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I...’ :o‘ k .v , . .. l ‘i . , Vvs 5‘ .. . ‘1. .I t .EC 3, pain. , .Avxl. ; . 0.1? , . ‘ ‘ gs ‘qunv a. 1. \y}(. T” J‘nnhQWIQXtr‘xc‘. ... 2 1:3. . . . v . . . ‘ . . . . , ‘ _ .. 4 . .. HG...) n , I . . . . . ., ‘ i . ‘ y . . . . I u i n o \ 1.1.1800 .1 T... . (I‘M, ' A v ”a a. HJNVJHL. , . ‘ » .s . - .x I I. III I OI - I rip-III. Wm M b 3 2 7 3 2 NH Ill l!lUllllllhllIIHIHIIUHII 00609 3789 a l LIBRARY Michigan State University Ill This is to certify that the thesis entitled Tourism and Agriculture on the North Coast of the Dominican Republic presented by Andrea M. O'Ferrall has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Masters Geography degree in / ' 'KW Major professor Date 1-10‘90 0-7639 MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. To AVOID FINES return on or before one due. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE MSU Is An Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity lnothion Tourism and Agriculture on the North Coast of the Dominican Republic by Andrea M O'Ferrall A THESIS Submitwd to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Geography 1989 ABSTRACT Tourism and Agriculture on the North Coast of the Dominican Republic by Andrea M. O'Ferrall The growth of tourism has affected other sectors of the economy both supplying goods to the industry and competing for resources. This can be seen in three basic ways: - l) attraction of labor out of agriculture; 2) inflation of land values and land use changes; 3) creation of incentives for local producers to expand and diversify production. This study focuses on the role of agriculture as both a supplier of goods to tourism and in competition with tourism for the resources of land and labor. It was expected that due to constraints such as unsuitable soils and climate and lack of knowledge or funds, local subsistence farmers would not be strongly affected by tourism demand. Instead. the relatively fixed supply of foodstuffs would be re-distributed, with hotels having the greater buying power. Larger hotels in Puerto Plata were found to have different buying patterns than the smaller hotels of Sosua. Land value and land use changes were studied in the municipality of Sostia. There, land once zoned agricultural in sugar cane and cattle production has been zoned for tourism. Cattle farmers in the area are finding difficulty in hiring and keeping labor. interviews with local workers indicate that tourism is not strongly attracting rural agricultural labor ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am pleased to thank my parents who have always been supportive of my endeavors and are curious to read what I have done. My sincere thanks go to my advisor Dr. Robert N. Thomas. Despite many disagreements, he did his best to lead me in the right direction. I would also like to thank Dr. Bruce Pigozzi, Dr. Daniel Jacobson, and Dr. David Campbell for their words of encouragement, Dr. Judy Olson, Dr. Richard Groop, and Ellen White for their instruction during my "cartography year," and all my professors at MSU who helped me understand what it is to be an academic. My thanks to Rafael E. Yunen, Vice Rector of the Universidad, Catélica, Madre y Maesu'a and Pedro Juan del Rosario of the Economics department. Both were hospitable and helpful sources of information. Finally, I would like to thank Mark "Poindexter" Kumler who introduced me to the Macintosh and all my office mates in "the zoo" especially Willy "the thinker" Blewett, Adam "the saint” Burnett and Joan "company in misery" Kendall. . iii List of Tables .................................................................................... viii List of Figures .................................................................................... x I. INTRODUCTION ........................................................................... 1 Tourism and Economic Development ................................................. 1 Focus of the Study ............................................................. 1 Tourism growth in the Dominican Republic ......................................... 5 Tourism growth on the North Coast .................................................. 5 Environmental Characteristics ........................................................ 11 Agricultural Develpmcnt in the Dominican Republic ............................... 12 The Study ............................................................................... 14 11. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ..................................................... 15 Tourism and Agricultural Development ............................................. 15 Attraction of Labor ..................................................................... 15 Land Availability and Value ........................................................... 15 Expansion and Diversification of Agriculture ....................................... 16 Reasons for Lack of Linkages ............................................... 17 Tourist Demand ...................................................... 18 Land Characteristics ................................................ 19 Marketing and Patterns of Supply...........................— ...... 19 TABLE OF CONTENTS iv III. IV. Hotel Size ............................................................ 20 Agriculture on the North Coast.............., ...................................... 20 Physical Characteristics ...................................................... 21 Local Food Production...............................' ........................ 21 Cattle Industry ................................................................ 23 STATEMENT OF PURPOSE .................. ' ............. 24 Increased Demand for Food .......................................................... 24 Food Supply - General Research Questions and Assumptions ......... 24 Hypotheses for Playa Dorada and Sosr’ra Hotels .......................... 27 Local Markets ................................................................. 28 Land Use Changes .................................................................... 29 Land Use - Hypotheses ...................................................... 30 Attraction of Labor Out of Agriculture .............................................. 30 Labor - Hypotheses ........................................................... 31 METHODS AND PROCEDURES ..................................................... 32 Field Research .......................................................................... 32 Hotel Food Supply ..................................................................... 32 Land Use Changes ................................... 34 Labor .................................................................................... 34 Statistical Analysis ..................................................................... 34 V. DATA ANALYSIS ........................................................................ 36 Demand for Foodstuffs and the Effect on Marketing Systems for Playa Dorada and Sosria Tourism Centers ....................................... 36 Fruits and Vegetables ........................................................ 36 Hypothesis 1 ......................................................... 40 Meat and Poultry .............................................................. 45 Hypothesis 2a ........................................................ 46 Seafood ........................................................................ 48 Hypothesis 2b ........................................................ 49 Dairy Products ................................................................. 50 Hypothesis 3 .......................................................... 51 Markets ......................................................................... 52 Market Descriptions ................................................. 64 Cattle Farming, Milk Production and Land Use Change .......................... 56 Sugarcane Fields ............................................................ 56 Cattle Farms ................................................................... 57 Hypothesis 4 .......................................................... 58 Productos Sosr’ra .............................................................. 61 Attraction of Labor out of Agriculture .............................................. 65 Hypothesis 5 ......................................................... 65 Migrants to Sosr’ra ............................................................. 66 Farm Employers within Sosua .............................................. 68 Hypothesis 6 .......................................................... 68 vi VI. as SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND COMMENTS .............................. 69 Summary and Conclusions ........................................................... 69 Food Supply ............................................................................ 69 Competition for Land .................................................................. 71 Labor and Migration ................................................................... 72 Data Collection Problems ............................................................. 73 Final Comments ........................................................................ 75 Appendix A ............................................................................. 78 Appendix B ............................................................................. 86 Appendix C ............................................................................. 87 Bibliography ............................................................................ 88 General References .................................................................... 90 vii Table 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. LIST OF TABLES Playa Dorada Development Stages Inventory of Rooms Opening in the Puerto Plata Province, 1988 Detail Level -Responses to Consumption Questionnaires Average Monthly Consumption of Fruits, Playa Dorada Complex Average Monthly Consumption of Vegetables, Playa Dorada Complex Average Monthly Consumption of Fruits, Selected Sosr’ra Restaurants Average Monthly Consumption of Vegetables, Selected Sosfia Restaurants Playa Dorada - Trips to and from Vegetable Markets, Average Monthly Visits Selccwd Fruits and Vegetables by Origin of Purchase Percentage, for Two Playa Dorada Hotels Sostia Restaurants - Trips to and from Established Vegetable markets, Average Monthly Visits Playa Dorada - Goods Brought to and Number of hotels Purchasing from Itinerant Suppliers Average Monthly Consumption of Meat and Poultry, Playa Dorada Hotels Average Monthly Consumption of Meat and Poultry, Selected Sosr’ta Restaurants Playa Dorada - Origin of Meat Purchases, Frequency of Hotels Having Suppliers in Each Location Number of Meat and Poultry Suppliers in Source City, Playa Dorada Complex viii 10 33 36 38 39 41 42 43 45 45 47 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. Origin of Meat Purchases, Sost’ta Restatn'ants - Frequency of Restam'ants Average Monthly Consumption of Seafood, Playa Dorada Hotels Average Monthly Consumption of Seafood, Sostia Restaurants Origin of Fish Purchases, Frequency of Playa Dorada Hotels Origin of Fish Purchases, Frequency of Sosr’ra Restaurants Average Monthly Consumption of Dairy Products, Playa Dorada Average Monthly Consumption of Dairy Products, Sost’ra Restaurants Origin of Dairy Products, Frequency of Playa Dorada Hotels Origin of Dairy Products, Frequency of Sosria Restaurants Average Monthly Sales of Fruits, Sosr’ra and Puerto Plata Markets Average Monthly Sales of Vegetables, Sosr’ra and Puerto Plata Markets Supply Patterns to Markets Puerto Plata Market, Supply of Vegetables by Origin Silverio Messon, Supply of Fruits and Vegetables, by Origin Land Conversions Productos Sosr’ra Land Ownership and Use Changes Land Development, Sosr’ra Yearly Receipt of Fresh Milk in Pounds Origin and Residence of Sele Sosfia Employees Employee Migration Responses ix 47 48 48 49 50 50 51 51 51 52 53 55 55 56 57 61 63 66 67 LIST OF FIGURES The Caribbean The Dominican Republic - Tourism Development Poles The North Coast Provinces North Coast Tourism Development Area Sésua Supply to Markets and Hotels The Extent of Tourism Development \OQO‘hN 26 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Tourism and Economic Development Tourism has become an important part of - the Caribbean economy, welcomed and expanding since WWII (Figure 1). Initially, tourism was seen as a panacea for economic ills; its proponents argued that tourism provides increased employment, increased income, generation of foreign exchange, and diversification of the economy. It was also argued that tourism can serve as an impetus toward the development of infrastructure through its linkages with other sectors of the economy such as agriculture and handicrafts. Tourism can indeed develop these benefits, but the extent to which the benefits of tourism are shared with the local economy depends on the strength of the linkages with other sectors of the economy. This study focuses on the impact of the tourist industry on the agricultural sector both within and servicing the Puerto Plata tourist region in the Dominican Republic. Within the province, tourism has affected land use and labor, primarily in the movement out of agriculture, while increased demand for food from tourism has affected agriculture both within the province and in surrounding areas. The potential economic gains of tourism have led many countries to turn to tourism as a source of income. As a service industry, tourism can increase employment and incomes. Not only are jobs created in hotels catering to tourists, but also in spin-off industries including tour operators, gift shops, transportation, and restaurants. These industries provide opportunities for guides, drivers, hotel personnel, waiters, managers, and entrepreneurs. If the inputs into tourism are locally supplied, tourism can also diversify the local economic base. Major Islands of the Caribbean F I ori d a Gulf of 6:??? 0 Mexico ' . ' San Juan Jun ten Port-a ' nc m, < % ‘ Dom go :27 . 5‘: ingston 'l-laiti Dominican Puerto tho . ' Repubhc (T 260 460m Figure l - The Caribbean The growth of tourism may also be accompanied by a wide range of problems, ranging from water contamination due to inadequate sewage systems to the dispossession and destruction of homes to build luxury hotels. More generally, the "demonstration effect" results as western values and preferences are accepted among native populations. Problems also exist with the idealized economic gains. Many inputs into tourism such as skilled labor, and furnishings at the onset, and foodstuffs during the operation of the hotels, are imported from other nations. Hence, the earnings from tourism are not as great. The tourist multiplier is reduced. To increase the impact of tourism, countries attempt to lessen leakages, one of the largest being through the importation of foodstuffs. This is important since tourist expenditures on food and beverage are usually second only to lodging. A 1977 survey of tourist expenditures in Jamaica found that 34 percent of tourist expenditures were on food and beverage (Jamaican Ministry of Foreign Afi‘airs, 1978). The potential for leakages is great ifthe food is imporwd. Other economic-related problems attributed to the growth of tourism in the Caribbean include the movement of labor out of agriculture into tourist and tourist related enterprises. This thesis discusses the problem from the viewpoint of migrants to the town of Sosr’ra, a tourist town in the province of Puerto Plata, as well as farm employers in Sosr’ta, who are experiencing difficulty in finding labor. . Tourism can also affect agricultural land use directly. In some cases tourism growth has affected land availability through the use of productive agricultural land. Rising land prices and land speculation have made it more profitable to move out of agriculture. This effect of tourism on agriculture is also presented in the thesis through the sales of dairy farms within the municipality of Sosr’ra to the expanding tomist industry. Tourism can also have a positive effect on agriculture and agriculturally related activities. If foods are supplied locally, tourism will cause an increase in demand for food ‘ from the agricultural sector. Also, increases in employment and wages earned by employees can mean increased buying power and local demand for foodstuffs. Increased agricultural employment will be generated in related activities supplying the tourism industry, namely retailers, wholesalers, "middle men," and farmers. An underlying assumption of this thesis is that tourism's increased demand for food will be reflected in the "rela " agricultural activities, the retailers, wholesalers, and middle men, as well as possible increases in production by farmers. That is, while in time production may increase, the first effect of the demand for food by hotels will be a redistribution of what is available. There are several reasons for this assumption. First, the demand for food by tourists is relatively small, perhaps not enough to stimulate the increased investment into agriculture by farmers in the area. Second, the effect on small farmers located within the province would be negligible since the staple crops they produce are not those demanded by the tourism industry. Small farmers on the north coast may not be financially able to increase or alter production, with climate and soil conditions unsuitable for many fruits and vegetables demanded by the tourist industry. Vegetables are primarily coming from large scale commercial farms in the valley of Constanza, while many fruits, suitable to conditions on the north coast, are abundant. For other agricultural items such as meat and poultry, the country is experiencing shortages. It is evident that with greater buying power, and a need to serve tourists the best foodstuffs available, hotels will be able to outbid residents for the goods they need. There will be a redistribution of goods from residents to tourism, from the second capital of Santiago, to the growing city of Puerto Plata. Finally, while it would be important geographically to determine the effect of tourism on increased production and changes in agricultural land use on the north coast, methods of distribution are so diffused that a direct relationship would be almOSt impossible to determine. Hence, this thesis focuses on the market place, determining how much local markets have grown and relating this growth to the growth of tourism. The Dominican Republic Tourism Development Poles Monti Cris «' .Sanfiago I I Jarabacoas, - e' m: Constant-'4? ' Macao Ewe. , . La Romana .-- 2 . J!:.'_'. .'. “.3'.‘ . Santo Domingo .-, Batahona 0 50 itm Symanslti and Burley, 1975 Figure 2 - The Dominican Republic- Tourism Development Poles Tourism in the Dominican Republic The extent of tourism's influence on the agricultural sector depends largely upon the size or relative importance of the tourist industry.“ The Dominican Republic is a relative newcomer to the Caribbean tourism market, and is currently experiencing significant growth'(Figme 2). The number of hotel rooms increased fi'om about 8,000 during 1986 to a projected 10,000 by mid-1987 (U. S. Dept. of Commerce, Foreign Economic Trends, 1987). In 1988 there was a record number of hotel openings; the Dominican Republic is now the Caribbean destination with the most hotel rooms (16,406 rooms on the market in 1988 and an estimated 18,758 in 1989). The runner up in number of rooms is Jamaica with 14,031 rooms (Santo Domingo News, Nov 4 -l 1, 1988). Tourism grew in economic importance from 26.2% of all foreign exchange earnings in 1982 to 33.3% in 1985. During this period, tourist arrivals increased by 25% (Secretaria de Estado de Turismo, Turismo en Cifras, 1986). These figures demonstrate the significant tourism growth experienced by the country in general and the northeast region especially. Thus, the demand for food by the tourist industry is substantial and continues to grow. While these were the most recent figures available, they do not include the 1986-1988 boom period. The current figures are likely to have increased. It is expected that the tourism industry will continue to grow, with government incentives for investment in approved tourism projects including a ten-year exemption from income and incorporation taxes, national and municipal taxes, licenses and fees for public spectacles, and import duties for goods not locally available (U. S. Dept. of Commerce, Foreign Economic Trends, 1987). Tourism Growth on the North Coast The north coast of the Dominican Republic is comprised of five provinces that border the Atlantic Ocean. From west to east these include Monti Cristi, Puerto Plata, Espaillat, Maria Trinidad Sanchez, and Samaria (Figure 3). Puerto ., Plata O Soaua . Cabarete PUERTO PLATA VALVERDE Gaapar Hernandez O O Mao ES PAiLLAT MARIA TRINIDAD Santiagob SALCEDO SANCHEZ 5 AM1430 as an Franciaco do Macoria “L. Vega curate LA VEGA . The Northern Provinces 0 Provincial Capital 0 if 35 km Conatanza Figure 3 - The North Coast Provinces A 1981 study of the impact of tourism development on the north coast included the provinces of Puerto Plata, Maria Trinidad Sanchez and Espaillat (Banco Central, 1981). Of each of these provinces, Puerto Plata has seen the most tourism development. The general extent of tourism development on the north coast runs from the city of Puerto Plata with the Cofresf resort complex directly to its west, to the town of Cabarete, 7 km from the border of the province of Espaillat. Along this stretch of coast, runs "la carretera" or Gregorio Lupcron Highway. ““224... 4,2440% Pu erto Plate “'5‘. - Cabarete 3.. Monte Ilano El Choco North Coast Tourism Development Area To miles °r 0| Figure 4 - North Coast Tourism Development Area Development of tourism in the Dominican Republic began in the early 1970's, with the creation of the department of tourism infrastructure (INFRATUR). This organization, created with the purpose of expanding tourism on the island, selected seven tourist poles for development; the 1) Caribbean Coast (Boca Chica -La Romana), 2) North or Amber coast (Lfiperon - Cabrera), 3) Macao - Punta Cana, 4) J arabacoa - Constanza, 5) Samaria, 6) Barahona (Enriquillo), and 7) Monti Cristi (Symanski and Burley, 1975) (Figure 4). One of the most comprehensive projects was Puerto Plata and the North coast. The project continues to involve the construction of hotels, support facilities, beach improvement, administration and management programs and a new international airport (INFRATUR, 1988). While the city of Puerto Plata boasts several hotels, including the hotel Montemar, the first hotel built in Puerto Plata and home of the hotel school of the Universidad Catolica Madre y Maestra (UCMM) in Santiago, the largest attraction for tourists is the Playa Dorada complex, 5 kilometers east of the city. The project was begun in 1976 with the construction of infrastructure e.g., streets, electricity, an aqueduct and an 18 hole golf course all set out on 150 hectares or 10,000 square meters of land (INFRATUR, 1988). The growth of the project has been steady with the opening of the first hotel, JACK TAR VILLAGE, in 1979 ( Table 1). Table 1 - Playa Dorada Development Stages Xear 119mm Sim 1979 Jack Tar Village 240 villas, rooms and suites 1981 Dorado Naco 202 rms 1982 Playa Dorada 336 ms 1983 Villas Doradas 207 rms 1985-6 Village Caraibe 164 ms 1986 Etn'otel 402 rms 1987 Heavens 150 rrrrs 1987 Radisson ‘ 336 rms 1988 Villas Victoria 120 rrns 1989* Puerto Plata Village 288 rms 1990* Tropicana Caraibe * predicted Flamenco Beach Resort opening Dorado Naco stage II Centro Commercial - shopping center Intalkmflrpnlx W SOURCE: Author's Fieldwork and Puerto Plata News (1988). East of Playa Dorada along the highway toward the international airport the landscape is one of sugar cane fields, with the center of production located in Monte Llano. INFRATUR has purchased a large portion of these fields with plans to develop another tourism node (INFRATUR, 1988). The airport, completed in 1978, lies 20 kilometers. east of Puerto Plata and is located on 500 tareas (314,500 square meters) of land previously in sugar cane production. Five kilometers to its east lies the town of Sosr’ra, the second largest city in the province of Puerto Plata. Both east and west of Sost’ra lie large private resort complexes. The town of Sosr’ta, capital of the municipality of Sosria, has approximately 11,000 inhabitants (ONA de Estadfsticas, 1981). Sosria contains three major subdivisions, los Charamicos to the west, separated from e1 Batey to the east by Sosr’ra beach, and los Cerros to the south. Tourism growth in the municipality of Sosria has been extensive and rapid (Figure 5). - a I e a ~ ’ ElBatey or. N". I, a. - I . ‘ . ”Ming '-2 '. ‘ V 2 " "is.“l‘mic Dce an :4". .'~ will, ‘ 1, -,.: 39:5195" \.~ .... ' - Sosr’ra O 99”. _ e v , fifi 7—1 ‘. U .5 km ’90 Les Cerros Figure 5 - Sosr’ra 10 Development has included resort complexes of a grand scale located just outside the town. Growth has also occurred directly within Sostia in el Batey with the construction of hotels, restaurants, and condominiums. In los Cerros several hotels have taken advantage of the view from the hillside. Table 2 - Inventory of Rooms Opening in the Puerto Plata Province (1988) mm W W Playa Dorada Jack Tar Village 100 Village Caraibe 80 Victorian Resort 106 Puerto Plata Caracol l4 Sosr’ra Arenas Doradas 18 Brimar 16 Casa Marina 66 Colina Sol y Mar 144 Condos Carolina 26 Condos Sosr’ta 15 Copey Sosr’ra 53 El Paraiso 9 La Carabela 9 Larimar Beach 131 Los Coralillos 10 Mirador 77 M & M 14 Ocean Blue 64 Plaza Del Sol 23 Sand Castle 240 Sans Souci 16 Sir Francis Drake 109 Sosr’ra by the Sea 80 Villas Aida Del M. 34 Source: The Santo Domingo News, November 4 - 11, 1988. Sosr’ra has a unique history. El Batey was founded by a group of European Jewish immigrants granted asylum in the early 1940's by the country's then dictator, Trujillo. The settlers' influence on cattle raising and dairyproduction has been extensive and forms an important part of this thesis. Los Charamicos is essentially home to Dominican residents 11 and workers in Sosria. It is said to have been founded by a worker of the United Fruit company who set up a shack on the unoccupied land in the early 1900's. East of Sostia toward Cabarete lie large resort complexes in varying stages of development. The town of Cabarete has sprung up along Cabarete beach, a popular hangout for windsurfers, and the site of annual windsurfing competitions that began in 1987. The Dominican Republic - Environmental Characteristics The Dominican Republic shares the island of Hispaniola, the second largest in the Antilles (77,914 sq. km.), with the Republic of Haiti. The Dominican Republic occupies roughly the eastern 2/3 of the island (48,442 sq. km.) with 1,575 km of coastline (Hartshorn, 1980). Four major mountain ranges lie in a more or less parallel NW-SE trend. The three intervening valleys, particularly the Cibao, are major agricultural regions. The northernmost Cordillera Septentrional extends parallel to the Atlantic Coast from Monti Cristi to Nagua with small areas of narrow coastal plain squeezed between the hills and the Atlantic ocean. Exposure to northeasterly trade winds for more than half of the year produces abundant orographic rainfall on the northern flank of the Cordillera Septentrional an important coffee producing region (Hartshorn, 1980). The aforementioned mountain ranges delimit three major valleys -- the Cibao, San Juan, and Enriquillo Basin. Lying between the Cordillera Septentrional and Central extending from Monti Cristi to Samaria, the Cibao actually consists of two valleys: the Santiago Valley (or Western Cibao) drained by the Rio Yaque del Norte and the Vega Real (or Eastern Cibao) drained by the Rio Yuna. A few intermountain valleys occur in the cordillera central: Constanza (30. sq. km.), Jarabacoa (23 sq. km.) and Bonao-Altagracia (128 sq. km.). The higher Constanza and J arabacoa valleys have also become important tourist and vacation attractions. 12 Agricultural Development in the Dominican Republic Agriculture plays a very important part in the Dominican economy. About 50 percent of the population of the Dominican Republic is rural and agricultural; most are small land holders (U .S. Department of State, 1987). Agricultme comprises 19.2 percent of the country's Gross Domestic Product, with the primary products being sugar, coffee, cocoa, tobacco, rice, plantains, beef, and flowers. Recently sugar prices on the world market have been depressed, and the Dominican government has designated the promotion and development of agriculture and livestock, agro-industry, and industrial development as a priority (U.S. Dept of Commerce, Overseas Business Reports, 1980). Tourism has also been designated a priority sector of the economy. As agriculture becomes a less important part of the gross domestic product as the country develops, the need to improve productivity and provide foodstuffs for a growing population continues. The Dominican Republic's largest and most reputable newspaper, "Listin-Diario," publishes daily discussions of food prices, shortages, and the need to give more attention to agricultural development. The Area Handbook for the Dominican Republic (1973) states that agriculture and the processing of agricultural products dominated economic activity in the Dominican Republic. "During the 1960's agricultme contributed as much as 24 percent to the gross domestic product (GDP) annually, and industrial production, principally sugar processing, accounted for nearly 19 percent of the GDP." In 1986, agriculture comprised 19 percent of GDP - in sugar, coffee, cocoa, tobacco, rice, plantains, beef, and flowers (U .8. Dept of Commerce, Overseas Business Report, 1980). Income in US dollars from tourism rose from $ 26.2 in 1982 to $ 33.3 in 1985, sugar, on the other hand, decreased from $29.5 to S 16.7 (based on figures supplied by the Secretaria de Turismo, Turismo en Cifras, 1985). 13 One of the outstanding features of Dominican agriculture is the existence of small scale subsistence farms along with large scale commercial farms. According to data from the 1971 agricultural census, of the country's total land area of almost 12 million acres, over 6.4 million were in farms, and more than one quarter of all farmland, was in the two provinces of La Vega and San Cristobal. In the thirteen northern provinces enumerated in 1970, one percent of the farms accounwd for 38 percent of the total farm area. The largest landholder and employer of paid agricultural labor in 1972 was the State at 1.8 million acres. The two largest government agencies are the State Sugar Council (CEA) and the Dominican Agrarian Institute (IAD) (Hartshorn, 1980). Although more recent data are not available, it is likely that these figures have changed given the lessening importance of agriculture in the economy, including the declining importance of sugar (a 57 percent decrease in income from 1982 to 1985), and increased importance of citrus fruit exports. When looking at the potential demand for foodstuffs by tourism and the capability of local producers to provide food, it must be remembered that small farmers produce mainly staple goods such as plantains, yuca, beans, sweet potatoes, and pigeon peas. As small farmers work to maintain the nation's food supply, there is an ongoing dual trend in land tenure toward fragmentation and concentration -- the former creating ever more fragmentation of subsistence farms, while the latter creates large estates dedicated to export crops. Many of the vegetables supplied to the north coast, to tourism and residents alike, are grown in the valleys of Jarabacoa, Constanza, and the adjacent Valle de Tireo. These valleys were virgin pine forests until the mid 1930's, when Trujillo, the country's dictator, enacted the Agricultural Colonization law that initiated the development of highways to penetrate the Cordillera Central and established sawmills there. The saw mills, and later colonies of Spaniards, Japanese, and Hungarians were to produce dramatic changes on the landscape of the area in the 1940's and 1950's (Frans Geilfus, Technical Document, 1986). 14 In the Constanza valley, the new colonies, using intensive techniques and improved drainage, began production on the best land. Here, a new type of commercial agriculture was begun, using a relatively high level of wchnical knowledge. Today the valleys are equipped with permanent irrigation systems, and the country continues to invest money on irrigation networks. The system has an almost wholly commercial nature characterized by the monocultures of onion, garlic, beans, potato, cabbage, beets, carrots, and string beans, harvests that continue nearly uninterrupted, and a high usage of pesticides (Geilfus «- Technical Report, 1986). These characteristics contrast with those of subsistence agriculture found throughout the country - mixed production of yuca, corn, batata, yautia, and rabano that are rainfed, with little or no use of pesticides. The Study This study focuses on the many effects of tourism on agriculture within the Puerto Plata province on the north coast of the Dominican Republic. These effects are evident in the growth of local fruit and vegetable markets in response to the increased tourism demand and population growth in the Puerto Plata tourism node. Also, tourism growth has resulted in the attraction of labor out of agriculture into tourist related jobs and land use changes from cattle farming to tourist resorts. In order to present hypotheses that relate local agriculture and the tourist sector in this area, general theory and empirical research on food production in the Caribbean are discussed in chapter 2. CHAPTER 2 - REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Tourism and Agricultural Development Tourism can influence agriculture in four interrelated ways: 1) It can modify agricultural employment by attracting labor out of agricultme; 2) reduce availability of agricultural land through an increase in use of land for recreational purposes ; 3) modify land values and land use in areas surrounding tourism developments; 4) and create incentives for local farmers to expand and diversify their production (Jefferson, n.d.). Attraction of Labor The first three ways that tourism may influence agriculture are interrelated and difficult to isolate. In terms of competition for labor, Bryden (1974), concluded that tourism is in direct competition for resources with other sectors of the economy, particularly agriculture, attracting workers from, and to the detriment of agriculture. Jefferson (1972) found that tourism "raises the reserve price of la " and that some people would rather remain idle than work elsewhere for lower wages -- notably in agriculture. O'Loughlin (1968) observed that in Antigua, "tourism has tended to make the sugar industry even less economic by forcing up wage rates...". Others, such as Marshall (n.d.z17-18), have argued that out-migration from the rural areas started before tourism became an attractive employment alternative. Land Availability and Value For many Caribbean nations competition for land is not a widespread problem, since much of the land used by tourist attractions is not valuable agricultural land; Lundberg (1974), noted that as the tourist industry developed in an area, land prices rose sharply. While specific studies concerning the impact of tourism on land values are few, it 15 16 is generally accepted that the growth of tourist centers leads to inflated land values, thereby stimulating land speculation. These generally negative influences of tourism on the agricultural sector in the Caribbean are summed up best by Jefferson (1972): Whiletourisrn increamthedemandforfooditmayalsoreducethesupply through its effect on land prices and the availability of the labour force. If food production is adversely affected, the import content of tourism, as well as of domestic consumption, may actually rise as the industry expands. Expansion and Diversification of Agriculture The fourth effect of tourism on agriculture concerns the possible expansion and diversification of agriculture to meet tornist food demand. One of the goals of tourism is to provide employment and income for the local economy. This is done directly in the tourist sector and indirectly through jobs created in other sectors, for instance, the agricultural sector. The effect of linkages between tourism and agriculture can best be explained by the tourist multiplier. The direct effects are the most visible, as they result from visitors spending money at tourist enterprises. In addition to the direct impact of tourism on an area, there are also indirect impacts. The indirect or "multiplier" effect is found as tourist spending circulates throughout the economy. For example, second round effects are found as the money paid to the tourist enterprise is spent, such as a hotel receiving tourist dollars and purchasing goods and paying employees. In the third round, the employees spend their salaries. Money continues to circulate until it leaves the economy through leakages. The effect of the importation of food by hotels is to create a major leakage in the second round of circulation, which affects continuing rounds, and therefore substantially lowers the economic gains of tourism. In this study, it was proposed that the proportion of l7 foodstuffs that are imported would be estimated to determine the extent to which leakages occur, but it was found early on that relatively little is imporwd in the way of foodstuffs. Alleyne (1974), studying the potential demand for foodstuffs by the tourism sector in Barbados, found that the high income elasticity of demand of the various categories of food entering into tourist consumption indicated that the potential of tourist demand for food was relatively high. Since items demanded by tourists such as beef, potatoes, fresh fruit, milk, and eggs have high income elasticities, demand for them will grow more rapidly than for other lower income elasticity goods. Even if tourists do not seek local foods, local crop production can be altered to meet their demands. Want The desire to produce locally the food inputs of the tourist sector makes good economic sense. It will be seen though, that many obstacles lie in the path of achieving the goal of self-sufficiency. The extent to which tourism generates employment in agriculture depends on many factors including natural conditions, such as the amount of arable land, the potential for local production of the types of foodstuffs demanded by hotels, availability and price of imports, efficiency of distribution mechanisms, and overall government policies affecting these matters (de Kadt, 1979, p. 39). The relative size and growth rate of the industry will also affect possible stimulation of agricultural production (Alleyne, 1974). Belisle (1983) presents a more detailed list of factors affecting the lack of linkages between agriculture and tourism: a) tourists prefer the type and taste of food consumed in their home countries; b) imported food is cheaper than local food; c) hotels accept an opportunity cost to ensure superior quality and/or regularity of food supply; (1) deficient quality of local food (particularly hygienic quality); e) hotel entrepreneurs are not fully aware of the type and quantity of locally available food; f) local farmers do not want to change their traditional crop production; g) farmers cannot increase their production; 18 h) farmers lack information on the types and quantities of food needed by hotels; i) tatmets are inhibiwd from dealing with hotels or vice-verse; and. j) farmers or intermediaries are unreliable in terms of regularity of supply or fulfilling other contract agreements. These factors reflect underlying problems, such as underdeveloped infrastructure and technology, that help to explain for example the lack of regularity in quality and supply, or why farmers cannot increase production. LeFevre (1977) noted that, "Cases can be cited where food production has in fact fallen with the expansion of the tourist industry, because the industry has opened up more efficient channels of importing" (p. 103). W "Foodstuffs demanded by hotels," implicitly states "foodstuffs demanded by tourists." In reference to Belisle's first factor affecting linkages between tourism and agriculture, it is the general belief that visitors to the Caribbean desire to eat what is familiar to them. As Hills and Lundgren (1974) noted, "At your first meal, a menu, probably designed in Toronto, Chicago or Miami will provide you with a selection of food, impormd for the greater part from North America - good, familiar, homogenized, taste free food, dressed up with a touch of local color." From Lundberg (1974:84) comes the somberly logical conclusion that "the argument in favor of serving locally produced foods makes good economic sense if the produce can be sold: if not, the argument is wasted." Yet with all the "widely held beliefs" that tourists do not demand local foods, researchers are still uncertain. As far back as the early 1960's, a Department of Commerce study of the tourist industry in the U. 8. Virgin Islands suggested that, "Visitor reaction indicates more native dishes and West Indian fruits should be featured on the menu's of hotels and restaurants during the winter tourist season. Especially popular are the papaya, orange, pineapple, and winter avocado" (Creque and Goeggel, 1964). 19 Since this study found that most foodstuffs are not imported, and that those that are, are either not available locally, such as wines or in short supply such as fish, it appears that the Dominican Republic is not following the trend of other Caribbean nations. As for visitors trying local staples such as yuca or platano, there was little attempt to "sell" these foods. Visitors usually were introduced to them in buffet style settings, and appeared to enjoy them. I 1 Cl . . The possibility of the local agricultural sector providing food for the tourist industry depends on more than just the factor of tourist demand. Physical characteristics of the land such as relief, precipitation, and soil type affect the farmer's ability to increase or alter production. Economic and technological limitations faced by small farmers also inhibit change and expansion. Subsistence farmers may not have the resources to increase production. Inputs such as fertilizer, farm machinery, and pesticides may be out of reach for the small farmer (Belise, 1984 b). W221! Alleyne (1974), focused on future food demands by the tourist sector. He explored the reasons that the agricultural sector was not, and possibly could not, respond to tourist demand, and highlighted a central problem, that of inadequate marketing facilities and systems; "the underdeve10pment of marketing facilities compel the producer to incur a high perishability factor in his operations. For one, produce like lettuce and tomatoes must be sold immediately upon harvesting because of the inadequacy of storage facilities and the absence of agro-industry to take up the surplus for canning purposes." These conditions lead to relatively low prices during good harvests, and high import levels of canned foodstuffs. Bélisle (1984 b) also found marketing inadequacies and lack of development of 20 the food-processing industry to be important constraints, noting that "Many complaints by Jamaican hoteliers relate to unavailability, irregularity of supply, and wide price fluctuations of several local food items." Other geographic studies have focused upon the supply of food to the tourist sector. Lundgren (1973, 1975), described how six Jamaican hotels purchased selecmd local products, and identified the geographical patterns of supply according to perishability. Despite the small sample size, Lundgren found that two-thirds of the supply of several commodities came from within ten miles. While hotels dealt with farmers, fixed retailers, and "higglers" (itinerant intermediaries), the majority of transactions were conducted with nearby producers, with high frequency but low volume sales. HeteLSize Hotel demand for locally supplied goods has been found to be a factor of hotel size. Rodenburg (1980), found that import leakages for the tourist sector in Bali were related to hotel size. Large, industrial tourism exhibited leakages of 35-40 percent while small scale "homestay" tourism facilities exhibited no leakages. The food sector specific findings for Jamaica are similar (Bélisle 1984 b). The proportion of locally supplied food was found to vary from a high proportion in smaller, lower class hotels, to a small proportion in large, high class hotels. This relationship concurs with some of the reasons cited for lack of linkages between the agricultural sector and the tourist industry, generally that farmers are unable to supply sufficient amounts of high quality foodstuffs to meet the demand of larger hotels. Agriculture on the North Coast In 1982 the Central Bank published a study titled Evaluation and Impact of Tourism on the North Coast of the Dominican Republic (Banco Central, 21 Evaluacién E Impacto del Turismo en la Costa Norte de la Repriblica Dominicana, 1982). Thestudy discusses the effect of tourism on agriculture focusing on the three northern provinces of Puerto Plata, Maria Trinidad Sanchez and Espaillat. The work provides excellent base line data, since at the time there was little or no effect of tourism on agriculture. The following discussion of agriculture on the north coast has been translated from Spanish and summarized from the study (single spaced). 21.”! .. Together the three provinces of Puerto Plata, Maria Trinidad Sanchez and Espaillat cover 4,165 square kilometers (6.6 million tareas) which is equal to 8.6 percent of the land area in the Dominican Republic. Soil types vary widely in their morphologic characteristics, uses, and productivity depending on location, from the flat coastal strip to the mountainous area of the Cordillera Septentrional. Soils of inherently medium fertility predominate on the flat coastal land, mainly calcareous and limestone. Drainage is generally good except for the areas to the east of Puerto Plata. In general, the factors that limit agricultural development in the coastal flatlands are the shallow topsoil, insufficient drainage, and low fertility. In contrast, the mountainous areas are limited by a high rate of erosion, and large variation in soil fertility (partly due to the erosion problem). The slope north of the Cordillera Septentrional combines good soil conditions and climatological conditions for the cultivation of citrus fruits and avocados in addition to the traditional coffee, cacao, and pasture. W The study discusses the possible effect of tourism on increasing the demand for foodstuffs and the ability to provide them locally. At that time: The zone was a net exporter of avocado and citrus. However, due to the dispersion of the products and irregularities in commercialization it was not possible to quantify the exact magnitude of production and exportation. The study also found that: The north coast, from Nagua to Luperdn is insufficient in the production of staple crops and the only reasonable attempts to produce on the coastal flatlands are mainly plantains which are not very resistant to the diet of rain and poor drainage. However, even the area in plantain cultivation has remained static or has lessened slightly since the zone 22 has specialized in cattle raising. Also, there doesn't appear to be a large movement toward investing in agriculture among middle and high class landowners and everything seems to indicate that the zone will continue to import supplies from traditional providers. Moreover, the region is a net importer of vegetables which come from areas in or near Constanza, where they supply large consumers such as hotels and the intermediaries that sell these products locally. The production of vegetables in the region is faced with enormous difficulties due mainly to the absense of a tradition of horticulture in the zone as well as climatological and soil factors that are difficult but not impossible to resolve. The study made several conclusions including: Agricultural diversification had been limited mainly by the small market size, and not so much the lack of experience which could be brought into the region from other places. Furthermore, agricultural production in the area was difficient and would continue to be so until the size of the market on one hand and transportation costs on the other would combine to make it more profitable to produce locally than to import from other provinces. The first significant thing that has been established in relation to the effect of tourism demand on agricultural production is that the volume of aggregate demand due to turistic consumption has not been and is not sufficiently large to have created a large enough volume of demand that would make local production competitive with respect to the importation [from outside the province] of these agricultural goods. The hotels and touristic establishments in the zone, while they had increased the demand for agricultural products had not done so at a scale sufficiently large enough to affect production changes due to the following factors: 1) Internal tourism - while high on weekends was very seasonal and unstable with reference to direct effects on local demand of agricultural products. People going to the beach brought their own food. 2) Maritime visitors did not stay long enough to generate a significant demand. 3) Tourists from INFRATUR'S Playa Dorada complex constituted an insufficient population and it was uncertain to what extent their consumption habits would have an effect on agricultural production with exception of vegetables." Since the writing of this report circumstances have changed. Demand for agricultural products by tourism has grown substantially. It was beyond the scope of this thesis, due to the same factors of "dispersion of the products and irregularities in commercialization" that faced the Central Bank, to quantify the exact magnitude of the volume of production and exportation in the zone. Instead, an investigation of the growth of local markets, their suppliers and the goods they sell was conducted. Results give insight into how tourism growth has affected agricultural demand 23 W The study also discusses the importance of cattle industry in the zone, since historically the North Coast has been known for its cattle raising and milk production: Long ago the type of cattle dubbed "double purpose" predominated in the region. However, at the beginning of this century two occurences changed substantially this production scheme. On one hand, there was a massive introduction of meat cattle and with that the production of meat and its derivatives gradually became independent especially in the area of the large milk producers. On the other hand, in the early 1940's Jewish immigrant families brought with tirem from Europe dairy cattle that further made more clear and definite the difi'erence between the two types of cattle farming. The study found that: Although the only definite verification can be the result of the publication of the 1981 agricultural census [which never was] that on the North Coast three types of cattle raising prodiminate: meat cattle which is the heritage of the large land owners, dairy cattle made up of large, medium and small producers, and the "double purpose" variety owned by 8:811 and medium sized producers and one or another large owners with traditional men ty. And concludes that: The region continues to be a large producer of milk, meat and its derivatives at levels that are and will continue to be for a long time considerably greater than any conceivable increment in the demand that could be generated by in increase in the tourist population. In the same fashion the behavior of prices would not be affected by any incease in demand partially due to price controls and partially due to the fact that historically there has been a policy of exportation or not of meat that has fixed the behavior of prices of meat in the market. . What the study did not forsee was the devaluation of the peso, making inputs to cattle raising relatively more expensive and increasing the profitability of selling land to tourist enterprises. The ensuing decrease in the supply of meat and dairy products is due to a variety of factors including the sale of farmland. Dairy farms are becoming vacation complexes, as can be seen particularly within the municipality of Sosr’ra. CHAPTER 3 STATEMENT OF PURPOSE Increased Demand for Food Tourism has been growing rapidly on the north coast of the Dominican Republic; the effects of its growth on agriculture have been manifold. This thesis focuses in part on the creation of incentives for the expansion and diversification of agricultural enterprises. In earlier research, the growth of tourism, and the demand for food, was seen as an incentive for local producers to alter crop production to meet demand. In this thesis, it was assumed that before farmers are made aware of changes in local demand or are able to introduce changes to meet the new demand, marketing systems will first be afi'ected. That is, a relatively fixed supply of foodstuffs will be channeled to meet the demands of hotels and restaurants which are more able to pay for foods than the local population. Farmers, due to a variety of reasons, such as lack of financial resources or knowledge, unsuitable climactic, terrain, and soil conditions, may be unable to meet the needs of the expanded local market. Expansion of wholesale and retail sales of fruits and vegetables reflect an increase in the local demand, but not necessarily increased local production. To continue the understanding of tourism's effect on agriculture this study concentrates on the supply of goods to hotels and the growth of local markets. A top down approach was used, first quantifying the amounts of foods demanded by hotels and their supply patterns, then determining the effect of increased tourism on the growth of local markets in Sosria and Puerto Plata. Food Supply - General Research Questions and Assumptions. . An increased demand for foodstuffs by tourism will affect the market for agricultural goods. The 1981 Central Bank study on the affects of tourism on the north coast found that tourism had not created a sufficient increase in demand to substantially affect local markets. It was expected that this was no longer the case since tourism had 24 ex; 1161 10‘. syS' imp Roc' cert it w: wouj discc and i Pmpa avafla locally non-10¢ were co Slipply v tourist n 25 been growing very rapidly since 1986. The number of tourists visiting the north coast has increased substantially since then. Also, tourism not only causes an increase in tourist .mouths to feed, but also an increase in the permanent population of the tourist centers. An increase in size of local food markets would be due not only to the direct demand for goods by tourists but also to the growth of the local population associated with tornism. I expected to find that those goods sold in large quantities in the local market were not necessarily those used by hotels, but by the local population, although it was not possible to test this assumption since the total consumption of different fruits and vegetables cannot be compared. Through a "food quantity and origin" questionnaire, the amounts used of different fruits, vegetables, meats, and dairy products were determined as well as the marketing systems through which the commodities passed. Belisle and Rodenberg found that the import content of products used by hotels was a factor of hotel size ( Belisle, 1983; Rodenberg, 1980). Large, industrial tourism demanded levels of quantity, quality, and certainty of supply that indigenous markets and suppliers were unable to fulfill. Although it was originally proposed that hotel demand components, both of foreign and local foods, would be determined through interviews with local hotel and restaurant managers, it was discovered early on that relatively few items such as olives, artificial sweeteners, spices, and wines -- goods not locally available, are imported, and that those involved in food preparation and planning are willing and able (with some complaints) to work with what is available. Also, government restrictions inhibit the importation of goods that are available locally although this is changing, particularly in the case of seafood (see chapter 6). The question became not one of import versus local supply, but one of local versus non-local supply from within the country. The large hotels in the Playa Dorada complex were compared to the smaller hotels and restaurants in Sosfia to determine the patterns of supply within the country. It was expected that for the larger hotels in Playa Dorada, the tourist multiplier was not experiencing a leakage due to importation of foodstuffs from 26 outside the country, but from outside the province. The smaller scale restaurants in Sosr’ra were more dependent on local suppliers. The relationship of local vs. non-local supply is highly dependent on the type of good being demanded. In order to present hypotheses and findings, foods have been broken into the basic groups of fruits, vegetat meats, fish, and dairy products. Results of the study are presented for Playa Dorada hotels, Sosr’ra hotels and restaurants, and local vegetable markets in both towns. Finally, there was some evidence of local agriculture attempting to meet the demand of tourism in the area. Due to climatic conditions suitable for citrus crops, these were most easily supplied by local land owners. An attempt in the early 1980's by one commercial farmer to grow vegetables locally met with failure, since many of the goods coming from Constanza could be purchased more cheaply at the market in Santiago. A discussion of this response to tourism is discussed in the concluding chapter of this paper. Figure 6 illustrates the general flow of vegetables between markets on the north coast and hotels in Sost’ra and Playa Dorada. [Sonia Restaurants ' PlayaDoradaI-Iotels Local Producers Mario's ‘Sost’ra P. P.Public ‘ Silverio ' , Market ‘ m Market Messon ‘ lConstanza Flow of fruits and vegetables Figure 6 - Supply to Markets and Hotels 27 WW Since it is important to tourism planners in the government and private sector alike to gauge the affect of tourism on other sectors of the economy, it is of vital interest to determine the origin of tourism inputs. In the case of agricultural inputs the following hypotheses were proposed: W - The supply patterns of fruits and vegetables for Playa Dorada hotels and those in Sosr’ra are significantly different. Vegetables supplied to Playa Dorada hotels are obtained primarily through the market in Santiago. Fruits and vegetables supplied to restaurants in Sost’ra come primarily from the market in Puerto Plata. WI: - Fruits also come from the Santiago market, with the exception of those that are available locally in large quantities such as oranges, pineapples, watermelon, and avocados. Rationale - The market in Puerto Plata has not grown sufficiently to meet the tourist demand for vegetables by the large industrial tourism hotels in Playa Dorada. Instead, goods come from Santiago which is a major hub for distribution of vegetables for the northwest. Here buyers can purchase vegetables more cheaply with certainty of quality and supply. The smaller size (smaller quantity of food demanded) of hotels and restaurants in Sosr’ra makes it more feasible to go to the market in Puerto Plata. Also, they are farther from Santiago than hotels in Playa Dorada. Itinerant vendors of locally grown crops (namely citrus fruits) supply sufficient quantities of high quality fruits due to their abundance in the area. 28 W— Supply patterns of fish, chicken, andred meats are significantly different for Sostia and Playa Dorada establishments. For Playa Dorada, meats, excluding processed meats such as bacon and sausage, come from Santo Domingo. 'For Sosr’ra, meats are bought primarily within the Puerto Plata province. Also, the local supply of seafood was not sufficient to meet the demand at Playa Dorada, while Sostia restaurants used more locally caught fish. Rationale - Most of the slaughterhouses are located in or near Santo Domingo. Hotels in Playa Dorada buy in advance, in bulk, freeze the meat, and do not fear later shortages. Restaurants in Sosr’ra, however, often do not have storage facilities and have no need for the large quantities needed by Playa Dorada hotels. Hotels and restaurants in 80min will deal more often with itinerant vendors when buying meats and fish than those in Playa Dorada. Again, meat is needed in smaller quantities, and menus are more flexible. Many restaurants in Sosria do not have freezers and cannot buy ahead of time in bulk. W— The supply pattern of dairy products will not be significantly different for Sosria and Playa Dorada hotels. Dairy products to supply both locations come almost . exclusively floor the Puerto Plata Province. Rationale - The north coast traditionally has been a dairy producer. Of secondary importance, the high perishability would hinder hotels from going to outside sources. mm Four fruit and vegetable markets within the province of Puerto Plata were contacted for the study: in Puerto Plata, the public market and a large wholesaler, in Sosr’ra, a local wholesaler (and retail vendor), and a small tourist retail vendor . The markets in Puerto 29 Plata were the only two large centers within the city although there were other small local markets. The two markets in 80min were the only ones selling fruits and vegetables exclusively. Two supermarkets within Sosr’ra and small shops in Los Charamicos (the Dominican resident section of $0863) also sold vegetables. Markets and suppliers within the Province were expected to have increased in size and number, have increased frequency of visits to the market hub of Santiago, and begun direct trips to the valley of Constanza for vegetables, since tourism began growing rapidly in 1986. The collection and transportation of fruits and vegetables has created many jobs, although this cannot be quantified. It was also expected that local producers would have incentive to meet the increased demand for food by tourism. Land Use Changes Tourism can also have negative effects on agriculture. Those documented in this thesis are straightforward. Primarily, land once zoned agricultural in both sugar and dairy farming has and is being converted into tourist resorts. As tourism growth occurs, land prices tend to rise. Farmland becomes real estate. Examples of the change in land use from agricultural to tourism can be seen throughout the province of Puerto Plata, particularly in the town of Sosria. In order to investigate the process of competition for land and changes in land use surrounding the town of Sosfia, a case study approach of tourism's effect on the municipality was conducted by tracing the recent history of Productos Sosr’ra, originally a meat and dairy cooperative founded by Jewish settlers in the early 1940's and now a shareholding company specializing in cheeses and processed meats. Also, increased attention to tourism growth has helped lessen the nation's dependence on sugar cane production. The growth of tourism has not been a direct cause but a convenient solution to the lessening importance of sugar cane in the nation's economy. Declining world prices for sugar have decreased the profitability of sugar cane 30 production. The north coast, an important region of sugarcane production looks to tourism as a viable alternative. WA; Tourism is a significant factor in the movement of land owners out of cattle raising and dairy farming. The extent of tourism's effect on increasing land values and land sales can be seen surrounding the town of Sost’ra. Rationale; Milk production in the municipality of Sosr’ra has decreased due to higher production costs and government controlled prices for milk. Tomism, while not the primary cause of the decrease, has made farming an even less profitable endeavor by raising wage rates and making the labor force more unstable. The sale of land has become a more profitable alternative to cattle or milk production. The Attraction of Labor out of Agriculture Tourism mayalso be an influential factor in attracting labor out of agriculture. While the resources (time) were not available to study this effect in depth, this study does however, draw some preliminary conclusions. In the case of the Dominican Republic, it appears that out-migration from rural areas started before tourism became an attractive employment alternative as found by Marshall (n.d. 17-18). Perhaps this is more easily mad because the Dominican Republic has entered the tourism market relatively late. Also, rural population growth has been sufficient to maintain agricultrn'al production. In fact, tourism has been heralded as a solution to north coast rural immigration to Santo Domingo (Jaime Moreno, economic advisor to the ministry of tourism, at Tourism 2000 world tourism forum, Sept 1988), although it is uncertain how these claims can be substantiated. To determine the effect of tourism on agricultural employment, members of Productos Sosria were questioned concerning their ability to find and keep labor since 1980. Also, workers in the town of Sosr’ra were interviewed in order to determine whether 31 they had come from agricultural backgrounds. Twenty-five workers in various occupations were selected at random, excluding foreigners. (See Appendix I for ~ Questionnaire). W W - Generally tourism's growth has not been a significant force in rural migration to Sost’ra but has attracted those who had previously migrated to other cities. Rationale - Based upon government sources, the growth of tourism on the north coast has stemmed cityward migration to the large urban centers of Santiago and Santo Domingo. The Dominican Republic is a highly mobile society. Many of those workers who migrawd to the town of Sosria had been involved only minimally with agriculture and had previously migrated from their place of birth to other urban centers. W- The growth of tourism in the province of Puerto Plata has had a significant effect on the ability of cattle farmers in the town of Sosr’ra to attract and keep permanent employees. Rationale - In terms of local cattle farming, tourism has affected the ability of local farmers to find and keep labor, and has lead to the increased usage of Haitian labor. Workers can earn higher wages in tourist related jobs such as moped taxi drivers, restaurant employees, and construction workers. Also, government willingness to allow Haitians to enter the country and perform jobs that native Dominicans are unwilling to do, such as working in the sugarcane fields, has gained Haitians access to other jobs particularly in agriculture and construction. The methods used to obtain and analyze information for the study are presented in the following chapter. CHAPTER 4 METHODS AND PROCEDURES Field Research field research within the Dominican Republic was conducted from September 15 to December 10, 1988. The goal of the research was to determine the extent to which the tourist and the agricultural sectors are linked, and the different effects tourism's growth has had on the agricultural sector. Hotel Food Supply Research began with interviews with hotel and restaurant managers, chefs and food and beverage managers to discuss problems concerning food supply. Contacts at hotels were asked whether the supply of different foods had changed over the past few years, if certain items had become more difficult or easier to obtain, and their prognosis on the future supply of foodstuffs. Local newspapers were consulted daily for information concerning tourism and food supply. For information involving food consumption and supply of agricultural products, I spoke to food and beverage managers as well as members of the purchasing and accounting departments. Of the nine hotels currently open at the Playa Dorada complex (one opened just before I left), I was able to obtain information from seven. Hotel food service managers were asked to provide monthly consumption of fruits, vegetables, meats, dairy products and dry goods for one year. An eight page survey was developed for this purpose (Appendix I). When hotel operators balked at such a large task, the request was altered to two months in both the the high and low season, one month in each season or an approximation of each season depending on the willingness of management. With all the questionnaires completed, the figures were averaged to determine a monthly mean consumption. 32 33 Table 3 - Detail Level - Responses to Food Consumption Questionnaires Hotel We: Playa Dorada 1 high season/1 low Villas Dorada weekly estimates high season Heavens monthly estimates high] No list of suppliers low seasons Dorado Naco 1 high season/1 low Emotel 2 high/2 low Radisson 2 high/2 low V. Caraibe 4 high/3 low Source: Author's fieldwork In addition to the consumption information, a list of suppliers was obtained from all the hotels in the study except Heavens. This list also included whether the supplier came to the hotel or whether the hotel went to the supplier and approximation of the number of visits to (or by) each supplier. For two of the hotels, the percentages of seven different fruits and ten vegetables purchased in the two markets in Puerto Plata, in Santiago, and elsewhere were enumerated. This was done for one month in the high and low seasons. The two hotels serve as an example of the relative importance of the different markets for the purchase of various goods. Restaurant managers in Sosria were also interviewed. Since the enterprises in Sosr’ra were smaller scale and less organized, estimates of consumption were elicited from owner/managers. Eleven restaurants, of varying sizes, were included in the study. This constitutes approximately one-third of the restaurants in the town. A list of suppliers and of the frequency of visits to market were obtained as was for the hotels on Playa Dorada. After obtaining information concemin g food consumption and supply patterns from hotels, I began contacting suppliers to hotels to determine from where they were obtaining their supplies of foods and vegetables, and how the growth of tourism had affected the 34 growth of their businesses. With one supplier, Silverio Messon, the largest in Puerto Plata, I made what turned out to be a seventeen hour trip to Constanza, driving there, purchasing vegetables and driving back. Land Use Changes Concurrent with the interviews of food and beverage managers, I began the interviewing of stockholders of Productos Sosr’ra (local cattle farmers) to determine the reasons for the drastic decreases in the intake of milk to the company, hypothesizing that land use change to tourism was a major factor. Of the 37 living members, 22 were interviewed (Appendix II). Real estate agents were also contacted. While the real estate business is notoriously secretive, the agents were helpful in corroborating (and refuting) the information given by the Productos Sosria land owners. Labor During the final month of the study, employees ranging from taxi drivers (moto taxi drivers use mopeds to transport one to three people around town) and desk clerks, to maids and gardeners were interviewed to determine migration patterns toward the tourist area, and therefore discover whether a rural or urban trend predominated (Appendix III). A 1980 investigation of the migration patterns into the two cities of Santo Domingo and Santiago was used as a basis to compare the results of the survey of employees in Sosr’ra. Also, the members of Productos Sosfia were questioned about the ability to hire farm laborers and to keep steady workers. Statistical Analysis To study tourism's effect on the increase in food demand and marketing systems for Sosria and Puerto Plata hotels, the chi-square test is used to compare frequencies of 35 trips to markets for Playa Dorada versus Sosria hotels. The section on land use change is not statistically analyzed, since there was no base year data available to compare present day conditions. The sample size for the labor and migration section is small, but illustrates sufficiently the dynamics of the area. The data collected in the three month stay in the D.R. as well as statistical analysis are presented in chapter 5. CHAPTER 5 DATA ANALYSIS The primary focus of research conducted on the north coast involved determining how an increased demand for foodstuffs by tourism affects the market for agricultural goods. To this end, supply and demand patterns of agricultural goods for hotels in Puerto Plata and Sosr’ra were studied. The afi'ect of tourism growth on the growth of local markets was also determined. Results of the surveys given to hotels in Playa Dorada and Sosria are presented below. Demand for Foodstuffs and the Effect on Marketing Systems for Playa Dorada and Sost’ra Tourism Centers. W Tables 4 and 5 illustrate the average consumption of fruits and vegetables for seven of the Playa Dorada hotels. These two tables demonstrate the relative demand for each hotel for most fruits and vegetables available, as well as the total monthly demand. Since one hotel in the complex did not fill out a survey, and one other was incomplete, the demand for the complex as a whole is greater than indicated in the total consumption row. Table 4 - Average Monthly Consumption of Fruits, Playa Dorada Complex Hotel Bums lemon Melon Mandarin Grapefruit Racimo Sack each Orange (in season) each Playa D 53 15 1512 0 1525 Villas D 36 16 4000 0 2000 Heavens 70 12 725 - 1050 DoradoN 13 9 1050 0 744 Emotel 55 20 1549 1850 2003 Radisson 31 11 1933 250 1598 V Caraibe 8 7 342 0 168 Total 266 90 11111 2100 9088 (200-300 (Sm-900 perracirno) persack) 36 37 Table 4 (Cont'd.) Hotel Orarnge Pineapple Mango Watermelon Papaya each each ('m season) (in season) Dozen Playa D 16190 5470 0 300 57 Villas D 12000 10000 2000 21110 30 Heavens 20000 4000 3000 850 67 Dorado N 11547 932 245 370 24 Eurotel 13725 2625 790 120 25 Radisson 18950 1775 0 130 68 V. Caraibe 3700 460 51 125 5 Total 96112 25262 6086 3895 276 In some cases, figures for the consumption of fruit are slightly unreliable. Many of the fruits are seasonal such as melons, mandarin oranges, mangos, and watermelons. Consumption varies greatly throughout the year being near zero when the good is not in season. Restaurants manage the seasonality problem by using whatever fruits are in season. When fruits are both coming in season and going out of season, the manager must decide if the lower quality is worth the higher price. Melon, watermelon, and grapefruit were not being sold in the Puerto Plata market in large quantities during the period of the study. The season for these fruits genmally would begin in January. Another point of note is that fruits and some vegetables are measured in "unidades," per piece, not by weight. Due to time constraints and displeasure expressed by restaurant managers in divulging how much money was spent on food, only the number of fruits was recorded. Oranges, bananas, and pineapples were the fnrits most used by restaurants in the complex. Grapes, consumed in such small quantities, and apples, imported for the traditional thanksgiving season, were not included in table 4. 38 Table 5 - Average Monthly Consumption of Vegetables, Playa Dorada Complex Plum Salad Iettrnce Potato Ornion Tomato Tomato Cabbage Celery Carrot lbs lbs sack lbs lbs heals lbs lbs Playa D 1658 4446 1125 900 1175 684 397 1031 Villas D 1200 4000 2000 100 400 1200 200 400 Heavens 5800 3250 2975 115 4100 763 1(XJO 6500 DoradoN 1224 4265 575 1070 0 80 143 585 Eurotel 2180 8156 1000 1000 1385 361 406 1366 Radisson 1617 2337 901 927 2096 322 459 1392 V. Caraibe 472 2335 252 33 311 105 80 292 Total 14151 28789 8828 4145 9467 3515 2685 11566 Broccoli Yum Cucumber Cauliflower Plantain Tayota Avocado Beets lbs each emit mch emit (mm emit lbs Playa D 174 585 545 0 7854 50 1050 832 Villas D - 400 400 - 5000 - - - Heavens 285 0 1100 183 1100 195 750 550 DuadoN 385 359 241 76 3220 20 147 103 Eurotel 0 665 783 311 6909 40 376 354 Radisson 480 805 769 114 5074 182 732 313 V. Caraibe 33 331 80 48 2874 162 104 96 Total 1357 1573 3918 732 35031 1194 3159 2494 Molondronee Auyama Sweet Eggplant Zapote Vainita Green Leeks each emh Potato (lbs) each each lbs Pewer (ea) lbs Playa D 160 759 351 250 12 211 454 110 Villas D - - - - - - - . Heavens 200 150 160 1500 600 300 300 60 DuadoN 0 358 40 21 0 115 295 65 Eurotel 16 282 479 750 0 532 841 232 Radisstm 87 11 489 468 20 324 1185 50 V. Caraibe 12 135 209 75 158 57 150 50 Total 475 1695 1728 3065 790 1539 3225 567 Hotel Yautia Zuchini Spinach Garlic Parsley lbs lbs Playa D 352 0 366 180 130 Villas D - - - - - Heavens 70 0 0 80 20 DoradoN 40 145 49 45 80 Eurotel 332 0 78 124 36 Radisson 60 540 105 118 0 V. Caraibe 28 0 0 25 - Total 882 685 568 572 266 The problem of seasonality is not as great in the case of vegetables as it is for fruits. Avocados are seasonal, but the avocado is actually a fruit. Much of the vegetable crops are grown in the highland valleys where temperatures are less variable year round. 3 9 Tables 6 and 7 present the average monthly consumption of fruits and vegetables for eleven restaurants in Sosnia. This represents approximately thirty five percent of the restaurants within Sosnia. Table 6 - Average Monthly Consumption of Fruits - Selected Sosr’ra Restaurants Hotel Banana lemon Melon Mulch-in Grapefruit Racimo Sack each earn emh Shooters 0 2 0 0 0 Casa Marina 6 4 220 0 300 PJ's 1 4 96 0 0 Los Amigos 20 5 200 0 3500 Mama Mai 4 5 40 0 500 Hotel Seeds 5 2 105 ' 0 0 Hotel Yaroa 14 5 300 0 0 Woody's l6 5 120 0 500 Nuevo Sol 7 3 150 0 260 S by the Sea 4 4 200 0 160 Lorenzo's 1 5 0 0 0 Total 7 8 4 4 1431 0 52 20 (200-300 per racimo) Hotel Orange Pineapple Mango Watermelon Papaya Shooters 2000 50 0 0 0 Cam Marina 2400 320 0 24 64 PJ's 0 60 0 16 24 Los Amigos 3500 700 0 180 215 Morua Mai 500 500 0 50 24 Hotel Sosnia 1000 100 0 5 12 Hotel Yaroa 3200 233 0 14 35 Woody's 3000 300 0 120 33 Nuevo Sol 2400 340 0 36 28 S by the 3500 450 0 16 36 Lorenzo's 0 60 0 0 20 Total 21500 3113 0 461 491 One can see that although the sample of restaurants in Sosr’ra is larger than that of Playa Dorada, the total consumption is smaller. Businesses within Sosfia are smaller in scale. For example, the average per hotel consumption of oranges is 13,730 for Playa Dorada and 2,388 for Sosria (excluding two restaurants that used no oranges). 40 Table 7 - Average Monthly Consumption of Vegetables - Selected Sost’ra Restaurants , Plum Salad . Hotel lettuce Potato Onion Tomato Tomato Cabbage Celery Carrot lbs lbs lbs lbs lbs etch lbs lbs Shooters 80 200 200 0 80 80 0 80 Casa Marina 190 1200 300 6 6 72 72 350 PJ's 2000 6400 400 3 15 160 120 400 Amigos 900 2000 600 10 0 450 450 972 Morua Mai 400 900 300 7 2 300 100 550 Hotel Sosnia 300 500 90 3 100 0 20 105 Hotel Yaroa 1170 1600 200 8 510 0 75 200 Woody's 550 1800 200 2 8 450 80 280 Nuevo Sol 850 1900 400 2 12 100 300 150 S by the Sea 200 760 196 4 4 24 35 160 Lorenzo's 240 0 200 25 0 200 40 0 Total 6880 17260 3086 70 737 1836 1292 3247 Broccoli Yuca Cucumber Cauliflower Plantain Tayota Avocado Beets Package Shooters 0 0 140 0 30 0 0 0 Casa Marina 0 65 300 0 600 48 0 60 PJ's 0 60 100 0 0 24 0 0 Amigos 10 30 600 0 1500 100 300 600 Morua Mai 0 0 300 10 500 720 300 100 Hotel Sostia 390 50 90 0 50 250 130 0 Hotel Yaroa 0 200 175 0 50 525 200 0 Woody's 0 50 250 0 90 300 400 200 Nuevo Sol 40 60 350 0 75 150 140 80 S by the 48 120 160 48 550 120 120 100 Lorenzo's 0 0 40 0 0 0 0 0 Total 488 635 2505 58 3445 2237 1590 1140 Molondronee Auyama Bahia Eggplant Zapote Vainita Garlic Shooters 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Cam Marina 0 0 0 0 0 0 60 PJ's 0 0 0 0 0 0 20 Amigos 0 1000 0 350 0 0 125 Morua Mai 50 600 0 166 0 10 75 Hotel Sostia 0 0 0 0 0 97 10 Hotel Yaroa 0 0 0 0 0 259 20 Woody's 0 10 0 100 0 0 30 Nuevo Sol 40 0 0 140 0 38 20 S by the Sea 120 60 120 200 35 45 15 Lorenzo's 0 0 0 0 0 0 100 Total 210 1670 120 956 35 449 375 The following hypotheses pertain to expected supply patterns of hotels within Playa Dorada and those in Sosr’ra. Hypothesis 1: Fruits and vegetables supplied to Playa Dorada hotels are being obtained from outside the province (primarily through the market in 41 Santiago), while those supplied to Sost’ra are coming from within the province (mainly the market in Puerto Plata). It was believed that the market in Puerto Plata had not grown sufficiently to meet the substantial demand for foodstuffs by tourism in the Playa Dorada. Santiago, the second largest city in the Dominican Republic, already had the established network of farmers and intermediaries bringing goods to sell in the hospedaje, the large market of Santiago. Hotels must merely make the 69 km trip. Due to the smaller scale of hotels and restatn'ants within Sostia, arnd the increased distance to the market in Santiago, it was expected that the market in Puerto Plata would be a more important source of goods than it was for the hotels in Puerto Plata. Table 8 - Playa Dorada, Trips to and from Vegetable Markets, Average Monthly Visits Santo Santiago Puerto Plata Other Domingo Radisson 16 4 mkt Eurotel 4 4 mkt 2 Constanza 4mkt 4Jaabacoa Baton-boo as 5 8 Holiday Villas Doradas 16 12 mkt Total 20 62 66 6 metre: Silverio Messon-wholeealer mkt a Puerto Plata public market We can see that for the supply of fruits and vegetables to the Playa Dorada Complex the most visits are made to markets within the city of Puerto Plata. Next follow Santiago and Santo Domingo and the "other" locations of Constanza and Jarabacoa. While this is contrary to what had been hypothesized, it is plausible since the market in Puerto Plata is ten minutes (5 km) away from Playa Dorada while Santiago is an hour (69 km). The Constanza 4 2 and Jarabacoa valleys are considerably farther with some treacherous roads. The one hotel that received fruits and vegetables from Santo Domingo did not go there directly but called in orders over the phone. A supplier brought fruits and vegetables with its meat delivery. But, the number of trips made to the market is only one measure of the importance of that market as a source of goods. We must also look at what and how much has been purchased. It was found tlrrougb questionnaires and interviews that most of the goods were purchased in Santiago. Six of the seven hotels contacted stated that the market in Santiago was the primary source of fruits and vegetables and that the two main markets/suppliers in Puerto Plata were used to replenish goods that might have run out. The percentage breakdown of fruits and vegetables by origin was determined for two hotels. The detailed breakdown for the two hotels, serves as an example of the relative importance of the two cities' markets. Table 9 - Selected Fruits and Vegetables by Origin of Purchase Percentage (average high and low seasons) for Two Playa Dorada Hotels Puerto Plata S. Messon Santiago Other Market Emit Banana H1 14 27 59 H2 12 20 58 Limes H1 22 19 59 H2 10 23 67 Melons H1 46 54 1g 28 20 52 Mandarins H1 35 65 H2 40 60 Grapefruit H1 21 79 H2 18 82 Orange H1 9 30 61 H2 45 19 Al 25_ Pineapple H1 2 16 82 H2 10 15 3 5 40 We: Celery H1 9 8 83 H2 5 15 80 Potatoes H1 3 16 81 H2 8 20 7 1L Onion H1 0 18 82 H2 10 43 J7 Salad H1 0 23 77 Inmate H2 11 20 69 Plum H1 0 6 94 Inmate H1 14 18 68 4 3 Table 9 (Cont'd.) Carrots H1 3 11 86 H2 9 27 64 Cabbage ' H1 5 11 84 H2 2 19 79 Beets H1 0 100 H2 4 96 Plantain H1 0 100 H2 10 90 We can see that for these two hotels, the majority of purchases of vegetables are made from the hospedaje, the public market in Santiago. Of course, these two hotels are not totally representative of the whole complex. The hotel receiving goods directly from Santo Domingo would not follow this pattern. Table 10 - Sost'ra Restaurants - Trips to and from Established Vegetable Markets, Average Monthly Visits Santo Santiago Puerto Plata Other Domingo Shooters 20 0 Casa Marina 8 (lnigh) 8 PJ.'s 8 0 10 Amigos 8 20 10 Morua Mai 8 20 10 Hotel Sostia 0 20 8 Hotel Yam 0 20 8 Woody's 8 4 0 S by the Sea 0 20 8 Lorenzo's 20 8 10 Nuevo Sol 8 8 10 Total 0 8 8 1 2 8 7 4 As found for the hotels in Puerto Plata, the restaurants in Sosn’ra make more trips to Puerto Plata than any other market. If we compare the frequency of visits to different cities to buy vegetables of restaurants in Playa Dorada and Sosn’ra using the chi-square test, we can accept or reject the hypothesis that restatnants supply patterns are significantly different. Hypothesis 1 results - At seven degrees of freedom the critical chi-square statistic at the .01 significance level is 18.475. The chi-square statistic for this distribution is 66.53. ‘ .._ t- r - ’111'4‘ ‘ i 1,1121! 2 cf:- ‘u‘ tan b at n f . . 1'58 1 4 4 Fruits and vegetables found in abundance locally were brought directly to hotels by itinerant vendors. That is, crops such as oranges and avocados were purchased in Santiago and from local vendors coming mainly from within the Province of Puerto Plata. Since the number of itinerant vendors fluctuates, records of itinerant providers are not well kept, an attempt to determine the number was not made. However, it was possible to determine the types of goods that were provided by suppliers coming directly to the hotel. In some cases specific providers were mentioned as well as the item they brought, in others the more general statement of items brought by itinerant sellers was elicited from the hotel contact. Table 11 lists for the seven hotels, the type of goods and the number of hotels that bought goods from itinerant vendors. Table 11 - Playa Dorada - Goods Brought to and Number of Hotels Purchasing from Itinerant Suppliers Number of Hotels Avocado 1 Mice/traditional 1 Pineapple 4 Melon 3 Watermelon 4 Orange 4 ya 1 ”Vegetables" 2 Fruit 1 Grapes 3 Plantain 1 The four products most often brought to hotels by itinerant providers were pineapple, melon, watermelon, and oranges. They are usually brought on a weekly basis with each provider bringing only one item in large quantities. Grapes were bought by one provider from Jimanf and "fruits and vegetables" were brought to the hotel by commercial markets from Puerto Plata. 45 minimum Table 12 presents the average monthly consumption of meat and poultry for Playa Dorada. Table 12 - Average Monthly Consumption of Meat and Poultry, Playa Dorada Hotels Hotel Prime Bed Chicken Duck Goat Bed Otlner Playa D - - - - - Villas D 1800 200 2400 0 0 Heavens 2100 900 6(XJO 0 0 DoradoN 2582 37 3529 0 0 Eurotel 2122 413 7482 0 65 Radisson 2262 0 5071 0 0 V. Caraibe 1 137 49 2000 0 0 Total 12003 1599 26482 0 65 Lamb Pork Turkey Veal Han Bacon Playa D - - - - - - Villas D 50 1200 0 200 500 540 Heavens 200 1300 0 800 600 600 DoradoN 97 1036 0 356 483 1089 Eurotel 0 465 0 405 287 902 Radisson 204 1653 75 200 1229 1545 V. Caraibe 41 772 0 0 260 347 Total 5 9 2 64 26 7 5 1961 3359 5023 The meats used in greatest quantities are beef, chicken, and pork, with chicken being by far the most popular meat. For Sosn’ra, the amounts consumed are less, with less variety of meat use (Table 13). Table 13 - Average Monthly Consumption of Meat and Poultry, Selected Sost’ra Restaurants Prime Other Chicken Duck Goat Bed Bed Shooters 0 16m 1200 0 0 Casa Marina 500 400 600 0 0 PJ's 2800 2400 0 0 Amigos 0 2000 0 0 Morua Mar 0 1200 0 0 Hotel Sosria 100 90 O 0 Hotel Yaroa 0 120 0 0 Woody's 1000 600 0 0 Nuevo Sol 400 1000 0 0 Sosnia by the Sea 500 500 40 0 Lorenzo's 800 800 0 ' 0 Total 7600 10510 40 0 .p. 0‘ Table 13 (cont'd.) Lamb Pork Turkey Veal Han Bacon Shooters 0 0 0 0 0 0 Casa Marina 80 320 0 160 120 300 PJ's 0 0 0 0 400 300 Amigos 0 500 0 0 20 160 Morua Mat 0 300 0 0 20 20 Hotel Sostia 0 105 0 50 45 60 Hotel Yaroa 0 310 0 210 274 239 Woody's 0 280 0 0 222 200 Nuevo Sol 0 300 0 0 160 110 803113 by the Sea 50 160 40 0 200 160 threads 0 40 0 0 240 40 Total 130 1292 40 420 1017 1589 As found for Playa Dorada the most consumed meats were chicken, beef, and pork. Hypothesis 2a: The supply pattern for meats for 8096a and Playa Dorada is significantly different. For Playa Dorada meats are coming from outside the province, primarily Santo Domingo. For Sost’ra, meats are coming from within the province. This is due to the fact that most of the slaughterhouses are located in Santo Domingo. Hotels are able to buy in large quantities in advance of the upcoming high season, and freeze the meat. Table 14 - Playa Dorada - Origin of Meat Purchases Frequency of Hotels Having Suppliers in each Location Santo Domingo Santiago Puerto Plata Sostia Bed 6 3 5 0 Chicken 5 3 1 Chivo 1 Lamb 1 Turkey 1 Veal 1 Bacon 4 2 Ham 4 1 Pork 1 4 Salchicha 2 4 1 Total Frequency 2 4 6 l 5 5 47 Table 15 - Number of Meat and Poultry Suppliers used in Source City, Playa Dorada Complex Hotel City Santo Deming Santiago Puerto Plate/Sostia Playa D 4 1 3 Villas D 2 2 2 Heavens - - - Dorada N 1 2 4 Bmotel 4 0 1 Radisson 2 1 2 V Caraibe 2 l 1 Total 1 5 7 l 3 For meat and poultry it was not possible to determine the percentage of meat purchased from each source. For many of the hotels, records concerning consumption were obtained; these did not coincide with purchases that were usually made months in advance and in bulk. The quantity of meats purchased from different suppliers was not determined, therefore the relative importance of different suppliers cannot be determined. Also, in terms of the number of suppliers, some hotels listed specific local suppliers and others did not therefore the numbers are not comparable. Regardless of the quantity of meats purchased, it appears that there is not a strong bias toward purchasing meats from suppliers in Santo Domingo. This does not mean that meats do not come from the Capital, but that they are not being purchased directly. Table 16 - Origin of Meat Purchases, Sosr’ra Restaurants - Frequency of Restaurants Santo Santiago Puerto Sosua Moca Gaspar Domingo Plata Hernandez Bed 3 3 4 1 Chicken 2 3 3 4 3 2 Chivo Lamb 1 2 Turkey 1 Veal 2 1 Bacon 3 2 1 5 1 Ham 3 2 1 5 1 Pork 4 2 5 5 5 Total 16 1 0 l 7 2 4 l 6 2 48 Hypothesis 2a Results - As expected. hotels in Sost’ta were less dependent on Santo Domingo for their source of meat. That is, the sources are more dispersed throughout the north coast and the country. The chi-square test comparing the distribution of suppliers for Playa Dorada and Sosua was conducted. At the .01 level, with 11 degrees of freedom, the critical value of chi-square is 24.725. The calculated value was 25.37; we can reject the nullandstate that a» 1' ' Tables 17 and 18 represent the average monthly consumption of seafood for the Playa Dorada complex. Table 17 - Average Monthly Consumption of Seafood, Playa Dorada Hotels Hotel SeaBass Snapper Lobster Shrimp Carite Chillo Lambi Pulpo Other PlayaD - - - - - - VillasD 1200 1200 400 400 o - . - - Heavens 350 0 150 200 o o o 0 207 DoradoN 827 0 203 605 0 111 135 127 109 Emotel 781 o 819 315 0 - o 66 Radisson 345 o 918 336 0 823 53 0 o V.Caraibe 256 0 53 182 0 32 58 5 0 Total 3759 1200 2543 2038 0 966 248 198 316 Table 18 - Average Monthly Consumption of Seafood, -Sost’1a Hotels Hotel Sea Bass Snapper lobster Shrimp Carite Chillo Lambi Pulpo Shooters 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Casa Marina 300 25 100 100 50 50 0 50 PJ's 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Amigos 350 100 100 100 100 100 100 50 Morua Mai 350 100 100 100 75 75 750 50 Hotel 508118 60 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Hotel Yaroa 366 0 154 258 O 0 0 0 Woody's 190 0 0 0 0 0 0 40 Nuevo Sol 300 0 60 140 100 0 0 50 S by the Sea 350 0 40 60 0 150 0 80 Lorenzo's 100 0 0 0 0 0 0 80 Total 2366 225 554 758 325 375 850 400 49 Hypothesis 2b: For Playa Dorada supply of fish comes from outside the province, primarily Santo Domingo. For Sosr’ra, supply of fish originates from within the province. It was thought that local sources would supply fish to Sosua more than for Playa Dorada, since the demand would not be as great, and local fishermen could fulfill it. Tables 19 and 20 present frequency of hotels ptu'chasing fish in various locations within the Dominican Republic. Table 19 - Origin of Fish Purchases, Frequency of Playa Dorada Hotels Santo Santiago Puerto Sarmna Rio San Monti Domingo Plata Juan Cristi Langostino 1 1 1 1 Langosta 1 3 1 Sea Bass 2 1 3 2 0 (M60) Octopus 1 1 1 (Pulw) Chillo l 2 0 Carite 1 0 S ' 1 2 1 0 "Frozen Fish" 3 0 Lobster Tail 2 1 0 Lambi 3 Oysters 1 Total Frequency 1 0 3 1 5 7 2 1 The origin of fish purchases seems to be fairly evenly dispersed throughout the north coast and the country as a whole, with most of the purchases made from suppliers in Puerto Plata. As in the case for meat consumption, the total quantity purchased from each source city was not available. 50 Table 20 - Origin of Fish Purchases, Frequency of Sost’ra Hotels Santo Gmpar Sostia Sarmna Rio San Monti Domingo Harman Juan Cristi Langostino 1 2 Langosta 1 1 Sea Bass 1 l 2 4 2 (Mam Octopus 2 (Pulpo) (Chillo) 1 Shrimp 2 ”Frozen Fish” 1 lambi 1 Pee Dorado 1 Tuna 1 Salmon 3 2 2 2 Shark 3 2 2 2 Total 1 7 7 6 1 2 9 Hypothesis 2b results - The chi-square test was conducted comparing the distribution of suppliers of seafood to Playa Dorada and Sosr’ta. At the .01 significance level, with 11 degrees of freedom, the value of chi-square is 24.725. The calculated value was 30-596; we can reject the null and state that there is a significant difference hearers lib: The final set of goods presented for Playa Dorada and Sosria are dairy products (Tables 21 and 22). For some time there has been in increasing crisis concerning the supply of fresh milk. This has had an effect on the supply of all dairy products. Table 21 - Average Monthly Consumption of Dairy Products, Playa Dorada Hotels Hotel Butter Eggs Cheese Cheese Ice Cream Milk Milk Cream Danes Holandes Quart Powder Cheese Other Playa D - 31800 - - - - - - - Villas D 2400 24000 350 100 0 240 - - - Heaven 750 20000 300 40 15 120 0 40 0 DoradoN 850 22950 522 0 48 11 79 125 76 Eurotel 1950 38469 113 17 26 983 0 0 286 Radisson 1800 30208 356 0 24 1300 38 0 - V. Caraibe 145 5607 187 6 24 159 29 19 11 Total 7895 173034 1828 163 137 2813 146 184 373 1' u 1. 'r 5 1 Table 22 - Average Monthly Consumption of Dairy Products, Sosl'ra Restaurants Hotel Butter Eggs Cheese Cheese Ice Cream Mrlk Mrlk Cream Danes Holandes Quart Powder Cheese Other Shooters 10 48 10 0 0 0 1 0 0 Casa Marina 200 4600 168 0 12 0 28 0 0 PJ's 200 4800 288 0 0 0 15 0 16 Amigos 100 1800 30 15 0 150 0 25 5 Morua Mai 100 600 30 10 0 150 0 25 25 Hotel Sostia 130 1000 40 20 20 0 l 2 1 Hotel Yams 526 2650 200 30 38 0 3 7 5 Woody's 200 2900 100 0 10 20 2 10 5 Nuevo Sol 150 3800 40 20 0 30 2 15 4 S by the Sea 250 3600 80 20 5 240 0 45 5 Lorenzo's 120 2340 0 0 0 40 0 0 120 Total 1986 28090 986 115 85 630 52 129 186 Hypothesis 3: Supply patterns for dairy products for Playa Dorada and Sofia will not be significantly different. The majority of dairy products originate within the province of Puerto Plata. The province has traditionally been a dairy producer, and the high perishability would preclude bringing in dairy products from outside sources. Table 23 - Origin of Dairy Products, Frequency of Playa Dorada Hotels Santo Santiago Puerto Plata Sostia Monte Moca Domingo Llano Fresh Milk 5 1 1 Cream 1 4 Eggs 1 0 l 1 4 Yogurt 1 Butt! 6 Ice Cream 4 Cheese 2 5 Cream cheese 2 Eggs (Codorniz) 2 Total Frequency 0 8 9 1 9 1 4 Table 24 - Origin of Dairy Products, Frequency Sosr’ra Restaurants Santo Santiago Puerto Plata Sostia Moca Domingo Fresh Milk/Cream 1 2 2 8 Eggs 1 10 1 4 Bum 1 2 2 8 Cheese 1 2 2 8 Total Frequency 4 1 6 7 2 8 0 ." .' '— 5 2 Hypothesis 3 results - Dairy products are coming mainly from within the municipality of Sosfia. It was expected that in the case for dairy products, there would not be a significant difference between the supply patterns of Playa Dorada and 808118.. The chi- square test was used to compare the frequency of purchases from the different source regions. The calculated chi-square statistic was 11.98; for 11 degrees of freedom the value of chi-square is 19.675 at the .05 significance level. Therefore, we cannot reject the null. Iter‘ .‘ 1.0 '4! r -l 'j’fil'l. 0111-11 1' L0 mum 131m 0 .1 10.1‘ t r_:_s 89213.. Markets The four fruit and vegetable markets contacted for the study were located within the province of Puerto Plata. They included: 1) the public market in Puerto Plata (labeled Puerto Plata), 2) a large wholesaler supplying hotels, restaurants, and the public (Silverio), and two smaller markets located in the town of Sosr’ra, 3) the small-scale vegetable stand (Sostia), and 4) the larger wholesaler and retailer (Mario). Tables 25 and 26 represent the average monthly sales of fruits and vegetables for these markets. Table 25 - Average Monthly Sales of Fruits, Sosr’ra and Puerto Plata Markets Market Burma lemon Melon Mandarin Grapefruit Racirno Sack Sosrla 32 2 0 - 800 Mario 64 32 300 - 800 Silverio 100 60 0 - 15200 Puerto Plata 400 50 675 - 124000 Total 596 144 975 - 140800 Hotel Orange Pineapple Mango Watermelon Papaya ' Dozen Sostia 2400 300 - - 12 Mario 2000 1200 - - 8 Silverio 26000 6000 - - 120 Puerto Plata 350000 28800 - 215 1096 Total 380400 36300 - 215 1236 53 Table 26 - Average Monthly Sales of Vegetables, Sost’ra and Puerto Plata Markets lettuce Potato Onion Tomato Tomato Cabbage Celery ' Lbs Lbs bag-50 lbs (plum) (sahd) 808118 240 200 1 8 8 48 40 Mario 3200 3000 40 80 40 1200 800 Silverio 10000 32000 40 100 100 1000 1600 Puerto Plata 6800 19800 188 184 168 5200 1120 Total 20240 55000 269 372 316 7448 3560 Broccoli th Cucumber Cauliflower Plantain Tayota Avocado Beets Package Sostla 80 0 144 80 2000 12 -. 0 Mario 1600 1600 2000 0 2800 160 - 640 Silverio 1400 400 2000 1400 8W0 100 - 1280 Puerto Plata 50 9200 9800 0 112400 852 24000 2800 Total 3130 11200 13944 1480 125200 1124 24000 4720 Molondrones Auyana Bm Eggplant Zapote Vainita Green leeks Pepper Sosrla - - - 200 - 0 96 - Mario - 12 0 800 - 0 400 - Silverio - 60 80 1600 - 0 1400 - Puerto Plata - 1700 - 650 - - 10800 - Total - 1772 80 3250 - - 12696 - Hotel Yautia Zuchini Spinach Garlic Parsley Carrot Package lbs 808118 0 - - 12 200 Mario 800 - - 60 2400 Silverio - - - - 6000 Puerto Plata 9600 - - - 220 4800 Total 10400 - - 72 220 13400 I I l D . . W The smallest market in the survey, the Sosr’ra market could more realistically be called a vegetable stand. Currently it is run by four men and one woman. The mother of one of the men started the stand in 1958. They buy their goods from Puerto Plata by hiring a taxi since they have no truck. During the low season they go two times a week. During the high season'they go every day. They use the basement of a nearby building for storage. They primarily sell directly to tourists with clean, attractive looking vegetables at higher prices. The owners indicated that business has doubled in the past three years. 54 The other vegetable market within El Batey has been open since April of 1988. The owner previously had a stand on the sidewalk for many years. The owner indicated that his business had grown about 50% since moving indoors. He had expected business to be better. W The market in Puerto Plata is made up of about 25 stalls forming three sides of a rectangle. In the fourth side, handicrafts are sold. Next to this is a star shaped structure in which handicrafts are also sold. At the time of this study, three of the vegetable stands were empty, two sold eggs and brushes, ten sold only fruits and ten sold both fruits and vegetables. Oranges and lemons were also sold in rectangular bins in the center of the market. The market was opened in January 1987. Previously, the market had been located "down below" in lower Puerto Plata (the current market is atop a hill). Approximately one- tlrird of the stall owners had previously been located at the old marketplace. S'l . I I This wholesaler has been in business for 30 years selling all types of foods to restaurants, hotels, and retail establishments. The owner estimates that business has grown 50% since 1984, primarily in the availability and demand for fruits and vegetables. Five years ago no vegetables were sold except potatoes. In 1984 they began going to Santiago for vegetables, and three years ago they began going directly to Constanza. Through Silverio Messon I was able to obtain a list of which vegetables were obtained in Constanza and which were obtained from the market in Santiago (Table 28). I also made a trip to the valley of Constanza with the Messon Truck. Both the list and the trip confirmed the apparent importance of Constanza as a source for certain agricultural goods. 55 While it is believed that the growth of the public market in Puerto Plata was indirectly due to tourism growth through the increased demands of new permanent residents rather than tourists themselves, I was unable to collect solid evidence for verification. The fruit and vegetable manager at Silverio Messon estimawd that from 60 to 90 percent of most fruits and vegetables were sold to restaurants. Table 27 - Supply Patterns to Markets Sosrla ToPuertoPlataMarketnwotimesaweek. To Silverio Messon for Broccoli and Cauliflower. Mario . To Santiago two times a week. Occasionally to Puerto Plata. Silverio Plantains, Pineapples and Oranges brought directly. Trip to Constanza 2 times a week. Trip To Santiago market three times a week Puerto Plata Varied for each vendor Table 28 - Puerto Plata Market - Supply of Vegetables, by Origin VEGETABLES Constanza. Santiago MW W (directly) (unmet) . Eggs Avocado Onion Galic Plantain 56 Table 29 - Silverio Messon - Supply of Fruits and Vegetables, by Origin VEGETABLES Wank ConstanzalSanfiasn Santiasa Lettuce Carrots Tomato Potato Tayota Yma Celery Green Pepper Cucumber Zuchini Onion Cabbage Broccoli Plantain Cauliflower Eggplant Parsley leeks FRUITS Mannon Swim Lemon '- Pineapple Grapefruit Papaya Bums Ormge These are generalizations, supplied by the head of purchasing at the Silverio Messon warehouse and stall owners at the Puerto Plata market. The differences between tables 28 and 29 are primarily due to different methods of supply and not actual origin. At the Puerto Plata market vegetables are purchased from Santiago. Furthermore, they probably come from Constanza. Fruits, which are available locally, are brought by vendors who come from throughout the province the locations listed are just examples and there are most likely many more. For Silverio Messon, company owned trucks were able to drive directly to Constanza. Fruits were bought directly in Santiago as well as purchased from vendors, although the purchasing manager did not know where the vendors came from. Cattle farming, Milk Production, and Land Use Change W The growth of tourism has not been a direct cause but a convenient solution to the lessening importance of sugar cane in the nation's economy. Due to a variety of factors such as declining prices on the world market and decreased American quotas, and increased emphasis on the growth of tourism, sugar cane production has become a less important part of the Dominican economy. However, even today, the northern region of the country has substantial territory dedicated to sugar cane production. Much of the north coast was 5 7 previously zoned agricultural. This includes the airport (5,000 tareas), Playa Dorada (150 hectare), Monte Llano (27,000 tarea still in production) and numerous resort complexes. The sugar cane fields in Monte Llano are still in production but ownership has changed from the Consejo Estatal de Azucar (CEA) or State Sugar Council, to INFRATUR or Department of Tourism Infrastructure. Details of the sale of the land to INFRATUR are not clear. The Sugar Council, supporting a large debt, agreed to sell the land in Monte Llano to the Central Bank for approximately 500,000,000 pesos. In this way, the CEA could recover its financial losses and the Banco Central would have an opportunity to develop the land, most likely for its tourism potential. Due to commitments to developing and maintaining the Playa Dorada and Playa Grande resorts and the high cost of developing infrastructure for the vast amount of land available, plans for the land are uncertain. In the Sept. 30 - 6 Oct., 1988 issue of El Faro (a weekly publication dedicated to reporting tomism news), the director of INFRATUR affirmed that it had "received purchase offers from both foreign and local investors for the Monte Llano sugarcane mills' land, but so far hadn't sold an inch of it." QanleEms To study the effect of tourism on land values and the possible reduction of agricultural land, real estate agents, long term residents and the members of Productos Sosr’ra were interviewed. Although real estate is notorious for being a secretive business, and sellers of land prefer the price to remain confidential, I was able to gather basic facts and trends regarding land values in the Sosr’ra area. To avoid confusion, a table of land conversions is provided. Table 30 - Land Conversions 1 meter = 3.28 feet 1 square meter = 10.76 square feet 1 acre = 43,560 square feet 1 acre = 4,047 square meters 1 hectare = 10,000 square meters 1 hectare = 2,471 acres 1 centiaria = 1 square meter 1 Tarea = 629 square meters 58 A method of measuring land which is unique to the Dominican Republic is the tarea. It is said to have been "invented" by a Spaniard who sent his workers out into the field and gave the name of tarea (which means work in Spanish) to the amount of territory that was cleared in one day. In this study, farm sizes were given in tareas, hectares and square meters. Hypothesis 4: Tourism has been a factor in the movement of landowners out of cattle raising and dairy farming. As expected, land prices in the town of Sosr’ra and surrounding areas have risen with the development of tourism. According to Joseph Benjamin, President of Productos Sosr’ra, in 1972 he sold a strip of ocean front property just outside Sosr’ra for one dollar ($1) per square meter. Now, in 1988, the land is worth fifty-five dollars ($55) per square meter. In some ways it is diffith to determine the value of land. Many factors go into determining the price. A pmcel's value as a farm is different from its land value. For example, the farm value could be 500 pesos per tarea or approximately 13 cents per square meter. If the land is used as a farm the profit would be less than if used for tourism, hence the price would be lower. Undeveloped it could sell to a tourism developer in 1988 for about ten dollars ($10). This price is up from six dollars ($6) in 1984 and eight dollars ($8) in 1986 (average estimates provided by real estate offices and local land owners). Before developing his land Benjamin sold a portion for eight dollars ($8) a square meter. He is currently developing approximately 300,000 square meters at a cost of 3.5 million pesos ( 583,333 dollars or $1.95 per square meter). The Reuters are selling lots of 1,000 to 2,000 square meters near Cabarete for twelve dollars ($12) per square meter. These lots are developed with streets, water, and electricity. Kirscheimer sold his land (2,000 tareas) in el Choco in 1986 as a farm (which has continued as a farm) for 450,000 pesos ( with the conversion rate of 2.80 pesos per dollar 2. $160,714 or $.13 per square meter). Koch intends to sell his developed land outside Sosr’ra for $15 dollars per square 59 meter. Brown started selling land in 1985 at sixteen (16) pesos per square meter and by 1987 the price was up to over 60 pesos. The general consensus is that the tourist development in 808118 and the surrounding area began in 1983. In 1983—1984 land sturounding the town was valued at ten dollars ($10.00) per square meter. In 1988 the average value of undeveloped land was forty-eight to fifty dollars ($48-50). Waterfront property within the town of Sosua, "worthless" land that had been given to the Jewish settlers in the early 1940's, sold for one hundred and twenty-five ($125) dollars a square meter in 1985. The impact of tourism on cattle farming in the 808118 region has been varied. Some people have sold out to tourism while others have held out. Since milk production has been decliningdue toincreasedcosts, it seems aviable alternativetosellthelandforareasonable price. Many of the original settlers are old. Their heirs have not stayed in the Dominican Republic and many of those that have are not interested in continuing the farming tradition. Some of those members who sold their land believed that the farm would continue to be operated. This was not always the case. The land owners have accommodated tourism in different ways. Several either own or have interest in hotels in 808118. Several are building hotels and suburban developments, some are selling developed and undeveloped land in small parcels, and others are not selling or holding out for higher land prices. Table 31 lists some recent activity of land sales/land use changes. As stated earlier, many of the largest land owners were content to represent themselves as ”poor farmers" and down play their land holdings and intentions. The figures do help delimit the extent of the influence of the Sosr’ta tourism node on land values. 60 Table 31 - Productos Sost’ra Land Ownership and Use Changes Name Benjamin, Joe Benjamin, Sues ] Biller Brown Cohrrnen, Paul Cohruren, Alfred Eichen Estrella Florsheim Felix l-krrzbu'g Hess Hirachfeld K“ I . Company Kirstein, Ana Koch, Felix Koch, Robert Kohnn Meyerstein Milz, Freddy Strauss Wachsman, Luis Wellisch Phillips Comvany date new Use sold owner - Cattle Farm m Deve 1983 Milz Perla Marina 1987-had sold 100,1!)0 sq. m. (160 tarea) Development Development Cattle Farm Cattle Farm Cattle + other Cattle + other 1984-85 1984—85 as Cattle+other na na 1987 R. Her-modes. Cattle - Frutos Menores 1987 Farming Farming na Milz Development Developed pm. ready to start selling Sold but still in production Sold to waterfront project in Bombita Plans on selling but hasn't made preparatrons Will sell when price is high enough Farming 1986 started developing Farming Farming Farming - Farming - Farming Cattle, pineapple, orange, avocado, papaya - Farming Location size 11 km east of 808118 450 tarea 550 tarea La Bombita 500 tarea 1 km east 1500 trues (on 3 farms.) La Bombita 30 hect. La Bombita 30 hect. Arraversada na Atraversada 500 tarea El Choco 1400 tarea E1 Choco 6000 tarea m 500 tarea El Choco 500 tarea not within 808118 1 km East as (water-from between treasure beach and sea horse ranch) La Bombita (7 km) 100 acre El Choco 500 tarea farther (8 km) 500 tarea El Choco 2000 tarea Atraversada (7 km) 1000 tarea m as 3 km 500 tarea La Bombita 500 tarea Baroso 500 tarea Camino Llibre 650 tar La Bombita 550 tarea Cabarete 700 tarea Madre Vieja } (2km opposite Sea Horse Ranch) Nair El Batey } l2,(X)0 tareas £1 Choco 1 La Mulata 500 tarea Colinas del Sol m El Choco 65m tarea El Choco 7600 tarea El Choco 500 El Choco 1500 ] Atraversrda 600 ] Unused 61 Table 32 - Land Development - Sosr’ra Name Date Purchased Size Previous use/owner Airport 1979 5000 tarea Sugar Cane Las Lomas Puerto Chiquito 1984—1985 30 hectares P.Cohnnen Terramar Estates 1983 700,000 sq. m. Treasure Beach 97,000 sq. m. Sea Horse Ranch 1984 250 acres Cattle farm Sol de Plata 1987 275,000 sq. m. Perla Marina 1986-7 800,000 sq. m. Grazing Palm Shores 1984-5 39 hectares Cohnnen Rancho Bonita Lomas de la Goleta 1984—85 Costa Azul } project starting 7,000,000 sq m Punta Goleta} 1988 Woody's Milz Pro-Cab Colinal del Sol early 1970's 1,000,000 sq. m. Wellisch W The relationship between land use changes and production of meat and milk is diffith to determine. Many factors have gone into the development of the Productos Sosr’ra company and affect its future as an important provider of dairy products on the north coast. The history of the company is important in explaining the system of its present day operations. Productos Sosria was formed as a meat and dairy c00perative in the early 1940's, by Jewish settlers seeking asylum. Originally, the company was a cooperative. When the cooperative became a shareholding company the larger producers acquired more shares. Most of the shareholders are the original Jewish settlers or heirs of the settlers. Other farmers provide milk and meat for production, but there are no new shareholders. The company deals mainly with cheese and butter as well as meat processing. Yogurt and fresh milk sales are a small part of operation. There is currently a severe shortage of milk in the Dominican Republic, since government price controls made milk production unprofitable. For example, the company buys milk at RD $1.30 and is forced to sell at RD $.95. Hence, almost all of the fresh milk available goes into the production of 6 2 cheese, which has no price control. One way milk processors circumvent the price ceiling is to sell it as "dietetic" milk, or 2 % low fat, which does not have a price control. Butter is made from anhydrous butter oil imported from Belgium and New Zealand. In the early 1960's the company began using butter oil along with fresh cream. Now it is using up to 100 percent butter oil and no cream. In the recent past butter had such a low controlled price that production was halted. When the peso was RD $2.80 to one dollar, the price of butter was set. The dollar then rose to $6.00 pesos to the dollar and production costs of imported materials became higher than the sale price. Butter is still under price control, but the government appears to look the other way and allows producers to charge a reasonable price. The company produces ten different cheeses, made from milk powder imported from New Zealand, Sweden, France, and Germany. About one-half of the milk used in cheeses comes from these countries in powdered form. In fact, the amount of cheese the company is able to produce is limited by the lack of fresh milk. Only a certain proportion of powdered milk can be used, if exceeded the cheese does not develop correctly. The proportion varies according to the type of cheese. Actual production and sales of cheese has never been equal to the demand but with the increase in demand following the growth of tourism on the north coast, demand outstrips supply. For the last four years the demand has been much greater than sales. The company used to keep a fairly large amount of cheese in storage. Currently they sell all that they produce. There is an unfinished cool room for storing cheese that they realized there was no need to complete. Milk brought to the company by shareholders and non-shareholders has been declining since 1984 (Table 33). 1.0m; Were deVCIOF Bomb“ 63 Table 33 - Yearly Receipt of Fresh Milk in Pounds Shareholders N on-shareholders Total 1980 7,522,405 3,439,592 10,961,997 1981 7,470,600 2,396,600 9,867,200 1982 5,424,560 3,192,400 8,616,960 1983 6,372.91 1 6,760,700 13,133.61 1 1984 6,308,844 6,604,330 12,913,174 1985 5,424,924 5,728,223 1 1,153,147 1986 4.385 .724 4,722,410 9,108,134 1987 3,604,428 3,950,752 7,555,180 1 liter = 2.2 lbs botella=1.63 lbs Source: Productos Sosfia - Author's Fieldwork. Milk sales to Productos Sost’ra declined visibly in recent years. after peaking in 1983. Also, the proportion of shareholder input to non-shareholder input has gone from 3.1 to 1 (75% shareholder to 25% non-shareholder) in 1981 to .91 to 1 (48% shareholder to 52% non-shareholder) in 1987. While the input of milk to Productos Sosr’ta is not synonymous with production of milk in Puerto Plata. it is a good indicator. What has caused the decline in total milk output? What are the factors behind the shift from shareholders to non-shareholders? At times it seemed as if the large resort developments such as Perla Marina and Las Lomas were being placed on land that had not previously belonged to anyone. Tongues were tight. Real estate companies were naturally wary of giving out specific information since they operate under the obligation to maintain the client's privacy. Suspicion and secrecy prevent the drawing of a clear relationship between the farmer as a producer and the farmer as a land salesman. Two of the less informative interviewees were dubbed by others as owning "half of Sosr’ra." Hypothesis 4 results - Despite difficulties, the general extent of tourism development can be delineated by studying the available land sales data for e1 Choco. la Bombita and the surrounding areas. Most of the land in la Bombita, waterfront property up 6 4 to 7 kilometers from Sostia, was sold or in the process of being sold. Land in el Choco. farther from Sosua and inland. was still being used for farming. The increases in land values had not affected this area. é' 9*“ #9:“ 4' t 3H?» 5 9 u.’. .Hr.$. ' 'l . '..' . .o,. W‘ ‘5 ‘ a ugwl‘ .. a. “do . "J v 5 01¢ '25“. var" °"' . La Mulsts Ls Atrsvsssds The Extent of Tourism Development El Choco Figure 7 - The Extent of Tourism Development Interviews revealed the fact that some farms in the area of El Choco area have tended to maintain cattle and dairy operations and were taking steps to supply other goods to tourism. Many of the farms had orange, grapefruit, lemon. and avocado trees growing wild on their property. Several of the farmers were working toward trying to sell both these goods as well as planting new trees. 6 5 Of the shareholders and non-shareholders still farming, 100% said that with prices of inputs such as fertilizers and food supplements rising and the controlled price for milk, it was no longer profitable to raise milk cows. Whereas the area had been specializing in milk cows - Brown Swiss and Holstein, they were reverting to the raising of double purpose cattle, and letting the cattle merely graze. Another important factor in the future of Productos 808011 is the structure of the company. The shareholders of the company are the original settlers and their descendants. Most of the members interviewed were over the age of 60, some over 75. Many of the descendants have left Sosr’ta to live elsewhere in the Dominican Republic or have left the country altogether and are living in the United States. particularly Miami. While some would like to continue running the farm, their age has become a limiting factor. They no longer have the stamina to run a farm. In looking toward retirement and providing all they can for their children, they can best capitalize on the tourism boom by selling their land. Attraction of Labor Out of Agriculture Hypothesis 5: Tourism in the province of Puerto Plata has not been a significant force in attracting labor out of subsistence agriculture. Based on the statement made by Jaime Moreno. former Dean of Economics at the UCMM (university) and current economic advisor to the minister of tourism. at the Tourism 2000 meeting held at the Radisson hotel in Playa Dorada. on September 20 - 30, 1988. it was hypothesized that with the increase in employment. tourism development has stopped the north coast rural imnrigration to Santo Domingo. Dominicans are fairly mobile people. Often children are sent to live with relatives in Santiago or Santo Domingo. A husband may leave his family in Santo Domingo to work in PuertoPlata or vice versa. Many of the workers in Sosr’ra lived in Puerto Plata, and not all ~ the workers in Playa Dorada were from Puerto Plata. 6 6 Based upon figures from the "Encuesta dc Migracion a Santo Domingo y Santiago, Informe General (Nelson M. Ramirez for the Secretary of the state of public health and social services. 1980), the majority of male migrants to Santo Domingo and Santiago were from the agricultural sector. For Santiago, 30.9% were from within the province of Santiago, 21.3% from Puerto Plata, with the next highest being Valverde at 7.7%. Most of the males going to Santiago were searching for "a better economic situation" 29%, or "a better job" 25%. It remains to be seen, after the next population census. how the rapid growth of tourism on the north coast has affected migration patterns in the Dominican Republic. 11' IIS’ Hypothesis 5 results - For the 25 employees interviewed. the cities of origin, previous and current residence, and mean years at residence are lismd below. Table 34 - Origin and Residence of Selected Sosr’ra Employees Place of Birth Previous Ctn'rent Mean years at Residence Residence Residence Santiago 4 7 Clmamicos (Sostia) 3 1 15 5.2 San Francisco 1 1 de Macoris Nagua 1 1 Puerto Plata 6 6 9 10.4 Haiti 2 2 Sabmeta 1 0 1 18.0 Gmpar 2 1 Hernandez Moca 3 3 Rio San Juan 1 1 Santo Domingo 1 2 Total 2 5 2 5 2 5 1 1 . 2 6 7 Table 35 - Employee Migration Responses Why did youleave yourprevious residence? Reason Percentage Insufficient wage to support family 9 Not satisfied with job 9 To find better work 30 To find a better economic situation 30 To accompany family 22 Why did you come to Sostla? Reason Percentage Afl’ordable living Opportunity 56 To be with family 16 Better work 12 Betterpay 16 Santiago and Puerto Plata were the most frequent origins as well as previous residences of the sampled population. Of those people that had relocated to the area. nine percent indicated they left their previous residence due the insufficient wages. Nine percent indicated they were not satisfied with their previous job. Sixty percent left to find better work or a better economic situation. Twenty-two percent listed "other" reasons. The overwhelming response to the reasons for choosing 80868 as a place of ' residence was general opportunity (56%). In terms of having worked in agriculture. eight of the twenty-five people interviewed (32 percent) had at some time worked on a farm. All the farms were within the five north coast provinces. Only two of the respondents continued to assist relatives on the family farm. This percentage of workers having been involved in agriculture is less than found for migrants to Santiago which was greater than 50 percent (Ramirez, 1980). The previous migration patterns of all the workers were as follows. Fourteen people were from the north coast area and had not previously left, five had migrated to Santiago or Santo Domingo (4. and 1 respectively) and come back, two came directly from Haiti. three from Santiago, and one from Santo Domingo. Thus, we see the majority were from within the north coast (19 people or 76 percent). The ministry of tourism's claim that tourism has 6 8 stemmed nrigration to Santiago and Santo Domingo is supported by both this figure and the return of 20 percent of the workers who had come back from the two cities. E l . l' S , Hypothesis 6: The growth of tourism in the province of Puerto Plata has had a significant effect on the ability of cattle farmers in the town of Sosr’ra to attract and retain employees. Hypothesis 6 results - Based upon responses of middle to large scale cattle farmers in the area, tourism was found to be a significant force in attracting labor out of agriculture. Wm (milk and beef producers, members and contributors to Productos Sosria) . mm- .1 1.1 .1 2.. .1. er: ‘1.-. . .1. 0.5! .1 1-11-1121: - -1~ .z. .10 . :1: majmm They also stated unanimously that problems in attracting labor began in 1986. At this point it can be said that tourism had reached the involvement or development stage as presented by Butler (1980). This is manifested in the emergence of a seasonal pattern with tourists securing travel arrangements through agencies as well as the development of a well defined tourism market area. One resort owner referred to the year 1986 as the turning point, when American Airlines began regular service to Puerto Plata. The salaries offered employees ranged from the minimum wage of $350.00 to $550.00 pesos monthly. This is less than can be earned working for a tourist enterprise, but it does include room and board. The most frequent reason given for the difficulty in attracting and keeping labor was that farming is difficult work and that workers would rather drive a moto taxi. Haitian labor is relatively abundant in the Dominican Republic. Allowed into the country to work on sugar cane fields. they can also be seen working on farms and in construction in large numbers. Some farmers were employing Haitians while several noted with dissatisfaction that "Haitians are even more difficult and undependable than we Dominicans." CHAPTER 6 SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND COMMENTS Summary and Conclusions In this thesis I have tried to illustrate the interrelationships between tomism and agriculture as well as the dynamics of tourism food supply on the north coast of the Dominican Republic. A goal of the thesis was to discuss the effect of tourism on agriculture in its many ways. stressing both positive and negative aspects associawd with tourism promotion and growth. Food Supply To briefly summarize the results. it was found that the supply patterns for fruits. vegetables, meat, poultry, and fish were significantly different for Sosria restaurants than hotels in Puerto Plata. This is important since one of the goals of tourism is to generate employment and income. not only directly in the tourism industry but also indirectly in Other sectors of the economy. Based on previous literature, linking import content to hotel size, it was expected that the smaller scale hotels in Sost’ra would import less foodstuffs than the hotels in the Playa Dorada complex that were larger scale operations. However, instead of foodstuffs being imported. as found for the other smaller islands in the Caribbean. in the Dominican Republic, the items are grown or raised within the country (with seafood being an exception). The difference found between supply patterns for large and small scale operations in the Dominican Republic was that the large scale hotels at Playa Dorada were more reliant on food sources outside the province of Puerto Plata than were the smaller operations in Sosr’ra. Hence. while the indirect benefits to tourism are staying within the country, the smaller establishments within Sosr’ra (as well as the local pOpulation) have a relatively more significant impact on local food markets. Local markets had indeed responded to the growth of tourism in the area. All of the fruit and vegetable markets contacted stated that their businesses had at least doubled in size 69 70 since 1984. The public market in Puerto Plata primarily served residents of the growing city and restaurants in Sosr’ra, and was supplied mainly through intermdiaries coming from the market in Santiago. Silverio Messon. a wholesaler in Puerto Plata secured fruits and vegetables from both the Santiago market and directly from Constanza. The trips to . Constanza began in 1985. The wholesaler's operations were mainly sales to restaurants in Puerto Plata and hotels in Playa Dorada and Sosria, though they did sell directly to the public. The small market in Sost’ra dealt directly with tourists at inflated prices and bought from the market in Puerto Plata while Mario's market in Sosr’ra not only sold directly to tourists and restaurants but also branched out and takes orders from restaurants, delivering the fruits and vegetables. ‘ . . As mentioned in Chapter 3. there was one major attempt to produce the fruits and vegetables demanded locally by the tourism industry that met with failure. A local agricultural student informed me that the farm's first harvest was in 1986. It was mildly successful, but the second year the lack of rain and no irrigation system on the farm lead to an unsuccessful crop. The project was then abandoned. There were other recent attempts to change crop production. Some of the members of Productos Sosr’ta are devoting portions of their farm land to growing fruits and vegetables. One member. who also owned several hotels. recently had planted 100.000 pineapple plants. 200.000 orange trees. as well as various other fruits. Another member had conducted an extensive analysis of his property's soil, slope, water availability. and drainage conditions on two of his farms and was carefully planning the introduction of new fruit and vegetable plants (there were aheady many growing wild) as well as highly efficient trees to produce lumber for building. This farmer was particulary disturbed by the lack of coordination among the farmers in the area. He had plans to form a cooperative in order that farmers could sell their goods directly to local markets or citizens. Several factors can be cited to support thefinding that the tourism industry on the north coast does not import a large portion of its foodstuffs from abroad as done by many 71 other Caribbean nations. Firstly. the Dominican Republic is larger than the islands studied by Alleyne (Barbados), Belisle (Jamaica), and O'Loughlin (Antigua). Climate and soil conditions on the north coast are suitable for citrus crops. and the growth of vegetable crops in the highland valleys of Constanza and J arabacoa has expanded to keep pace with growing demand. Secondly, government policy governing food imports, restricted imports to food items that were not available locally. Finally, the size and growth rate of the tourism industry (Alleyne. 1974) affects and will continue to affect the future of food supply to the north coast. Tire present government policy inhibiting imports may change as the industry grows rapidly. It appears as if tourism is growing too fast for its own good on the north coast. Hotel managers in Playa Dorada were disturbed at the inflated food prices and possibilities of shortages. The increased demand for seafood due to tourism has become increasingly difficult to fulfill through local sources. In mid-September 1988, President Joaquin Balaguer ratified a document eliminating all import duties on seafood for hotels and restaurants affiliated with the National Association of Hotels and Restaurants (Asonahores) on the north coast, in order to insure an adequate supply for the upcoming high season. The document assigned yearly quotas ranging from 2,000 pounds to 45 .000 pounds for Eurotel Playa Dorada. the largest hotel on the north coast. The president of Asonahores. the influential force in creating the document. indicated that the association would aid in locating suppliers, and that currently other hotels within the nation import seafood from Spain through a supplier in Puerto Rico. The organization also indicated that its next step would be to lobby for tax exemptions for the importation of beef and wines, thereby permitting the provision of a greater variety and quality of food to visitors (El Faro, September 30, 1988). 72 Competition for Land For many islands of the Caribbean, agriculttne is not in direct competition for land from tourism, since the coastal land surrounding tomism centers is often not suitable for cultivation. However, on the north coast, tourism has had a marked effect on the competition for land between tourism and agriculture. For example, the Dominican government was in the process of selling sugarcane fields to tourist enterprises to aid the failing sugar industry. In Sosr’ra, aging cattle farmers. with no heirs to run their farms have been hard hit by peso devaluations. Also, increased production costs encouraged them to sell their farms to developers. The extent of the farm sales at the time of this fieldwork, was along the waterfront area up to 7 kilometers from Sosr’ta (Figure 7). Beyond this point, and further inland, tourism's affect on the demand for land and land values had not been felt. Other farmers in the area whose farms have not yet been affecmd by the increase in land prices. or who prefer not to sell out to tourism. attempt to take advantage of the tornist market by growing fruits and vegetables for consumption in Sosr’ra or by producing beef cattle, less expensive to raise than dairy cattle. Labor and Migration As found by O'Loughlin in Antigua, tourism is attracting labor out of agriculture. Farmers in the area have experienced severe difficulties in finding and keeping laborers to work on their farms, since workers can work less and earn more in tourism related occupations. However, migration of men and women from outside the north coast to Sosria did not appear to be pronounced. Over 50 percent of the employees interviewed had come from within the three north coast provinces. Some 32 percent had farming experience while 8 percent continued to help out on the family farm. The government's claim that the increased opportunity on the north coast has lessened rural migration to Santiago and Santo 73 Domingo cannot be tested with the available data. though it was found that five of the respondents had returned to the coastal area after migrating to Santiago or Santo Domingo. Data Collection Problems While my stay in the D.R. was certainly an enjoyable one and the experience of conducting thesis research generally positive, I would like to cite several factors limiting the scope of this analysis. First is the serious lack of statistical information; What was, and is. available is outdated or "hidden." The Dominican Character and concept of time were also stumbling blocks. One of the most ironic things I read while in the country was a plaque outside the library at the UCMM in Santiago. It said "Aprovecheemos el tiempo", which means. "let us use our time wisely." The Dominican and the American concept of time are not the same. People would often show up late for a scheduled meeting. or not at all. Generally people were hesitant to make appointments since "one can never be certain" what would come up. Also, suspicion was a problem. I was jokingly accused of being a CIA agent more than once. I found that the length of my questionnaire was inversely related to the amount of information that interviewees were willing (and in many cases able) to give. Generally the hotels and restaurants provided information, although many of the food and beverage managers did not have the time to fill out the questionnaire. Several c0pies were lost or "filed." Frequently, I was able to go through "the books" myself. Some store owners/vendors were unwilling to give information fearing that in some way it might be used against them. As to be expected, some of those interviewed were direct and concise, while others tended to "beat around the bush" and were unwilling to divulge certain information. Members of Productos Sosr’ta. all gracious and friendly, were more than willing to speak in general terms such as "all one needs to do is work hard to 74 succeed," and "profit has gone down." but when it came to their specific actions and intentions involving their land, their tongues tightened. Although, I was unable to find a map of the municipality of Sosria or even a record of its size, I finally did secure a topographic map at the Secretary of Tourism's office in Santo Domingo. I was able to trace it since the photocopy machine for the agency was not functioning. The prospect of tracing the food supply system beyond the local markets was beyond the scope of this thesis. Increased demand also causes increased employment in agriculturally related enterprises such as the transporting goods from the farm to the market. But, as found by the Banco Central (1981) study. marketing and commercialization systems are elaborate and complex. It is difficult to quantify the increase in number of middlemen who transport goods directly to hotels or to local markets in Sostia and Puerto Plata from the farm or from the central market in Santiago. There is no "definite" number of people employed in this occupation, and no attempt to quantify them was made. Discussion with middlemen proved to be of little value since their answers were unspecific and unreliable. They. after all. were not the producers. It might have been useful to study the effect of increased demand during the tourism high season on the prices of agricultural goodsas well as the increase in prices as the goods made their way through the marketing system. It was thought that the incentive for the individual farmer to increase production was relatively low due to low prices paid the producer. As can be seen for the rest of the Dominican Republic, retail prices were often 300 percent higher than the price paid on the farm. The instability of prices for many fruits and vegetables (depending on size. quality, relative scarcity due to natural conditions, seasonality. or the amount being purchased) made it impossible to develop a significant relationship between demand and price increases. An attempt was made to determine from local vendors the source area for fruits and vegetables. Although it was not possible to directly discuss with farmers any possible 75 attempt to meet the demands of tourism. it was felt that gaining an idea of where the products were coming from was a good first step and valuable information to better understand the effect of tourism on agriculture. To this end I was able to exact some information out of vendors in Puerto Plata and more easily extract information from Silverio Messon. Information from the Banco Central study and Government technical documents helped determine the importance of the Constanza valley area as a supplier of vegetables to the north coast. Final Comments While it was repeated many times from the members of Productos Sost’ra and university professors to hotel managers and subsistence farmers, that the possibilities for agriculture in the Dominican Republic are encouraging. progress often seems out of reach. One factor constraining agricultural growth which is not dealt with directly in this thesis is that of uncoordinated private and public institutions. There are eighteen public sector agencies and nine private institutions involved with the environment and natural resources in the Dominican Republic. Virtually every natural resource sector has more than one primary government agency. hence there is considerable duplication of effort and programs. Furthermore, there appears to be considerable inter- agency jealousy. Even worse, some institutions have similar programs with little: substantive exchange of information. There is little participation of the private sector in the public arena and no real coordination (Hartshom, 1980). The two government bodies in charge of handling tourism development. the Secretarfa de Turismo (SECI'UR) and Infraestructura de Turismo (INFRATUR) to a large degree do not cooperate. INFRATUR, a branch of the Banco central, is technically under the jurisdiction of SECI'UR, but has essentially been involved in Playa Dorada. Playa Grande, and overseeing development on the north coast without interaction with SECTUR. 76 For the past few years, INFRATUR, as well as representatives of other institutions (private and public) related to the tourism sector have stimulated small, medium, and large scale development in Puerto Plata. based on' the expectation that the tourist demand will continue to increase and the tourist population will continue to expand. However, the attempts to stimulate public investment in agricultme will continue to meet with two basic problems. In the first place. the financial institutions that channel credit to agriculture do not necessarily share the development strategy sought by INFRATUR. In many cases, they were not informed of INFRATUR'S projects and the role they would eventually play to finance the projects. This suggests that it is in lNFRATUR's best interest that the needs of agriculture and the financial stimulation needed by agriculture are communicated to credit institutions in the region. Furthermore, even if the financial institutions are informed it remains to be seen to what extent the credit demanded by agricultural enterprises in the region will be provided since scarce credit will logically be oriented toward areas of higher profitability and not lower profitability agriculture. As stated in the Banco Central study (1981), many of the vegetables are coming from the valley of Constanza. With the government and private sectors investing in irrigation projects in this valley, where soil and temperature conditions are ideal for growing vegetables. the importance of Constanza as a supplier of vegetables to tourist enterprises will continue. In November of 1988. the governments of Japan and the Dominican Republic signed an agreement to launch a joint agricultural and hydroelectric project in Constanza at an estimated investment of RD $75 million (U .S. 11.4 million). The project's aim is to put 32.000 tareas into production supplying one cubic meter of water per second for every 16,000 tareas under cultivation. Finally, it is difficult to measure the changes that tourism is inducing on the north coast. As stated by one employee of SECTU R "the Dominican Republic is not a land of numbers." My contact in the department of economics at the Universidad Catolica Madre y Maestra lamented that it is hard to find information and that the numbers are often 77' inaccurate. Thus. the large scale effects of tourism on land use on the north coast were impossible to determine. But. it is hoped that the findings presented in this thesis will help further the understanding and progress of development on the north coast. Appendices Appendix A Food Quantity and Supply Questionnaire LBacksmund 1. Name and position of interviewee 2. Name of hotel or restaurant 3. Location 4. Size of hotel (# of rooms) 5. Size of restaurant 6. Room rates (hotel class) 7. Years in operation of hotel / restaurant 8. Ownership of hotel/restaurant (foreign vs. local) 9. Percentage of toruists frequenting restaurant 78 79 II Supply of foods for 1988. A. Fruits and vegetables (fresh and frozen) 1. Quantity aVegetables Month Name JFMAMJJASOND Lechuga (Ismael Papa (BotatoL Tomate Barcelo (Huffman) Tomate Ensalada W Repollo (Cabbage; Apio (.erst Zanahoria (Seam) Yuca Brocoli Pepino When) Coliflor LCanlfllpur) Platano Tayota 8O Molondrones V” Berengena B. Fruits Month Name JFMAMJJASOND Toronja (Grapefruit) Naranja/C‘hina (Breanne Guineo (Banana: Lechosa (REM Sandie/Pastilla (Watermelon) Limon W Chinola Wit) F591 3 81 Mango Coco mm 2. Supply Name / Goods Supplied] Delivered or to market] Number of visits/ of Supplier / Location. Have you changed your methods of supply since beginning operation of the restauraunt? If so, how? .J 1...... left 14C QC (.D.“ (2“ AL C. Meat and Poultry 1. Quantity 82 A SOND 2. Supply 83 Name] Goods Supplied] Delivered or to market / Number of visits»! of Supplier / Location Have you changed your methods of supply since beginning operation of the restauraunt? If so, how. D. Seafood 1. Quantity Name I F Mero (Sea Bass) MAM Month J J A SOND Camarones (Shrimp) Langosta (Crab) Langostino .flarlzsm) Chillo Carite Pulpo (Octopus) Ostiones (OyStcrs) Bulgao 84 2. Supply Name I Goods Supplied] Delivered or to market] Number of visits] of Supplier] Location. Have you changed your methods of supply since beginning operation of the restauraunt? If so, how? 85 Item JFMAMJJASOND Crema dc Leche (Heavy Cream) 2. Supply Name I Goods Supplied] Delivered or to market / Number of visits] of Supplier] Location. Have you changed your methods of supply since beginning operation of the restauraunt? If so. how? Appendix B Sost’ra Employee Survey Occupation Place of work Place of Residence Number of years at residence or in area Sex M F Place of Birth Date of Birth Previous residence 990899-9930? Previous Occupation Marital Status H .9 g—s he 0 Who came with you ? s—s .N Why did you leave? 1. Insufficient wage to support family 2. Not satisfied with job 3. To find better work 4. To find a better economic situation 5. To accompany family 13. Why did you choose here? 1. Affordable living 2. Opporturuty . 3. To be wrth famrly 4. Better work 5. Better pay 14. In any place where you have lived. including your place of birth. have you ever worked in agricultrue or on a dairy/cattle farm? 15. If yes. where do you or have you done this activity? 16. Are you currently participating in this activity? 17. Education level 18. Monthly salary 86 Appendix C Productos Sosr’ra, land use changes Interviews with the members of Productos Sosr’ra were conducted in an informal manner. Members were asked certain leading questions and would often continue with their own line of thought. Ultimately the questions listed below were answered. 1. Name When did you come here? How much land were you given? Where was the land located? How many cattle did you have when your farm was operating at its peak? When was this? How many in 1980? How many today? How much milk did you produce when your farm was operating at its peak? When was this? How much in 1980? How much today? How many people did you employ when the farm was operating at its peak? How many today? How much do you pay your workers? Have you had difficulty finding labor? Do you still own all the land? Have you bought more land? Have you sold land? When? Why? Who did you sell to? As a farm? Hasitcontinuedtobeoperatedas afarm? Have you done anything to develop the land? Have you made any attempt to sell products to tourism directly? 87 Bibliography Bibliography Indies Agricultural Conference. vol. 9" .1974 Archer. B. 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