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GROUP SELF-CRITICISM RITUALS AND DEVIANCE DETERRENCE
IN THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA

BY
Baik-Chul Lee

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF SCIENCE

School of Criminal Justice

1988

ABSTRACT

GROUP SELF-CRITICISM RITUALS AND DEVIANCE DETERRENCE
IN THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA

BY
Baik-Chul Lee

This study explores the role group self-criticism plays
as an informal or extra-judicial process in the People’s
Republic of China, and investigates the perception of
effectiveness of group self-criticism in deterring deviance
or crime. The survey research was done on a population of
Chinese persons from the PRC who are temporarily residing in
the U.S.

The findings suggest that various kinds of problems are
settled in an informal group setting, ranging from work
mistakes, thought problems, sex/family related problem, to
certain types of criminal actions. Among the latter, adultery
and small theft (bike, watch, etc) are the most serious types
of deviances which can be settled outside of the formal
criminal justice system. Collectivistic values, group
cohesiveness,and voluntary self-criticism were found to have
an impact on the perception of deterrence as affecting group
self-criticism, while frequency of group self-criticism does

not impact on this perception.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

Truly, can studying a country be done only by knowledge

and interest without love of the People?

I think of my parents,
who are waiting for another degree -- Ph.D.

I appreciate their help of Doctors Vincent. J Hoffman,
Frank S. Horvath, Rosy Ekpenyong, and Robert C. Trojanowicz.

ii

GROUP SELF-CRITICISM RITUALS AND DEVIANCE DETERRENCE

IN THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA

Chapter 1. Introduction . ........................... ...... 1
Chapter 2. Literature Review ............................. 15

Chapter 3. Conceptual Understanding of

Group Self-Criticism in the PRC. ........ .......33

1. Group Self-criticism Ritual in small group ............ 34
2. Group Self-criticism and Official Norm..... ...... .....36
3. Official Norms..... ................. . ......... . ...... 41
4. Purpose of Group Self-criticism ....................... 46
5. Origin of Group Self— -criticism......... ............... 48
6. Crime Deterrence and Group Self-criticsm .......... ....51
7. Cases of Group Self-criticism ......................... 53
Chapter 4. Research Design and Procedure .................. 60
1. Data collection and procedure .................... ...60
2. Demographic features of the subjects ................63
3. Research Design ............... ................. ......67
4. Resarch Limitations ............ . ..................... 74
Chapter 5. Data Analysis and Findings .................... 77

Research Question #1 What type of mistake,

wrongdoing, deviance, or crime, is revealed in group self-
criticism ritualsm and settled in it without intervention
of the formal criminal justice system? ........... ...... 77

R s c st'o Does the frequency of

a) group self-criticism, b) criticism, or

c) individuals observing group self-criticism sessions,
influence 1) group cohesiveness, and 2) the individual’s
perception of these sessions as effective in deterring
deviance? .............................................84

R sear h u st'on 3 Does group cohesiveness have some
relationship to perception of the effectiveness of self-
criticism in deterring deviance? ................ ......86

111

Research Question £4 What values of the People’s
Republic Of China (PRC) have an impact on perception of

effectiveness of self-criticism in deterring deviance?

0000000000000000000.0000. ....... 0000000 ......... 000000089

Research Question £5 In regards to their perception
of the effectiveness of self-criticism in deterring

deviance, are there any differences between those who
have practiced self-criticism voluntarily and those who
have forcibly been made to practice self-criticism?.... 92

Additional Analysis and Results. ......... ...............96
Summary of the Findings ........................... ......99
Chapter 6. Conclusion........... .......... ... ........... ..103
Appendix Questionnaire (English). ..................... ..110
Questionnaire (Chinese) ....................... .129
Bibliography.................... ...... ....... ............. 146

iv

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

4-1

5-1

5-3

5-4

5-5

LIST OF TABLES

Demographic Features ..................... . ..... 64

Type and Frequency of Problems in Group Self-
CritiCism and critiCism 0.00.00.00.00000000000 78

Frequency of Sex-Related Problems by Gender and
of their Disclosure in Group Self-Criticism....81

Frequency and Percentage of Respondents’
Perception toward 1st & 2nd Stealing a bike Can
Be Settled Outside of the Formal Criminal Justice
System (Police)................................83

Frequency and Percentage of Respondents'
Perception of the Types of Deviances That Can Be
Settled Outside of the Formal Criminal Justice
System........................... ..... .........83

Correlations among the Variables of the Frequency
of Group self-criticism (FSC), the Frequency of
Criticism (FC), the Frequency of Observation of
Group Self-criticism (FO), Total sum of FSC,
FC,FO (TSC), Group Cohesiveness (TGC), and
Perception of Effectiveness of Group self-
criticism in Deterring Deviance (TSCD).........86

Comparison of perception of effectiveness of

Group self-criticism in deterring deviance
between Group with Strong Cohesiveness and group
with Weak Cohesiveness. ................ .......75

Rank of the Value in the PRC ... ........ . ...... 76

Comparison of Perception of Effectiveness of

Group Self-Criticism on Deterring Deviance (TSCD)
between Official Politically-Approved Values
Group (VAL-A) and Non-Politically Approved Values
Group (VAL-B). ................................77

Cross-Tabulation of Politically-Approved Values
Group (VAL-A) and Non-Politically Approved Values
Group (VAL-B) with Voluntary and Forced Self-
Criticism (scvo vs SCFO)... ............ ........78

V

Table 5-10

Table 5-11

Table 5-12

Correlations among Voluntary Self-Criticism (SCVO),
Forced Self-Criticism (SCFO), Changing Attitude

after Forced Self -Criticism (FSCPO), Not Changing
Attitude after Forced Self-Criticism (FSCNE), Total
amount of FSC,FC, and F0 (TSC), and Perceptions

toward Effectiveness of Self-Criticism as Deviance
Deterrence (TSCD)...............................79

Comparison of Willingness to Change One’s Attitude
After Forced Group Self-Criticism (FSCPO) with Type
of Values Ranked as Most Important in the PRC
(VAL-A vs VAL-B)................................81

Correlations Among All Major Variables .........84

Figure

Figure
Figure

Figure

LIST OF FIGURES
Group Self-Criticism Ritual and the Criminal
Justice System in the PRC ....... ............ 6
Process of Criticism in a Small Group........38
Process of Group Self-Criticism..............40

Diagram For Correlations Among Major Variables

00000000000000000000000000000000000000000000105

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION

Many publications show that, with various terms and
forms in many different places, self-criticism in a group has
been used as a device for religious and political conversion,
group-therapy treatment, as the medium for absolution from
sins, and as a deviance deterrence or crime prevention
strategy, and so on (Kanter, 1968; Lifton, 1961; Mowrer,
1964; Sargent, 1957; Sherrod, 1982).

In the Catholic church, confessing of sins is done to
obtain forgiveness, and to show repentance for wrongdoings or
sins. A penitent person can receive direct forgiveness for
his/her sin through voluntary Cathalic confession (the
Sacrament of Reconciliation). It may be a device to reconcile
the sinner to the church after he/she has fallen into sin
(Encyclopedia Americana, 1985, V.7:534). According to the New
Catholic Encyclopedia (1976), in the first four centuries,
confession commonly occurred in public, and Christians did
not insist on their right to absolute secrecy. The early
Christians, in their closely knit-communities, were willing
to admit many of their sins in public and accept public

penances gradually, even for some of their secret sins.

However during the fifth century, the church began to seal
confession, and in the twelfth century, private confession
had become absolute and universal (New Catholic Encyclopedia,
1976; Kurtscheid, 1927). Mowrer (1964:20) describes some
religious groups which try to take personal guilt seriously
and make active use of confession, testimony, witnessing in
small groups, and restitution in its attempt to free people
personally and restore them to the community.

In his study about utopian communities in nineteenth
century America, Kanter (1968) also found that public
confession and mutual criticism existed as a commitment-
producing organizational strategy in successful (enduring)
communities, but did not exist or were rarely present in
unsuccessful (short-lived) communities. According to Kanter,
commitment to social control or norms involves securing a
person's positive evaluative orientations, redefining his
symbolic environment so that the system’s demands are
considered right in terms of his self-identity, and obedience
to authority becomes a moral necessity. Mortification and
surrender are among the components of evaluative-control
commitments. Mortification can be a sign of trust in the

group, a willingness to share weakness, failing, doubts,

problems, and one’s innermost secrets with others. It thus
facilitates commitment of the evaluative-control type and
generates loyalty, binding the evaluative components of the
personality system to the morms of the social system, through
the system’s invasion of phenomenological privacy. Kanter’s
findings indicate that confession, self-criticism, and mutual
criticism are components of promoting mortification,
enhancing social bond, group survival, and commitment to
community. Personal testimony is also usedin groups such as
the evangelical Christian groups, Weight Watchers, Alcoholic
Anonymous, and certain group-therapy groups as an effective
means for audience commitment or behavior change (Sherrod,
1982: 138-139).

In regard to public confession in the early Catholic
Church, Mowrer (1964:19) posits that transformation from its
originally public form to complete privacy weakened the
integrity and vitality of the Church. He also argues that it
has left the Protestant world without clear, effective means
of dealing with personal guilt - and personal disturbance. In
addition, he compares the Christian Church with the Communist
society in that "contemporary Christianity’s worst enemy is

employing techniques and dynamics of the early Church and has

put them to work in a perhaps perverted but astonishingly
powerful way. The communist cell is a modern variant on the
Christian cell or house-church. There is a striking
similarity in the underground character of both movements.
'Brainwashing’ is an inversion of primitive Christian 'group
therapy,’ involving a total ideological metamorphosis. In
both instances there is a marked sense of ’community’ and
tremendous camaraderie. And the willingness to sacrifice
time, money, and even life itself for sake of a higher cause
- in a word, commitment - explains to a great extent the
rapid growth, in each case, of the idea and the institution."

Criticism and group self-criticism in the People's
Republic of China have been used as a device for ideological
reform, and as a potent instrument or medium of political
education. Political education for all Chinese is part of the
drive to mobilize collective effort in building a socialist
society, but raising political consciousness is also the tool
for correcting deviance (Johnson, 1986: 451). It is not
surprising then that most Chinese people spend thousands of
hours in small group study sessions so that small groups will
help formulate official norms and communicate these norms to

all members. In the sessions, all members are supposed to

point out other members’ error or wrongdoing, or practice
self-criticism about their own error or wrongdoing, based on
official norms. Through such a process, a certain level of
error or wrongdoing is forgiven by other group members, and
thus is settled in a group without recourse of the formal
criminal justice system. Consequently, criticism and self-
criticism among group members, in theory, strengthen group
solidarity (Li,1977; Whyte, 1974).

It is often said that American society has fixed ideas
about the institutions and techniques which should be
employed to control and correct deviant behavior. According
to Li (1977: 140), the very use of the terms "criminal law"
and "penology" evokes images of prisons, probation officers,
parole boards, and so on, focusing one’s attention on the
formal criminal justice process. This emphasis is
misdirected for the study of criminal justice in American
society and is improper for that in China. He argues that the
entire field of comparative legal studies needs to be

reformulated into broader and less Western-oriented terms.

Figure 1-1 is a simplified graphic representation of the

judicial process in the case of an individual violating an

 

 

 

 

 

I
I
- I
T <1> I 4 <4)
I
l

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A
‘

Figure 1-1. Group Self-Criticism Ritual and the
Criminal Justice System in the PRC.

<1>: An individual

<2>: Official norm

<3>: Group self-criticism ritual

in the small group (Xiao-Zu)

<4>: The formal criminal justice system
official norm or law in the PRC. In most societies, including
American society, when an individual’s certain criminal
activity is known to the public, the individual must face the
formal criminal justice system or escape. However, the PRC

has an extra-step as <3> in Fig 1-1, which may be referred to

as an informal or extra-judicial process. <1> presents an

individual, <2> is an official norm, <3> is a group self-
criticism ritual, and <4> represents the official criminal
justice system. Except for severe criminal violation, most
deviant acts are settled through group self-criticism
activity based in accordance with an official norm, and
outside of the formal criminal justice system. Group self-
criticism ritual in the PRC, along with political education,
is one of proactive strategies of deviance or crime
prevention. Prevention would be achieved by mobilizing
individuals or groups outside the span of justice

bureaucracies through an exercise of political power.

As described earlier, a sinner in the early Catholic
Church and a deviant in the PRC can be forgiven through
public confession and public self-criticism, by the public
(ultimately, by God and the State). We may say that public
confession and public self-criticism play a bridge-role
between a sinner and the public or God, and between a
deviator and the group or the society, respectively, when a
person deviates from God’s teaching or from th official norms

of society.

Western scholars have extensively studied the
relationship between induced commitment, role-playing, or
cognitive dissonance on the one hand, and attitude or

behavior change on the other. Although these studies have
mostly used American subjects, similar reserch conducted in
Hong Kong in the 19505 featured Chinese or ex-Western
prisoners of war as subjects. However, these studies focused
frequently on the relationship between making a public
statement and attitude or behavior change. Regretfully, there
has been little research on the relationship between public
self-criticism and deviance deterrence or crime prevention.
This study attempts to explore the effectiveness of group
self-criticism ritual on deviance deterrence and crime
prevention based on Chinese respondents’ perception.

The purpose of this study is to the kind of role group
self-criticism ritual plays as an informal judicial process
in the PRC. Specially, the study intends to examine how
Chinese respondents perceive the relationship between
deterrence of deviance, crime prevention, and group self-
criticism ritual in the PRC. The study examines the following
research questions:

1. What type of mistake, wrongdoing, deviance, or crimes

is exposed in group self-criticism rituals, and
settled in it without intervention of the formal

criminal justice system?

Do the frequencies of a) group self—criticism, b)
criticism, and c) individuals observing group self-
criticism or criticism sessions, influence group
cohesiveness and the individual’s perception of these

sessions as effective in deterring deviance?

Does group cohesiveness have some relationship to the
perception of the effectiveness of group self-

criticism in deterring deviance?

What values of the People’s Republic of China (PRC)
have an impact on the perception of effectiveness of

group self-criticism in deterring deviance?

Are there any differences in the effectiveness of
group self-criticism ritual in deterring deviance
between those who have practiced self-criticism

voluntarily and those who have been forced to practice

10

self-criticism?

List of Terms

This section provides definitions or explanations of

terms to help readers’ conceptual understanding.

P C -- People’s Republic of China.

S 1 on -- "Xiao-zu" in Chinese. The Chinese sources
consulted: Hong, Fu-chuan,1952: Tsou,Shu-min, 1951: Zhou,

Yuan-ping, 1950.

Seif;Exgmina§ign -- "Zi-wo jian-cha" in Chinese. In this
study, it refers to "writing a self-examination before or

after self-criticism in a small group."

Li;g_nggti_g -- "Sheng-huo hui" in Chinese. this meeting is
most common in any part of the PRC. It is usually held once a
week, sometime more than once, in a small group. In the
meeting, members discuss various problems, ranging from new

instruction from the Party, work performance, work

11

discipline, to private conflict between members.

Ctitigism and Self-criticism -- "Pi-ping yu Zi-wo Pi-ping" in

Chinese. In this study, they refer to "criticizing others (or

their faults) and criticizing oneself (or one’s fault) in a

group meeting." Self-criticism is often used as "group
self-criticism." Group self-criticism ritual refers to
"activities in a small group including criticism, self-

criticism, and observation of criticism and self-criticism."
The Chinese sources consulted: Liu,Chi, 1982: Long,Chien,
1952:Wu,Lan, 1950; Ying,Lin, 1956; Zao, Xian-yung,1984; £22:
xi Ei-ping yu Zi-wo Pi-ping (Study on Criticism and Self-
criticism), 1952:Lun Ei-ping yt Zi-wo Pi-ping (Discussion on

Criticism and Self-criticism),1950.

Batty representative (secretary) -- "Shu-ji" in Chinese. In

this study, it refers to "a secretary of the Party committee
in a work or school unit." It is called "Jiao Tao Yuan" or

"Zhi Tao Yuan" in the military unit.

Cultutai Revolution(1966-1976) -- "Wen Hua Da Ge Ming" in

Chinese. It was initiated by Mao, Tse-Tung, the former

12

chairman of the Chinese Communist Party. As defined by Mao,
the aims of the Cultural Revolution were to consolidate the
dictatorship of the proletariat, to prevent capitalist
restoration, and to build socialism. It was designed to shake
up an increasingly self-conscious and conservative party-
government-military-power elite and to replace it with more
revolutionary elements. Bureaucrats and managers at all
levels of government and industry were sent out to do manual
labor, and millions of students were sent down to the farms
or factories, leading to a new spirit of egalitarianism.
Primary emphasis was on the restoring of ideological purity,
the reinfusion of revolutionary fevor into the Party and
government bureaucracies, and the intensification of class
struggle. Political education and group self-criticism ritual

were especially emphasized during the Cultural Revolution.

In orma nd 0 a1 Judic'a Process -- Article 32 of the
Criminal Law of the PRC (1979) shows that:

where the circumstances of a person’s crime are minor
and do not require sentencing to punushment, an
exemption from criminal sanctions may be granted him,
but he may, according to the different circumstances of
each case, be reprimanded or ordered to make a statement
of repentance or formal apology, or make compensation
for losses, or be subjected to administrative sanctions

13

by the competent department.

According to Cohen, there were three types of sanctions
in Mao’s China: informal, administrative, and criminal. The
informal sanctions imposed by work and residential units
(small groups) ranged from criticism to struggle meetings.
The administrative sanctions imposed by the police included
formal warning, fines and short detentions, supervised labor
without segregation from society, and reeducation through
labor in camps. The major criminal sanctions imposed by the
courts were control, similar to supervised labor;
imprisonment for a fixed termrimprisonment for life: death
sentence,and so on. Mediation and persuasion are employed by
individuals or a small group to resolve disputes between
neighbors or spouses. Struggle, criticism, and self-criticism
before a group are used to deal with minor criminal cases,
such as gambling and petty theft. For more serious
wrongdoings or repeat offenders, administrative sanctions are
imposed by public security organs (Cohen, 1968,1977:

Leng,l985).

Mao advocated two types of sanctions. According to Mao’s

"theory of contradiction," there are two types of

14

contradictions: "Contradictions between ourselves and the
enemy" (antagonistic contradictions) and "contradictions
among the people" (nonantagonistic contradictions). Mao
defined in broad terms "the people" as the "social groups
which approve for the cause of socialist construction" and "
the enemy" as "the social forces that resist the socialist
revolution, and are hostile and try to wreck socialist
construction." Conflicts among the people are to be dealt
with by the "method of democracy" and conflicts with the
enemy by the "method of dictatorship." In settling the
former, "reliance should be on education and persuasion,"
while in dealing with the latter, such as "reactionaries,
exploiters, counterrevolutionaries, landlords, bureaucrat-
capitalists, robbers, swindlers, murderers, arsonists,
hooligans, and other scoundrels who seriously disrupt social
order, measures of dictatorship and severe sanctions must be

employed" (Mao,1977:363-366).

CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW

This chapter has two parts. The first part addresses the
previous empirical studies on the relationship between the
process of Chinese thought reform and its effectiveness,
which were conducted by western scholars in Hong Kong. The
second part provides the theoretical basis for the present
study. Because the present study is exploratory in nature,
there have been very few studies concerning group self-
criticism and its effect in deterring deviance. Therefore,
the second part includes indirect evidence such as the effect
of message repetition or induced commitment on attitude or
behavior change, with the hope that it will bear some
theoretical basis on the deterrent effect of group self-

criticism in the PRC.

Previoue Empizieai Stegies

Many western analysts concur that in the PRC, criticism
and self-criticism in a group have been introduced as one of
the primary categories of political action and ideological

reform. Many western scholars in the field of social

15

16

psychology also have been interested in the process of
Chinese thought reform and its effectiveness, especially
since the beginning of 1950s, when the Korean War ended. Most
of such research has been done through interviews with
American soldiers or some other Westerners who have
experienced the ideological reform in Chinese prison in
19503, or with the Chinese refugees from Mainland China. (

Hinker, 1969: Lifton, 1961: Schein, 1956: Whyte, 1974 ).

Schein (1956) made intensive interviews with 20 United
Nations prisoners of the Korean War in 1953 and concluded
that "the Chinese were succesful in eliciting and controlling
certain kinds of behavior in the prisoner population. but,
they were less successful in changing the beliefs of the
prisoner." During the 19505 in Hong Kong, Lifton (1961) also
interviewed with 15 Chinese refugees and 25 Westerners
expelled from China after they served their prison terms. He
had a similar conclusion that, while Chinese thought reform
succeeded in the extraction of a lucidly incriminating
confession of guilt, it did not reform the Western prisoner.
In addition, his study showed that the thought reform

technique was more successful with Chinese than with

l7

Westerners, largely because of the immense appeal of
nationalism among the former, their sense of belonging to a
group within their society, as well as other historical and
cultural influences.

In 1964, Hinker (1969) conducted an experimental
research with 50 Chinese refugees in Hong Kong. The purpose
of his study was to explore the attitudinal effect on Chinese
of making a public statement contrary to private opinion
under inducement of an authority figure. He examined the
psychological effect on the participants under a "forced
compliance" by applying two theories such as dissonance
theory and the characterological theory about Chinese. The
result of the study indicated that,"for Chinese subjects, the
increased inducement produce increased compliance: but that
neither increased inducement nor consequent increased
compliance has any observable effect on internalized
attitudes under the conditions tested" (P.173). It also
indicated that there exists a real cross-cultural difference
between Americans and Chinese in their attitudinal reactions
to forced compliance. These cultural differences were as
follows: (a) the subjective definition of the self-concept in

terms of family and group loyalties rather than in terms of

18

unversalistic principles of identification: (b) the ingrained
habit of exhibiting submission before figures of authority;
and (c) the accepted practice of maintaining a cognitive
distinction between one’s overt formal behavior in a
situation and one’s covert emotional feelings (P.174). He
also argued that the cultural elements that mediate the
relationship between private beliefs and public behavior for
Chinese are the same as those that bred overt compliance
without accompanying internalized attitude change in the
experimentally forced compliance situation (P.174).

Whyte (1974) interviewed 101 Mainland Chinese refugees
in Hong Kong. Instead of testing previously derived
hypotheses from the literature on Western organizational
behavior, small group, and attitude change, he examined the
organizational and ideological basis of the Chinese thought
reform mechanism through a thorough examination of “political
study" and "mutual criticism" in the "small group". He
concluded that "even in organizations which are not working
as they are supposed to,hsiao-tsu (small group) and political
rituals still make important contributions to organizational
effectiveness" (P. 234). He also showed that the different

organizational contexts caused different responses to the

19

effect of group consolidation and attitude change. In
government offices and schools, small group activities seemed
to be more effective in creating consolidation and official
norm than in factories or communes. Even among the inmates of
corrective labor camps, the activities prevented the

emergence of a hostile counter-culture.

Theoretical Bases of the Study

As mentioned in earlier chapters, group self-criticism
has played various roles in different settings. In order to
understand the role of group self-criticism as an extra-
judicial process, understanding of the role of law in the PRC
and Mao’s influence on it may be required. Most authors seem
to agree that two models of law have coexisted and competed
with each other in the PRC (Cohen, 1968: Johnson, 1986:
Leng,1977:Leng & Chiu. 1985: Lubman, 1969: Tao, 1974)
According to them, there have been the jural (formal) model

and the societal (informal) model.

Leng points out that just as Fa (positive law)and Li

20

(moral code)coexisted in traditional China to regulate human
behavior and social order, so do the jural and societal
models of law coexist in contemporary China. The jural model
stands for formal, elaborate, and codified rules enforced by
a centralized and institutionalized bureacracy. The societal
model, on the other hand, focuses on socially approved norms
and values, implemented through political socialization and
enforced through social pressures. The informal mode
represents a distinctly Maoist approach to law. The proper
modes of conduct based on the collective ethics of an
egalitarian society are communicated to the people through
education and mass participation in the political-legal
process. Compliance is secured by the individual’s
internalization of social norms and by community pressure and
coercion. The formal sanctioning process of the state comes
into play only in serious cases of deviance (Leng,l977: 356-
357; Leng & Chin, 1985: 7-8)

According to Dittmer’s (1974:337) account, the process
of criticism and self-criticism was meant not only to
facilitate the open airing of differences between Party
members and to encourage the discussion of alternative

policies. It was also meant but to provide a forum for the

21

expression of grievances and a small-group disciplinary
technique. Whyte (1974:233-234) also made similar conclusions
that the small group (xiao-tzu) contribute to preventing
deviance and maintaining social control, and provide a forum
for bringing personal disputes into the open and resolving
them.

Zao’s (1985:42-43) statement implies an informal
judiciary role of group criticism and self-criticism. He
mentioned that " if a potential criminal is not corrected in
right time, he will fall into a miserable stage, will receive
legal punishment. If the Party organization functions
effectively, attaches great importance to criticism and self-
criticism, and thought education and organizational control,
when a person faces dangerous situation, the Party
organization can wake him by slapping a his face, and at
least save him from becoming a criminal."

Leng (1977) gives us more specific information on the
informal process of law enforcement and dispute resolution.
According to Leng’s description, meditation and persuasion
are employed by individuals or a small group to resolve
disputes between neighbors or spouses. Criticism, and self-

criticism before a group are used to deal with minor cases of

22

misbehavior, such as gambling and petty theft. For more
serious wrongdoings or repeat offenders, administrative
sanctions are imposed by public security organs.

Based on previous empirical studies, this study will
attempt to garner more insight and information on the

judicial role of group self-criticism ritual in the PRC.

There are many studies about the effect of repetition on
attitude change, and the relationship between repetition and
cognitive response. Communicators have often used repetition
to gain the acceptance of an idea. Repetition was an
instrumental part of propaganda campaigns in Nazi Germany and
in "brain Washing" attempts in Chinese and North Korean
prison camps ( Sawyer, 1981: Zimbardo,1974 ). In schools, the
military, or advertising industry, it has been also used for

persuasion purposes or as a teaching tool.

Mere exposure theory hypothesizes that familiar objects
and people are more liked than less familiar ones, and that
through repetitive exposure, something initially unfamiliar
will be looked upon more favorably ( Zajonc, 1968 ). Zajonc

found that mere exposure of an object was sufficient to

23

produce increased affect toward that object. Zajonc’s
exposure effect have been replicated under many conditions by
different scholars (e.g., Harrison, 1968: Harrison, Tutone,
and Mcfadgen, 1971: Harrison & Zajonc, 1970; Matlin,
1970,1974: Saegert & Jellison, 1970: Schick, McGlynn, &
Woolam, 1970). These researchers examined the effects of
repeated exposure to a message and what effects last when the
exposure has ceased.

Cacioppo and Petty (1979) tested the effects of
repetition of audio messages that advocated a position that
was either consistent with or contrary to the subject’s
initial attitude. Their study showed that with more
presentations of the good arguments, the subjects generated
more favorable and fewer unfavorble implications of the
arguments. However, at a certain high level of message
repetition, tedium and/or reactance may have set in,
motivating the subjects to cognitively attack the now
offensive communication. McCullough and Ostrom (1974) also
reported a direct test of the effects of repetition on
cognitive response. The study found that repetition
significantly decreased the negativeness of the net response.

They did not find a tedium effect, however, probably because

24

unlike the Cacioppo and Petty study (1979), the study
showed slightly different ads at each exposure. According to
Swab’s study (1973), there is no evidence that mere exposure
of the topic of a message has persuasive effect. He varied
the nature of a persuasive message (positive, negative, and
neutral) and the number of times the object of the persuasive
message was mentioned within the message (1, 5, 25 times). He
found no effect of repetition. It seems that the effects of

repetition are far from uniformly and infinitely positive.

Mao (1965:160) also emphasized the importance of
repetition of self-criticism and thus argued that " We
should check our complacency and constantly criticize our
shortcomings, just as we should wash our faces or sweep the
floor every day to remove the dirt and keep them clean".

Based on previous studies, this study posits that there
are some relationships between frequency or repetition of
message or exposure and its effectiveness on liking,
learning, attitude or behavior change, and cognitive
response. Accordingly, this study posits that there is a
relationship between the amount or frequency of practicing or

observing criticism and group self-criticism and people’s

25

perception of effectiveness of group self-criticism in
deterring deviance or not.

In regard to the relationahip between group
cohesiveness and its influence on the attitudes of group
members, many studies have shown a positive relationship
between the two ( Cohen,1964: Stanley, 1951: Thibaut and
Strickland, 1956). Thibaut and Strickland’s study shows the
positive relationship between pressure and conformity in
cohesive groups, and vice versa in stranger groups. Kelly and
Volkhart (1952) found that persons who are strongly motivated
to retain their membership in a group are less likely to
accept communications which advocate positions counter to the
norms and values of the group. Cohen (1964) also mentioned
that those who place a high value on their membership in a
group tend to change their attitudes depending upon the
relation of the change to the group’s standards. There are
also many studies that found a positive relationship between
the degree of group cohesiveness and the strength of
conformity to group norms ( Festinger, 1950: Festinger,
Schachter, and Back, 1950: French, 1956; Hovland, Janis, and
Kelley, 1956). Stanley (1951) defined "cohesiveness" as the

total field of forces acting on members to remain in the

26

group. He posits that if we assume all groups are attempting
to induce the same amount, we can derive that there will be
fewer deviates from a group standard in highly cohesive
groups than in less cohesive groups.

These previous studies support the writer’s assumption
that there may be difference in future perception of
deterrence effect between those who have a strong bond to the

group and those who have a weak group bond to the group.

The capitalist market economy fosters individualism and
in turn depends on it. On the other hand, various socialist
types of economic order foster collectivism and in turn
depend on it, although to various degree (Hofstede, 1980).
The Chinese Communist Party leaders have emphasized social
order and value consensus to establish a new social system
since the country was communized in 1949.. It was designed to
create new people to fit into new social system.

The present study devides the values respondents ranked
as most important in the PRC into two: politically approved
values and non-politically approved values. Politically

approved values includes collectivity-oriented values such as

27

patriolism, group spirit, and compliance to authority, while
non-politically approved values include self-oriented values
such as individualism, making money, and entering higher
class.

A number of studies show that individualism—collectivism
is the major dimension of cultural variability isolated by
theorists across disciplines which affects intergroup
process. According to Hofstede’s study (1980), in
individualistic cultures, individuals take care of themselves
and members of their immediate family: while in
collectivistic cultures, the ingroups to which individuals
belong take care of them in exchange for loyalty. Triandis
(1986) also argues that collectivistic cultures emphasize
goals, needs and views of the ingroup over those of the
individual; the social norms of the ingroup, rather than
individual pleasure: shared ingroup beliefs, rather than
unique individual beliefs: and a value on cooperation with
ingroup members, rather than maximizing individual outcomes.
Noesjirwan (1978) found that the rule guiding concerning the
ingroup in collectivistic culture (Indonesia) is that members
of the group should adapt to the group so that the group can

present a united front. On the other hand, in individualistic

28

culture ( Australia ) members are expected to do their own
thing even if they must go against the group. Similarily,
Argyle and his associates (1986) also discovered that rules
regarding ingroups such as maintaining harminious
relationships are endorsed highly in collectivistic culture
(Japan and Hong kong), but not in individualistic cultures
(England and Italy).

The norm prevalent in a given society as to the degree
of individualism/collectivism expected from its members will
strongly affect the nature of the relationship between a
person and the organization to which he or she belongs. The
level of individualism/collectivism in society will affect
the organization’s member’s reasons for complying with
organizational requirements (Hofstete, 1980).

Referring Etzioni’s study (1975), Hofstete also assumes
more "moral" involvement with the organization where
collectivist values prevail, and more "calculative"
involvement where individualist prevail. According to
Etzioni, pure moral involvemdent tends to develop in vertical
relationships, such as those between teachers and students,
leaders and followers, while social involvement tends to

develop in horizontal relationships like those in various

29

types of primary groups. Hofstete relates Pure moral
involvement to the values of the subordinate in a high power
distance society, and social involvement to the values of the
organization member in a collectivist society.

Based on the previous studies, this study concludes that
there may be some differrences between those with
collectivistic values and those with individualistic values
in attitudes or behaviors in a group. This study attempts to
examine if there are some differences between collectivism
oriented-values (politically approved) and individualism
oriented—values (non politically approved) in perception of

group self-criticism ritual in deterring deviance.

Festinger’s theory of cognitive dissonance has been
used to test the effect of induced commitment, such as making
a public statement, and changing behavior or attitude in many
different settings. According to Festinger’s theory (1957),
two cognitive elements are in dissonant relation, if the
obverse of one element follows from the other. One element
may follow from another because of logical inconsistency,

cultural moral, or past experience, etc. These discrepant

3O

cognitions produce an uncomfortable psychological state
called dissonance that people are motivated to reduce or
eliminate. He proposed that individuals have at their command
three ways of reducing dissnance: changing their cognitions
regarding their own behavior: changing their cognitions
regarding the environment: adding new consonant cognitive

elements. The following propositions have been supported by

many different experiments with American subjects (
Brehm,1960; Brehm and Cohen,1962; Cohen, Brehm and
Flemming,1958: Brock and Blackwood, 1962: Jenis and

King,1954,1956; Kelman, 1953; Rabbie, Brehm, and Cohen,1959):
(1) making a public statement contrary to one’s private
opinion produced attitude change in the direction expressed
in the public statement; and (2) the greater the inducement
to perform such an act, the less the consequent attitude
change.

That certain type of role-playing experience can
facilitate changes in personal opinions has been supported by
many different areas of studies. (Bavelas,1947: Janis and
King, 1954; Lippitt,1943: Maier,1952: Myers,1921: Zander and
Lippitt, 1944)

Janis and King (1954) proposed that one of the main

31

values of the role-playing device is that it has a corrective
influence on various beliefs and attitudes which underlie
chronic difficulties in human relations. According to their
research, the active participants who played the role of a
sincere advocate of the given point of view shows
significantly more opinion change than the passive controls
who silently read and listened to the same communication.
Their main findings support the hypothesis that overt
verbalization induced by role playing tends to augment the
effectiveness of a persuasive communication. Myers’ study
(1921) also showed the improvement in moral attitudes
produced by participation in an Army public-speaking course.
It would appear that public statement in conformity to social
demands will influence the individual’s private opinion.
Based on the previous studies, this study posits that
there are some relationships between induced commitment/role
playing experience and attitude change. This study examines
whether or not there are some difference in deterrence effect
of group self-criticism between those who have practiced
group self-criticism voluntarily and those who have forcibly

been made to practice self-crticism in a group.

32

Based on the findings of such studies, it is expected
that there may have some relationships between the variables
of frequency of group self-criticism, group cohesiveness,
collectivistic/individualistic values, and voluntary/forced
group self-criticism, and the variable of the perception of
effectiveness of group self-criticism in deterring deviance.
Furthermore, it is also hoped to find interrelationships

among those variables.

CHAPTER 3. CONCEPTUAL UNDERSTANDING OF
GROUP SELF-CRITICISM

IN THE PRC

We may say that a series of such behavior as exposing
one’s own fault, criticizing the fault and oneself before a
group, asking the group to forgive the one’s fault, and being
forgiven by the group, is not usual in any places of modern
American society. However, in the People’s Republic of China
(PRC), such group self-criticism rituals have been done by
all Chinese people as an official activity during the last
forty years. Group self—criticism and criticism have been
described in many ways, such as "one of the primary
categories of political action in China", "a major mechanism
of inner-Party decision-making and discipline among Chinese
Communist members", "a forum for the expression of grievances
and a small-group disciplinary technique", "a form of mass
mobilization and rectification", or " a device of correcting
individual" by many scholars.

In this chapter, overall information about group self-

criticism ritual is presented in an attempt to provide a

33

34

conceptual understanding of group self-criticism in the PRC.

This chapter presents process, official norms, purpose,
origin of group self-criticism in the small group, and its

relationship with the criminal justice system.

GBQUP SELE-QRIIIQISM RITUAL IN THE SMALL GROUP As mentioned

earlier, most Chinese citizens have practiced or have at
least observed group self-criticism ritual in their daily
life through regular or special small group activities.
During the last four decades, since China was communized in
1949, the Chinese Communist Party has organized the vast
Chinese population into small groups, instituted all over the
country, in schools, government offices, factories, urban
neighborhoods, military units, forced labor camps, and
prisons, etc. The small group, called "xiao-zu," commonly

consists of about eight to fifteen members, and this meeting
is usually held once or twice a week. However, the number of
members and the frequency of meeting vary according to each
organization and political situation over time. In this small
group, members basically carry out their normal activities,

and they are also convened for extra activities, such as

35

political study, life-exam meeting, and special education,
etc.. In political study, which is commonly a weekly meeting,
members study and discuss political documents, current
critical issue, newspapers, or the Party leader’s
proclamation, etc, assigned by the group head, and they also
engage in criticism and self-criticism. Although criticism
and self-criticism are not always practiced in every meeting,
each member of the group is expected to compare his or her
attitudes and behaviors critically with the ideals expressed
in the study materials (Liu.1968: Whyte, 1974: Zhou,1950).

In the small group meetings, including those for
political study, a member typically first exposes or
criticizes other members’ mistakes or shortcomings in work or
life, then the member criticized criticizes oneself before a
group. In another case, a member exposes one’s own fault
voluntarily and criticizes oneself. In the case of serious
problems, the associated person first consult with the Party
secretary of the work unit about the one’s problem, then
generally the Party secretary (or group leader in work unit)
decides to hold criticism and self-criticism meeting for the
specific problem. In the meeting, the responsible person

practices self-criticism generally according to the

36

followings: what one did, how one did, why one did, what the
source of one’s problem was, how one’s problem affected other
people, and how one will do in future. During the process of
self-criticism, other members defend or criticize the one or
the one’s fault, and analyze the one’s problem. Usually after
self-criticism, they write "self-examination" (zi-wo jian-

cha), and read it in a group. If one’s writing is not
accepted by the other members, that person must write again
more sincerely until all members accept it. Such processes
are quite different depending on the kinds and severity of
the problems, whether the self-criticism was voluntary or
not, and the political situation or nature of

organization ( Whyte, 1974, 1979; Zhou, 1950; Liu, 1968).

QBQQE SELE-QRITIQISM ANQ OEFIQIAL NORM In theory, through
dynamic interaction among the criticized, the critic, the

observer, and the self-critic, group members are expected to
learn to evaluate their doing in the light of the official
norm, and to enhance their group cohesion by adopting the
dialectical method: "start from the desire for unity ,
distinguish between right and wrong through criticism or
struggle, and arrive at a new unity on a new basis" (Liu,

1968: 8 :Liu, 1982: 67: She, 1984: 98).

37

According to Kwant’s (1967) analysis of the functions of
"critique," criticism presupposes a query as to whether the
object in question is as it should be. He who exercises
critique cannot be satisfied with merely knowing the facts,
the actually existing situation. For he must try to determine
whether what is is as it should be. He must know, therefore,
how that which is should be. The "should be" in question is
generally referred to as the "norm". For this reason we can
say that critique is the evaluation of the facts in the light
of a norm. Critique, then, presupposes that there exist
norms and that these norms are intersubjective. Mutual
critique is a general phenomenon in human society, and this
phenomenon indicates that norms are always posited in man’s
dealing with his fellowmen. Critique of others is more
frequent than self-critique, and thus those who criticize
others assume that the norms they have in mind apply also to
others: in other words, they take it for granted that these
norms are intersubjective. If someone thinks that certain
norms that are valid for himself do not apply to others, it
becomes impossible for him to criticize the others according

to those norms.

38

Then, in the case where any member displays deviant
attitudes or actions from official norms, what kinds of
relationships are ideally estabilshed among the critics, the
criticized, the self-criticizer, and the observers, in the

hsiao-tsu? Figure 3-1 and 3—2 present these relationships.

 

 

Figure 3-1 Process of Criticism in a Small Group
G : Group members
CC: The critic
CD: The criticized (Ex: The deviator)
O : The object of criticism
(Ex: The deviance CD committed)
N : Official norms
As shown in Figure 3-1, the critic (CC) confronts the
criticized (CD) with one’s error(0) and calls upon him to
fullfill certain demands to rectify the error, while also
leaving the one free not to fulfill them. Then CD is placed

in a position of moral obligation. This moral obligation

implies that both CC and CD know how 0 ought to be. This

39

"ought to be" is the norm of the self-criticism. CD has a
relationship of responsibility to O, and a relationship of
obligation to N: the relationship between 0 and N is a
logical one of contrariety. Criticism is CC’s evaluation of
CD’s responsibility for O in the light of N (Dittmer, 1974:
298-300). In diagram, a solid line indicates the
communication flow, a broken line a moral relationship, and a
dotted line indicates logical entailment.

Theoretically, when CD violates the official norm, CC
and the group members(G) should be unanimous in criticizing
CD in the light of N. Both CC and G criticize CD as well as
0. CD should not be able to find social support for continued
deviance, either from within the group or from without. CD
should be made to feel that the only way regain group favor
is to change his attitude and behavior in the ways indicated

by CC through sincere self-criticism (Whyte, 1974: 52-53).

Figure 3-2 shows the process of self-criticism. When CD
practices self-criticism sincerely, there occur interactions
directly between CD and G because CD has taken the place of
CC. In the case of voluntary self-criticism, more cordial

ties are established between CD and G. CD criticizes CDself

40

and O. G also criticizes 0 rather than CD. Through this
process, certain demands to rectify one’s error in the light
of official norm are fulfilled and a new relationship between

CD and G are established.

 

Figure 3-2 Process of Group Self—Criticism
G : Group members
CC: The critic
CD: The criticized (Ex: The deviator)
O : The object of criticism
(Ex: The deviance CD committed)
N : Official norms
The primary function of criticism and self-criticism is
rectification of the O-N hiatus and redemption of CD. The
secondary function is the education of G (Dittmer, 1974:
300).
Liu (1969: 65) also mentioned about the relationship

between group self-criticism and new relation with other

members after group self-criticism.:

41

Experience proves that whenever a comrade in a

responsible position seriously practices sincere and
necessary self-criticism before the Party memberships
and the masses,.. their internal solidarity will
develop, their work will improve and their defects will
be overcome, while the prestige of the responsible
comrade will increase instead of being undermined.

Schurmann’s description (1968: 57) of the relationships
between group members, the critic, and the criticized, in the
process of group self-criticism ritual in the PRC, also shows

that:

essentially, the technique consists in the usually

temporary alienation of a single member from the group
through the application of collective criticism. One
member is singled out for criticism, either because of
faulty ideological understanding, poor work
performance, or some other deviance. He is not only
subjected to a barrage of criticism from the members,
but also joins in and begins to criticize himself.....
The avowed purpose is to correct the individual. Under
normal circumstances, the individual is reintegrated
into the group after the temporary alienation. The
experience of temporal alienation of the one criticized
and collectve criticism by the group members is, in
theory, supposed to have the general effect of
maintaining the group’s cohesion and effectiveness.
Great fear exists on the part of those potentially
criticized that they may become victims of a more
permanent alienation. Fear of such permanet alienation
serves to strengthen the bonds within the group.

THE OFFIQIAL NORMS. Then, what kinds of official norms have

been emphasized in the PRC? In China, the content of

42

official norms varied with the different historical periods.
According to Houn (1961: 58), the following thoughts and
attitudes were to be confessed and "washed away" from the

minds of the intellectuals in the 19505 :

a. Political - distrust of the Party, antagonism to the
Soviet Union, ...,worship of America, indifference to the
People’s revolutionary struggle, reformism, conservatism,

and bureacratism.

b. Social — opportunism, lack of sense of duty, purely
technical viewpoints, employers’ viewpoints, contempt of
labor, and desire to exploit fellow human beings.

c. Academic - intellectual sectarianism, subjective
dogmatism, formalism, pragmatism, and purely professional
interest.

d. Person - egotism, selfishness, arrogance, extravagance,

and emotionalism.

According to Chin’s study ( Chu and Hsu, 1979: 301-
302 ), which examined changes of values themes in short

stories in the middle of 19705, the primary core value is

43

ideological correctness and the next core value is
willingness to work hard, to engage in physical labor, and
not to shirk public responsibility collectively. Besides,
activism, speaking out, affection and caring for others,
’honesty, trustworthiness, and sincerity’ are described as

major values .

Chang (Chu and Hsu, 1979: 244-249) also identified the
following major themes that were relevant to China’s
political cuture in his study, surveyed children’s literature
during the period of 1967-1977.

a. Support for the new system -- the objectives of devotion
ranged from institutions (e.g., the Party, the commune,
and so on ) to policies (e.g., collectivization,
communization ) to worthy individuals.

b. Collectivism -- group interests must always be put ahead
of individual interests.

c. Struggle -- to struggle against anyone whose actions harm
the cause of revolution.

d. Activism -- taking an active role politically

e. Self-reliance

f. Violence and pro-social aggression -- violent behaviors

44

in battles against the capitalistic countries and
aggression against "bad people," in action or attitude,

were approved and rewarded., etc.

Munro (1979) describes the ideas that heavily influence
the individuals: selflessness, understanding how your work
fits in with that of others, the desirability of being a
jack-of-all-trades, self-reliance, and a set of values that
attach to society as a whole: equality of status, order,
listening to the views of the people, struggle, peer respect.

Whitehead (1977) presents the features of the Maoist
lifestyle: plain living and hard struggle, anti-
individualism, self-reliance, community life, a sense of
class hatred, basic honesty and anticonsumerism, criticism
and self-criticism, ritual and remembrance.

Meisner (1979) demonstrates ideal picture of "new
communist man" in china. The individual is not only inspired
by a deep sense of mission " to serve the people" but also
burdened by a self-imposed feeling of guilt and sin. Thus he
must continually employ " the weapon of self-criticism" to
examine his consciousness " for the presence of bad

thoughts," and always struggle against " shortcomings and

45

mistakes." He must carry out " a life-long revolution in his
mind," for he has an eternal obligation to serve the Party,
society, and the "thought of Mao Tse-tung." He also embodies
unselfishness, which means " the selfless spirit of heroic
struggle for state and collective interests," and " the
communist spirit of altruism." He subordinates all personal
pleasures to the duty of service, for the only true source of
happiness is strggle on behalf of, and together with, the
people. He lives " the frugal and simple style" of life of
the masses of workers and peasants, for he knows that self-
denial and thrift are virtues, where indolence, luxury, and
waste are sins. Thus, what is demanded is a highly activistic
and methodical patterning of one’s life, based on ascetic
Maoist moral values.

Arai’s study (1984) presents that the official norms
have been changed rapidly since 1976 - the death of Mao. He
examined the norms of citizen behavior from the elementary
school text books printed in 1951 and 1981. In textbooks
published in 1951, the emphasis falls both on instilling a
sense of belonging to China and giving the child a positive
set of orientations toward the symbols, institutions, and

personalities valued by the political system. In textbooks

46

published in 1981, the norms, such as "love for China", "love
of labor", and "communist spirit" are comparatively less
emphasized. It implies that official norms for criticism and
self-criticism in a small group have been changed after Mao’s
death. Consequently, importance of criticism and self-criticism

in a small group also has been weakened.

PURPOSE OF SELF-QRITICISM The role and purpose of self-

criticism in the PRC are described well in "Selected Works of
Mao Tse-Tung" and "The Constitution of the Communist Party of
China". Mao’s statements about criticism and self-criticism
have been principal in explaining their role and application

in all concerned publications:

we must have in mind two purposes: first, "learn from

past mistakes to avoid future ones", and second, " cure
sickness to save the patient". The mistakes of the past
must be exposed without sparing anyone’s sensibilities:
it is necessary to analyze and criticize what was bad in
the past with a scientific attitude so that work in the
future will be done more carefully and done better. .....
aim in exposing errors and criticizing shortcomings,...is
solely to save the patient and not to doctor him to
death. So long as a person who has made mistakes does
not hide his sickness for fear of treatment or persist in
his mistakes until he is beyond cure, so long as he
honestly and sincerely wishes to be cured and to mend his
ways, we should welcome him and cure his sickness so that
he can become a good comrade. .. In treating an

47

ideological or a political malady, one must never be
rough and rash but must adopt the approach of "curing the
sickness to save the patient", which is the only correct
and effective method (Mao, 1965: 50).

We should check our complacency and constantly
crirticize our shortcomings, just as we should wash our
faces or sweep the floor every day to remove the dirt and
keep them clean (Mao, 1965: 160).

To check up regularly on our work and in the process
develop a democratic style of work, to fear neither
criticism nor self-criticism, and to apply such good
popular Chinese maxims as "Say all you know and say it
without reserve", " Blame not the speaker but be warned
by his words" and "Correct mistakes if you have committed
them and guard against them if you have not" ---- this is
the only effective way to prevent all kinds of political
dust and germs from contaminating the minds of our
comrades and the body of our Party (Mao,1965: 316-317).

The Constitution of the Communist Party of China also
describes self-criticism as major part of duty and task of

the Party and the Party member:

"the members of the Communist Party should serve the
peOple whole heartly and pursue no private interests
either for themselves or for a small number of
people".

" eanestly practice criticism and self-criticism, be bold
in correcting their shortcomings and mistakes, and dare
to struggle against words and deeds that run counter to
Party principles".

"...to promote inner-party democracy, practice criticism
and self-criticism, expose and get rid of shortcomings
and mistakes in work, and wage struggles against
violations of the law and breaches of discipline, against
corruption and waste, and against bureaucracy and all

48

other undesirable tendencies..".

Some scholars state that the Chinese Communist Party has
developed criticism and self-criticism as means of thought
reform in their own unique way. (Lifton, 1961: Dittmer, 1974:
Whyte, 1979) Lifton (1961: P.22) argued that Western
psychology had not influenced Chinese technique, and that
even the Chinese psychologists trained in Soviet Pavlovian
Psychology had no direct role in formulating thought reform
procedures. He, in concern with self-criticism, also
mentioned that confessions in Russia have generally been
associated with the purge - the "ritual of liquidation,"
while confession in China has been the vehicle for individual
re-education. Ditter (1974: 338) also argues that
confession in China differs from the pattern of external
control networks and occasional "show trials" based on
extraction of false confessions that has prevailed in the

Soviet Union and Eastern European Communist states.

ORIG N 0F GROU SE F- T C . To what does China owe this
unique development? It seems plausible to argue that
criticism and self-criticism have been developed as a unique

type through the integration of the influences from both

49

Communism and Chinese traditional culture.(Lifton,1961;
Whyte,1979: Dittmer: 1974) Lifton mentions that many authors
have similar points about the Confucian influence and argues
that lingering Confucian ethics have played a vital role in
the Chinese Communist emphasis upon "re-education."
According to the Ching code, if confession is voluntary(i.e.,
an antecedent to demonstration of guilt), punishment must be
waived or mitigated. But it the accused refuses to confess in
the face of evidence proving his guilt, application of
torture to extract confession is sanctioned.( Bodde and
Morris: 97-98)

The Chinese Communist Party publications and leaders
have often quoted the Confucian principles or Chinese
classics to introduce or expain self-criticism. Mao used
Chinese classical maxims in discussing self-criticism such as
"Say all you know and say it without reserve", "Blame not
the speaker but be warned by his words", and " correct
mistakes if you have committed them and guard against them if
you have not".( Mao, 1965: 316-317 ) Another Chinese
Communist Party leader, Liu Shao-chi quoted " I reflect on
myself three times a day", from the Analects of Confucius,

also quotedthe following from theBook of Odes: one cultivate

50

oneself " as a lapidary cuts and files, carves and polishes",
and also refered the following quotation from the The Great
Learning: "...Wishing to order well their own states, they
first regulated their families. Wishing to regulate their
families, they first cultivated their persons. Wishing to
rectify their persons, they first rectified their hearts.
Wishing to rectify their hearts, they first sought to be
sincere in their thoughts. Wishing to be sincere in their
thoughts, they first extented to the utmost, their knowledge.
from the Son of Heaven down to the mass of the people, all
must consider the cultivation of the person the root of
everything besides" (Lifton, 1961: 390).

Chinese scholar, Zao (1984: 21, 44) defined criticism
as "advancing an opinion to comrades or work, analyzing the
cause of shortcoming and mistake, pointing out its danger",
and self-criticism as "examining the shortcoming and mistake
of self’s thought, life, and work, etc", in other word, as
"self-consciousness, self-remolding, and struggle self with
self’s shortcoming and mistake". Chinese Communist does of
course distinguish self-criticism in traditional culture from
that in Communism. Liu Shao-chi emphasized the Communists’

needs to stress materialism rather than classical idealism,

51

and to achieve their self-cultivation not through passive
meditation but rather by means of active participation in the
Communist movement (Lifton,1961: 390). Zao (1984:22) also

mentioned that while "criticism, reflection, or self-
examination" in the Chinese classics means individual moral
training, "criticism and self-criticism" in the proletarian
party and revolutionary is a sort of self-conscious behavior

based on marxism.

CR D T N E AND GROU SELF-CR TICISM ZaO (1984:

42-43) describes the role of criticism and self-criticism for
crime deterrence: "generally speaking, potential criminal
firstly has ideological fault, he is corrupted by capitalist
thought, after that, if he is not corrected in right time, he
will be fallen into miserable stage, and will be received
legal punishment. If the Party organization works well,

attatches great importance to criticism and self-criticism,

and thought education and organization control, when
potential criminal faces dangerous situation, the Party
organization can wake him by slapping a his face, and at

least save him from being fallen into criminal".

52

Then, why do they think crime or deviance can be
prevented through the process of group self-criticism? It
has often been said that Maoist political philosophy is based
on the assumption that human nature is malleable and that ,
when shown the way, people will correct their mistaken

attitudes and behavior and remake themselves into useful

citizens of the social society. The Party Constitution
presents that "the correctness or incorrectness of the
ideological and political line decides everything." An

editorial of The People’s Daily (Lifton, 1961: 14) shows the
relation between crime and ideology:

"All crimes have definite sociological roots. The evil
ideology and evil habits left behind by the old society,
calling for the injuring of others for self-profit and
seeking enjoyment without labor, still remain in the
minds of some people to a marked degree. Thus if we are
to wipe out all crimes from their roots, in addition to
inflicting on the criminal the punushment due, we must
also carry out various effective measures to transform
the various evil ideological conceptions in the minds of
the people so that they may be educated and reformed
into new people."

The Chinses Communist Prison Regulation (Lifton, 1961: 17)
describes that:

"in dealing with the criminals, there shall be regularly
adopted measures of corrective study classes, individual
interviews, study of assigned documents, and organized
discussions, to educate them in the admission of guilt
and obedience to the law, political and current events,

53
labor production, and culture, so as to expose the nature
of the crime committed, thoroughly wipe out criminal
thoughts, and establish a new moral code."
What kinds of self-criticism are practiced and how

does self-criticisms proceed in the hsiao-tsu?

QASES OF GROUP SELF-CRITICISM The following four actual

examples are case histories based on personal interviews with
Chinese who have practiced or observed criticism and self-
criticism in the small group ( some details have been altered

or omitted to prevent identification).

CASE 1: Minor Violations of Official Norms

- A Middle School in Peking, 1970 -

Four small group meetings are held in a class under a

class teacher’s supervision. Each group consisted of 7-8
students. Each member confesses in turn her fault or
wrongdoing. After approximately two hours, the teacher

chooses three students to repeat their self-criticism before
all classmates. They are selected by the teacher as the
students who practiced good self-criticism.

The first student confesses: "I went to a restaurant

54

with my family twice last month. I was not that hungry and
had a poor appetite, and thus left my dish half-finished.
Since then, I have felt really sorry to farmers. I forgot how
hard farmers had worked to produce the food in the
countryside.I must remember that I am able to study well
because of their hard work".

Another student stands up and talks: "Yesterday, in a
public bus, I found an old woman was standing without seat,
but ignored it unconsciously. Other person offered his seat
to the woman. Since that time I have felt uncomfortable. I
should have offered my seat to her earlier than the other
person"

The third student confesses: " I have made my weekly
study plan, but I did not keep my schedule last week. I was
really lazy in reading my books. I forgot my status as a
student and the people’s support which allow me study under
this good circumstance. I will study really hard from this

time."

CASE 2: Minor Misappropriation and Adultery

- A University in SSu-Chuan Province, 1965 -

55

Misappropriation of public money by a student in charge
of financial work in a class is known to all classmates. The
money was collected from some students for a food fee and was
supposed to pass to the school finance department. It is also
known that these kinds of misappropriations have been done
several times by this student. He is about 23 years old and
is of a poor peasant family. The Party secretary (Shu-ji)
decides to hold a "self-examination meeting."

This class consists of 30 students, and is divided into
three small groups. This day, all students of the three small
groups participate in the meeting. After the Party secretary
explaines the reason why the meeting is held, the responsible
student stands up and confesses what he has done, why he has
done it, what has influenced him, how he has damaged his
classmates, and what he will do about it. According to his
account, he has spent the money for fun, such as going to
movie or a good restaurant. He criticizes himself, " I forgot
my debt to the State, the Party, and the People, and also
forgot my parents’ and family’s expectation of me, and sought
only my private pleasure. I was temporarily influenced by the
bourgeoisie thought of Capitalism. These things caused damage

to other people... I will accept any punishment you give

56

me....". Some classmates defends his self-criticism and
others analyze his faults. The majority of the participants
agree that his faults result from the influence of outside of
the world, such as Western culture or Capitalism, andnot from
that of bourgeoisie or feudal thought of his family, because
he come from a poor peasant family. After two more smaller
meetings, he is not punished in any way. However, he is never
nominated again for the same position in the class.

A few years later, just before graduation, he committs
adultery with a female student who had already been engaged
with a soldier. The soldier is serving in the army. The
adultery with any soldier’s wife or fiancee had been in
general treated more seriously. The Party secretary and the
department leaders met with him several times to resolve
this problem. Finally, they decided to hold a criticism and
self-criticism meeting. In the meeting, the student
criticizes himself: " I was really lonely. whenever I saw
someone who had a wife, I wanted to have a girlfriend. ...to
have sex with ... I feel very sorry toward the State, the
Party, and the People. ..I was contaminated by western
culture...". After graduation, he was sent to his hometown

for his job. This punishment is better than others expects.

57

Later the soldier’s fiance asks the Party secretary to let

her follow him, but is rejected.

CASE 3: Theft

- An Army Headquarter in Guang-Dong Province, 1975 -

One day, a soldier who is a Party member is condemned
seriously by a group of high-ranking officials, including a
regimental commander, because of his low shooting score. The
soldier has had a bad feeling toward the commander for
another reason, so he stole a pistol. He thought that the
pistol theft in the barrack under the commander’s control
would cause the commander much trouble. However, later he
found that the theft was causing trouble for his fellow
soldiers as well, because the commander had ordered them to
find the pistol. He felt guilty to other comrades and thus
confessed his stealing to the Party branch representative
(Jiao dao yuan). The representative decides to hold the Party
small group meeting.

The Communist Party small group is held to settle the
pistol theft. This small group consists of about 10 Communist

Party members. This day the regimental commander also

58

participates in the meeting, because the incident is
associated with him. The soldier who stole the pistol stood
up and criticized himself, "... I stole a pistol to give the
commander trouble. But later I found it gave trouble to the
commander as well as to other people. My private problem
harmed to others. I have felt guilt very much and shame..".
Most of the participants accept his sincere and voluntary
confession. Some members point out that the commander should
be more generous to the men under his command. Later the
commander also practices self-criticism about his attitude to
the soldier, and admittes he should find better ways to treat
soldiers. Finally, their self-criticisms is well-accepted by

all participants, and the soldier is not punished.

CASE 4: Minor Thought Problem

- A university in Ssu-Chuan Province, 1981 -

A student of a class has a good relationship with an

American visiting scholar in this University. The American

scholar often lend the student the Wall Street Journal, and

the student have read the paper about two months. One of his

59

classmate reports the fact to the Party secretary of the
department. The Party secretary decides to hold criticism and
self-criticism meeting to settle the problem.

The class consisted of 22 students, and is divided into
three small groups. Each small group has about 7 or 8
students. However, this day, the political study, which was
supposed to be held every Thursday afternoon, is canceled,
and instead a criticism and self-criticism meeting is held.
All 22 students participate in this meeting together. In the
meeting, the secretary criticizes the student’s ideology,
which admired the Capitalism and Western culture, and let him
practice self-criticism before the classmates. However, this
student refuses it and goes out of the classroom. After the
student leaves, a couple of classmate criticizes his ideology
and rude attitude and the rest of them kept silent. After
this meeting, this fact is recorded in his file. But, even
after the meeting, he reads the newspaper continuously,
because he thinks reading American neWpaper does not reflect
his wrong ideology. Mainly because of this problem, he is not
assigned to the good job he expected. Later, he performs well

in his workplace, and receives a good position.

CHAPTER. ll RESEARCH DESIGN AND PROCEDURE

The study is descriptive and exploratory in nature.
Ideally, an empirical study of this kind should be done
through on-the-spot observations or direct intensive
interviews with people, and should be evaluated through
longitudinal study. However, it was almost impossible for the
writer, a South Korean, to do this, mainly due to the
political situation. Therefore, the study was done partly
through mail questionnaire surveys, and partly through
interviews. Preparation began in 1986: however, actual work
was completed during Winter and Spring of 1988 in a United
States university. This chapter contains the data collection
and procedure, demographic features of the research subjects,

research design, and the limitations of the study.

Data Coileetion aed Procedete

The questionnaire was written on the basis of the
interviews with the subjects and the previous studies.
Approximately twenty face-to-face interviews with Chinese

students or scholars who resided temporarily in the U.S, were

60

61

conducted informally from January, 1986 to February, 1988.
The informal interviews were used for gathering baseline
information for a future study. The interviewees were asked
about general information and their actual experiences of
"political study," "small group meetings," "criticism and
self-criticism," and the criminal justice system of the PRC.
Formal format for the interview was not used, because the
purpose was to obtain general information to cross-check with
what the writer had already learned from materials
published in Mainland China and the United States, and thus
draw up a questionnaire closely reflecting their actual past
life. After completing the final questionnaire, this was

translated into Chinese by a Mainland Chinese.

The sample was Mainland Chinese students, visiting
scholars, and their spouses. Most of them resided in the
Michigan area, some in New York and California. The

names,addresses, and phone numbers of the sample were
obtained mainly from the directory of Chinese students and
scholars of a university, some from an informal group in
which many Mainland Chinese participated, and some from the

writer’s private Chinese friends. Finally, about 330 names

62

and addresses were obtained. However, about 100 addresses
were not correct, because in many cases, three or four (in
some cases, more than four) students shared one apartment,
and they were inclined to move frequently. Thus, 180 out of
230 persons who had one or two roommates were randomly
selected as an initial sample.

After the sample was drawn, a twelve-page, self-
administered questionnaire, was mailed out or distributed
directly to 180 persons along with a cover letter and a
stamped return envelope. A follow-up letter was also sent to
each respondent about two to three weeks later. During the
first two weeks, about thirty questionnaires (16.6 %) were
returned. Three weeks later, after the first 180 copies of
questionnaires were sent, another fifty copies were mailed or
distributed directly to other Chinese students and scholars
with another introductory letter of the study. Along with the
second questionnaire distribution, a male and female American
and a female Chinese interested in the study called the
Chinese samples to ask them to return the questionnaire.
About twenty out of fifty who received the phone calls
refused to return the questionnaire, mainly becuause of

reluctance to answer some politically sensitive questions.

63

Some of them pointed out that the questionnaire was too long.
About thirty promised to return the form later, but only half
of them (about 15) actually complied.

The writer also contacted with the Mainland Chinese
person-to-person, and participated in an informal meeting,
where the majority of regular participants were Mainland
Chinese, and persuaded them to return the questionnaire. More
than 90% out of the persons (about 20) who promised the
writer directly to return the questionnaire, returned the
questionnaires.

Six weeks later, when other ten Chinese questionnaire
respondents were contacted by phone, most of them refused to
return the form. Finally, ninety-four copies of the
questionnaire were returned, with a responding rate of 40.9
per cent. Among the ninety-four returned questionnaires, four
copies were excluded due to incompleteness and late return.

Final sample size was 90.

Qemegtepnie Eeatutes e: the Research Subjeets

The following represents general sample characteristics,

such as gender, age, marital status, educational lavel,

64

hometown, occupation, and the past experience of military,

farm, and factory.

Table 4-1 Demographic Features

genee; (Valid case = 87)

Male 66 (75.9%)
Female 21 (24.1%)
Unknown 3

Age (Valid case = 80)

Mean 28.11
25-35 61 (76.3%)
35-49 19 (23.7%)
Unknown 10

Matitel Status (Valid case

Single 16 (18.8%)
Married 67 (78.8%)
Divorced 1 ( 1.2%)
Separated 1 ( 1.2%)

Unknown 5

Educational Level (Valid case

85)

= 87)

Over College 85 (97.7%)
Below Collge 2 ( 2.3%)

Unknown 3

Heme Iewg (Valid case

Beijing

Jiangsu Province
Ssuchuan Province
Hubei Province
Guangdong Province
Shanghai/Zhejiang

66)

24
13
10

5

(36.4%)
(20.7%)
(15.1%)
(13.7%)
( 7.6%)
( 7.6%)

65

Others (5 provinces) 9 (13.7%)

Unknown 24

Eermer_gssunatign (before coming to the U.S)

(Valid case = 80)

Student 24 (30.0%)
Professor/Teacher 33 (41.2%)
Researcher/Technician 11 (13.8%)
/Engineer
Medical Doctor 3 ( 3.8%)
Government Officials 3 ( 3.8%)
Others 6 ( 7.5%)
(Journalist, Translator, Musician, etc)
Unknown 10

Duretion in the U.S (Valid case = 83)
Mean 2.22
Mode 1.00
1-2 years 57 (68.7%)
3-5 years 21 (25.2%)
6-8 years 5 ( 6.1%)
Unknown 7

i ' e 'e (Valid case = 83)

Yes 3 ( 3.6%)
No 80 (96.4%)
Unknown 7

Farm Expetieece (Valid case = 83)
Yes 28 (33.7%)
No 55 (66.3%)
Unknown 7

Feetoty Expetienee (Valid case = 86)
Yes 23 (26.7%)
NO 63 (73.3%)

Unknown 4

As shown in Table 4-1, out of 87 of valid cases, 66

66

(75.8%) were male, 21 (24.2%) female. 3 were unknown. With
regard to age, the average age was 28.11, ranging from 22
year old to 49 years old. Out of 80 valid cases, 61 (67.8%)
belongs to 25-35 age group. Of the sample, 16 (17.8%) were
single, 67 (74.4%) were married, separated and divorced are
1, respectively, and 5 (5.6%) were unknown. Concerning
education level, 85 (97.7%) out of 87 valid cases received at
least a college degree, and only 2 of them received no more
than high school level of education.

Of 75 valid cases, 24 (32.0%) are from Peking, 13
(17.3%) from Jiangsu province, 10 (13.3%) from Ssuchuan
province, 9 (12.0%) from Hubei province, 5 (6.7%) from
Guangdong and Shanghai/Zhejiang separately, and 9 (12.0%)
from five different provinces. In connection with former
occupation before coming to the U.S, of 80 valid cases, 24
(30%) were students, 33 (41.3%) were professors or teacher,
11 (13.3%) were researchers, technicians, or engineers. The
rest of them were composed of medical doctors (3), government
officers (3), journalist, translator, editor, musician, etc.
Of 83 valid cases, 57 (68.7%) had been in the United States
for 1-2 years, 21 (25.2%) for 3-5 years, and 5 (6.1%) for 6-8

years.

67

Only 3 (3.6%) of 83 have had military experience, while
23 (26.7%) of 86 and 28 (33.7%) of 83 have had work
experience in the factory and the farm respectively. Average
working-years in the factory and the farm are 3.75 years and

3.5 years.

Researeh Qesign

This study is a survey research. Mail questionnaire and
interview were used as the tools to obtain data. The
questionnaire of this study was designated to explore five
research questions. First, what types of deviances were
revealed and settled in an informal group setting outside of
the formal criminal justice system in the PRC?

Respondents were asked to write for what problems they
most often practiced self-criticism before a group (question
30), what kinds of problems were most often revealed when one
group member criticized other member (question 31), and what
kinds of problems were most serious among the self-criticisms

that they had seen (question 32). The problems respondents

68

indicated were classified into six categories: work problem,
thought problem, life style problem, deviance problem, human
relation problem, and sex problem. Work problem includes work
mistake, poor work performance, and disciplinary violation of
work unit. The thought problem is composed of lack of group
spirit, individualism, selfishness, arrogance, having
Capitalist ideas, and being contaminated by Western culture.
The life style problem consists of undisciplined deeds in
private life (for example, luxury clothings) and family
affairs (for example, not caring one’s parents or wife well).
The deviance problem contains stealing, gambling, vandalism,
fighting, etc. The human relation problem refers to conflicts
associating with co-worker, leader or teacher. The sex
problem is concerned mainly with extra-marital sex, such as
adultery.

Question 38 asked them to indicate what types of deviants
can be settled in a small group without intervention of the
formal criminal justice system. It let them to circle all
that apply among the following items: stealing clothes,
stealing wrist watch, stealing T.V, anti-government remark,
receiving bribe, gambling, assaulting upon others, damaging

to imported machine, traffic violation, prostitution, and

69

adultery. In order to see what kinds of punishments are given
to the deviant in case of first and repeted deviance,
responcents were asked to circle all that apply among the
following five items: self-criticism, criticism,writing
"self-examination," being sent to another work place, and
being sent to the police (question 36, 37). Respondents also
were asked to indicate all that they have experienced among
the following sex-related deviances: watching pornography,
premarital sex, sex with a person besides the spouse, and sex
with prostitue (question 29). In this question, they were
asked to answer whether or not they practiced self-criticism
about them. In addition, they were asked to answer, in which
place among middle & senior high school, college, military,
farm, factory, and workplace, group self-criticism most
frequently happened (question 26) and was most effective

(question 35).

Second, do the frequencies of a) group self-criticism,
b) criticism, c) individuals observing group self-criticism
or criticism sessions, influence 1) group cohesiveness, and
2) the individual’s perceptionof these sessions as effective

in deterring deviance?

70

Respondents were asked to write approximately how many
times they practiced self-criticism, criticized others, and
observed other’s criticism and self-criticism in each of the
following places: middle & senior high school, college,
workplace, farm, factory, and military.

Total frequency of group self-criticism ritual (ESQ) was
made by computing three variables: Egg ( total frequency of
group self-criticism ), EQ ( total frequency of criticism),
and EQ ( total frequency of observing group self-criticism

session ).

FSC was made by computing the frequencies of group self-
criticism in the following places: middle & high school
(question 18-2), college (question 19-3), military (question
20-3), workplace (question 21—2), farm (question 22-3), and
factory (question 23-3). PC was made by computing the
frequencies of criticism in the following places: middle &
high school (question 18-4), collge (question 19-5), military
(question 20-5), workplace (question 21-5), farm (question
22-5), and factory (question 23-5). F0 was made by computing
the frequencies of observation of group self-criticism &

self-criticism in the following places: middle & high school

71

(question 18-4), collge (question 19-5), military (question
20-6), workplace (question 21-5), farm (question 22-6), and
factory (question 23-6). Namely, Each variable (FSC,FC,FO)
was computed as the sum of the frequencies of occurrence in
each of the following places: middle & senior high school,
college, workplace, farm, factory, and military.

Factor analysis was conducted to identify if TSC can be
represented relationships among three frequency variables.
When internal consistency of the three variables was also
measured, value of Cronbach’s alpha was .8717. Based on two
results, in the study, TSC represents the three variables

(FSC,FC,FO).

The dependent variable, which is "perception of
effectiveness of group self-criticism ritual in deterring
deviance (mete)," was established by computing four variables
from questionnaire questions 39-42. These questions also were
measured on a modified Likert scale (See Appendix).

The reason only one instead of four separate variables
was used is that each of the four values was highly
correlated to each other. Firstly, factor analysis was

conducted, and later internal reliability was measured

72

(Cronbach’s alpha = .8694). The variable of group

cohesiveness is explained in next part.

Third, does group cohesiveness have some relationship to
perception of the effectiveness of group self-criticism in
deterring deviance?

Group cohesiveness (Tee) was measured by computing five
variables of questions 5 to 9 through factor analysis and
reliability analysis ( Cronbach’s alpha=.8374 ). In the
questions, respondents were asked to indicate the extent to
which they completely agree or completely disagree with six-

likert scale items.

Fourth, what values of the People’s Republic of China
(PRC) have an impact on perception of effectiveness of group
self-criticism in deterring deviance?

The respondents were asked to rank 1 -8 with one being
most important social value in their society among the
following values: group spirit, individualism, filial piety,
compliance to the authority, making money, getting into
higher class, altruism, and patriotism (question 25). Seven

values except filial piety 'were devided into two group:

73

politically approved values (EAL;A), non-politically approved
values (yet;e). Politically approved values (VAL-A) was made
by combining four values of patriotism, group spirit,
altruism and compliance to the authority, while non-
politically approved values (VAL-B) was made by combining
three values of individualism, making money, and entering
higher class The values were classified into VAL-A and VAL-B
on the basis of the author’s interviews with the subjects and
Hofstede’s cross cultural study (1980) on the values of

individualism-collectivism.

Fifth, are there any differences in the effectiveness of
group self-criticism ritual in deterring deviance between
those who have practiced self-criticism voluntarily and those
who have been forced to practice self-criticism?

Voluntary self-criticism (SCVO) and Forced self-

 

criticism (eeze) refer to "practicing self-criticism about

one’s fault voluntarily before a group" and "practicing self-
criticism about one’s fault forcibly". They were drawn from
questions 11 and 12. these questions also were made with six-
likert question from "completely agree" to "completely

disagree". In addition, in order to see attitude change after

74

forced self-criticism, respondents asked to indicate if they
changed attitude consistently with what they said before a
group after forced self-criticism (EgggQ) and if they did not
trying to change the attitude as what they said before a

group after forced self-criticism (FSCNE). FSCPO was drawn

 

from question 14 and FSCNE from 15.

The last part of questionnaire is composed of general
demographic questions. They were asked to answer age, gender,
marital status, educational level, occupation, length of
duration in the United Staes, home province, present status,
and whether they had been the head of the small group more

often than others.

Research Limitetions

It may be said that any research contains certain
limitations. In fact, this study also faced many
restrictions, because of the nature of the study. The

several restrictions are discussed.

75

First, the subjects were those from the PRC, a Communist
country. Although much attention was paid to minimizing
problems caused by sensitive political questions, the issue
of political nature could not be entirely eliminated. As seen
in the process of data gathering and final responding rate
(40.9%), the present political situation in the PRC was not
mature enough to conduct through research on many topics,
especially in the field of criminal justice. In fact, more
than half of all returned questionnaires were obtained by the

writer’s personal/ direct contacts with the subjects.

Second, most of the subjects were those who received a
high level of education. 97.7 percent of the respondents
received at least a college degree. Accordingly, most of them
belong to the elite group in their society, as seen in the

distribution of their occupations.

Third, this study depended upon retrospective self-
reports of the respondent’s experiences. Therefore, it does
seem likely to have produced a systematic bias, possibly
derived from selective memory or reporting, etc. The impact

of declining effects with the passage of time could not be

76

eliminated.

Fourth, regarding the translation of measures in the
crosscultural study, it is hard to ignore the impact of
possible misperception and misunderstandings between the
researcher and the respondents as well as possibly between
the researcher and the readers. That may be due to cultural
and ideological differences between the East and the West as
well as between the Capitalist society and the Communist

society. .

CHAPTER 5. DATA ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS

The primary purpose of this study, as mentioned in an
earlier chapter, is to examine perceptions of Chinese
respondents about the relationship between deterrence of
deviance and group self-criticism in the PRC. Furthermore,the
study explores the kind of role group self-criticism plays as
an informal judicial process in the PRC. The findings of the

study are:

ese c ues io . What type of mistake, wrongdoing,
deviance,or crimes, is exposed in group self-criticism
rituals, and settled through it without intervention of the

formal criminal justice system?

The data showed that various kinds of problems are
exposed and settled within an informal group setting, ranging
from private or family problems, thought problems, work
problems, life style problems, to certain types of criminal
behavior.

Work problems and thought problems are most frequently

77

78

handled within a group, the three problems of human
relations, deviance, and life style are less frequently
handled, and sex-related problems are the least frequently
revealed. The thought problem and deviance problem,
respectively were most frequently ranked as the "most serious
problem." In the case of sex problem, it is not often exposed
in group criticism and self-criticism: however, it is
regarded as a serious problem (see Table. 5-1). The results
seem to imply that group self-criticism in the PRC has been
deeply involved in people’s life although its effectiveness
is not clearly identified.
Table. 5-1

Type and Frequency of Problems in
Group Self-Criticism and Criticism

Type \ Question (A) (B) (C)

1. Thought Problem 40 36 21
(43%) (34%) (32%)

2. Work Problem 33 22 9
(36%) (21%) (14%)

3. Human-Relation Problem 9 11 8
(10%) (10%) (12%)

4. Deviance Problem 4 8 15
( 4%) ( 8%) (23%)

5. Life Style Problem 5 10 5
( 5%) ( 9%) ( 8%)

6. Sex Problem 0 0 8
(12%)

79
Firstly, three open-end questions were asked to find out
what kinds of problems are settled in a group setting through

group self-criticism (question 30,31 32).

(A) For what problem did you most often practice
self-criticism in a group?

(B) What kind of problem was most often revealed
in your group?

(C) What kinds of problems were the most serious

among the self-criticisms you have seen in a group?

Table. 5-1 illustrates the results of the three
questions. The respondents indicated 92, 106, and 66 cases
for questions (A), (B), and (C), respectively. As seen in
(A) and (B) of Table 5-1, thought problems and work problems
are the items most frequently revealed in group self-
criticism and criticism. The (C) of Table 5-1 also shows that
thought problems and deviance problems are most frequently
handled as serious problems in a group setting. However, the
interviewees whom the writer met pointed out that criticism &
self-criticism for thought problems had been often revealed

in a group, especially during the Cultural Revolution (1966-

80

1976), the period which Mao’s political thought was strongly
emphasized, and since then it has gradually disappeared.

Work problem was the second most frequent item in
criticism & self-criticism, behind thought problem: however,
most cases are not serious problems. Private affair-related
problems, such as human-relation problems, life style
problems, or sex problems, are less often appeared in group
criticism & self-criticism.

Regarding sex problems, as seen in Table 5-1 and 5-2,
even though sex-related deviances exist in their society,
they are not revealed through voluntary self-criticism.
Twenty seven out of 32 male respondents and 6 out of 9 female
respondents answered that they had seen pornography. Eleven
out of 32 male respondents and 2 out of 9 female respondents
answered that they had had pre-marital sex. Two out of 32
male respondents and 2 out of 9 female respondents answered
that they had had extra-marital sex. 2 out of 32 male
respondents answered that they had had sexual relationships
with prostitutes. However, no one exposed such sex-related
problems through group self-criticism. When Table 5-1and 5-2
are considered, they seem to indicate that sex-related

deviance is not often exposed in a group session. If it is

81

exposed and becomes a problem, then it is treated as serious

problem.

Table 5-2
Frequency of Sex-Related Problems by Gender
and of their Disclosure in Group Self—Criticism

Frequency of Disclosure of
Sex-Related Problem Sex-Related Problem in
Type of Problem Voluntary Self-Criticism
Male Female Total Male Female
Pornography 27/32 6/9 33/41 0/32 0/9
(84.4%) (66.7%) (80.5%)
Pre- 11/32 2/9 13/41 0/32 0/9
Marital Sex (34.4%) (22.2%) (31.7)
Extra- 2/32 1/9 3/41 0/32 0/9
Marital Sex ( 6.3%) (11.1%) (7.3%)
Sex with 2/32 0/9 2/41 0/32 0/9
Prostitute ( 6.3%) ( 0.0%) (4.8%)

Valid cases: 41 ( Male=32, Female=9 )

Among serious problems in group self-criticism &
criticism, the most frequent two single items were adultery
(12 out of 12%) and stealing (11 out of 23%). It seems to
indicate that adultery and stealing are the most serious
deviances which can be settled in a group setting outside of

the formal criminal justice system (see Table 5-1).

Secondly, respondents were asked whether the person

82

should be sent to the formal criminal justice system in the
following two cases: 1) when a person steals a bike and
admits his stealing (question 36), 2) when the same person
repeats by stealing something later (question 37).

In the first case, as seen in Table 5-3, only 7
respondents (8.4%) indicated that the person should be sent
to the police, while most of them (91.6%) answered that it
can be settled by practicing self-criticism, criticism, or by
writing self-examination without involvement of the police.
On the other hand, in the second stealing case, 51 (63.8%) of
80 respondents indicated that the person should be sent to
the police, as compared to 29 (36.2%) who thought that the
stealing can be solved in a group through practicing self-
criticism, criticism, or writing self-exam. Table 5-4 shows
more detailed information about what type of deviance the
respondents think can be settled within a group without the
intervention of the formal criminal justice system.

These data indicate that, in the case of small theft,
such as stealing clothes, watch or bike, and violation of
traffic law, more than 70% of respondents answered that they
can be settled within an informal judicial setting in the

PRC, while in the cases of assaulting, anti-government

83

Table. 5-3

Frequency and Percentage of Respondents’
Perception toward lst & 2nd Stealing a bike
Can Be Settled Outside of the Formal Criminal
Justice System (Police).

Self- Criticism Writing Other Police
criticism self-exam unit
lst 53 (63.9%) 49 (59.0%) 69 (83.1%) 2 (2.4%) 7 (8.4%)
stealing
2nd 24 (30.0%) 37 (46.3%) 44 (55.0%) 11(13.8%) 51(63.8%)
stealing

Valid cases: 15t= 83, 2nd= 80.

Table. 5-4

Frequency and Percentage of Respondents’
Perception of the Types of Deviances That
Can Be Settled Outside of the Formal Criminal
Justice System.

Type of Violation Frequency Total Cases:90
------------------------------------ Valid Cases:81
Stealing Clothes 66 (81.5%) Unknown: 9
Stealing Watch 60 (74.1%)
Traffic law 59 (72.8%)
Assaulting 45 (55.6%)
Anti-government 40 (49.4%)

remark
Gambling 40 (49.4%)
Adultery 31 (38.3%)
Stealing T.V 29 (35.8%)
Damaging 27 (33.3%)

imported machine
Bribe 22 (27.2%)

Prostitution 20 (24.7%)

84
remark, and gambling, about 50% of respondents indicated that
they can be settled outside of the formal criminal justice
system. In the cases of adultery, stealing T.V, damaging
imported machine, bribe, and prostitution, about 30% of
respondents made the same answers.

Table 5-3 and 5-4 seem to imply that, in the PRC, small
theft or violation of traffic law have not been treated
seriously, and thus settled in informal group setting, while
sex-related deviances, such as adultery or prostitution,
repeated theft, bribe, and damaging imported goods, and so

forth, have been treated more seriously.

Beseeteh Question £2.

Does the frequency of: a) group self-criticism,

b) criticism, c) individuals observing self-criticism
sessions, influence 1) group cohesiveness, and

2) the individual’s perception of group self-criticism

as effective in deterring deviance?

The data indicated that the amount of group self-

criticism or criticism, or observation of self-criticism

85

session does not affect group cohesiveness, and also does not
influence the individual’s perception of these sessions as
effective in deterring deviance.

The variable (TSC) is the sum of the frequencies of
group self-criticism (FSC), criticism(FC), observation of
self-criticism session (F0), as explained in Chapter 4. TSC
represents represents the three variables of FSC, FC, and F0
in this study.

Table 5-5 shows that there is no relationship between
total self-criticism (TSC) and respondents’ perception of
effectiveness of group self-criticism ritual in deterring
deviance (TSCD)(r=.22). Therefore, the data seem to show that
there no any significant correlations between the frequency
of self-criticism (FSC) and TSCD (r=.18), between the
frequency of criticism (FC) and TSCD (r=.17), between the
frequency of observation of self-criticism session (F0) and
TSCD (r=.24). In regard to group cohesiveness (TGC), no
relationships were found between the frequency variables of
FSC, FC, F0, and TSC, and group coheviveness (TGC)(r=.16,
.12, .18, .18). Even when TSC was crosstabulated with TGC and
TSCD, respectively, after being divided into the three

groups, which are the highest 15%, middle, and the lowest

86

15%, there also were not any significant differences between
the three groups and group cohesiveness (TGC) as well as
perception of effectiveness of group self-criticism in
deterring deviance (TSCD).

Table 5-5
Correlations among the Variables of the Frequency of
Group self-criticism (FSC), the Frequency of Criticism
(FC), the Frequency of Observation of Group self-
criticism (F0), Total Sum of FSC, FC, FO (TSC),Group
Cohesiveness (TGC), and Perception of Effectiveness
of Group self-criticism in Deterring Deviance (TSCD).

1 2 3 4 5 6
TSC FSC FO FC TGC TSCD
1. TSC 1.0000
2. FSC .9108** 1.0000
3. F0 .9569** .8413** 1.0000
4. FC .8290** .5964** .7073** 1.0000
5. TGC .1814 .1697 .1842 .1298 1.0000
6. TSCD .2267 .1876 .2443 .1708 .5419** 1.0000
N of Cases: 90 l-Tailed Signif: * - .01 ** - .001

TGC and TSCD were operationalized for crosstabulation.
For group cohesiveness (TGC), respondents were devided into
two groups by dichotomizing 6-likert scale: group with strong
group cohesiveness and group with weak group cohesiveness.
The variable (TSCD) was also devided into two groups with the
same way: groups with positive or negative perception of
effectiveness of group self-criticism rituals in deterring

deviance.

87

W

Does Group Cohesiveness Have Some Relationship to the

Perception of Effectiveness of Group self-criticism

in Deterring Deviance?

The data showed that there was a significant difference
between group with strong cohesiveness and group with weak
cohesiveness in perception of effectiveness of group self-
criticism in deterring deviance (TSCD). It may be said that,
in regards to the effectiveness of group self-criticism in
deterrring deviance, those who have strong cohesiveness to
the group have a more positive perception than those who have
weak cohesiveness to the group.

The variable of group cohesiveness (TGC) was made by
computing five variables of questionnaire questions 5 to 9.
as explained in Chapter 4. TGC and TSCD were divided into two
groups, respectively, as seen in earlier section.

As seen in Table 5-6, 68 percent out of the respondents
displayed strong group cohesiveness, as compared to 32
percent of them demonstrating weak group cohesiveness. When
group cohesiveness (TGC) is cross-tabulated with TSCD, the

result shows that there is a significant relationship between

88

group cohesiveness (TGC) and perception of effectiveness of
group self-criticism in deterring deviance (TSCD), as seen in
Table 5-6 (chi-square=22.93, d.f=1, signif=.000). Table 5-5
also shows that there is strong positive correlation between
TGC and TSCD ( r=.5419, p=.01 ). However, there was no
relationship between the frequency of criticism, group self-
criticism, or observation of group self-criticism session

(TSC) and group cohesiveness (TGC).

Table 5-6
Comparison of perception of effectiveness of
Group self-criticism in deterring deviance
between Group with Strong Cohesiveness and
Group with Weak Cohesiveness.

Group with Group with
\TGC Strong Weak

TSCD Cohesiveness Cohesiveness

Group with

Positive 47 7 54

Perception (77%) (24%) (60%)

Group with

Negative 14 22 36

Perception (23%) (76%) (40%)

61 29 90

(68%) (32%) 100.0
Chi-Square D.F Significance

22.93 1 ' .000

89

esea est'
What values of the PRC have an impact on perception of

effectiveness of self-criticism in deterring deviance?

Table 5-7
Rank of the Value in the PRC

Frequency (%)

Value\ Rank No.1 No.2 No.3 Total (1,2,3)
1. Patriotism 42 (51.9) 5 ( 6.2) 7 ( 8.6) 54/81 (66 7)
2. Group spirit 9 (11.4) 28 (35.4) 16 (20.3) 53/79 (67 1)
3. Filial piety 9 (11.7) 20 (26.0) 20 (26.0) 49/77 (63 6)
4. Making money 9 (11.3) 5 ( 6.3) 10 (12.5) 24/80 (30 0)
5. Altruism 5 ( 6.6) 9 (11.8) 9 (11.8) 23/76 (30 3)
6. Higher class 6 ( 8.1) 5 ( 6.8) 6 ( 8.1) 17/74 (23 0)
7. Compliance to 5 ( 7.4) 4 ( 5.9) 6 (8.8) 15/68 (22 1)

authority
8. Individualism 2 ( 2.6) 3 ( 3.9) 4 ( 5.3) 9/76 (11 8)

Table 5-7 illustrates the frequencies and percentages of
social values or norms that respondents ranked as the most
important 3 (No.1 to No.3) out of 8 items. The respondents
were asked to rank from 1 to 8, with one being most important
in the PRC. According to the table, the respondents think
that the most important values in the PRC are patriotism,
group spirit, and filial piety. Forty two (51.9%) of 81
respondents ranked patriotism as the most important value,

while only 2 respondents ranked individualism as No.1. Thus,

90

it implys that collectivity-oriented values are more dominant

than individual-oriented values in the PRC.

Table 5-8

Comparison of Perception of Effectiveness of
Self-Criticism on Deterring Deviance (TSCD)
between Official Politically Approved Values
Group (VAL-A) and Non-Politically Approved
Values Group (VAL-B).

TSCD\VAL VAL-A VAL-B Total
Positive 45 5 50
Perception (74%) (30%) (64%)
Negative 16 12 28
Perception (26%) (70%) (36%)
61 17 78

(78%) (22%) (100%)

Chi-Square D.F Significance
11.37 1 .0007
The seven values shown in Table 5-7 (with the

exception of filial piety) were divided into two groups:
(VAL-A) politically approved values (patriotism, group
spirit, compliance to authority, altruism ), and (VAL-B) non-
politically approved values (making money, higher class,
individualism ). VAL-A is the group that respondents ranked

four politically approved values as No.1, while VAL-B is the

91

group that respondents ranked three non-politically approved
values as No.1. When the two groups were cross—tabulated with
TSCD, there was a significant difference regarding perception
of effectiveness of group self-criticism in deterring
deviance by one value group over the other, as seen Table 5-8
( chi-square=11.37, d.f=1, p=.0007 ). The respondents who
ranked politically approved values as most important have a
more positive perception toward the effectiveness of group
self-criticism in deterring deviance than those who ranked

non-politically approved values.

In addition, when the two value groups were
crosstabulated with voluntary participation in group self-
criticism and forced participation in group self-criticism,
as seen in Table 5-9, significant differences also were found
( chi-Square =5.52, d.f=1, p=.018 ). It may be said that
those those who ranked politically approved values as most
important tend to practice self-criticism more voluntarily
than those who ranked non-politically approved values.
However, there appeared no relationship between the two value
groups in total frequency of group self-criticism,

criticism, and observation of group self-criticism session

92

 

(TSC).
Table 5-9
Cross-Tabulation of Politically-Approved
Values Group (VAL-A) and Non-Politically
Approved Values Group (VAL-B)
with Voluntary and Forced Self-Criticism
(scvo vs SCFO).
VAL-A VAL-B Total
SCVO 34 4 38
(56%) (24%) (49%)
SCFO 27 13 40
(44%) (76%) (51%)
61 17 78
(78%) (22%) (100%)
Chi-Square D.F Significance
5.52 1 .018
* SCVO : voluntary self-criticism
* SCFO : forced self-criticism
* VAL-A: politically-approved values group
* VAL-B: non-politically approved values group

Res c uestion 5

In regard to their perception of the effectiveness of
group self-criticism ritual in deterring deviance, are
there any differences between those who have practiced
self-criticism voluntarily and those who have been

forced to practice self-criticism?

93

Table 5-10

Correlations among Voluntary Self—Criticism (SCVO),
Forced Self-Criticism (SCFO), Changing Attitude
after Forced Self-Criticism (FSCPO), Not Changing
Attitude after Forced Self-Criticism (FSCNE),
Total amount of FSC,FC,and FO (TSC), and
Perceptions toward Effectiveness of Self-Criticism
as Deviance Deterrence (TSCD).

SCVO SCFO FSCPO FSCNE
SCVO ‘1.0000
SCFO -.1585 1.0000
FSCPO .0388 .0435 1.0000
FSCNE .0095 .2508* .1655 1.0000
TSC .0201 -.0836 .1019 -.0177
TGC .6799** -.1017 .1460 -.0695
TSCD .5419** -.1010 .0863 -.0937

N of Cases: 90 1-Tailed Signif: * -.01 ** -.001

Table 5-10 shows that there are strong positive
correlations between voluntary self-criticism (SCVO) and
perception of effectiveness of self-criticism in deterring
deviance (TSCD) (r=.5419, p=.001). It may be said that the
respondents who practiced self-criticism voluntarily tend to
have more positive perception of effectiveness of self-
criticism in deterring deviance than those who practiced
self-criticism forcibly. The data also indicated that there
is a strong positive relationship between voluntary group
self-criticism (SCVO) and group cohesiveness (TGC) (r=.6799,

p=.001).

94

However, the data indicate that there is no significant
relationship between voluntary or forced self-criticism
(SCVO/SCFO) and the frequencies of group self-criticism,
criticism, and observation of group self-criticism session
(TSC) (r=.0201, -.0836).

In addition, the table shows that there is no
relationship between SCFO and FSCPO (r=.0435), but between
SCFO and FSCNE (r=.2508). It seems to imply that those who
practiced forced self-criticism (SCFO) tend not to change
their attitudes after self-criticism (FSCNE). This outcome is
consistent with one of the propositions of theory of
cognitive dissonance which has been supported by many
experiments with American subjects. It posits that the
greater the inducement to perform an act, the less the
consequent attitude change. It is also consistent with the
result of Hinker’ study (1964), that, for Chinese subjects,
the increased inducement produces increased compliance.
However, neither increased inducement nor consequent
increased compliance has any observable effect on
internalized attitudes under the conditions tested.

Another interesting finding was that changing or not

changing one’s attitude after forced self-criticism

95

Table 5-11

Comparison of Willingness to Change One’s
Attitude After Forced Group Self-Criticism
(FSCPO) with Type of Values Ranked as Most
Important in the PRC (VAL-A vs VAL-B).

FSCPO\VAL VAL-A* VAl-B* Total
Willingness 39 7 46
To Change (64%) (41%) (59%)
No Willingness 22 10 32
To Change (36%) (59%) (41%)
61 17 78
(78%) (22%) (100%)
Chi-Square D.F Significance
2.85 1 .09
* FSCPO : trying to change attitude consistently
with what one said before a group after
forced self-criticism.
* VAL-A : politically approved values group
* VAL-B : non-politically approved values group

(FSCPO/FSCNE) has some relationship with the values that
respondents ranked as most important. When the variable of
SCPO was cross-tabulated with (VAL-A) politically approved
value group and (VAL-B) non-politically approved values
group. As seen in Table 5-11, the difference approached .05

significant level ( chi-square=2.85, d.f=1, p=.09 ). We may

96

say that those who ranked the politically approved values (
patriotism, group spirit, and altruism, compliance to the
authority ) as ranked most important are more inclined to
change their attitudes after forced self-criticism than those
who ranked the non-politically approved values (

individualism, making money, and higher class ).

Adeitionel Analysis end Besults

In this section, the relationships between demographic
variables and dependent variables, and some other findings
are discussed.

There were no significant relationships between the
perception of effectiveness of group self-criticism ritual in
deterring deviance and the variables of gender, marital
status, former occupation, hometown, and duration in the
United States in correlation analysis and crosstabultion.
However, the data showed that there is strong relationship
between age and the perception of effectiveness of group
self-criticism ritual in deterring deviance(r=.3704, p=.001).

Older respondents tend to perceive the effectiveness of group

97

self-criticism ritual in deterring deviance more positively
than younger respondents. respondents do. There were also no
any differences between those who have working experiences in
military, factory, or farm and those who not, in group
cohesiveness as well as in their perception toward
effectiveness of group self-criticism in deterring deviance.
Based on the findings of research questions, it may be
interpreted that perception of deterrnece effect or group
cohesiveness is more influenced by one’s quality of past
experience of group self-criticism ritual or value than by
the demographic factors.

Question 26 and 35 asked in which places group self-
criticism rituals most frequently occurred and were most
effectively done. The data showed that the respondents think
that group self-criticism is most frequently practiced and
most effectively done in middle and senior high schools and
in the military, It was supported by t-test results on the
amount of group self-criticism was measured between military
experienced group and non-military experienced group (t-
value=2.55, d.f=81, p=.013). Respondents explained that it is
easier to control and impose discipline on young students and

military personnel than on other individuals because of the

98

nature of school and the military requirement.

In addition, when the respodents were asked to rank the
most important causes of crime, out of 90, 47% ranked poor
education, 22% ranked poverty, 14% ranked individualism, 11%
ranked unequal opportunity, 10% ranked unemployment, as the
most important cause. Only seven respondents ranked the
influence of Western culture or capitalism as the No.1 cause
of crime. In the years immediately after China was communized
in 1949, criminals were told that they were products of the
old society (Li,P.150). It was maintained that all errors
were due to past or external influences rather than internal
or subjective factors. However, almost forty years later, the
data show that most respondents do not seek for cause of
crime any more in external factors such as influence of
Western culture or capitalism. It may imply that as
revolutionary ardor cools and the political situation becomes
more settled, old fashioned way of propaganda becomes less
effective in persuading the people in the PRC. However, there
was no difference in frequency, group cohesiveness, and
perception between those who ranked each item differently as

the most important cause.

99

THE SUMMARY OF THE FINDINGS

The findings of the study are summarized in this

section

. Table 5-12 illustrates all correlations among the

variables of this sudy.

Table 5-12
Qetzeletioes Among All Major Variables

 

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
TSC TGC SCVO SCFO SCNE SCPO TSCD VAL
1. TSC 1.00
2. TGC .18 1.00
3. SCVO .07 .67** 1.00
4. SCFO -.05 -.10 -.15 1.00
5. FSCNE -.08 -.06 .01 .25* 1.00
6. FSCPO -.05 .04 .03 .04 .16 1.00
7. TSCD .22 .54** .45** -.10 -.09 .08 1.00
8. VAL .04 .27* .29* -.18 -.07 .26* .20 1.00
l-TAILED SIGNIFIT: * - .01 ** - .001
1. TSC : The total frequency of group self-criticism,
criticism, and observation of group self-criticism
session.
2. TGC : Group cohesiveness.
3. SCVO : Voluntary group self-criticism.
4. SCFO : Forced self-criticism.

5. FSCPO: Trying to change attitude consistently as what one

said before a group after forced self-criticism.

6. FSCNE: Not trying to change the attitude as what one said

7. TSCD

8. VAL

before a group after forced self-criticism.

: Perception toward effectiveness of group self-
criticism in deterring deviance.

: Politically approved values (patriotism, group spirit,
altruism, and compliance to the authority)/
Non-politically approved values ( individualism,
making money, and entering higher class ).

100

The following important findings were arrived at:

1. Various types of problems are exposed and settled
within a group session through such a series of rituals such
as group self-criticism, criticism, or writing self-.
examination, outside of the formal criminal justice system.
The problems vary from small mistakes in work, unorthodox
political thought, family/sex-related deviance, individual
life style, human relation problem, to certain tyes of
criminal behavior. Work problems and thought problems are
most frequently handled within a group. Thought problem and
deviance problem, respectively are most frequently ranked as
the most serious problems. In addition, sex problem is not a
frequent group self-criticism and criticism topic. However,

it is treated as a serious problem when it occurs.

2. The frequency of group self-criticism does not have
any significant relationships with other variables. For
example: (a) The frequencies of group self-criticism does not
impact on group cohesiveness or on the perception of
deterrence effect of group self-criticism; (b) there is no

difference in frequencies of group self-criticism activity

101

between those who have practiced self-criticism voluntarily
and those who have been forced to practice self-criticism;
and (c) the frequency of group self-criticism is not related

to the types of values ranked as most important in the PRC.

3. Those who express strong group cohesiveness tend to
perceive positive effectiveness of group self-criticism in

deterring deviance.

4. Compared to those who have non-politically approved
values group (individualism, making money, and higher class),
those who ranked politically approved values as most
important (patriotism, group spirit, altruism, and compliance
to authority) tend to: (a) have stronger group cohesiveness;
(b) practice group self-criticism more voluntarily: (c)
change their attitude even after forced self-criticism; and
(d) have more positive perception of effectiveness of group

self-criticism in deterring deviance

5. It was also found that :(a) those who have practiced
group self-criticism voluntarily tend to have more positive

perception of effectiveness of self-criticism in deterring

102

deviance than those who have been forced to practice self-
criticism; (b) those who have practiced group self-criticism
tend to hold more strong group cohesiveness than those who
have been forced to practice self-criticism; (c) those who
have been forced to practice self-criticism tend not to
change their attitudes as to what they said before a group
than those who have practiced group self-criticism
voluntarily; and (d) after forced group self-criticism, those
who have the politically approved values ( patriotism, group
spirit, and compliance to the authority ) are more inclined
to change their attitudes than those who have the non-
politically approved values ( individualism, making money,

and entering higher class ).

CHAPTER 6. CONCLUSION

Self-criticism in a group has been used as a tool of
religious or political conversion or reconciliation in many
different places. Group self-criticism ritual in the PRC,
which includes a series of behaviors such as criticizing
one’s self concerning faults before a group, criticizing
others’ fault within a group, or writing down one’s faults
has been a means to remold individuals’ values and attitudes
to suit the needs of the socialist revolution. Therefore,
group self-criticism ritual has existed with various purposes
all over the country, in school, government office, factory,
military, and prison, etc. Chinese people are usually taught
official values or norms through regular political study in a
small group. They are supposed to assess their own values or
attitudes and practice self-criticism or criticize other’s
fault, on the basis of the official values or norms.

In the Catholic Church, a confession plays a role as a
medium to reconcile a sinner with God, when an individual
commits a sin, and thus is temporarily distanced from the

God. In the PRC, in theory, group self-criticism is a medium

103

104

to connect a deviator with the group, ultimately to the
State, when an individual is distanced from official norms
or values which the State approves.

The question of the study was whether Chinese
respondents think this public confession process has played a
role in deterring deviance or not. Even though this study has
limitations in generalizing all findings of the study to all
the Chinese population or other society, some findings may be
worth considering for further research.

Figure 6-1 presents the important correlations found
between the variables of this study. In the study, the
relationship between those who have practiced group self-
criticism and those who have never practiced it was not
analyzed, because 98 percent of the subjects have practiced
it, while only 2 percent of them have not. In this diagram,
the frequency variable (TSC) was ignored in the diagram,
because, the data show that the frequencies of "practicing
self-criticism publicly", "criticizing other’s fault", or
"observing group self-criticism session" have no impact on
variables of group cohesiveness, the subjects’ values, and,
perception toward effectiveness of group self-criticism in

deterring deviance.

1.
2.
3.
4.

105

 

 

 

 

 

 

I I 7}
VAL-A—+ TGC t SCVO ; TSCD
L_, 9
SCFO-———)FSCNE
¢’FSCPO
Figure 6-1

Diagram For Correlations Among Major Variables

TGC :
SCVO :
SCFO :
FSCPO:

FSCNE:

TSCD :

VAL-A

Group cohesiveness.

Voluntary group self-criticism.

Forced self-criticism.

Trying to change the attitude as what one
said before a group after forced self-criticism.

Not trying to change the attitude as what
one said before a group after forced
self-criticism.

Perception of effectiveness of

group self-criticism in deterring deviance.
Politically approved values (patriotism,
group spirit, altruism and compliance to
the authority).

106
VAL-B : Non-politically approved values
(individualism, making money, and entering
higher class).

Overall, the diagram represents the following findings:
those who have strong group cohesiveness (TGC) tend to
practice group self-criticism voluntarily. They also perceive
the effectiveness of group self-criticism in deterring
deviance (TSCD). Those who have practiced group self-
criticism voluntarily (SCVO) tend to perceive effectiveness of
group self-criticism in deterring deviance (TSCD). Those who
expressed values of patriotism, group spirit, altruism, and
compliance to the authority tend to have a strong group
cohesiveness (TGC), practice self-criticism voluntarily
(SCVO), and perceive the effectiveness of group self-
criticism in deterring deviance (TSCD).

On the other hand, those who have been forced to
practice group self-criticism (SCFO) tend not to change their
attitudes concerning what they said before a group after
group self-criticism (FSCNE). However, even in the case of
forced group self-criticism, those who expressed values of
patriotism, group cohesiveness, altruism, and compliance to
the authority, tend to change their attitudes concerning what

they said before a group (FSCPO), and also tend to perceive

the effectiveness of group self-criticism in deterring

107

deviance (TSCD).

The findings seem to imply that there are some

relationships between group-oriented values, group self-
criticism, and deterrence of deviance, that is, if
individuals have similar values to the larger group, self-

criticism could be a means of deterring deviance in those
individuals. A suggestion for further study, would be to
investigate and identify specific values which are effective
in deterring deviance.

It is hoped that the findings of the study can provide
a basic framework in structuring a deviant deterrence
intervention in other cultures.. However, the study is
basically of subjects’ perception, and the population of the
study was confined to a small portion of Chinese people.
Therefore, more detailed and systematic experimental research
in different cultural settings are needed to understand the
effectiveness of group self-criticism in deterring deviance

or even more serious criminal actions.

APPENDIX

1. Questionnaire in English
2. Questionnaire in Chinese

108

Dear Colleague,

We are trying to learn about optional forms of
deterrence which may positively affect behavior. Deterrence
as related to the relationship between public self-criticism
and group unity seems to have been important in the People’s
Republic of China. Western culture little understands this
relationship nor its importance to deterrence. If it were
understood better in the West, it could be applied to help
people in their behavior.

Through the accompanying questionnaire we are asking
you to help us both understand public self-criticism and its
relation to deterrence. This small study we are doing may
also be of interest to you.

We request that you take the time to fill out the
questionnaire. It will be of some trouble to you but your
input will promote understanding and hopefully, the
implementation of self-criticism program as a educational
tool in positively affecting behavior.

Of course, we will not identify you in any way.
Confidentiality will be fully protected. But if you would
like, we will later make available to you the results of the
study.

For any questions please contact me, Baik-Chul Lee at
355- or Dr, Vincent J. Hoffman at 355- . Please find
the stamped envelope and send the filled out questionnaire to
me by Feb. . 1988.

I appreciate your cooperation and wish you succeed in
your study and work.

Sincerely,
Baik-Chul Lee Vincent J. Hoffman
Research Supervisor Professor

109

110

In this section, we want to know the extent to which you
agree or disagree with the following statements. Please
circle the number which most nearly reflects your opinion
after referring the explanation below..

1) "SA" refers to "strongly agree".

2) "MA" refers to "moderately agree".

3) "SLA" refers to "slightly agree".

4) "SLD" refers to "slightly disagree".

5) "MD" refers to "moderately disagree".

6) "SD" refers to "strongly disagree".

1. Political study is very useful for the people in my
country.

1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6)

SA MA SLA SLD MD SD
2. Self-criticism is one of important parts of group session
activities.

1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6)

SA MA SLA SLD MD SD

3. We should work for the people’s interest rather than for

111

the individual’s interest.

1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6)

SA MA SLA SLD MD SD
Self-criticism in a group is needed for everybody included
criminal or non-criminal.

1>_ 2)_ 3)__ 4)_ 5)_ 6)—

SA MA SLA SLD MD SD
I think that my wrongdoing or deviance was mostly
forgiven by group members through self-criticism.

1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6)

SA MA SLA SLD MD SD
I generally felt more comfortable after self-criticism
than before self-criticism.

1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6)

SA MA SLA SLD MD SD
I have kept better relationship with other members after
criticism and self-criticism in a group.

1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6)

SA MA SLA SLD MD SD

I have felt that I was really a part of the group I

10.

11.

120

13.

14.

1)

1)

112

belonged to.

2) 3) 4) 5) 5)

SA MA SLA SLD MD SD

Criticism and self-criticism ultimately strengthen the

relationship between group members.

2) 3) 4) 5) 6)

SA MA SLA SLD MD SD
I have changed my wrong thought after self-criticism.

1) 2) 3)___ 4)__ 5) 6)

SA MA SLA SLD MD SD
I mostly practiced self-criticism in a group voluntarily.

1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6)

SA MA SLA SLD . MD SD
In most cases, I was forced to criticize myself in a
group under external pressure.

1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6)

SA MA SLA SLD MD SD
Many people changed their political thought through
public self-criticism.

1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 5)

SA MA SLA SLD MD SD

Even though I practiced self-criticism in a group by

113

external pressure, I have tried to behave consistent with
what I said before a group.

1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 5)

SA MA SLA SLD MD SD
15. I did not try to change my behavior or attitude after

forced self-criticism in a group, because it was not my

intention.
1)_ 2)_ 3)__ 4)_ 5)_ 6)_

SA MA SLA SLD MD SD

16. Criminal or deviant person can mostly be corrected by

thought reform.
1)_ 2)__ 3)_ 4)_ 5)_ 6)_

SA MA SLA SLD MD SD

II.

In this section, we want to know approximately how many
times you experienced practicing or observing "criticism and
self-criticism" in several different situations. Please answer

the followings as accurately as you possibly can.

17. Have you ever observed or participated in criticism and

self-criticism ? Yes No

114

(If your answer is No, please go to next section III)

18-1.

18-2.

18-3.

18-4.

18-5.

19-1.

How long were you in middle & senior highschool?
( )years
Approximately how many times did you practice self-

criticism when you were in middle & senior highschool?
1) none_ 2) 1 - 10_ 3) 11 - 30__ 4) 31 - 50__
if more than 51, then about how many times? ( )times.
From what you can recall, what were your reasons you
did self-criticism? ( please write 3 reasons if

possible.)

 

 

Approximately how many times did you criticize others
in a group when you were in middle & senior highschool?
1) none___ 2) 1 - 10___ 3) 11 - 30___ 4) 31 - 50___
if more than 51, then about how many times? ( )times.

Approximately how many times did you observe other’s
criticism & self-criticism in a group when you were in
middle & senior highschool?

1) none_ 2) 1 - 10_ 3) 11 - 30_ 4) 31 - 50_
if more than 51, then about how many times? ( )times.

Have you ever been in college? 1) Yes 2) No

19-2.

19-3.

19-4.

19-5.

20-1.

20-2.

20-3.

115

(If your answer is no, go to # 20-1)

How long were you in college? (_____)years
Approximately how many times did you practice self-

criticism in a group when you were in college?

1) none_ 2) 1 - 10_ 3) 11 - 30_ 4) 31 - 50_

if more than 51, then about how many times? ( )times.

Approximately how many times did you criticize others

when you were in college?

1) none___ 2) 1 - 10___ 3) 11 - 30___ 4) 31 - 50___

if more than 51, then about how many times? ( )times.
Approximately how many times did you observe other’s

criticism & self-criticism in a group when you were in

collge?

1) none_ 2) 1 - 10_ 3) 11 - 30_ 4) 31 - 50_

if more than 51, then about how many times? ( )times.

Have you ever served in the military? Yes NO
( If your anawer is no, go to # 21-1 )
How long did you serve in the military? ( ) years

Approximately how many times did you practice self-
criticism in a group when you were in military service?
1) none 2) 1 - 10 3) 11 - 30 4) 31 - 50

if more than 51, then about how many times? ( )times.

20-4.

20-5.

20-6.

21-10

21-2.

21-3.

116

From what you can recall, what were your reasons you
did self-criticism? ( please write 3 reasons if

possible.)

 

 

Approximately how many times did you criticize others

when you were in military service?

1) none_ 2) 1 - 10_' 3) 11 - 30_ 4) 31 - 50_

if more than 51, then about how many times? ( )times.
Approximately how many times did you observe others’

criticism & self-criticism in the military?

1) none_ 2) 1 - 10_ 3) 11 - 30_ 4) 31 - 50_

if more than 51, then about how many times? ( )times.

Have you ever worked after graduation from your last

educational institution? 1) Yes___ 2) No___

How many years did you work ? (___)years.

About how many times did you practice self-criticism

about your mistake or wrongdoing in your workplace?

1) none_ 2) 1 - 10_ 3) 11 - 30_ 4) 31 - 50_

if more than 51, then about how many times? ( )times.
From what you can recall, what were your reasons you

did self-criticism? ( please write 3 reasons if

possible.)

 

21-4.

21-5.

22-10

22-2.

22-3.

22-4.

117

Approximately how many times did you criticize other’s
mistake or wrongdoing in your workplace?
1) none_ 2) 1 - 10_ 3) 11 - 30_ 4) 31 - 50_
if more than 51, then about how many times? ( )times.

Approximately how many times did you observe other’s
criticism & self-criticism in your workplace?
1) none___ 2) 1 - 10___ 3) 11 - 30___ 4) 31 - 50___
if more than 51, then about how many times? ( )times.
Have you ever worked as a farmer in the country side?
Yes___ No___ ( If your answer is No, please go to #
23-1).

How long did you work as a farmer in country side?
(_____)years

Approximately how many times did you practice self-
criticism in a group when you were in country side as a
farmer?
1) none___ 2) 1 - 10___ 3) 11 - 30___ 4) 31 - 50___
if more than 51, then about how many times? ( )times.
From what you can recall, what were your reasons you
did self-criticism? ( please write 3 reasons if

possible.)

 

 

22-5.

22-6.

23-1.

23-2.

23-3.

23-4.

23-5.

118

Approximately how many times did you criticize others

when you were in the country side as a farmer?

1) none___ 2) l - 10___ 3) 11 - 30___ 4) 31 - 50___

if more than 51, then about how many times? ( )times.
Approximately how many times did you observe other’s

criticism & self-criticism in the country side as a

farmer?

1) none_ 2) 1 - 10_ 3) 11 - 30_ 4) 31 - 50_

if more than 51, then about how many times? ( )times.

Have you ever worked in a factory? Yes___ No____

( If your answer is No, please go to # 24 )

How long did you work in a factory? (____)years
Approximately how many times did you practice self-

criticism in a group when you worked in factory?

1) none__ 2) 1 - 10_ 3) 11 - 30_ 4) 31 - 50_

if more than 51, then about how many times? ( )times.
From what you can recall, what were your reasons you

did self-criticism? ( please write 3 reasons if

possible.)

 

 

Approximately how many times did you criticize others

when you worked in factory?

119

1) none_ 2) 1 - 10_ 3) 11 - 30_ 4) 31 - 50_
if more than 51, then about how many times? ( )times.
23-6. Approximately how many times did you observe other’s
criticism & self-criticism in the factory?
1) none___ 2) 1 - 10___ 3) 11 - 30___ 4) 31 - 50___
if more than 51, then about how many times? ( )times.
24. If you have any experience about criticism and self-criticism
in other place besides the places mentioned above, please

write the place, appoximate numbers, reasons, etc.

 

 

III.
In this section, we want to know your opinion and
experience in your country. Please write your idea or

experience as much as you can.

25. Which of the followings do you think are major norms or
values in your society? Please rank 1-8 with one being
most important.

1) group spirit___ 2) individualismL__ 3) filial

piety 4) compliance to the authority 5) making

120

money___ 6) getting into high class___ 7) altruism___ 8)
patriotism___9) others (Please specify: )

26. In which of the following places do you think people most
often practiced self-criticism? Please rank 1-6 with one
being most frequent.

1) middle & senior highschool

2) college or graduate school

3) workplace(office, laboratory, etc)

4) factory

5) farm

6) military

7) others (Please specify: )

Please write why in the place self-criticism most often

happened?

 

 

27. Which of the followings do you consider are the major
causes of crime or deviance? Please rank 1-8 with one

being most important.

1) unemployment 2) poverty
3) individualism 4) poor education
5) western culture 6) unequal opportunity

7) influence of the Capitalism 8) mental disease

28.

29.

121

9) others(Please specify:

 

 

Which of the following have you ever committed? Please
circle all that apply.

1) getting drunk in public place___ 2) gambling___

3) fighting___ 4) not offering the seat to old man___
5) traffic law violation___ 6) using vulgar language

to others___ 7) wasting lots of money___

8) wasting time in trifling activities___
9)others(P1ease specify other violation of public order

or official norm)

 

Did you practice self-criticism for above you indicated?

Yes No . Whatever your answer is yes or no, please

eXplain Why you did or not? ----------------------------

 

This question is concerned about sexual problem. We would
really appreciate if you answer earnestly. We remind you
again this questionaire is anonymous and confidential.
Which of the following have you ever experienced? Please
circle all that apply.

1) watching pornography___ 2) premarital sex

3) sex with the person besides spouse

30.

31.

32.

33.

122

4) sex with prostitute 5) others(Please specify:__

)

Did you practice self-criticism for above in a group?

 

Yes No
For what kinds of problems have you most often criticized
yourself voluntarily in a group? Please describe them as

specific as you can (3 or more)

 

 

What kinds of problems were most often revealed by others
in self-criticism in a group? Please describe them as

specific as you can (3 or more).

 

 

Please write the 3 most serious "criticism and self-

criticism" cases you have seen in group meeting.

 

 

Have you ever taken private or government property, even
those were things of little value such as office
supplies? Yes No (If your answer is No, please go

to # 34) If yes, what were those things?

 

Did you practice self-criticism for above in a group?

34.

35.

123

Yes No If yes, please explain why you

did.

 

If no, also explain why you did not.

 

 

Have you ever practiced self-criticism in a group even
when you did not want to do it? Yes___ No___ ( If your
answer is No, go to #35 ) If yes, after self-criticism,
did you commit the same thing you already practiced self-
criticism in a group? Yes___ No___ Whatever your answer
is (yes or no), please explain why you committed it again

01'."

not.

 

 

What were your problems?

 

 

In which of the following places do you think self-
criticism was most effectively practiced? Please rank 1-
6 with one being the most effective.

___1) middle & senior highschool
___2) college or graduate school

3) workplace(office, laboratory, etc)

36.

37.

124

4) factory

5) farm

6) military

7) others (Please specify:

)

 

Please write why you think that self-criticism

place is most effective?

in the

 

 

Assuming that one of your group members stole a bike and

he confessed his stealing voluntarily, do you think which

of the following would generally happen to the person in

a group? Please circle all that apply.
1) self-criticism____ 2) criticism____
3) writing "self-examination"_____

4) being sent to other workplace____

5) being sent to the police_____

7) others(please specify:

)

 

In the same situation with #1, if the person

repeated

stealing, what would in general happen to the one?

Please circle all that apply.
1) self-criticism 2) criticism

3) writing "self-examination"____

125

4) being sent to other workplace
5) being sent to the police

7) others (please specify: )

38. In your opinion, which of the following would be settled
in a group without intervention of the criminal justice
system, when the person practiced sincere self-criticism?

Please circle all that apply.

1) stealing clothes___ 2) stealing wristwatch____
3) stealing T.V____ 4) anti-government remark___
5) receiving bribe ____ 6) gambling____
7) assaulting upon others____ 8) damaging to imported
machine____ 10) traffic violation____
11) prostitution___ 12) adultery___
IV.

In this section, we want to know the extent to which you
agree or disagree with the following statements. Please check
only one which best closely reflects your opinion after

referring the explanation below.

39.

40.

41.

42.

126

1) "SA" means "strongly agree".

2) "MA" means "moderately agree".

3) "SLA" means "slightly agree".

4) "SLD" means "slightly disagree".

5) "MA" means "moderately disagree".

6) "SD" means "strongly disagree".

Public self-criticism about work mistake deters future

mistake.

1) 2) 3) 4)

SA MA SLA SLD

5) 6)

MD SD

Criticizing other’s wrongdoing in a group deters my

future wrongdoing.

1) 2) 3) 4)

SA MA SLA SLD
Observation of criticism
future wrongdoing.

1) 2) 3) 4)

SA MA SLA SLD

Public self-criticism about

5) 6)

MD SD

and self—criticism deters my

5) 6)

MD SD

small mistake or deviance deters

my future big mistake or more serious deviance.

127

1)_ 2)__ 3)_ 4)_ 5)_ 5)—
SA MA SLA SLD MD SD
43. Self-criticism in a group about small mistake or

unintentional wrong-doing in school or workplace little
influence my future behabior or attitude.

1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6)

SA MA SLA SLD MD SD

In this section, we will ask general information about you.

Please answer all questions.

 

44. 1) male___ 2) female___

45. Age

46. Marital Status 1) Single___ 2) Married___
3) Divorced___ 4) Seperated___

47. What is the highest level of formal education you have
completed?

1) Primary school 4) College

2) Junior middle school 5) Higher than college

480

49.

50.

51.

52.

128

3) Senior high school 6) Others(please specify other
education you received: )

What was your occupation before you came to the U.S?

 

Which province are you from?

 

How long have you been in the U.S? years months
Presently, I am a 1) student 2) visiting scholar
3)spouse 4) immigrant

Do you think you have been the head of the small group

more often than others? 1)yes 2) No

- THANK YOU VERY MUCH FOR YOUR COOPERATION -

129
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY

COLLEGE OF SOCIAL SCIENCE 0 SCHOOL ()I' CRIMINAL )ITSTICE EAST LANSING 0 MICHIGAN 0 «INN-Ills

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