-~¢ no... PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE ‘As'LA‘iw AUGfi 1 8 tech MAR 1 51994 ID \18 onP 2 515% . - “7—1::— S k - Jx’r If ‘1 / . t‘r g 3 ‘1. AA" ' 1* MSU Is An Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution WOMEN AND ANGER: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SEX ROLE, SELF-ESTEEM AND AWARENESS, EXPRESSION, AND CONDEMNATION OF ANGER BY Cynthia Anne Hockett A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Counseling, Educational Psychology and Special Education 1988 {A si} '53. L: L: .J (003 ABSTRACT WOMEN AND ANGER: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SEX ROLE, SELF-ESTEEM AND AWARENESS, EXPRESSION, AND CONDEMNATION OF ANGER BY Cynthia Anne Hockett This descriptive study investigated the relationship between anger, sex role, and self-esteem in adult women university employees. Three of the four primary hypotheses were supported. The effects of demographic variables on the main variables were also investigated. The sample showed differences in.anger in four areas: sex role, marital status, age, and educational level. Feminine women had the greatest awareness of anger, but masculine, and to a lesser extent androgynous, women were most likely to express their anger. Contrary to predictions, no differences between the sex role groups in physical expression of anger and condemnation of anger were found. Women who had never been married were more likely to express their anger than women who were or had previously been married. The youngest women in the sample were more aware of their anger than the oldest women. Women without a college degree felt more condemning of their anger, and were less likely to express it, than women with education beyond the master's level. The relationship found between anger and self-esteem is complex. Self-esteem was negatively related to awareness of anger, but positively related to verbal expression of anger. Sex role differences in self-esteem were consistent with earlier findings, with androgynous women having the highest self-esteem, followed. by ‘masculine ‘womenn Feminine and undifferentiated women reported the lowest self-esteem. For masculine women, it was predicted that awareness and expression of anger would be positively related to self- esteem, and that condemnation of anger would be negatively related to self-esteem. The inverse of these relationships was predicted for feminine women. Self-esteem was not expected to vary with anger for androgynous and undifferentiated women. These predictions were not supported since the effect of anger in predicting self-esteem was the same for all sex role groups. Sex role was a more significant predictor of self-esteem than anger. The results.of this research.suggest.that.cultural values prohibiting anger in women have a significant impact on self- esteem regardless of whether a woman perceives herself in a traditional or nontraditional role. Copyright by CYNTHIA ANNE HOCKETT 1988 This dissertation is dedicated to my husband, David L. Froh ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I offer my appreciation and gratitude to the following individuals, each of whom has made important contributions to this project. To Dr. John Powell, chairperson of my dissertation committee, who helped me begin the journey that has brought me to this milestone in my life, and has extended his unflagging support, encouragement, and trust in my judgment and professional development. To Dr. Linda Forrest, dissertation committee member, who has served as a supportive role model and energized me with her interest in and excitement about my research. To Dr. Richard Johnson, dissertation committee member, whose insights and probing questions helped me sharpen my thinking. To Dr. Max Raines, dissertation committee member, whose fresh perspective and willingness to share himself personally helped me to broaden my thinking and integrate theory with humanistic applications. To my dear friends and colleagues Linda Gold and Michael Ranieri, whose generosity, support and flexibility have provided a haven for me and enriched my life. vi To Dr. David Wenger, whose gentle mentorship has given me reassurance and helped me develop resilience and strength. To Tom Helma, coordinator of the Michigan State University Employee Assistance Program, whose enthusiasm for and commitment to this project were essential to its completion. To the women of Michigan State University who made this project possible through their participation. To David LaRoy Froh, my husband, who has given so much of himself, whose encouragement, nurturing, and light- heartedness have sustained me and helped make this dream a reality, and whose nimble fingers and agile mind solved the mysteries of word processing for the data collection and innumerable drafts of this dissertation. And to my parents, Rosemary and Howard Hockett, who launched me on my quest for higher education and whose values have always inspired me to reach beyond. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABIES O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Chapter I. II. III. INTRODUCTION 0 O O O O O I O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Need for Research on Anger in Women Purpose and Procedures . . . Hypotheses . . . . . . . Assumptions . . . Delimitations . . Overview . . . . . REVIEW OF THE THEORETICAL LITERATURE . . . . . . . Relationship Between Anger and Aggression . . . . Traditional Theory of Female Psychological Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Challenge to the Traditional View . . . . . . . . Cultural Prohibitions on Women's Anger and Aggression . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Intrapsychic Inhibition of Anger in Women . . Cultural Sources of the Intrapsychic Inhibition of Anger . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Anger in the Mother-Daughter Relationship . . . Loss of Self-Esteem Resulting from Inhibition of Anger . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sex Roles as a Context for Women's Anger and Self- Esteem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . REVIEW OF THE EMPIRICAL LITERATURE . . . . . . . . Studies on Sex Differences in Aggression . . . . . Studies on Anger in Women . . . . . . . . . . . Studies on Sex Role, Self-Esteem and/or Related Variables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Relationship Between Sex Role and Self-Esteem . Relationship Between Sex Role, Self-Esteem and Related Variables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Relationship Between Sex Role and Variables Related to Psychological Adjustment . . . . . viii xi H O‘DWNIOtH 13 17 17 19 21 22 24 28 3O 33 37 38 54 73 74 78 81 IV. VI. Some Observations on Methodology . . . . . . . . . summary 0 l O O O I O O I O 0 O O O O O O O O O O DES IGN MD METHommGY O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Subjects . . . . . . . . . . Method of Data Collection . . . Procedures to Ensure Confidentiality Instrumentation . . . . . . . . . . Anger Self-Report . . . . . . . . Personal Attributes Questionnaire Texas Social Behavior Inventory . Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . . Statistical Procedures for Data Analysi Assumptions of Analysis of Variance Stepwise Multiple Regression . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ANALYSIS OF THE DATA . . . . . . . . . . . . . Main Variables . . . Demographic Characteristics Normative Data . . . . . . . Anger Self-Report . . . . . . Personal Attributes Questionnaire Texas Social Behavior Inventory Hypotheses Tested . . Hypothesis 1 . Hypothesis 2 . Hypothesis 3 . Hypothesis 4 . Summary . . . . SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary of the Study . . . . . . . . . Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . Sex Role Differences in Anger . . . Marital Status Differences in Anger Age Differences in Anger . . . . . . . Differences in Anger by Educational Level Relationship of Anger to Self-Esteem . . . Sex Role Differences in Self-Esteem . . . . . Interaction of Sex Role and Anger in Predicting Self-Esteem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Discussion of Findings . . . . . . . . Sex Role Differences in Anger . . . Marital Status Differences in Anger Age Differences in Anger . . . . Differences in Anger by Educational Level Relationship of Anger to Self-Esteem . . . Sex Role Differences in Self-Esteem . . . ix 93 96 99 99 100 102 103 103 108 113 116 121 122 123 127 129 129 131 131 131 134 135 135 135 149 151 154 157 160 160 163 163 165 165 165 165 166 166 167 167 170 171 172 173 174 Interaction of Sex Role and Anger in Predicting Self-Esteem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176 Limitations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180 External Validity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 Design and Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183 Instrumentation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183 Implications for Future Res sea arch . . . . . . . . . 185 APPENDICES O O I O O O O O O C O O O O I O O O O O O O O 18 9 A. Initial Letter Requesting Subjects' Participation 189 B. Interest Card Enclosed in First Mailing . . . . . 190 C. Follow-up Mailing Sent One Week After Initial Letter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191 D. Questionnaire . . . . . . . . 192 E. Cover Letter Enclosed With Questionnaire . . . . 205 F. Follow-up Mailing Sent One Week After Questionnaire . . . . . . . . . . . 206 G. Return Card Enclosed With Questionnaire . . . . 207 H. Expanded Abstract Sent to Subjects Requesting Results Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208 I. Cover Letter Enclosed With Results Summary . . . 211 RE FERENCES O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 2 1 2 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 4.1 Pearson Correlations: Main Variables . . . . . . 126 5.1 Reliabilities and Descriptive Statistics . . . . . 132 5.2 Demographic Characteristics of Sample . . . . . . 133 5.3 Multivariate Tests of Significance . . . . . . . . 136 5.4 Univariate F-Tests . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138 5.5 ASR Scores by Sex Role . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139 5.6 ASR Scores by Marital Status . . . . . . . . . . . 145 5.7 ASR Scores by Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146 5.8 ASR Scores by College Educational Level . . . . . 148 5.9 Regression of TSBI on ASR Scales Analysis of Variance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150 5.10 Regression of TSBI on ASR Awareness of Anger, ASR Verbal Aggression & Household Income Analysis of Variance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152 5.11 Analysis of Variance for Self-Esteem on Sex Role . 153 5.12 TSBI Scores by Sex Role . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154 5.13 Regression of TSBI on ASR Awareness of Anger, ASR Verbal Aggression & Sex Role Analysis of Variance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156 6.1 Overall Results of Hypothesis Testing . . . . . . 164 xi CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The Need for Research on Anger in Women During the past ten years a body of theoretical literature on the psychological development of women has been growing (e.g., Chodorow, 1978: Cox, 1976; Gilligan, 1982; Miller, 1976). An important component of this developmental theory is the proposition that women have serious difficulties with anger in the form of intrapsychic inhibitions of anger as a result of two factors. First, it is proposed that anger ~ has been prohibited in the feminine sex role, which prescribes that the primary role for women is caring for men and children. Theorists believe that this prohibition has resulted in powerful intrapsychic inhibitions of anger for women (Bernardez-Bonesatti, 1986; Miller, 1976; Miller, 1983: Symonds, 1976; Westkott, 1986) . Second, theorists assert that developmental factors in the female child's relationship with her mother have also led to strong intrapsychic inhibitions of anger for women (Bernardez-Bonesatti, 1976; Chodorow, 1978; Lerner, 1980). A central tenet of the theoretical literature on women's anger is that the inhibition of anger has negative consequences for their mental health. It is argued that when a woman does become aware of angry feelings, she experiences a severe loss of self-esteem for two reasons. First, the 2 experience of her own anger threatens her identity as a woman (Bernardez-Bonesatti, 1978; Kaplan, 1976; Miller, Nadelson, Notman, & Zilbach, 1981; Nadelson, Notman, Miller, & Zilbach, 1982; Notman, 1982). Second, because the anger is experienced. \ as threatening, it is ultimately directed against the woman U herself, resulting in.self-hatred (Bernardez-Bonesatti, 1978{// Westkott, 1986). Helping women become aware of and learn to express their anger is assumed to be an essential aspect of psychotherapy with women (Barrett, Berg, Eaton, & Pomeroy, 1974; Bernardez- Bonesatti, 1978; Cline-Naffziger, 1974; Kaplan, Brooks, McComb, Shapiro, & Sodano, 1983; Lerner, 1980). Approaches to working with anger in therapy vary from beginning with "screaming, kicking, yelling sessions to release the excess and get the burden down to a manageable size" (Cline- Naffziger, p. 55) to controlling and channelling anger to bring about desired changes in circumstances (Lerner, 1985; Tavris, 1982). In spite of the importance placed on anger in therapy with women, therapists appear to have considerable difficulty in working with women's anger. Barrett et al. (1974) maintain that the anger of women is often "diffused and rendered powerless" (p. 12) in therapy. Kaplan et a1. (1983) argue that the developmental paradigm for women, in which the relational self is central, can prevent female therapists from recognizing and exploring anger in therapeutic relationships 3 with women. Bernardez attributes the difficulties which therapists have with women's anger to their unconscious fears of female destructiveness. These fears may lead therapists to discourage women from expressing their anger freely and openly, and to induce them to feel guilty instead (Bernardez, 1985a; Bernardez-Bonesatti, 1976 & 1978). The importance of anger in psychotherapy becomes obvious when one considers the areas of emotional distress in which anger is presumed to play an important role. Freud (1957) maintained that melancholia was the result of reproaches against a lost love object shifting away from the object to the individual's own ego. This view is still espoused in thek view that depression in‘women is the result of repressed anger‘ (Bernardez, 1985b; Cline-Naffziger, 1974; Eichenbaum & Orbach, 1983). Kaplan (1986) explains that although depressed women are sometimes aware of their angry feelings, they experience these feelings as destructive and as confirming their badness and worthlessness. Given the hypothesized prohibition on anger in the feminine sex role, it is not surprising that depression is much more common among women than men and is considered a woman's disorder. A recent study indicates that twice as many women as men experience depressive episodes, with ten percent of all women having a serious depression during their lifetimes (Weissman & Klerman, 1979). In addition to depression, anger is associated with another serious problem for women. It is thought to be an 4 important factor in suicide attempts. For example, Weissman, Fox and Klerman (1973) found that manifest hostility was an important factor in distinguishing women who attempted suicide from women who were acutely Irodépattyed. while repression of anger seems to result in depression, difficulties in its regulation and expression appear to be associated with attempted suicide. These findings underscore the importance both of addressing anger in therapy with women, and of handling anger skillfully in therapy. Failure to address anger issues may result in the anger remaining buried and the woman being depressed. Helping a woman become aware of her anger without also helping her use it constructively may pose a risk of suicide or other less dramatic self- destructive actions. The importance of gaining greater understanding of anger in women is also evident when the range of physical disorders associated with anger is considered. Iewitan (1981) cites studies which found that women with rheumatoid arthritis handle anger in the following ways: becoming especially concerned with controlling anger; glossing over frustrating situations or turning their hostility inward: restricting their expression of hostility; reacting to provocation by feeling hurt and upset rather than angry; or becoming more aggressive toward themselves and showing less overt aggression. Zealley (1971) found that women attending a hospital clinic for treatment of bronchial asthma had 5 psychological disturbances involving hostility. Greer and Morris (1978) found that women with breast cancer showed a persistent pattern throughout their adult lives of extreme suppression of their anger. This pattern was not found in women with benign breast disease. According to Pelletier (1977), difficulties with anger are associated with stress reactivity, cancer, rheumatoid arthritis, colitis, migraine headache, and asthma. The indirect expression of anger has shown significant correlations with psychosomatic symptoms in research conducted by Heiser and Gannon (1984). Most recently, several studies have reported significant relationships between difficulties with anger and hostility and the incidence of cardiovascular disease (Chesney & Rosenman, 1985). In spite of the important role attributed to anger in mental and physical health, little empirical research has been conducted in this area. A growing body of theoretical literature proposes an important relationship between anger and two areas important to women's functioning and well-being: sex role and self-esteem. In spite of the important and central role which anger is assigned in developmental theory for women, virtually no empirical research investigating the relationship of anger to sex role and self-esteem has been found. In light of the theoretical emphasis placed upon anger, the need for such a study is obvious. 6 This study is significant because it provides empirical data in two important areas in which there are presently gaps in knowledge. First, this study explores the empirical foundations of an important aspect of female developmental theory regarding anger as a determinant of self—esteem. Given the crucial role which self-esteem plays in mental health, it is imperative that research be conducted to determine the accuracy of theory in this area. The results of this study point the way to areas in which further research is essential to deepen current understanding of factors which affect how women regard their own anger, and the resulting impact on their self-esteem. This study also makes a significant contribution in broadening knowledge which can be applied by practitioners working with women in psychotherapy. The empirical data regarding the relationship between anger, sex role and self- esteem provide mental health professionals with valuable insights and information regarding how, and to what extent, women are able to integrate anger with their sex roles and how anger affects self-esteem. Such insights and information are valuable to therapists working with women in becoming more skilled in working with anger and in becoming more sensitive to their own countertransference reactions to anger issues. Purpose and Procedures The purpose of this descriptive study was to obtain and analyze empirical data on the relationship between anger, sex 7 role and self-esteem in a large sample of women. The study was conducted under the auspices of the Employee Assistance Program at Michigan State University. The sample was composed of voluntary female adult subjects employed at the University. Data were obtained by means of anonymous mail surveys. Relationships between the main variables were tested by analyses of variance, stepwise multiple regression analyses, and planned and post hoc contrasts. The study addressed the following questions: 1. What is the relationship between sex role and these three anger variables: awareness of anger, expression of anger, and condemnation of anger? 2. What is the relationship between each of the three anger variables (awareness of anger, expression of anger, condemnation of anger) and self-esteem? 3. What are the differences in self-esteem between the sex roles groups in this sample of adult women? 4. Does the relationship between the three anger variables (awareness of anger, expression of anger, condemnation of anger) and self-esteem vary according to sex role? Hypotheses The hypotheses which were tested in this study are: 1. Masculine and androgynous sex roles will be associated with higher levels of awareness and expression 8 of anger and lower levels of condemnation of anger than feminine and undifferentiated sex roles. 2. Awareness and expression of anger will negatively predict self-esteem, while condemnation of anger will positively predict self-esteem. 3. The women with androgynous sex roles will have the highest self-esteem, followed in descending order by the women with masculine, feminine and undifferentiated sex roles. 4. The relationship between anger and self-esteem will vary according to sex role in the following manner: a. For women with masculine sex roles, awareness and expression of anger will be positively associated with self-esteem, and condemnation of anger will be negatively associated with self- esteem. b. For women with feminine sex roles, awareness and expression of anger will be negatively associated with self-esteem, and condemnation of anger will be postively associated with self-esteem. c. For women with androgynous or undifferentiated sex roles, self-esteem will not vary according to awareness, expression and condemnation of anger. 9 Assumptions This research is based on the following assumptions: 1. The role which is considered culturally appropriate for women is that of nurturing and caring for others. The active expression of aggression, including anger, by women is considered threatening to this role and is, therefore, culturally prohibited. 2. The cultural prohibition of aggression and anger in women has been a primary factor in the development of intrapsychic inhibitions of anger for women. Because of these intrapsychic inhibitions, women are prone to repress their awareness and experience of their own anger. 3. For ‘women, self-esteem. is based on, their' personal evaluation of their abilities to establish and maintain caring and nurturing relationships with others. The intrapsychic inhibition of anger in women results in their viewing anger as threatening to their relational abilities and thus to their identity and self-esteem. 4. Both the repression, and the awareness and expression of their own anger, affect self-esteem in women. The impact varies, however, according to the extent to which a woman perceives herself as adopting cultural prescriptions for her role and behavior. Delimitations The conclusions which can be drawn on the basis of this research are applicable only to the main variables of anger, 10 sex role and self-esteem when conceptualized in a manner corresponding to that found in this study. Dorgan, Goebel, and House (1983) have pointed out that considerable confusion and difficulty surround the conceptualization and assessment ’ of both sex role and self-esteem. The assessment of anger is a relatively new endeavor in the social sciences, and its operational definition varies considerably across different studies (Siegel, 1986). Each measure of a main variable used in this research was selected on the basis of the appropriateness of its conceptualization for the variable being assessed. The conceptualization of each of the main variables in this study is explained below. Anger: An emotion experienced when an individual perceives that a wrong or injustice has occurred or that an expected or desired outcome has not been fulfilled. This emotion is usually accompanied by a desire to correct or avenge the situation. An individual can, however, be aware of feeling angry without expressing the anger verbally or behaviorally. Thus anger may or may not be accompanied or followed by action which has the goal of righting the wrong or injustice, obtaining the expected or desired outcome, or taking revenge. Individuals typically have an attitude expressing some degree of condemnation or acceptance of their own anger and that of others. Sex role: Culturally sanctioned personality traits, attitudes, and behaviors for males and females which differ 11 between the sexes and are determined and reinforced by differential cultural values for masculinity and femininity. An individual's sex role is her subjective evaluation of the degree to which her personality reflects the traits, attitudes, and.behaviors considered appropriate for males and females. Self-esteem: An individual's subjective and positive evaluation of her/his own personal worth and value. This evaluation is based on the individual's perception of her competence in establishing and. maintaining interpersonal relationships. Self-esteem is evidenced by positive thoughts and feelings toward the self. Overview The theoretical literature which has led to the development of the questions which will be addressed in this study is reviewed in Chapter II. The empirical literature on anger in women is reviewed in Chapter III. The literature reviewed in Chapter III also includes research in these three areas related to the study of anger, self-esteem and sex role: sex differences in aggression: the relationship between sex role and self-esteem, with some studies including related variables: and the relationship between sex role and variables related to psychological adjustment. The methodology which was used in conducting the research is explained in Chapter IV. The analysis of the data is reported in Chapter V. The study concludes with Chapter VI, in which the research is 12 summarized, some conclusions and possible explanations regarding ‘the .results are. suggested, limitations of the findings are stated, and the need for future research is discussed. The theoretical propositions upon which this study is based are examined first. CHAPTER II REVIEW OF THE THEORETICAL LITERATURE The Relationship Between Anger and Aggression There is no clear definition as to what constitutes the experience of anger. The research literature is character- ized by ambiguous and often interchangeable use of the terms anger, hostility, and aggression, a phenomenon which has been labelled the AHA! Syndrome (Spielberger, Johnson, Russel, Crane, Jacobs, & Worden, 1985) . Spielberger, Jacobs, Russell, and Crane (cited in Spielberger et al.) have proposed working definitions of these three constructs. Anger is generally considered to be a simpler concept than hostility or aggression. The concept of anger usually refers to an emotional state that consists of feelings that vary in intensity, from mild irritation or annoyance to fury and rage. Although hostility usually involves angry feelings, this concept has the connotation of a complex set of attitudes that motivate aggressive behavior directed toward destroying objects or injuring other people. While anger and hostility refer to feelings and attitudes, the concept of aggression generally implies destructive or punitive behaviors directed towards other persons or objects. (p. 7) It is generally recognized that anger is an important a$13361: of aggression. Berkowitz (1962) describes anger as an emotional state, resulting from frustration, which heightens the probability of aggression and is often considered the driVe for aggression. Whether aggression occurs depends on the presence of a stimulus associated with the event which armused anger . 13 l4 Buss (1961) defines anger as an emotional response with facial-skeletal and autonomic components. Buss considers anger one of the drives which lead to aggression and views the energizing aspect of anger, which usually intensifies aggression, as one of its salient characteristics. Novaco (1975) defines anger as a strong emotional response to provocation which has autonomic and central nervous system components and cognitive determinants. Whether anger leads to aggression depends, in Novaco's view, on the nature of the provocation, situational constraints, and the individual's coping style. The concept of aggression originated in psychoanalytic theory. Freud (1965) maintained that there are two primary classes of instincts underlying human behavior, the aggressive and the sexual. Dollard, Miller, Doob, Mowrer, and Sears (1939) hypothesized that aggression always occurs as a result of frustration in reaching a goal. They stated further that the existence of frustration will always lead to some form of aggression. Dollard et a1. include anger among their list of the ways in which aggression may be manifested. According to Feni(Ihel (1945) , an important aspect of aggression is its rea“TE—rive character in respondingto and attempting to overcome frustrations. To the object relations theorists, aggression is not a primary motivating force for behavior, but occurs as a reaction to the thwarting of, or failure in, the search for relationship to an object (Greenberg & Mitchell, 1983) . 15 It is necessary to have a view of how aggression is manifested to be able to study an aspect of aggression such as anger. While there is no agreement among different theories as to the source of aggression, it is possible to define and classify aggressive behaviors. The definition of aggression by Buss (1971) is generally accepted as describing aggressive behaviors. According to Buss (1971), aggression involves three factors: the delivery of noxious stimuli, an interpersonal context, and an intention to act aggressively. Aggressive behaviors may be classified in several different ways. Buss ( 1971) divides aggression into two classes: angry aggression and instrumental aggression. Buss (1961) also distinguishes between verbal and physical aggression, direct and indirect aggression, and active and passive aggression. Edmunds (1980) also indicates that it is important to classify the motivation involved (hostile or instrumental) and to distinguish between reactive and initiatory aggression. On the basis of these distinctions, Edmunds has defined four classes of aggressive behavior: initiatory instrumental, reactive instrumental, reactive hostile, and initiatory hostile. An attempt to hurt the victim is involved in all four classes. With the two instrumental types, however, injury to the victim is secondary to reaching an extrinsic goal. We extrinsic rewards are involved in hostile aggression. Anger and aggression are, then, intimately related to each other. Kaplan (1976) defines anger as the emotional 16 component of aggression. .Although anger does not always lead to aggression, anger may be considered a necessary precondition for aggression motivated by anger and as such may be considered to be one aspect of aggression. The common definition of anger found in W (1983) is "a strong feeling excited by a real or supposed injury: often accompanied by a desire to take vengeance, or to obtain satisfaction from the offending party" (p. 69). Miller (1983) elaborates on the function of appropriate anger when she says that It tells us that something is wrong-~something hurts-~and needs changing. Thus, anger provides a powerful (and useful) recognition of discomfort and motivation for action to bring about a change in immediate conditions. It is a statement to oneself and. to others. If it can Ibe recognized and expressed, it has done its work. And, most importantly, others can respond. (p. 5) The desire to take action on one's own behalf appears to be an important aspect of anger. Anger thus defined may be viewed as an aspect of aggression, as can be seen in this definition of aggression: Those actions and impulses toward action and assertion that give expression to the individual's own aims and/or have an effect on others . . . . Individual striving toward autonomous action and self-assertion is included in this definition. (Nadelson, Notman, Miller & Zilbach, 1982, p. 19) Because anger and aggression are so intimately linked, much of the theoretical and empirical work on aggression in women speaks to the questions about women and anger which will be addressed in this study. This theoretical work on aggression 17 provides the base for the study of anger in women and is, therefore, summarized here. Traditional Theory of Female Psychological Development During the past decade there have been major developments in the theory regarding the psychological development of women. Until that time, the traditional psychoanalytic view of women formed the basis of most psychological theory about female development. According to this view, women were considered to be inherently passive, narcissistic and masochistic - - the psychoanalytic triad (Miller, 1985). According to this traditional view, a key task of female development involved the conversion of aggression into masochism and passivity (Deutsch, 1930). Deutsch considered masochism."the most elementary force in feminine mental life" (p. 60) and saw motherhood as the strongest form of gratification of masochism and thus as the main goal of existence for women. It was assumed that men and women possessed the same quantity of aggression at birth, and that the lifelong developmental task of women was to rid themselves of their direct aggression in order to achieve femininity (Nadelson, et al., 1982). A Challenge to the Traditional View Recent work has challenged this traditional view. The traditional view of women as passive and masochistic results not from their inherent nature, but from their subordinate position in society, according to Miller (1976). 18 Miller has pointed out that what has been considered masochism in women actually results from their objectification in our culture. Being considered an object, according to Miller, leaves women with an inner sense of being bad and evil. This sense of self is confirmed when others who occupy more important positions in society appear to believe that women deserve to be treated as objects. The result of this process is that women have come to believe there are valid reasons why they are regarded as evil, and thus accept the subordinate roles and abuse assigned to them. Miller (1976) has also clarified that women are, in contrast to the traditional psychoanalytic view, very active. Their work is not recognized as activity, however, because it is concerned to a large extent with helping others develop rather than being directed toward their own goals. Miller contends that this type of activity is not recognized as such because "it is not activity in the male definition of it" (p. 53). Caplan (1985) explains that the behavior of women that has been considered to result from innate masochism actually results from the limited options which society has made available to women. Caplan believes that women's apparently masochistic behavior can be understood as the consequence of attempting to avoid punishment or guilt, putting the needs of others first, delaying gratification, or having (or, as a result of poor self-esteem, perceiving that one has) few or no alternatives. 19 Cultural Prohibitions on Women's Anger and Aggression Developmental theorists are now asserting that the inhibition of aggression in women has resulted from powerful cultural prohibitions on its experience and expression rather than from the inherent psychology and physiology of women. This cultural prohibition on aggression in women originated because of their mothering role (Bernadez-Bonesatti, 1978). The prohibition arose to protect the human species by assuring that in their capacity to bear children and in their assigned role of socializing the young, women were assigned tender and caring functions rather than aggressive ones. The inhibition of women's anger, then, results from a very old and powerful injunction against aggression in women. Westkott (1986) traces this injunction against aggression in women to the development of the "nurturing imperative" (p. 215) which arose with the shift from a mercantile to a capitalist economy at the end of the eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth centuries. As a result of this shift, the role of women changed from producing household commodities, such as soap and cloth, to consuming them. Changes for men moved their work from the home to offices, shops and factories. In the midst of these major social changes, the role of women became the preservation of traditional moral ‘values and the creation of a haven and refuge in the home from the corruption of the marketplace. Westkott contends that the "nurturing imperative” has now evolved into a "male entitlement to female care" (p. 215). Women are expected to 20 nurture and care for men, their husbands and fathers, as well as for their children. Thus the prohibition of women's anger and aggression continues. Miller (1976) analyzes the expectation that women will be the caretakers of men and children in terms of the subordinate position women hold relative to the dominant position of men in society. Miller believes that women are taught that their primary life goal is to serve others - men and, later, children. As a result, women believe that they can use all their attributes for others, but not for themselves. Miller (1983) has pointed out that the cultural difficulty with anger extends to men as well as women. Constraints, which are different for both sexes, are placed on the experience and expression of anger by both men and women. The hierarchical structure of society places men in subordinate roles to other' men in ‘which anger; must. be suppressed. Miller believes this hierarchical structure is replicated within the family so that male children are not permitted to express anger to their fathers. At the same time, however, boys are encouraged to act aggressively. Early in life males are discouraged from experiencing the emotion of anger and are encouraged instead to act aggressively. Men, as well as women, are not able to experience their anger in a healthy way that allows them to communicate their hurt in a nonaggressive manner. 21 Our conception of anger is based, according to Miller (1983) , on the manner in which its expression has been allowed in men. Constraints placed on its direct expression by men has resulted in a distorted conception of anger. Miller argues further that since men have not been assigned responsibilities for the care and development of others, anger is seen.as incompatible*with.the.ability to attend to and.care for others that is central to the role of women. Symonds (1976) explains that women are forced to suppress their anger and to accept the "dependent solution to conflict" (p. 195) . Rather than experiencing feelings of anger, or acting aggressively; women report.that.they feel hurt, and.are afraid to hurt others' feelings. Symonds labels this behavior ”horizontal aggression” which he defines as "emotionally lying-down behavior where the person on the ground dramatically indicates how and where the other has injured him. He intends this behavior to move his listener to comply through guilt" (p. 197). Symonds emphasizes that horizontal aggression is not a sex-linked trait, but results from the dependent position of those using it (primarily women). Because the dependent person is fearful of being on her own, she represses direct expressions of hostility that might threaten relationships with those upon whom she depends (Symonds, 1974). The Intrapsychic Inhibition of Anger in Women The cultural prohibition of anger in the sex-role assigned to women has resulted in profound intrapsychic 22 inhibitions of anger in women. These inhibitions have three primary sources: the subordinate status of women in society, the importance of relationships to women's identity and self- esteem, and external perceptions of women's agency. In addition to these cultural factors, several aspects of the mother-daughter relationship play an important role in the intrapsychic inhibition of female anger. The cultural sources are discussed first. q_ ,_ 1_ _.‘ ;; . t,. , f..; ,, .,_. ., . ,L.- Miller (1983) maintains that although anger in women is considered pathological, the subordinate status of women constantly generates anger. Force, in the form of physical violence or economic and social deprivation, is available to keep women in their subordinate positions (Mueller & Leidig, 1976). In addition, because men are dominant, it can usually be made to appear that there is no legitimate cause for a woman's anger. As a consequence, when a woman feels angry, she is likely to feel that there is something wrong with her. The result, according to Miller, is: that women generally have been led to believe that their identity, as women, is that of persons who should be almost totally without anger and without the need for anger. Therefore, anger feels like a threat to women's central sense of identity, which has been called femininity. (p. 3). Intrapsychic inhibitions of women's anger also arise from the importance of the ability to form and maintain relationships to women's identity and self-esteem. Miller (1983) explains that to protect themselves in the subordinate role assigned to them, women have developed the ability to be 23 sensitive and attuned to the needs of others and to maintain and enhance their relationships with others. Because of this necessity to develop relational abilities, and because women are primarily responsible for the care and development of men and children, the ”relational self” (Kaplan, Brooks, McComb, Shapiro & Sodano, 1983 p. 30) is a central aspect of women's identity (Bernardez-Bonesatti, 1978: Gilligan, 1982; Kaplan, 1986: Kaplan et al., 1983: Miller, 1976: Surrey, 1984). The intrapsychic inhibition of women's anger develops when women inhibit their own anger because they fear that it will disrupt relationships that are central to their identity as women (Kaplan, 1986). Bernardez-Bonesatti (1978) also argues that because the experience and expression of anger is inimical to the way in which women's role has been defined, feeling angry constitutes a serious threat to a woman's sense of identity, to her "relational self." The way in which others perceive a woman's ability to act on her own behalf, her agency, becomes another source of the intrapsychic inhibition of women's anger when these perceptions are internalized by women. Kaplan et al. (1983) maintain that others see a woman's capacity for agency as threatening to relationships. Women then internalize this threatening response, experience their own agency as threatening to their relational self, and lose their ability to experience and express anger. Miller (1976) has pointed out that there are two additional mechanisms of the intrapsychic inhibition of 24 women's anger which result from their focus on the emotional life of others and efforts to avoid threatening important relationships. First, women are diverted and cut off from their own emotional experiences and needs. Second, rather than recognizing their own needs, women "transform" them and come to see their own needs as identical to those of others (p. 19). By meeting the needs they perceive others to have, women then believe that they will also feel fulfilled. e t - Developmental factors in the female child's relation- ship with her mother also result in strong intrapsychic inhibitions of anger for women. According to Chodorow (1978) , there are important differences in pre-oedipal and oedipal experiences of boys and girls due to the fact that girls are mothered by an individual of their own sex. The preoedipal period is longer for girls and their preoccupation with preoedipal issues of primary identification and lack of separateness or differentiation is carried into their subsequent development and relationships. Girls continue their attachment to their mothers during the oedipal period and, according to Chodorow, never give up their mothers as a love object. Chodorow believes that these developmental factors result in women having a sense of self that is continuous with, rather than separate from, others. As a result, women define and experience themselves in terms of their relationships. Men, in contrast, have a more differentiated sense of self as a result of being mothered by 25 an individual of the opposite sex. Chodorow (1978) also points out that women who are mothers form intense identifications with their daughters through which the mother may try to recreate herself, and/or provide for her daughter the type of mothering she, herself, would like to have had. Over time, a sense of mutuality and responsiveness to each other develops between the mother and daughter. The daughter has her first experiences with anger within this intense bond with her mother (Kaplan et a1. , 1983) , as she begins to differentiate from her mother and experience her own competence. Kaplan et a1. maintain that these moves away from the mother by the daughter are met with anger by the mother, who fears abandonment. Since a sense of connectedness to her mother is central to the daughter's sense of herself, she is especially vulnerable to her own abandonment fears that are provoked by her mother's anger. The daughter's response is to correct her behavior to prevent upsetting her mother. According to Kaplan and her associates, it is likely that any experience of anger or rage by the daughter will be curtailed in this process to avoid displeasing the mother since her sense of attachment to her mother is so crucial to the daughter's sense of herself. Lerner (1980) maintains that there are two intrapsychic determinants of women's fear of their own anger. First, she believes that ‘women.lhave irrational fears of 'their’ own destructiveness. During the process of attempting to separate and individuate from her mother, the female child projects 26 onto her mother her own rage and aggression at her mother, her object of dependency. These projections, along with the punishments and narcissistic injuries caused by the mother, result in the girl's internalized maternal imago containing elements of the "bad, omnipotent, destructive mother" (p. 140). The girl's fear of identifying with this internalization causes a defensive shift to experiencing herself as powerless and helpless, which masks the girl's experience of being destructive. Lerner points out that women's fears of their own destructiveness are reinforced by cultural stereotypes that encourage women to act as if they are weaker than men and thus convey a message about how destructive women might be if they were to be themselves. Difficulties that daughters experience in the separation- individuation process from their mothers account for the second intrapsychic determinant of women's fear of their own anger, according to Lerner (1980). These difficulties result from the daughter's assimilation of sameness to her mother, in contrast to a son's assimilation of difference from his mother. The daughter must identify with her mother at the same time she separates from her. This process may be complicated by the mother's difficulties in encouraging her daughter to become independent when the mother may be attempting to live vicariously through her daughter. For this .reason, the mother ‘may subtly undermine her daughter's attempts to become more autonomous. The daughter, in turn, may adopt feminine qualities, including the inhibition of her 27 anger, to protect her mother, whom she unconsciously perceives as too fragile to tolerate her separation. The result of these difficulties in separation- individuation is that women have difficulty tolerating the sense of being separate from others (Lerner, 1980) . The experience of anger, therefore, is quite problematic since it "involves the feeling of being separate, different, and alone . . . . and apart from a relational context" (p. 140). Women are likely to experience hurt, either instead of or in the midst of, feeling anger. Whereas anger leaves a woman feeling separate and alone, the expression of hurt emphasizes the significance of the relationship rather than the woman's autonomy. Lerner thus summarizes the dilemma that anger poses for women: The expression of legitimate anger and protest is more than a statement of dignity and self- respect. It is alsoa statement that one will risk standing alone, even in the face of disapproval or the potential loss of love from others....Not only have women been taught that their value, if not their very identity, rests largely on their loving and being loved, but also, even more to the point, many women have not achieved the degree of autonomous functioning that would permit them to stand separate and alone in the experience of their anger. (pp. 145-146) Bernardez-Bonesatti (1976) argues that the fear of omnipotent female destructiveness is shared by members of both sexes as a result of their experience of female power in their early relationships with their mothers. She also maintains that these fears are perpetuated in our society by the inequalities that keep women in subordinate positions and roles (Bernardez, 1985) . Because women see themselves as 28 powerfully destructive and men see themselves as totally vulnerable to this destruction, men and women work in concert to prevent the expression of anger by women (Bernardez- Bonesatti, 1978). According to Miller et a1. (1981) our cultural tendency to ignore and deny women's aggression is directly related to this deeply-rooted fear of "the powerful life-sustaining and potentially life-destroying woman" (p. 165). Loss of Self-Esteem Resulting from Inhibition of Anger The inhibition of anger in women has serious consequences for their mental health. Theorists contend that a drastic loss of self-esteem results when a woman does become aware of angry feelings. There are two factors involved in a woman's self-esteem being threatened and destroyed by her experience of her own anger. Central to the first factor is the contention that a key aspect of self-esteem for women is the ability to engage in and.maintain mutually empathic, caring relationships (Surrey, 1985) . Because of the cultural prohibition against anger associated with their caretaking role, the expresion of anger by women is equated with the loss of the relationships that are central to their self-esteem (Kaplan et al., 1983). Kaplan and her associates state: The expression of anger can come to be equated with precipitating loss, not just of another person, but more importantly of a key component of one's self- esteem - one's capacity to maintain relational ties. (P- 31) 29 The experience of anger directly contradicts the woman's ego ideal, which has developed throughout her life as an individual who is not aggressive (Miller et al., 1981., Nadelson et al., 1982). Notman (1982) maintains that direct expressions of aggression or assertion by women are accompanied by their feeling guilty or unfeminine. The awareness of being aggressive reduces the woman's self-esteem, leaving her with a sense of worthlessness or wrongdoing. Bernardez-Bonesatti (1978) argues that women who express anger openly risk the loss of ”one of their most valued characteristics—-their loving regard for mankind" (p. 216) , as well as their sexual identity and attractiveness. In a later work, Bernardez (1985) states that the definition of femininity, in which active or angry behavior by women is considered inappropriate, seriously impacts the confidence of women, who believe that there is something wrong with them when they are angry. When a woman does feel angry, she ”sees herself as a failure, inadequate and inferior, and her already low self-esteem is diminished further" (Nadelson et al. , 1982) . Kaplan (1976) describes the dilemma a woman faces as a "a conflict between anger clearly expressed and her sel f-image as a woman” (p. 357). The result of this dilemma has been labelled "spiraling phenomena" by Miller (1983, p. 3) . Small degrees of anger are repeatedly suppressed, leading to the woman repeatedly experiencing frustration and inaction and resulting feelings of weakness and lack of self-esteem. These 30 feelings generate more anger and the cycle continues, with the woman developing a distorted sense of herself and her anger, which seems to fill her completely and which she then judges as irrational and unwarranted. Miller et al. ( 1981) point out that spiraling phenomena result in women experiencing their own aggression as unorganized, destructive, and overwhelming to their personality. Thus, women's fears and self- condemnation regarding their own anger are increased and their difficulty with aggression is intensified. The second factor in the loss of self-esteem associated with the inhibition of anger in women is the turning inward of the anger, where it is directed against the self. Westkott (1986) asserts that the difficulties and fears which surround anger for women ultimately lead, as a result of reaction formation, to the anger being deflected and turned back upon the woman herself, resulting in self-hatred. Because anger sabotages the ”nurturing imperative" and the idealized self, which sustains relationships by pleasing others, it is directed against the woman herself and thus maintains self- contempt. Bernardez-Bonesatti (1978) maintains that women redirect their anger against themselves rather than risk losing their own self-esteem and the support and approval of men. Sex Roles as a Context for Women's Anger and Self-Esteem This examination of the theoretical literature on anger in women suggests the existence of a relationship between a 31 woman's acceptance and expression of her anger and her sex role. The construct of sex role is an important aspect of the theoretical literature on women and anger. An examination of recent advances in theory and research on sex roles is necessary to understand the relationships between anger, sex role and self—esteem hypothesized in this study. Sex roles are generally conceptualized as ”behaviors individuals exhibit and feel are appropriate for them by virtue of their being male or female" (Orlofsky, 1980, p. 656). Those traits and behaviors that a culture values for males make up the masculine sex role, while traits and behaviors valued for females make up the feminine sex role. Masculinity has been described as an instrumental orientation, giving priority to getting the job done, in contrast to the expressive orientation of femininity that gives priority to feelings, relationships, the welfare of others, and the harmony of the group (Parsons & Bales, 1955). Bakan (1966) has characterized masculinity as an agentic orientation, in which one is concerned with oneself as an individual, and femininity as a communal orientation, in which one is concerned with relationships between oneself and others. Historically masculinity and femininity have been considered to constitute a single, bipolar dimension that differentiated males. and females (Orlofsky, 1980). This assumption began to be challenged in the early 1970s by researchers who proposed that masculinity and femininity comprised two separate dimensions and that individuals could 32 possess both masculine and feminine traits (e.g. , Block, 1973: Constantinople, 1973). This challenge was quickly followed by the development of new measures of sex role, predominantly the Bem Sex-Role Inventory (BSRI) (Bem, 1974) and the Personal Attributes Questionnaire (PAQ) (Spence, Helmreich & Stapp, 1974). Empirical use of these new measures demonstrated that masculinity and femininity are two separate, independent dimensions and that approximately one-third of college students described themselves as androgynous, i. e. having equal levels of both masculine and feminine traits (Kaplan & Bean, 1976: Orlofsky, 1980). The term androgyny began to be used to describe the sex role characterized as an integration of both masculinity and femininity (Bem, 1974: Block, 1973). Before this research was undertaken, Bakan (1966) had conceptualized the moral imperative as "to try to mitigate agency with communion" (p. 14). The theoretical notion that anger has been prohibited in the feminine sex role has been supported by sex role researchers who claim that androgyny provides a model for 1 mental health. Bem (1978) argues that an androgynous personality represents the best of masculinity and femininity and is necessary for fully' effective and. healthy' human functioning. In discussing the ways in which both men and women have been constrained by their respective sex roles, Bem points out that women are becoming aware of their fear of expressing their own anger. 33 Kaplan (1976) believes that androgyny provides a model of mental health that should be the goal of psychotherapy for women. One of the most prominent implications of the androgynous model of mental health for women, according to Kaplan, is that women must become comfortable with and in control of their own anger. Kaplan argues that becoming aware and accepting of their anger is important for women moving toward androgyny because female children learn to dismiss or suppress their anger in accordance with a nonaggressive feminine sex role. Kaplan states: And not every woman one sees in a clinical practice will have trouble dealing with her anger. But. . .the literature on sex-role socialization suggests that with women one should be especially alert to difficulties in this area. Within an androgynous model of mental health, problems with anger are a major potential mental health hazard. (p. 358) Since anger is considered to be an important element of the androgynous model of mental health for women, it is surprising that there is a dearth of empirical literature on the relationship between anger and sex role in women. The few existing studies on anger in women, and related research exploring the relationship between sex role, self-esteem and/or related variables, are reviewed next. Summary The theoretical literature on women and anger which forms the foundation of this study is reviewed in this chapter. Anger can be understood best when it is viewed within the larger context of work on aggression. Anger is considered the 34 emotional component of aggression. While anger may not always lead to aggressive behavior, it does provide a motive for changing negative conditions. That anger has not been considered an appropriate form of emotional expression for women is cogently expressed in traditional psychoanalytic theory, which. views women as inherently passive, narcissistic and masochistic. According to this view, the lifelong developmental task of women is ridding themselves of aggression to attain femininity. Recent theoretical work on female development challenges the traditional psychoanalytic view and argues that women's apparent passivity and lack of anger and aggression are not inherent in their makeup but result from their subordinate status in society. Current theorists assert that strong cultural prohibitions on women's anger and aggression exist because women have traditionally filled the mothering role, have functioned as caretakers for children and men, and have been taught that their primary goal in life is to serve others. The conception of anger in this culture is based on its expression by men, who have been socialized to act aggressively rather than express their anger directly. The cultural prohibition on anger in women has resulted in intrapsychic inhibitions of anger that have three sources. First, the subordinate status of women is reinforced by «economic, social and physical forces that make anger in women appear pathological and threatening to their feminine 35 identity. Second, women fear that their anger will disrupt relationships which are central to the identity they have developed in the caretaking role assigned to them. Third, women have internalized the perceptions of others, who see the ability of women to act on their own behalf as threatening. Intrapsychic inhibitions of anger in women also arise from developmental factors in the mother-daughter relationship. Because girls are mothered by an individual of their own sex, they experience greater difficulty than boys in the separation-individuation process from their mothers. As a result, girls learn to inhibit their anger to avoid threatening their relationships with their mothers. The problematic separation-individuation jprocess leaves ‘women unable to tolerate the sense of separateness and differentiation from others that accompanies the expression of anger. In addition, women have irrational fears of their own destructiveness arising from fears of identifying with their own projected rage and aggression which has been incorporated in their internalized image of their mothers. There are serious consequences for women's mental health which result from the inhibition of their anger. Women experience a severe loss of self-esteem when they become angry because the anger conflicts with the cultural ideal for women and thus threatens their identityu The anger is turned inward and directed against the self, which results in self-hatred and loss of self-esteem. 36 Recent developments in sex role theory suggest that the prohibition on, and intrapsychic inhibition of , anger in women is an element of the feminine sex role which prescribes culturally-valued female characteristics. The conceptualization of masculinity and femininity has shifted from the historical view of a single, bipolar dimension differentiating males and females to two separate dimensions, both of which may be present in both males and females. The androgynous sex role, in which masculinity and femininity are integrated within individuals of either sex, is considered by sex role researchers to provide a model for mental health. It is argued that for women, the androgynous model necessitates becoming aware and accepting of, and able to express, their own anger. CHAPTER III REVIEW OF THE EMPIRICAL LITERATURE The developmental theory reviewed in Chapter III posits a relationship between the prescribed sex role for women, the awareness and expression of anger by women, and their level of self-esteem. In reviewing the existing literature, no studies were found of the relationship between anger, sex role, and self- esteem, the three variables discussed in the theoretical literature. Only' a small number of studies addressing questions regarding women's anger were found. The findings and conclusions of researchers who have studied this question are reviewed below. Several investigations have been conducted of the relationship between sex role and self-esteem, and some have included other related variables. A small number of studies have explored the relationship between sex role and variables related to psychological adjustment which may have some bearing on one's awareness of and attitude toward their own anger. The existing literature in these areas is reviewed following the examination of studies of anger in women. Because aggression and anger are intimately linked, it is important to provide a context for a study of anger in women by examining the literature on aggression. To provide the background necessary for understanding the literature on 37 38 anger, several major studies of sex differences in aggression are summarized below. Also included in this section are studies ‘which. demonstrate that. both aggressive and nonaggressive responses can be conditioned and can provide cathartic effects. Two studies which address the relationship between aggression and sex role are included. The literature on aggression is summarized prior to reviewing the literature on anger in women and the relationship between sex role and self-esteem, as ‘well as studies including' other' related variables. Studies on Sex Differences in Aggression There appears to be widespread agreement that females display significantly less aggression than males (e.g., Bardwick, 1971; Maccoby & Jacklin, 1974: Terman & Tyler, 1954). Several investigators, however, have questioned whether such. differences are ‘the result of’ differential socialization of males and females or are the result of innate biological differences between the sexes. ~There is considerable debate as to whether males have a greater biological predisposition to aggression than females. For example, on the basis of an extensive review of the literature regarding psychological differences between the sexes, Maccoby and.Jacklin (1974) concluded that, in general, there is little difference between parental treatment of sons and daughters. In the area of aggression, they claim there 39 is no support for the belief that aggressive behavior is reinforced for boys but not for girls. It may be, instead, that boys are punished ‘more than girls for aggressive behavior. Maccoby and. Jacklin argue that the greater propensity for aggressive behavior among males is due to a biological predisposition rather than resulting from a learned fear of aggression among girls, or from a tendency for girls to reinforce aggression in boys. In refuting the argument that girls have a learned fear of aggression, Maccoby and Jacklin (1974) note that the studies they reviewed did indicate that boys do more spontaneous copying of modeled aggressive behaviors than girls do. Previous researchers have attributed this difference to aggressive responses in girls being inhibited due to fear resulting from negative socialization experiences. Maccoby and Jacklin reject this explanation and argue that there are differences between the sexes in the acquisition of aggressive behaviors. To support this argument, they cite findings that girls do not notice and retain the details of modeled aggression to the same extent that boys do. Maccoby and.Jacklin (1974) also reject the argument that boys are more aggressive because their aggressive behaviors are reinforced by passivity in girls. They state that the studies they reviewed found that girls provided the same contingencies for the aggressor's behavior as boys and "were no more and no less likely than boys to cry or yield in 40 response to an aggressive attack" (p. 240). Interestingly, these studies also showed that.women and girls were the object of aggression less often than men and boys. Maccoby and Jacklin (1974) state that the findings of the studies they reviewed were conflicting regarding the question of sex differences in preferences for verbal or physical forms of aggression. They conclude that "if there is a sex difference in the forms aggression takes, the verbal- physical distinction does not accurately describe the difference" (p. 235). Maccoby and Jacklin (1974) argue that males have a greater’biological predisposition to aggression than females, which results in higher levels of preparedness to learn aggressive behaviors. They base their argument in favor of the biological foundation of sex differences in aggression on these four factors: (a) In all societies for which evidence is available, males are more aggressive than females. (b) Sex differences in aggression appear early in life, when differential socialization pressures do not appear to exist. Maccoby and Jacklin reviewed many studies of parent-child interactions which did not show that parents are more permissive toward aggression in boys than in girls. 41 (c) Similar sex differences are found in subhuman primates. (d) Aggression is related to levels of sex hormones and can be changed by experimental administration of hormones. Block (1978) studied the literature reviewed by Maccoby and Jacklin (1974) and concluded that their conclusions were unwarranted. Block argues that existing theories of parent- child socialization do not permit the development of hypotheses which are sufficiently differentiated to detect important sex differences in socialization. She also claims that methodological problems in the studies reviewed by Maccoby and Jacklin prevent the finding of significant differences which may actually exist. Block maintains that the questions posed by Maccoby and Jacklin could not be answered on the basis of existing research. To address the question of sex differences in parent- child socialization practices, Block (1978) administered a standardized instrument on child-rearing practices to 696 mothers, 548 fathers, and 1,227 young adults in 17 independent samples. This study found major differences in parental treatment of male and female children. In the area of aggression, Block found that there was a greater discouragement of aggression in girls than in boys by their parents. Both mothers and fathers expected ladylike behavior from their daughters and discouraged them more than their 42 sons from rough-and-tumble games and fighting. For male children, in contrast, aggression was encouraged through competition, greater acceptance of participation in rough games and fighting, and tolerance of teasing and expressions of sibling rivalry. Chodorow ( 1978) has also taken issue with the conclusions of Maccoby and Jacklin (1974). She argues that the findings of the studies which they reviewed are inconsistent and could support almost any hypothesis regarding differences in treatment of male and female children. Chodorow also states that the studies which did find differences between the treatment of boys and girls consistently reported differences in the same direction. Chodorow cites the proceedings of a panel on the psychology of women of the American Psychoanalytic Association, which reported growing evidence that mothers show differences in attitude and handling toward male and female children from early in the child's life (Galenson, 1976). Chodorow contends that there are subtle differences, consisting of nuance, tone, and quality, in maternal treatment of boys and girls, with different developmental results for the sexes. Whether there are innate biological differences that result in greater aggression in males than in females has not been definitively answered. Several researchers have concluded, however, that regardless of whether biological differences are present, different socialization practices 43 for male and female children appear to play a major role in the lower levels of aggressive behavior in females than in males. Three of these studies are summarized here. Kagan and. Moss (1962) concluded that socialization appears to be the major factor in determining differences in aggression between males and females. In a major longitudinal study of the continuity between childhood and adult behavior, and the influences on the goals and behaviors of children, they found that female children displayed greater conflict over aggression than male children. In adulthood, aggressive behavior was more stable for’men, while dependency was more stable for women. Kagan and Moss also state that the female child's conflict over aggression stays with her into adulthood in the form of repression of anger and inhibition of aggression. Kagan and Moss (1962) maintain that girls are subject to more severe socialization of aggression than boys as the T result of two forces: rewards and punishments from parents, teachers and friends: and the influence of the cultural definition of the ideal female. They emphasize the role of socialization in the difference between males and females in aggression and dependency, concluding that sex role identification plays a central role in the selection and maintenance of aggression, passivity and dependency. Kagan and Moss also suggest, however, that constitutional 44 variables, which are supported by different cultural expectations for the sexes, may play a role. On the basis of their review of the experimental literature on aggression in adult males and females, Frodi, Macaulay and Theme (1977) assert that aggressive behavior is shaped primarily by social forces, which may either strengthen or weaken any existing biological differences. They state that there was not sufficient evidence in existing studies to support any hypothesis regarding sex differences in preferences for either verbal or physical modes of aggression. The sex differences in aggression that can be predicted by sex role stereotypes were found only in self- reports of general hostility or aggressiveness. Frodi et al. (1977) found that in studies of a single physical or verbal aggressive response, women did not show lower tendencies than men toward physical or verbal aggression. They also did not find that women demonstrated more indirect, prosocial, or displaced aggression than men. They did find, however, that women have a tendency to avoid physical and face-to-face verbal aggression. Frodi et al. (1977) did find some differences in aggression between men and women which they believe are accounted for by three factors consistent with sex role expectations. First, they found that the sex of the instigator or the victim appears to be a factor in behavior which conforms to sex role guidelines. For example, women 45 who received feedback on the pain caused by their aggressive actions, displayed less aggression toward female victims than either of the following two groups: (a) women who did not receive feedback (b) women or men with male victims, regardless of whether they received feedback. Second, women were found to be more anxious and guilty about aggression and, as a result, to be more defensive against perceptions of aggression or to avoid or inhibit their expression of aggression. Less evidence was found to support the third possible explanation for women being less aggressive than. men--that women are more likely to be empathic with victims of aggression, and thus less likely to act aggressively. Based on existing data which they reviewed, Frodi and a her associates (1977) concluded that aggression is a trait possessed by both men and women. Sex role expectations influence behavior and are likely to account for some of the sex differences found in adulthood, but can be negated by either situational factors or relearning. A subsequent investigation by Frodi (1977) suggests that differences between men and women in perceptions of experimental manipulations may confound findings of sex differences in aggressive behavior. Following the review of the literature on sex differences in aggression with her colleagues (Frodi et a1. 1977), Frodi conducted a survey to 46 investigate whether what constitutes provocation differs for men and women. She hypothesized that exposure to an aggressive event may have different consequences for men and women, and that a provocation to aggression may be perceived differently by the two sexes. In this investigation (Frodi, 1977), 60 male and 70 female psychology students were asked seven open-ended questions. The results indicated that there are differences in what men and women perceive as provocation. Male subjects reported that they were most angered by physical or verbal aggression by another male, and by a condescending attitude on the part of a woman. For women, the most anger-provoking behavior was being treated in a condescending manner, regardless of the provoker's sex. On the basis of these results, Frodi points out that the use of identical provocations for men and women may be a problem in experimental studies of aggression. Observed sex differences in aggression may result not from differences in aggressive behavior, but from different emotional states mediating the overt behavior. Following these findings of sex differences in what constitutes provocation to aggression, Frodi (1978) investigated sex differences in responses to sex—appropriate provocations devised on the basis of the above results. In a study of 48 male and female college students, subjects given sex-appropriate provocations were compared to non- 47 provoked subjects on heart rate, blood pressure, and electrodermal responses as physiological measures of provocation. A stream of consciousness technique was also given to half the subjects to examine emotional and cognitive processes associated with response to provocation. Subjects in this study were paired with a confederate, who talked to the subject in either a negative (provocation condition) or neutral (no provocation condition) manner. Provocations consisted of directly hostile remarks for male subjects and the expression of a condescending attitude for female subjects. The dependent aggression measure was the delivery by the subject of noxious sounds to the confederate in a subsequent learning trial (Frodi, 1978). Frodi (1978) found that when given sex-appropriate provocations to aggression, there were no significant differences between males and females in their responses, "suggesting that provoked men and women alike were more angry, disliked their partner more, and aggressed more against their partner than did their non-provoked counterparts" (p. 347). There were also no significant sex differences in physiological measures among the provoked subjects. The stream of consciousness data indicated that the provoked men were more angry, were more negative toward their partner, and became more behaviorally aggressive than the 'provoked. women, who 'were preoccupied. with nonaggressive 48 thoughts in coping with their anger. This difference between the sexes was not found among provoked subjects who were not given the stream of consciousness technique. Frodi concludes that this sex difference was the result of the verbalization of feelings and thoughts. She also states that this difference between men and women suggests that women may perceive aggression less readily, or may wish to give the provoker the benefit of the doubt (Frodi, 1978). Bardwick (1971) reviewed the literature which suggests that males are more aggressive than females and concluded that, while females may have lower levels of aggression, males and females may have similar aggressive needs. Bardwick argues that women possess greater hostility and aggression lthan can be demonstrated by experimental procedures. She supports her contention by citing a study in which women displayed aggressive behavior when the aggressor and victim could not see each other (Rapoport and Chammah, cited in Bardwick, 1971) . Aggression can be expressed more directly and without guilt by males, and females feel more guilt and conflict and inhibit the direct expression of aggression. Bardwick believes that true levels of aggression should be measured by examining not only fighting, hitting and biting, but also verbal aggression, interpersonal rejection, academic competitiveness, gossip, deviation from sexual standards, passive aggression, and 49 manipulation with power, withdrawal, tears and somatic complaints. A series of experiments which suggest that the lack of aggressive behavior in women may be the result of instrumental learning has been conducted by Hokanson and his associates (Hokanson 8 Edelman, 1966; Hokanson, Willers, 8 Koropsak, 1968). The results of these studies support the contention of many investigators regarding the centrality of socialization in determining sex differences in aggression. The studies were designed to test the catharsis hypothesis "that the carrying out of aggressive behavior, either directly towards a frustrator or in a displaced fashion towards a substitute target, is physically tension-reducing: and, that this overt aggression serves, in a sense, to ‘drain the person's reservoir of aggressive motivation'” (Hokanson, 1970, p. 74). The earlier study (Hokanson 8 Edelman, 1966) compared the effects of aggressive and nonaggressive counter-responses to aggression on systolic blood pressure, which was used as a measure of tension, in 12 male and 16 female undergraduate volunteers between the ages of 18 and 24. The subjects had the option of responding to electric shock which they received by giving, in response, a shock, a reward, or no response. For the male subjects, Hokanson and Edelman found that a shock counter-response was apparently cathartic since the subject's blood pressure dropped significantly following 50 this counter-response, but not after giving either a reward or no response. The results for females, however, were dramatically different. The catharsis effect of lowered blood pressure was observed when females gave a friendly counter-response, i.e. reward, but not when they gave either an aggressive counter-response or no response. The investigators hypothesized that this difference could be due to females not being trained in or rewarded by aggression, with the result that aggression for females is not instrumental in terminating noxious events. An experiment was then designed to test whether aggressive counter-responses would be cathartic for females and friendly counter-responses would be cathartic for males under conditions in which these responses were reinforced (Hokanson et al., 1968). For the ten female volunteers, reward and. punishment contingencies which favored the development of aggressive counter-responses were used. For the 11 male volunteers, the contingencies favored the friendly counter-responses. Hokanson and his associates found that the use of aggressive counter-responses by the females increased significantly and demonstrated a cathartic effect in lowered blood pressure. For the males, use of friendly counter-responses increased only negligibly but did show the cathartic effect of lowered blood pressure. In evaluating the results of these studies, Hokanson (1970) proposed an alternative to the catharsis hypothesis 51 based on a learning model, in which individuals learn ways of behaving which reduce aggression from others. These learned behaviors result in a sense of relief, accompanied by physical relaxation, when the aggression ceases. Significantly, Hokanson points out that women respond to aggression with friendliness because friendly behavior has been effective in terminating hostility from others. The obvious implication of the work of Hokanson and his associates is that both aggression and nonaggression can be learned by both males and females. These studies appear to provide support for the view that aggression is learned and rewarded as part of the masculine sex role, while nonaggression is learned and rewarded as part of the feminine sex role. Two additional studies are noteworthy since their findings are relevant to the relationship between aggression and sex role. In a study involving only female subjects, Richardson, Vinsel and Taylor (1980) investigated the relationship between either liberal or traditional beliefs regarding the role of women and aggressive behaviors. In a laboratory setting, they studied the aggressive behavior of 40 female introductory psychology students, half of whom had liberal attitudes toward the role of women and half of whom had traditional attitudes. The female subjects were paired with male opponents and were instructed that they could avoid being shocked by the opponent if they were faster than the 52 opponent in delivering shock. They found that women with traditional attitudes were more aggressive in shocking their opponents than those with liberal attitudes. The findings of Hoppe (1978) more directly address the question of the relationship between aggression and sex role. In a study of 96 college undergraduates, she investigated interpersonal aggression as a function of subject's sex, subject's sex role, opponent's sex, and degree of provocation. Half the subjects of each sex were told their opponent was male, and half were told their opponent was female. In a purported test of reaction time, the degree of shock subjects believed they were administering to their opponents was compared in unprovoked and.provoked conditions. In both conditions, masculine subjects (male and female) with male opponents administered significantly higher levels of shock than any of the other groups, which did not differ from each other. Subjects in all groups increased the level of shock in response to increasing provocation from their opponents. Hoppe (1978) points out that these results do not b support predictions of traditional sex roles that males will be more aggressive than females. Only those males identifying with the masculine sex role were more aggressive than other males or females, while a high level of aggression was also found among masculine females. Hoppe concludes that masculine females do not differ from masculine males when 53 aggressing against a male opponent. She also suggests that the lack of aggressive tendencies in androgynous individuals may result from balancing masculine characteristics with feminine qualities. She hypothesizes that aggression anxiety may mediate responses in all sex roles except the masculine, whose instrumental and agentic qualities may be antithetical to such anxiety. The expressive, communal domain of femininity, however, may facilitate anxious reactions. It is clear that no definitive conclusions can be drawn regarding the debate over biology vs. socialization in determining sex differences in aggression. Maccoby and Jacklin's (1974) conclusions that the difference has a biological basis has been challenged by Block (1978) and Chodorow (1978). Kagan and Moss (1962) and Frodi et al. (1977) argue that socialization plays a major role in the development of aggressive behaviors. Studies by Frodi (1977, 1978) have demonstrated that the provocation to aggression differs for males and females and that, when appropriately provoked, men and women display similar levels of aggressive behaviors. Findings by Hokanson and his colleagues (Hokanson 8 Edelman, 1966: Hokanson, Willers, 8 Koropsak, 1968) provide evidence that socialization is a major factor in determining sex differences in aggression. Finally, two investigations suggest a strong link between sex roles and differences in aggression (Richardson et al., 1980: Hoppe, 1978). 54 Regardless of whether biological factors contribute to sex differences, in aggression, it is clear that most investigators in this field believe that socialization practices play a determining role in the higher levels of aggression displayed by males. Their conclusions lend crucial support to theoretical propositions that strong cultural prohibitions, expressed in the feminine sex role, exist and result in prohibitions against the experience and expression of aggression and anger by women. Studies on Anger in Women In reviewing the literature on women and anger, studies involving hostility were also reviewed. Although hostility is not equivalent to anger, it is a closely related state which occurs as a result of the arousal of anger. Buss (1961) defines hostility as an enduring attitudinal response involving negative feelings and evaluations of people and events. According to Buss, hostility occurs when stimuli are identified and categorized during the arousal of anger, with the labeling and identification enduring after anger subsides. Hostility may be considered a conditioned anger response. Hostility has also been defined as an attitudinal set, or even a personality trait, developing from a lack of trust in the goodness of others and centered on the belief that others are "generally mean, selfish and undependable" 55 (Williams, Barefoot, 8 Shekelle, 1985, p.173). These researchers clearly differentiate hostility from anger, which they define as "an emotional state made up of feelings ranging in intensity from minor irritation to fury and rage." They point out that anger and hostility are clearly related and that individuals with hostile attitudes are likely to experience anger more frequently and intensively than these low in hostility. Only a small number of studies involving either anger or hostility in women were found. These studies are considered in three groups. First, those studies which suggest that anger or hostility is incompatible with the traditional feminine sex role are reviewed. Second, two studies which raise questions about the relationship between anger or hostility, age, and sex role are examined. Finally, a single study of the psychological settings associated with anger is summarized. This section concludes with a description of findings that do not appear consistent with the theorized prohibition against anger in the feminine sex role. A total of eight studies were found which lend support to the theoretical proposition that anger is prohibited by, and incompatible with, the feminine sex role. Four of these studies address this issue rather directLy. The remaining four studies may be regarded as suggesting support for this theoretical proposition through examining the following relationships: anger arousal and irrational beliefs; 56 hostility and educational level: hostility and career vs. family-role commitment: and dogmatism, hostility, aggression, and social desirability. The four studies which are more direct in approach. are reviewed first, followed. by the remaining four studies. The four studies which provide the most direct examination.of the incompatibility of anger’with the feminine sex role took very different approaches. Biaggio (1988) has studied sex differences in anger provocation and experience in a field study in which 72 college students recorded all incidents which aroused anger and their behavioral reactions over a two-week period. Men reported more anger-arousing events and more reactions of physical and verbal antagonism than women. Conversely, the women reported.more incidents of criticism or rejection, and of feeling hurt, and responded with more reactions of passive consent. Biaggio (1988) also conducted two laboratory studies of anger provocation and experience. In the first investiga- tion, 51 college students reported the extent to which they experienced anger in response to imagined anger-provoking scenes. The only sex difference found involved males reporting more hostility and hate than females in response to a criticism incident, while females reported greater hurt. In the second laboratory study, 101 subjects reported their behavioral responses after being exposed to an insulting 57 letter. No sex differences were found in degree of anger reported. Biaggio (1988) has pointed out that the difference in research designs may help explain the findings of sex differences in anger in the field studies, and the lack of such findings in the laboratory studies. She states that the pressures of real life present in the field studies may reflect a greater likelihood for men to respond with anger, to be subjected to anger-provoking situations, and/or to have a lower threshold for recognizing aggression. The field studies also may demonstrate that women are more likely to inhibit anger when provoked in real life. In the absence of real life pressures in the laboratory, Biaggio believes that women may have viewed anger as a reasonable or expected response. The relationship between sex role and hostility guilt has been investigated by Evans (1984) in 101 males and 135 female college undergraduates. Females reported significantly more guilt over hostility than males. Masculine sex-typed.males reported feeling significantly less guilt over hostility than feminine sex-typed males, and androgynous males fell between the two sex-typed groups.. For the females, there were no differences between the sex role groups on guilt over hostility. Although the difference was nonsignificant, feminine sex-typed females did score higher than other females on hostility guilt. Evans' study provides 58 support for the theoretical predictions that socialization in the feminine caretaking role has resulted in women perceiving anger as incompatible with their identity as females. Holahan and Spence (1980) compared the relationship between socially desirable and undesirable aspects of masculinity and femininity and anger in 60 male and 94 female college counseling clients. Undesirable aspects of masculinity were measured by the following items on the M scale: tarrogant, boastful, egotistical, greedy, dictatorial, cynical, looks out only for self, and hostile. Undesirable aspects of femininity consisted of two components, one indicating lack of sense of self (Fc-) and one indicating verbal aggressive qualities (Fva-) . Significant positive relationships between anger and undesirable aspects of both masculinity and femininity were found among females. There were no significant relationships between anger and desirable aspects of either masculinity or femininity for females. For the males in the study, no significant relationships were found between anger and either desirable or undesirable aspects of masculinity and femininity. These results also\\ lend support to theoretical notions that women have learned i to suppress anger and regard it as incompatible with their / role and identity as women. Atkinson and Polivy (1976) studied the effects of delay, attack, and retaliation on depression and hostility. Forty- three male and 43 female undergraduates were subjected to a 59 waiting condition and then received either a verbal attack (high anger condition) or an apology (low anger condition). Half the subjects in each group were given an opportunity to retaliate through a written evaluation of the experimenter. They found that subjects in the high-anger condition became more hostile and more depressed than those in the low anger condition, and devalued the experimenter more when given an opportunity to retaliate. This retaliation, however, did not decrease either the anger or depression. In terms of sex differences, Atkinson and Polivy (1976) found that males and females felt the same degree of hostility after being attacked but males were more likely to express their hostility outwardly. Females, however, were more likely to retaliate against the experimenter, but felt less hostile than males when they received an apology. Females were also more likely to become depressed in the high anger condition. In commenting on these findings, the researchers hypothesize that a more direct physical expression of hostility may be required to alleviate the discomfort. If so, females may not feel free to express themselves in this manner. Males, however, are not subject to the same social restrictions and thus need not internalize their anger. Biaggio's (1988) work illustrates the greater tendency of women to inhibit their anger, while men are more likely to respond with angry behavior. The study by Atkinson and 60 Polivy (1976) demonstrates that women are as likely as men to feel angry, but less likely to express their angry feelings outwardly. Both the study by Evans (1984) and the work of Holahan and Spence (1980) suggest that anger may be associated with negative aspects of the self-concept for women, regardless of their sex roles. These findings obviously have significant implications for the proposition that anger is prohibited by, and incompatible with, the feminine sex role. Although their findings are important, they do not provide the direct examination of the relationship between anger, sex role and self-esteem that is posited in the theoretical literature. Four studies of anger or hostility in women were found whose conclusions, when examined in depth, suggest support for the prohibition of anger in the traditional feminine sex role. Hazaleus and Deffenbacher (1985) studied the relationship between specific irrational beliefs and anger arousal in 113 male and 229 female introductory psychology students. No differences were found between the sexes in anger arousal, which Hazaleus and Deffenbacher suggest demonstrates the necessity of separating concepts of anger and aggression since studies have consistently found men to be more aggressive than women. The researchers also state that this finding suggests that anger arousal in women may be followed by behaviors other than aggression since aggression is {discouraged in role expectations for women. 61 The question of the incompatibility of anger with the feminine sex role is raised in Hazaleus and Deffenbacher‘s (1985) findings regarding the irrational beliefs that discriminate between women in high and low anger groups. The four beliefs that discriminated between the two groups were anxious overconcern, emotional irresponsibility, helplessness, and dependency, which was inversely related to high anger. Hazaleus and Deffenbacher conclude that the finding that women high in anger arousal endorse the need to be dependent on others less often than those low in anger arousal suggests that high anger may be inconsistent with traditional sex role socialization. Martin and Light (1984) examined the differences in anxiety, depression, hostility, perceived control over one's own life, and attitudes toward autonomy in women with varying levels of education ranging in age from 21 to over 63. In their sample of 416 midwestern women who were members of the National Organization for Women, the Catholic Guild, home economics teachers, or nurses, they found significant differences between hostility scores of women with varying educational levels. Hostility was highest among women with a high school education. Hostility decreased as educational level increased, up to postgraduate educational levels, when women with advanced degrees were higher on hostility than women with four year degrees. Martin and Light also found that the women's attitudes toward autonomy became 62 increasingly liberal with higher levels of education. In discussing this finding they suggest that ”college education, and particularly advanced degrees, can be assumed to be a non-traditional role for women" (p. 404). When considered from this perspective, it appears that higher levels of hostility may be associated with nontraditional roles, i.e., either masculine or androgynous sex roles, for women. Martin and Light's (1984) findings regarding the relationship between hostility and educational level were not supported in another investigation of 760 midwestern farm women with an average age of 44 (Hertsgaard 8 Light, 1984). In this study, hostility was not related to the women's educational level. In a study of 284 midwestern women ranging in age from 21 to 63 who were employed full-time, Light (1984) examined levels of anxiety, depression, and hostility according to their perceived career and family-role commitment. She found that women who stated that they placed their career over their families scored highest on all three variables, while those who reported that their families had priority over their careers scored lowest on all three variables. Women who gave their families and careers equal priority scored between these two groups. Light argues that her findings support the hypothesis that deviating from the traditional feminine sex role results in emotional turmoil and stress for women. It is also apparent from these findings that women in 63 less traditional roles report feeling greater hostility than women in more traditional, feminine sex roles. Heyman (1977) investigated the relationships between dogmatism, hostility, aggression, and social desirability in 74 male and 109 female college students. He found that increasing dogmatism was accompanied by increasing feelings of hostility in both males and females, and by increasing aggression only in males. He also found that, for females, both hostility and aggression were inversely related to social desirability, while only aggression showed this relationship for males. Heyman believes that these findings suggest that hostility and aggression are more readily integrated with the male role than the female role since both are alien to the prescribed female role. Although the number of studies is small, these four studies demonstrated consistent findings of higher levels of hostility, anger, and/or aggression in women whose circumstances suggest that they have moved out of a traditional feminine sex role into a less traditional, possibly masculine or androgynous, role. The findings are consistent with both college students (Hazaleus 8 Deffenbacher, 1985; Heyman, 1977) and women ranging in age from 21 to over 63, thus representing many levels of development in adulthood (Martin 8 Light, 1984: Light, 1984). This conclusion, however, is based on an extrapolation of life circumstances such as priority given to career vs. 64 family (Light, 1984) or educational level (Martin 8 Light, 1984) rather than on an actual measurement of sex role identification. The conclusion is, therefore, tentative and needs to be tested in further research on the relationship between anger and sex role in women. Contradictory findings of the relationship between anger or hostility and age have been reported in two studies. These findings are instructive, however, when examined fer their implications for the relationship between anger or hostility and the feminine sex role. In a study of 760 midwestern farm women with an average age of 44, Hertsgaard and light (1984) found that younger women scored higher on hostility than older women. In a ten year longitudinal study of 60 middle-class divorcing families, however, Wallerstein (1986) found that anger increased incrementally with age for the divorced women. Specifically, of the women who were at least 34 years old. at the time of divorce, over* half continued to be angry ten years later. In contrast, of women who were in their twenties at the time of divorce, less than 15 percent continued to be angry ten years later. In both of these studies, anger was also associated with factors other than age in the women's lives. An examination of these additional factors suggests a tentative hypothesis regarding the relationship between the women's level of anger or hostility, their age, and their sex role. For the midwestern farm women, higher levels of hostility were also 65 associated with having more than two children under the age of 14, lack of involvement in decision-making regarding the farming operation, and visiting friends less than once a month (Hertsgaard 8 Light, 1984). These factors suggest that the women were involved in a more traditional feminine sex role. The younger women in this study had higher levels of hostility, and it can be conjectured that they had both greater exposure to ideas about more flexible roles for women, and greater openness to these ideas, than older women. It may be that their hostility expresses their dissatisfaction with their traditional roles and their preference for less traditional and.more flexible androgynous roles. Among the divorced women, anger also occurred in conjunction with loneliness, being a single parent, anxiety about living alone, and economic worries (Wallerstein, 1986). These factors can be viewed as indicating discomfort with displacement from the traditional feminine sex role. It is interesting to consider this possibility in the light of the findings that more older women than younger women reported feeling angry, and that anger was more prevalent among women who did not remarry. It can be hypothesized that the older women were more angry as a result of being in less traditional sex roles for which they may not have been prepared adequately as a result of less opportunity for 66 exposure to ideas about more flexible roles for women, and/or less openness to such ideas. A single study which explored the psychological settings associated with a variety of emotions, including anger, was found (Gormly 8 Gormly, 1984). The subjects, 32 college women between the ages of 18 and 25, described their emotional experiences on a daily basis for three weeks. At the end of that time, they were interviewed by the investigators and asked to describe events, feelings, and behavior which preceded and followed their experience of particular emotions. The situations which were reported to be associated with anger, in order of decreasing frequency, were as follows: 1. The perception that her expectations for success were not fulfilled. 2. The perception that she was being treated disrespectfully by someone who was significant to her. 3. The perception of social rejections. 4. The perception that someone was disagreeing with her. Gormly and Gormly (1984) state that their results suggest that a psychological situation in which one perceives that an expected and desired outcome is not attained is "the sufficient condition for experiencing anger" (p. 76). The subjects in this study also reported that the behavior in which they engaged.most frequently while angry was "screaming 67 and hollering" (p. 77). In addition, they reported three acts of physical aggression while they were angry. Gormly and Gormly also found that while anger was the focus of the emotional state labeled anger, other emotions occurred along with it, most prominently frustration, guilt, disappointment, and anxiety. This small number of studies of anger in women appears to provide some support for the hypothesized relationship between sex role and anger: that anger has been prohibited in the traditional feminine sex role. The most direct support is evidenced in findings that females feel significantly more guilty over hostility than males (Evans, 1984), anger is significantly related to negative aspects of both. masculinity and femininity for females (Holahan 8 Spence, 1980), that women are less likely than men to react with anger when provoked (Biaggio, 1988), or to express anger they feel at the same intensity as men (Atkinson 8 Polivy 1976) . Some support for the hypothesized relationship is found in the inverse relationship between high anger arousal and the need to be dependent (Hazaleus 8 Deffenbacher, 1985); the higher levels of hostility in women with postgraduate levels of education (Martin 8 Light, 1984) and in women with greater commitment to their careers than to their family role (Light, 1984): and in Heyman's (1977) findings that hostility and aggression are not readily integrated into the female role. 68 Less direct support for the theoretical notion that anger is prohibited in the feminine sex role is demonstrated in findings that younger farm women report more hostility than older farm women (Hertsgaard 8 light, 1984), and that more older divorced women report being angry than younger divorced women (Wallerstein, 1986). The conclusion that these findings provide support for the prohibition against anger in the feminine sex role must be tempered, however, by findings which do not appear to be consistent with those above. Three findings directly related to studies reviewed above will be discussed first. This section then concludes with a review of three additional studies whose findings seem not to support the hypothesized prohibition of anger in the feminine sin their study of farm.women, Martin and Light (1984) did not find the relationship between hostility and educational level which lends support to the hypothesis regarding sex role and anger. More significantly, the finding that the most common behavior of women while they are angry is "screaming and hollering" indicates that many women do feel and express anger (Gormly 8 Gormly, 1984). On the basis of the finding of Atkinson and Polivy (1976) that females become more depressed than males after being provoked to anger, Biaggio (1980a) hypothesized that females who were low in anger arousal would score lower on self-acceptance and sense of well-being than low-arousal 69 males. She studied anger arousal and personality characteristics in 72 male and 78 female introductory psychology students. The results of this study did not support the hypothesis above regarding low anger females. In addition, the hypothesis that low anger subjects of both sexes would score lower on dominance and sense of well-being, and higher on femininity, was not confirmed. Biaggio found instead that the low anger subjects scored higher on well- being. She suggests that a low anger arousal score may be evidence not of repression of anger, but of a high threshold for anger arousal. The review of studies on anger in women concludes with three studies of sex differences in anger whose findings do not appear to support the hypothesis regarding anger and sex role. Sex differences in emotionality have been investigated in two studies. .Allen and. Haccoun. (1976) studied. sex differences in anger, fear, joy, and sadness in the areas of covert responsiveness, interpersonal expressiveness, orientation (attitudes toward responses and expressions), and situational determinants. In a sample of 61 male and 61 female undergraduate psychology students, they found that in covert responsiveness, females reported a greater overall experience of emotion but not in the experience of anger. Females also scored higher than males on the interpersonal expressiveness of all four emotions: the smallest sex difference, however, was for anger. There was no significant 70 sex difference in orientation toward anger. Females gave more interpersonal responses in ‘the area of situational determinants of anger. Allen and Haccoun (1976) conclude that of the four emotions studied, the sexes are least different in anger, which is likely to be associated with the agentic qualities of masculinity. They point out that although it has been documented that males are more aggressive than females, expressing anger is not the same as intentionally harmful aggression. Furthermore, some researchers have found no difference between the sexes in verbal aggression. A finding of Balswick and Avertt (1977) in a study of 523 social science undergraduates is relevant to the findings of Allen and Haccoun (1976) regarding sex differences in anger. Balswick and Avertt studied gender, interpersonal orientation, and perceived parental expressiveness as contributing factors to sex differences in emotional expressiveness. They measured emotional expressiveness on four scales: hate, love, sadness, and happiness. Anger was a component of the hate scale, along with hate, resentment, and rage. The rationale upon which their study was based did not result in an expectation that there would be sex differences in the expression of hate. The hate scale was, therefore, considered irrelevant. They did report finding no difference between males and females in this area. 71 In a series of four studies of the everyday experience of anger, Averill (1982) found only' a small number' of differences between the sexes. His findings are based on written surveys in which 288 students or community residents described either experiences of their own anger or as the target of another person's anger, or kept records of their experiences of anger and annoyance. The sample contained equal numbers of men and women. In Study I, which examined the subject's own experience of anger, significant differences between the sexes were found in nine of the 87 tests performed. These differences occurred in four areas. First, women described their anger as more intense and more out of proportion to the situation than the men did. Second, women reported more often than men that they would like to talk the incident over with the instigator or a neutral party, and that they would deny the instigator some customary benefit. Third, women were more likely to cry (38% vs. 8%), have a shaky, cracking voice and experience greater tension than men. Finally, Averill found that men were more likely to be the targets of anger than women. These differences were largely confirmed in Study III, which found differences between the sexes in the same areas and the same direction as in Study 1. The only exception was that men reported that their anger was more intense than the intensity reported by the women (Averill, 1982). 72 In Study II significant differences were found between the sexes in the experience of another person's anger. More women than men (80% vs. 50%) reacted with hurt feelings, while more men than women (45% vs. 28%) denied responsibility for instigating the incident. Women reported believing that violation of an expectation on the part of the angry person was a greater factor in the instigation of anger than men did. Women were also more likely than men to believe that the intensity of the other person's anger was greater than called for. Averill acknowledges that these findings are consistent with the feminine stereotype, but points out that the number of significant sex differences was quite small compared to the total number of variables tested. In Study IV, concerning the temporal dimension of anger, Averill (1982) again found that women were four times more likely than men to report crying while angry. Action which violated the expectation of an interpersonal relationship was an important factor in arousing their anger for 91% of the women, compared to 79% of the men. The correlation between intensity and duration of anger was strong for women (r == .54), but 'was significantly’ weaker for' men (r’ = .20). Averill's interpretation of this finding is that men may place :more emphasis on their’ behavior' when judging' the intensity of an episode of anger, while women may emphasize the duration. 73 In a later report of the same study, Averill (1983) concludes that women's experience of anger is quite similar to that of men. Averill states that the women in his studies became angry as often, as intensely, and for the same reasons as men, and expressed their anger as openly as men. He believes that the only major difference between the sexes found in his studies was that women reported crying when angry about four times more often than men. The majority of the small number of studies on anger in women appears to provide some support for the prohibition on women's anger proposed in the theoretical literature. This support is, however, of an indirect nature and must be extrapolated by integrating diverse findings. In addition, findings in six studies do not appear to support the theoretical construct. When both these factors are considered, it becomes quite clear that there is a compelling need to test, directly and empirically, the hypothesized relationship between anger and sex role. The present research carried out a test of this nature. Studies on Sex Role, Self Esteem, and/or Related Variables Several investigations have been conducted on the relationship between sex role and self-esteem, and some have included other related variables. Although none of these studies addresses issues regarding anger, this literature provides the empirical foundation for a study of the 74 relationship between sex role, self-esteem, and anger. One of the issues raised by the proposed study is whether anger has a significant effect on the relationship between sex role and self-esteem. For this reason, the literature on sex role and self-esteem, including those studies which incorporated related variables, is reviewed here. Most of the studies in this section explored the relationship between sex role and self-esteem and found consistently that androgyny and masculinity show the strongest relationships with self-esteem. Other variables whose relationship to sex role and self-esteem has been studied are satisfaction with one's own body and sexual satisfaction, sex type of occupational field, and achievement motivation. 'The review' of these studies follows those examining sex role and self-esteem. This section concludes with a review of studies of the relationship between sex role and variables related to psychological adjustment. MW Several researchers have examined the relationship between sex role and self—esteem. Spence and Helmreich (1978) found that in a sample of 715 college students, the highest self-esteem was found in those with androgynous sex roles, followed in descending order by masculine, feminine and undifferentiated individuals. These relationships were the same for males and females. The same relationships between self-esteem and sex role were also reported for a 75 sample of 752 high school students. For both of these samples, Spence and Helmreich also found that within each of the sex role categories, individuals who scored above the median on the M-F scale, indicating the existence of masculine characteristics, scored higher on self-esteem. In a study of 248 male and 282 female college undergraduates, Spence, Helmreich and Stapp (197 5) found significant positive correlations between both masculinity and femininity and self—esteem in both men and women. The correlation between masculinity and self-esteem was stronger in both sexes (r - .77 and .83 for males and females respectively, compared to .42 and .30 for femininity). When these subjects were classified into the four sex role categories, those classified as androgynous were highest in self-esteem, followed in descending order by those classified as masculine, feminine, and undifferentiated. Spence et al. hypothesize that the strong positive individual correlations between both. masculinity and femininity and self-esteem suggest that the two dimensions may contribute additively to determine self-esteem. Following these initial investigations, Spence, Helmreich and Holahan (1979) expanded their sex role measure to include scales for negative aspects of masculinity and femininity. Use of this measure (EPAQ) in a study of the relationship between sex role and self-esteem replicated their earlier findings of positive relationships between 76 self-esteem and positive aspects of both masculinity and femininity. They found that for both males and females, the correlations between self-esteem and negative masculinity approached zero. They also reported significant negative relationships between self-esteem and the negative femininity scales. Orlofsky (1977) also studied the relationship between sex role and self-esteem. The results of his study of 111 college men and women showed that high levels of self-esteem were associated equally with androgyny and masculinity. Students with a feminine sex role had low to moderate scores on the self-esteem scales, with the exception of the attractiveness scale. Those with an undifferentiated sex role had the lowest self-esteem score. Masculinity was positively related to most dimensions of self-esteem for both men and women. Taken together, these findings indicate that high masculinity, with or without femininity, is associated with high levels of self-esteem. The relationship between sex role and self-esteem in graduate nursing students has also been explored. In a study of 96 female graduate nursing students between the ages of 20 and 50, Gautheir and Kjervik (1982) found that women with masculine or androgynous sex roles had higher self-esteem than those with feminine or undifferentiated sex roles. There were no significant differences in self-esteem between 77 either the masculine and androgynous women, or the feminine and undifferentiated women. Two studies have investigated the relationship between sex role and self-esteem in samples of adults with more diverse ages and lifestyles than samples limited to college students. Spence et al.'s 1975 study of sex role and self- esteem was later replicated using a sample of middle-aged, upper middle class Caucasion adults (O'Connor, Mann 8 Bardwick, 1978). The 43 men and 48 women in this sample were between the ages of 40 and 50 and had annual incomes ranging from $50,000 to over $100,000. The results obtained by O'Connor et al. were identical to those of Spence et al. Self-esteem was highest among androgynous men and women, followed by the masculine, feminine, and undifferentiated groups for both sexes. O'Connor et al. concluded that their data extends the generalizability of the work of Spence et al. (1975). Puglisi and Jackson (1980-81) studied the relationship between sex role and self-esteem in 1029 males and 1040 females between the age of 17 and 89. Like O'Connor et al. (1978) , they found that for both sexes, self-esteem was highest among those with androgynous sex roles, followed by the masculine, feminine and undifferentiated sex role groups. Further analyses conducted by Puglisi and Jackson, however, showed that masculinity is a far better predictor of self- esteem than femininity. 78 The results of these seven studies indicate that self- esteem is strongly associated with androgynous and masculine sex roles for both men and women. Although femininity is also positively related to self-esteem, the relationship is weaker than that shown by androgyny and masculinity. These findings suggest that androgyny and masculinity may be more important contributors to emotional well-being than femininity. Since no studies have been conducted of the relationship between sex role, self-esteem, and anger, no conclusions can be drawn regarding the relationship of anger to emotional well-being viewed from this perspective. Other researchers have explored the relationship between sex role, self-esteem, and a variety of related variables. Three studies which explored the relationship between sex role, self-esteem, and the following variables are reviewed next: satisfaction with one's own body and sexual satisfaction, sex type of occupational field, and achievement motivation. In a study of 204 unmarried college undergraduate women, Kimlicka, Cross and Tarnai (1983) found that women with androgynous or masculine sex roles scored higher on self- esteem, satisfaction with one's own body, and sexual satisfaction than.women with feminine or undifferentiated sex roles. Kimlicka et al. based their analysis on two, rather than four, sex role categories, combining androgynous and 79 masculinity scores into a single group, and doing the same with femininity and undifferentiated scores. Results of their initial analysis before their data was grouped in this manner, however, showed that a positive self-concept was strongly associated with masculinity and was not greatly increased by the addition of femininity in the androgynous role. Jones and Lamke (1985) studied the relationship between sex role and self-esteem in 144 college women in a feminine-typed occupational field of study and 143 college women [in a masculine-typed occupational field of study. In contrast to the above research, their results indicate that femininity has an important adaptive function. They found that women in the feminine occupational group had higher self-esteem than women in the masculine occupational group. When they examined the relationship between sex role and self-esteem in each occupational group, they found that androgynous and masculine women in both occupational groups had higher self-esteem than the feminine and undifferentiated women in both groups. There were no differences in self- esteem between androgynous and masculine women in the feminine occupational group. In the masculine occupational group, however, masculine women had lower self-esteem than androgynous women in both occupational groups, and than masculine women in the feminine occupational group. Jones and Lamke conclude that social prejudices that masculine 80 women in masculine occupations experience from their male peers may account for their lower self-esteem. They point out that although androgynous women in masculine occupations experience the same prejudices, they have greater flexibility in responding and adapting since they have feminine as well as masculine characteristics. The relationship between sex role, achievement motivation, and self-esteem was explored in a study by Stericker and Johnson (1977). In a sample of 312 male and female college students, they found that achievement motivation and self-esteem were associated with a masculine sex role in both males and females. On the basis of these findings, they suggest that high self-esteem may give individuals, particularly women, the psychological strength and freedom to deviate from the traditional feminine role. They conclude that the relationship between optimal self- esteem and appropriate sex role identification is not direct and may, in fact, be inverse. The findings of these three studies are inconsistent regarding the role which femininity may play in emotional well-being. The results of the study by Kimlicka et al. (1983) are consistent with studies reviewed above which showed that androgyny and masculinity are more strongly related to self-esteem than femininity. The findings of Stericker and Johnson (1977) support the importance of masculinity to self-esteem. The findings of Jones and Lamke 81 (1985), however, suggest that femininity may make a significant contribution.to the greater'well-being attributed to androgyny. ’0 ‘ 21°. V- .-_.- z: i: -_ ‘0. 0 -; 2° 0.: ‘-. .0. __: u‘l Studies of the relationship between sex role and these variables related to psychological adjustment are reviewed below: identity formation, self-image, and adjustment. In his study of 111 college men and women, Orlofsky (1977) found that an androgynous sex role orientation was associated with higher levels of identity formation for both men and women. Masculinity was an important aspect of this achievement, as evidenced in Orlofsky's findings that cross-sex-typed women and sex-typed men (both having a masculine sex role) had high levels of identity formation. For women, a feminine sex role was associated with intermediate levels of identity formation. The lowest level of identity formation was associated.with an undifferentiated sex role for both men and women. Orlofsky states that: Thus, rather than leading to difficulties in integration and identity confusion, high levels of both masculinity and femininity are highly conducive to identity achievement. Although both types of characteristics are important, however, it appears that masculine characteristics such as autonomy, independence, and assertiveness are more crucial to identity formation than feminine characteristics such as understanding, warmth, and tenderness. (p. 571) Because men in the foreclosure stage of identity formation also had high levels of masculinity, however, Orlofsky 82 concluded that a strong masculine orientation is not always sufficient for the achievement of identity formation. The findings in a study of the relationship between androgyny and self-image parallel Orlofsky's (1977) findings regarding identity formation. Lee and Scheurer (1983) tested their hypothesis that the superior adaptability believed to characterize androgynous individuals would be manifested in a self-image characterized by high self-monitoring, internal locus of control, and positive expectations of achievement and affiliation success. In their study of 243 college students in introductory psychology, they found that masculinity was more strongly associated with greater adaptiveness in self- image than the combination of masculinity and femininity in the androgynous sex role. Androgyny had a stronger relationship to adaptiveness in self-image only for expectations for affiliation success and only among female subjects. Lee and Scheurer conclude that their findings lend support to the view that it is advantageous for men and women to have masculine characteristics because of the value placed on instrumentality in this culture. In a number of studies of the relationship between sex role and psychological adjustment, investigators have found that although masculinity and androgyny are both associated with adjustment, masculinity is more important than femininity in determining favorable adjustment. 83 Silvern and Ryan (1979) studied the relationship between adjustment and sex role in two groups of undergraduate men and women. They found that superior adjustment was associated with androgyny in women, but that a traditional masculine sex role was sufficient for men to achieve superior adjustment. The least favorable levels of adjustment for both men and women were associated with an undifferentiated sex role. While their results did not indicate any negative relationships between positive adjustment and femininity, they do emphasize masculinity as a predictor of favorable adjustment. Silvern and Ryan indicate, however, that This should not be interpreted. . .as an indication that traditionally masculine traits are inherently more valuable than feminine traits. While masculine traits may be more associated with personal comfort or adjustment, self-reported feminine traits such as ‘compassionate, ' may be highly valuable for different reasons. (p. 761) Hoffman and Fidell ( 1979) studied the relationships between sex role and several characteristics, including self- esteem and adjustment, of 369 middle-class women. They found that women with masculine or androgynous sex roles had higher self-esteem than feminine women, and that undifferentiated women scored lowest on self-esteem. In terms of overall adjustment, however, androgynous women did not show a markedly stronger pattern of adjustment than the feminine women. Their results did show that women with strong traits, either masculine or feminine or both, indicate better adjustment than undifferentiated women without strong traits of either kind. 84 Rendely, Holmstrom and Harp (1984) studied the relationship between sex role, life style and mental health in 97 white, suburban mothers. They found that masculine and androgynous women reported symptoms much less frequently than feminine and undifferentiated women on seven of the nine dimensions of psychological distress. Their results suggest, moreover, that it is the absence of masculine traits which is associated with psychological distress. The relationship between sex role and the following measures of psychological adjustment has been studied in 45 male and 56 female introductory psychology students: The Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI) , the Rathus Assertiveness Schedule, and the Self-Efficacy Scale (Adams and Sherer, 1985) . Adams and Sherer found that masculine subjects (both males and females) scored significantly higher on self- efficacy and assertiveness, and significantly lower on depression and social introversion as measured by the MP1, than androgynous, feminine or undifferentiated subjects. Whitley (1984) conducted a meta-analysis of 32 studies of the relationship between sex role and either psychological depression or a more general measure of adjustment. The overall results of his study provide support for the masculinity model, which suggests that the relationship between androgyny and psychological well-being is primarily attributable to the masculinity component of androgyny, with the influence of femininity being negligible. Whitley 85 suggests that the relationships between masculinity and both low depression and high general adjustment reflect a strong belief in self-efficacy attributable to masculinity. In contrast to these findings regarding masculinity and psychological adjustment, a smaller number of studies have found that femininity also plays an important role in the higher levels of adjustment associated with androgyny. Glazer and Dusek (1985) investigated the relationship between sex role and resolution of Eriksonian developmental crises in 139 female and 133 male undergraduates. Their results showed that androgynous subjects had resolved the crises of trust versus mistrust, initiative versus guilt, identity versus identity diffusion, and intimacy versus isolation more successfully than masculine, feminine, and undifferentiated subjects . Glazer and Dusek argue that these results indicate that the androgynous sex role is associated with better adjustment than the masculine, feminine or undifferentiated roles. Both masculinity and femininity were significant predictors of adjustment in this study. The lowest levels of adjustment were generally associated with an undifferentiated sex role. The researchers concluded that their results do not support the argument that adjustment results from higher masculinity scores. Burchardt and Serbin (1982) found that an androgynous sex role was related to better personality adjustment for women in normal and psychiatric groups. They investigated 86 the relationship between sex role and personality adjustment as measured by an abbreviated version of the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI) in two studies of 106 female and 84 male undergraduate introductory psychology students and 48 female and 48 male psychiatric inpatients. In the college student sample, they found that androgynous females showed better adjustment on the Depression and Social Introversion Scales when compared to feminine females, and on the Schizophrenia and.Mania Scales when compared to masculine females. The findings were similar for female psychiatric inpatients. In general, individuals with an undifferentiated sex role had the poorest adjustment. Among females in both the college student sample and the psychiatric sample, androgynous individuals were the most symptom-free. Burchardt and Serbin conclude that their findings provide support for the notion that role flexibility is related to mental health for women in normal and psychiatric groups. Orlofsky and Windle (1978) have found that femininity is strongly related to personal adjustment for females. They studied the relationship between sex role orientation, behavioral adaptability and personal adjustment in 58 male and 53 female introductory psychology students. They found the highest levels of personal adjustment among subjects whose sex roles were consistent with their gender, i.e., masculine and androgynous males and feminine and androgynous females. For males, personal adjustment, as measured by the personal 87 integration scale of the Omnibus Personality Inventory, was positively related to masculinity but unrelated to femininity. For females, personal adjustment was positively related to femininity but unrelated to masculinity. Orlofsky and Windle also found that androgynous individuals displayed greater behavioral adaptability, conceptualized as emotional expressivity and interpersonal assertiveness, than sex-typed or cross sex-typed individuals. It is clear that for females in this study, femininity was the primary contributor to high levels of adjustment. Recent studies of the relationship between women's involvement in multiple roles and psychological well-being also address the question of the relationship between sex role and psychological adjustment. As part of a longitudinal study of life situations, Gore and Mangione (1983) examined the relationships between social roles, sex roles and psychological distress in a sample of 464 adult males and 647 adult females. Psychological distress was measured by psychophysiologic symptoms and depressed mood. They found that there were no differences in depression between men and women who occupied the same social roles. Among married persons who have children, however, women who were not employed showed the highest level of depression, which was significantly higher than working married men and working women (Gore 8 Mangione, 1983) . On the measure of psychophysiologic symptoms, women who had children liv ing 3‘ 88 home reported significantly more symptoms than men in the same role. This discrepancy existed for women who were employed as well as for those who were not. Gore and Mangione conclude that working appears to play a protective role against depression for women who are also mothers. They also point out that being employed does not provide this protection against psychophysiologic symptoms, suggesting that having children increases the psychological distress of married working women and homemakers. A later study of the stressfulness of daily social roles for women was conducted by Kandel, Davies, and Raveis (1985) , who interviewed 197 women between the ages of 18 and 54. Psychological distress was measured by the Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale, a psychosomaticism scale, and a measure of role-specific stress. The lowest level of distress was found among women who occupy the most complex set of roles (those who are married, employed, and parents), while higher levels of distress were reported by single women and housewives. In addition, the occupancy of multiple roles decreased stress within the marital role but increased stress within the occupational role. Kandel et al. conclude that while multiple roles clearly are associated with higher levels of well-being for women, the net benefit results from two opposing forces. These forces are evident in the positive, buffering effect work has on marital stress, and the 89 negative, exacerbating effect parenting has on work-related stress. On the basis of previous research which suggested that the role of paid worker was less stressful for women than more traditional female roles, Barnett and Baruch (1985) hypothesized that the particular roles a woman occupies, and her quality of experience within each role, would be stronger predictors of role strain and distress than the number of roles occupied. In a study of 238 Caucasian women between 35 and 55 years of age, Barnett and Baruch (1985) examined the relationship between role overload, role conflict, and anxiety, which were considered stress indices, and. the following’ aspects of multiple role involvement: the number of roles occupied, the particular roles occupied, and the quality of experience within each role. They found that the major source of stress for women in this age group was the role of parent, not the role of paid worker. The quality of experience within the roles a woman occupied significantly predicted psychological distress, while the role of paid worker did not. Barnett and Baruch also found that role conflict and role overload were strongly related.totanxiety for'nonemployed women, but not for those who were employed. They point out that qualitative data suggest this finding may be due to the lack of structure and legitimacy which nonemployed women experience in their commitments. 90 In a later analysis of this data set, Baruch and Barnett (1986) explored the relationship between women's occupancy and quality of experience in the roles of paid worker, wife, and mother, and psychological well-being as measured by self- esteem, depression, and pleasure. Contrary to popular beliefs that entering the work force is impairing well-being for women, Baruch and Barnett found no evidence that involvement in multiple roles had a negative impact on well-being. They found instead that the number of roles occupied was significantly correlated with all three measures of well- being. Occupancy of a particular role was associated with well-being in only one case: the role of paid worker predicted self-esteem. The quality of experience in all three roles, however, was significantly related to well-being. They also point out that there was one significant exception to this finding: the role of mother did not predict pleasure. Their findings in this analysis appear to confirm that it is the quality of women's experience in their roles, not the number of roles they occupy, which determines psychological well-being. Although sex role was not formally included in these investigations of involvement in multiple roles and psychological well-being, the findings of the four studies reviewed above are quite relevant to the relationship between sex role and psychological adjustment. Their overall results demonstrate that women experience less psychological distress, 91 and greater psychological well-being, when their commitments include the nontraditional role of paid worker. Of equal significance is the finding that being a mother is a major source of stress for women, while being employed is not. The work of these researchers strongly suggests that a nontraditional sex role, i.e., androgynous or masculine, is associated with greater levels of psychological adjustment in women than the traditional feminine sex role. These findings may indicate that femininity alone may not be a sufficient condition for well-being. The results of the above studies indicate that higher levels of identity formation and a more positive, and thus adaptive, self-image are both positively related to masculinity (Lee 8 Scheurer, 1983; Orlofsky, 1977). Findings regarding favorable adjustment are equivocal; it is associated with masculinity in five studies (Adams 8 Sherer, 1985; Hoffman 8 Fidell, 1979: Rendely et al., 1984: Silvern 8 Ryan, 1979: Whitley, 1984) and with androgyny in three studies (Burchardt 8 Serbin, 1982: Glazer 8 Dusek, 1985; Orlofsky 8 Windle, 1978) . Recent investigations of the relationship between involvement in multiple roles and women's psychological well-being suggest that femininity alone is not strongly associated with favorable adjustment (Barnett 8 Baruch, 1985; Baruch 8 Barnett, 1986; Gore 8 Mangione, 1983: Kandel et al. , 1985) . It appears that masculinity alone and, to a lesser extent, femininity in conjunction with 92 masculinity, are much more strongly associated with adjustment than femininity alone. None of these investigators, however, included any anger variable in their measures of adjustment. It is, therefore, difficult to conjecture what the relationship between anger, sex role and self-esteem is. The studies reviewed in this section suggest that masculinity is more strongly associated with measures of emotional well-being than femininity. Masculinity has been found to be more strongly associated than femininity with self-esteem (Hoffman 8 Fidell, 1974: Puglisi 8 Jackson, 1980- 81: Spence et al., 1975: Spence et al., 1979), sexual satisfaction and satisfaction with one's own body (Kimlicka et al., 1983), higher levels of identity formation (Orlofsy, 1977), more positive self-image (Lee and Scheurer 1983), and adjustment (Adams 8 Sherer, 1985: Hoffman 8 Fidell, 1979: Rendely et al., 1984: Silvern 8 Ryan, 1979: Whitley, 1984). Other findings, however, demonstrate that femininity may be an important component of emotional well-being for women (Hoffman 8 Fidell, 1979: Jones 8 Lamke, 1985: Orlofsy 8 Windle, 1978). Androgyny is also associated with.measures of self-esteem (Hoffman 8 Fidell, 1979: Spence 8 Helmreich, 1978) and personality adjustment (Burchardt 8 Serbin, 1982: Glazer 8 Dusek, 1985). Those studies which show masculinity to be more strongly related to self-esteem and adjustment than femininity, and recent findings that employment enhances well- being for women, while parenting is a major source of stress, 93 suggest that masculinity plays a more important role than femininity in determining a global sense of well-being. While these findings are not directly related to the relationship between anger, sex role, and self-esteem, they have important implications for the study of this relationship. If the theoretical proposition that anger has been prohibited in the feminine sex role is accurate, it may help to explain why femininity appears to be less important than masculinity in determining emotional well-being. Theorists argue, however, that anger has also been distorted in the masculine role. No empirical work has been found that investigates the relationship between anger, sex role and self-esteem in women. In light of the importance placed on the suppression of anger in the psychological development of women, and the crucial relationship which the theoretical literature hypothesizes exists between anger and self-esteem in women as a result of developmental factors, an empirical study of these relationships was clearly needed. Some Observations On Methodology Most of the empirical literature reviewed above reported the findings of descriptive studies. A variety of measures was used to assess the variables of interest in this study: anger, sex role and self-esteem. In this section some observations are made regarding the instrumentation used to measure these variables in the empirical studies reviewed. 94 Anger A variety of measures was used in the 14 studies on anger in women that were reviewed. Six of these studies used measures of hostility or hostility guilt (Atkinson 8 Polivy, 1976: Evans, 1984: Hertsgaard 8 Light, 1984: Heyman, 1977: light, 1984: Martin 8 Light, 1984). In only two studies did the researchers specify that they used an inventory designed particularly to assess anger (Biaggio, 1980a: Hazaleus 8 Deffenbacher, 1985). Biaggio used the Anger Self-Report and Hazaleus and Deffenbacher used the Anger Inventory. The remaining studies used questionnaires or instruments developed by the researchers (Allen 8 Haccoun, .1976: Averill, 1982: Holahan 8 Spence, 1980) , in-depth interviews (Wallerstein, 1986) , self-descriptions (Gormly 8 Gormly, 1984) , and a diary recorded over a two-week period (Biaggio, 1988) . The Anger Self-Report used by Biaggio (1980a) was selected for use in the present study. maple Sixteen individual studies on the relationship between sex role, self-esteem, and/or related variables have been reviewed. All except one (Stericker 8 Johnson, 1977) used either the Personal Attributes Questionnaire (PAQ: Spence, Helmreich 8 Stapp, 1974) or the Ben Sex Role Inventory (BSRI: Bem, 1974) as a measure of sex role. Of the 41 studies 4" 95 included in the meta-analysis by Whitley (1984) , only five did not use either the BSRI or the PAQ to measure sex role. The method of scoring most commonly used with both the BSRI and the PAQ is based on the median split for the masculinity and femininity scales (Spence, Helmreich, 8 Stapp, 1975). The median-split.method.was used in all but one of the 14 individual studies reviewed. Although scores on the BSRI were originally calculated on the basis of the difference between Femininity and Masculinity scores (Bem, 1974), Bem subsequently adopted the median-split method of scoring advocated by Spence, et al. The median-split method is preferable because it differentiates between individuals who score high on both masculinity and femininity, and those who score low on both dimensions. The BSRI does not differentiate between these two groups. A hybrid scoring method which combines the two scoring methods has been advocated (Orlofsky, 1977: Orlofsky, Aslin, 8 Ginsburg, 1977: Tesch, 1984). Of the 14 individual studies reviewed here, the hybrid method was used in only one. Spence and Helmreich (1979) have demonstrated that the median-split method is a more useful and accurate method of scoring than the hybrid method. The median-split method was used in the present study. W Self-esteem was included as a variable and measured directly in 10 of the 16 studies noted above. The Texas 96 Social Behavior Inventory (TSBI) was used as a measure of self-esteem in the majority of these studies and was selected for use in the present research. Summary No studies were found of the relationship between anger, sex role and self-esteem in women. The literature on sex differences in aggression is summarized to provide the necessary context for understanding existing research on women's anger. Although there is considerable controversy regarding whether sex differences in aggression are innate or learned, there is widespread agreement that males exhibit higher levels of aggression than females and that socialization plays a major role in determining this difference. Studies which demonstrate that both aggression and nonaggression can be learned by, and can be cathartic for, both males and females support the role socialization plays in determining sex differences in aggression. These conclusions support theoretical propositions that the feminine sex role contains strong prohibitions on anger in women. Of the small number of studies on anger in women, the majority provide support for the hypothesized prohibition on anger in the feminine sex role. For example, women have been found to express more guilt over hostility than men. Positive relationships have been found between anger and negative aspects of masculinity and femininity among women. It appears 97 to be more difficult for women than for men to integrate hostility and aggression into their roles. Several studies found that women in less traditional roles report higher levels of hostility, anger, and/or aggression. The nontraditional roles of these women were suggested by their higher levels of education, lower need for dependency, more liberal beliefs about autonomy, or greater commitment to career than family. The support provided by the empirical literature for the hypothesized prohibition of women's anger is indirect and extrapolated from diverse findings. In addition, six studies were found whose findings are not consistent with the supportive findings. These two factors underscored the need for an empirical test of the hypothesized prohibition of anger in the feminine sex role. Studies of the relationship between sex role, self-esteem and related. variables show' that :masculinity' is strongly associated with self-esteem and other factors important to psychological well-being, such as identity formation, self- image, and adjustment. Androgyny has also been associated, to a lesser extent, with self-esteem and adjustment. There is limited.empirical support for femininity'being’an.important aspect of psychological well-being for women. This lack of support for femininity, in conjunction with recent findings that the role of mother is the major source of stress for 98 women in mid-life, suggests that femininity alone is not strongly associated with a global sense of well-being. The hypothesized prohibition of anger in the feminine sex role may help explain the strength of the relationship between.masculinity and.well-being. Since no anger variables were included in studies of adjustment or well-being, an empirical exploration of the relationship between anger, sex role and self-esteem was needed to help clarify questions raised by existing research. CHAPTER IV DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY In this chapter the procedures used in conducting the research are described. Methods used to select the sample, collect the data, and ensure confidentiality are set forth. The instrumentation used for the data collection is then described, followed by a statement of the research hypotheses. The chapter concludes with an explanation of the statistical procedures used in the data analysis. Subjects The subjects for this study were obtained from a systematic sample of women employees listed in the 1987-88 Michigan State University Faculty-Staff Directory. Systematic samples are generally considered.to be representative samples and provide less opportunity than random samples for sampling error to occur (Glass 8 Hopkins, 1984). The findings of both systematic and random samples are generalizable (Glass 8 Hopkins). With random populations, systematic sampling is equivalent to random sampling and either design can be used (Scheaffer, Mendenhall, 8 Ott, 1979). Since the listing of employees in the Faculty-Staff Directory was random with respect to the variables considered in this study, a systematic sample was acceptable and results of the study may be generalized to the population'tof ‘women employees of 99 100 Michigan State University from which it is drawn. The initial sample of 689 women who were asked to participate in the study was drawn from the approximately 4,300 women employed at Michigan State University in the following' categories: faculty, academic staff, administrative-professional, supervisory administrative- professional, police, and clerical-technical. Women.who were employed off the main campus of Michigan State University were not included in the sample. Method of Data Collection The data for this study were collected as a survey of women employees conducted by the Employee Assistance Program at Michigan State University using procedures recommended by Dillman (1978). The 689 women identified in the systematic sample received a letter through interdepartmental mail at their work place describing the planned research and requesting their participation (Appendix A). This mailing included a post card which women who were willing to participate in the survey'were asked.to return to the Employee Assistance Program ‘with their names and home addresses (Appendix B) . An informational brochure explaining the services of the Employee Assistance Program was also enclosed. A follow-up mailing was sent one week later, thanking those who had responded and urging those who had not to do so immediately. (Appendix C). 101 Of the 689 women who were identified in the initial sample and asked to participate in the study, 396 indicated that they were willing to do so. These subjects were sent a questionnaire through. United States mail to their home addresses (Appendix D). A cover letter thanking them for their interest and emphasizing the importance of their participation was included in this mailing with the questionnaire (Appendix E). A stamped, addressed return envelope was also included. The researcher had originally planned to send a follow- up mailing to each of the 396 women one week after the questionnaire was mailed. The purpose of this mailing was to have been to thank.those who had returned their questionnaire and urge those who had not to do so. This procedure was modified as a result of the response to a similar follow—up mailing' to the initial letter' explaining the study and requesting the subj ects' participation. Many of the women who had responded to this initial mailing were confused as to why they received the follow-up mailing, and were concerned that their response had not been received. As a result of the disruption caused by this misunderstanding, it was decided that only those subjects who had not returned their questionnaires within ten days of the date it was mailed would receive a follow-up post card. Of the 396 potential subjects who expressed willingness to participate in the study, 52 did not return their 102 questionnaires. A total of 344 questionnaires were returned. Of these, two were blank. Of the remaining 342 questionnaire, 70 subjects omitted one or more responses. Data from the 342 questionnaires which were partially or fully complete were included in the data analysis. Procedures to Ensure Confidentiality All questionnaires were returned to the researcher anonymously with the exception of those from three subjects who requested information from the Employee Assistance Program. When the questionnaire was mailed, subjects received a post card which they were asked to return separately, indicating that they had returned their questionnaire (Appendix G). Use of the return post card made it possible to remove the names of subjects who had returned the questionnaire from the mailing list for follow-up mailings. This assurance of anonymity was necessary since the subjects were asked to provide personal information about their feelings and self-perceptions to an agency which was part of the organization employing them. This return card also allowed respondents to indicate whether they wished to receive a summary of the results of the study. Those who wanted this information were mailed a expanded copy of the Abstract (Appendix H) with a cover letter thanking them for their participation in the research (Appendix I). 103 Instrumentation The questionnaire had three parts. First, subjects were asked questions regarding their use and perception of services offered by the Employee Assistance Program. This data was compiled and forwarded to the Employee Assistance Program for use in planning future programs. The second part of the questionnaire consisted of the following psychological inventories described below which measured the variables of anger, sex role and self-esteem: the Anger Self-Report, the Personal Attributes Questionnaire, and the Texas Social Behavior Inventory. The third part of the questionnaire consisted of questions designed to gather the following demographic information: marital status, age, years of education completed by the respondent and her parents, educational level, employee group, type of work, most important work activities, and before-tax household income. n e - e 0 AS Subjects were administered five scales of the ASR (Zelin, Adler, 8 Myerson, 1972) to measure the three anger variables (awareness of anger, expression of anger, condemnation of anger). The ASR was developed to discriminate between the awareness of anger and its expression, and the five scales selected for this research reflected the areas of concern in this study. The following scales were administered: Awareness of Anger, General Expression of Aggression, Verbal Aggression, Physical Aggression, and Condemnation of Anger. The 104 researcher had originally planned to use the Total Expression of Anger score, which is a composite of the scores on the general expression of aggression, verbal aggression, and physical aggression scales. During the analysis of the data, however, it became obvious that.more useful information.would be obtained by analyzing and reporting scores on the three scales separately. For this reason it was decided that the three separate expression scales, rather than the composite Total Expression of Anger score, would be used to measure the expression of anger variable. The ASR gives the respondent a series of self-descriptive statements such as ”I get mad easily," "It's right for people to express themselves when they are mad," and "If I don't like somebody, I will tell him so." The respondent is asked to indicate how each statement applies to her on a six point scale ranging from "strong' disagreement" (1) to "strong agreement” (6). The authors conducted validation studies of the ASR on samples of 82 psychiatric patients and 67 college students (Zelin et al., 1972). ASR scores of the psychiatric patients were correlated with psychiatrists' ratings on 16 of the Problem Appraisal Scales (PAS) (Endicott 8 Spitzer, 1972) considered most relevant to the assessment of anger. On the basis of their analysis of these correlations, Zelin and his associates found that the ASR scales show substantial convergent and discriminant validity. 105 Regarding convergent validity, awareness of anger correlates positively with PAS anti-social attitudes and acts (r - .24, p < .05) and negatively with PAS obsessive- compulsiveness (r = -.37, p < .01). The physical aggression scale correlates most highly with Assaultive Acts on the PAS (r - .41, p < .01). The highest correlation for ASR general expression.is with.PAS antisocial attitudes and acts (r'= .25, p < .05). ASR verbal aggression has a significant negative correlation of -.36 (p < .01) with PAS dependency, and positive correlations of .31 (p < .01) with PAS anger- belligerent negativism and .28 (p < .01) with anti-social attitudes and acts. ASR condemnation of anger has significant correlations with PAS suicidal thoughts, anxiety-phobias, and obsessive—compulsiveness (r’ = -.22, .23, .22, p < .05, respectively). Discriminant validity of the ASR has also been demonstrated by its correlations with the 16 PAS scales. For example, ASR physical aggression is the only ASR scale which correlates significantly with PAS assaultive acts. Significant negative correlations were found between the dependency scales of the PAS and ASR general expression and verbal aggression, but not with ASR awareness of anger. The authors believe that this indicates that highly dependent people can be aware of anger but feel compelled to inhibit its expression. This finding provides support for the validity of the distinction between awareness of anger and its 106 expression. Discriminant validity is further demonstrated in the significant positive correlations found between PAS antisocial attitudes-acts and both ASR awareness (r = .24, p < .05) and all the ASR expression scales, with general expression showing'a1correlation.of .25 (p < .05) and physical aggression and.verbal aggression both showing correlations of .28 (p < .01) (Zelin, et al., 1972). Peer ratings were used to assess the validity of the ASR scores for the college student sample. The 67 students completing the ASR.were rated on six scales by three students who lived nearby in the students' dormitories (Zelin et al., 1972) . For example, ASR verbal aggression correlates positively only with ”To what extent does this person provoke arguments?" on the peer rating scale (r = .29, p < .05). The highest positive correlation for ASR awareness of anger is with "To*what extent.does this person feel anger?” on.the peer rating scale (r = .29, p < .01). Split-half reliabilities for the ASR reported by Zelin et al. (1972) range from .64 to .83. Reliabilities for the scales used in this study are as follows: Awareness of Anger .82 General Expression of Aggression .66 Physical Expression of Aggression .64 Verbal Expression of Aggression .78 Condemnation of Anger .81 107 Biaggio (1980b) administered four anger scales, including the ASR, to 150 college undergraduates. The results of her study indicate that the ASR shows concurrent validity with the Buss-Durkee Hostility Inventory (BDHI) . In a later study, Biaggio, Supplee and Curtis ( 1981) administered the four anger inventories to 60 college undergraduates, who also filled out a personal incidents record and participated in imaginal and role-playing laboratory situations designed to provoke anger. Significant correlations between ASR scales and the laboratory self-report data and the subjects' personal incidents records established good predictive validity for ASR awareness of anger , general expression , physical aggression , and condemnation of anger. Means and standard deviations for the ASR have been reported for psychiatric inpatients and college students (Zelin et al. 1972: Biaggio, 1980b). Neither set of data appears to provide appropriate norms for this study. There are large differences between the scores for psychiatric inpatients and college students in Zelin et al.'s study. In addition, Biaggio used a different method of scoring than Zelin and his associates, making it impossible to compare the scores for college students in the two studies. The means for the research sample were used to provide the norms for the current study. Each of the items on the ASR is scored in either the agree or disagree direction. All items scored in the disagree 108 direction are given a negative value in scoring. .As a result, the raw scores on the scales can have negative values. Biaggio recommends adding a constant of 40 to the raw score for each scale to eliminate the negative values (M. K. Biaggio, personal communication, June 8, 1988). Raw scores were modified in this manner in the present research in accordance with Biaggio's recommendations. e son 5 nna'r The sex role attitudes of the respondents in this study were measured by the short form of the PAQ (Spence, Helmreich 8 Stapp, 1974: Spence 8 Helmreich, 1978). The short form of the PAQ consists of 24 bipolar trait characteristics such as "Not at all aggressive--Very aggressive” and "Not at all independent--Very independent." For eaCh characteristic the respondent rated herself on a five point scale to indicate where she fell between the two extremes. The PAQ contains three scales, masculinity (M), femininity (F), and masculinity-femininity (M-F). The M and F scales each contain eight items which are considered socially desirable characteristics for both sexes. Those items on the M scale are believed to he possessed by males to a greater degree than by females. The F scale contains items which are believed to be possessed by females to a greater extent than by males. The content of the scales reflects the instrumental, agentic orientation of masculinity and the expressive, communal orientation of femininity as 109 conceptualized by Parsons and Bales (1955) and Bakan (1966). The M-F Scale contains eight characteristics whose social desirability differs for the two sexes (Spence 8 Helmreich, 1978). The full version of the PAQ contains 55 bipolar items derived from a pool of 122 items developed by Rosenkrantz, Vogel, Bee, Broverman and Broverman (1968) in studies of characteristics believed to differentiate men and women. The existence of sex role stereotypes was confirmed by Rosenkrantz et al., who asked their subjects to rate the typical adult male, the typical adult female, and the ideal individual (sex unspecified) on each item. In developing the PAQ, introductory psychology students were asked to rate the typical adult of each sex, the typical college student of each sex, or the ideal individual of each sex for each of the items in the pool used by Rosenkrantz et al. Each student was also asked to rate him/herself (Spence 8 Helmreich, 1978). The 55 items for the original version of the PAQ were selected from those items on which male and female ratings differed significantly for the typical adult, typical college student, and ideal individual. These significant differences indicate the existence of consistent stereotypes regarding differences between the sexes (Spence 8 Helmreich, 1978). The short form of the PAQ which was used in this study is highly correlated with the original 55 item PAQ. Correlations between the scales of the original and short 110 versions of the PAQ in a sample of the college students are .93, .93, and .91 for the M, F, and M-F scales respectively. Scales for the short form have Cronbach alpha reliabilities of .85, .82, and .78 for the M, F, and M-F scales respectively (Spence 8 Helmreich, 1978). Each item on the PAQ is scored from 0 to 4, with high scores indicating either an extreme masculine or extreme feminine response. Respondents were classified into one of four sex role groups on the basis of whether their scores fell above or below the sample median on the M and F scales. The following fourfold classification was used: androgynous (high masculine, high feminine): masculine (high masculine, low feminine): feminine (high feminine, low masculine): and undifferentiated (low masculine, low feminine) (Spence 8 Helmreich, 1978) . The sample medians were used in classifying the subjects in accordance with the suggestion of Spence and Helmreich that this procedure allows relationships within the population to be revealed more clearly. In a sample of 248 male and 282 female introductory psychology students, the internal consistency of the PAQ has been demonstrated in alpha coefficients of .92 and .90 for men and women respectively on the stereotype ratings, and .73 and .91 on self ratings (Spence et al., 1974). Later analyses using data from several thousand high school and college students and parents resulted in alpha coefficients in the mid .708 for the M, F, and M-F scales (Helmreich, Spence 8 111 Wilhelm, 1981). Test-retest reliabilities for 31 subjects in Spence et al.'s (1974) original study who retook.the PAQ after 13 weeks were .92 and .98 for men and women respectively on stereotype ratings, and .80 and .91 on self ratings. Factor analyses of the PAQ M and F scales result in two factors which consist of masculinity and femininity and show a.mean intercorrelation of -.04 (Helmreich, Spence 8 Wilhelm, 1981). Studies conducted during the development of the PAQ show that the male-valued and female-valued items correlated negatively for both sexes (Spence, Helmreich 8 Stapp, 1974). The validity of the PAQ has been established in several different contexts. Spence et al. (1974) performed a cross validational study of the use of the PAQ to measure sex role stereotypes by giving the PAQ to a second sample of introductory psychology students of 56 males and 108 females. They found significant stereotypes for both sexes on all items. In a study of two independent samples of college students, significant differences were found between men and women on every item, with men scoring higher on the M and M- F items scored in a masculine direction, and lower on the F items, scored in a feminine direction (Spence, Helmreich 8 Stapp, 1975). Construct validity for the PAQ has been demonstrated in a variety of studies. In a study of 248 male and 282 female introductory psychology students, self and peer ratings on the PAQ of the ideal male and female fell toward the same pole, 112 supporting the conceptualization of masculinity and femininity as a dualism. The content of the male-valued and female- valued items was also consistent with the agency-communion (Bakan, 1966) and instrumental-expressive (Parsons 8 Bales, 1955) distinctions drawn between masculinity and femininity (Spence, Helmreich 8 Stapp 1975). In a study of 123 female introductory psychology students, Klein and Willerman (1979) found that undifferentiated and feminine women were significantly less dominant than masculine and androgynous women in laboratory settings and.cn the Dominance scale of the California Psychological Inventory. The findings of two additional studies are relevant to the construct validity of the PAQ. PAQ scores which indicate the perception of large differences between the sexes have been found to correlate with traditional sex role attitudes on the Attitudes Toward Women Scale (Spence 8 Helmreich, 1978). The power strategies which 50 male and 50 female heterosexual college. students reported. that. they' use in romantic/sexual relationships were found to be consistent with sex roles as measured by the PAQ. For example, women and males and females with feminine sex roles reported using indirect and unilateral power strategies. In contrast, men and masculine males and females used direct and bilateral strategies (Falbo, 1982). 113 as c' v' v S The short form of the TSBI was used to measure the self- esteem of respondents in this study (Helmreich, Stapp 8 Ervin, 1974: Helmreich 8 Stapp, 1974). The short form of the TSBI consists of 16 statements which.were designed to assess self- confidence and competence in social situations (Spence 8 Helmreich, 1978). For each item the respondent rated herself on a five point scale ranging from "Not at all characteristic of me" to "Very much characteristic of me" (Helmreich et al.) . The TSBI was developed from a pool of 60 items dealing with aspects of personal worth and social interaction which were administered to over 1000 introductory psychology students. The 32 items on the original form of the TSBI were selected from this pool on the basis of factor analysis. The correlation between the long and short forms of the TSBI is .97 (Helmreich 8 Stapp 1974). Use of the TSBI has demonstrated test-retest reliabilities of .94 for males and .93 for females. All correlations between individual items and the whole TSBI are significant, with.mean correlations of .53 for males and .55 for females (Helmreich et al., 1974). The validity of the TSBI has been demonstrated in a number of contexts. In studies of variables thought to have an important relationship to self-esteem, experimental hypotheses have been confirmed using the TSBI. For example, on the basis of previous research, Helmreich et al. (1970) predicted that individuals with moderate self-esteem would 114 perceive a competent person who blundered as attractive, while individuals with high or low self-esteem would not. The findings of their study, using the TSBI, supported their hypothesis. Kimble and Helmreich (1972) conducted another study based on previous findings that high and low self-esteem individuals have a greater tendency to evaluate themselves on the basis of how others view them than do individuals with moderate self-esteem. Kimble and Helmreich hypothesized that individuals with high and low self-esteem would demonstrate a greater need for social approval than individuals with moderate self-esteem. ‘The findings of their study, using the TSBI, supported this hypothesis. The validity of the TSBI has also been demonstrated through its correlations with other psychological measures. Correlations of .50 for males and .52 for females with the self-esteem scale of the California Personality Inventory support the construct validity of the TSBI (Helmreich et al., 1974). The TSBI is strongly correlated with the masculinity and femininity scales of the Personal Attributes Questionnaire (PAQ). Correlations with the masculinity scale are .81 and .83 for males and females, respectively: correlations with the femininity scales are .42 and .44 respectively (Helmreich 8 Stapp, 1974) . Discriminant validity is illustrated in the small and nonsignificant correlations between the TSBI and intelligence, as measured by the Scholastic Aptitude Test (Helmreich et al.). 115 In selecting a measure of self-esteem for use in this study, it was important to consider whether the conceptualization of self-esteem in the inventory was consistent with the theoretical base of the study which argues that, for women, self-esteem is derived from relationships. It was important, therefore, that the inventory chosen to measure self-esteem reflect this conceptualization of self— esteem as being rooted in one's interactions with others. Stake and. Orlofsky (1981) have addressed. this issue in pointing out that measures of self-esteem used with female populations must have the capacity to measure communal as well as agentic aspects of self-esteem. They contend that since a communal orientation is central to the feminine sex role, measures of self-esteem which tap only the agentic qualities more characteristic of the masculine sex role lack predictive validity when used with female subjects. Since the TSBI is a measure of social competence, its conceptualization of self-esteem is consistent with the communal, relationship-based nature of self-esteem defined in the theoretical base of this study. Evidence of this consistency is found. in research reported. by’ Stake and Orlofsky (1981). They examined the relationship between the TSBI and specific measures of agentic and communal self-esteem and found that the TSBI has three factors, one of which measures both agentic and communal aspects of self-esteem. Seven items loaded on this factor, while only four loaded on 116 each of the other two factors. Thus, the philosophical and theoretical appropriateness of the TSBI for this study is evident. Hypotheses The following hypotheses were tested in this study: 1. There will be differences between women who have masculine or androgynous sex roles as measured.by the PAQ, and women who have feminine or undifferentiated sex roles as measured by the PAQ, with respect to scores on the ASR awareness of anger, general expression of aggression, verbal aggression, physical aggression, and condemnation of anger scales. More specifically: a. Women with masculine or androgynous sex roles as measured by the PAQ will score higher on the ASR awareness of anger scale than women who have feminine or undifferentiated sex roles as measured by the PAQ. b. Women with masculine or androgynous sex roles as measured by the PAQ will score higher on the ASR general expression of aggression scale than women who have feminine or undifferentiated sex roles as measured by the PAQ. c. Women with masculine or androgynous sex roles as measured by the PAQ will score higher on the ASR verbal aggression scale than ‘women ‘who have feminine or undifferentiated sex roles as measured by the PAQ. 117 d. Women with masculine or androgynous sex roles as measured by the PAQ will score higher on the ASR physical aggression scale than ‘women ‘who have feminine or undifferentiated sex roles as measured by the PAQ. e. Women with masculine or androgynous sex roles as measured by the PAQ will score lower on the ASR condemnation of anger scale than 'women ‘who have feminine or undifferentiated sex roles as measured by the PAQ. 2. Scores on the ASR scales will play a role in predicting the self-esteem of individual women as measured by the TSBI. More specifically: a. ASR awareness of anger scores will negatively predict TSBI self-esteem scores. b. ASR general expression of aggression scores will negatively predict TSBI self-esteem scores. c. .ASR‘verbal aggression scores will negatively predict TSBI self-esteem scores. d. ASR physical aggression scores will negatively predict TSBI self-esteem scores. e. ASR condemnation of anger scores will positively predict TSBI self-esteem scores. 3. There will be differences in TSBI self-esteem scores between the four groups of women having masculine, androgynous, feminine, or undifferentiated sex roles as measured by the PAQ. More specifically: 118 a. Women having androgynous sex roles as measured by the PAQ will score higher on the TSBI than women having masculine, feminine, or undifferentiated sex roles as measured by the PAQ. b. Women having masculine sex roles as measured by the PAQ will score higher on the TSBI than women having feminine or undifferentiated sex roles on the PAQ. c. Women having feminine sex roles as measured by the PAQ will score higher on the TSBI than women having undifferentiated sex roles as measured by the PAQ. 4. There will be an interaction between sex roles as measured by the PAQ and ASR awareness of anger, general expression of aggression, verbal aggression, physical aggression and condemnation of anger scores in predicting TSBI self—esteem scores. More specifically: a. ASR awareness of anger scores will: (1) positively predict TSBI self-esteem scores for women having masculine sex roles as measured by the PAQ. (2) negatively predict TSBI self-esteem scores for women having feminine sex roles as measured by the PAQ. (3) not predict TSBI self-esteem scores for women having androgynous or undifferentiated sex roles as measured by the PAQ. b. ASR general expression of aggression scores will: (1) (2) (3) 119 positively predict TSBI self-esteem scores for women having masculine sex roles as measured by the PAQ. negatively predict TSBI self-esteem scores for women having feminine sex roles as measured by the PAQ. not predict TSBI self-esteem scores for women having androgynous or undifferentiated sex roles as measured by the PAQ. c. ASR verbal aggression scores will: (1) (2) (3) positively predict TSBI self-esteem scores for women having masculine sex roles as measured by the PAQ. negatively predict TSBI self-esteem scores for women having feminine sex roles as measured by the PAQ. not predict TSBI self-esteem scores for women having androgynous or undifferentiated sex roles as measured by the PAQ. d. ASR physical aggression scores will: (1) (2) positively predict TSBI self-esteem scores for women having masculine sex roles as measured by the PAQ. negatively predict TSBI self-esteem scores for women having feminine sex roles as measured by the PAQ. 120 (3) not predict TSBI self-esteem scores for women having androgynous or undifferentiated sex roles as measured by the PAQ. e. ASR condemnation of anger scores will: (1) negatively predict TSBI self-esteem scores for women having masculine sex roles as measured by the PAQ. (2) positively predict TSBI self-esteem scores for women having feminine sex roles as measured by the PAQ. (3) not predict TSBI self-esteem scores for women having androgynous or undifferentiated sex roles as measured by the PAQ. In reviewing the literature, very little empirical data were found that suggest the existence of relationships between sex role, anger, self-esteem, and demographic variables such as age, educational level, and occupational classification. It was not feasible, therefore, to formulate hypotheses which addressed the effects of demographic variables on the variables of interest in this study. 1 There was reason to believe, however, that such demographic variables might affect the other variables being investigated in this study. For this reason, information on several demographic variables was gathered and used to explore relationships between the primary variables of sex role, anger and self-esteem. These variables 121 were martial status, age, educational level, employee classification, and household income. Data were also gathered for use in a future study of the impact of socioeconomic status on anger in women. Statistical Procedures for Data Analysis Descriptive statistics were computed for each of the main variables: awareness of anger, general expression of aggression, verbal aggression, physical aggression, condemnation of anger, self-esteem, and sex role. The following statistical procedures were used to analyze the data for this study: 1” .A multi-variate analysis of variance was used to test hypothesis 1, which stated the expected differences in awareness of anger, general expression of aggression, verbal aggression, physical aggression, and condemnation of anger, between women with masculine or androgynous sex roles, and women with feminine or undifferentiated sex roles. Planned and post hoc contrasts were used to test the specific parts of the hypotheses. The effects of the demographic variables were explored for each of the anger variables using a multi- variate analysis of variance and post hoc contrasts. 2. A stepwise multiple regression analysis was used to test hypothesis 2, which described the manner in which awareness of anger, general expression of aggression, verbal aggression, physical aggression, and condemnation of anger were expected 122 to predict self-esteem. Stepwise multiple regression analyses were used to test the effects of the demographic variables in predicting self-esteem. 3. A one-way analysis of variance was used.to test hypothesis 3, which. stated. the: expected. differences in self-esteem between the four sex role groups. The specific parts of the hypothesis were tested by pairwise contrasts using the Tukey procedure, and by pairwise contrasts using a less conservative contrast-based alpha level. 4. A stepwise multiple regression analysis was used to test hypothesis 4, which described the expected variability, according to sex role, of the manner in which awareness of anger, general expression of aggression, verbal aggression, physical aggression, and condemnation of anger were anticipated to predict self-esteem. s ' V 'a Analysis of variance was used to test hypotheses 1 and 3. The assumptions of analysis of variance are: 1. The observations are sampled from normally distributed populations. 2. The variances of the populations from which the observations are drawn are homogeneous. 3. The observations are independent. An examination of the frequency distributions and.descriptive statistics for the data confirmed that these assumptions were met in this study. The homogeneity of variance assumption was 123 also tested.by the Bartlett test (Glass 8 Hopkins, 1984). The results confirmed that the assumption had been met by the data. '5 e s 'o Stepwise multiple regression analyses were used to test hypotheses 2 and 4. In this type of analysis the best predictor of the dependent variable is entered into the regression equation in step one. The variable which accounts for the greatest amount of variance, in conjunction with variables already in the equation, is selected and added in each successive step. Stepwise multiple regression was employed because it shows the change in the variance of the outcome variable which is accounted for by the inclusion of each independent variable in the regression equation. This quality was desirable in the present research because there was no empirical base for predicting the relative importance of the ASR variables in predicting self-esteem. WW Regression analyses are based on the following three assumptions: normality, linearity, and homoscedasticity of residuals. The normality assumption was tested by histogram and normal probability plots of the residuals, which proved to be normally distributed. The linearity assumption was tested by plotting the actual TSBI scores against the predicted TSBI scores. The resulting plot demonstrated that 124 the actual and predicted scores were linearly related. According to Berenson, Levine, 8 Goldstein (1983) , the homoscedasticity assumption may be tested by plotting the residuals against the scores on the independent variables. When no pattern emerges in the scatterplot, the homoscedasticity assumption has been met. Accordingly, the residuals for the TSBI scores were plotted against the scores on each of the five ASR scales. Random scatterplots indicated that the assumption was met for those ASR scales which proved to be significant predictors of TSBI self-esteem scores. In addition to testing the three assumptions of regression analysis described above, the residuals were also examined to determine whether the observations were independent. Independence may be tested by plotting the residuals against each case (Berenson et al., 1983) . The casewise plots were random, indicating that the observations were independent. NEW In performing regression analyses it is important to inspect relationships between the independent variables for the existence of multicollinearity or singularity. Multicollinearity occurs when independent variables are highly correlated with each other. Singularity refers to linear dependency among the independent variables, i.e. , one variable is a linear combination of other variables. Pedhazur (1982) 125 has demonstrated that these conditions can result in a lack of precision in the results of the regression analysis. Correlation coefficients were computed between all the main variables to detect the possibility of multicollinearity. Some significant correlations were found between the ASR scales, most notably a correlation of .65 between verbal aggression and general expression of anger, and a correlation of .51 between general expression of anger and awareness of anger. Other correlations between ASR scales ranged from - .16 to .42. Zelin et al. (1972) reported the existence of correlations between the scales and addressed the question of whether the scales were sufficiently independent to result in differential diagnostic information on. the Ibasis of ‘the difference between scores on the scales. Zelin at al. concluded that there was more than adequate reliable, independent variance between the scales. Correlations between the PAQ scales and the ASR scales did not pose problems of multicollinearity. The highest correlation was found between PAQ masculinity and ASR verbal aggression (.31). Table 4.1 contains the complete correlations matrix for all main variables in this study. The problem of singularity was not found in the present research. ane of the independent variables were linearly dependent. 126 *NH. sevo.u 444mm. «*mH.I seed.) 444mm. seams. Hume *NH. ***oo. ***mm. ***mm.l ***Hm. AH.I enma. mmoz< ho onwmmmmxm Admmzmo ***oo. 8*mH.| *«umo. oo. mo.) onmmmmoO< onmmmmoc< A<0Hw>=m *summ. ***mw. *muoo. usemm.u 4*woe. 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