fireplace-floor
Clay-pebble cist, stone celt
2 stone artifacts-serrated
None

MNI
0
0
2

0
0
0
0
0
0

1

1
0

1

Table B.7 Kletzien Mound Group tabulation of mound contents
MD #
BL # MD Form Burial Disposition
Burial Type

Associated Artifacts

1
2

-1

Deer
Panther

2

3

1

Panther

4

1

6

1

Probable
Oval
Deer

2
7

--

Panther

8

1

Linear

9

1

10

1

Unclass.
Effigy
Deer

12
13
14

----

Linear
Deer
Deer

Features and Unassoc.
Artifacts
None
See Below for Burial 2

MNI

1

None

-Red colored oval area
North of Burial 2,
-Earthen Fireplace 6.5’
NE of Burial 2
Earthen fireplace 8’ SW
of Burial 1
Earthen fireplace 6’ SW
of Burial 1
None

Cremation

None

None

1

Mound floor - .2’-.3’ thick
layer of gray sand
Overlying - .1’-.3’ thick layer
of charcoal layer
None

0

None

1

None

None

1

None
None
None

None
None
None

0
0
0

No Burial
H – Heart Position
V – 1.5’ deep subfloor pit
H – Hip position
V – 2.4’ deep subfloor pit

No Burial
10 flexed

None
None

10 flexed

None

H – Heart position
V – .7’ deep subfloor pit
H – Center
V – Mound floor
H – Heart position
V – Stratum of gray sand (1’thick)
on mound floor
H – Heart position (3’ West of
Burial 1)
V – .6’ deep subfloor pit
No burial

20 bundle

2 Antler bone
pressure flakers
None

No burial

None

H – Center
V – Mound floor
H – Center
V – Mound floor
H – Stomach (Center of body)
V – .5’ deep subfloor pit
No burial
No burial
No burial

20 bundle

Small cluster of
potsherds
None

Indeterminate
Disturbed
10 flexed

Indeterminate
Disturbed
10 flexed
No burial
No burial
No burial
292

0
1

1
1
1

1

Table B.7 (cont’d)
MD #
BL # MD Form Burial Disposition

Burial Type

Associated Artifacts

15
16

---

No burial
No burial

No burial
No burial

17

--

No burial

18

1

19

1

Indet.
Probable
Effigy
Probable
Effigy
Probable
Effigy
Oval

21

1

Conical

23

--

Linear

24

1

Unclass.
Effigy

25

1

Oval

26

--

27

1

Unclass.
Effigy
Deer

29

--

30

--

33
34

-1

Unclass.
Effigy
Panther
Intaglio
Linear
Conical

MNI

None
None

Features and unassoc.
Artifacts
None
None

No burial

None

None

0

H – Center
V – Shallow subfloor pit
H – Near center
V – 2.2’ deep subfloor pit
H – Center
V – Indeterminate
No burial

Indeterminate
Disturbed
10 flexed

None

1

None

Earthen fireplace 12.7’
North of Burial 1
None

Indeterminate
Disturbed
No burial

None

None

1

None

1

H – Equidistant between sides
and 10’ from SE end of mound
V – Subfloor pit
H – Near center
V – Subfloor pit
No burial

Indeterminate
Disturbed

Large limestone in pit

Indeterminate
Disturbed
No burial

None

H – Heart position
V – 1.3’ subfloor pit

10 flexed

3 fragments of burnt
limestone

No burial

No burial

None

Earthen fireplace in
center on mound floor
Earthen fireplace on
mound floor 11’ NW of
Burial 1
2 artificial strata – FireBlackened & gray sand
Earthen fireplace between
hip and stomach
Earthen fireplace in
mound center with flat
piece of sandstone
None

No burial

No burial

None

0

No burial
H – Center
V – 2.2’ deep subfloor pit

No burial

None
None

Lined with artificial
stratum of gray sand
None
None

20 bundle

Probable 10
flexed
293

None

0
0

3

1
1
0
2
0

0
1

Table B.8 Kolterman Mound Group tabulation of mound contents
MD #
BL #
MD Form Burial Disposition
Burial Type

Associated Artifacts

Features and Unassoc.
Artifacts
Large glacial boulder

MNI

Large glacial boulder

1

None

1

15

1

Otter

H – Center of body (stomach)
V – Subfloor pit

Indeterminate
Bulldozed

16

1

Unclass.
Effigy

H – Center of body (stomach)
V – Subfloor pit

Indeterminate
Bulldozed

17

1

Otter

H – Heart position
V – 1.2’ subfloor pit
H – Heart position
V – .5’-.8’ subfloor pit
H – Heart position
V – .9’-1.1’ subfloor pit

10 flexed

Chert flakes
Hammerstone frags
Potsherds
Chert flakes
Hammerstone frags
Potsherds
Elbow pottery pipe

Cremation

None

None

1

Cremation
No burial

Earthen fireplace in hip
position
Glacial boulder in head
None

1

No burial

Crushed pottery
vessel & 2 projectile
points
None

2
18

1

Otter

20

--

Conical

294

1

0

Table B.9 Nitschke Mound Group tabulation of mound contents
MD #
BL # MD Form Burial Disposition
Burial Type
3

1

Conical

Associated Artifacts

Features and
unassoc. artifacts
None

MNI

None

1

None

1

H – Near Center
V – Unknown
H – 10' South of center
V – Mound floor
H – Near center
V - Above mound floor

Indeterminate

20 bundle

Yellow limestone
fragments
Yellow limestone
fragments
None

H – Near Center
V – Mound floor
No burial
No burial
H – Hip position
V – 2.4 subfloor pit

20 bundle

None

None

1

No burial
No burial
10 flexed

Projectile point
None
None

0
0
4

H – Heart position
V – Mound floor
H – Center of head
V – Mound floor
H – Between rear legs
V – 1.4' subfloor pit

10

None
None
2 Stone proj. points,
2 bone scrapers, bone awl,
deer calcaneum
2 fawn leg bones
Bone lime and ash
Stone fireplace and
charcoal .8' above burial
Bone awl
Bone awl fragments

None

1

None

1
8

2

H – Between front legs - heart
V – 1.8’ subfloor pit

20 bundle

5 superimposed
conical mounds
over tail (MDs 15,
16, 17, 18, 19)
Same as above

3

H – Center of head
V – Mound floor
H – Shoulder
V – Mound floor

20 bundle

Same as above

1

Rim of medium
sized pot, some
side portion

1

2
4

1

Conical

2
5
6
9

--1

Panther
Conical
Bison

2
3
10

14

1

1

Turtle

Panther

10 Flexed

20 bundle
20 bundle

10 flexed

295

Bone harpoon point with 4
unilateral barbs, 2
ellipsoid shell beads,
gastropod shells
Stone fireplace (altar)
.8’above burial
None

4

7

Table B.9 (cont’d)
MD #
BL # MD Form Burial Disposition

Burial Type

Associated Artifacts

15

1

Conical

20 bundle

16

1

Conical

17

1

Conical

H – Center
V – 1’ subfloor pit
H – Center
V – Mound floor
H – Center
V – Mound floor
H – Center
V – Mound floor
H – Center
V – 1.7’ subfloor pit
H – Near Center
V – Mound floor
H – Near Center
V – 1.8’ subfloor pit
H – Heart position
V – .6’ subfloor pit

18

1

Conical

19

1

Conical

20

1

Gourdlike

2
21

1

Panther

22
23
31

--1

Canine
Linear
Indet.
Effigy

2
33

1

Linear

MNI

None

Features and
unassoc. Artifacts
None

Indeterminate

None

None

1

10 flexed

None

None

2

20 bundle

None

None

1

20 bundle

None

None

1

Indeterminate
Disturbed
20 bundle

None

None

1

None

6

20 bundle

Bone harpoon point
Large boulders
Potsherds from 1 pot
3 Projectile points
Skull of dog

3

No burial
No burial
H – Central in curve
V – Mound floor

No burial
No burial
20 bundle

None
None
None

Stone fireplace altar
above Burial 1, 1
Projectile point in
altar
None
None
None

H – Central in curve
V – Mound floor
H – Near Center (south)
V – Mound floor

10 flexed

None

None

2

10 flexed

None

None

1

20 bundle

296

1

0
0
1

Table B.9 (cont’d)
MD #
BL # MD Form Burial Disposition

Burial Type

Associated Artifacts

33

H – 40’ North of Burial 1
V – Mound floor

10 flexed

2

Features and
unassoc. Artifacts
2 granite boulders
in clay mound floor

MNI

1

3

Linear

H – 11’ North of Burial 2
V – Mound floor

10 flexed

Circular plat of animal bones,
clay pipe, projectile point
above Burial 2
None

35
36

-1

Oval
Panther

No burial
10 flexed

None
None

37

1

Deer

10 flexed

None

None

1

38
39

-1

Canine
Panther

No burial
10 flexed

None
None

None
None

0
1

40

1

Bird

10 flexed

None

None

1

42

1

Deer

None

1

1

Conical

Indeterminate
Disturbed
Indeterminate
Disturbed
20 bundle

None

43

No burial
H – Heart position
V – Mound floor
H – Heart position
V – Mound floor
No burial
H – Heart position
V – Mound floor
H – Heart position
V – Mound floor
H – Unknown
V – Mound floor
H – Near Center
V – Indeterminate
H – 5’ southwest of Burial 1
V - .5’ Above mound floor
H – Center
V – 2.8’ subfloor pit

Contiguous pieces
of ceramic vessel
above Burial 3
None
None

None

None

1

None

None

1

10 flexed
Probable 20
10 flexed

None

None

3

None

None

2

10 flexed

None

None

2

Indeterminate

None

None

1

2
44

1

Oval

45

1

49

1

Unclass.
Effigy
Linear

50

1

Turtle

H – Center
V – 1.5’ subfloor pit
H – 11’ Northwest of Center
V – .9’ subfloor pit
H – Heart position
V – 1.4’ subfloor pit

297

1

0
1

Table B.9 (cont’d)
MD #
BL # MD Form Burial Disposition

Burial Type

Associated Artifacts

50

2

H – 5’ North of burial 1
V – 1.3’ subfloor pit

Indeterminate

None

51
52

-1

No Burial
H – Heart position
V – Mound floor
H – Stomach of Effigy
V – Mound floor
H – Center
V – .4’ subfloor pit
H – Heart position
V – Mound floor
No burial
No burial
No burial

No burial
10 flexed
10 flexed

2

Conical
Unclass.
Effigy

54

1

Conical

56

1

Bird

57
58
62

----

Conical
Bird
Unclass.
Effigy

Features and
unassoc. Artifacts
Earthen Fireplace
adjoining Burial 2

MNI

None
None

None
None

0
2

None

1

10 flexed

Small pottery vessel Mussel
shell
None

None

1

Indeterminate

None

None

1

No burial
No burial
No burial

None
None
None

None
None
None

0
0
0

298

1

Appendix C
Presence of Mound Features in Mound Groups

299

Table C.1 Polander presence (X) of mound features and mound forms
Mound
Burials
C&P Cists
Earthen
Stone
Ceramic
Number
Fireplace
Altar
Vessel
1
X
29
30
4
X
7
X
18
X
19
X
3
X
4
X
6
X
8
X
9
X
11
X
X
12
X
16
X
17
X
42
X
55
X
X
Table C.2 Raisbeck presence (X) of mound features and mound forms
Mound
Burials
C&P Cists
Earthen
Stone Altar
Ceramic
number
Fireplace
Vessel
42
55
X
1
X
X
2
X
X
3
X
X
4
X
X
X
X
7
X
X
8
X
X
10
X
X
11
X
18
X
23
X
X
24
X
X
31
X
X
X
38
X
X
39
X
X
40
X
64
X
65
X
X
66
X
300

Mound
Form
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
Mound
Form
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
GEO
EFFIGY
GEO
EFFIGY
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO

Table C.3 Trowbridge presence (X) of mound features and mound forms
Mound
Burials
Cists
Earthen
Stone Altar
Ceramic
Number
Fireplace
Vessel
76
85
86
87
56
X
57
X
58
X
62
X
67
X
69
X
70
X
79
X
X
80
X
81
X
82
X
83
X
84
X

301

Mound
Form
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
GEO
GEO

Table C.4 Kratz Creek presence (X) of mound features and mound form
Mound
Burials
Cists
Earthen
Stone Altar
Pot
Number
Fireplace
2
4
X
6
7
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
X
19
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
31
32
X
33
34
X
37
38
39
40
1
X
X
X
3
X
X
X
5
X
8
X
X
X
9
X
X
18
X
41
X
50
X
X
X

302

Mound
Form
GEO
EFFIGY
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
EFFIGY
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
GEO
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
GEO
EFFIGY
GEO
EFFIGY
GEO

Table C.5 McClaughry presence (X) of mound features and mound form
Mound
Burials
Cists
Earthen
Stone Altar
Pot
Number
Fireplace
16
20
21
42
X
43
52
X
54
X
3
X
X
4
X
X
X
5
X
X
6
X
8
X
X
X
9
X
11
X
13
X
X
X
15
X
X
19
X
23
X
24
X
X
25
X
X
28
X
32
X
X
X
37
X
38
X
40
X
41
X
45
X
X
X
46
X
47
X
X
49
X
X
X
51
X
X
53
X
55
X
X
57
X
X
X
X
59
X
X

303

Mound
Form
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
EFFIGY
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
EFFIGY
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
EFFIGY
GEO
GEO
EFFIGY
GEO
GEO

Table C.6 Neale presence (X) of mound features and mound form
Mound
Burials
C&P Cists
Earthen
Altar
Ceramic
Number
Fireplace
Vessel
2
3
8
X
12
17
18
20
22
34
X
39
X
40
X
41
X
50
X
X
X
1
X
4
X
X
5
X
6
X
X
7
X
10
X
X
11
X
X
X
19
X
X
X
X
42
X
X
X
X
47
X
X
X
64
X

304

Mound
Form
EFFIGY
GEO
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
GEO
EFFIGY
GEO

Table C.7 Kletzien presence (X) of mound features and mound forms
Mound
Burials
Cists
Earthen
Altar
Ceramic
Number
Fireplace
Vessel
1
7
12
13
14
15
16
17
23
X
26
X
29
30
33
2
X
X
3
X
X
4
X
X
6
X
8
X
X
9
X
10
X
18
X
X
19
X
21
X
X
24
X
X
25
X
27
X
X
34
X

Mound
Form
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
GEO
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
GEO
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
GEO
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
INDET
EFFIGY
GEO
INDET
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
1GEO
GEO
EFFIGY
GEO
EFFIGY
GEO

Table C.8 Kolterman presence (X) of mound features and mound forms
Mound
Burials
Cists
Earthen
Stone Altar
Pot
Number
Fireplace
15
X
16
X
17
X
18
X
X
X

Mound
Form
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY

305

Table C.9 Nitschke presence (X) of mound features and mound forms
Mound
Burials
Cists
Earthen
Stone Altar
Ceramic
Number
Fireplaces
Vessel
5
6
22
30
35
38
57
58
62
3
X
4
X
9
X
X
10
X
14
X
X
15
X
16
X
17
X
18
X
19
X
20
X
21
X
X
X
31
X
33
X
X
36
X
37
X
39
X
40
X
42
X
43
X
44
X
45
X
49
X
50
X
X
51
X
52
X
X
54
X
56
X

306

Mound
Form
EFFIGY
GEO
EFFIGY
GEO
GEO
EFFIGY
GEO
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
GEO
GEO
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
GEO
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
EFFIGY
GEO
GEO
GEO
GEO
EFFIGY
GEO
EFFIGY
GEO
EFFIGY

Appendix D
Epigenetic Trait Contingency Tables

307

Table D.1 Frequency of left supraorbital foramen among mound groups
Mound Group
Left Supraorbital Foramen
Absent
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Big Bend
Kletzien
Nitschke

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

Present
9.0
4.8
5.0
6.4
2.0
2.7
15.0
14.9
9.0
9.6
2.0
2.7
3.0
2.7
6.0
7.4

308

9.0
9.0
12.0
12.0
5.0
5.0
28.0
28.0
18.0
18.0
5.0
5.0
5.0
5.0
14.0
14.0

51.0

Total

0.0
4.2
7.0
5.6
3.0
2.3
13.0
13.1
9.0
8.4
3.0
2.3
2.0
2.3
8.0
6.6
45.0

96.0

Table D.2 Frequency of right supraorbital foramen among mound groups
Mound Group
Right Supraorbital foramen
Absent
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Big Bend
Kletzien
Nitschke

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

Present
6.0
3.1
5.0
4.7
2.0
0.8
10.0
12.1
7.0
7.0
2.0
2.0
2.0
1.6
2.0
4.7

309

8.0
8.0
12.0
12.0
2.0
2.0
31.0
31.0
18.0
18.0
5.0
5.0
4.0
4.0
12.0
12.0

36.0

Total

2.0
4.9
7.0
7.3
0.0
1.2
21.0
18.9
11.0
11.0
3.0
3.0
2.0
2.4
10.0
7.3
56.0

92.0

Table D.3 Frequency of left supraorbital notch among mound groups
Mound Group
New Left Suproaorbital Notch
Absent
Polander

Observed
Expected

Raisbeck

Observed
Expected

Trowbridge

Observed
Expected

Kratz Creek

Observed
Expected

McClaughry

Observed
Expected

Big Bend

Observed
Expected

Kletzien

Observed
Expected

Nitschke

Observed
Expected

Total

Present
2.0
3.2
6.0
3.5
2.0
1.6
6.0
9.2
6.0
6.0
1.0
1.6
2.0
1.6
6.0
4.4

310

10.0
10.0
11.0
11.0
5.0
5.0
29.0
29.0
19.0
19.0
5.0
5.0
5.0
5.0
14.0
14.0

31.0

Total

8.0
6.8
5.0
7.5
3.0
3.4
23.0
19.8
13.0
13.0
4.0
3.4
3.0
3.4
8.0
9.6
67.0

98.0

Table D.4 Frequency of right supraorbital notch among mound groups
Mound Group
Right Supraorbital Notch
Absent
Polander

Observed
Expected

Raisbeck

Observed
Expected

Trowbridge

Observed
Expected

Kratz Creek

Observed
Expected

McClaughry

Observed
Expected

Big Bend

Observed
Expected

Kletzien

Observed
Expected

Nitschke

Observed
Expected

Total

Present
2.0
2.8
5.0
3.7
0.0
0.6
10.0
9.0
5.0
5.6
2.0
1.6
1.0
1.6
3.0
3.1

311

9.0
9.0
12.0
12.0
2.0
2.0
29.0
29.0
18.0
18.0
5.0
5.0
5.0
5.0
10.0
10.0

28.0

Total

7.0
6.2
7.0
8.3
2.0
1.4
19.0
20.0
13.0
12.4
3.0
3.4
4.0
3.4
7.0
6.9
62.0

90.0

Table D.5 Frequency of left parietal foramina among mound groups
Mound Group

Left Parietal Foramen
Absent
Present

Polander

Observed
Expected

Raisbeck

Observed
Expected

Trowbridge

Observed
Expected

Kratz Creek

Observed
Expected

McClaughry

Observed
Expected

Big Bend
Kletzien
Nitschke

Total

5.0
4.0
9.0
7.4
2.0
1.1
7.0
8.5
10.0
9.1
2.0
2.8
0.0
3.4
8.0
6.8

Total

312

7.0
7.0
13.0
13.0
2.0
2.0
15.0
15.0
16.0
16.0
5.0
5.0
6.0
6.0
12.0
12.0

43.0

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

2.0
3.0
4.0
5.6
0.0
0.9
8.0
6.5
6.0
6.9
3.0
2.2
6.0
2.6
4.0
5.2
33.0

76.0

Table D.6 Frequency of right parietal foramina among mound groups
Mound Group

Polander
Raisbeck

Right Parietal Foramen
Absent
Present
Observed
Expected
Count
Observed
Expected

Trowbridge

4.0

McClaughry
Big Bend
Kletzien
Nitschke

Observed
Expected

Total

313

7.0

3.0
6.7
0.0
1.0
9.0
7.2

14.0
14.0
2.0
2.0
15.0
15.0

5.0
7.7
4.0
2.4
5.0
2.4
8.0
6.2

16.0
16.0
5.0
5.0
5.0
5.0
13.0
13.0

40.0

Observed
Expected

3.4

11.0
8.3
1.0
2.6
0.0
2.6
5.0
6.8

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

7.0

11.0
7.3
2.0
1.0
6.0
7.8

Observed
Expected

3.0

3.6

Observed
Expected

Kratz Creek

Total

37.0

77.0

Table D.7 Frequency of left tympanic dehiscence among mound groups
Mound Group
Left Tympanic Dehiscence
Absent
Polander

Observed
Expected

Raisbeck

Observed
Expected

Trowbridge

Observed
Expected

Kratz

Observed
Expected

McClaughry

Observed
Expected

Big Bend

Observed
Expected

Kletzien
Nitschke

Total

Present
6.0
6.4
11.0
10.5
6.0
4.8
27.0
24.1
19.0
19.3
2.0
3.2
5.0
5.6
6.0
8.0

Total

314

8.0
8.0
13.0
13.0
6.0
6.0
30.0
30.0
24.0
24.0
4.0
4.0
7.0
7.0
10.0
10.0

82.0

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

2.0
1.6
2.0
2.5
0.0
1.2
3.0
5.9
5.0
4.7
2.0
0.8
2.0
1.4
4.0
2.0
20.0

102.0

Table D.8 Frequency of right tympanic dehiscence among mound groups
Mound Group
Right Tympanic Dehiscence
Absent
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge
Kratz Creek

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Observed
Expected

Kletzien

Observed
Expected

Nitschke

Observed
Expected

Total

315

2.0
1.7
3.0
3.5
1.0
1.5
7.0
10.2
5.0
3.8
2.0
1.7
2.0
1.7
5.0
2.9

6.0
6.0
12.0
12.0
5.0
5.0
35.0
35.0
13.0
13.0
6.0
6.0
6.0
6.0
10.0
10.0

66.0

Observed
Expected

Big Bend

Present
4.0
4.3
9.0
8.5
4.0
3.5
28.0
24.8
8.0
9.2
4.0
4.3
4.0
4.3
5.0
7.1

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

McClaughry

Total

27.0

93.0

Table D.9 Frequency of left mastoid foramen among mound groups
Mound Group
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Big Bend
Kletzien
Nitschke

Left Mastoid Foramen
Absent
Present
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

7.0
3.2
5.0
4.5
3.0
2.3
11.0
10.9
8.0
10.0
1.0
1.8
1.0
3.2
4.0
4.1

316

7.0
7.0
10.0
10.0
5.0
5.0
24.0
24.0
22.0
22.0
4.0
4.0
7.0
7.0
9.0
9.0

40.0

Total

0.0
3.8
5.0
5.5
2.0
2.7
13.0
13.1
14.0
12.0
3.0
2.2
6.0
3.8
5.0
4.9
48.0

88.0

Table D.10 Frequency of right mastoid foramen among mound groups
Mound Group

Right Mastoid Foramen
Absent
Present

Polander

Observed
Expected

Raisbeck

Observed
Expected

Trowbridge

Observed
Expected

Kratz Creek

Observed
Expected

McClaughry

Observed
Expected

Big Bend

Observed
Expected

Kletzien

Observed
Expected

Nitschke

Observed
Expected

Total

5.0
2.6
4.0
2.6
3.0
1.5
10.0
9.8
1.0
3.4
2.0
1.9
0.0
2.6
2.0
2.6

317

7.0
7.0
7.0
7.0
4.0
4.0
26.0
26.0
9.0
9.0
5.0
5.0
7.0
7.0
7.0
7.0

27.0

Total

2.0
4.4
3.0
4.4
1.0
2.5
16.0
16.3
8.0
5.6
3.0
3.1
7.0
4.4
5.0
4.4
45.0

72.0

Table D.11 Frequency of right mastoid foramen number among mound groups
Mound Group
Polander

Observed
Expected

Raisbeck

Observed
Expected

Trowbridge

Observed
Expected

Kratz Creek

Observed
Expected

McClaughry

Observed
Expected

Big Bend

Observed
Expected

Kletzien

Observed
Expected

Nitschke

Observed
Expected

Total

Right Mastoid Foramen Number
Absent
One Foramen
Multiple
5.0
2.0
0.0
2.6
2.8
1.6
4.0
3.0
0.0
2.6
2.8
1.6
3.0
1.0
0.0
1.5
1.6
0.9
10.0
12.0
4.0
9.8
10.5
5.8
1.0
5.0
3.0
3.4
3.6
2.0
2.0
0.0
3.0
1.9
2.0
1.1
0.0
4.0
3.0
2.6
2.8
1.6
2.0
2.0
3.0
2.6
2.8
1.6
27.0

318

29.0

16.0

Total
7.0
7.0
7.0
7.0
4.0
4.0
26.0
26.0
9.0
9.0
5.0
5.0
7.0
7.0
7.0
7.0
72.0

Table D.12 Frequency of left mandibular torus among mound groups
Mound Group
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge
Kratz Creek

Left Mandibular Torus
Absent
Present
Observed
Expected

18.0
18.3
20.0
27.0
7.0
6.1
44.0
40.1
18.0
15.7
4.0
4.4
5.0
4.4
7.0
7.0

Observed
Expected

Big Bend

Observed
Expected

Kletzien

Observed
Expected

Nitschke

Observed
Expected

Total

319

3.0
2.7
11.0
4.0
0.0
0.9
2.0
5.9
0.0
2.3
1.0
0.6
0.0
0.6
1.0
1.0

21.0
21.0
31.0
31.0
7.0
7.0
46.0
46.0
18.0
18.0
5.0
5.0
5.0
5.0
8.0
8.0

123.0

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

McClaughry

Total

18.0

141.0

Table D.13 Frequency of right mandibular torus among mound groups
Mound Group

Right Mandibular Torus
Absent
Present

Polander

Observed
Expected

Raisbeck

Observed
Expected

Trowbridge

Observed
Expected

Kratz Creek

Observed
Expected

McClaughry

Observed
Expected

Big Bend

Observed
Expected

Kletzien
Nitschke

Total

17.0

320

4.5
13.0
7.0
0.0
1.1
9.0
8.3
0.0
3.4
1.0
1.3
0.0
0.9
2.0
2.6

21.0
33.0
33.0
5.0
5.0
39.0
39.0
16.0
16.0
6.0
6.0
4.0
4.0
12.0
12.0

107.0

Total

21.0

16.5
20.0
26.0
5.0
3.9
30.0
30.7
16.0
12.6
5.0
4.7
4.0
3.1
10.0
9.4

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

4.0

29.0

136.0

Table D.14 Frequency of left mylohyoid bridge among mound groups
Mound Group

Left Mylohyoid Bridge
Absent
Present

Polander

Observed
Expected

Raisbeck

Observed
Expected

Trowbridge

Observed
Expected

Kratz Creek

Observed
Expected

McClaughry

Observed
Expected

Big Bend

Observed
Expected

Kletzien

Observed
Expected

Nitschke

Observed
Expected

Total

12.0
10.9
29.0
25.2
4.0
4.2
23.0
28.6
9.0
9.3
3.0
3.4
4.0
3.4
6.0
5.0

321

13.0
13.0
30.0
30.0
5.0
5.0
34.0
34.0
11.0
11.0
4.0
4.0
4.0
4.0
6.0
6.0

90.0

Total

1.0
2.1
1.0
4.8
1.0
0.8
11.0
5.4
2.0
1.7
1.0
0.6
0.0
0.6
0.0
1.0
17.0

107.0

Table D.15 Frequency of right mylohyoid bridge among mound groups
Mound Group
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Big Bend
Kletzien
Nitschke

Right Mylohyoid Bridge
Absent
Present
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

12.0
11.6
30.0
24.9
5.0
4.1
16.0
23.2
10.0
9.1
4.0
4.1
2.0
2.5
8.0
7.5

322

14.0
14.0
30.0
30.0
5.0
5.0
28.0
28.0
11.0
11.0
5.0
5.0
3.0
3.0
9.0
9.0

87.0

Total

2.0
2.4
0.0
5.1
0.0
0.9
12.0
4.8
1.0
1.9
1.0
0.9
1.0
0.5
1.0
1.5
18.0

105.0

Table D.16 Frequency of left lambdoid ossicles among mound groups
Mound Group
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Big Bend
Kletzien
Nitschke

Left Lambdoid Ossicle
Absent
Present
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

2.0
1.7
8.0
5.8
4.0
2.9
7.0
8.6
12.0
10.4
0.0
2.9
5.0
4.0
4.0
5.8

323

3.0
3.0
10.0
10.0
5.0
5.0
15.0
15.0
18.0
18.0
5.0
5.0
7.0
7.0
10.0
10.0

42.0

Total

1.0
1.3
2.0
4.2
1.0
2.1
8.0
6.4
6.0
7.6
5.0
2.1
2.0
3.0
6.0
4.2
31.0

73.0

Table D.17 Frequency of superior sagittal sulcus flexure among mound groups
Mound Group
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Big Bend
Kletzien
Nitschke
Total

Flexure of Superior Sagittal Sulcus
Right
Left
Bifurcate

Total

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

1.0
1.8
10.0
9.8
1.0
2.4
25.0
17.1
9.0
12.2
4.0
3.7
6.0
4.9
4.0
8.0

0.0
0.8
4.0
4.2
3.0
1.1
2.0
7.4
6.0
5.3
1.0
1.6
2.0
2.1
8.0
3.4

2.0
0.4
2.0
2.0
0.0
0.5
1.0
3.4
5.0
2.4
1.0
0.7
0.0
1.0
1.0
1.6

3.0
3.0
16.0
16.0
4.0
4.0
28.0
28.0
20.0
20.0
6.0
6.0
8.0
8.0
13.0
13.0

Count

60.0

26.0

12.0

98.0

324

Table D.18 Frequency of left third trochanter among mound groups
Mound Group
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Big Bend
Kletzien
Nitschke

Left Third Trochanter
Absent
Present
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

5.0
2.8
7.0
8.5
1.0
0.6
23.0
22.0
4.0
6.8
4.0
4.0
0.0
1.7
8.0
5.7

325

5.0
5.0
15.0
15.0
1.0
1.0
39.0
39.0
12.0
12.0
7.0
7.0
3.0
3.0
10.0
10.0

52.0

Total

0.0
2.2
8.0
6.5
0.0
0.4
16.0
17.0
8.0
5.2
3.0
3.0
3.0
1.3
2.0
4.3
40.0

92.0

Table D.19 Frequency of right third trochanter among mound groups
Mound Group
Right Third Trochanter
Absent
Polander
Raisbeck
Trowbridge
Kratz Creek
McClaughry
Big Bend
Kletzien
Nitschke

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

Present
5.0
3.6
6.0
8.3
1.0
0.6
29.0
26.2
4.0
5.4
5.0
4.8
1.0
1.2
2.0
3.0

6.0
6.0
14.0
14.0
1.0
1.0
44.0
44.0
9.0
9.0
8.0
8.0
2.0
2.0
5.0
5.0

53.0

Total

1.0
2.4
8.0
5.7
0.0
0.4
15.0
17.8
5.0
3.6
3.0
3.2
1.0
0.8
3.0
2.0
36.0

89.0

Table D.20 Frequency of left supraorbital foramen among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region
Left Supraorbital Foramen
Total
Absent
Western Upland
Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and
Lowlands

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Present
16.0
13.8
24.0
24.4
11.0
12.8

326

26.0
26.0
46.0
46.0
24.0
24.0

51.0

Total

10.0
12.2
22.0
21.6
13.0
11.3
45.0

96.0

Table D.21 Frequency of right supraorbital foramen among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region
Right Supraorbital foramen
Total
Absent
Western Upland
Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and Lowlands

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Present
13.0
8.6
17.0
19.2
6.0
8.2

22.0
22.0
49.0
49.0
21.0
21.0

36.0

Total

9.0
13.4
32.0
29.8
15.0
12.8
56.0

92.0

Table D.22 Frequency of left supraorbital notch among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region
Left Suproaorbital Notch
Absent
Western Upland
Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and Lowlands

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

Present
10.0
8.2
12.0
15.2
9.0
7.6

26.0
26.0
48.0
48.0
24.0
24.0

31.0

Total

16.0
17.8
36.0
32.8
15.0
16.4
67.0

98.0

Table D.23 Frequency of right supraorbital notch among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region
Right Supraorbital Notch
Total
Absent

Present

Observed
Expected
Observed
Central Plain
Expected
Observed
Eastern Ridges and Lowlands
Expected

7.0
7.2
15.0
14.6
6.0
6.2

16.0
15.8
32.0
32.4
14.0
13.8

23.0
23.0
47.0
47.0
20.0
20.0

Total

28.0

62.0

90.0

Western Upland

327

Table D.24 Frequency of left parietal foramina among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region
Left Parietal Foramen
Absent
Western Upland
Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and Lowlands

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

Present
16.0
12.4
17.0
17.5
10.0
13.0

22.0
22.0
31.0
31.0
23.0
23.0

43.0

Total

6.0
9.6
14.0
13.5
13.0
10.0
33.0

76.0

Table D.25 Frequency of right parietal foramina among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region
Western Upland
Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and Lowlands

Right Parietal Foramen
Absent
Present
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

17.0
11.9
17.0
16.1
6.0
11.9

23.0
23.0
31.0
31.0
23.0
23.0

40.0

Total

6.0
11.1
14.0
14.9
17.0
11.1
37.0

77.0

Table D.26 Frequency of left tympanic dehiscence among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region
Western Upland
Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and Lowlands

Left Tympanic Dehiscence
Absent
Present
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

23.0
21.7
46.0
43.4
13.0
16.9

328

27.0
27.0
54.0
54.0
21.0
21.0

82.0

Total

4.0
5.3
8.0
10.6
8.0
4.1
20.0

102.0

Table D.27 Frequency of right tympanic dehiscence among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region
Right Tympanic Dehiscence
Total
Absent
Western Upland
Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and Lowlands

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Present
6.0
6.7
12.0
13.9
9.0
6.4

23.0
23.0
48.0
48.0
22.0
22.0

66.0

Total

17.0
16.3
36.0
34.1
13.0
15.6

27.0

93.0

Table D.28 Frequency of left mastoid foramen among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region
Western Upland
Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and Lowlands

Left Mastoid Foramen
Absent
Present
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

7.0
12.0
27.0
25.1
14.0
10.9

22.0
22.0
46.0
46.0
20.0
20.0

40.0

Total

15.0
10.0
19.0
20.9
6.0
9.1

48.0

88.0

Table D.29 Frequency of right mastoid foramina among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region
Western Upland
Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and Lowlands

Right Mastoid Foramen
Absent
Present
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

329

6.0
11.3
24.0
21.9
15.0
11.9

18.0
18.0
35.0
35.0
19.0
19.0

27.0

Total

12.0
6.8
11.0
13.1
4.0
7.1

45.0

72.0

Table D.30 Frequency of left mastoid foramen among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region
Western Upland
Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and
Lowlands

Left Mastoid Foramen Number
None
1 Foramen
Multiple
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

7.0
8.3
16.0
17.3
10.0
7.5

0.0
3.8
11.0
7.8
4.0
3.4

22.0
22.0
46.0
46.0
20.0
20.0

40.0

Total

15.0
10.0
19.0
20.9
6.0
9.1

33.0

15.0

88.0

Table D.31 Frequency of right mastoid foramen among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region

Right Mastoid Foramen Number
None
1 Foramen
Multiple

Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and Lowlands

12.0
6.8
11.0
13.1
4.0
7.1

Total

6.0
7.3
17.0
14.1
6.0
7.7

0.0
4.0
7.0
7.8
9.0
4.2

18.0
18.0
35.0
35.0
19.0
19.0

27.0

Western Upland

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

29.0

16.0

72.0

Table D.32 Frequency of left mandibular torus among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region
Western Upland
Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and
Lowlands

Left Mandibular Torus
Absent
Present
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

45.0
51.5
62.0
55.8
16.0
15.7

330

59.0
59.0
64.0
64.0
18.0
18.0

123.0

Total

14.0
7.5
2.0
8.2
2.0
2.3
18.0

141.0

Table D.33 Frequency of right mandibular torus among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region
Right Mandibular Torus
Absent
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

Present

Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and
Lowlands

42.0
46.4
46.0
43.3
19.0
17.3

Total

17.0
12.6
9.0
11.7
3.0
4.7

59.0
59.0
55.0
55.0
22.0
22.0

107.0

Western Upland

29.0

136.0

Table D.34 Frequency of left mylohyoid bridge among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region

Left Mylohyoid Bridge
Absent
Present

Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and Lowlands

45.0
40.4
32.0
37.9
13.0
11.8

Total

3.0
7.6
13.0
7.1
1.0
2.2

48.0
48.0
45.0
45.0
14.0
14.0

90.0

Western Upland

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

17.0

107.0

Table D.35 Frequency of right mylohyoid bridge among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region
Western Upland
Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and
Lowlands

Right Mylohyoid Bridge
Absent
Present
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

47.0
40.6
26.0
32.3
14.0
14.1

331

49.0
49.0
39.0
39.0
17.0
17.0

87.0

Total

2.0
8.4
13.0
6.7
3.0
2.9
18.0

105.0

Table D.36 Frequency of left lambdoid ossicle among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region
Western Upland
Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and Lowlands

Left Lambdoid Ossicle
Absent
Present
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

14.0
10.4
19.0
19.0
9.0
12.7

4.0
7.6
14.0
14.0
13.0
9.3

18.0
18.0
33.0
33.0
22.0
22.0

42.0

Total

31.0

73.0

Table D.37 Frequency of left third trochanter among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region
Left Third Trochanter
Absent
Western Upland
Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and Lowlands

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Present
8.0
9.1
24.0
22.2
8.0
8.7

21.0
21.0
51.0
51.0
20.0
20.0

52.0

40.0

92.0

Table D.38 Frequency of right third trochanters among physiographic regions
Physiographic Region
Right Third Trochanter
Absent

Central Plain
Eastern Ridges and Lowlands

Total

13.0
11.9
27.0
28.8
12.0
11.3

Total

Western Upland

Total

Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected
Observed
Expected

Total

Present

332

9.0
8.5
20.0
21.4
7.0
6.1

21.0
21.0
53.0
53.0
15.0
15.0

53.0

Total

12.0
12.5
33.0
31.6
8.0
8.9

36.0

89.0

Appendix E
Frequency and Proportion of Trait Presence

333

Table E.1. Number of all trait observations among mound groups
Site
LSF RSF LSN RSN LPF RPF LTD RTD LMF RMF LMT RMT LMB RMB LLO L3T R3T
Polander
9
8
10
9
7
7
8
6
7
7
21
21
13
14
3
5
6
Raisbeck
12
12
11
12
13
14
13
12
10
7
31
33
30
30
10
15
14
Trowbridge
5
2
5
2
2
2
6
5
5
4
7
5
5
5
5
1
1
Kratz
28
31
29
29
15
15
30
35
24
26
46
39
34
28
15
39
44
McClaughry
18
18
19
18
16
16
24
13
22
9
17
16
11
11
18
12
9
BigBend
5
5
5
5
5
6
4
6
4
5
5
6
4
5
5
7
8
Kletzien
5
4
5
5
6
5
7
6
7
7
5
4
4
3
7
3
2
Nitschke
14
12
14
10
12
13
10
10
9
7
8
12
6
9
10
10
5
Table E.2. Percentages of trait presence among mound groups
Site
LSF
RSF
LSN
RSN
LPF
RPF
LTD
RTD
LMF RMF LMT RMT LMB RMB LLO
L3T
R3T
Polander
0
25
80
78
29
43
0
33
25
0
14
19
14
14
33
0
17
Raisbeck
58
58
45
58
31
21
15
25
50
43
35
43
35
0
20
47
57
Trowbridge
60
0
60
100
0
0
0
20
40
0
0
0
0
0
20
0
0
Kratz
46
68
79
65
53
60
10
20
54
62
4
23
4
43
53
41
34
McClaughry
50
61
68
72
38
31
21
38
64
89
0
0
0
9
33
67
56
BigBend
60
60
80
60
60
83
50
33
75
60
20
17
20
20
100
43
38
Kletzien
40
50
60
80
100
100
29
33
86
100
0
0
0
33
29
100
50
Nitschke
57
83
57
70
33
62
40
50
56
71
13
17
13
11
60
20
60

334

Table E.3. Number of all trait observations among the physiographic regions
Site
LSF
RSF
LSN
RSN
LPF
RPF
LTD
RTD
LMF
RMF LMT
RMT LMB RMB LLO
L3T
R3T
Western
26
22
26
23
22
31
27
23
22
18
59
59
48
49
18
21
21
Central
46
49
48
47
31
23
54
48
46
35
64
55
45
39
33
51
53
Eastern
24
21
24
20
23
23
21
22
20
19
18
22
14
17
22
20
15

Table E.4. Percentages of trait presence among physiographic regions
Site
LSF
RSF
LSN
RSN
LPF
RPF
LTD
RTD
LMF
RMF LMT
RMT LMB RMB LLO
L3T
R3T
Western
38
41
62
70
27
26
15
26
32
33
24
29
6
4
22
38
43
Central
48
65
75
68
45
45
15
25
59
69
3
16
29
33
42
47
38
Eastern
54
71
63
70
57
55
38
41
70
80
11
14
7
18
59
40
47

335

Appendix F
Permission to Reprint Figures

336

Jered Cornelison
107 Olds Hall
408 West Circle Drive
Michigan State University
East Lansing, MI 48824
USA
November 1, 2013
David Falck
All About Wisconsin, Inc.
Wisconsin Online®
805 East Dean Road
Fox Point, WI 53217
Dear Mr. Falck:
I am completing a doctoral dissertation at Michigan State University entitled
“AGENTS OF CORPORATE IDENTITY: PATTERNS AND VARIABILITY OF EFFIGY
MOUND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND RITUALISM”.
I would like your permission to reprint in my dissertation the following:
Physiographic provinces map: http://www.wisconline.com/wisconsin/geoprovinces/
Central Plain Map: http://www.wisconline.com/wisconsin/geoprovinces/centralplain.html
Western Upland Map:
http://www.wisconline.com/wisconsin/geoprovinces/westernupland.html
The requested permission extends to any future revisions and editions of my
dissertation/thesis, including non-exclusive world rights in all languages, and to the
prospective publication of my dissertation/thesis by ProQuest Information and Learning
(ProQuest) through its UMI® Dissertation Publishing business. ProQuest may produce
and sell copies of my dissertation/thesis on demand and may make my
dissertation/thesis available for free internet download at my request. These rights will in
no way restrict republication of the material in any other form by you or by others
authorized by you. Your signing of this letter will also confirm that you own [or your
company owns] the copyright to the above-described material.
If these arrangements meet with your approval, please sign the letter where indicated
below and return it to me in the enclosed return envelope. Thank you very much.

337

Sincerely,

Jered B. Cornelison
PERMISSION GRANTED FOR THE
USE REQUESTED ABOVE:
________________________________
David Falck
Date:____________________________

338

Jered Cornelison
107 Olds Hall
408 West Circle Drive
Michigan State University
East Lansing, MI 48824
USA
November 1, 2013
Milwaukee Public Museum
800 West Wells Street
Milwaukee, WI 53233-1478
To Whom It May Concern:
I am completing a doctoral dissertation at Michigan State University entitled
“AGENTS OF CORPORATE IDENTITY: PATTERNS AND VARIABILITY OF EFFIGY
MOUND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND RITUALISM”.
I would like your permission to reprint in my dissertation the following:
Barrett, S.A. and E.W. Hawkes (1919 The Kratz Creek Mound Group: A Study in
Wisconsin Indian Mounds. Bulletin of the Public Museum of the City of
Milwaukee Vol.3 No1. Aetna Press, Milwaukee Wisconsin.
Figure 1 Plan of the Kratz Creek Mound Group (no page number associated with
fold out map)
McKern, W.C. (1928) The Neal and McClaughry Mound Groups. Bulletin of the Public
Museum of the City of Milwaukee Vol.3 No.3. Aetna Press, Milwaukee
Wisconsin.
Map 1 Plan of the Neale Mound Group (no page number associated with fold out
map)
Map 2 Plan of the McClaughry Mound Group (pg. 230)
McKern, W.C. (1930) The Kletzien and Nitschke Mound Groups. Bulletin of the Public
Museum of the City of Milwaukee Vol.3 No4. Aetna Press, Milwaukee Wisconsin.
Map 4 Plan of the Kletzien Mound Group
Map 5 Plan of the Nitschke Mound Group (no page number associated with fold
out map)

339

McKern, W.C. (1931) A Wisconsin Variant of the Hopewell Culture. Bulletin of the Public
Museum of the City of Milwaukee Vol.10. No2. Aetna Press, Milwaukee
Wisconsin
Map 3 Trempealeau Bay Mound Groups (no page number associated with map
insert)
The requested permission extends to any future revisions and editions of my
dissertation/thesis, including non-exclusive world rights in all languages, and to the
prospective publication of my dissertation/thesis by ProQuest Information and Learning
(ProQuest) through its UMI® Dissertation Publishing business. ProQuest may produce
and sell copies of my dissertation/thesis on demand and may make my
dissertation/thesis available for free internet download at my request. These rights will in
no way restrict republication of the material in any other form by you or by others
authorized by you. Your signing of this letter will also confirm that you own [or your
company owns] the copyright to the above-described material.
If these arrangements meet with your approval, please sign the letter where indicated
below and return it to me in the enclosed return envelope. Thank you very much.

Sincerely,

Jered B. Cornelison
PERMISSION GRANTED FOR THE
USE REQUESTED ABOVE:
________________________________

Date:____________________________

340

Jered Cornelison
107 Olds Hall
408 West Circle Drive
Michigan State University
East Lansing, MI 48824
USA
November 1, 2013
Dr. Constance Arzigian
Mississippi Valley Archeology Center
1725 State Street
University of Wisconsin-LaCrosse
Lacrosse, WI 54601-3742

Dear Dr. Arzigian:
I am completing a doctoral dissertation at Michigan State University entitled
“AGENTS OF CORPORATE IDENTITY: PATTERNS AND VARIABILITY OF EFFIGY
MOUND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND RITUALISM”.
I would like your permission to reprint in my dissertation the following:
Bruder, E.G. (1953). Archeological Remains in Northeastern Dodge County. The
Wisconsin Archeologist 34(4): 181-206.
Plate 2 Kolterman Mound Group map (p. 185)
The requested permission extends to any future revisions and editions of my
dissertation/thesis, including non-exclusive world rights in all languages, and to the
prospective publication of my dissertation/thesis by ProQuest Information and Learning
(ProQuest) through its UMI® Dissertation Publishing business. ProQuest may produce
and sell copies of my dissertation/thesis on demand and may make my
dissertation/thesis available for free internet download at my request. These rights will in
no way restrict republication of the material in any other form by you or by others
authorized by you. Your signing of this letter will also confirm that you own [or your
company owns] the copyright to the above-described material.
If these arrangements meet with your approval, please sign the letter where indicated
below and return it to me in the enclosed return envelope. Thank you very much.

341

Sincerely,

Jered B. Cornelison
PERMISSION GRANTED FOR THE
USE REQUESTED ABOVE:
________________________________
Constance Arzigian
Date:____________________________

342

Jered Cornelison
107 Olds Hall
408 West Circle Drive
Michigan State University
East Lansing, MI 48824
USA
November 1, 2013
Wisconsin Geological and Natural History Survey
3817 Mineral Point Road
Madison, Wisconsin 53705-5100
telephone 608/262.1705 fax 608/262.8086
To Whom it May Concern:
I am completing a doctoral dissertation at Michigan State University entitled
“AGENTS OF CORPORATE IDENTITY: PATTERNS AND VARIABILITY OF EFFIGY
MOUND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND RITUALISM”.
I would like your permission to reprint in my dissertation the following:
Wisconsin Geological and Natural History Survey – Topographic map of Wisconsin
http://wisconsingeologicalsurvey.org/lnfm.htm
The requested permission extends to any future revisions and editions of my
dissertation/thesis, including non-exclusive world rights in all languages, and to the
prospective publication of my dissertation/thesis by ProQuest Information and Learning
(ProQuest) through its UMI® Dissertation Publishing business. ProQuest may produce
and sell copies of my dissertation/thesis on demand and may make my
dissertation/thesis available for free internet download at my request. These rights will in
no way restrict republication of the material in any other form by you or by others
authorized by you. Your signing of this letter will also confirm that you own [or your
company owns] the copyright to the above-described material.
If these arrangements meet with your approval, please sign the letter where indicated
below and return it to me in the enclosed return envelope. Thank you very much.

343

Sincerely,

Jered B. Cornelison
PERMISSION GRANTED FOR THE
USE REQUESTED ABOVE:
________________________________

Date:____________________________

344

LITERATURE CITED

345

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Barrett, S.A. and E.W. Hawkes
1919 The Kratz Creek Mound Group: A Study in Wisconsin Indian Mounds.
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1993 Altering the Earth: The Origins of Monuments in Britain and Continental
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