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This is to certify that the
thesis entitled

The Saudi Drug Control Policy:
Aspects of Its Historical Development

presented by

Abdullah A. Mubaraki

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Masters degree in Sociology

 

 

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MSU Is An Affirmdivo AetIaVEquaI Opportunity InuItution

 

THE SAUDI DRUG CONTROL POLICY: ASPECTS OF

ITS HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT

BY

Abdullah A. Mubaraki

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS
Department of Sociology

1989

5&30049

ABSTRACT

THE SAUDI DRUG CONTROL POLICY: ASPECTS OF
ITS HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT

BY
Abdullah A. Mubaraki

As a result of the spreading worldwide illicit drug
movement and problems hindering national and international
drug control systems, many societies, including Saudi
Arabia, have become new targets of the illicit market.
This study examined the development of Saudi Arabia's drug
control policy in response to the recent spread of drug
use. The spread of drug use in Saudi Arabia was related
to the international and regional drug situation and
recent changes in Saudi society. Because of international
drug control problems, the worldwide illicit drug
movement, and the swift economic development and social
change in Saudi Arabia, the government’s response to
eradicate drug-related problems has developed. Future
research is needed, especially an investigation of
problems limiting ‘the Ieffectiveness of Saudi drug law

enforcement.

To the precious memory of my grandfather,
Yahia H. Al-Jeriby,
and to my beloved parents,

Ali Al-Mubaraki and Fatima Al-Jeriby

iii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to express my sincere and special thanks
and appreciation to my advisor and committee chairman,
Professor Peter K. Manning, without whose guidance and
helpful advice this study would not have been completed.
I am also grateful to Professors Vincent Hoffman and Kevin
Kelly for their participation on the committee.

Appreciation is also extended to Islamic University
of Imam Mohammad Ibn Saud for its financial support; the
General Administration of Narcotic Control for its
cooperation in data collection; and the King Abdul-Aziz
City of Sciences and Technology for its helpful data-
shipping services.

I also wish to acknowledge my typist, Sue Cooley, for
her understanding and cheerful attitude; and finally, my
brother, Ahmad Al-Mubaraki, and all my friends for their
endless encouragement and great concern throughout the

course of working on this thesis.

iv

 

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

LIST OF MAPS O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Background of the Study Setting
Historical Background . . . .
Geography . . . . . . . . . .
Population . . . . . . . . .
Climate . . . . . . . . . . .
Economy . . . . . . . . . . .
Political and Judicial System .

Statement of the Research Problem

Purposes of the Study . . . . . .

Importance of the Study . . . . .

Sociological Significance of the S

Methodology and Data Sources . .

Limitations . . . . . . . . . . .

Overview . . . . . . . . . . . .

u Y

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00090000000000

II. REVIEW OF LITERATURE ON THE DRUG PROBLEM

The International Drug Situation .
Problems . . . . . . . . . . . .
Solutions . . . . . . . . . . . .
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

The Drug Situation in the Near an Middl

East . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Drug Situation in the Arab World
The Drug Situation in the Gulf Area .
The Drug Situation in Saudi Arabia .

Factors Contributing to Drug Use in

Saudi Society . . . . . . . . . . .

Kinds of Drugs . . . . . . . . . . . .

The Saudi Drug Control Policy . . . . .

The Saudi Drug Law Enforcement Network
Chapter Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . .

oooomoooo

Page
vii

viii

H

couches-um»

15

15
15
18
32

34
36
37
39

41
54
59
72
80

III. FINDINGS AND POLICY PROBLEMS . . . . . .

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Findings . . . . . . . . . .
National and International Drug
Control System . . . . . .

The Saudi Drug Control Policy .
The Policy Problems . . . . . . .
smary O O O O O O O O O O O O 0

IV. SUMMARY, IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS, AND
RECOMNDATIONS O O O O O O O O O O O 0

Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Implications and Conclusions . . .
The International Drug Control System
The Saudi Drug Control System . . . .
Recommendations . . . . . . . . .
The International Drug Control Policy
The Saudi Drug Control Policy . . . .
Suggested Future Studies . . . . . .

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

vi

Page
84

84
85

85
87
90
98

100

100
104
104
108
112
112
114
117

118

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page
1. The Saudi Drug Law Enforcement Network . . . . 73
2. The Saudi Drug Control Administration . . . . 78

vii

Map
1.

LIST OF MAPS

Map of Saudi Arabia . . . . . .
Opium Smuggling to Saudi Arabia
Khat Smuggling to Saudi Arabia .

Hashish Smuggling to Saudi Arabia

viii

Page

49
50

51

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

Controlling drug drug use, trafficking, and smuggling
has become an exigent matter in societies throughout the
world. various drug control systems, both deterrent and
preventative, have been developed to suppress or at least
reduce the spread of drug-related epidemics. On both the
national and international levels, drug control policies
have been strengthened, and rigorous countermeasures have
been undertaken. Nevertheless, drug-related problems are
still, unresolved, the 'trafficking in and smuggling of
narcotic drugs is spreading worldwide, and new kinds of
illegal substances have emerged and are widely used.

Because of the vast profits derived from illicit drug
trades, traffickers have expanded their activities to new
trading places where there is a demand for the drug supply
and an opportunity for greater profits. Saudi Arabia
recently has become one of these new targets of the
international trade in illicit drugs. Two major factors
attracted illicit. drug 'traffickers to carry out their
illegal activities in the Arabian Gulf area in general and
Saudi Arabia in particular: the massive wealth derived

from oil production and the extensive economic and social

development that has transformed these societies from
conservative entities to ones that are open to the rest of
the world.

To eradicate the spread of drug use among its people,
the Saudi Arabian government has developed a drug control
policy as a response to the recent spread of drug use in
the Kingdom. The death penalty has been sanctioned
against drug smugglers and traffickers. Various other
preventive and protective programs have been introduced,
and active Saudi participation on the subregional,
regional, national, and international levels to cooperate
in drug control strategies has been a priority of the

Saudi drug control policy.

c ro nd 0 e tu et i
W

Saudi Arabia as a modern state was founded by King Abd
al-Aziz Ibn Abd al-Rahman A1 Saud (known internationally
as Ibn Saud). After almost 25 years of a combination of
tribal conquest and diplomatic maneuvering, in 1932 King
Abd al-Aziz proclaimed the establishment of the Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia (Nyrop, 1984).

Arabia was the birthplace of Islam, even before Saudi
Arabia was established. The two holy cities of Islam,
Makkah (where the Prophet Mohammad was born) and Al-Madina
(the city to which the Prophet Mohammad emigrated) are

located in Saudi Arabia. Every Moslem is obliged, at

least once during his or her lifetime, to make the annual
pilgrimage (bail) to Makkah.

The most important event in the history of modern
Saudi Arabia is the discovery of oil in the mid-19305.
Yet Saudi oil production did not actually begin until
after World War II. The resulting oil wealth accelerated
growth in both the economic and social sectors and
transformed the kingdom from an underdeveloped to a
rapidly developing nation. Despite the tremendous changes
Saudi society has been witnessing as a result of this
development, many of its traditional and cultural values

remain unchanged (U.S. Department of State, 1986).

Geography

Saudi Arabia is located in the southwestern part of
Asia; it occupies almost 80% of the Arabic Peninsula.
Saudi Arabia's land area is estimated to be about
2,217,949 square kilometers (856,128 square miles), which
is approximately equivalent to that portion of the United
States east of the Mississippi River (Nyrop, 1984).

Saudi Arabia is bounded by Kuwait, Iraq, and Jordan
on the north: South and North Yemen on the south: the
United Arab Emirates, Quatar, Oman, and the Arabian
(Persian) Gulf on the east: and the Red Sea and the Gulf
of Agaba on the west. The country has five geographical
regions: the Northern region, the Southwestern region

(Asir, Jizan, and Wajran provinces), the Eastern region

(Al-Hasa and the Eastern province), the Western region
(Al-Hijas), and the Central region (Najd) (Almolhem,

1986). (See Map 1.)

22211153221:

According to the EQIIQ.D§!§192E§B§.B§EQI§ (1988), the
population of Saudi Arabia was estimated at about 12
million inhabitants in 1986, with average growth of 4.1%
annually. The same year, the crude birth rate was
estimated at 42 per 1,000 population; 8 per 1,000
population was the estimated crude death ratea The
country's urban population has increased dramatically--
from 39% in 1965 to 72% in 1985--because job opportunities
exist in the cities. The Wozld Developmege Repert
estimated that Saudi Arabia's population will be 20

million by the year 2000, with 3.8% average annual growth.

Qlimete

With the exception of the Southwestern region, Saudi
Arabia has a desert climate. Temperatures vary between
the coastal lands and the interior. In regions along the
coast of the Red Sea, the temperature seldom exceeds 38°C
(100.4°F) during the summer. However, in the Central
region, the average temperature frequently exceeds 48°C
(120°F). During the winter, the temperature rarely drops

below 0°C (32°F). Rainfall in Saudi Arabia is generally

 

 

 

 

Map 1.--Map of Saudi Arabia. (Source: Saudi
Arabia, Ministry of Planning, 1985.)

sparse, except in the southwestern part of the country

(Nyrop, 1984).

EQQDQE!

Saudi Arabia's economy is primarily based on oil-
production exports. It has been estimated that, in 1982,
86% of the government revenues came from oil-export
revenues (U.S. Department of State, 1986).

Because of its oil wealth, the Saudi government
undertook a massive development program that emphasized
the infrastructure in all sectors of the society and
concentrated on improving social and economic conditions
in the land. Between 1970 and 1985, three major
development plans, each encompassing five years, were
designed. By the early 1980s, most of the main objectives
of the development plans had been achieved. Living
conditions among the Saudi population have improved to the
extent that the country’s per capita income is among the
highest in the world (Almolhem, 1986). Despite the rapid
economic development that Saudi society has been
witnessing, the main aim of national policy has been to
modernize *without undermining’ the nation's Islamic
heritage and traditions (U.S. Department of State, 1986).

A major obstacle the Saudi government faced in
carrying out its development plans was a shortage of
manpower. Therefore, the government had to rely on

expatriate workers, notably Asians. The number of these

workers in both the governmental and nongovernmental
sectors increased dramatically: in the economic sector
alone, it was estimated that more than three million
workers were foreigners (U.S. Department of State, 1986) .
Consequently, the Saudi government has begun providing
various training programs in both the social and economic

sectors for its nationals and discouraging the employment

of foreigners (Middle East Repore, 1985).

Political and Judicial System

The basic foundation of Saudi Arabia’s political and
judicial system is the Sharia (Islamic law). The Sharia
consists of the following interrelated sources: (a) the
Quran (the holy book and the original source of Islamic
law), (b) the Sunnah (the second source of Islamic law,
which includes the Prophet Mohammad's sayings and acts),
(c) lime (consensus of Moslem legal scholars on legal

questions), and (d) shura (consultation among religious

 

leaders) (Almolhem, 1986). Saudi Arabia has no formal
constitution like that of western nations, and "political
parties and national elections are unknown. . . .
Legislation is enacted by resolution of the Council of
Ministers, is ratified by royal decree, and must be
compatible with the Sharia" (U.S. Department of State,
1986).

Saudi Arabia is divided into 14 administrative

provinces, each of which is governed by an emir or

 

governor. Governors, as representatives of the king,
report either to the Ministry of the Interior or directly
to the king.

Justice in Saudi Arabia is administered according to
Islamic law by a system of religious courts composed of 12
senior judges (gegie) who are appointed by the king on the
recommendation of the Supreme Judicial Council_(U.S.
Department of State, 1986). The Supreme Judicial Council
functions within the Ministry of Justice. Its task is to
set legal precedents and to examine the lower courts'
decision concerning such issues as the death penalty,
stoning, and amputation (Nyrop, 1984).

Saudi courts differ from those in the West: juries
and defense attorneys are unknown. The judge, who must be
a graduate of the Faculty of Islamic Law (a Sharia school)
makes all of the court's decisions. In criminal cases, as
there is no defense attorney, the judge will ask the
suspect to defend himself. The government’s prosecuting
attorney and witnesses attend the trial, but the final

decisions rests solely with the judge (Almolhem, 1986).

t t m n 0 se e
As a result of the current epidemic of drug-related
problems, nations throughout the world have been
developing policies to curtail the flow and use of illegal
drugs, either through the penal or rehabilitative system,

in an attempt to eradicate or at least reduce the spread

of the drug problem. Cooperative international efforts to
prevent drug abuse and drug trafficking have also been
undertaken. The global response concerning punishment for
drug-related offenses has become very rigorous: in fact,
more than 13 nations sanction the death penalty for some
drug-related crimes (Trebach, 1987) . Nevertheless, the
number of drug addicts is increasing, drug-trafficking
activities remain uncontrolled, and national and
international drug control policies have apparently failed
to curtail the situation. New kinds of drugs are being
used, the demand for drugs is increasing, and new trading
places for illicit markets have emerged.

Saudi Arabia recently has become a target for the
international drug market. Since the discovery of oil,
Saudi society has witnessed a comprehensive development
and has been changed from an underdeveloped to a modern
nation in less than two decades. This swift
transformation has noticeably affected traditional Saudi
values, changed the life style of the population, and
transformed the once-conservative and traditional society
by exposing it to different cultures and to the more
liberal practices of other societies. As a result,
various pathological phenomena, such as drug and alcohol
abuse, have become serious problems in the Saudi society.

The Saudi government has responded to drug-related

problems in the society by making its drug control

10

policy much more rigid. The former drug control policy
has been reinforced, and new methods of drug control have
been. introduced. More severe sanctions ‘have lbeen
instituted for drug-related offenses, and active
participation in the international movement to control
drug abuse and drug trafficking has been recognized as an

essential aspect of the Saudi drug control effort.

W

The writer’s primary purpose in conducting this study
was to contribute to the knowledge about the drug control
policy in Saudi Arabia by investigating that policy and
its development over the past eight years, 1980 through
1988. A secondary purpose was to determine what factors
have hindered the drug enforcement policy. The writer
also attempted to provide a general background on (a) the
current status of international drug control policies and
(b) a brief history of drug abuse in Saudi society.

Because drug abuse has just recently been recognized
as a serious problem in Saudi society, very few studies
have been carried out in this area. Most of these studies
were originally concerned with the worldwide epidemic of
drug abuse, how this problem emerged in the Saudi society,
and the preventive methods that should be adopted to
eradicate this disease. All of the available writings

concerned with the Saudi drug control policy either were

11

minor studies on drugs in general or were governmental

reports to the drug control agencies.

W

The primary purpose of this study was to contribute
to the knowledge of drug problems in Saudi society in
general, and of the Saudi drug control policy in
particular. Results of the evaluation of Saudi drug
control methods undertaken in this study can be of value
to the special Saudi commissions that have been
established to alleviate drug-abuse problems, the drug
enforcement agencies, and other organizations that deal
with drug-related issues. This study, as well as other
analogous studies, will contribute to the future endeavors
of investigative researchers, especially with regard to
methods of controlling illegal substances. Moreover,
other countries that might choose to adopt a drug control
policy similar to that of Saudi Arabia may find this
report valuable in reexamining some of their own control

procedures.

'0 ' a ' ' 'c n S u
The sociological significance of this study arises
through the following:
1. The study has sociological significance because

it explains how the changes in the social life of a

12

society create value conflict, institutional and family
changes, and religious trends.

2. Saudi Arabia, like other developing societies,
has been influenced by modernization and development,
which have resulted in the appearance of homogeneous
social problems, including the spread of drug use.

3. The government, in this regard, has attempted to
solve these problems through providing social welfare,
such as health care, education, security, roads, and so
on, which is considered a means of gaining public

acceptance and solving the drug problem.

t odolo d ata 0 es

This study was a qualitative one, in which the
researcher relied entirely on the available literature,
both in Arabic and in English, for his information.
Because the drug-related epidemic has emerged only
recently in Saudi Arabia, most of the relevant literature
for this study comprised diverse published and unpublished
writings available primarily in Saudi Arabia.

The data were obtained through visits to the Saudi
drug control agencies, such as the General Administration
for Narcotics Control, the Central Office of Crime
Control, and the library of the Arabic Center for Security
Studies. To obtain additional data while in the United
States, the researcher used a shipping service from Saudi

Arabia to the United States, provided by King Abdul-Aziz

13

City for Science and Technology through its Directorate of
Information Systems and Technical Services. Other sources
of information were publications of the Saudi Ministry of
the Interior, Saudi Arabian statistical yearbooks, local
Saudi newspapers and magazines, documents published by the
United States government and the United Nations, and
pertinent sources from the Michigan State University
library.

The period covered in the study was from 1980 to the
present time. This period was selected for two reasons:

1. Drug abuse in Saudi society was not recognized as
a serious problem until the late 19705. In addition,
according to a recent study by Al-Saud (1988), such drugs
as heroin, cocaine, and morphine were rarely available in
Saudi Arabia before 1983. That same year, some
information on smuggling of drugs into Saudi Arabia was
released (Al-Saud, 1988).

2. Because of the current spread of drug-related
problems in Saudi Arabia, various efforts toward
developing and reinforcing drug control in Saudi Arabia

have recently been undertaken.

Limitafim
The major limitation on this study was the lack of
literature on narcotic drugs in Saudi society in general,

and on drug control policies in particular. Because of

14

this shortage of data on the topic under consideration,
the researcher was restricted in his investigation to a
limited perspective. As a result, the main argument of
this research was limited to representing the actual
situation of the problem focus. This limitation may have
affected, either directly or indirectly, the findings of
this research. The researcher anticipates that various
related questions for further investigation will arise as

a result of this research.

Ove 'ew

This thesis is organized into four chapters.
Chapter I was an introductory chapter, which included
background information on the research setting, the
problem focus, the purposes and importance of the study,
and the methodology and data sources used in conducting
the research. Chapter II is a review of selected
literature on the drug situation and drug control efforts
throughout the world in general and in Saudi Arabia in
particular, and the development of a drug control policy
in Saudi Arabia. Chapter III contains an examination of
the information collected to fulfill the purposes of this
study. Implications of the national and international
drug issue and the consequences of the worldwide drug

problem in Saudi Arabia are discussed in Chapter IV.

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF LITERATURE ON THE DRUG PROBLEM

I] I t !' l E 5.! I'

Since the beginning of the twentieth century,
controlling the use, trafficking, and smuggling of
narcotics progressively has become one of the most
essential issues confronting numerous societies throughout
the world. Drug-related problems have recently become an
overwhelming influence that undermines the social,
economic, and political aspects of numerous countries.
The national and international war on drugs has reached
the point that, despite the massive sum of money and
extensive efforts that have been expended to eradicate the
illicit use, trade, and smuggling of drugs, the effects of

such attempts have been virtually insignificant.

Problems

According to the 1987 report of the International
Narcotics Control Board (INCB), over the past two decades
the use of drugs, both natural and synthetic, has
progressively increased to the extent that it now
devastates most parts of the world and menaces all

segments of every society. Cannabis is considered to be

15

16

the drug most commonly used throughout the world. Heroin
use is continuously spreading in very striking forms.
Cocaine and several psychotropic substances are also used
worldwide. The health hazard to drug users is aggravated
by the simultaneous use of two or more drugs in
combination with alcohol and/or tobacco, as well as by
taking drugs through intravenous injection, which results
in a high risk of contracting the deadly acquired
immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS). This is especially true
when different persons (one of whom is infected with the
AIDS virus) use the same needle.

Concerning the illicit production and manufacture of
drugs, the number of countries where these activities take
place is growing. Such illicit activities, according to
the INCB, are being financed and masterminded by
international crime organizations. The vast profits
generated. by illicit. drug ‘trafficking, often laundered
through legitimate enterprises (INCB, 1987) , are being
used to finance other criminal activities. "This whole
process continues to not only undermine the economic and
social order, but also to imperil the social fabric and
even, in some cases, the political stability and security
of countries" (INCB, 1987, p. l).

The continuing deterioration of the drug situation
throughout the world has reached such dimensions as to

have led the international community to intensify

17

countermeasures against illicit drug cultivation,
production, manufacture, trafficking, and use. Therefore,
cooperation on the governmental level is being organized.
During 1986, a number of policies and recommendations were
considered to reduce the magnitude of drug-related
problems, especially the economic, social, and political
aspects of those problems (INCB, 1986).

At the operational level, many countries are
strengthening their national enforcement activities and
giving higher precedence to counteracting illicit drugs.
These controlling activities have led to the arrest of
some notorious dealers and traffickers, destruction of
some illegally cultivated crops and clandestine
laboratories, and seizure of vast quantities of drugs,
money, and weapons (INCB, 1986, 1987). In addition, a
number of countries have developed drug penal codes and
imposed rigorous policies to control the use of some
psychotropic substances and the manufacture of such
narcotics as heroin and cocaine (Narcotic Drugs Mission,
1986).

Despite all these achievements on both the national
and international levels, illicit traffic in drugs remains
widely uncontrolled. This situation has been attributed
primarily to the lack of effective controlling actions and

drug enforcement policies carried out by both national and

18

international drug control systems. Ineffectiveness has
been blamed on manifold difficulties. Some of the
difficulties related to the enforcement of drug laws are
the lack of sufficient resources to address the drug
problem, lack of training among drug enforcement officers,
and the link between illicit drug trades and organized

criminal activities (Chatterjee, 1987).

Selutiens

International efforts to combat the diffusion of
drug-related epidemics have been under way since the
beginning of this century. Such efforts were initiated by
the International Opium Commission in Shanghai in 1909.
As the use of psychoactive drugs became aggravated in many
areas of the world, a number of other international
treaties for drug control were formulated. By the mid-
19505, provisions of these treaties were combined in the
1961 Convention on Narcotic Drugs, followed by the 1971
Convention on Psychotropic Substances, and the 1972
protocol amending the 1961 Convention. All of these
treaties were formulated as an international instrument to
provide a framework of legislation to control the
cultivation, production, and manufacture of illicit drugs
and their illegal use (Rexed, Edmondson, Khan, & Samson,

1984).

19

The international drug control system, established by
these treaties, depends heavily on the cooperative
performance of national authorities. They alone can
control the spread of drug use and illicit activities
through their respective jurisdictions, to accomplish the
goals of the treaties. However, among the major
restraining factors that pose a serious challenge to
international. drug' control efforts is the shortage of
active collaboration by national governments concerning
drug-related control programs (INCB, 1985).

To encourage national authorities to engage in
greater cooperation and more effective participation in
addressing the current and exigent drug situation, an
international conference held in Vienna in June 1987,
attended by representatives of 138 governments, called for
"vigorous action against drug abuse and illicit
trafficking." The conference also emphasized improving
cooperation and participation in providing accurate
information and practicing effectual national drug law
enforcement measures. Furthermore, conference
participants approved 35 targets of future action
concerning measures to control drug abuse and illicit
trafficking and primarily "focused on reduction of both
supply of and demand for drugs, as well as rehabilitation

and treatment of addicts." In this sense, at the opening

20

of the conference, Secretary General Javier Perez
deCuellar said,

Together we can and must put a stop to this modern-

day slavery called drug addiction. Together we can

put an end to the violence which it has spawned.

. . . Together we can ensure that the forces of life

and hope will triumph over the forces of death and

despair. (Flynn-Connors, 1987, p. 8)

The urgent question that has been extensively asked
is not whether the supply of and demand for illicit drugs
can be suppressed, but, rather, whether they can be
reduced. Whatever the optimistic expectations for the
future, the answers to these and similar questions depend
on the grasp of various aspects regarding the surrounding
stigma of the status quo of drug-related problems. Given
the fact that addiction to drugs and other mood-altering
substances is deeply rooted in any society and illicitly
supplying drugs to meet the steadily increasing demand has
become a source of vast profits, it seems that effective
control efforts to reduce the magnitude of these problems
can only be achieved through the joint implementation of
vigorous actions by both national and international drug
control systems through penal and preventive programs
(Chatterjee, 1987).

Major problems confronting the international drug
control system are still unresolved. At the forty-second

session of the INCB, held in Vienna in October 1987,

participants examined the problems that contribute to the

21

continuous threat of illicit and uncontrolled drug
activities worldwide. The Board emphasized problems
emerging from illegal "cultivation of narcotic plants such
as the opium poppy, coca bush and cannabis: the non-
medical consumption of opiates, cocaine, and cannabis: and
the growing abuse of, and traffic in, psychotropic
substances" (INCB Secretariat, 1987, p. 2).

Concerning drug abuse, a common problem that hinders
achieving effective drug control efforts, on both the
national and international levels, is the nonavailability
of reliable data on the real extent of drug abuse, its
patterns, and the shifts in these patterns. Regarding the
number of drug abusers, Trebach (1986) argued that "it
should be kept in mind that estimates concerning the
number of users are not always completely reliable, nor
can they be considered comparable" (p. .109). The
difficulties in obtaining accurate data are brought about
by differences in methods of data collection, definitions
used, and languages from one society to another (Trebach,
1982). Other factors such as the society's structure and
culture and available sources and techniques of data
-collection, which vary among countries, may pose serious
constraints to obtaining complete and accurate estimates
of drug use (Rexed et al., 1984). Consequently, these

factors not only make it difficult to obtain appropriate

22

assessments of the world drug situation, but also make it
impracticable to achieve effective drug control efforts.
Although achieving an effective drug control system
is the ultimate goal of every society worldwide, national
and international drug control procedures are widely
susceptible to various prevailing forces. These forces
usually create some constraining influences that pose a
serious challenge to establishing effective drug control
efforts. In view of the fact that "successful drug law
enforcement presupposes effective legislation on drug
control and its efficient enforcement" (Chatterjee, 1987,
p. 6), effective drug law enforcement countermeasures
carried out by both national and international authorities
have encountered various constraints. These constraints
often arise because of a variety of legal, economic,
social, and political factors. The clandestine nature of
illicit activities, the inelastic dependence of drug
users, the vast profits derived from illicit drug trade,
and legal obstacles surrounding the detection methods used
by drug enforcement agencies have limited national and
international endeavors to reduce the illicit demand and
supply of drugs (Heller, 1973).
In addition, drug law enforcement officers, in
their attempt to control drug problems, encounter
different kinds of forces, from both inside and outside

their work places. Inside forces limiting police actions

23

on drug-related offenses emerge mainly through the lack of
"information and informational sharing, evaluation,
targeting," and trained personnel. Outside constraining
forces, which. are lbeyond. the control of the drug
enforcement agencies, usually' arise through legal,
cooperative, and informational constraints on the national
level, or through the dynamic nature of drug markets and
international drug politics that facilitate the spread of
narcotics worldwide (Manning, 1980).

Legal obstacles generally arise through conflicts
regarding constitutional procedures. In the United
States, for example, drug enforcement agencies involved in
detection of drug-related crimes often confront
constitutional restrictions, especially those inherent in
Fourth Amendment restraints on police search and arrest
procedures in cases of drug possession (Heller, 1973).

On the international level, in some countries where
drug-related problems imperil all segments of society and
affect most age groups, some unresolved legal issues
regarding drug-related crimes committed by youths are
still having no "uniform application of law and treatment"
under the international drug control system (Chatterjee,
1985). This and other legal limitations on drug law
enforcement 'unquestionably' undermine international drug

control efforts.

24

Over the past few years, both national and
international drug control efforts have achieved
significant progress, but the illicit activities have not
been curtailed or even meaningfully reduced. Because of
the nature of illicit markets, when drug trafficking is
eradicated in one place, it springs up in another.
Furthermore, some illicit traffickers hire lawyers to take
advantage of loopholes in the laws and administrative
procedures (INCB, 1987).

Recently, new and hazardous kinds of drugs ("designer
drugs"), analogous to original substances controlled by
national and international law, have emerged (Division of
Narcotic Drugs, 1987). The manufacture of these designer
drugs has emerged primarily in the United States,
particularly in western states. However, in 1986,
manufacturing operations were discovered in the eastern
part of the nation, as well. Through a slight difference
in the chemical composition of the parent substances,
which are controlled, more powerful and dangerous
substances are being produced. Because of the differences
in chemical make-up, these analogues of controlled
substances do not yet fall within legal controls (INCB,
1985). Some of these designer drugs, such as White Powder
(new heroin) and China White, are cheap to synthesize and
produce. "Theoretically, a single chemist could produce

the equivalent of the entire world's supply of heroin

25

without growing or harvesting a single opium poppy"
(Shafer, 1985, p. 62). The spread of this illegal
activity to other countries is possible. Therefore, the
INCB (1986) urged all governments to take immediate and
vigilant actions to control the spread of such hazardous
substances.

The INCB’s call for international cooperation and
rigorous actions was not only to prevent the spread of
designer drugs, but also to establish successful control
of all other kinds of drugs. The international drug
control system cannot operate except through national
administrations. The collaboration of governments
(whether or not they participated in the 1961 convention)
in submitting updated reports to the Board is essential
and is the only way the system's actions will be
effective. In 1974, the Board stated, "It must always be
borne in mind that international action can only be as
effective as national authorities permit it to be" (p. 8).
In 1986, the INCB wrote:

The international drug control system, which evolved

over the last eight years, rests on the recognition

that drugs cannot be controlled and abuse contained
unless all countries not only take national action

but also cooperate internationally. (p. 6)

Inadequate or tardy submission of governmental
reports on drug-related issues has hindered international

narcotic control efforts. Without such reports, it has

been impossible to obtain a complete and accurate

26

assessment of the drug situation worldwide: thus, reducing
the magnitude of the drug problems seems to be equivocal
(INCB, 1985). Concerning difficulties in obtaining
accurate data with which to review world drug use, World
Health Organization (WHO) experts stated that, mainly
because drug abuse "is an illegal activity and difficult
to monitor precisely, most countries were providing only
tip-of—the-iceberg figures, and many countries supplied no
statistical data at all" (World Health Organization, 1985,
p. 630).

Another limitation on the international drug control
system’s efforts to achieve its goals is the connection
between drug trades and the socioeconomic development of a
society. In Colombia, for example, according to a
specialist on Colombia at the University of Miami, $2.5 to
$3 billion of the drug profits are returned to Colombia's
public economic circulation every year (Massing, 1989).
Also, in some countries where illicit cultivation takes
place (such as with the coca bush in Colombia),
governments are unable to exercise their control because
of the inaccessibility of such areas (Messing, 1989). In
addition, in some societies, endeavors to implement
programs to eradicate the cultivation of opium poppies
have countered resistance from the population engaged in
such cultivation because the opium trade is their only

source of cash income. Because of the economic dependence

27

on illicit drug trades and the lack of effective measures
to abolish opium cultivation, there has been an increase
in illicit trafficking and a decrease in the likelihood of
gaining suitable solutions to the problem worldwide (INCB,
1975).

In some countries, such as Burma, the Lao People’s
Democratic Republic and Thailand (South East Asia),
Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Lebanon (Near and Middle East),
cultivation of the opium poppy, which has caused high
illicit production of opium and imposed problems for both
national and international drug control systems, is still
uncontrolled.

Examining the consequences of drug control efforts,
the INCB in 1987 indicated that, despite achievements in
such efforts in these regions, there has been an increase
in the demand for and supply of drugs: an expansion of
opium and cannabis cultivation to other regions in East
and. South-East. Asia: an escalation in 'the production,
manufacture, and use of heroin: and widespread,
uncontrolled, and often unlocated areas of opium poppy and
cannabis cultivation in the Near and Middle East.

Moreover, the United States, in its international
cooperation to eradicate cultivation and production of
drugs in South America, is another example of failure in

the drug control policy. In the so-called Operation Blast

28

Furnace, U.S. international drug control personnel
undertook an attack on cocaine production in Bolivia, with
little success. In fact, U.S. eradication attempts
accelerated the spread of coca cultivation in other areas
of the area, jeopardized the government's status in the
region, and endangered the already unstable equilibrium of
the local economy (Guillermoprieto, 1986). An underlying
factor in the U.S. failure to eradicate coca production in
Bolivia appeared to be economic. This was clear when a
Bolivian counselor responded to Operation Blast Furnace by
saying, "We would never be able to control production
then. You can't tell people not to make money." Also, a
Bolivian economist, Herbert Muller, pointed out that
the ultimate market value of Bolivian cocaine is an
estimated $6 billion a year. Most of that money
winds up in bank accounts outside the country. But
an estimated $300 million every year trickles back
into local circulation--an amount equivalent to 8.5
percent of Bolivia's 1985 gross domestic product of
3.5 billion. (Guillermoprieto, 1986, p. 63)
He concluded, "Drugs are the great social cushion for the
country's economic crisis" (Guillermoprieto, 1986, p. 63).
The main objective of the U.S. international drug
control system is to cooperate with other governments in
their efforts to suppress the illicit cultivation and
production of drugs. However, U.S. efforts, like other
international efforts, encounter difficulties that vary in

their effects from one country to another. Another

example is the U.S. cooperation to help the Pakistani

29

government eradicate opium cultivation, production, and
trafficking activities. Difficulties have arisen because
"traditional values and customs, market forces,
bureaucratic disputes, tribal autonomy, and the time
needed to implement development programs" make it almost
impossible for these drug control efforts to achieve
satisfactory consequences (Hearing, 1984, p. 5). This
also appears to be true when the massive profits derived
from drug traffic in some countries contribute to the
national economy. Therefore, attempts to control the
illicit trade will naturally meet with resistance (Bruun,
Pan, & Rexed, 1975).

Failure of the international drug control system to
suppress illicit activities in some narcotic-producing
countries seems to have resulted from the economic
dependence of people who practice illegal cultivation on
the traffickers' support, which their government is unable
to provide. In a statement concerning the International
Drug Enforcement Act, Charles B. Rancel, a Congressional
representative from New York, addressed the difficulties
in reducing drug-related activities in these countries:

Unfortunately, many of these fragile democracies have

found themselves held hostage by corruption, by the

drug traffickers, and have reached the point
economically that the traffickers are providing more
of a service to their people than the government
itself can provide. So I really don't think, no

matter what type of assistance we give, that we will
be able to see any reduction in the production of

30

these drugs, because the people are dependent on the

money and the governments are afraid to move forward.

(Hearing, 1987, p. 5)

Although many societies, especially those that have a
long history of drug addiction, have spent a vast amount
of money on drug control and treatment efforts, the
returns on these efforts have been low. Bellis (1981)
attributed this failure to the inability of addiction-
control strategies to take into account the "political and
economic realities of (1) upper world groups who fight
heroin addiction, and (2) the functions of the underworld
heroin market" (p. 175). He pointed out the counteractive
relationship between the two groups--those who fight drug
addiction and others who attempt to maintain addiction and
to impair future attempts to improve drug policies. As an
example, Bellis cited the decriminalization of heroin in
America. Also, Wrobleski (1989), refuting Massing’s 1988
article entitled "The War on Cocaine," argued that "all
the money in the world will not solve the drug problem if
political will is absent" (p. 40).

Another point of view emphasizes that the
international crime syndicates, whose only motive is to
make profits, are the primary controllers of drug
trafficking activities. Profits from these activities
enable criminal organizations to perpetuate the illicit
drug supply, increase the demand, and corrupt public

officials in order to sustain the illicit trafficking and

31

trading system. These massive illegal profits are often
transformed into legitimate funds and deposited in banks
or perhaps invested in legitimate enterprises. The
national and international systems mainly emphasize the
arrest of these illegal investors and were not formed to
confiscate their profits, which are nearly impossible to
trace, especially when the money is invested in legal
enterprises under other jurisdictions (Stamler, 1984).

As mentioned above, the illicit drug trade worldwide
is principally based on the desire of traffickers and top
dealers for profits. These unlawful activities, as an
ample source of profits, hinder drug control efforts in
both punitive and preventative systems. Chatterjee
(1984), in his discussion of some unresolved questions
concerning the sentencing policy in criminal law,
indicated the negative effect of illicit traffickers’
profits on the national and international drug control
system. He concluded:

The primary purposes of a sentencing policy are

twofold: correctional and deterrence. Where

economic gains of crimes are enormous, no sentencing
policy, however stringent it may be, will attain
those two purposes. Such is the case of illicit drug

traffickers. (p. 73)

Unfortunately, in some nations, possession of the
proceeds from drug trafficking is not considered a crime.

In fact, the number of countries that consider revealing

banking information regarding such proceeds as a crime

32

exceeds the number of countries that do not. Moreover,
no international agreement prohibits the possession of
proceeds of drug trafficking. Consequently, successfully
"freezing, seizing, or securing the forfeiture" of
proceeds worldwide and prosecuting those who invest them

seems to be virtually impossible (Stamler, 1984).

53mm

From the above discussion, it seems obvious that the
expectation of devising ways to eradicate drug-related
problems is idealistic rather than practical. Drug law
enforcement efforts are hindered by conflicts with local,
state, and/or federal constitutions: an increase in demand
for illicit drugs: social and psychological dependence on
drugs: the economic importance of drug trades in most
drug-producing nations: and ignorance of the political
reality of drugs. As a result, those attempting to
eradicate or at least reduce drug problems have
essentially to recognize the nature , of such prevailing
factors.

In addition, the improbability of finding solutions
can be perceived if one considers the nature of drug use,
the insufficient drug law enforcement, and the massive
profits derived from illicit trafficking. These factors,
in addition to the existing technological progress in

communications and logistics systems, will inspire illicit

33

traffickers to increase the demand for drugs and perhaps
even to introduce more of the new kinds of narcotic
substances, especially those of a psychotropic nature.
Thus, drug law enforcement countermeasures will be
operating more as deterrents than as eradicators. To
reduce the magnitude of the drug problem worldwide, the
factors contributing to increased drug use and illicit
drug activities must be rigorously controlled. This
cannot be accomplished except through the intensive
response of national authorities (Chatterjee, 1987).

In conclusion, national and international drug
control systems, in their endeavors to eradicate drug use,
trafficking, and smuggling, have apparently ignored or
refused to recognize the unavoidable facts surrounding the
drug situation. The "war on drugs," for example, is one
way that some nations are struggling with drug-related
problems. This war is obviously being undertaken without
taking into account the nature of such illegal substances,
the medical value of drugs, the political economy of drugs
by monopolistic groups (Manning, 1980), and the political
concept of drugs. Therefore, without realizing such
dominant factors, the war on drugs can be considered a
"metaphorical war" (Szasz, 1987). The war is termed

"metaphorical" mainly because of the nature of the

34

war-related fantasy or morality and the facts of its
continuing failure.

Because of the illicit movement of drugs throughout
the entire world, a number of societies have become new
targets for the illicit market. Drug—related epidemics in
these societies vary from one country to another and from
one region to another within the same society. Since
Saudi society was the main focus of this study, the
following sections provide a background of the drug
situation in the Middle East in general, and the Arab
world and the Gulf area in particular, to give the reader

a clear picture of the surrounding milieu.

The Dgug Situation in the Nee; egd Middle East

The Near and Middle East region is considered the
major source of illicit opiates and cultivation of illicit
cannabis (INCB, 1983). Opium poppy and heroin
laboratories are often located near these cultivation
areas (INCB, 1987). In addition to the use of heroin in
the region, psychotropic substances are available at low
cost. This draws the attention of authorities in the area
to the lack of drug control programs. The Sub-Commission
on Illicit Drug Traffic and Related Matters in the Near
and Middle East, at its January 1987 session, emphasized
the inadequacy of drug control efforts in the area and

indicated a need for effective drug enforcement measures,

35

training programs for drug law enforcement officers, and
immediate cooperation, especially at the operational level
(INCB, 1987).

The 1985, 1986, and 1987 reports of the INCB
concerning the Near and Middle East indicated the ready
availability of the locally produced opiates and cannabis,
the traditional use of opium in the region, and a striking
feature of the spread of heroin use, because heroin
manufacturing laboratories in the area are supplying both
regional and international illicit markets. Effective
efforts to control the illicit cultivation and production
of the opium poppy and the manufacture of heroin need
systematic surveys of the locations where these illicit
activities take place. Until 1987, the INCB stated, such
a survey was still essential in locating these areas and
achieving effective control measures.

Since a number of Near and Middle Eastern nations
contribute a great quantity of natural drug products to
the international illicit market, most of the problems
facing the international drug control system also are
significant barriers to drug law enforcement in these
societies. In addition, authorities in some of these
nations have been unable to control the illicit activities
within their territories. They have not been completely
cooperative in reporting annual estimates of the magnitude

of drug problems in their societies or in admitting the

36

socioeconomic dependence on the drug trades in some of

these drug-producing nations.

W

In the past, drug use and its related problems were
limited to a few nations in the Arab world: until 1919,
cannabis resin (hashish) and opium were the only drugs
used. Now drug use has spread to all Arab nations, and
all kinds of drugs are used, produced, and cultivated.

Concerning illicit drug activities in the Arab world,
a representative of the League of Arab States to the
International Committee on Narcotics (1966) categorized
the Arab nations as (a) producers of hashish (Lebanon,
Sudan, and Morocco): (b) smuggling routes (Syria, Lebanon,
and Jordan); and (c) consumers (Egypt, Syria, Saudi
Arabia, Yemen, and Kuwait). Opium is produced mainly in
Turkey and smuggled through Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan to
Egypt, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait. Heroin is produced
mainly in Lebanon and smuggled to Europe and America. At
the International Committee’s 1985 session, the
representative of the Arab League again described drug use
in the Arab countries as accelerating. The use of heroin
is rapidly increasing, hashish is the most widely used
drug, and khat (see page 55) is chewed, especially in
Saudi Arabia, Yemen, the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar

(Aied, 1987).

37

The penal system in Arab nations varies from one
country to another. Whereas some governments inflict the
death penalty for some drug-related offenses (Egypt, Iraq,
and recently Saudi Arabia), others sanction a life
sentence (Algeria and Libya). In some countries, those
suspected of drug use are jailed for three to five years.
However, some governments in the area prefer treatment
rather than imprisonment of drug addicts (Center of
Research on Crime Control, 1985).

Finally, a factor contributing to the spread of drug
use among young Arabs has been "the influence of a long
history of traditional drug abuse, various socio-cultural
pressures, social ills and the alienation of the young"

(Okasha, 1985, p. 71).

i tio ' r a

In the Gulf countries, or what the INCB terms "States
in the Eastern part of the Arabian peninsula," cannabis is
widely used: opiates are also used, but to a lesser
extent. Heroin use is spreading and, because of its high
purity, a number of deaths have resulted from overdoses.
Psychotropic substances, such as amphetamines,
amphetamine-like substances, and methaqualone, which are
manufactured mainly in Europe, are widely used in most
countries in the area. Various kinds of drugs are being

smuggled into the Gulf area, primarily from Middle Eastern

38

and South Asian nations. In sum, an official from one
country in the region termed the influx of drug use and
illicit trafficking a "deluge" (INCB, 1985, 1986).

Preventive programs in the affected countries of the
Gulf region are being given higher priority, to the extent
that some countries have established hospitals exclusively
for treatment of drug addicts. Drug laws and drug law
enforcement in most countries in the area have already
been reinforced, and further control strategies have been
introduced. In this regard, Ministers of the Interiors of
states in the region called for meetings, held in Saudi
Arabia in 1985, which emphasized interregional cooperation
in all essential matters related to drug control efforts,
such as "the sharing of information, the harmonizing of
laws and penalties, the training of enforcement personnel,
and cooperation among border control officials" (INCB,
1985, p. 22).

Because narcotic drugs are not produced in the Gulf
area, drug problems are apparently resulting from various
factors. The major factors are considered to be (a) the
region's "geographical location between Asia, Europe and
Africa," which makes it a "smuggling route": (b) the high
number of foreign workers in the region: and (c) the
wealth of most countries in the area, which "may also

attract the illicit traffic" (INCB, 1980, p. 20).

39

According to Al-Mosieger (1985) , the magnitude of
drug use and its related problems in the Gulf States is
unknown. Further research in the drug field was
suggested, in order to determine the extent of the problem
and its effects on security as well as social and economic
order in the area (Abdulwahab, 1988).

Even though the dimensions of drug use and its
related problems in the Gulf area vary from one country to
another, the factors contributing to the spread of
narcotic use in the region are similar. In general, these
factors include:

the social change the area has witnessed due to the

massive wealth derived from oil production and its

higher prices, the outflow of foreign manpower from
all over the world, the geographical location of the

Gulf area which is surrounded by nations that are

known world-wide as producers and exporters of

narcotics, and the external influence on the young
through their travelling abroad for tourism or
education.'which. results in a cultural shock. that

weakened their cultural and traditional values. (Al-
Saud, 1988, p. 76).

The Dreg SituQEion in Saudi Arebia
In Saudi Arabia, the previously mentioned factors are
considered to be major contributors to the spread of drug
use. However, the historical background of drug use in
Saudi society before the emergence of these factors is
unknown. Saleam (1983) indicated that, in the past, khat
was almost the only stimulant used: it usually comes from

North Yemen, on the southern border of Saudi Arabia.

40

Other narcotic drugs, such as hashish, opium, and cocaine,
first became known in the society when a large number of
expatriate workers arrived in Saudi Arabia. In addition,
some psychotropic and psychoactive substances recently
have come into use (Al-Faleh, 1987).

Since the mid-19705, Saudi Arabia has witnessed rapid
development in all economic and social aspects, which have
brought about swift changes in the society. These changes
have had some negative effects on society, among them the
appearance of many pathological phenomena. One of these
problems is the spread of drug use. The first emergence
of drug use in Saudi society is unknown. However, the
seizure, in 1984, of 1,111 kg of hashish and opium and
4,898 kg of khat reflects the magnitude of the drug
problem in the country (Ministry of Interior, 1985). Even
more striking is the fact that some estimates have
indicated that the amount of drugs seized was much lower
than that actually consumed (Al-Saud, 1988).

Apparently there is a direct relationship between the
negative effects of the rapid development that has taken
place in Saudi society and the spread of drug-related
problems. The gradual increase of drug problems in Saudi
society, along with the comprehensive attention that has
been given to controlling the spread of the problem,
reflects the development of a serious drug epidemic in

Saudi society. In a study of drug-related offenders in

41

the Riyadh prison, Al-Faleh (1987) indicated that 5 of
the 100 prisoners in the study sample committed drug-
related offenses before the Saudi development plans (1970-
1985) were undertaken, between 1965 and 1970. This number
increased dramatically to 43 out of 100 between 1981 and
1985.

The extent of drug problems is considered to be lower
in Saudi Arabia than in other countries. However, the
increase in drug use and its related epidemics in the
Kingdom is striking. This is borne out when one looks at
the increasing number of people imprisoned for drug~
related offenses. Whereas 1,039 such offenders were
imprisoned in 1978, the number rose to 1,524 the following
year, an increase of nearly 47%. This figure included a
49% increase among foreigners, a 300% increase among Saudi
women (one woman was arrested in 1978 and four were
arrested in 1979), and a 57% increase among foreign women.
It has been estimated that the use of drugs in Saudi
Arabia increased 46.68% in just one year (Bader, 1984).
Eaeeozs Contglbueing to Drug Uee
in_§audi_§221ssr

The emergence of drug use in the Saudi society has
resulted from various interrelated factors. The available
literature on the topic of drugs in Saudi Arabia has
considered the rapid development witnessed by the society

over the past two decades and its relative consequences as

42

the immediate cause of the spread of drug-related
epidemics in the country. Al-Saud (1988), in his study of
drug abuse in three Gulf nations (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait,
and Bahrain), attributed drug abuse and other pathological
problems in Saudi Arabia to the negative effects of
development. He considered these negative effects as
natural because they are "development’s and
modernization’s tax" (p. 77).

Westernization, the influx of foreign manpower,
travel abroad among young Saudis, the pilgrimage (neii) to
Makkah, and Saudi Arabia's location are considered major
factors contributing to the widespread use of drugs in
Saudi society. Such other factors as the negative use of
leisure time, associating' with undesirable people,
weakened religious deterrents, and location of one’s
residence are internal factors but are a consequence of
the major factors listed above.

Wes ' 'o . Because of the discovery of oil and
the resulting prosperity and rapid social and economic
changes in Saudi society, and the concomitant openness to
western societies, traditional Saudi values have changed.
The West has provided Saudi society with modern
technology, as well as more negative aspects (Al-Faleh,
1987).

Westernization has influenced many people in the

Saudi society to adopt the life styles of the West.

43

Adoption of such life styles has occurred primarily in
major Saudi cities. In fact, 88% of the sample of drug
suspects in the Riyadh prison were born in cities (Al-
Bahooth, 1987).

The western influence has evidently become a factor
contributing to the spread of drug use in Saudi society as
a result of the rapid development and modernization the
country has witnessed. These factors, in addition to
other related ones, have contributed considerabLy to the
spread of drug use since the late 1970s.

Eezeign_menpewer. Between 1970 and 1985, the Saudi
government carried out three comprehensive development
plans to improve the country's social and economic
condition. Because of the shortage of native manpower,
the government had to rely heavily on expatriate workers,
notably Asians and Arabs, to achieve these plans. The
number of foreign workers increased dramatically during
and after that period. In 1984, for instance, the number
of foreign workers in the major cities in Saudi Arabia was
estimated to be almost 3.3 million. These workers came
primarily from countries known either as sources of
illicit cultivation and production of drugs, such as
Egypt, Pakistan, India, Turkey, Sudan, Morocco, Lebanon,
North Yemen, Thailand, and the Philippines, or as high

consumers of illicit drugs and the source of manufacture

44

of some psychotropic substances, such as the United
States, England, France, and West Germany (Al-Bahooth,
1987).

In his study of drug addicts in Saudi society, Al-
Bahooth (1987) found a strong positive relationship
between the distribution of foreign workers in an area and
the number of drug-related offenders in that area. He
estimated that 66% of the drug offenders obtained drugs
from non-Saudis. Al-Bahooth concluded that there was a
positive relationship between the distribution of drug
offenders and foreign workers in 14 districts in Saudi
Arabia between 1978 and the end of 1987. A statistical
analysis showed the correlation between the two variables
to be 75%. Moreover, according to the W
Hengbeek (Saudi Arabia, Ministry of Interior, 1983),

A large percentage of suspects are non-Saudis, due to

the increase of manpower in the Kingdom and the

variety of categories and nationalities which play a

big role in selling, smuggling, and using of these

kinds of anesthetics. The percentage of non-Saudi
suspects is 43.5% of the total number of suspects in

igesthetic cases according to the prison tables. (p.

Furthermore, in examining the number of suspects
involved in drug-related offenses from 1984 through 1987,
the relationship between the growing number of foreigners
and the increase of illicit activities in Saudi society

seemed to be positive. This was observed in the number of

suspects arrested for engaging in illicit drug traffic.

45

In 1985, for example, 853 males and 10 females involved in
drug traffic in the country were foreigners, whereas 822
males and 5 females were Saudis. In 1987, 1,117 male and
32 female drug traffickers were foreigners, as compared to
964 males and 7 females who were Saudis. Concerning drug
smuggling into the country during these four years, 365
suspects were Saudis, whereas 1,013 were non-Saudis (Saudi
Arabia, Ministry of Interior, 1984, 1985, 1986, 1987).

The Saudi government’s response to this problem has
been to discourage employment of foreign workers because
they are a contributing factor in the spread of drug use
and other problems in the society. The government has
been encouraging Saudi citizens to enter the work force by
providing various training programs inside and outside the
country.

Tgavel ebgoed. Another factor that is considered
significant to the diffusion of drug use in Saudi Arabia
is young Saudis' travelling abroad, especially to
countries where illicit drugs are widely used and
ineffectively controlled. Travelling abroad is mainly a
consequence of the wealth that all Gulf countries realized
because of the increased revenue from oil production.

In his study of drug-related offenders in the
prisons of Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and Kuwait, Al-Saud
(1988) indicated that 61% of the 139-member sample had

traveled abroad and 47% of them used drugs during their

46

travels. Moreover, another study by Al-Bahooth (1987)
showed that 62% of the Saudis who traveled abroad,
especially to Egypt, Thailand, India, the Philippines, the
United States, England, Jordan, Germany, Syria, and
Morocco, knew about drugs and 54.17% had used them. The
highest percentage of those who first used drugs abroad
was those whose travel was for pleasure. In Al-Bahooth's
study, for instance, 56.67% of the sample had traveled
abroad for tourism. In his study of 42 drug patients at
Riyadh Hope Hospital, Al-Asmary (1988) found that 23.8% of
the sample learned drug use through their travels abroad.

Because travel abroad among young Saudis has been
considered a basic factor contributing to the spread of
drug use in the society, the Ministry of Interior has
established protective regulations prohibiting Saudis
under age 21 from traveling abroad, unless accompanied or
given permission by their parents.

W11. Every year the Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia, being the country where the two Holy Cities
(Makkah and Madina) are located, hosts the pilgrimage
ceremonies. Almost two million Moslems from all over the
world gather annually to practice the hejj. Even though
the sole purpose of this sacred visit is a religious one,

some wicked people take advantage of these seasons to

47

distribute drugs in the society (Saudi Arabia, Ministry of
Interior, 1983).

Since there is no available estimate of the number of
pilgrims perceived to be involved in drug-distribution
activities during the 13311, the only way, however
unreliable, to obtain such an estimate is to examine the
number of drug-related cases and suspects during the
pilgrimage season and to compare those figures to
statistics for the rest of the year. A review of the
annual statistical records from 1978 to 1984 showed an
increase in the number of drug-related suspects during
pilgrimage months: however, this increase was not
significant (Al-Bahooth, 1987). Also, from 1985 through
1987, there was a slightly higher number of suspects
during the hejj as compared to other months, yet again
this increase would not be considered supportive (Saudi
Arabia, Ministry of Interior, 1985, 1986, 1987).

Qeogrephical locaglon. Yet another factor
contributing to the spread of drug use in Saudi Arabia is
its geographical location. This factor, however, cannot
be considered a direct cause unless accompanied by other
factors. Given the fact that illicit drug traffickers
focus primarily on profits derived from the illicit
trades, in addition to the international narcotic
movement, the Gulf countries in general and Saudi Arabia

in particular have recently become a target for

48

international drug traffic, which has been attributed to
the vast wealth these nations gained after the discovery
of oil. This contention appears to be true because drug
use in Saudi society was not considered a problem until
the early 19708 (Al-Maiman, 1988).

Saudi Arabia's massive development plans, which began
in the mid-19705, resulted in improved economic and social
conditions and increased per capita income for most
Saudis. Some Saudis who have wealth and are willing to
spend money to support their drug habits attract smugglers
and traffickers from other countries to supply the society
with their hazardous products. From Lebanon, Pakistan,
and. Egypt, comes lhashish: from .Afghanistan, India, and
Turkey' comes. opium; from ‘Yemen, Ethiopia, and Somalia
comes khat; and from Europe come the manufactured
narcotics (Al-Saud, 1988). (See Maps 2, 3, and 4.)

Moreover, Saudi Arabia's large area, its numerous
boundaries, and swift progress of Saudi communications and
transportation have resulted in viable interaction with
the rest of the world. This has created various channels
that facilitate the smuggling of narcotics and
psychotropic drugs and thus the spread of drug use in
Saudi society (Al-Bahooth, 1987).

a c s. The remaining factors considered

to be significant contributors to the spread of drug use

49

 

 

 

 

more“ OCEAN s

DEW “99/531
I)! i
To Sit-dc AW ~ ' "l

 

 

 

 

 

 

Map 2: Opium smuggling to Saudi Arabia. (From
Al-Bahooth, 1987.)

 

50

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Map 3: Khat smuggling to Saudi Arabia. (From
Al-Bahooth, 1987.)

51

 

 

/ '7 ”'IIK'“‘\.--'~-\J

 

 

.1 #51121? “x ’4 (f:- f 1‘ \IU.?_"3¢‘C‘*'§:
7 "7% b: A... 0 L3, 4-.-,
'F -_v” ~L Isl;.4\ '
i ‘72», A“ 7% )1 CNN)”
,2 N I” R-
(.4
\ "I.
x /
%

 

 

 

 

 

Map 4: Hashish smuggling to Saudi Arabia.

(From
Al-Bahooth, 1987.)

 

 

52

vary in their effects and can be treated as internal ones.
Undesirable friends and the availability of free time
among young Saudis have contributed gradually to the
increasing number of drug users in the society. These two
factors seem to have a causal relationship when
unproductive leisure time leads to association with people
who use drugs. A study by senior students in the social
work department at King Saud University (1981, 1982)
indicated that bad associates and spare time were
considered to be a prevalent factor leading to drug use
among drug-related offenders in the Riyadh prison.

In another study of drug-related offenders in the
Riyadh prison (Al-Faleh, 1987), the highest percentage of
prisoners first used drugs because some of their friends
were doing so. The study results showed that bad friends
appeared to be the essential factor causing the spread of
drug use among young Saudis. Forty out of 100 people said
that bad friendships was the factor behind their use of
drugs. In another study, Al-Bahooth (1987) found that 64%
of the sample used drugs for the first time through
friends and 70% of them used drugs under the bad influence
of friendship. Furthermore, in his study of drug addicts
in Riyadh Hope Hospital, Al-Asmary (1988) concluded that

25 of the 42 patients sampled in his study had learned

53

drug use from friends, and 31 of the 42 had friends who
used drugs.

The unproductive use of after-school or after-work
time, or jobless spare time, is also considered a causal
factor in the spread of drug use within Saudi society.
In a survey of drug-related offenders, Al-Bahooth (1987)
found that 40% of the sample used drugs because of the
negative handling of free time: 64% of them were jobless.
Because of the wealth of some young people, they have no
need for jobs and consequently have an abundance of
leisure time.

At Riyadh Hope Hospital, a study of 38 drug patients
indicated that 44% of the patients were without jobs and
23.1% used drugs because of excessive free time. The lack
of recreational activities in the areas from which most
drug patients came was seen as a cause of unproductive use
of their leisure time. It was estimated that only 5.7% of
the patients lived in areas where some recreational means
were available (Al-Asmary, 1988).

The abundance of spare time among young people in the
Gulf nations in general, accompanied by the lack of
recreational activities, is a common problem in the area
and an essential factor giving rise to widespread drug
use. However, such factors and other related ones cannot

be viewed as contributing to drug use without considering

 

54

their referential roots in basic social factors and social

change (Al-Faleh, 1987).

n s s

As indicated earlier, khat was the only drug used in
Saudi Arabia before the economic and social development
that began in the mid-19708. Through examining the
quantities of narcotic drugs and psychoactive substances
confiscated in 1978, it seems obvious that the illicit use
of drugs in Saudi society started earlier. However,
official estimates of these quantities before 1978 are
unknown because statistical data were not compiled until
1978 (Al-Saud, 1988). In 1978, almost all kinds of
narcotic and manufactured drugs, with the exception of
cocaine and heroin, were available in Saudi society (Al-
Saud, 1988). Cocaine and heroin are not thought to have
been used until 1983 (Saudi Arabia, Ministry of Interior,
1987). Until 1987, the use of cocaine in Saudi Arabia was
still low--about .021 kg. However, the use of heroin had
increased over the previous year--from 25 kg in 1986 to
36.45 kg in 1987 (Saudi Arabia, Ministry of Interior,
1986, 1987).

Because chewing the leaves of the khat bush is
prevalent in the Jizan district, at the Saudi border with
North Yemen, where it is still legal to use khat, the

highest quantities of drugs confiscated yearly are

55

apparently khat. Even though khat smuggling, trafficking,
and use are strictly controlled in Saudi Arabia, the
magnitude of its related activities has increased
substantially. In 1982, for example, 3,978.24 kg of khat
were confiscated. This quantity increased dramatically in
1987 to 20,602.77 kg confiscated in 6 of the 14 Saudi
districts: almost 93% of this amount (19,090.06 kg) was
taken in the Jizan district alone (Saudi Arabia, Ministry
of Interior, 1982, 1987).

Despite the long history of khat chewing in Saudi
Arabia, khat was not rigorously controlled until 1971.
This action can be attributed mainly to the discovery of
khat-related epidemics and the socioeconomic consequences
of the khat habit.

Chewing the leaves of the khat bush (eateha edglis)
"causes a certain degree of euphoria" (Kalix, 1984, p.
319) . Khat is most commonly cultivated and chewed in
areas of East Africa and the Arabian Peninsula. For the
most desirable effects, the khat leaves are used only when
fresh. Therefore, khat chewing has remained endemic to
its cultivation areas. However, since the development of
international travel, khat chewing has begun to spread to
other countries (Kalix, 1984).

Khat chewing has been found to have partial effects

on mental health and to be similar to the sympathomimetic

56

effects of drugs (Kalix, 1984). Other health problems
resulting from khat chewing include

stomatitis, aesophagitis, gastritis, increased blood

pressure, tachycardia, palpitation, increased body

temperature and respiratory rate, constipation,
anorexia, decreased sexual potency in men, insomnia
and migraine. Myocardial insufficiency, cerebral
hemorrhage, pulmonary edema and hepatotoxic effect
have also been described, but these findings need

further confirmation. (Elmi, Ahmed, & Samatar, 1987,

p. 52)

Moreover, according to a study done in Yemen, habitual or
occasional khat chewing among pregnant women resulted in
"lowered average birth-weight" (Elmi et al., 1987).

In general, the effects of khat chewing are similar
to those of amphetamines. In 1930, Wolfes was the first
to discover norpseudoephedrine in khat leaves (Kalix,
1984) . Recently, two active components in khat leaves
have been isolated: cathinone (s-aminoprpiophenone) (Elmi
et al., 1987) and a new alkaloid (Kalix, 1984).

Because of the apparent medical problems resulting
from khat chewing, in addition to its socioeconomic
consequences, the affected nations have recently adopted
rigorous actions to control the spread of khat-related
epidemics. The First International Conference on khat was
held in 1983, and called for immediate measures to
suppress khat cultivation and use (Kalix, 1984). Also, in
1986, the Commission on Narcotic Drugs, through a

recommendation of the World Health Organization, placed

the two components of khat leaves, cathinone and cathine,

57

in Schedules I and III, respectively, of the Convention on
Psychotropic Substances 1971 (Elmi et al., 1987).

In some countries, such as North Yemen, where khat is
cultivated and widely used, the substance is still
uncontrolled. Some religious leaders in that country even
consider khat chewing lawful, based on a legal opinion
rendered in 1982 (Al-Saud, 1988). This stance appears to
be a result of Yemenis' dependence on khat chewing, which
has spread among all segments of Yemeni society, as well
as economic dependence on the khat trade. For some Yemeni
farmers who cultivate khat, selling khat is the only
source of cash income. This profit enables them to buy
agricultural tools, helps in building roads between their
villages and the surrounding major cities, and supplies
them with necessary household utensils. In addition,
because the khat trade in Yemen is legal, traders must pay
10% income tax to the government. It has been estimated
that almost YR 720 million comes from income tax on khat
annually (Al-Thani, 1987).

Because of the legal cultivation and use of khat in
North Yemen, Saudi Arabia has been struggling to control
the widespread use of khat and its smuggling over the past
30 years. Another source of khat in Saudi Arabia is Fifa
Mountain, which is located in the eastern part of Jizan

district.

58

Both inside and outside khat cultivation has been of
great concern to the Saudi government, especially since
international recognition of its related epidemics and the
Islamic prohibition of the cultivation, smuggling, and use
of khat. Therefore, the Saudi control policy concerning
khat has evolved through three stages: (a) Before 1956,
there were various exchanges of information between the
Saudi Ministry of Interior and other official agencies on
khat-related problems, to determine the legality of its
use. As a result, khat was treated like any customs
violation for those who smuggled or trafficked in the
substance: (b) After 1956, khat use, cultivation, and
smuggling were prohibited. In 1957, an Islamic legal
opinion was pronounced and enforced by the Ministry of
Interior, placing khat-related activities under government
control; (c) In a royal decree in 1971, it became illegal
to use, cultivate and smuggle khat. Khat is now treated
like any other controlled drug in Saudi Arabia (Al-Thani,
1987).

According to the findings of Al-Saud’ s (1988) study
of drug use in Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and Kuwait, 59% of
the sample selected from those countries used manufactured
substances: 37% used hashish and opium. In Saudi Arabia,
more khat is used than in the other Gulf countries. Use
of manufactured substances has also increased

substantially. Between 1978 and 1982, the use of

59

manufactured drugs increased 133%, and the use of hashish
increased 35%. However, the use of opium decreased
between 1978 and 1983-84. This decrease was attributed to
the emergence of new drugs, however dangerous, during 1984

(Al-Saud, 1988).

MW

Drug use in the Islamic world was first observed at the
beginning of the seventh century (the beginning of the
thirteenth century A.D.) . Ibn Taimia referred to the
Tartars as those who brought and planted the drugs in the
area during their occupation of the Islamic world in 656 H
(1236 A.D.) (Al-Gamidi, 1988). Also, in his book The
Religious Seienee, Mubarak quoted Almagrizi as saying,
"The Islamic nations first knew of hashish was in 658 H
(1238 A.D.) by a man named Haider" (Saudi Arabia, Ministry
of Information, 1988).

In general, the Islamic religion prohibits anything
that handicaps the natural functioning of the brain or
menaces human health. Since drug use during the early
days of Islam was unknown, Islamic scholars, based on
interpretation of the Quran and Sunna, especially those
verses and hadiths prohibiting the consumption of alcohol,
issued a legal opinion prohibiting the use, trafficking

in, and smuggling of drugs because of their hazardous

60

effects on health in general, more so than alcohol (Al-
Saud, 198).

This prohibition is mainly based on the belief that
drugs and other "mood-altering" substances are noxious.
This contention is supported by verse 157 in the Quran,
The Battlements, ". . . making lawful for them the good
things and making unlawful for them the corrupt things,"
and the hadith of prophet Mohammed, "The prophet Mohammed
(God’s praise and. peace: be upon him) forbids any
intoxicating or slackening things," considering drugs here
as slackening that hinders the principal task of the human
brain (Al-Rokban, 1988). On the other hand, Islamic law’s
prohibition of drug use does not forbid the use of natural
or psychotropic drugs for medical and scientific purposes
(Al-Faleh, 1987).

In Saudi Arabia, the penal system in general, and
that of drug-related offenses in particular, was
originally derived from the basic sources of the Shari’a.
The common belief of all Muslims is that Islamic law "is
the total way of life," which covers all of its aspects
because this law "is not made by men--for other men, but
is instead made by God for men, increasing its importance
accordingly" (Basha, 1979, p. 4).

The pehal law. Despite the lack of historic evidence

of the beginning of drug use, mood-altering substances and

61

any other stimulants that have been proven medically to be
harmful to people’s health always have been regulated in
Saudi Arabia. On 9/4/1353 H (1933), royal decree number
3318 was issued, prohibiting trade in illicit substances.
This edict was amended by the Council of Ministers in
decree number 11 on 2/1/1374 H (1954), which included
penalties for drug-related offenses classified as follows:

1. Those who are incriminated through a trial, of
being a smuggler of illicit drugs in a direct or indirect
way, will be subject to the following penalties: (a)
imprisonment for 15 years, (b) confiscation and
destruction of smuggled substances, (c) SR 20,000 (US
$5,333) fine.

2. Those who participate in smuggling activities or
facilitate the entrance of drugs to the Kingdom are
subject to imprisonment for seven years and dismissal if
employed.

3. With the exception of pharmacists and licensed
traders, anyone arrested and proven to be in possession of
illicit drugs or medication in selling, shipping, or
transition from one place to another is subject to five
years in prison and a fine of SR 10,000 (US $2,667).

4. Drug abusers are subject to two years in prison,
reprehension determined by judge and exile if foreigners.

Because of the proven harmful effects of khat

chewing, royal decree number 3017 was issued on 9/4/1391

62

(1971), treating khat as one of the already regulated
narcotic drugs.

On 27/9/1394 (1974), the Council of Ministers
sanctioned decree number 1978, which considered those
chemicals named by the Ministry of Health in circular
number 243-1433-27, dated 13/5/1392 (1972), such as some
psychoactive substances and LSD, the same as those put
under the penalties stated in decree number 11 of the
Council of Ministers, 1/2/1374 (1954). Also, on 10/8/1394
(1974), the Ministry of Health issued circular number 196-
2581-27, which reconsidered organizing the psychological
medicaments.

On 17/5/1400 (1980), another decree of the Council of
Ministers (number 110) was issued, which included Kitagone
capsules as illicit drugs and placed them under the
penalties provided for in the Council of Ministers' decree
number 11 of 1/2/1374 (1954).

Because drugs are hazardous to the health and
destructive to the young, who are the future hope of every
society, the Saudi Council of Ministers in its 170th
session on 23/9/1400 (1980) authorized the Minister of
Interior to reward those who inform of any illicit drug
activity or exert a distinct effort in the seizure of such

substances.

63

Finally, in a telegram to the Council of Grand
Scholars on 11/6/1407 (1987), King Fahad Ibn Abdulaziz
stated:

Because of the hazardous effects of drug abuse, the

recent spread of its related problems and, then, the

necessity for deterrent punishments for smugglers and
traffickers, . . . this matter should be submitted to
the Council of Grand Scholars to decide the legal act
and present what should be done.
As a result, the Council issued decree number 138 on
20/6/1407 (1987), consisting of the following:

1. Because of the significant deterioration and dan-
gerous effects of the smuggling of illicit drugs to the
society, the Council inflicts the death penalty for those
who engage in such action.

2. Concerning the illicit traffickers, the Council
reconfirmed its decree number 85 of ll/ll/l401 (1981),
which provided for imprisonment, whipping, fine, or all of
them, according to the Court's decision. In addition, the
trafficker will be subject to the death penalty if he/she
repeats the same action because he/she is then considered
a corrupt member of society and must be rooted out.

On 10/7/1407 (1987), royal decree number 4/B/9666 was
issued to carry out the Council's declaration (Ministry of
Information and National Committee of Drug Control).

Accordingly, the first execution of a drug smuggler was

carried out on 4/12/1407 (1987) (Al-Bahooth, 1987).

64

v o s. Despite the low magnitude of
drug abuse in Saudi society, the Saudi government, through
its drug control policy, exhibits great concern with
regard to treatment and rehabilitation programs (A1-
Asmary, 1988). Three hospitals, called Amal (Hope)
Hospitals, have been established and specialize in
treating drug addicts. Two of these hospitals have
already opened in Riyadh and Dammam, and the third will
open soon in Jeddah (Al—Bahooth, 1987). The main
objective of these hospitals, according to the director of
Riyadh Hope Hospital, is to treat drug addicts and prepare
them to surmount the problem by uncovering the causes of
their addiction (Al-Asmary, 1988). These hospitals
provide two types of treatment: physical and
psychological. Psychological treatment is essential when
physical treatment has not been successful. It includes
attempts to resolve the addicts' personal problems and to
strengthen their religious beliefs (Ministry of
Information and National Committee of Drug Control).

In a study of drug addicts and the treatment they
receive at Riyadh Hope Hospital, Al-Asmary (1988) found
that the hospital treats two kinds of drug addicts: those
who come to the hospital voluntarily and patients brought
by the General Administration of Narcotic Control, by
prisons, or by their relatives and/or friends. In

addition to treatment programs, the hospital provides a

65

follow-up program through the addicts' family and friends,
who remain in continuous contact with the social
specialist in case of relapse. When the addict has been
cured, the Ministry of Health offers a rehabilitative
program, including training and assurance of an
appropriate job, so the addict will feel accepted by
society. 4

o 'v 5. Since travel abroad among young
Saudis is considered a major factor underlying the spread
of drug use in the society, the Saudi government, as one
of its protective programs, prohibits Saudis under 21
years of age from traveling abroad (Ministry of
Information and National Committee of Drug Control).
Saudi youths under 21 can travel abroad only with their
families or with their parents’ permission. The rationale
for such a regulation is that young people are easily
influenced and have less experience than their elders in
realizing the deleterious effects of dangerous substances
(Al-Bahooth, 1987).

In addition, to prevent further increases in drug-
related problems in Saudi society, the government has
restricted employment of foreigners and allows only Arabic
and Islamic employees because their cultural patterns are
similar to those of the Saudi society (Ministry of

Information and National Committee of Drug Control).

66

In studying the relationship between the number of
foreign workers in every major city in Saudi Arabia and
the number of drug-related offenses between 1978 and 1984,
Al-Bahooth (1987) concluded that there was a positive
relationship between the percentage of foreign workers and
the increasing number of drug-related problems. In
Riyadh, for instance, in 1984, 29.8% were foreign workers
and the percentage of drug offenders was 41.97%.
Therefore, according to this study, "whenever the foreign
comers increase in any part of the country, the number of
drug offenders increases and vice versa" (p. 277).

To control the spread of drug use among its people,
the Saudi government uses radio and television broadcasts
in which experts from drug enforcement agencies, physi-
cians, religious leaders, sociologists, psychologists, and
others explain the dangerous effects of drugs. Also,
through its drug control policy, the government cooperates
both on the regional and international levels. It
provides various types of support to its neighboring
countries, especially those where illegal cultivation
takes place. Also on the regional level, Saudi Arabia
suggested during the Conference of Arabic Ministers of
Interior (held in Tunisia in November 1986) an Arabic
strategy to control narcotic drugs. This strategy
included prohibiting illicit cultivation in the area and

replacing it with legal cultivation through a

67

comprehensive development plan, reinforcing Arabic drug
law enforcement, establishing more treatment and
rehabilitation programs, undertaking training programs for
drug law enforcement agents, and recommending that drug
control strategies be considered in police college
programs (Al-Bahooth, 1987).

On the international level, Saudi Arabia signed all
of the international conventions: emphasized cooperation
on regional, Arabic, and international levels: and called
for regional, Arabic, and Islamic conferences to control
drugs. Two such conferences were the Sixth Regional
Conference held in Riyadh in November 1974 and the
International Islamic Conference held in Medina in April
1981.

In another Conference for Arabic Ministers of
Interior (held in Tunisia in November 1988) some essential
issues in the Arabic area were discussed, including the
drug control policy. The Conference provided
recommendations on how to control drugs and praised the
Saudi experience on drug control, considering it a model.
In this regard, Prince Naif Ibn Abdulaziz, the Saudi
Minister of Interior, asserted there had been a 40%
decrease in drug smuggling and trafficking activities in

Saudi society since the application of the death penalty

68

for offenders and a 12% decrease in drug-related crimes in
1987 from the previous year (Okaz, 1988).

On the national level, Saudi drug control has
marshaled all of its capacities to eradicate the spread of
drug-related problems. However, the drug control effort
cannot achieve its goals without the cooperation of the
people themselves. Therefore, Saudi Minister of Interior
Naif Ibn Abdulaziz (1987) emphasized the danger of drug-
related epidemics. In addition to urging drug enforcement
agencies to fight the problem, he encouraged everyone in
the society, citizen and noncitizen alike, to cooperate
and act as drug enforcement officers (Ministry of
Information and National Committee on Drug Control).

Because the khat plant is the only natural drug
illegally cultivated in Saudi Arabia, the Saudi
government’s strategy to control khat cultivation took the
same gradual steps that had been taken in terms of its
penal system. The khat-chewing habit in Saudi Arabia is
mostly concentrated in the Jizan district: khat is rarely
used in other parts of the country. After becoming aware
of khat-related health problems and the serious
socioeconomic consequences, the Saudi government in its
drug control policy treated khat, in terms of the penal
system, like other illicit substances and provided a plan
to eradicate its illicit cultivation. Even though khat

use in the society is not a problem of epidemic

69

proportions, the strategy of the Saudi drug control policy
is ‘to fight. khat-related. problems before ‘they spread.
Therefore, the government conducted several investigations
of the magnitude of the khat problem in the Fifa Mountains
and Jizan, focusing on its related economic and social
patterns to those who are involved in its cultivation and
use. Then, through a royal decree, a program to develop
the Fifa area was established in 1978. This program
focused.'mainly‘ on jproviding ‘various services, such as
roads, water supply, clinics, schools, municipalities,
electricity, telephone, telex and post office, lightning
rods, public services, and tourism and agricultural
development (Al-Thani, 1987).

Since the cultivation of khat is the main source of
cash income to the people in the Fifa area, the
agricultural development aspect of this prognmm has been
given top priority, in order to replace khat plants with
legally cultivated crops. Through this program, free
substitute plants, soil, and seeds were provided, so khat
farmers did not need to obtain loans from the Bank of
Agriculture (Al-Thani, 1987)

With regard to khat chewing among youths in the Jizan
district, an arrangement was made between the Committee on
Fifa Development and the General Presidency of Youth

Welfare to establish two sport centers, one in Jizan City

70

and the other in Fifa Mountains. These centers are
intended to occupy young people’s leisure time with useful
activities instead of gathering to chew khat or use other
illicit drugs (Al-Thani, 1987).

In general, to occupy youths’ leisure time, the Saudi
government, through the General Presidency of Youth
Welfare, has established many sport and literacy clubs and
youth centers. Also, to attract the young who travel
abroad for tourism, the government has revitalized the
tourist areas inside the country and is encourage young
people to travel within Saudi Arabia (Al-Maiman, 1988).

Control of The misuse of pzeseriptioh drugs. The
misuse of pharmaceutical drugs in Saudi Arabia has emerged
for three major reasons: "misprescribing by a physician,
misuse by a patient, and type and quality of antibiotics
available in the pharmacies" (Bohlaigah, 1987). The
problem of misuse of medication in Saudi Arabia is
exacerbated by the availability of a large number of drugs
sold by pharmacists without prescription and without
questions concerning their use. A number of the
pharmaceutical drugs purchased without a prescription are
considered highly hazardous to the health. In this sense,
Fatani and Gatus (1980) argued that "although regulations
govern the use and sale of psychotropic and narcotic
drugs, dangerous and potentially lethal drugs can still be

freely obtained over the counter" (p. 191) . The authors

71

cited three major factors that they considered to be
responsible for such a situation: lack of control over
the pharmaceutical drugs and their dispensing policy, lack
of medical education among the public, and lack of
supervision of prescriptions.

As a result of this situation, the Saudi Ministry of
Health has addressed the large number of medications in
the society by regulating imports of pharmaceuticals to
"eliminate non-essential products and to select useful
drugs: basis of selection is activity and safety" (Saleh,
1980, p. 64). A policy to control dispensing of
narcotics, sedatives, and psychotropic drugs has been
adopted through the requirement of obtaining valid
prescriptions, which must include the following
information:

(1) Name of the patient, (2) Age of the patient, (3)

Hospital number if admitted, (4) Date, (5) Name of

the drug, strength of the drug, (6) Form of the drug,

(7) Amount to be dispensed, (8) Direction to be

written by the pharmacist, and (9) Clinician’s full

name and signature. (Seetharamaiah, 1984, p. 21)

Moreover, the Saudi government, through the Ministry
of Health, has given concerted attention to regulating
pharmacies' practices and restricting those medicaments
that have hazardous effects on health. The government
formed a technical committee to undertaken registration

procedures and national control laboratories to examine

the quality of pharmaceutical products, as well as

72

outlining a number of procedures that should be met
concerning importation of drugs to Saudi Arabia (Al-Yami,
1987). Another solution to controlling the misuse of
prescription drugs was suggested at a conference on the
appropriate use of medicines, held at the College of
Pharmacy in Riyadh in March 1979. This conference focused
mainly on the following:

(1) Control the import, distribution and marketing of

pharmaceutical products: (2) Establish high standards

for drug quality: (3) Regulate access to drugs: (4)

Educate health service personnel to be cautious of

drug use: and (5) Educate people to be cautious of

drugs and self-medication. (Heaney, 1980)

Recently, the Directorate General of Health Centers
in Saudi Arabia has restricted the supply of drugs except
those medications considered essential. The rationale of
this policy is to curb the availability of nonessential

drugs that are dispensed freely over the counter in

pharmacies (Al-Mazrou, 1987).

The Saudi Drug Law Enfozceheht Nehwerh
Controlling drug smuggling and trafficking in Saudi

Arabia is the responsibility of all government agencies in
general, and of the Customs Service, the General
Administration of Boundaries (Boundary Force), and the
General Administration of Narcotic Control in particular

(Al-Maiman, 1988). (See Figure 1.)

 

73

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74

e s m Se 'ce. The Customs Service, which
mainly controls the smuggling of drugs into the country,
functions under the Ministry of Finance and National
Economy: it consists of 31 branches that report to the
headquarters in Riyadh. To improve the Customs Service,
the Saudi government has provided various training
programs inside the country and has sent some Customs
officials abroad for education. The government also
furnishes the most advanced technology to the Customs
Service, to ensure the control of smuggling activities in
general, and the smuggling of illicit drugs in particular
(Al-Bahooth, 1987).

Drug smugglers are usually seized in one of two ways,
either through advance information concerning their
arrival or through careful inspection (Al-Maiman, 1988).
In its concern with detection, the Saudi Customs Service
has adopted a police dog program, which was first
implemented in 1983 in Jeddah. Because of its success in
drug-related detection, this program has been used in
several other major cities in the country and is planned
to be used in all branches of the Customs Service.
Moreover, since the police-dog program has been proven
useful in discovering drug smuggling, the government has
established a police-dog-training institute in the

country.

 

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ei
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75

Another policy the Saudi Customs Service adopted in
1986 to control drug smuggling into the country is the
interdiction of foreign trucks that transfer foodstuffs
across the Saudi border. This measure was taken because
of the increasing use of such trucks to smuggle drugs into
the country. The policy is enforced by unloading the
foodstuffs from the foreign trucks, searching them, and
reloading them onto Saudi trucks (Al-Bahooth, 1987).

MW. Another branch of the Saudi drug
control system is the Boundary Force, one of whose major
tasks is to control the smuggling of drugs into the
country. Because of Saudi Arabia’s large area and its
numerous and wide borders, the Boundary Force encounters
various difficulties, especially with regard to drug
smuggling (Al-Bahooth, 1987).

The Boundary Force units function under the Ministry
of Interior and report to the General Administration of
Boundary Force in Riyadh. The Boundary Force consists of
eight principalships distributed according to the location
of major cities that lie on land and sea borders. Every
principalship comprises a number of sectors, which
supervise between 1 and 32 centers.

To achieve better control in dealing with drug
smugglers and to make better use of sophisticated
technologies, the Boundary Force provides a training

program in every principalship. Two institutions have

76

been established in Riyadh and Jeddah expressly to train
Boundary force personnel (Al-Bahooth, 1987).

e G a ' st a co . The
historical development of the General Administration of
Narcotic Control, as a specialized drug control agency,
parallels that of drug abuse in Saudi society (Al-Maiman,
1981). In 1960, the Administration employed only two men
(Al-Bahooth, 1987). Gradually, the agency became a
department of drug control, then an independent
administration of drug control, and finally, because of
the recent spread of drug-related problems, the General
Administration of Narcotic Control (Al-Bahooth, 1987).

The headquarters of this administration is located in
Riyadh and has 33 branches distributed throughout the
country (Al-Maiman, 1988) . These branches are divided
into 14 major administrations, 2 branches, 11 departments,
and 5 units. In addition, two department of drug control
are supervised by the General Administration located in
the Hope Hospitals in Riyadh and Dammam (Al-Bahooth,
1987).

The Administration of Narcotic Control functions
under the Ministry of Interior. Its tasks are to control
drug use, trafficking, and smuggling. After drug-related
criminals are arrested, either by the Administration or

officers of any of the abovementioned agencies, the

77

Administration of Narcotic Control investigates the
suspects and reports its findings to the court for the
judges' final decision. (See Figure 2.) In addition, the
Administration contributes to drug-prevention programs by
sending imprisoned addicts to the Hope Hospitals for
treatment (Al-Bahooth, 1987).

Recently, to eradicate drug problems in Saudi
society, the General Administration of Narcotic Control
has been using public cooperation to inform its agencies
of drug-related acts. Since such a strategy may cause
harm to informers, the administration has established the
telephone number 995 and a mailing address so informers
can provide information related to drug smuggling or
trafficking without revealing their identities. Adoption
of this strategy was based on the hadith that is
translated, "Whom of you see enormity should change it by
his hand, if he cannot change it by tongue, if he cannot
then by his heart and the latter is considered the
weakening stage of faith" (Al-Maiman, 1988). The results
of this strategy to enlist public cooperation have been
significant. In only two months, the Administration
gathered more information about drug smugglers and
traffickers in the society than it had gathered in the
preceding two years (Al-Bahooth, 1987).

The General Administration of Narcotic Control, as

the national instrument to enforce Saudi drug control

r-_

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79

policy, has made many efforts to stop the spread of this
epidemic. The Administration recently reinforced its drug
control policy and procedures with highly sophisticated
technology' of’ search. and seizure techniques and ‘well-
trained personnel to achieve the objectives of the
national drug control policy. It also has formed a
National Committee for Drug Control, which mainly focuses
on various programs concerning prevention of drug use.

The Administration, in its war on drug-related
problems, gives rewards to those who provide information
about drug smuggling, trafficking, or use. There is a 24-
hour hot line to receive public calls regarding drug-
related offenses. The Administration also encourages the
mass media to warn people of problems stemming from drug
use. Other programs, such as the Administration's
encouragement of families to bring their drug addicts to
the Hope Hospitals because of the common belief that "the
addict is considered a patient whose treatment is more
important than punishment," have been introduced and
highly recommended as being an essential measure of drug
control. Furthermore, punishment of some drug-related
offenses that were not included in the Grand Scholars'
opinion are being reconsidered and subjected to increases
in their punitive measures (Al-Maiman, 1988).

Summeg. Saudi drug law enforcement is formally

carried out by the preceding three specialized agencies.

80

The Customs Service is mainly a system of inspection for
illegal materials in general and for illegal substances in
particular. The Boundary Force controls the smuggling of
drugs, as well as other illegal materials and aliens, into
the country. The third agency, the General Administration
of Narcotic Control, is devoted exclusively to fighting
drug use, trafficking, and smuggling. The Saudi police
control forces, which function primarily under the
Ministry of Interior and some other government agencies,
are also enlisted to serve as drug enforcement agencies.
In addition, the Minister of Interior has always urged
every Saudi citizen and noncitizen to act as a drug-

enforcement agent to eradicate this epidemic problem.

Qhapter Summegy

The history of drug problems worldwide has been
developing along with their control policy since the
beginning of the twentieth century. As the magnitude of
drug use has spread, both national and international
efforts to control the drug-related epidemic have also
developed, and the penal system for drug-related offenses
has been rigorously intensified. As a result,
efforts by national and international drug control systems
at least to reduce the problem have not yet been

eventuated. Instead, many new but hazardous drugs have

81

recently emerged, the number of drug addicts has
increased, and the drug epidemic has devastated many
societies throughout the world. Societies that before
were not confronted with a drug problem have recently been
struggling with the serious challenge of this global
disease, apparently as a result of the movement of illicit
drugs throughout the world.

As one of the societies that has become affected by
the illicit drug movement, Saudi Arabia, as well as the
other Arab Gulf countries, has been invaded by this
disease. Because of the short history of serious drug use
in the area, the magnitude of the problems is less there
than in other societies.

The economic boom the Gulf states have witnessed
because of the discovery of oil and the geographic
location of the area as a smuggling route between drug-
producing countries in the Arab world and drug-consuming
nations worldwide are considered the major factors
contributing to the spread of drug use in these societies.
In addition to these two factors, the large number of
foreign workers, the unproductive use of leisure time
among youths, and travel abroad have contributed to the
spread of drug use in Saudi society.

To eradicate the drug-related problems, the Saudi

government has progressively reinforced its old drug

82

control policy, issued new policies, and provided rigorous
measures to stop the drug problem. In fact, the death
penalty recently has been inflicted on drug smugglers and
traffickers in cases of a repeated offense. A variety of
protective programs have been used to reduce the spread of
drug use in Saudi society. Moreover, the government has
established Hope Hospitals, which are devoted to treatment
of drug addicts. Saudi cooperation on the international
level has recently been made an essential priority in its
drug control policy. Such cooperation consists mainly of
exchange of information on drug smuggling with its
neighbors, calls for both Islamic and Arabic conferences
on narcotics control, provision of assistance to
surrounding nations that are struggling with serious
illicit drug cultivation problems, and suggestions of
strategies to control drug problems in the Arab nations.
Finally, any pathological phenomenon does not spring
from a vacuum. In the case of drug use in the Saudi
society, its recent spread apparently has a direct
connection with the illicit worldwide drug movement. The
main cause for such a spread of drug use in Saudi Arabia,
which has attracted the international illicit drug market,
is economic growth. The Saudi drug control policy has
become very rigorous. Yet the lack of assessment of the

magnitude of drug use in the society, in addition to some

83

social and cultural factors, may hinder the effectiveness

of such a policy.

CHAPTER I I I

FINDINGS AND POLICY PROBLEMS

W198

This chapter primarily discusses the findings
concerning the national and international drug control
policy in general and the Saudi drug control policy in
particular. The findings concerning the international
drug control system mainly focus on the limitations
confronting its law enforcement countermeasures to
eradicate or at least to reduce the level of drug use
worldwide. With regard to Saudi drug control policy, as
the main focus of this paper, an attempt is made to
examine the findings in terms of the factors contributing
to the recent spread of drug problems in Saudi society:
the Saudi government's response to this epidemic disease
concerning the development of a drug control policy: and
the Saudi regional, Arabic, and international cooperation

to control the drug problems.

84

85

a d e
o t s em

Concerning the problems of the national and
international drug control system, the findings are as
follows.

1. Historically speaking, any kind of "mood-
altering" substance has long been regulated by both
national and international law. However, regulations are
susceptible to various problems that hinder the applica-
tion of their law enforcement strategies. These problems
have mostly emerged through various traditional, legal,
social, economic, and political factors surrounding drug
use.

2. The penal sanctions in both national and interna-
tional drug control systems have been rigorously developed
since the beginning of the twentieth century, concomitant
with the preventive and rehabilitative systems. The use
of these illegal substances, at the same time, has
progressively spread: they menace every part of most
societies in the world. The illicit trade has become the
foremost source of massive ill-gotten profits.
Furthermore, demand for’ many kinds of new drugs,
especially manufactured ones, has recently emerged. These
drugs are very hazardous to the health.

3. National and international efforts to control

drug problems have resulted in the seizure of large

86

quantities of drugs and the arrest of a number of
notorious drug dealers. Nevertheless, the international
drug control system, since its effective counteractions
rely heavily on the responses of national authorities,
still strives for governmental cooperation.

4. Due to the nature of drug use, to obtain a reli-
able assessment of the magnitude of such use seems to be
difficult. This difficulty may also arise because of
differences in cultures, traditions, and beliefs of
various societies.

5. In addition to a psychological dependence on drug
use, in some societies where illicit cultivation and
production are prevalent, the drug trade contributes to
the nation’ 5 socioeconomic development. In these and
other' societies, drug ‘traffickers seem. to provide the
public with services their governments are unable to
furnish. This may be considered one of the most serious
constraints facing both national and international drug
control efforts.

6. In most societies, there are people who fight
against drugs, and at the same time there are individuals
who combat that fight. These struggles reflect the
political and economic realities whose persistence not
only limits the effectiveness of drug control efforts but
also obstructs future attempts to reduce drug-related

epidemics.

87

7. Because of the massive profits derived from the
illicit drug market, in addition to lack of international
regulations criminalizing the possession of these
proceeds, drug traffickers are induced to market their
products. This factor is considered the primary cause of

the international flow of illicit drugs.

T e u ' o o 'c

Concerning the problems of the Saudi drug control
system, the findings are as follows.

1. Saudi Arabia has recently been affected by the
illicit movement of drugs. Available writings on the drug
field have considered Saudi Arabia's economic prosperity
the most important factor underlying the spread of drug
use. This is evidently true because drug use in Saudi
society was not a serious problem until the late 19705,
when the development plans began modernizing the society.

2. Vast improvements have been made in Saudi
Arabia's communications with the rest of the world, and a
positive transfer of modern technology has taken place.
Yet negative patterns of westernization have also been
transmitted, among them drug use.

3. In addition to Saudi Arabia's economic boom and
the effects of westernization, the vast number of foreign
workers, travel abroad, and the pilgrimage have been

considered external factors contributing to the spread of

88

drug use in Saudi society. Internal factors, such as
unproductive use of leisure time, inappropriate
friendships, and weakened religious deterrents also have
contributed to the spread of drug use as a result of the
influence of the external factors.

4. In general, the direct or indirect connection
between the illicit movement of drugs worldwide and the
illegal cultivation and production of drugs in the Near
East and Middle Eastern nations have substantially
contributed to the spread of drugs, not only in Saudi
Arabia, but in every Gulf State. This factor has become
significant since the rapid economic growth witnessed by
the area in the mid-19705.

5. Since the establishment of modern Saudi Arabia,
any "mood-altering" substance has been regulated by the
Islamic law, which is the basis of the Saudi constitution.

6. Until 1978, there were no available statistics on
seizures of drugs or arrests of drug-related offenders in
Saudi Arabia. In 1978, large quantities of all kinds of
natural and psychotropic substances except cocaine were
seized. The use of cocaine and other dangerous drugs
began in the early 19805, but to a lesser degree. Because
the khat bush is widely cultivated in North Yemen and in
the southwestern part of Saudi Arabia, more khat than any

other drug is seized each year.

89

7. Until the late 19705, drug use in Saudi society
was not epidemic. Yet the drug control policy had already
been formulated and was strictly enforced. From the late
19705 and early 19805 to the present, due to increased
drug use in Saudi society, the government has reinforced
its existing policies, developed new control policies for
both penal and preventive systems, and finally, in 1987,
sanctioned the death penalty for drug smugglers. Since
that sanction, there has been an estimated 45% decrease in
drug smuggling into Saudi Arabia.

8. As drug penal sanctions have rigorously been
developed in response to the serious drug epidemic in
Saudi society, drug law enforcement agencies have also
been developed and equipped with highly advanced
technology for inspection, training programs, and
surveillance.

9. The Saudi drug control policy, in addition to
dealing with drug-related problems in its territory, has
pursued cooperation with its counterparts on the
subregional, regional, Arabic, Islamic, and international
levels. This cooperation includes exchange of information
with neighboring countries concerning drug enforcement
policy, helping countries in the region that are
struggling with the illicit cultivation and production of

drugs, suggesting Arabic and Islamic strategies to control

90

the spread of drug epidemics, and attending international

conferences on the drug problem.

he ic s

No research was found regarding the problems that
hamper enforcement of the Saudi drug control policy.
However, general writings in the drug field often have
considered two major problems limiting the implementation
of Saudi drug law enforcement. These are Saudi Arabia’s
wide Iborders, 'which. constrain. efforts to control drug
smuggling, and the lack of public education about drug use
and drug addiction. The latter is obviously recognized
through families' shame to admit having a drug addict or
addicts’ own reluctance to admit they have a problem,
which imposes some difficulties in enforcing drug
prevention programs.

Likewise, some of the factors that impose
difficulties on the Arab world's drug control policy may
limit the Saudi drug policy. The traditional use of khat
in the southern part of Saudi Arabia, the actual extent of
drug abuse and its trends, the demand for illicit drugs,
and the lack of recreational activities for young people
can be considered additional forces that hinder effective
drug enforcement countermeasures.

Since the penal system for drug-related offenses in

Saudi Arabia was originally based on Islamic law, through

91

religious legal opinions by the grand scholars, and
because of the common belief among Moslems that Islamic
law is the complete way of life, legal constraints on the
Saudi drug law enforcement are unknown.

However, with regard to the death penalty for
smugglers, a problem may arise through the drug smugglers'
attempt to avoid arrest, even if they kill law enforcement
officers or threaten the public, because they already know
their end. Thus, the Saudi drug enforcement officers will
be exposed to increased jeopardy and will be afraid to
conduct raids.

Concerning the protective system, regulations on
travel may be hindered through the unexpected lack of
cooperation of parents, who have the authority to allow
their sons to travel abroad with their immediate
permission.

Because of the lack of literature on these
constraining forces, most of the preceding limitations on
the Saudi drug policy have been presented in an attempt to
draw attention to the serious effects of some of these
constraints and to indicate others for prerequisite
control. The need for further research in this area is
essential.

The vast area of Saudi Arabia and its numerous
boundaries have, to a great extent, imposed various

constraints on controlling the smuggling of drugs into the

92

country. Thirty-one passages connect Saudi Arabia with
its neighbors and the rest of the world through seaports
or air travel.

Al-Saud (1988) indicated in his study that the
more khat than any other natural drug is seized in Saudi
Arabia. The increase in khat-smuggling activities is
striking. It is difficult to control Saudi Arabia’s wide
border with North Yemen because of the severe topographic
relief. Smugglers mainly use the mountain roads, and some
special smuggling routes, usually unpaved, are used by
cars or by animals where cars cannot manage. In addition,
the high demand for khat, its legal cultivation, and use
of khat in North Yemen, as well as the remaining
unresolved problems of khat cultivation in the Fifa
Mountains, have hampered the effectiveness of drug law
enforcement measures in this part of the country.

On the northern borders of Saudi Arabia lie three
countries that have been considered the smuggling route of
both natural and psychotropic substances. In addition to
being a smuggling route, Syria is also an exporter of
illegal drugs to the Gulf countries. Recently it has been
revealed that some Syrian laboratories have been covertly
producing psychotropic drugs. Also, many drug-smuggling
activities take place on the border between Saudi Arabia
and Jordan. The problem confronting drug enforcement

policy here emerges mostly through the smuggling of some

93

manufactured substances, which are easily concealed in
cars and trucks (Al-Saud, 1988). The constraining forces
on the Saudi drug enforcement policy, in this sense, have
clearly been perceived through the vast quantities of
psychotropic drugs that have been seized and the dramatic
increase in such substances over the past nine years.

Concerning the eastern and western boundaries of
Saudi Arabia (the Arabian Gulf coast and the Red Sea
coast, respectively), Al-Bahooth (1987) found that drug
smugglers considered the Red Sea and the Arabian Gulf
active channels: however, they are not major factors in
the spread of drugs in Saudi society. This finding cannot
be taken as a final argument since further assessments and
research focusing on drug smuggling in these areas and
problems hampering drug control efforts are needed.

Other major constraints on the Saudi drug control
policy are the lack of public education concerning drug
addiction, the insufficient role of the mass media or
rather tardiness in its use, and the traditional and cul-
tural rejection of addiction, which results in addicts’
refusal to admit they have a problem because such an
admission might adversely affect their families. In addi-
tion, participation of mass media in drug precaution is
hindered in most Arab countries by drug officials who
think that revealing such information could damage

national dignity, drug traffickers who think such

94

information might damage their reputations, drug control
officials who think that drug control is solely their
responsibility, and political influence on the mass media,
which have given drugs marginal priority among the social
problems (Al-Khatib, 1986) . Even though treatment and
rehabilitation of drug addicts, like other health treat-
ment in Saudi Arabia, is provided free of charge, the
abovementioned factors still hinder the achievement of the
drug enforcement policy.

Some of the factors contributing to the spread of
drug use in Saudi society also can be considered
constraints on the Saudi drug enforcement policy. Some of
the expatriate workers who came from societies where
narcotics are widely cultivated and used may have
increased the demand for and supply of drugs.
Consequently, this condition has facilitated the spread of
drug use in Saudi society, further challenging the drug
enforcement effort.

Also, during the heii, some people who come to Saudi
Arabia as pilgrims take advantage of this sacred visit to
smuggle and distribute drugs. Their sole purpose is to
profit illegally through their legal and, further, holy
worship. In this respect, the Saudi government has found
it difficult to cope with the problem because of the

conditions surrounding this holy pilgrimage and the trust

95

Saudis have that the pilgrims have come solely for
religious purposes.

Moreover, the excess leisure time young people have,
accompanied by the lack of recreational activities, may
cause an increase in unproductive use of spare time by
becoming involved in various illegal activities, mainly
drug use. The challenge Saudi drug enforcement actions
may face in this regard is the increasing demand for and
supply of drugs, as well as the ineffective control of its
related problems.

Furthermore, according to the government’s annual
statistical reports, more manufactured substances than
natural drugs are seized annually in Saudi Arabia (Saudi
Arabia, Ministry of Interior, 1982-1987). Al-Saud (1988)
supported this statistic in his study, attributing it to
the characteristics of these substances--their compact
size, diverse forms, and the fact that their production is
not limited to a particular season. These conditions, in
addition to the more immediate causes of the spread of
drug use, create some constraints on achieving an effec-
tive drug enforcement policy in Saudi society. This is
evidently recognized through the facility of hiding these
manufactured drugs when they are being smuggled and the
fact that they have no odor when being used. Al-Saud
referred to the latter as the cause of the wide use of

these drugs among Saudis because it helps protect their

96

traditions, relatives, culture, and society. Given the
fact that manufactured substances in Saudi society are
increasingly used even though large quantities of these
drugs are seized each year, some obstacles to the Saudi
drug enforcement policy evidently exist, especially in
efforts to control the smuggling of these drugs into the
country.

Two problems that have not yet been considered in
available studies in the drug field are suggested to be
prevailing causes of the smuggling and trafficking of
narcotic drugs in Saudi society. Corruption of drug law
enforcement officials and of the wasehe (roughly
translated as someone acting as a mediator) facilitate, to
a growing extent, the entry of illicit substances into the
country. Corruption of drug law enforcement officials is
a serious constraint to every nation's drug policy.
In Saudi Arabia this problem is not as severe as it is
in other parts of the world, but the problem will escalate
if it is not seriously taken into account. Corruption of
weseha is also a problematic issue, not only in terms of
obtaining an effective drug law enforcement action but
also concerning many other policy issues in a number of
developing countries. Concerning drug law enforcement,
yeeehe often facilitate drug smuggling by passing by some

drug traffickers and hindering the drug treatment policy.

97

Another constraint on the Saudi drug enforcement
policy is related to the profit-making nature of the
illicit drug trade. Because of the high prosperity Saudi
Arabia has witnessed, young Saudis have increased
purchasing power, which has attracted illicit traffickers
to supply the Saudi drug market (Al-Faleh, 1987).
Consequently, drug prices in Saudi Arabia have become very
high. For example, the cost of one kilogram of heroin has
reached a million Saudi riyals (almost U.S. $266,667),
whereas in England a kilogram would sell for 150,000 Saudi
riyals (almost U.S. $40,000) (Al-Bahooth, 1987). As long
as there is a demand for drugs by people who are able to
pay to support their habit, the illicit market will
continue to supply that demand. Thus, more and effective
drug enforcement countermeasures and cooperative action
will be required.

Moreover, because of the short history of drug use
and the late admission of the alarming drug problem in
Saudi society, drug law enforcement may initially encoun-
ter an inadequacy of well-trained drug enforcement offi-
cers. However, the magnitude of the problem in terms of
Saudi drug enforcement policy is not known because there
have been no reliable assessments. Also, since the mid-
19805, the Saudi war on drugs has achieved successful
results concerning seizure of vast quantities of drugs and

the arrest of many drug dealers and smugglers each year.

98

However, drug use in the society remains a serious
problem.

Furthermore, those who are in the business of
supplying Saudi pharmacies with medical drugs can be a
source of inclination to bring drugs into the society.
Some foreign diplomats may also use their diplomatic
immunity to smuggle drugs into the society (Al-Saud,
1988). Admittedly, these two possibilities are not as

serious a threat as the others discussed in this paper.

Shmmagy

As mentioned above, a number of problems confront
Saudi drug law enforcement. Factors considered essential
to the spread of drug use in Saudi society can influence
the drug enforcement policy because most of these factors
have not been diminished. Also, most research on drugs in
Saudi society, because of the recent emergence of the drug
problem, have been concerned primarily with drug-related
epidemic, causes of its spread, warnings about the dangers
of drug use, and, most of all, great concern about drug
preventive and protective programs.

This researcher, in a preparatory study,
"Constraining Forces on the U.S. Drug Enforcement Policy,‘I
identified some of the prevailing forces affecting the
U.S. drug enforcement policy. These problems vary
substantially in their limiting influences and sources.

Considering the differences in the magnitude of

99

drug-related problems, the cultures, and the traditions
between the American and Saudi societies, the researcher
introduced not only the possible occurrence of some of
these constraints, but also their future emergence in the
Saudi drug control policy. Therefore, appreciating these
limitations on the Saudi enforcement policy needs further
investigation in order to diminish their constraining
influence.

Furthermore, since the early 19805, according to the
statistical reports from 1982 through 1987 (Saudi Arabia,
Ministry of Interior, 1982-1987), the quantities of
narcotic drugs seized and the number of drug smugglers,
traffickers, and users arrested has dramatically increased
each year. This fact shows the effectiveness of Saudi
drug enforcement measures. However, the drug epidemic in
Saudi society has increased as well. The quantity of
drugs consumed is substantial, which indicates the
availability of these substances in the society despite
the stringent controls that have been introduced.

Limitations on the Saudi drug enforcement policy may
not be of significance because of the low incidence of
drug problems and the short history of a serious drug
epidemics. Yet the possible existence of their influence
is unquestionable. If this subject is not examined,
future increases in the effects of these limitations are

predicted.

CHAPTER IV

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS,

AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Summagy

The preceding chapters focused primarily on the drug
situation in Saudi Arabia, especially the recent
development of drug-related epidemics and both punitive
and preventive drug control efforts. Since Saudi Arabia
is part of the international community, an investigation
of the international drug situation was briefly examined.
Also, to provide a general view of Saudi Arabia’s
surrounding drug situation, the writer considered the drug
problems in the Near and Middle East, Arab countries, and
the Arab Gulf States.

The study is important because an attempt was made to
relate the recent spread of drug use in Saudi society to
the international movement of illicit drugs. By examining
unresolved drug problems worldwide, forces limiting both
national and international drug control systems, and the
persistent increase of drug-related epidemics, the
researcher attempted to link these factors and the

resulting increase of the drug problem in Saudi society.

100

101

Concerning international drug problems, various
examples were provided of the drug control efforts of
national and international authorities. These control
efforts include the development of international treaties
to control both natural and psychotropic drugs, national
penal sanctions, and the agreement of many governments to
participate in such efforts through their respective
legislations. Despite these efforts and the measure of
success they have achieved both nationally and
internationally, drug use, trafficking, and smuggling are
still widely uncontrolled and are spreading throughout the
world.

The researcher also examined some of the prevailing
forces that curtail effective drug control measures.
These constraining ferces primarily proceed from various
traditional, legal, economic, and political factors. 131
addition, the clandestine nature of the drug market, the
massive profits derived from the illicit market, and the
deeply rooted drug use and socioeconomic influence of the
drug trade in a number of societies contribute
substantially to constrain both national and international
drug enforcement acts.

Narcotic drugs are not cultivated or produced in the
Gulf area. Countries in this subregion are either

consuming nations or drug-smuggling routes between

102

producing countries in the region and the rest of the
world.

Various factors in addition to Saudi Arabia’s
geographical location have contributed greatly to the
recent spread of drug problems. The rapid development and
modernization the Saudi society has witnessed over the
past 20 years, the large numbers of expatriate workers
from all parts of the world, the negative consequences of
westernization as the source of some previously unknown
deviant behaviors, and travel abroad especially to those
countries where illegal drugs are widely available have
contributed extensively, not only to widespread drug use
in Saudi society, but also to an increase in many other
social and pathological problems.

The study also provided a brief view of the kinds of
drugs available in Saudi society. Included was a
description of khat-related health problems because it is
estimated that more khat than any other natural drug is
seized annually. Khat is cultivated widely in North Yemen
and in the southwestern part of Saudi Arabia.

With regard to the Saudi drug control policy, the
writer focused on examining the historical development of
this policy. It was found that illicit substances have
always been strictly regulated in Saudi Arabia. The drug
control law, like all other laws in the country, is

derived from the basic sources of Islamic law, the Koran

103

and the Sunna. The Saudi control effort has marshaled all
its forces to eradicate drug-related problems in the
society. These efforts are not limited to Saudis
themselves, but extend to cooperation on the national,
subregional, regional, Arabic, Islamic, and international
levels. Such cooperation is an essential element of the
drug control policy. Penal sanctions and preventive
programs in the Saudi drug control policy have developed
significantly. In 1987, the death penalty was sanctioned
for drug smugglers and traffickers. Treatment of drug
addicts is provided free of charge in hospitals
established especially for this purpose.

The writer also examined other drug control measures
that have been used by the Saudi government to reduce
existing drug problems and to prevent an increase in such
problems. These measures consist of adopting regulations
on travel for young Saudis, using the mass media and other
official agencies to warn the public of the dangerous
effects of drug use, enlisting public cooperation in
informing authorities of drug-related activities, and,
most of all, providing advanced drug-detection equipment
in the country's airports, at seaports, and at the
borders.

Finally, some of the limitations on the Saudi drug
law enforcement were discussed. The need for further

research on known and potential limitations was stressed.

_-—T

 

104

W
W

Controlling the drug problem is considered the most
exigent objective of every society today. Large-scale
efforts to eradicate, or at least to reduce, the magnitude
of drug-related epidemics are being undertaken by both
national and international drug control systems.
International treaties to control drug traffic have
developed to the extent that they have approached other
forms of international cooperation. Despite all of these
worldwide control endeavors, however, the drug problem
still is widely unresolved: controlling the illegal
cultivation, production, and distribution of drugs is a
far-reaching process.

This pessimistic notion is recognized through the
numerous control efforts that have been undertaken and the
exiguous returns in terms of the reduction of drug-related
problems. This can be blamed, in part, on the equivocal
nature of drugs’ being good and bad concurrently, the
nature of drug use, international drug control, the drug
market, and political and economic factors.

The preceding elements not only bring about a
permanent increase in drug use but also hamper the
implementation of national and international drug control

efforts. In addition, international efforts to control

105

drugs have emphasized law enforcement strategies more than
preventive and rehabilitative measures. The war on drugs,
for example, is one of the international drug control
attempts to eradicate illicit drugs at their source.
However, the lesson of the failure of such tremendous
efforts has not yet been learned.

The nature of international drug control is also
considered a contributory factor in the present spread of
the drug epidemic throughout the world. This nature
generally concerns the implementation of its methods of
control, which are susceptible to various limitations.
Due to the freedom of international travel and advanced
communications, boundary-control problems, and the lack of
complete cooperation of national governments, the
international drug control effort will experience a
serious challenge to drug law enforcement as long as these
forces remain unresolved. Also, the lack of reliable
assessments of drug use can limit effective enforcement of
drug laws. It is difficult to obtain accurate evaluations
of drug use and its trends, not only because of
differences in languages and methods of data collection,
but also because it is complicated to determine a
definition of addiction and a precise classification of
addicts.

Moreover, conflicts between laws within a society and

the contrast between national and international drug laws

106

have limited the achievement of drug law enforcement and
the international concept of cooperation. Another source
of conflict lies in the political and economic aspects of
the drug problem. The political powers have a twofold
interest: those who fight drugs and those who use the
drug laws to monopolize the drug market. The economic
interest in drugs, on the other hand, consists in the
continuing endeavors by drug traffickers who fight on in
order to quench any efforts to reduce the demand for
illicit substances.

Taking into account all of these constraints on the
national and international drug control system, the
international perspective of controlling drug problems
seems to be equivocal if the abovementioned forces are not
being resolved or at least their impact lessened.

In general, the international drug control system
will be an effective tool if national governments fully
cooperate at all levels. One of the important aspects of
international cooperation in drug control is governments'
submission of annual reports concerning the drug situation
in their territories. Such reports should contain an
accurate assessment of drug use in a particular nation,
the extent of the drug epidemic, and the control efforts
that have been undertaken. At the operational level, the

exchange of information and experiences with particular

107

drug control strategies between and among governments will
allow international drug control agencies to effectively
implement their control efforts. Also, within any
society, cooperation and exchange of information between
drug enforcement agencies can help establish an effective
control action.

The international objective to achieve a successful
reduction in drug problems cannot be practically
implemented unless the failures experienced in the drug
control effort are determined and fully investigated.

In sum, it is impossible to control the drug problem.
However, its magnitude may be reduced through a long-term
process. This process can be carried out only through
reinforcement of drug control policy and active
cooperation of national governments. The reinforcement of
drug control policy must consider the prevailing forces
that limit enforcement actions through supporting
scientific research to examine these limitations and to
obtain accurate evaluations of drug use.

Drugs have always been used, either because of
psychological dependence, traditional use, or simple
pleasure. Since the beginning of this century, drug
problems have been escalating in most societies worldwide.
Massive efforts have been made to eradicate the drug
problem, on both the national and international levels.

But controlling the drug epidemic seems to be an

108

insurmountable problem. Long-range expectations to reduce
the magnitude of drug use will be successful only if the
international drug control system can penetrate the

impediments surrounding drug law enforcement.

W

Due to the gradual aggravation of the drug problem
over the past two decades, a number of societies recently
have become new targets for the illicit international drug
movement. Saudi Arabia, for example, has recently been
affected by a drug epidemic. Before the late 19705, drug
problems were not considered serious in Saudi society.
Most of the available writings distinctly referred to the
spread of drug use in Saudi Arabia as a consequence of the
vast development the society has witnessed since the mid-
19705.

Two major factors have attracted the international
illicit market to supply the increasing demand for
narcotic substances in Saudi Arabia: (a) the large
numbers of foreign workers, many of whom came from
societies where drugs are widely cultivated, produced or
manufactured, and used: and (b) the economic prosperity of
the society and the resulting wealth, which has enabled
drug users to pay for their habit. In addition, because
of the swift changes in Saudi living conditions and

developments in communication and domestic and

109

international air travel, the society has been transformed
from a traditional, conservative one to a nation that is
exposed to the cultural and social influences of the
outside world, especially the West. The drug problem is a
pathological phenomenon that has resulted from these
sudden changes and the negative impacts of economic and
social development on the Saudi society.

The severity of the drug epidemic in Saudi society is
low in comparison to the problem in other societies, due
to the recent emergence of the problem in Saudi Arabia and
the government’s great concern with eradicating drug use.
Yet the magnitude of the problem is much higher than it
was 15 years ago. Also, because of the lack of research
on and assessments of drug use, the intensity of drug-
related problems is still unclear and needs further study.

The lack of research in this area is probably a
result of the recent spread of drug use and the great
concern.‘with. achieving ‘the development plans. In
addition, most researchers have been hesitant to conduct
research in the drug field, primarily because of
conservativeness regarding drugs in Saudi Arabia, which
from the society's traditions and the fear that revealing
information may have a negative impact on the society.
Therefore, drug use in Saudi Arabia was kept secret until
the early 19805, when drug-related problems became

epidemic in proportion and could no longer be ignored.

110

The Saudi drug control system has realized the trend
in the international illicit market to menace the society,
especially the youths. Therefore, the government
has reinforced its drug policy: opened specialized
hospitals for treating drug addicts: enlisted the mass
media, mosques, official institutions, and citizens in a
campaign to warn people of the drug epidemic: and
strengthened its penal system to the extent that the death
penalty has been sanctioned for drug smugglers and
traffickers.

As a result of these efforts, the Saudi society is
segmented into users, dealers, and enforcement bodies.
Users and dealers are being treated as marginal elements
and are a new category to the society. At the same time,
these two groups are in conflict with the remainder of the
society and are trying to avoid being identified and
isolated by the social norms. In response to the
emergence of now-deviant behavior and change in the
society's structure, another group has emerged--those who
are devoted to curtailing drug-related problems. Because
of the huge profits derived from the illicit drug trade, a
certain segment of the society, who are seeking instant
wealth, have become involved in drug trafficking.
Moreover, since Islam prohibits drug use and the

activities related to illicit drugs, users, dealers, and

111

smugglers, in addition to violating the law, feel the
psychological rejection within themselves that results
from the contradiction between their deviant behavior and
the religious deterrent.

Finally, the entire Saudi society has become a drug
enforcement unit whose cooperation with drug law
enforcement officers, through informing on drug-related
offenses, is considered their religious duty and social
obligation.

The preceding changes have, in part, emerged as a
result of the international illicit drug movement and the
recently developed drug epidemic in Saudi society. As one
of the major consequences of the spread of drug problems
in Saudi society, the Saudi drug control policy was
promptly developed to combat any further increase in the
epidemic. Because this researcher relied on the available
writings, which primarily discussed the drug problem in
light of its epidemic and contributory consequences, he
had little information with which to evaluate the recent
implementation of the Saudi drug control policy.
According to the Minister of Interior, after the death
penalty was sanctioned, a 40% decrease in drug smuggling
was estimated. At this writing, 10 smugglers have been
executed. Public consciousness of drug problems has
progressively increased through the comprehensive use of

the mass media and religious guidance. In addition, Saudi

112

Arabia has become an active participant in the drug
eradication effort on the Arabic, Islamic, and
international levels.

In summary, the Saudi drug control policy, to a
considerable extent, has been developed, and noteworthy
achievements in drug law enforcement have been made. Yet
Saudi Arabia's location, the large number of foreign
workers, economic prosperity, and being host to almost two
million pilgrims annually may create obstacles to the drug
enforcement measures. In addition, the shortage of
recreational activities may also encourage young people to
travel abroad or to engage in "valueless" leisure
pursuits, which eventually support the spread of the drug

epidemic throughout society.

eco ' 5
Through examining the national and international drug
control policies in general and the Saudi drug control
policy in particular, the following recommendations can be

considered for practice and future investigations:

The lhtegnahionel Dghg thhzel Eeliey

1. With regard to drug law enforcement, a reform and
reevaluation. of Icountermeasures should be promptly
considered. Also, failures and successes of the drug
enforcement policy in one society must learned and taken

into account for future drug control efforts.

113

2. Areas where drugs are illegally cultivated must
be eradicated by the national authority with the
supervision and support of the international organization.
Substitute crops should be provided to former drug
cultivators, followed by long-term subsidies and creation
of incentives to change to cultivation of legal crops.

3. Every society should endeavor to obtain an
accurate assessment of drug use and the extent of its
related problems. Such an assessment could be achieved
through an international definition and classification of
drug addiction and addicts.

4. Young drug users who are not falling under the
international drug penal sanctions should be rehabilitated
instead of jailed.

5. Concerning cooperation on the national and inter-
national levels, the government must act effectively and
participate in exchanging information and other efforts in
the drug field, especially on the operational level.

6. The drug prevention system in any society must be
given the highest concern because it is one of the few
hopes for reducing the magnitude of drug use worldwide.
The importance of drug prevention lies in the consequences
of its implementation: reduction in the demand for
illicit substances.

7. One of the essential solutions to reducing the

effects of limitations on national drug enforcement

 

114

measures is to examine in detail their sources, the extent
of their influence, and the factors underlying their
effectiveness. Measures to counteract these limitations
should be formulated.

8. The current trend to legalize drugs will not
solve the problem. Legalization of drugs would be most
beneficial in terms of the economic factor because the
drug trade would then be taxed. Yet the damage to society

and health would be seriously aggravated.

The Saudi hgug Contgol Polley

1. Concerning the factors contributing to the spread
of drug use in Saudi society, the following should be
considered:

a. Educate the public regarding drugs and other
mood-altering substances.

b. Establish recreational means corresponding to
the society's traditions and culture that will
attract young people to use their free time for
something worthwhile.

c. Continue to encourage employment of Saudis in
both the public and private sectors.

d. Consolidate the religious, social, and educa-
tional aspects among young people to allow them to

withstand negative outside influences.

5.“ ’-K2 Juli-5"“-

115

e. Pilgrims who take advantage of their right to
visit the holy places and distribute drugs should be
subjected the legal sanctions pertaining to drug
smugglers.

2. The death penalty for drug smugglers was issued
by religious scholars, who basically relied on the Koranic
verse that is interpreted "This is the recompense of those
who fight against God and His Messenger, and hasten about
the earth, to do corruption there: They shall be
slaughtered, or crucified, or their hands and feet shall
alternately to struck off, or they shall be banished from
the land" (The Table, verse 33) . This researcher agrees
with Al-Bnani’s (1988) suggestion that the alternatives
mentioned in the preceding verse be applied in the
smuggling situation. With the death penalty, because drug
smugglers realize they will be executed if they are
apprehended, their resistance to arrest could bring about
more deaths among drug enforcement officers.

3. The Saudi government could eradicate khat chew-
ing, especially in the southwestern region (Jizan), by
reinforcing the Boundary Force and Coast Guard,
strengthening religious deterrents, providing appropriate
recreational activities, and carrying out television
programs and informational campaigns to explain the health

problems and economic consequences of khat chewing. It is

116

also suggested that khat addicts be treated similarly to
other drug addicts.

4. Cooperation between the social sciences and mass
media and the drug control agencies is essential in
establishing an effective response in the public regarding
drug problems. This cooperation can be viewed through the
recognition by drug control agencies that fighting the
drug problem can be carried out by other experts in the
social sciences, such as sociologists, psychologists,
social workers, and others.

5. Increasing public education concerning misuse of
prescription drugs and reinforcing the laws regarding
importation of pharmaceutical products should be
considered.

6. Drug law enforcement must be evaluated, and prob-
lems confronting its actions should be identified and
resolved.

7. Preventive programs should be expanded, and
reluctance to admit to having a drug problem can be
diminished through efforts of the mass media, mosques, and
schools.

8. The Saudi drug control policy can be benefited by
learning from the experiences of other countries that have
a longer history dealing with the drug problem. This

approach is essential in avoiding other countries’

117

failures and in adopting their successful drug control

strategies.

e te t d' 5

Some questions arose through the findings of this
study and thus need further examination. First, because
of the distinct lack of research concerning the drug
control policy in Saudi Arabia, an investigation of
problems encountered in drug law enforcement should be
undertaken. This can be achieved through interviews with
drug enforcement officers or by the researcher’s working
as a drug enforcement officer for a period of time. Also,
the magnitude of drug use in Saudi society is still
unknown and requires further research and annual

assessment.

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