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THE USE OF TRAVEL IN OHARLEMAGNE'S GOVERNMENT

By

Katherine P. Horthington

A 1-13

submitted to
Michigan State university
in partial fulfillnent of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of History

1986

ABSTRACT
CHARLEMAGNE'S GOVERNMENTAL USE OF TRAVEL
By
Katherine P. Worthington
Body of Abstract

Charlemagne's Governmental Use of Travel is a study which at-'
tempts to show the crucial importance of travel, both by the king
and by his officials, for the functioning of government under
Charlemagne. The Carolingian kings, like their Merovingian pre-
decessors possessed royal power which was personal in character.
Their subjects owed them service and allegiance according to
Germanic custom, but the extent to which any Carolingian king
could exact the service and allegiance owed to him depended upon
his ability to make known and enforce his will. Both the announce-
ment of the king's will and the enforcement of his decisions re-
quired travel. The purpose of this study is to show the ways in
which Charlemagne used travel to achieve greater governmental
organization than his predecessors had known, as well as the exp
tent to which Charlemagne's governmental organization depended
upon the use of travel.

This greater governmental organization which Charlemagne
achieved consisted of structured channels through which the king
kept a watch over his subjects. Charlemagne emphasized that the
counts and bishops were responsible for touring their districts
frequently to keep peace and order and to inform the people there
of the king's commands. Charlemagne used the gissi dominici as

an itinerant form of royal power to oversee those royal officials

who had charge over specific districts. And the king himself
travelled extensively to insure that all his officials understood
and obeyed his commands. It was through such constant travel and
surveillance that Charlemagne accomplished his various successes.
The decay of Charlemagne's governmental organization after the
year 800 is further evidence of the importance of travel in '
Charlemagne's governmental program. During the fourteen years
after the imperial coronation Charlemagne himself travelled less
frequently. He seemed to rely on the on the governmental organ-
isation he had already established. Because he had not removed
the personal nature of his authority, however, he could not exact
the same level of obedience which he had achieved when he travel-

led frequently.

INTRODUCTION

Personal was the power of the Carolingian rulers. The actual
power which the mayor of the palace, the king, or later, the
emperor exercised did not rest solely in the office or the title
each held. Rather, the personal attributes, character, strengths,
and weaknesses of a particular ruler determined the extent of the
power he could wield. Tradition allowed the Prankish kings cer-
tain powers, prerogatives and responsibilities as leaders of a
Germanic kingdom; but the extent to which any leader could trans-
late his position into actual effective power depended upon his
ability to pronounce and enforce his will. A forceful personality
combined with governmental talent and a drive to oversee per-
sonally governmental proceedings could maintain or increase the
actual power which his position implied. Likewise, a weak per-
sonality who allowed the proceedings of government to slip from
his sight and direction could lose control over his subjects.

The early Carolingians exemplify the former potentiality while
the later Herovingians exemplify the latter.

A direct relationship existed between the Prankish ruler's
actual power and his ability to impose his will upon his sub-
jects, regardless of the distance between himself and the gova
erned.‘ The ruler, then, had to find a means to make his presence
felt by his subjects. The Carolingians made use of several tra-
ditional channels and created some new channels through which

their power flowed.

In an age without our quick and efficient means of commun-

ication, travel played a crucial role in the maintenance of power.
The Carolingian rulers themselves travelled to inspect personally
various parts of their realm; they made use of various messengers
to announce their decisions; and as leaders in person of the army
they displayed their power to their subjects and foreigners alike.

This study will focus on Charlemagne, his use of travel in gov-

erning the Regnum Francorum, and the relationship between his use.
of travel and the extent of his power. The personal nature of
the Prankish king's power meant he needed frequent contact with
his officials and his subjects. Charlemagne used elaborate
tactics to maintain such contact, all of which required travel.
While Charlemagne himself participated in governmental and
military travel his power increased. In the later years of his
reign, however, when he travelled less and empowered subordinates
with greater governmental duties, his power began to decline.

A study of Charlemagne's use of travel in government will illus—
trate this process.

First, however, a brief discussion of the early Carolingians
and a general discussion of the structure of Charlemagne's gov-
ernment are necessary before delving into a detailed analysis of I
Charlemagne's governmental use of travel. Charlemagne's govern-
ment was more structured and regulated than that of his pre-
decessors. Yet he maintained and built upon many of their governing
principles. A brief look at the early Carolingians will show
what they contributed to the governmental structure of their
greatest successor. A general outline of Charlemagne's govern-

ment will lay the ground work for an analysis of the function of

travel within his government.

I have relied predominantly on three particular sources for
this study. The Royal Frankish Annals (REA), Einhard's Life of
Charlemagne and Charlemagne's capitularies. Each of these sources
provides a direct focus on Charlemagne, though from different
angles.

The 325 chronicles the major military and political events
concerning the Prankish realm for the years from 741 to 829. For
each year an entry is logged which reports the important events
of that year. These entries are rather brief and provide only
the bare outlines of the events discussed. Also the scope of the
'325 is rather limited. The military endeavors of Charlemagne
receive, by far, the most space and attention. A military cam-
paign is reported nearly every year and often such a campaign is
the only event reported. This reflects the importance of warfare
in Carolingian society. Other types of events which the Annals
report include internal political problems, diplomatic relations,
and the nonpmilitary movements of the king, but these topics are
clearly less important to the annalists.

Although there is some uncertainity about the authorship of
the 535, some things seem clear. The changing literary style with-
in the text indicates that three separate authors contributed in
compiling it. The section covering the years from 741 to 795 seems
to have been written by a single author.1 Another author covered
the years from 795 to 807.2 And the final section, 808 to 829,
was written by yet another author.3 A fourth author, probably
writing after the death of Charlemagne, produced a revised version
of the Annals which included much information omitted by the ear-

lier authors.4 The identity of any of these authors is unknown.

Most of the text seems to have been written contemporaneously
with the events it describes. The entries for approximately the
‘ first forty years are quite brief and indicate that the author
compiled this section from notes or from memory. From that point
on the entries grow in length and detail indicating that they
were written at the time of the events they reported. The con-
tents of the £25 suggest that it was compiled at the royal court
rather than in some remote monastery. First, the authors show a
detailed knowledge of the major military and political events
concerning the realm.. Only direct contact with the royal govern-
ment could provide such knowledge. Second, the bias in favor
of the king illustrates the loyalty of the authors.5 And finally,
the lack of ecclesiastical information indicates the lack of
monastic participation in drafting the 535.

This information concerning the text and its authors
clarifies the extent to which it can be used and trusted. The
fact that the authors had access to the important individuals of
Charlemagne's government combined with the fact that they wrote
about contemporary events lends credibility to the factual infor-
mation they report. The authors, however, held their position
from the king and were probably churchmen of the royal chapel.6
Their position introduces a bias which is evident throughout the
text. 'The authors reported the king's actions in order to
glorify him. They constantly portrayed their king as a good
Christian and a just ruler. This purpose required that they emit
some events from their reports and it colored their discussion of
the king's motives. As with all sources, caution is necessary

when sifting the usable information from the non.

4

Einhard's Life of Charlemagne offers many of the same bene-
fits as the ggé and it embodies a similar bias. It is, however,
an entirely different kind of source than the BEA and it contains
information which the EEA authors were not interested to report.
It is, therefore, a valuable Carolingian source which does more
than repeat or mimic other sources.

Einhard studied at the Palace School at Aachen beginning
sometime after 791.7 He lived at court and enjoyed Charlemagne's
favor for the remainder of the king's reign. Einhard wrote the
Life of Charlemagne in part to repay the personal debt he felt
he owed the king for the royal favor he received.8 Hence this work
is more personal than the Annals. Einhard discusses the person
of the king much more than do the 325 authors.

Like the 335, Einhard reports on Charlemagne's military and
political accomplishments at some length. Like any good Frank,
Einhard saw these achievements as Charlemagne's most glorious
feats. Unlike the Egg, however, Einhard did not report on these
events as they occurred year by year. He did not write this work
until sometime between 829 and 836 9 and consequently Einhard pro-
vides a report which enjoys the benefit of hindsight. The Egg
reflects the complexity of Charlemagne's were; they took years to
complete and each was often interrupted by other concerns or crises.
By contrast Einhard discusses each war neatly and in turn. First
he relates Charlemagne's early campaign into Aquitaine, then the
war in Italy, then the Saxon wars and so on. Where the Egg re-
flects the complexity of Charlemagne's military and political en-
deavors, Einhard illustrates the continuity of those endeavors.

Both portraits are useful.

Einhard moves beyond a discussion of Charlemagne's military
accomplishments into a personal description of the king. Einhard
tells us of the king's appearance and dress. He illustrates the
king's piety and generosity to the Church. We learn something of
Charlemagne's relationship with his family. Einhard also spends.
some time discussing Charlemagne's active patronage of education
and religious reform. These descriptions offer many insights to
the person of the king although caution is required in sifting
the usable from the suspect information.

Einhard knew Charlemagne personally for several years and
witnessed much of what he reported. He tries to convince the
reader from the beginning that he is offering a reliable account
of the king and his accomplishments:

I have decided I myself should not refuse to write

a book of this kind, for I am very conscious of

the fact that no one can describe these events

more accurately than I, for I was present when they

took place and, as they say, I saw them with my

own eyes. What is more, I cannot be absolutely

sure that these happenings will in fact ever be

described by anyone else.
Despite Einhard's value as an eyewitness, his book contains some
pitfalls. First, he suffers from a similar bias as the 535 authors.
He lived at court and was supported by Charlemagne. In his own
estimation Charlemagne was "the greatest man of all those living
in his own period",11 and the entire text reflects this attitude.
Einhard describes his king in extremely favorable terms and often
omits ‘ information or events which would have reflected badly on
his master. Einhard gives a one-sided point of view.

In addition to this Einhard models his Life of Charlemagne

so closely after SUetonius' Lives of the Caesars that he often

distorts Charlemagne's character. The organization, structure and
length of Einhard's work were all determined by Suetonius' works.
Einhard often attributed the same qualities to Charlemagne that

Suetonius attributed to Augustus.12

Both Einhard's classical model
and his ingrained bias in favor of the king cast some doubt upon
his version of Charlemagne's character and accomplishments. Still
Einhard was a personal companion of the king, he was an eyewitness
of much of what he reported, and he produced a valuable account of
Charlemagne and his life.

Charlemagne's capitularies offer entirely different kinds
of information than do the 335 or.Einhard. The capitularies were
legal documents. They were a written version of the king's legal
pronouncements. The Franks and other peoples inhabiting the Frank-
ish realm all had customary laws with which they were expected to
comply. Charlemagne did not attempt to change these laws and his
capitularies do not constitute a legal code. Instead they repre-
sent the king's decisions on how to improve or interpret certain
existing customary laws, or they represent the king's decision to
emphasize customary laws which had been abused or ignored. The
capitularies contain the king's commands concerning the structure
of society, military procedure, religious practice, royal income
and a variety of other issues.

Unfortunately, the clarity and detail of these documents
is somewhat deceptive. Often capitularies were Charlemagne's
response to problems within his realm. Sometimes a specific
crisis such as the emergence of religious heresy or a Saxon revolt

prompted Charlemagne to produce a capitulary. At other time less

dramatic problems such as a general non-compliance to some cus-
tomary law gave rise to a capitulary. In any case capitularies
were usually responses to problems within the realm; hence, they
do not always represent the normal function of society.

The capitularies often give detailed information about the
issues they discuss. They list crimes and their punishment; they
attempt to regulate some trade; they dictate the proper relation-
ship between lay and ecclesiastical officials; they state the
functions of various royal officials; and so on. Ebwever, they
tend to present the ideal picture rather than the actual function
of society. The capitularies, for example, give many details
concerning the proper function of a count. But because such
statements are frequent in the capitularies,it seems clear that
counts often did not operate according to the ideal Charlemagne
established. As with many legal documents, the capitularies
give precise details and make precise divisions between various
segments of society which probably did not exist in reality. They
give a false sense of order and function within society.

For this study, however, the problems with using capitularies
as a source do not create a large stumbling block. This study
will show how Charlemagne wanted to regulate society. Charle-
magne did attempt to systematize his government to a greater de-
gree than his predecessors. That he did not achieve as much
success as his capitularies imply is not beside the point, but
neither is it a serious issue. This study will focus on the
methods by which Charlemagne chose to govern his realm and the

necessity for travel in these methods. Even if the capitularies

overstate the organization he achieved, they still illustrate his

organizational goals.

BACKGROUND

By the mid-sixth century the Merovingian dynasty con-
trolled nearly all of Gaul. Their success, however, did not
last. The successors of Clovis found themselves increasingly
unable to maintain unity within their realm, control an an-
bitious nobility, or defend the kingdom against invasions}3 By
the mid-seventh century the dynasty was in an advanced state
of decline and the mayors of the palace emerged as the real
possessors of power. The Prankish kingdom fell into three
basic sub-kingdoms: Neustria, Austrasia and Burgundy, each
with a mayor of the palace.

Pepin of Herstal, mayor of the palace in Austrasia in the
late seventh century, gained a strong governmental position for
the Arnulfing family. Slowly and with difficulty he managed to
establish Austrasian domination over the other sub-kingdoms of
the Merovingian realmj4’He became the single mayor of the palace
for the whole realm. At his death in December 714 he bequeathed
_ this position to his wife and two grandsons, but it was his
illegitimate son, Charles Martel, who would build upon his
achievements.

Charles Martel spent the first years after his father's
death enlisting followers and allies. Originally, the

. region where he could count on support was...

confined to the Ardennes and Eifel regions,

the Meuse and the middle Moselle river valleys

and northern Alsace. Among the peripheral
principalities, only Thuringia was sympathetic...15

Charles used the support he had to overcome the resistance posed

10

by Pepin's wife and grandsons. Throughout his career he strove
to increase the area of his domination. He was successful. By
the time of his death in 741 Charles had extended the boundaries
of the realm in every direction. To the north he reached the
mouth of the Rhine; the Ryrenees in the south; the Alps, Thuringia
and Alemannia in the east; and the English Channel in the west.16

Two innovations helped Charles realize his goals. First,
he recognized the potential of joining the practice of granting
benefices to loyal followers with vassalage. Second, the intro-
duction and adaptation of the stirrup allowed him to build a
Prankish cavalry.17

In the Frankish domain a ruler supported himself and his
retinue primarily from the resources of the ruler's lands. In
order to enlist followers, he had to offer them rewards for their
loyalty. This was especially true for someone like Charles who
had no traditional claim to the position of supreme power. Charles
used the traditional practice of granting to insure military sup-
port. He granted benefices, usually land, and required services
from the recipient, usually military. He used church lands to
enhance his ability to grant land gifts without depleating his own
land holdings.18

Charles Martel's acquisition of power coincided with the
introduction of the stirrup into western Europe. As John Beeler
points out, the fact that the Franks had to contend with mounted
Arab invaders encouraged their development of a cavalry and ac-

celerated their use of the stirrup. The mere fact that the Franks

learned of the stirrup did not necessitate their using it. Usually

11

the development of a military innovation occurs slowly. Beeler,
however, sees the Frankish adoption of the stirrup as "rapid --
almost precipitate for a military change...", and he attributes
this to the threat of Arab invasions.19
The added power and mobility which came with a cavalry
gave Charles an advantage over his enemies and aided him
greatly in his conquests. He began several traditions in
government which his military position made possible to in-
stitute. Both Pepin III and Charlemage in turn made greater
use of the cavalry, continued to join benefices with vassalage
and both steadily increased the size of the Prankish kingdom.
Charles Martel died in October 741, and in the Germanic
tradition he divided his lands between his sons Carloman and
Pepin. Carloman received Austrasia, Swabia and Thuringia
while Pepin received Burgundy, Neustria and Provence. Carloman
ruled only six years before he renounced his position and
entered a monastery. During those six.years, however, he
exhibited an interest in ecclesiastical affairs which added
an important component to Carolingian rule. Carloman partic-

ipated in the efforts to reform the Frankish church. He

used his capitularies to translate reforms into law; he supported
the missionary efforts of Boniface to a degree which made Bon-
iface's own efforts dependent on the mayor of the palace.

'A moment of great significance had been reached.
Bonifcae had to suffer the secular ruler to take
the initiative in ecclesiastical matters to a
degree unprecedented even during the height of
Merovingian power. This was the price he had to
pay for the advancement of reform and its appli-
cation to the old Frankish territory.

12

When Carloman abdicated his position, his brother Pepin not only
took over his lands but also this relationship established with
the Church.

In 747 Pepin III reunited both halves of the realm. His
Arnulfing predecessors had each contributed to strengthening the
rule of the family and Pepin built upon their achievements. He
strengthened the alliance with the Frankish Church and he became
the protector and ally of the pope without losing control over his
church to Rome. He supervised both lay and ecclesiastical officials

in an effort to eliminate resistance to his rule.21

He also gained
added territories for the Regnum Francorum. As the crown of all
his efforts, he officially displaced the Merovingian dynasty and
received the title of king for himself through the authorization
of a Prankish election and support from the pope.
Pepin was elected king according to the custom

of the Franks, anointed by the hand of Archbishop

Boniface of saintly memory, and raised to the king-

ship by the Pranks in the city of Soissons. But

Childerich, who was falsely called king, was ton-

sured and sent into a monastery. 2
Thus, at his death, he could bequeath not only a large realm, a
useful alliance with the Church, and a working governmental
structure based on acknowledged custom, but also the crown itself.

During his reign the first Carolingian king was careful to

educate his sons in governmental, military and diplomatic affairs.
In 754 when Pope Stephen travelled to the Frankish realm to enlist
Pepin's assistance against the Lombards and to anoint the new king
himself, the pope also anointed both Pepin's eons as kings.23 In
this way Pepin established not only his own royal legitimacy but

also the legitimacy of his heirs. In 757 the troublesome Duke

13

Tassilo of Bavaria swore fealty not only to Pepin but to the king's
sons as well.24 The royal sons, therefore, not only received an
important personal bond with a high ranking royal official but they
also they also witnessed the importance of such bonds within the
Prankish governmental system. In 761 Pepin took his son Charles
with him on an expedition into Aquitaine.25 Thus Pepin introduced
his son to the methods of Frankish warfare. The Royal Frankish
Annals does not mention Charles and Carloman frequently before
their father's death. Yet from the little attention they do re-
ceive it seems clear that when Pepin died in September of 768 he
left two sons well versed in the business of governing a realm.
Pepin III maintained the old Germanic custom and divided his

kingdom between his two sons. Carloman received Burgundy, Provence,
Alsatia, Alemannia and part of Aquitaine while Charles received
Austrasia, Neustria and part of Aquitaine. Between 768 and 771
while the kingdom was split, animosity developed between the two
royal brothers which Heinrich Fichtenau attributes partially to
Carloman's inheritance of the most attractive land in the kingdom.26
In any case the animosity grew when Carloman refused to give any
assistance in quelling an uprising in Aquitaine.

The province of Aquitaine, which had been allotted

to the older brother, King Charles, had been up in

arms ever since the hostilities of the past war. A

certain Hunald who wanted to be king incited the

people of the province to new ventures. Against

this man King Charles marched with his army. But

since he received no assistance from his brother,

who was kept from giving it by the crooked counsel

of his magnates, Charles only had a talk with him at

Duasdives. While his brother returned to his king-

dom, Charles marched to the city of Angouleme in

Aquitaine and from there, with troops gathered from

all sides, pursued Hunald on his flight and almost
caught him. 2

14

The chronicler's comment that "crooked counsel" kept Carloman
from participating in the battle is a typical device used when
one does not want to criticize the king directly. Aquitaine

was a troublesome area that had long been a problem to Carolin-
gian rulers and Charlemagne could not have been pleased with this
lack of cooperation. The animosity between the two men seemed

to be leading toward war, but the early death of Carloman pre-
vented auch a detrimental event.

From the time Charlemagne gained royal power in 768 he
sought to build upon the governing techniques of his predecessors.
Throughout his reign he strove for reforms or improvements in
every aspect of his government. His early years were spent in
conflict with his brother but after he gained sole possession of
the realm he began to develop his own governmental policies.

Charlemagne accepted the governmental structure he inherited
and he improved upon it. He did not alter the personal nature
of Prankish royal power, but he did try to achieve greater con-
trol over governmental officials. He tried to systematize his
government enough to insure that his officials couli not dis-
obey him. A brief account of Charlemagne's governmental pol-
icies will illustrate the character of his rule and facilitate
a study of travel within that government.

From the beginning Charlemagne strove for order within.his
realm. He was the supreme military, governmental and political
figure in the realm. Although he could not oversee personally
every detail in the governance of his domain and although he

entrusted numerous officials with governmental responsibilities,

15

in theory it was always his authority which his officials promul-
gated and enforced. He acted through his officials. He made
improvements and pushed for greater organization in every aspect
of government, as well as in the religious practices and beliefs
of his subjects. A monarch who ruled with a personal power in a
realm as large and growing as the Regnum Francorum could not hope
to maintain effective authority over all his subjects without
establishing a clear organization for governmental procedure.
Charlemagne seems to have recognized this for throughout his reign
he focused on improving the system of government which he inher-
ited.

From the outset Charlemagne made more extensive and system-
atic use of four governing tools; capitularies, his banggg, the
missi dominici, and vassalage. Each of these had been used in
the past, but previous Carolingians and Merovingians had used
them infrequently or less systematically that did Charlemagne.
He recognized in each of these the means of establishing’the
order he sought and consequently relied on them heavily.

A capitulary was a set of legal statements promulgated
by the king after an assembly of the Frankish magnates or some
other sort of council. «Once formulated, it was sent either
throughout the kingdom or to the particular regions to which
it applied. A capitulary publicized the will of the king and

his subjects were obliged to comply. 0f course,Charlemagne

often had problems with his subjects who ignored their obliga-
tions, but in theory at least, he had set a standard for the

realm. He used the capitularies to reinforce established laws,

16

readjust customary laws to fit new situationspand to correct
particular crises. The capitularies could address any issue from
military procedure to proper Christian dogma. For example, in
794, after an assembly of both secular and ecclesiastical maga
nates, Charlemagne issued a capitulary from Frankfurt. This
capitulary responded to a series of serious events which had
occurred across the previous two years: Pepin the Hunchback, an
illegitimate son of the king had organized a conspiracy against
his father in 792; another serious Saxon rebellion occurred at
this time; and in the religious sphere both the Adoptionist
heresy of Felix, bishop of Urgel, and the Eastern defense of the

28

worship of icons surfaced. This capitulary is somewhat unusual

in that it responds to such a variety of crises, yet it is il-
lustrative of Charlemagne's use of capitularies.

In response to Pepin's conspiracy the capitulary states:
"concerning plots and conspiracies, that they should not occur;
and where they are discovered they are to be crushed".29 About

the religious issues the capitulary states:

... there arose the matter of the impious and
wicked heresy of Elipandus, bishop of the see of

' Toledo, and Felix, bishop of Urgel, and their
followers, who in their erroneous belief con-
cerning the Son of God assert adoption: this
heresy did all the most holy fathers above men-
tioned repudiate and with one voice denounce,
and it was their decision that it should be
utterly eradicated from the Hbiy Church.

There was presented for discussion the matter of
the new synod of the Greeks, organized at Constan-
tinople on the subject of the adoration of images,
in which it was stated that they regarded as
anathema those images of the saints which did not
have a bearing on the service or adoration of the

17

Holy Trinity; our most holy fathers aforemen
tioned repudiated and despised all such ador-
ation and service, and agreed in condemning it.31

These excerpts from the capitulary imply that the rules
established were the product of the magnates' decisions as much
as of the king's decisions.i But the terminology is misleading.
Charlemagne asked for advice from knowledgable sources; he met
with his magnates in order to hear their reports of events in
their local regions and their opinions, but ultimately the decisions
made and published were the king's. The capitulary represented
the king's will and no one else's. So upon.hearing the opinions
of his magnates, Charlemagne made his decisions, announced them
to the gathering, promulgated them throughout the pertinent areas
of the realm, and his subjects than had the duty to comply. ,Char-
lemagne made more extensive use of capitularies than had his pre—
decessors and through this tool he established, in theory at least,
laws and standards which would create organized government and

society.

Along with the capitulary came an increased emphasis on
the king's bangug. "The bannum is essentially a command or
prohibition, but given the general character that it assumes
in the texts, one seems warranted in stating that since the
Carolingian period the word also designated the power by
virtue of which one commanded or prohibited".32 In the interest
of maintaining basic public order Charlemagne designated certain
offences which always came under his bannum; for example, crimes

against the underprivileged, the vulnerablr or churches. The

18

banngm also applied to military service. Anyone who failed to
serve in the army or assist in supplying the army was guilty of
transgressing the king's bagggm. A stiff fine of 60 shillings
awaited anyone guilty of such a transgression. By placing
such an emphasis on this royal power and by explicitly defining
the scope of this power Charlemagne made his royal authority felt
to all levels of society. The high price of disobedience illus-
trated that Charlemagne was intent on maintaining public order
and insistent upon adherence to his authority.

The missi dominici were the royal agents who carried the
king's sapitularies throughout the realm and announced them. But
this was not their only function within the government. In ad-
dition to promulgating capitularies, they gave summons for as-
semblies, inspected the king's lands, supervised the officials
charged with running the royal estates, arranged the summons for
military service, functioned as itinerant judges to settle dif-
ficult cases, and inspected the local judicial officials. 'They
also had miscellaneous other duties as well. The missi dominici
embodied the royal power and exercised that power in the king's
absence on whatever task he assigned them. "To say it was the
king who acted in the person of the giggi would not be an exag-
geration".35 Charlemagne depended on these men to help him over-
see and maintain the governmental order and the internal peace
which he wanted to establish.

Charles Martel first saw the advantages of joining the
granting of benefices with vassalage and this practice added to
the military power which permitted him to control the figgngm

19

Francorum. Charlemagne extended both the usage and the scope of
this arrangement.34 He concentrated on increasing the number
of royal vassals and exacting from them governmental as well as
“military service. Royal vassals could be used as judges either
at the palace or on the local level, they could be missi dominici,
and they could assume various other duties as well.35 While
Charlemagne supported many non-landed royal vassals, he also en-
couraged as increase of landed vassals in order to obtain larger
reserves of loyal military service. Although military service
may have been the king's strongest motive for emphasizing vas-
salage, it is important that he exacted governmental duties as
well. Once again we see Charlemagne extending the use of a
practice already in existence to achieve greater organization
within his government. _

With his emphasis on these four specific governing tools
Charlemagne attempted to construct a more systematic and sophis-
ticated bureaucracy and more efficient governmental institutions
than his predecessors had enjoyed. He did meet with some success.
Charlemagne directed his organizing arm toward every aspect of
administration in the realm. He focused on local government, the
judicial system, the royal estates, military procedure, and the
Frankish Church. Charlemagne sought to impose greater organization
in each of these areas than had previously existed and he was suc-
cessful.

The remainder of this study will focus upon the necessity

for travel in Charlemagne's various governmental endeavors and

the consequences of that necessity. Charlemagne met with his

20

greatest successes both militarily and governmentally during the
first portion of his reign when his energy for personal super-
vision over royal affairs was high. This personal supervision
required much travel both by the king and his officials. For
reasons we shall discuss later, Charlemagne's energy for rigorous
supervision over the administration of his realm slackened towards
the end of his reign. He travelled less and controlled less. As
a result the weaknesses of personal power surfaced, and he could
no longer command the same level of obedience to his authority
which he had once achieved. Although Charlemagne's use of travel
alone may not fully explain his initial success and the subse-

quent waning of his position, it is an important factor.

21

TRAVEL IN CHARLEMAGNE'S GOVERNMENT TO 800

 

In order to facilitate an analysis of Charlemagne's govern—
mental use of travel it will be useful to discuss the various com-
ponents of Charlemagne's administration in turn. First I will
discuss the secular administration, then military procedure, dip-
lomatic contacts and finally the Prankish Church in this period.
Admittedly, divorcing these varied aspects of the government from
one another is an artificial division, one Charlemagne would not
have recognized. But for our purposes it will be helpful to dis-
cuss each in turn with the understanding that they overlap.

The overall structure of Carolingian government consisted
of the counts, ecclesiastical establishments and lands with im-
munity on the local level; the king and the royal household, an
itinerant group; the missi dominici, another type of travelling
royal power; and the frequent assemblies of both clerics and lay-
men. Charlemagne did not change this fundamental governmental
structure, but he labored to systematize and improve it.

The Regnum Francorum was too large and complex for the king
to govern without assistance. A glance at the map on page 23 will
illustrate both the geographical expanse of the realm and the
diverse regions with which the king had to contend. Charlemagne
certainly could not be everywhere at once, yet there existed no
sophisticated dependable bureaucracy in the west which the monarch
could use to exercise his authority through all areas and all
levels of society. Some system of local government was necessary.
Such a system, make—shift and troublesome though it was, did exist

when Charlemagne took the throne. He strove to define and insti-

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23

tutionalize that system while he reigned in order that his royal
authority might be obeyed throughout the realm.
Like his father, Charlemagne recognized that successful

royal government depended upon the monarch's ability to control
the counts, the chief local officials. Traditionally the Frank-
ish kingdom had counts, powerful local officials each in charge
of a specific area, the county. The great distances between the
king and his counts meant that the counts could disregard the king's
commands, govern to their own advantage,and hope to go unnoticed.
Such behavior, however, would undermine the public order so dear
to the king and consequently Charlemagne not only clearly defined
their duties but he also instituted several checks upon his counts.
Both the countsfown governmental duties and the methods Charle-
magne used to supervise his counts necessitated travel.

A Charlemagne focused on these officials, formulating a more
specific and organized definition of their office and duties, in
an effort to make them an integral part of an efficient governs
ment. The count had several responsibilities but chief among them
were to protect the king's rights within the assigned district and
to maintain peace and order within that area. Counts had "extremely
wide and varied police powers'm which they exercised to maintain
order. They also had military and judicial duties which will be
discussed later. Charlemagne could also require other miscellaneous
services from his counts: they had to attend the assemblies; they
could be required to serve as missi dominici; they could be used
as ambassadors; and they couli be required to serve at the palace
court.38 These various and temporary duties of the count illus-

trate the make-shift nature of the Carolingian governmental

24

mechanism. Charlemagne depended on trusted or capable individuals
to perform important governmental tasks as need arose. Charle-
magne imposed an order on his government but he never created a
dependable bureaucracy which would function without his constant
guidance.

All of the counts' tasks required travel in some way. In
order to maintain order in his county each count had to travel
through his district inspecting both the populace and the subor-
dinate officials. Each count had to preside over the local courts
at various times and various places throughout the year. Nearly
every year the count had to travel to a determined place to meet
with the king in an assembly and report any problems in his

county.

The governmental role of the counts was extremely important.
Yet the potential for these officials to misuse their position or
to encroach upon the jurisdiction of another royal official was
high. Charlemagne tried to counter these tendencies. He appointed
men he trusted for these positions and he constantly admonished
them through the capitularies to perform their duties honorably.
He frequently requested that the counts cooperate with one another
and with the ecclesiastical officials who also possessed local
authority. The capitulary of Paderborn makes this request clear:

Let all the counts endeavour to be at peace and
concord with one another: and if it should
happen that some disagreement or quarrel should
arise among them they must not scorn our help
in settling it. 39

The Admonito Generalis or 789 illustrates the king's desire that

25

ecclesiastical and secular officials should complement rather than

compete with one another.40

Both groups of officials had similar
and overlapping duties which could produce conflicts. Successful
government, however, required them to cooperate for the benefit of
the government and the governed. Even successful cooperation re—
quired travel. It is easy to imagine the conflicts which could
arise, and Charlemagne wanted to be informed of any such problems.
There must have been a fairly steady flow of messengers coming
from local districts to present the king with reports of local
governmental problems.

Beyond the king's orda's that the counts perform their duties
properly, the king also threatened serious punishments for officials
who disobeyed the king. The king could appoint counts but he could
also dismiss them.41 The capitularies give examples of crimes
serious enough to warrant a count's dismissal. The capitulary
of Herstal makes it clear that counts acting in their capacity as
judges must act according to proper legal procedure or risk losing
their office.42 The capitulary of Paderborn of 785 states:

with regard to robbers and other criminals who flee
from one county to another, if anyone receives them
into his power, and keeps him for seven nights for
any purpose other than to bring them to justice, let
him pay our fine. Likewise, if the count lets such
a man abscond, and refuses to bring him to justice,
and can give no reason for so doing, let him lose
his office. 43
The Qapitulatio de Partibus Saxoniae makes a similar statement.44

From these capitularies it becomes clear that Charlemagne
used threats to insure the count's proper behavior. If temptation
for personal gain overpowered the official's loyalty, then the

threat of dismissal might bring an erring count back into line.

26

Beyond this questionalbe insurance, the king sent his miggi through-
out the realm to ferret out, correct, and report any misdeeds by
his counts. The frequent assemblies attended by the counts of the
realm and the king gave Charlemagne the opportunity to check up
on his officials as well as publicize his will to them. And
finally the king himself travelled extensively throughout his realm
keeping a watchful eye on all components of his government. Just
as the governmental functions of the count required travel, so did
the means by which Charlemagne supervised his count 8.45
In addition to the counts, in the sphere of local government,
there were the lands with immunity. Immunity was a privilege
granted by the king to specific lands and their holders. Usually
this privilege went to ecclesiastical lands but occasionally also
to nonpecclesiastical lands. It exempted the lands in question
from various rents and dues; it removed those lands from the count's
jurisdiction; it prohibited royal officials, except the giggi, from
entering those lands; and often the holders of lands granted im-
munity were allowed to keep the income which otherwise would be
owed to the king. Immunity, however, did not nullify the holders'
responsibility of providing military service nor did it remove
their responsibility of providing justice. The responsibilities
which immunity did not remove indicate the duties which Charlemagne
considered most vital to the functioning of the realm.
The privilege of immunity existed before Charlemagne came to
power, but this innovative monarch tailored this practice so that
it fit his governmental plans. As in the past, it was a gift which

might secure the loyalty of the recipient and assist the benefactor

27

in gaining salvation. For Charlemagne, however, it served a spe-
cific governmental purpose as well.

Charlemagne created the office of permanent advocate for
these lands. Laymen filled these positions,and their job was to
oversee the proper functioning of the privileged lands from the
government's standpoint. They supervised the procedures of ful-
filling military obligations and administering justice within the
area. The permanent advocate was responsible for insuring that
the king received the services owed him and that the holders of
such lands performed their governmental duties properly. The
missi dominici supervised the permanent advocates and could remove
them if they failed in their duties.46

Once again the governmental need for travel is clear. The
permanent advocate had to travel throughout the immune lands to
which he was assigned in order to perform his duties. The call
for military service required him to move throughout the area to
insure that everyone who owed service was informed of the upcoming
campaign, prepared,and properly armed. Presumably any refusals to
render military service resulted in a report either to the giggi
or the king. The administration of justice required similar travel.
Generally court was held at customary times and places throughout
the year and the permanent advocate had to be present on such
occasions. In addition to this the missi dominici inspected lands
with immunity on.their tours.

The grant of immunity indicated the king's favor, but it also
played a role in making local government more efficient. Often- .

times the county was extremely large, too large for the count to

28

administer efficiently. When the king granted immunity to certain
lands, the count was no longer responsible for administering to
those lands; hence his own area became more managable.

The domains of immunity were withdrawn, in what con-

cerned current jurisdiction and administration, from

the competence of the count. To concede the immunity

was to lighten the already heavy tasks of this royal

official and to hope that he would better consecrate

himself to those tasks remaining to him. 47

Perhaps the practice of granting immunities also helped
Charlemagne teach the counts that they were royal representatives,
not independent magnates in their districts. The removal of land
from the count's jurisdiction would emphasize that the count should
not look upon his assigned district as a means to build his own

personal power but rather as an administrative unit in his charge.
Charlemagne's concern was efficient local government. By
fractioning the areas assigned to individual officials the king
made their administrative duties somewhat easier. Both the count
and the permanent advocate had less land to traverse while per-
forming their duties and could, in theory, devote more energy to
their governmental tasks. If both the counts and the permanent
advocates attended to their own duties faithfully, then the admin;
istration of the realm would function more smoothly.48
Along with the jurisdiction of the counts and the lands with
immunity there were the ecclesiastical officials and their realm
of jurisdiction. Both bishops and abbots had governmental respon-
sibilities, but this is a topic which will receive attention later.
Thus far we have seen a few functions of the missi dominici.

Charlemagne used the.missi for multiple specific purposes, but he

never really systematized their functions. The king did not send

29

the misgi out on any regular basis, but rather whenever he deemed

it necessary. Charlemagne certainly used them frequently and made
greater use of them than his predecessors had done, but he estab-
lished no schedule for them. Nor did he designate a specific group
of men as giggi. In other words, the giggi did not constitute a
specific body of officials, specially trained for a specific set

of functions. Counts, ecclesiastical officials,and other men whom
the king trusted were often required to act as giggi in addition to
their other functions.

It is important to recognize the make-shift nature of this
important governmental device because such a recognition vividly
illustrates the necessity of travel in Charlemagne's government.
The 21.533; constituted a form of itinerant royal power. The king
made his authority felt through his giggi as they moved through
their assigned regions. Charlemagne used the giggi to correct
problems as they arose in his realm, he used them to discover pro—
blems and to enforce proper governmental order in the realm. They
could not perform their vitally important functions without exten-
sive travel, and the government as a whole would not function of-
ficiently without them. Although Charlemagne constructed a govern-
mental structure which should, in theory, function smoothly without
intervention, he could not guarantee that all his officials would
fulfilltheir duties selflessly. The personal nature of his power
mandated that he make his presence felt to his subjects to exact
their loyalty. He did this in great part through his giggi.

As has been shown, the giggi supervised the actions of local
officials,and they had the power to enforce punishments.49 They

also inspected the royal domains to see that they were administered
' 30

50

properly and that the king received his revenues. They some-

51

times inspected the permanent advocates. They supervised the

preparations for military campaigns and checked to see that the
52

king received the proper amount of military support. They were
also travelling judges and could decide difficult and disputed
cases or refer such cases to the king. The giggi extended the
king's presence and authority over a wider range of people and
districts than the king could accomplish alone.

Charlemagne worked to maintain dependable channels through
which his authority flowed. The counts, the giggi, and other pub-
lic officials administered their assigned districts in the name of
the king, not by any personal power of their own. They were the
king's agents and the king meant them to perform their duties for
the good of the king and the kingdom. Charlemagne maintained con—
tact with these people and kept a watchful eye on those he allowed
a share of his authority. He also maintained a bond between him-
self and the rest of his subjects, reminding them of the loyalty
they owed their king. The Merovingian kings had sometimes required
their subjects to give them an oath of fidelity which emphasized
the ties between the king and each individual subject. This prac-
tice had subsided during the seventh century,53 but Charlemagne
renewed it in the eighth.

The oath itself did not institute the idea that subjects owed
their king loyalty. Custom dictated that subjects should render
loyalty to their ruler. Certain events, however, convinced Charle-
magne that this idea needed emphasis. Two rebellions against the

king occurred before 800. One was led by Count Hardrad in785-78554

31

and the other by Charlemagne's illegitmate son Pepin the Hunchback
in 792.55 These events seem to have shaken Charlemagne's confi-
dence in the loyalty of his subjects,and he reminded them of their
obligation in a direct manner. The first attempt to secure an oath
of fidelity from the populace seems to have occurred in 789, after
the first revolt. Another and more organized effort to exact such
an oath from every male subject of the age of twelve or over occur-
red in 793, after the second conspiracy. Charlemagne wanted to
remind his subjects of their duties toward him and discourage any
similar future events.56
Charlemagne's first visible concern with oaths, however,

occurred earlier. In the capitulary of Herstal 779, Charlemagne

commanded that his subjects not swear oaths within fraternities.

Concerning oaths entered into by swearing to-
-gether in a fraternity, that no one should
dare to preform them. Moreover, concerning
alms-giving and fire and shipwreck, even
though men enter into fraternities they are
not to dare to swear to them. -

This command illustrates Charlemagne's concern to eliminate a poten—
tial source of danger to himself and his realm. He did not want

his subjects swearing to bonds between themselves which could
threaten their loyalty to him; and he did not want them tempted into
rebellion because of the group to which they belonged. Embodied in
this command is the king's belief that oaths were binding; once
sworn they could not be undone. Anyone who swore an oath and then
reneged committed a mortal sin. Charlemagne did not want his sub—
jects placed in the potential position of choosing between either

ignoring their duties or forfeiting eternal salvation.

Ten years later he began to require an oath of loyalty
from his subjects. The contents of the oath were simple.
Basically, each individual swore to remain faithful to the
king and his sons always.58 This mean they swore to do no-4
thing harmful to the king, his some or to royal power.59 Use
of the oath gave the Frankish king two advantages. First, it
created a direct bond between the monarch and his subjects.

‘ Second, anyone who failed to keep his oath would be guilty
of perjury. Therefore, besides the punishment which the tem-
poral authorities could inflict,6o that individual had also

'61

“placed himself in a state of mortal sin". Charlemagne

hoped that the oath and its consequences would deter any further
subversive action. ’ '

Unfortunately, the policy of requiring oaths also intro-
duced new problems. These problems became clear after the
second revolt against Charlemagne. The conspirators who allied
with Pepin the Hunchback in 792 claimed they could not be .
punished because they never took the required oath. Charle-
magne had unwittingly introduced the idea that the obligation
of loyalty came from the oath rather than from custom or any-
thing else. He required another swearing of an oath to the
king in 793 and then again after theimperial coronation, as we
shall see later.

That Charlemagne considered the emphasized bond between him-

self and his individual subjects important is clear. The amount of
of travel required in actualizing the command for such an oath can

be clearly imagined. At some point in time the king made the deci-

33

sion that he wanted every "adult" male to swear an oath of fidelity
to him. This decision made, he then recruited a large number of
men to act as Tiééi and promulgate the order. Some of these men
may have been with the king at the time of his decision, but others
must have been residing on their own lands. A group of messengers
must have been sent out to collect the desired personnel. Once
this was done the work involved in organizing and extracting the
oaths could begin.

The algal were assigned specific regions, given their orders
and sent out. They and whatever assistants they had62 travelled
through the area assigned to them. They informed the officials
in each county of the king's order and assisted the local officials
in implementing the order. The miggi toured each county with the
count and gathered the men of the area together for the oath. The
gigs; witnessed the swearing of the oath and kept track of the areas
where they had exercised the king's command. Once they were sat-
isfied that the process was complete in one county they moved on to
the next. And finally, when they had traversed the whole of their
assigned district they returned to the king with reports of their
achievements and any problems they had encountered.

It was a long and arduous process. It required a great deal
of time and a great deal of travel, but could not guarantee a great
deal of efficiency. Charlemagne strengthened the traditional bonds
both between himself and his officials and between himself and his
subjects. Lack of efficient bureaucracy and salaried govern-
mental officials coupled with a desire for powerful and effective
royal government made the emphasis on such bonds necessary. A

governmental system founded on such bonds required constant super-

34

vision of the officials who assisted in governing; hence travel
was vitally important to proper governmental function. Charle-
magne's demand for a general oath of fidelity is but one example
of the need for and the use of travel in Carolingian government.

Beyond the structure of local government and the functions
of the missi dominici there was the royal government which con—
sisted.of the king, the royal household and other palace officials.
This was an itinerant group. Poor crops with little surplus along
with royal income inadequate to sustain a fixed capital and bureauc-
racy required the king and his entourage to travel throughout the
kingdom. Like his predecessors, Charlemagne travelled among his
royal lands utilizing the produce of one and then moving on to the
next. His itineraries indicate that he did have preferences among
his estates;63 at various times during his reign he favored Her-
stal, Regensburg, Harms and Aachen, but before 800 he did not make
any of them the permanent seat of royal government.64 Despite the
preferences which the king revealed, he could not remain in one
place beyond the point of depleted resources. Travelling for sus-
tenance, however, was not the king's only motivation for frequent
movement.

Until the latter portion of his reign Charlemagne participated
in military campaigns nearly every year. These campaigns took him
most often into Saxony, but he also fought in Spain, Italy, Eastern
Europe, and he fought within his own realm against various uprisings.
His military travels carried him across his own realm and beyond

its boundaries. These travels bolstered both his income and his

prestige.

35

Another motivation for the king's travel was the opportunity
for supervision of local officials which movement provided. Char-
lemagne used the missi dominici as an extension of his own royal
power, but this did not mean that Charlemagne did not exercise
his own royal power himself. As Charlemagne moved from one royal
estate to another or along pilgrimagne routes,65 he met with the
local officials in the areas through which he travelled. He gave
commands in person, corrected any abuses of which those officials
were guilty, emphasized the allegiance his subjects owed him, heard
difficult cases, meted out punishments, and made sure the system
of local government worked properly. Charlemagne made his presence
felt and his authority known as he moved throughout his kingdom;
his travels wereanother device to insure the orderly function of
government across the realm. The personal nature of Charlemagne's
power demanded extensive travel from the king. without the reoc-
curring presence of royal authority either through the giggi or the
king himself, the king's subjects would neither know the king's
commands nor feel compelled to obey them.

The Frankish king headed a royal household which assisted him
in his governmental chores. within the royal household were cer-
tain titled-offices which seems to indicate a structure to royal
government. A structured central government, however, did not
actually exist. Charlemagne surrounded himself with men who cer-
tainly performed important functions, and who most likely provided
their king with advice when necessary, but they did not constitute
any kind of central bureaucracy.

The king had men who handled the provisioning of food for the

\)l
O\

king and his household whereever that group happened to be. These
officials, the seneschals, organized the collection of produce from
the territories through which the king travelled and they super-
vised the storage of that produce.66 The butler performed similar
tasks and kept the king supplied with wine and beer.67 The chamber-

lain supervised the living quarters and the treasury.68

Finally,
there was the constable who was responsible for the king's horses
and for organizing the king's transport system.

Each of these officials travelled with the king and performed
functions important to an itinerant king. The very structure of
Charlemagne's royal government lent itself to a mobile king. And
the very structure of Charlemagne's government as a whole required
a mobile king.

The discussion thus far suggests a: that Charlemagne main-
tained the traditional methods of governing which he inherited from
his predecessors but that with those methods he constructed a more
organized governmental system than they had enjoyed. He strove to
define clearly the powers and responsibilities of the officials who
helped him govern; he improved the means of communicating his will
to his subjects; and he tightened the supervision of the local of-
ficials. Each of these endeavors required travel. Just as the
general function of government required travel, so did the execu-
tion of specific governmental operations. It is now necessary to

examine those specific governmental operations.

Judicial Structure:
The traditional roles of the count had been established long

37

before Charlemagne's time. Among these was hiS‘ responsibility to
provide justice within his county. This was an important re-
sponsibility and a heavy burden both on the count and on the free—
men of the county. As with so many governmental functions in the
Prankish realm, rendering justice required much travel.

Before Charlemagne took the throne custom dictated the struc-
ture and the methods of judicial procedure. In each county the
count presided over the county court, the gellgg. The meetings of
the mallus occurred at customary times and places throughout the
year which allowed people all over the county an opportunity to
receive justice. The count was supposed togweside over each meeting
of the mallus regardless of where it was,and the freemen of the
region were also required to attend all such meetings. This re-
quired a great deal of movement from the count and the freemen.

It was a heavy burden because attendance at court removed these
men from their own lands and interrupted their other duties. As
might be expected, counts and freemen often attended to their
judicial duties less regularly than the king expected.

An additional difficulty in providing justice stemmed from
the nature of law in the Frankish kingdom. As the map on page 23
illustrates, the Prankish kingdom consisted of numerous different
groups of people. These were the Aquitainians, the Bavarians the
Burgundians, and the list continues. Each of these groups had
its ' own customary law code and each. was entitled to receive
justice according to ' its own law. However, all Aquitainians did
not live in Aquitain and all Burgundians did not live in Burgundy
and so on. Hence, any given count would have to render justice

according to several different law codes.

38

Obviously this required a great deal of legal knowledge on
the part of those in charge of rendering justice. Considering that.
counts were not specifically trained in law and that their many
other duties prohibited them from devoting much time to the study
of law, it is clear that the counts needed assistants in rendering
justice. At each meeting of the mgllgg there were also judgment-
finders in attendence. The men, the rachinburgii, were men who
supposedly had a sound knowledge of the applicable law and they
decided the judgments on various cases. Apparently these men were
not permanent but appointed by the count for each session.70

Custom dictated judicial procedure after Charlemagne took the
throne just as before, but this Carolingian monarch attempted to
remedy some of the inherent problems in Frankish judicial procedure.
Diverse but uncatalogued laws, heavy judicial responsibilities re-
sulting in the neglect of those duties, the incomplete legal knowa
ledge of local officials, and simple abuse of the judicial system
were all problems Charlemagne addressed. He maintained the judicial
system he inherited but implemented improvements within it.

Charlemagne emphasized the role of law in his realm. He con-
tinued the use of individual laws for the various groups of people
which comprised the Eggnum Francorumabut he tried to enforce some
organization upon them. He had many of the individual law codes
put into writing in order to standardize and clarify the rules to
which his subjects were expected to comply.71 If local judicial
officials had access to the written laws which applied to the people
in their district, rendering justice accurately and fairly would

be much easier. It would also be more difficult for anyone to man—

39

ipulate the law in favor of themselves or some favorite. Charle-
magne wanted to achieve two things through this emphasis on law:
to uphold the law for the protection of an orderly government, and
to protect the rights of individuals against abuse.72

The Prankish monarch also emphasized the role of the count
in the judicial process. Charlemagne constantly reminded his
counts of their judicial duties. All such reminders involved trap
vel. Either the giggi travelled with messages,or the counts heard
the kings commands at the annual assemblies,or the king made his
statements in person while travelling. Charlemagne forbade his
counts from postponing sessions of the gallgg for their own pleas-
ures,snd he admonished them to take special care in protecting the
‘rights of churches and miserabilespersonae.73 Through his capit-
ularies, Charlemagne frequently urged his counts to prevent and
root out brigandage. The Capitulare De Villis offers but one exp
ample of an often repeated royal demand: "That every steward shall
take pains to prevent our people in.his district from becoming
robbers and criminals".74 The frequency with which such state-
ments appear indicates that his success in these areas was rather
limited. It seems likely that the daunting amount of travel re-
quired for the supervision of an entire county and its people was
one major reason why judicial officials did not fulfill their duties
completely.

Charlemagne also made some more tangible reforms in judicial
procedure. F. L. Ganshof has observed that from an early time in
Charlemagne's reign this king substituted "for occassional judg—

ment-finders permanent and qualified ones who had acquired from

40

long experience a more thorough knowledge of customary law".75
These men were the Scabini. At least seven such men were required
at each session of the ggllgg. The count appointed these men, but
they also came under the jurisdiction of the missi dominici. Once
again the giggi exercised a supervisory function,and they were em-
powered to remove the scabini from office when necessary.76

The judicial role of the giggi wns not limited to overseeing
the scabini. They were themselves judges. They often travelled
through the realm with the express purpose ef hearing specific or
difficult cases and of investigating individual counts to insure,
the proper functioning of the judicial mechanism. As the capit-
ularies indicate, Charlemagne would dismiss counts from office if
they abused their judicial powers. The giggi embodied the royal
authority and their travels were meant to settle difficult cases
as well as enforce the king's will upon local officials.

The palace court also felt Charlemagne's reforming hand.
The king presided over this court, accompanied by judgment-
finders, important freemen and the count palatine. "The ggggg
palatii was the expert who knew the law from experience and
whose opinion had particular weight".77 ‘ The count palatine

also headed an office responsible for committing to writing

the judgments made and providing the victorious parties with
diplomas to receive their release.78 Traditionally the Frankish
king exercised his judicial authority by deciding the difficult
cases as they arose. Charlemagne emphasized this prerogative.

In an effort to provide the continuous availability of royal

41

justice, he allowed the count palatine to preside over the
royal court in the absence of the king. 79

It is clear, then, that the use of travel was crucial
for the proper function of justice in the Prankish kingdom.
On the local level the counts, freemen and the judgment—
finders each travelled to the mallus at the appointed time,
as did those people who had cases to plead. The missi dominici
‘travelled through sporadically to assist with the difficult
cases. Charlemagne expressed concern that his counts attend
to their judicial duties honorably and diligently, but did not
always trust them to do so.° Consequently, he empowered the
_gi§§i to supervise and correct the judicial procedure on the
local level. And finally, the king allowed some people to
travel to the palace and receive royal justice. The king's

concern with judicial matters necessitated that he use travel

extensively. ' "" ° '

Royal Estates:

For any Frankish monarch the royal lands provided a crucial
finaneial base. This was especially true for Charlemagne under
'whem the Regnum Franeorum reaehed its most extensive boundaries.
It is true that Charlemagne had several sources of income, some
of them spectacular like the booty taken in 796 from the Avars.80
The king received revenues in the form of booty, tribute, gifts
and judicial fines. None of these sources, however, provided the

consistent and extensive income required by the ruler of the Frank-
ish realm. The bulk of the king's income came frem the royal

42

estates. From those estates the king expected a regular income of
produce and revenues sufficient enough to support himself and royal
government. The royal estates were scattered all over the realm,
and consequently the king could not administer them himself.

He entrusted groups of men to administer his lands and provide

him with his income, but absence ef the king meant that the men on
the royal estates could easily embezzle from the king's profits.
Charlemagne used his.1egislation and his gigs; to arrest this prac-
tice and pretect his own rights.

Toward the end of the eighth century Charlemagne promulgated
the Capitulare de. Villis which spelled out how he expected his
royal estates to be managed. In it the king clearly stated the
roles and responsibilities of the officials in charge ef these
estates: which officials were in charge of which services, which
produce was due to the king and which to the Church, and how to
provide for the safety of the estate. It also listed some of the
possible transgressions which eould occur and the punishments they
deserved. This was not a new system for the maintenance of royal
estates, but rather a clarification and improvement of the existing
customary system. After this capitulary was promulgated, royal
estates did not function merely by the customary rules ef the past
but rather by the more binding law of the king. A close look at
this document will show the role of travel in the maintenance of
the king's lands.

Early in the capitulary Charlemagne established two funda-
mental rules which his officials were never to break. First he

stated that the royal estates existed for the purpose of supporting

43

the king. He prohibited any of the officials administering his
estates from tapping into the king's profits for their own benefit.
"It is our wish that those of our estates which we have established
to minister to our needs shall serve our purposes entirely and not

81 Next Charlemagne asserted that the people

those of other men".
living on those lands should be allowed their livelihood without

harassment. The king forbad his officials .to abuse ' their posi-
tion at the expense of the residents there.82

Having established these two fundamental rules,Charlemagne
then spelled out the specific rules by which his estates should
function. He required frequent contact with the people charged
with running his estates for three reasons: to insure that those
people fulfilled their obligations, to learn if those people stole
from the king, and to gauge the amount of profit in produce and
revenues the king could expect from each estate. Charlemagne re-
quired a constant flow of messengers from each of his estates to
provide him with this information. In addition to this travel, the
missi dominici included the royal estates on their tours to inspect
the administration of the king's lands. Without frequent super—
vision, all of which required travel, the king simply could not
expect to receive all the income owed him. .

The key figures on the royal estates were the stewards. They
were respensible for supervising all the functions of the royal
estate and all the people whe owed services to the king. Their
job required two kinds of travel: first, their functions within

the estate necessitated their travel all over the estate, and sec-

ond, they sent reperts, inventories and income to the king often.

44

Charlemagne commanded the stewards to oversee personally the work
owed to the king "whether it be sowing or ploughing, harvesting,
haymaking or the gathering of grapes ... so that everything may be
successfully carried out".83 This was an extremely important fun-
ction considering that the agricultural produce of the royal estates
constituted the bulk of the king's income.

Below the stewards were various subordinates in charge of
more specific tasks. The Capitulare de Villis mentioned:foresters,
stablemen, cellarers, and toll-collecters directly. Each of these
subordinates were in charge of a specific sphere of the king's in-
come and had the potential capacity of stealing some of that income
from the king. That these men realized their potential for self-
enrichment at the expense of the king is evident from the fact thct
Charlemagne felt the need to promulgate the Capitulare go Villi .
Although individuals may have stolen from the king in small amounts,
when one recognizes the number of people on each ef the many royal
estates who could steal from the king, one recognizes that the loss
of royal income was probably substantial. This capitulary plainly
states that one of the key functions of the steward was to elimin-
ate such graft.

The stewards had other functions on the royal estates as well
and hence needed some assistance in supervising the work done on
the estates. Their assistants were the mayors. The mayors, sub-
ordinates of the stewards, supervised small districts within the
estate. The dictate in the Capitulare de Villis which concerned
the mayors directly clearly illustrates the necessity of travel for

the supervision of the estate: "The mayors are not to have more

45

'1and in their districts than they can ride through and inspect in
a single day".84 Charlemagne obviously expected these nen to travel
constantly and diligently correct any abuses they discovered.

Besides the supervision of the estate as a whole, the stewards
had three important responsibilities. The first of these was to
provide Justice within the estate. The capitulary clearly charged
the stewards with the obligation to maintain peace and order on the
king's lands. "Every steward in his district shall hold frequent
hearings and dispense Justice, and see to it that our people live
a lawbahiding life". 85 Just as the responsibility of providing
justice necessitated frequent travel from the counts, so it required
travel from the stewards.

The next important task of the steward was the provisioning
of the palace with the proper produce and money dues. The purpose
of the estate was to provide for the livelihood of the king; there-
fore the steward's Job was to organize the shipment of produce and
rents which the king expected throughout the year. The estates
supplied the king with wine and the materials for beer making; with
vegetable and animal produce; with the required money dues every
Paln Sunday; with two thirds of the Lentenproduce; and with six- pounds
of wax twice a year. The stewards organized all_these shipments,
making sure that everything _ sent to the king was of the best
quality and properly packaged. Charlemagne commanded the stewards
to tour their district several times a year to insure that he re-
ceived everything owed him.86

The third function of the stewards was the keeping of inven-

tories of everything produced and spent on the estate. The king

46

commanded that his stewards keep accurate records of everything
they paid to the king and all their expenses. They were to keep
records concerning the provisions they sent to the army; concerning
any profits earned or surplus produce; and concerning the livestock
of the estate. Each year the steward was required to sent the king
a detailed report concerning all his income. The report should in-
clude everything from the money gained through the dispensing of
justice, tolls, . and profits from produce. "All these things they
shall set out in order under separate headings, and shall send the
information to us at Christmas time, so that we may know the char-
acter and amount of our income from the various sources".87

The system Charlemagne emphasized for the administration of
his estates required a tremendous amount of travel both within the
boundaries of the estate and to and from the palace. The king
wanted peace and order on his estates,and he wanted every resource
of his estates to contribute to his own income. He charged his
stewards with accomplishing both these things.and they could not
fulfil any of their obligations without extensive travel. The
image of a properly functioning estate is one of busy movement.
The stewards moved about the estate frequently with several pur-
poses in mind. They held court several times a year probably in
different places according to custom. They constantly inspected
the laborers in various parts of the estate to discourage laziness
and theft. They organized the collection of goods to be sent to
the king,and then they organized the transport of those goods on a
specified schedule. Several times throughout the year they sent

messengers to the king concerning the produce of the estate. And

47

finally, the missi made sporadic visits to the royal estates to
supervise the stewards themselves. Even if the estates did not

function as smoothly as the Capitulare de vuns implies, and this

 

is most probable, the emphasis of such a system still indicates

the king's reliance on travel.
' Military Procedure:

The Pranks were a Germanic people; Charlemagne was a Germanic
king. The warrior aspect of Germanic society persisted among the
Franks through the eighth century and beyond; the leader was still
expected to lead the army and display the Germanic virtues of
strength, bravery, victory and then generosity. While Charlemagne
endeavored to create a dependable organization for the governance
of his realm,he also acted as the military leader of a warrior
society. By the mid-eighth century Frankish society was more com-
plex than the small Germanic tribes which entered the Roman Empire
four hundred years earlier, but the traditional role of the German
as warrior persisted.’ Charlemagne readily accepted his position
as military leader, as the numerous campaigns which he himself led

88

attest, but he had to contend with the problems of fulfilling

this role in a larger, more complex society.

Centuries earlier, when the various Germanic peoples were
simply small tribes located in a limited area, the tribal leader
could gather his forces for a campaign with relative ease. Upon
hearing the call to war his men were obliged to follow him into
battle. Just as a Germanic king of the eighth century continued

48

to embody the role of the tribal warrior chief, so his eighth-
century subjects continued to have the customary duty to accompany
him to war when called; but new that duty was more difficult to
exact.

The problems with which Charlemagne had to contend were num-
erous. A look at the two maps on the following page will make the
first major problem obvious. The portion of the Regnum Francorum
which Charlemagne inherited in 768 was relatively small compared
to the kingdom he eventually amassed, yet even this relatively
small kingdom was much larger than the territories of the earlier
Germanic tribal leaders. Sheer size made it difficult for the king
simply to inform his people of upcoming war. As Charlemagne's
realm grew in size this problem become ever more serious.

Beyond this problem of distance Charlemagne also faced pro-
blems of disobedience. By the eighth century the Prankish warrior
class had developed diverse interests other than war. Besides the
royal vassals close to the king, the men who owed Charlemagne mil-
itary service were the freemen of the various counties and the
officials of those counties. 'Their duties and their livelihood
were fixed within the county and a summons to leave their land
was sometimes seen as a nuisance or even a detriment to their own
interests. War was a serious endeavor involving arduous travel,
much expense,and time away from home; it was not always appealing.
The size of the Regnum Francorum aided those who did not want to
Join the king on campaign. Those who owed military service could
hide behind the difficulty of distance to avoid their responsibility.

When the announcement of war came to their corner of the kingdom.

49

 

 

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50

they could ignore it and hope that either the king would not notice
or would not travel long distances in order to mete out punishments.
Charlemagne answered the problems of distance and non-compliance
with the energetic emphasis on reorganization that he applied to
other aspects of his government.

At this point it is necessary to emphasize the obvious. All
military action required travel. From the time Charlemagne decided
where and when to mount a campaign to the time he returned home
from battle his actions were full of travel. Without extensive use
of travel Charlemagne could not inform his men of appraoching war,
he could not gather intelligence about the targeted area, he could
not maintain supply lines or receive intelligence from home,and he
certainly could not transport an army from Gaul to the area under
attack. Charlemagne aimed his reforms of military procedure pri-
marily at making the most effective use of travel possible.

Campaigns usually began with an assembly held near the tar-
geted area where the men called into service and their leaders met
with the king and organized themselves before they set out. Char-
lemagne used the assembly for several purposes. When everyone
gathered at the assembly the king could then gamge the size of his
force and then determine his tactics. It also gave the king a
chance to discern who had ignored the summons. And it provided an
lopportunity for the king,in conjunction with his councilors,to
weigh the information brought to them from the men who scouted the
enemy lands.91 Beyond military concerns, the assembly provided
the king with an occasion to investigate how well his officials
had performed their duties throughmt the year. Annual assemblies_

51.

were a vitally important component of government during Charlemagne's
reign. Of course assemblies required royal officials, freemen of

the realm,and various other servants of the king to travel. Char-
lemagne emphasized the use of assemblies and took full advantage

of this supervisory tool.

Before an assembly could occur, however, those required to
attend had to be notified. This was another job for the giggi.
The giggi took the order for mobilization to the various counts,
bishops, abbots,and other officials in charge of organizing re-
cruitment in their districts. These men were then supposed to
supervise their subordinates as they prepared for the campaign;
those officials saw that each man had proper military gear and
supplies before setting out. In order to organize the men for a
campaign the local officials had to travel throughout their dis-
trict informing their men and supervising the preparations. Some-
times the mgggi travelled about with the local officials in order
to inspect the whole process. Once everything was ready in a
particular district, those men went to the assigned meeting place.
This was a cumbersome system but Charlemagne's continual surveil-

lance of every step in the process made it work..

Charlemagne needed to expand his territories for a number
of reasons. -Through military endeavors the king could exhibit
tne power of his position in an impressive manner. As head of
the army, he reinforced his authority over his own subjects.

The respect and fear he could inspire in his own subjects as
the leader of a victorious army carried over to their other
duties. His subjects witnessed the king's reaction to rebellion,

52

and they understood that he was a man of action who would punish
resistance to his authority. Asca victorious military commander,
he subjugated other peoples, enforced Frankish organization upon
them, and put down their attempts at resistance. The reputation
Charlemagne gained for himself on the field was supposed to
inspire internal peace and peace along the frontiers.

Expansion also diminished external threats,and for this
reason Charlemagne pursued an aggressive military policy. Many
of the peoples living in lands near the Begnum Prancorum, the
Saxons in particular, were less than friendly to that realm.
Charlemagne understood that the subjugation of such people would
provide greater security for his realm as well as increase the
area which felt his authcrity. .

The subjugation of peoples outside the realm provided for
something else as well: an opportunity for missionary work. Char-
lemagne showed a keen concern for the establishment of proper Christ-
ian practice within his kingdom92 and the incorporation of the yet
unconverted into the Christian fold. His efforts to convert the
Saxons seemed like a never ending struggle, but they illustrate the
king's determination on these matters. The capitularies which Char-
lemagne sent to Saxony demanded that the Saxons give up their pagan
rituals, adopt Christian practices and listed extremely severe pun-
ishments for disobedience. For example, in 785 Charlemagne promul-
gated the Capitulary of Paderborn,much of which concerned the Saxons.
In it Charlemagne pronounced the penalty of death for anyone who
stole from a church, for anyone who refused to fast during Lent,
for anyone who continued to follow pagan rituals, for anyone who

refused baptism,and:for a number of other defiant acts.94

53

Enforcement of Christianity accomplished two things for the
king. First, as a Christian king Charlemagne was responsible for
the souls of his subjects and pagan souls had no chance of salvap
tion. Conversion of the Saxons and other conquered pagans was his
duty. Second, effective Christianization of a pagan territory
would represent the complete conquest of that territory and its
incorporation into the Prankish realm.

Finally, financial pressure necessitated the expansion
of the figgnum Francorum. As a leader of a qermanic people,
Charlemagne was supposed to be generous to his loyal followers.
They expected various gifts for their services: a share in
any booty won, royal favors, office or land. Charlemagne

could not affordfto maintain a gai12§ of generosity 3s the rev-
enues from royal estates alone, nor could he alienate too much
of his own land without eroding his own income and power base.
Added territories gained through conquest provided welcome
sources of income and opprotunities to reward loyal followers.
Einhard's description of the victory over the Avars gives us

a glimpse of how welcome were the spoils of war:

All the Hun nobility died in this war, all their
glory departed. All their wealth and their
treasures assembled over so many years were dis-
persed. The memory of man cannot recall any war
against the Franks by which they were so en—

, riched and their material possessions so in-
creased. These Franks, who until then had seemed
almost paupers, now discovered so much gold and
silver in the palace and captured so much
precious booty in their battles, that it could
rightly be maintained that they had in all jus-
tice taken from the Buns what these last had
unjustly stolen from other nations.

54

The sources reveal other instances when the royal treasury ben—
efitted from military campaigns. In 772, when Charlemagne

marched against Saxony, he “carried away the gold and silver

which he found" at the Irninsu1.95 After one of Pepin III's
expeditions into Saxony, those people promised to pay a yearly
tribute of "gifts at his assembly up to three hundred horses...".96
And when Charlemagne captured the Lombard King Desiderius he
also gained "the whole treasure of his palace...".97 The tribute,
plunder and territory which Charlemagne gained through military

victory were essential to the maintanence of royal power.

The obligation of military service was one of Charlemagne's
greatest.concerns. ‘It'was crucial that he receive the military
service owed him; without it the king's power would wither. Once apt
Charlemagne stipulated serious punishments for those who refused
to comply with their obligations. The duty of military service
came under the king's bannnm; hence to refuse service owed, of
whatever kind, warranted the heavy fine of 60 shillings. Desertion
from the army was a graver offense and could result in a sentence
of death. The obstinacy of Duke Tassilo is a case in point.98
Charlemagne emphasized both the military obligation of his subjects
and the penalties for avoiding these obligations. Perreting out
offenders,however, required the travels of the giggg and the.travels

of his-officials to the assemblies. without these travels the
king's commands would have little effect.

At some point during his long reign Charlemagne's forces
marched in virtually every direction. Einhard gives a rather

. l
exaggerated version of Charlemagne's success in these endeavors.

55

The Frankish kingdom which he inherited from his
father Pepin was already far-flung and powerful.
By these wars of his he increased it to such an
extent that he added to it almost as much again.
Originally no more land was occupied by the East-
ern Franks, as they were called, than the region
of Gaul which lies between the Rhine, the Loire,
the Atlantic Ocean and thqbea around the Balearic
Islands, together with the part of Germany which
is situated between Saxony, the Danube, the Rhine
and the Saal... By the campaigns which I have
described, Charlemagne annexed Aquitaine, Gascony,
the whole mountain range of the Pyrenees and the
land stretching as far south as the River Ebro....
He added the whole of Italy... To this he joined
Saxony... then both provinces of Pannonia, the
part of Dacia which is beyond the Danube, Istria,
Liburnia and Dalmatia ... Finally he tamed and
forced to pa tribute all the wild and barbarous
nations whic inhabit Germany between the Rivers
Rhine and gbstula, the Atlantic Ocean and the
Danube, e e 0

Although Einhard overstates Charlemagne's achievements to some
degree, in essence he is correct. Charlemagne increased both
the size and the prestige of his kingdom during the course of
his reign.

Aquitaine was part of the Regnum Prancorum when Charlemagne
and his brother inherited it, but it was a rebellious region.
repin III had to use military force to quell rebellion there
more than once,and Charlemagne accompanied his father on one

such occassion.100

This region required Charlemagne's attention
again soon after his father's death. "The glorious Lord King
Charles went campaigning in Aquitaine because Hunald wished to

101
make the whole of Gascony and Aquitaine renew the war."

Charlemagne settled this problem even without his brother's help;
as with any campaign, success took time and much travel. Charle-
magne and his army first travelled to Duasdives for a metting with

Carloman. Carloman refused to help his brother and Charlemagne

proceeded after Hunald with his army. First he went to Angouléme
and gathered more troops, then he built a castle at Fronsac and
chased Hunald into GasconyIOZAs the map below shows)03 Charlemagne's
army traversed several hundred miles in Aquitaine alone. From

early on in his reign Charlemagne illustrated that he would ener-
getitically respond to revolts and attacks. The difficulty of dis-

tance would not deter him.

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57

Even after this campaign the Aquitainians remained obstinant.
In order to quiet this section of his kingdom Charlemagne gave
Aquitaine its own king. In 781 Charlemagne had his son Louis
anointed king by the pope and then gave him Aquitaine as a sub-
kingdom. In 781 Louis was a young child, hence he could not truly
govern his assigned region, but Charlemagne was concerned with the
future. As Louis grew he would become educated in the art of gov-
erning and he would learn to keep his territory under control.
Also as Louis grew, Charlemagne would be able to focus his efforts
elsewhere. with its own king, Aquitaine would need fewer visits
from Charlemagne's giggi and less legislative or Judicial attention.
The amount of travel necessary to keep a region informed of royal
decisions and within the governmental structure of the £55333
Prancorum was tremendous. When Charlemagne could omit one region
from his scrutiny he could use his missi, and his resources more fre-
quently in other regions or concentrate on some newly conquered

territory.

Charlemagne also invaded Spain. In 778 he mounted a cam-
paign against the land beyond the Pyrenees. The Royal Frankish

Annals and Einhard both describe the first portion of this cam-
paign as successful. "Arriving from two sides the armies united
at Saragossa. The king received hostages from ibn al-Arabi and
Abu Taber and many Saracens, destroyed Pamplona, and subjugated
the Spanish Basques and the people of Navarre."104 On the ill-
fated return trip, however, Charlemagne "was given a taste of
Basque treachery."105 While recrossing the Pyrenees the Frankish

army was ambushed and suffered serious losses. After this

58

Charlemagne concentrated his efforts elsewhere where he had more

hope of success.

The Lombard wars occupied Charlemagne for some time. In
773, while the king wintered in Thionville, Pope Hadrian sent
him an emissary, "to invite the glorious King and his Franks,
to help the Church against King Desiderius and the Lombards
for the sake of Godfs service and the rights of St. Peter.”106

    

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59

Desiderius had begun to take over those lands which Pepin III
had restored to the papacy and wanted to replace the Franks in
their alliance with the pope.108 .

Charlemagne agreed to take action, held a general assembly
at Geneva, and then marched with his army across the Alps.
Desiderius lodged himself in the city of Pavia and the Pranks
besieged it. Eventually the city fell and Desiderius was cap-
tured. "All the Lombards came from every city in Italy and
submitted to the rule of the glorious Lord King Charles and of
the Franks."109 In 781 Charlemagne made his son Pepin the king
of Italy again with the purpose that his son should learn the
art of governing. Charlemagne made additional campaigns into

Italy any time he heard of resistance to Frankish rule there.

Once again a look at a map of Italy will illustrate the distances
Charlemagne travelled in conducting this campaign and in meeting
with the pope. when one realizes that it took two, three or even
four days to travel 100 miles over unimposing terrain, Charlemagne's
endeavors become that much more impressive. Travel was certainly
difficult and time consuming, but it was also quite necessary.
The energy with which Charlemagne tackled difficult endeavors shows
his determination to achieve military success. ”

The Saxon were occupied Charlemagne for the greatest length
of time. Saxony, the land north of the Rhine, was inhabited by an
unconverted, untamed, hostile Germanic people who constantly dis-
rupted affairs in the northern section of the Regnum Francorum. Con-
flicts on this northern border called for the king's intervention
from early on in his reign.110 Fbr the first decade of his rule,

however, Charlemagne followed his father's policy toward the Saxons.

6O

That is, he answered each separate Saxon aggression with a demon-
stration of Frankish military superiority with the hope that each
such demonstration would prevent further aggressions. This policy
met with constant disappointment. Each time Frankish forces marched
north into Saxony,the Saxons oapitulated and agreed to cease hos-
tilities. Each time Frankish forces left Saxony, however, the
Saxons reneged .' on their promises. .

During the first ten years of his reign Charlemagne focused
his greatest military efforts on Italy and Spain. The Saxons often
used the opportunity provided when the Prankish army was employed
in the south to attack the northern part of the kingdom. For ex-
ample, in 778, while the Prankish king was occupied with his expe-
dition against Spain, the Saxons "followed their detestable custom
and again revolted...".111
to the Frankish realm and by 778 Charlemagne seems to have realized

These Saxon rebellions were a menace

that only a thorough subjugation of Saxony would remove this menace.
Beginning in 778 and continuing for nearly three decades Charlemagne
devoted the greatest part of his military power to conquering the
Saxons.112 '
The years from 778 to 780 saw Charlemagne's first major mil—
itary campaigns into Saxony. Up until 778 Prankish forces never
marched much beyond the River Rhine in their attempts to subdue
Saxon raiders. Prom 778 onwards, however, Charlemagne took his
army deeper and deeper into Saxony in order to conquer the whole
region. In 77S' H." Spain occupied Charlemagne's attention he

received messengers at Auxerre who informed him of the latest Saxon

revolt. Charlemagne then sent a Prankish contingent into Saxony.

61

The king's forces crossed the Rhine and marched as far as the River
Eder subduing the Saxons along the way.11:

Charlemagne followed up on the success in Saxony in 778 by
leading a campaign into Saxony himself in 779. In this year Frank-
ish forces traversed even more of the Saxon lands than in the pre-
vious year. The 779.campaign began with a Frankish victory at
Bocholt and from there Charlemagne's troops marched throughout
Westphalia. Many of the Saxons fled across the River Veser,but
Charlemagne chased them and defeated them at Hedofulli.114 The
king attacked Saxony again in 780,and this time his battles carried
him all the way across Saxony to the River Elbe. On this campaign
Charlemagne made a point of having the defeated Saxons baptized in.
fulfillment of his role as a Christian conqueror and king.115 He
also called the Saxons together at a specified place, demanded that
they swear oaths to him and promise not to rebel again. In this
way Charlemagne received a promise of allegiance even from those
areas which his army did not traverse. .

The many years of Saxon aggression seem to have taught Char-
lemagne that only a thorough campaign throughout Saxony would weaken
the Saxons' hostile spirit. Conversion to Christianity would re—
place the pagan,ethnic traditions of the Saxons with the ideals of
Prankish rule. Charlemagne had to conquer and convert the Saxons
in order to maintain peace and order within his own kingdom, but
he could do neither without extensive and systematic travel through-
out Saxony. The maps on the following page illustrate the extent
of Charlemagne's travels in his attempt to subdue the Saxons. The
king and his army proved ' their military superiority all over
Saxony.

62

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63

The REA account of the events in 782 showsboth Charlemagne's depen-
dence on travel for the governance of his realm and the dangers of
such a dependency. Charlemagne became informed about sudden events
which occurred in the far corners of his realm only through mes-
sengers who travelled in order to bring him important information.
His plans from one year to the next depended on complete knowledge
of events concerning his realm. Vhen the king did not receive such
information, as happened in 782, confusion and sometimes catastrophe
resulted.

Charlemagne apparently assumed that his campaigns of 778, 779
and 780 had completely subdued the Saxons and that they had made
Saanny a working, dependable component of the Regnum Francorug. His
assumption.was premature. Charlemagne held an assembly in Saxony
early in 782 with the apparent purpose of explaining to his new
subjects their duties to the king and to inform them of an upcoming
campaign. Everything seemed in order at the time of the assembly,
and Charlemagne returned to Francia to make his own military pre-

parations. After the king returned to Francia,he drafted a plan
to attack the Slave. This campaign would include both Saxon and
Frankish warriors. Charlemagne chose three men to lead that part
of the contingent which would include Saxons. Charlemagne sent
these men on their way before messengers could reach him with the
news of another Saxon revolt. When the leaders of the army were
en route,they learned of the revolt,and they decided to ignore the
Slave and attack the rebellious Saxons instead. The Frankish
leaders, however, could not agree on a strategy and suffered seri-

ous losses in the first battle. Although the Franks ultimately

64

won a victory over the Saxons, they lost some of their important
leaders and Charlemagne's personal intervention was necessary.
Charlemagne showed his wrath at the Saxon treachery through ex-
tremely severe punishment for the rebels.

Then all the Saxons came together again, submitted to

the authority of the Lord King, and surrendered the

evil doers who were chiefly responsible for this re-

volt to be put to death 4- four thousand five hundred
of them. This sentence was carried out. 118

Even 782 did not end Charlemagne's efforts to conquer Saxony.
The Saxons constantly rebelled against Franktih domination. This
war did not end until 804,when Charlemagne forcefully "transported
some ten thousand men, taken from among those who lived on both
this side of the Elbe and across the river, and dispersed them in
small groups, with their wives and children, in various parts of
Gaul.and Germany".119 For over thirty years Saxony demanded most
of Charlemagne's military attention and demanded constant interb
vention, hence travel, by the king and his army.

The Avars of eastern Europe also presented Charlemagne
with a problem. The Royal Frankish Annals show them aligning
with Duke Tassilo and attacking Italy and Bavaria unsuccess—
fully. lz? In 791 Charlemagne mounted an organized attack against
these people in response to the threat they posed. Again
Frankish troops succeeded, but the Avars were not to be quelled
so easily. In 796, first Duke Eric of Eriuli and a bit later
the king's son Pepin marched into Pannonia,demolished resistance

there,and captured the treasures of the Avars.

65

Even a superficial reading of the Reyal Frankish Annals
will illustrate the importance of warfare to the Franks. The
Apg§l§_mention various subjects; diplomatic relations of the
monarch, problems with individual rebels, the king's attempt
to spread the true religion are a few. But the military en-
deavors of Charlemagne receive, by far, the most space and
attention. This reflects the importance of warfare to Carolingian
society. Nearly every year the king went on campaign, this
was taken for granted. Where to take the army was the question.
Nearly every year a Saxon rebellion provided an acceptable
target, but even without such a timely revolt a Carolingian army
marched. These yearly campaigns kept the warrior class occupied
and in shape. The entries indicate that fighting was seasonal.
Everyone stayed home in the winter, spent spring gathering the
army, and devoted summer and early fall to campaigning. Upon
occasion Saxon rebellions forced Charlemagne to lead a cam-
paign in the winter but this was unusual.

Certainly the annalists had their bias. As churchmen they
were concerned with picturing the Carolingian monarchs as good
Christians and just kings. They glorified the military success of
the king and his persistence in converting those be conquered des-
pite the brutality with which he achieved these ends. This bias,
however, does not distort the fundamental observation that warfare
was critically important in this society. Military action achieved
several important things for the king: it gained new lands for him,
increased his prestige, increased his revenues, kept his warriors

occupied and in shape, helped spread Christianity, and kept peace

66

and order within his realm. All military action, and hence, all
benefits which stemmed from military action, required travel.

This brief discussion of Charlemagne's wars should provide
ample illustration of Charlemagne's energy and determination in
military matters. Charlemagne diligently reformed the process by
which he collected the Prankish army; he insisted upon the military
service owed to him; and he used his military forces constantly.

As a result he more than doubled the size of the kingdom he inher-
ited. His military success, however, did not result merely from

the reforming of military procedures or from the frequency of Frank-
ish campaigns. Charlemagne's success came from his constant per-
sonal presence in every stage of military endeavor. He used his
Mi to bring royal power to bear; on the recruitment process; in
the assembly the king personally inspected and instructed his troops;
and in battle, the king himself led the army. Only the king's
presence made the mechanism of military procedure work.

That the king led the army personally was extremely important.
He did so for several reasons. First, it suited his character: it
also suited his position as a Germanic leader, Prankish counts
and the Frankish people in general could not highly respect a leader
who did not exercise his leadership in war. Likewise, a victorious
Prankish army impressed the subjugated more when the king presided
over it. If the king were present when the Prankish forces subdued
some area,he could enforce rules upon those people in a way which
a commander of lower rank could not. It also behooved the king to

be present anytime his forces captured significant plunder to insure

that the royal treasury received flzs share.

67

Charlemagne seems to have understood these things well,for
he led almost every major Frankish campaign up to the year 800.
Although he often dispatched armies under the command of some
trusted-count or other official, he led campaigns himself almost
every year. In the years before 800 Charlemagne only entrusted
command of a Prankish contingent to someone else because some im-
portant matter, usually another campaign, already occupied him.

The campaigns Charlemagne did entrust to other'men were usually of
lesser magnitude and lesser importance than the matters to which
the king attended himself.

For example, in 773, while the battle against King Desiderius
ensued and Charlemagne was in Italy, the Saxons began attacking the
northern borders of the Frankish realm. As the war in Italy sub—
sided in 774,Charlemagne returned to Ingelheim and "sent four de-
tachments to Saxony“.121 Later when Spain preoccupied the king in
778 the Saxons again displayed hostilities and Charlemagne "sent
a Prankish host rushing to the defense against the Saxons".122 In
799 Charlemagne participated in a campaign in Saxony; while he was
so engaged both Brittany and the Avars caused trouble on the Frank-
ish borders. Count Wido of the Breton March quelled the region
which concerned him,and Eric, the duke of Friuli, undertook to
settle the eastern border.123 It is most likely that Charlemagne
would have headed all these campaigns had he been free from imporh

tant preoccupations. The most important events concerning the

Regnum Prancorum required the king's personal presence. The king.
decided which matters were most important, attended to those, and

delegated authority to others to handle less important matters.

68

Whatever the king's choices, it is clear that the military goals
of this Carolingian king required constant travel from the monarch.
If the king delegated authority over important matters to subor-
dinates too frequently, soon his personal power would erode because
his subordinates would gain control over the roles properly belong-
ing to the Germanic leader. Charlemagne travelled incessantly so
that his'subjects would constantly feel the presence of royal au-
thority and so that his authority would not he questioned.

Charlemagne guarded his personal power jealously. He could
not afford to entrust others with the command of important matters
too often without undermining his own postion. His officials were
already too willing to make the most of their position without en-
couraging them with the grant of more power. To maintain his actual
authority over every aspect of his government he had to participate
personally in every aspect of government. Such participation was
simply impossible without extensive and frequent travel. I

Of course the king was not the only traveller in the Prankish
system of military procedure. Every step in the process of mounting
a campaign required travel from every participant in military af-
fairs. The giggi travelled throughout the kingdom informing the
royal officials of upcoming war. The royal officials travelled
throughout their districts informing their men of the impending
campaign and supervising preparations. Then every participant
travelled to the assembly site and then on to the battle site.

This was a system, a mechanism. Charlemagne did his best to
make the system more efficient; he empowered the miggi to supervise

military recruitment; his capitularies laid out punishments for

69

those who ignored their military obligations; and he himself took
actions against those officials who resisted him. Still he could
not eliminate his reliance upon travel.

Every stage of the process required travel and introduced
potential problems. The gigs; themselves might be lazy and not
cover all the territory assigned to them, or their vigor in super- '
vising the preparations might be lacking. They could also be open
to corruption and fail to report those who refused to participate.
The local officials could have these same faults. The mechanism
was cumbersome. The best Charlemagne could hope for was that the
miggi, the local officials, and the warriors would fulfill their
obligations faithfully, but often this was expecting too much.

Military procedure under Charlemagne mirrors the larger
structure of governmental administration. Bis successes reflect
his own energy and determination. A system for military procedure
existed when he took the throne; he tried to improve and organize
that system until it functioned efficiently. Although his system-
atization of military procedure was successful enough to allow for
impressive expansion; in the final analysis, that success resulted
from his own drive rather than-from the machine he molded. He in-
formed his officials of what he expected from them; he badgered
or punished them for non-compliance; and he took a personal hand
in all important matters. Without such persistence he could not
have exacted his subjects' obedience,and the organization he insti-

tuted would have existed only in theory.

70

Diplomatic Relations:

Closely allied with military endeavors were Charlemagne's
.diplomatic relations. As the Frankish forces met with more and
more success, the prestige of the Regnum Francorum and its ruler
increased. Charlemagne was interested to maintain a high level of
prestige; While military success and expansion gained much pres-
tige for Charlemagne, diplomatic relations helped to maintain and
cultivate that prestige.

For various reasons Charlemagne maintained contact with the
pope and Italy, with Byzantium, with the Huslim governments in Bag-
dad and in Spain, and with the various peoples living close to the
Regnum Prancorum. As P. L. Ganshofpoints out, the Carolingians
eventually established an extensive range ef diplomatic contacts.
"At its fullest extent it reached Denmark in the north, England in
the west, the Iberian peninsula and north Africa in the south; in
the east it penetrated into Slav, Bulgar, Byzantine and eastern
Islamic worlds".124

The maintenance of these contacts required long distance
travel. 'A trip to Constantinople and back took three years and a
similar trip to Bagdad took four.125 Charlemagne saw it as fitting
that the ruler of the West should exchange envoys with the impor-
tant rulers at the East. It was a measure of his prestige that he
converse, through diplomatic envoys, with his peers in the East.

It was also a measure ef his prestige that he maintain contact with
the less powerful rulers whaae lands lay close to his own realm.

Consequently, distance, cultural and language differences, and the

71

difficulty of travelling into unknown territory did not dissuade
him from maintaining these contacts.‘26

The alliance which Pepin III and Pope Stephen established
with each other was important for both the Prankish crown and the
papacy. .Succeeding Erankish rulers and popes cultivated this al-
liance through frequent contact. The pope kept Charlemagne informed
of the Italian political scene and often requested Frankish military
aid against aggressors. This information almost always reached
Charlemagne through diplomatic envoys sent by the pope.127 Char-
lemagne received one such envoy in 773 when an emmissary of Pope
Hadrian sailed to Gaul to meet with the king and ask him to protect
the pope from the Lombards. Charlemagne agreed to use his army
for the protection of the pope and‘mounted a campaign against the
Lombards. While he was in Italy3the king made a special trip to
Rome to meet with the pope personally. This meeting must have
given the two men an opportunity to discuss several important is-
sues,but it also gave Charlemagne the chance to reaffirm his al-
liance with the papacy. It was during this visit to Home that
Charlemagne specifically reaffirmed the gifts which his father had

given to the papacy.128

In 781 Charlemagne was again in Rome. On
this visit the pope baptized Charlemagne's son Pepin and anointed
both Pepin and Louis as kings.129 Once again Charlemagne illus-
trated the importance of papal support of Carolingian rule.
Diplomatic envoys travelled between the Frankish court and
Rome for several other reasons as well. When Pope Hadrian died in

795 and Leo III replaced him, Charlemagne and the new pope sent
gift-bearing emissaries to each other to show that both of them

72

wished to maintain the established alliance.130 Sometimes Charle-
magne sent ambassadors to inform the pontiff of the king's impor-

tant decisions, or to discuss territorial questions, or to discuss

1 1

religious matters. 3 For whatever reasons, the diplomatic traf-

fic between Rome and the Prankish court was constant. Through
this diplomatic contact both the pope and the king cultivated their
alliance.

Charlemagne also maintained diplomatic relations with the two
great eastern powers: Constantinople and the Muslim government in
Bagdad. The reasons for these contacts were varied. Sometimes a
proposed marriage alliance required the travel of envoys as in 787
when Emperor Constantine asked for one of Charlemagne's daughters
inmarriage.132 After 800 Charlemagne sought recognition of his
imperial title from the eastern emperor and sent envoys to the
eastern court to obtain it for him.133 The Prankish king main-
tained peaceful contact with Bagdad, in part at least, to insure
the safety .2 Christian pilgrims in the Holy Land.134

On a less grandiose scale Charlemagne maintained contact with
the peoples living close to the Regnum Francorum. He sent and re-
ceived envoys from Spain, England, the Bretons, the Avars, the
Danes,and others. Often times the establishment of peace on the
borders of the Prankish realm was the purpose of these diplomatic
exchanges.135 The Prankish king also used ambassadors to send

ultimatums to aggressive enemies,136

or simply to deliver some
message to another power.
ften foreign ambassadors or Erankish ambassadors returning

from an assignment met with Charlemagne during an assembly. The

73

scene of foreigners, gifts in hand, seeking out the Prankish king
could not help but heighten the king's prestige in the eyes of his
people.137 The enhancement of the king's prestige was an important
dimension of Carolingian diplomatic relations. Charlemagne's dip—
lomatic relations served several important ends ranging from the
settlement of particular problems to augmenting his own prestige,
but each of these ends were impossible without the extensive travel

of his ambassadors.

The Church:

Just as Charlemagne headed the secular sphere of government,
so he headed the Church. The firstCarolingian king established
an invaluable alliance with the papacy whereby the pope received
tangible support and protection against his enemies and Pepin re-
ceived the justification he needed to claim the Prankish throne.
This was an important partnership for both parties and it lasted
beyond the lifetimes of Pepin III and Pope Stephen. Pepin also .
supported and protected the Frankish clergy and gained greater con-
trol of and services from the Prankish clergy than the Merovingians
had known. As Charlemagne took the throne, he assumed the duty of
protector of the Church. with the duty of protection came the
right of control.

As a Christian king Charlemagne had Christian duties. Broadly
speaking, all these duties stemmed from his role as defender of the
Church. On the grand scale this role translated into Charlemagne's
duty to protect'the papacy and Rome, as he did in 773, 787 and

74

138 Within his own kingdom this role translated into

again in 800.
the duties ef protecting both churches and churchmen; insuring that
his people were Christians and practiced their faith properly; and
the surveillance of those charged with spiritual duties. On the
personal level it meant that the king needed to concern himself
with living a proper Christian life.

That Charlemagne fulfilled his role as the defender of the
papacy and Rome and that he cultivated the alliance between him-
self and the pope we have already seen. That the defence of the
papacy and the maintenance of the partnership between the Carolin-
gian king and the pope necessitated travel we have also seen. Char-
lemagne also labored to fulfill his Christian duties within the
Regnum Prancorum and his personal Christian duties,and once again
those obligations necessitated travel.

Charlemagne's Christian duties within the Regnum Francorum
included his responsibility for tending to the souls of his sub-
jects. The king had to see that his subjects learned proper Chris-
tian teachings,and then he had to insist that his subjects lead
good Christian lives. Thlt the entire populace under his rule live
a Christian life concerned Charlemagne for two fundamental reasons.
First, as has been said, Charlemagne felt a responsibility for the
souls of his people. Second, and more practical, if his people
did indeed live Christian lives than his kingdom would be assured
of internal peace. We have already seen that internal peace and
efficient organization were priorities for Charlemagne. In order
to fulfill these obligations Charlemagne needed to exercise author-
ity over the Prankish Church and use the Prankish clergy as his

75

local agents in charge of implementing his commands. He did both
these things.

Charlemagne saw himself as the head of the Frankish Church,
and he acted accordingly. The king participated in ecclesiastical
councils and contributed to the decisions made.139 .He tried to
define proper Christian practice for his populace and enforce it.
He viewed his church officials in much the same way he viewed sec-

ular officials and consequently, required important governmental

-0

services from them.

Because bishops were the key figures in the hierarchy of the
Church and because Charlemagne depended on them to enforce the pro-
gramslhe prescribed, he reserved the right to nominate, appoint and

140 '

depose bishops. Charlemagne's treatment of Gaerbodus provides

an example of why the king might depose a bishop:

It was ruled by our lord the king and decided by the

holy synod that Gaerbodus, who said he was a bishop

but had no witnesses of his consecration, and yet had

sought episcopal insignia from Ragnardus the metropol-

itan bishop (who declared moreover that he was not orb

dained deacon or priest according to canonical prescrip-

tion), should be deposed by the said metropolitan or by

the bishops of the province from that rank of bishop

which he claimed to have. 41
Beyond these expressions of royal authority, the king supervised
his churchmen to insure that they fulfilled all their duties. Once
Charlemagne confirmed his authority over the Church,he could freely
implement those innovations he deemed necessary in order to ful-
fill his obligations.

As he did in other spheres of government, Charlemagne sought
to improve the organization of the Church. He worked with the sys-

tem of bishops, priestsand monasteries which he inherited but intro-

76

duced innovations which would enable this institution to satisfy
its responsibilities more completely. Charlemagne used the same
tools to reorganize the Church as he applied to secular adminis-
tration; capitularies, the missi dominici, assemblies and his own
travels. His goals were uniformity and universality of Christian
practices within his realm.

Just as Charlemagne entrusted counts to assist him in secular
administration on the local level, so he entrusted bishops to assist
him in ecclesiastical administration on the local level. Charle-

magne focussed on the bishops more so than his predecessors had
done. He defined their responsibilities and dictated the methods
by which they should attend to those responsibilities. Like counts,
bishops were important local officials and they were expected to
perform valuable functions for the government. Some of their ob-
ligations appear to be, strictly speaking, spiritual, while others
seem exclusively secular. In fact, however, all their duties were
meant to facilitate the proper functioning of Carolingian society.
Charlemagne charged each bishop with seeing that the true faith was
properly preached, properly learned and properly practiced within
his diocese. Bishops provided justice within their district; they
sent the king the dues and services which their Bind owed; and they
could be required to perform bureaucratic functions for the king.
Each of these duties necessitated travel by the bishop and his sub-
ordinates.

Charlemagne treated his bishops in much the same way he treat-

ed his counts. The king granted his bishops extensive powers with-

77

in their dioceses but insisted that the recipients of such positions
use their power solebrfor the benefit of the king and the kingdom.
Charlemagne used his capitularies to establish standard Church
structure, ecclesiastical practice,and Christian belief. The bishops
across the realm learned of the king's commands when the miggi
brought the capitularies to each diocese. The king's commands,
whether secular or ecclesiastical, required the travel of the giggi
before his local officials could hear them.

Through his capitularies Charlemagne made the responsibilities
of his bishops clear. First and foremost, bishops needed a sound

142 They could not hope to instruct their

knowledge of the canons.
flock properly without such knowledge. Once possessed of this
knowledge the bishops then had to travel through their dioceseSinp
specting the priests in their district to insure that each priest
was competent to hold his post.143 The bishops also had the re-
sponsibility to enforce proper Christian lifestyle upon the laity
in their dioceses. Charlemagne commanded his bishops to make fre-
quent tours of their dioceses to inspect, and if necessary, correct
both the laity- and the subordinate clergy. The bishop simply
could not discharge his duties without such travel.

Bishops had the responsibility of providing justice within
their diocese as a means of enforcing Christian behavior. As with
the count, this obligation required tha bishop to travel through
his diocese and hold court at specific times and places throughout
the year. The count and the bishop were supposed to cooperate with

one another in the dispensing of justice and not usurp each others

jurisdiction.144 The bishop's court should concern itself with

78

the actions of the clergy in that diocese and the moral behavior
of the laity. The counts' court should concern itself with pro-
blems more strictly secular in character.145 Still, their juris-
dictions overlapped. Charlemagne constantly admonished them not
to quarrel with each other, but rather to work for efficient dis-
pensation of justice. Even this royal request required travel.
The count and the bishop had to confer with each other frequently
to decide on a division of duties and the king's giggi had to watch
for and report areas of friction.

Charlemagne also personally supervised the Frankish clerg

through his use of the assembly. The king frequently called his
bishops and abbots together before him just as he did with his
secular officials. At these assemblies the king could inspect his
ecclesiastical officials for himself; learn of any specific local
problems; and discuss Church affairs with those knowledgeable on
such issues.- It was crucial in Charlemagne's governmental system
that his officials travel to meet with him often.

The king also looked to the ecclesiastical officials for his
supply of missi dominici. In this period the higher clergy and
the monasteries were almost the sole possessors of literacy. Many
of the functions of the 2132; required literacy, hence churchmen
predominated in their ranks. We have seen that the algal dominici
played a crucial role in Charlemagne's government. The king used
them for various tasks ranging from announcing the king's will to
policing the realm. His reliance on the giggi illustrates the
importance of travel in governmental procedure. His reliance on

churchmen to fill this office illustrates the importance of the

79

Church in his government. Charlemagne delegated power to church-
men so they might effectively carry out numerous responsibilities
all of which facilitated efficient government. Bishops were the
key figures in the Church; their functions were vital to the gov-
ernment; and all of those functions required travel.

Charlemagne also introduced some innovations which assisted
the Prankish Church in fulfilling its responsibilities. In the
interest of providing for uniform Christian belief Charlemagne col-
lected ecclesiastical texts for his churchmen's reference. He
recognized that different regions performed Christian services dif-
ferently and sought to set one standard. In 787, while in Rome,
Charlemagne obtained ”from the pope a text of the most comprehensive
collection of canon law then available, that compiled by Dionysius
Exiguus in the sixth century, with some lateradditions.“46 Char-
lemagne wanted each bishopric to have a copy of this text for refer-
ence. He also emphasized a collection of sermons from Paul the
Deacon. Each bishopric should have a copy of this homilary;and the
bishops should read from it when preaching.147 These innovations
emphasized the necessity of bishops' travel. Upon receiving these
texts the bishop became the only person with knowledge of orthodox
Christian teaching in the diocese and he had the responsibility of
teaching it to his subordinates and the laity. He could not do
this without constant travel throughout his diocese.

This second king in the Carolingian line continued his father's
efforts in reestablishing metropolitans or archbishops. Metro-
politans were episcopal figures ranking higher than the regular

bishops. They controlled areas larger than a single diocese,and

80

they supervised their subordinate bishops. They decided the dif-
ficult Judicial cases which their subordinates passed on to them.148
And they provided a source of expert canonical knowledge. Charle—
magne used this additional hierarchial component to establish
greater organization in his Church. "This innovation also emphasized
the need for ecclesiastical travel. Bishops had to report to their
metropolitans frequently; metropolitans had to inspect their bishops;
and both metropolitans and bishops had to meet with the king perb
iodically. Charlemagne strove for greater organisation in his
Church in order to enable the Church to perform its duties more
efficiently. This organisation depended upon frequent contact among
ecclesiastics and between ecclesiastics and the king.

Turning now to Charlemagne personally and his own practice
of the Christian faith, we again see the use of travel. We have
already seen that the king travelled frequently for political,
military and economic reasons. He also travelled for religious
reasons. As Charlemagne moved across Europe, either on campaign
or merely moving from one residence to the next, he visited the
holy places in the vicinity. In 774, for example, while Charle-
magne fought against Desiderius at Pavia, he travelled to Home in
order to celebrate Easter there.149 Again in 780 the king "decided
to go to Bone. with his wife, the Lady Queen Hildegard, in order to
pray there."150 Whenever he found churches or other religious
buildings in disrepairghe ordered their restoration:

he commanded the bishops and churchmen in whose care

they were to restore sacred edifices which had fallen

into ruin through their very antiquity, wherever he

discovered them throughout the whole of his kingdom;

and he instructed his representatives to see that
these orders were carried out. 1

81

As king, Charlemagne had a greater ability and hence a
greater responsibility to aid needy fellow Christians. Einhard
testifies that his lord performed this obligation in his own realm
and abroad:

He was most active in relieving the poor... He gave

alms not only in his own country and in the kingdom

over which he reigned, but also across the sea in

Syria, Egypt, Africa, Jerusalem, Alexandria and Car-

thage. Wherever he heard that Christians were living

in want, he took pity on their poverty and sent them

money regularly. 52 -

Charlemagne was an active man. He travelled out of governp
mental necessity and out of piety. He had a sense of the proper
order of things both in secular and ecclesiastical spheres; and

he travelled extensively to see that that proper order prevailed.

Up to this point we have discussed only those travels and
travellers specifically sanctioned by the king. The various of-
ficials with whom Charlemagne shared his authority required travel
to perform their duties. The king commanded them to undertake
these travels and attend to their duties conscientiously. The
sources, however, reveal other kinds of travel not directly related
to royal administration.

Charlemagne's capitularies indirectly discuss merchants who
travelled through the realm and markets where goods were sold. The
capitularies do not specifically indicate how many such travellers
existed, but their'mention.here and in other sources implies that
they were not unusual. One entry in the Capitulary of Herstal
states: "Concerning travellers who are going to the palace or

anywhere else, that no one should dare to assault them with an

82

armed hand."‘53 This law implies not only that highway thieves
existed, but also that enough travellers used the highways to
warrant thievery as a profession.

Charlemagne's laws also allow for the protection of foreigners
who travelled through the Regnum Francorum.1S4 It is clear too,
that messengers of various kinds, from various sources, travelled
through the realm. The king's decrees concerning tolls show that
both the waterways and the highways saw considerable traffic. The
fact that travel receives even indirect mention in numerous sources
demonstrates that travel was not unusual and that people travelled
for sundry different reasons.

Charlemagne also recognised_other travellers whose travels
he had not sanctioned; these he prohibited. Within the ecclesias-
tical administration it was important that bishops tour their
diocese frequently; and it was important that bishops and abbots
meet with the king often. The king prohibited other clerical
travel. ‘

Charlemagne's governmental system depended on the bishops'
continuous monitoring of local affairs. Often, however, they
shirked their duties and absented themselves from their district.
Consequently, the capitularies repeatedly state that bishops should
remain in their diocese: "no bishop should abandon his proper see
by spending time elsewhere, nor dare to stay on his own property
for more than three weeks."155

The king was similarly concerned that lower ranking clerics
not move about. Each person in the ecclesiastical hierarchy had

his role. The bishops stood at the top of the local level hierarchy,

83

but the priests were also important. The priests had the most
contact with the laity; they provided the sacraments without which
salvation was impossible; and they directed the daily lifes of
their parishioners. These were important tasks within a Christian
realm. Therefore, priests could not be permitted to travel about
freely. Once again the capitularies illustrate the king's concern
that each official remain at his post.

Concerning clerks, that they should under no circum-

stances move from one church to another, nor be taken

in without the knowledge of the bishop and letters of

commendation from the diocese to which they belonged,

lest it should happen that discord arise in the Church

as a result. 55

In Saxony, where Charlemagne wanted to replace the pagan
culture with Prankish institutions, he prohibited any kind of travel
which might contribute to rebellion: "we forbid the Saxons to come
together as a body in public gatherings except on those occasions
when our gigggg assembles them on our instructions:...".157

Certain other nonpecclesiastical travellers met with the
king's hostility as well. The capitularies forbade anyone to travel
beyond the borders of the kingdom for the purpose of selling armor,

158 Prankish armor and horses were expensive and

horses or slaves.
critical to the Carolingian military endeavors. Enemy territories
should not receive any of these commodities.‘ The capitularies also
condemn criminals who moved about to escape punishment and commit
further crimes during their flight.159

By the year 800 Charlemagne had constructed a working system
for the function of his government. All authority theoretically
stemmed from the king. Local officials used the position granted

them to maintain order. The populace obeyed their superiors,

84

remained in their place and rendered the dues they owed. In theory
this system could work, but the potential problems were obvious
and they were realized.

Charlemagne understood that once he granted out a position
of power the recipient could and probably would use that position
to his own best advantage. Consequently the king devised a system
of checks designed to ferret out abuses. Counts and bishops mon-
itored each other; metropolitans supervised bishops; the missi
dominici inspected each of these groups as necessary; and Charle-
magne regulated everyone. He had created a system which could
provide order to Carolingian society but he had not changed the
personal nature of his power. The entire governmental structure
still rested on the person of the king. It was his own action
which prompted his officials to behave properly, notheing else.

He had not created a system which could function without him.

85

TRAVEL IN
CHARLEMAGN'ES'S GOVERNMENT AFTER HIS CORONATION

From 769 onwards Charlemagne worked to systematize the ad-
'ministration of his realm. He left no aspect of that administra-
tion untouched. He aimed at establishing efficient government in
an ever-growing kingdom. We have seen his tireless efforts toward
that end.

On Christmas Day in the year 800, while Charlemagne attended
mass in Rome, something important happened:

It was on this occasion that he received the title of

Emperor and Augustus. At first he was far from wanting

this. He made it clear that he would not have entered

the cathedral that day at all, although it was the

greatest of all the festivals of the Church, if he had

known in advance what the Pope was planning to do.

Once he had accepted the title, he endured with great

patience the jealousy of the so-called 'Roman' Emperors,
who were most indignant at what had happened. ‘50

However one interprets this event,‘61

it had important consequences.
Charlemagne's new imperial title had both political and rel-

igious overtones. The title implied that the Frankish monarch

governed an 'empire'; that is, a large, powerful and unified ter-

ritory, as did the Byzantine emperors and the emperors in Rome

before them. The unity which identified an 'empire' resulted from

a single governmental system and a single religion, both headed

by the emperor and accepted by the populace. It seems that the

title of 'emperor' was the culmination of all of Charlemagne's

efforts up to the year 800.162
The title, however, also implied other, more specific things

which Charlemagne had.not yet achieved. It implied a type of gov-

86

ernment which did not exist in the Frankish realm. The Roman and
Byzantine emperors headed a centralized government with a fixed
capitol. They utilized a.sophisticated bureaucracy which handled
governmental business. Theyheaded an organized state which func-
tioned even without their continual intervention. The title also
implied true religious uniformity.and it placed the soverign at
the top or the ecclesiastical hierarchy. Although Charlemagne had
labored to enforce a working organization upon both secular and
ecclesiastical shperes of his government, his achievements did not
warrant an imperial title so defined.

Nor could Charlemagne substantially alter the definition of
'emperor' to suit his own circumstances. Imperial dignity was an
eastern possession which had been first defined by the emperors of
Bone. He could not break with this tradition and still claim im-
perial dignity. If he wanted to claim the imperial title, and he
did, he would have to accept the established definition, accept
the incumbent responsibilities,and model his rule after the eastern
example.

'Charlemagne accepted this title, and the last portion of his
reign can be viewed as his attempt to make imperial sovereignty a
reality in his realm. He reemphasized the role of the count. He
heightened his focus on Church structure and affirmed his position
as head of the Church. And he issued law after law commanding
faithful loyalty to the emperor. All this he did in an effort to
enforce that unity which should exist. He did not try to substi—
tute that organization which he had constructed and imposed in the

years after his accession with something more efficient. Rather

87

he tried to exact more efficienCy from that established order.

In the first years after the coronation Charlemagne appeared
to achieve some success in making the concept of 'empire' a reality.
He accomplished the final subjugation of the Saxons and the Avars
and brought those peeple with their lands firmly under Frankish
rule. The fall of Barcelona and the establishment of a Ryrenean
stronghold both looked promising.163

His first capitularies after the coronation exude an imperial
attitude. He constantly referred to himself as 'emperor' in these
capitularies,and he emphasized the religious dimension of that
title. The first article in the General Capitulary for the missi
of 802 shows that he associated his own will with the will of God.
After admonishing men to avoid wrong doing, the capitulary stated:

Rather should all men live a good and just life in

accordance with God's commands, and should with one

mind remain and abide in his appointed place or pro-

fession.

The emperor.unequivocally made it his law that nis subjects obey
God's law.

In.the same capitulary he plainly stated that he was responp
sible to God for the actions and the souls of his subjects. As
the capitulary concludes,it gives an indication of the emperor's
responsibilities:

This in order that everything should be good and well-

ordered for the praise of Almighty God, and we should

give thanks where it is due; that where we believe any-

thing to have gone unpunished we should strive with all

earnestness and willingness to correct it that with

God's help we may bring it to correction, to the eter-

nal reward both of ourselves and of all our faithful

people. 15

Charlemagne the'king,had always understood his Christian

88

duties. He had always required his subjects.to live good lives,
and he had always emphasized the Christian tone of the laws reg-
ulating society. But he had never stated these thoughts so directly

before.166

The language of this capitulary and others was imperial
language. The responsibilities of the king‘were‘heightened when
he became emperor and his capitularies conveyed this message.

Charlemagne tried to execute the duties of his new position
in more tangible ways as well. Again he focused on the judicial
system, uniformity within his Church and the functions of his
chosen officials; always with the aim of establishing a system for
the maintenance of internal order. no issued the order for another
oath of loyalty in 802. In this oath he identified himself as
emperor and expanded the definition of loyalty. The General Capit-
ulary for the missi of 802 explained the contents of the new oath.
Previous oaths contained only the idea that no one would harm the
king or his sons in any way. The new oath said this; it listed
specific forbidden crimes; but it also required positive action
from the populace. Every male subject age twelve or over had to
swear to live a Christian life as an indication of their loyalty
to the emperor.167 Consequently, transgressing Christian laws
became a case of infidelity and subject to royal punishment.168
As emperor, Charlemagne was responsible for the behavior of his
subjects; through this new oath he clearly asserted his right to
control their lives directly.

After 800 Charlemagne made changes in his judicial system.

The Capitulary of Aix of 802 revealed the emperor's continued con-

cern for uniform laws.169 He ordered that the national laws not

89

yet committed to writing be catalogued. Even though his efforts
were not entirely successful, his intention was significant. The
language of this capitulary and Charlemagne's expressed desire for
legal organization both illustrated the emperor's perceived posi-
tion as head of the judicial structure. In some sense law came
from him. He sponsored legal organization and commanded obedience
to the laws he supported. The position he took as head of the
judicial system now appeared grander than it had before 800.170
while he made grander statements about his own judicial posi-
tion,he also made greater demands upon his judicial officials. He
urged both bishops and counts to study the national laws of their
region so that they would be prepared to judge better the cases
which came before them.171 Although the repetition of these com-
mands indicates a lack of adherence to them, it illustrates the
emperor's increased desire for proper order. In the interest of
establishing a reasonable order which would not overburden his
subjects,he instituted one more judicial change. He limited the
number of times that all free men had to attend the mgllgg each
year.172 This better allowed them to perform their other duties.
Religious uniformity and a coherent ecclesiastical hierarchy
remained concerns for the emperor. Along with the bishop's judi-
cial functions, Charlemagne repeatedly reminded these men of their
duties within his Church. As the emperor heightened his emphasis
on the Christian lifestyle of his subjects, so he emphasized the
bishops' duty to direct the lives of his subjects. In 802 he
again ordered that the collection of canon law compiled by Dion-
ysius Exiguus be used throughout his Church as the standard text

90

of canon law.173 And he continued to reestablish metropolitans
in his kingdom. By 811 his kingdom had fifteen such officials.174
They supervised the bishops and were supervised by the giggi.

In the years after 800 Charlemagne further improved the
system he had been building since 769. The system itself did not
change after 800 except for one important factor. The emperor
himself travelled less after his coronation. A comparison of
Appendix I and II will illustrate the decline in the amount of the
emperor's travels. The Royal Prankhmh Annals indicate that he
developed a preference for his palace at Aachen in the 7903, but
after BOO this palace looks more and more like the permanent seat
of royal government. Although Charlemagne was advancing in years,
it seems unlikely that age alone could make such an industrious
man inactive. Indeed, it seems his permanent residence had a pur-
pose.

Charlemagne began to use a permanent seat of royal power as
an emperor would. no no longer travelled throughout his kingdom
tending to governmental business, but rather either had that busi-
ness brought to him or entrusted some official to handle particular
problems for him. In military matters for example, Charlemagne
relinquished the command of the army to his sons or other trusted
men for nearly every campaign after 800. Appendix III lists the
Prankish campaigns from 800 to the emperor's death and illustrates
how few campaigns Charlemagne actually led during this period.

This is a marked change from the emperor's previous practice,and
it implies that Charlemagne believed he had established his author-
ity firmly enough to direct affairs from a fixed capital as an em-

peror would.
91

The increased capacity of the palace court is another ex-
ample of Charlemagne's new role. Before his imperial coronation
Charlemagne's palace court heard cases involving the important
lay and ecclesiastical officials in his realm, cases which the
various national laws perscribed to the royal court and cases
which involved people or establishments enjoying the king's special
protection.175 After 800 Charlemagne used his capitularies to
claim the right to judge a much wider range of cases and all such
cases had to be brought to the palace court at Aachen.176 In the
Programmatic Capitulary of 802 for example, the emperor listed
numerous types of cases which thenceforth should be brought to
Aachen for judgment. Among the types of cases which Charlemagne
now wanted to judge for himself were: I

offenses of the bannum; monks whom bishops and abbots

could not force to observe the Benedictine Rule;...

priests and deacons who maintained concubines;...

those who, after committing homicide, refused to pay

composition; those who after incest or illicit union,

refused to submit to the decision of the bishop or to

a judgment; those who did not obey the order to join

the army; perjurors; and, last, those who were guilty

of homicide committed against relatives and did not

submit to the judgment of the bishop and a secular

court. 7 ' *

The increased competence of the palace court allowed the emperor
to intervene personally in matters concerning the moral standing
of his people but it also allowed him, in theory, to police his
realm without travelling. Through his increased judicial capacity
Charlemagne tried to make Aachen the working capitol of an effi-
ciently organized empire.

As judicial traffic to the palace increased,Charlemagne in-

stituted yet more rules concerning the jurisdiction of his court.

92

In 811 he decided to separate the palace court into two parts:
he presided over one part which decided the most important cases
and the count palatine presided over the other. This abdication
of large groups of cases is an indication that the emperor was
not equipped to handle the duties which his new title incurred.178

After 800, Charlemagne relied more and more exclusively on
the missi dominici and the use of writing to exercise his authority.
Up to this point we have seen only indirectly the use of writing
in Charlemagne's government, but it was an important aspect of his
administration. Previous Carolingian rulers made little use of
writing as an administrative tool; but for Charlemagne, a.monarch
interested in efficient administration, it became indispensable.

When Charlemagne sent his giggi‘out on tour they often
carried his written commands with them to read aloud in their
assigned districts. He required written reports from his missi on
their judicial decisions and on their observations within each
district. he required detailed records from the stewards of his
royal estates concerning all his income. When people came to the
palace for justice they needed to have written documents explaining
the details of their case. He committed legal codes to wrfl:ing in
order to achieve a more precise legal standard in his realm. As
Charlemagne emphasized efficiency in his administration,the use of.
writing became more important.179

For all that Charlemagne emphasized efficient administration
before 800 he heightened that emphasis after 800. In his later
years Charlemagne depended even more heavily on written documents

as a substitute for his own travels. Reports from the counties

93

and dioceses became increasingly important as the emperor had less
personal contact with them. The emperor relied on written reports
for information concerning his realm, and he relied on the written
word to convey his messages.

In another setting Charlemagne's attempt to institute imperial
government might have worked. Charlemagne, however, governed in
a Prankish setting. He governed without a bureaucracy and without
a loyal body of officials whose interests coincided with the inter-
ests of government. his governmental officials had their own loy-
alties and their own interests which usually clashed with the
interests of the monarch. Their opportunity for self-gain was much
greater when the rights of their lord did not motivate their actions.

During the first part of his reign Charlemagne curbed his
subjects' natural inclination for self-gain through his own travels.
He moved about constantly, witnessed and then corrected his of-
ficials' abuses. He presented himself as head of the army and
gained both fear and respect from his subjects. Even in this early
period of his reign abuses were common and he constantly acted
against them. As he travelled less frequently he could no longer
place a check upon the ambitions of his subjects. He hoped, it
seems, that the expanded loyalty defined in Christian terms which
his subjects swore to him, would replace the need for his constant
travel. In this he was disappointed.

Despite the early signs of his success in actualizing his
imperial title, the last years of Charlemagne's reign mark a de-
cline in Carolingian government. The signs of this decline sur-

faced in every aspect of his administration. The first of these

94

signs we have already seen: increased disobedience from his own
subjects. The first capitularies after 800 contain a grandiose
claim of the imperial judicial position. Subsequent capitularies
contain so many admonitions against abuse that it is obvious that
imperial authority did not motivate the Prankish people to obedi-
ence.

Although Charlemagne had clearly stated his own position as
head of the Church, his authority here did not always equal his
contentions. Most notably, the ecclesiastical synods of 813, which
addressed important issues of Chruch reform, were not attended by
Charlemagne. Although they discussed issues he had raised and
reported their decisions to him, through his absence he allowed
them to make decisions without him. He had abdicated part of his
precious authority.180

There were external signs as well. For all his efforts he
never totally succeeded in subduing Benevento, Brittany, or the

181 Even more serious were the increased Danish attacks on

Slave.
Prankish territory. As Charlemagne participated less and less in
Prankish military ventures,the Danish kingdom grew in strength.
The last years of Charlemagne's reign revealed a serious weakness
in Prankish military power. The Pranks could not repel naval
attacks. The conflicts with the Danes were frequent after 800 and
Prankish forces often won victories;182 but they never eliminated
this increasingly dangerous threat.183

The Frankish kingdom was by no means in shambles when Charle-
magne died in January of 814. He passed on to his son a large realm

with an established governmental system. Yet along with the Prankish

95

kingdom, Charlemagne bequeathed his son serious and unsolved pro-

blems which his governmental system could not correct.

96

CONCLUSION

Prankish royal power was personal. It had been so before
Charlemagne,and it would be so after him. The title of king in
this Germanic society carried with it certain rights and respon-
sibilities, but the extent to which the monarch could excercise
royal power depended upon his ability to enforce his will upon
his subjects. The Prankish people respected royal authority in
theory, but in practice they offered only as much obedience as
was exacted.

Charlemagne inherited a system of government where local
officials governed specific districts under the supervision of the
king. These officials, however, did not constitute a loyal bu-
reaucracy whose interests coincided with those of the king. Rather,
they were powerful individuals with multiple loyalties. of kinship
and interests opposed to those of the king. The size of the Frank-
ish kingdom meant that substantial distances separated most of
these officials from the king. Thus they could disregard royal
authority, dominate their district as they liked and in an probap
bility escape royal intervention. In such a situation any monarch
interested in establishing efficient government would have to
focus on these officials and curb their ambitions.

Charlemagne did precisely this. He aimed at efficient gov-
ernment, internal order,and expansion of the realm. These aims
made the local officials indespensible but they also made their
selffish ambitions unacceptable. Charlemagne clearly defined the
roles of the local authorities through his capitularies and

97

through the use of travel exacted their compliance.

He charged his local officials with the crucial task of
maintaining order in their districts; unfortunately he could not
trust them to fulfill their duties faithfully without proper motiv-
ation. Hence, he defined the penalities for disobedience and in-
spected his officials regularly. Fear of punishment could motiv-
ate his agents to compliance with royal demands, but only if the
king could carry out his threats. Charlemagne showed himself
quite capable to do so.

The king himself travelled extensively throughout his realm.
Sometimes he travelled for military, economic or religious reasons
but always with the purpose of inspection in mind. Through his
own movements he became aware of local problems and abuses and put
himself in a position to correct them. He also made greater use
of the missi dominici to assist him in this task. The king and
his royal agents combed the Prankish realm to see that it func-
tioned properly.

Charlemagne strove to institute an orderly governmental
system and increase the power of his position. He achieved some
success. He expanded his kingdom, put down internal unrest,and
controlled his royal agents. But the extent of his success always
depended upon his ability to exact obedience from his subjects.

He constantly had to exhibit royal authority to all levels of
society. He could not remove the personal nature of his power.
Without royal intervention and fear of punishment the Frankish
nobility would not comply with royal commands. The conspiracies
of Eardrad and Pepin the Hunchbach both illustrate the nobility's

98

willingness to disobey royal authority. They also show the king's
eagerness and ability to supress such actions.

Charlemagne's government after the imperial coronation illus-
trates the limitations of personal power and the importance of
travel in Carolingian government. Charlemagne drifted away from
his original governing policies after his coronation. He still
required important functions from his agents, but the emperor him-
self no longer supervised those agents in their own setting. He
ceased touring his realm. His subjects quickly learned that their
distance from the seat of royal power was again advantageous. They
were freer to follow their own interests without fear of punish-
ment. They enjoyed their new freedoms. Charlemagne knew this and
complained in 811 that the men who once obeyed him no longer did
so.184

It was Charlemagne's own industriousness which made his
kingdom function. He ruled with a make-shift administration which
he could not. change. while he spent his energies prodding it,
however, it worked. As his personal intervention waned, so did

his success.

99

768

769

770

771

772

773

774

775

776

APPENDIX I

CHARLEMAGNB”S TRAVEIS

FROM HIS ACCESSION’TO HIS CORDNIIION'
(taken from the Royal Prankish Annals)

Oct 9
Christmas
Easter

Christmas
Easter

Christmas
Easter
Dec

Christmas
Easter

Christmas
Easter

Winter-

Easter
Chrishmas

Winter

Christmas

Easter

Christmas
Easter

raised to king at Doyon
Aachen
Rouen

met Carloman at Duasdives
campaigned in Aquitaine
Duren

town of Liege

assembly at Worms
Mains
Borstal

met with Carloman's men at Corbeny after the
death of his brother

- Attigny

Herstal

assembly at Worms; marched into Saxony capturing
the town of Eresburg and the Irminsul.

Herstal

Herstal

Thionville

assembly at Geneva; marched into Italy and
beseiged Pavia.

Pavia

Rome

rejoined Frankish forces at Pavia, Pavia fell
in June
back to Francis, to Ingelheim

Quierzy

assembly at Duren; marched into Saxony as far as
the Weser at Braunsberg; proceeded along the
Oker River and battled at Lubbecke

marched back into Italy

Schlettstadt (near Strasbourg)

marched on Italy moving through Priuli
city of Treviso

assembly at Worms; moved into Saxony
Herstal

Nijmegen

100

777

778

779

780

781

782

763

784

785

786

Christmas
Easter

Christmas
Easter

Christmas
Easter

Christmas
Easter

Christmas
Easter

Christmas
Easter

Christmas
Easter

Christmas
Easter

Christmas
Easter

Christmas

assembly at Paderborn
Douzy

Chasseneuil in Aquitaine

marches into Spain.to ramplcna.and Saragossa
Borstal
Borstal

villa of Compiegne in Eeustria

return to Austrasia'via'Verzenay
assembly at Duran; campaign into Saxony
Worms

worms

assembly at the source of the River Lippe;
marched across Saxony to the Elbe River.
returned to Francis

trip to Base

Pavia

Rome

returns home via Milan and Worms
Quierzy

Quiersy

crossed the Rhine at Cologne; assembly in Saxony;
Charlemagne returns home but Saxom revolt and

he returns with an army

Thionville

Thionville

campaign into Saxony
return to Worms
Borstal

Borstal

campaign into Saxony then to Eastphalia through
Thuringia

return to Francis

campaign in Westphalia, to Dreingau then Worms

villa of Dugde on the River Emmer

continued campaign against Saxony

Eresburg

assembly at Paderborn; campaign through Saxony
Attigny

Attigny

assembly at Worms

travelled into Italy
Florence

101

787

788

789

790

791

792

793

794

795

796

797

798

Easter

Christmas

'Easter

Christmas
Easter

Christmas
Easter

Christmas
Easter

Christmas
Easter

Christmas
Easter

Pall
Christmas
Easter
Christmas

Easter

Christmas
Easter

Christmas
Easter

Christmas
Easter

Christmas
Easter

wont to Rome, then to Capua

Rome

back to Worms, held an assembly there
city of Augsburg

Ingelheim

.Ingelheim

assembly at Ingelheim

to Regensburg
Aachen
Aachen

campaign against the Slave

moved through Saxony to the River Elbe
Worms

Worms

sailed to the palace of Salz on the Raver Kain
Worms
Worms

from Worms to Regensburg then into Bavaria
marched into the Avar territories
Regensburg

Regensburg

Regensburg
Rogensburg

attempted to build a canal joining the Rivers
Rednitz and Altmuhl
St. Kilian's in Wurzburg

Frankfurt; held a Council there
campaign into Saxony

Aachen

Aachen

assembly near Mains; marched into Saxony
Aachen
Aachen

campaign into Saxony
Aachen
Aachen

campaign into Saxony
camped at Berstelle near Minden
camped at Berstelle

marched to Minden

Aachen
Aachen

102

799
Christmas

800
Easter

mid-Aug

marched into Saxony

received pope at Paderborn
Aachen

left Aachen.mid-March
St. Riquier in Contulum

.to Rouen, then to Tours, then to Aachen via Paris

and Orleans
at Mains, then to Ravenna and then to Rome.

103

801

802

803

804

805

806

807

808

APPENDIX II

CHARLEMAGNE'S TRAVELS

FRO]! HIS CORONATION TO HIS DEATH
(taken.from the Rbyal Prankish Annals)

Easter

Feast of John
the Baptist

Christmas
Easter
Summer
Christmas
Christmas
Winter

Summer
Hid-September

July

Winter &
Christmas

Christmas

Easter
Christmas

Spring

Winter
Christmas
Easter

Rome

Then to Spoleto
Then to Ravenna
Then to Pavia

Tvrea
Then back to Gaul
Aachen

Aachen
Bunting expedition in the Ardennes
Aachen

Campaign into Bavaria
Aachen

Aachen

Expedition into Saxony

Returned to Cologne

Then to Aachen

Bunting expedition to the Ardennes

Then to Aachen

Not the pope at Reins, they celebrated
Christmas together at the villa of Quierzy
Then to Aachen

Loft Aachen for hunting in the Yosges
mountains

Tholnville

Went by ship from Thoinville to Nijmegen
for Lent and Easter

Then to Aachen

Aachen

Aachen
Aachen

Went to Eijmogen for Lent and Easter
Then to Aachen

Aachen

Aachen

Aachen

104

809
810

811

812
813

814

October

mid-November
Winter

Winter

Nb mention of travel by Charlemagne

Began the year at Aachen
Left Aachen to meet a Danish fleet
Returned to Aachen ‘

Assembly at Aachen

Went to the port city of Boulogne to
inspect the fleet

Then to Ghent to inspect the ships there
Back at Aachen

Aachen ‘

Assembly at Aachen

Aachen
Assembly at Aachen

Charlemagne died at Aachen on January 28

105

800

801

802

805

806

807

808

APPENDIX III

CITATIOIB FRO}! THE ROYAL M133 ANNAIS
0P PRANKISH CAMPAIGIB
WHICH CHARLEMAGHE ORDERED BUT DP NOT ATTEND
. 13m 800 AND 814-

"he left Maine and went with his army to Ravenna. There he
arranged a campaign against the Beneventans and after a delay
of seven days headed for Rome and ordered the army under his

son Pepin to go into the territory of the Beneventans and
plunder it.” -

"he again sent an.expedition.under’his eon Pepin against the
Beneventans."

"In.the same summer the city of Barcelona in Spain was cap-
tured after a two-year seige.'

”In Italy the city of Chieti was also captured and burned,
and its governor Roselmus taken.prisoner; the castles be-
longing to this city also surrendered."

"The city of Ortona in Italy surrendered. Also Lucera, worn
out by prolonged siege, was forced to surrender, and a gar-
rison of our people was installed."

"Be dispatched an army of Saxons to lay waste of the lands
of the Saxons on the far side of the Elbe."

"he sent the army under his son Charles into the country of
the Slate who are called Bohemians."

"he... sent his'sin Charles with an army into the country of
the Slave who are called Sorbs and live on the River Elbe."

"A body of troops.from Bavaria, Alemannia, and Burgundy was
also sent into the country of Bohemia, as in the previous
yeare"

"In the same year a fleet was dispatched by Pepin from Italy
to Corsica against the Moors who had pillaged the island."

"In Spain the people of Navarre and Pamplona, who had defected
to the Saracens during the last years, were again placed under
our authority."

"he sent his marshal Burchard with a.fleet to Corsica to de-
fend the island against the floors, who in past years used to
come there and pillage."

"he sent his son Charles with a strong host of Pranks and

106

809

811

812

813

Saxons to the Elbe with orders to resist the mad king (God-
oiréd of the Dances 1: he should attempt to attack the borders
0 axony.’

"King Lord Louis entered Spain with his army and besieged
the city of Iortosa on the River Ebro." .

"Since he had heard much about the arrogance and pride of the
.Danish king, the emperor decided tc.build a castle on the
other side of the Elbe and to garrison it with a Prankish
force. For this purpose he gathered men in Gaul and Germany
equipped with arms and all other necessities, and ordered
them to be taken by way of Prisia to their destination. ...
When the location for the founding of a castle had been
explored, the emperor appointed Count Egbert to be responsi-
zie f2: the matter, ordering him to cross the Elbe and occupy
6. Be

"the emperor sent into three parts of the kingdom an equal
number of armies. One went beyond the Babe against the
Linones,... The second went into Pannonia to end the disputes
among the Runs and the Slave. the third was dispatched against
the Bretons to punish their treachery."

"the emperor sent his grandson.Bernard, son of Pepin, to
Italy. A fleet was said to be coming frem Africa as well as
Spain to lay waste Italy."

"A campaign was carried out against the 31111, and hostages
were received from them."

"Count Irmigar of Ampurias prepared an ambush near Majorica
agaisnt the Moore who were returning with much booty from
Corsica to Spain."

Only in 803, 804 and 810 did Charlemagne accompany Frankish
troops on campaign.

107

2.
3.
4.
5.
6. '
7.

8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.

14.

15.,

16.
17.

18.
19.

FOOTNOTES

Bernhard W. Scholz, trans., Charolingian Chronicles: Royal
Frankish Annals,_Nithard's Histories (Ann Arbor: Univ-
ersity of Michigan Press, 1970), p. 6.

H

bi

p.

‘51

i

p.
e

5’
p.

i ., p. 7.

id., p. 4.
id., p. 6.
Betty Radice ed., and Louis Thorpe trans., Einhard and Notkgr
the Stammerer: Two Lives of Charlemagne (Penguin Books,

1969 , Po ‘3-

Einhard, P. 52.

'6’

'61

Radice and Thorpe, Two Lives of Charlemagn§,p. 15.
Einhard, p. 51.

Ipig., p. 52.

Radice and Thorpe, Two Lives of Charlemagne,p. 19.

Richard E. Sullivan, Aix-La-Chapelle in the Age of Charle-
magge (Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press,
6 )9 Po 19-

Perdinand Lot, The End of the Ancient World and the Beginnings
of the Middle Ages (New York: Harper & Row, 1961), pp.

340-343. See also, Heinrich Fichtenau, he Carolin ian
Em ire (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978;,
p. 12.

Rosamund HoKitterick, The Prankish Kingdoms under the Caro-
lingians 751-987 (London: Longman, 1983), p. 19.

Ibid.

John Beeler, Warfare in Feudal Europe 730-1200 (Ithica:
Cornell University Press, 1971), see Chapter 1 for a dis-
cussion of these innovations.

Pichtenau, p. 13.
Beeler, pp. 9-11.

108

20.
21.
22.

23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.

29.

30.
31.
32.

33.
34.

35.

37.

Pichtenau, p. 17.
Ibid., p. 19.

Scholz, The Royal Frankish Annals 750 p. 59. Henoeforth
the Royal Frankish Annals will be referred to as REA.

5:; 754, p. 40.
BE 757, p. 42.
mi 761, p. 43.
Pichtenau, p. 20.

1% 769, p. 47.

For a discussion of capitularies see: P. L. Ganshof,
Recherches sur leg Capitularies (Paris: Sirey, 1958).
For a discussion of this capitulary as one of Charle-
magne's five most important see: P. L. Ganshof, Prank-
ish Institutions under Charlemagne trans., Bryce and
Marysgygg (Providence: Brown University Press, 1968),
PP. . .

H. R. Loyn and J. Percival eds., The Rei of Charlem e:
Documents of Medieval Histogy (London: Edward Arnold

Ltd., 1975 . Synod of Frankfurt c. 31, p. 61.
Ibid., c. 1 Fe 57.
Ibid., c. 2 p. 57.

Ganshof, Frankish Institutions, p. 106, fn. 49. For the
following discussion of the bannum see pp. 11-12.

Ibid., p. 24.

F. L. Ganshof, ”Benefice and Vassalage" Cambridge Historical
Journal VI (1939), pp. 150-156. See also, Ganshof,
Frankish Institutions: pp. 50-53.

Charles E. Odegaard, [assi and Fideles in the Carolingian

Empire (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,1945).
pp. -19. See also, Ganshof, Prankish Institutions,

PP. 51‘52e

This map is taken from F. L. Ganshof, The Carolingians and
the Prankish Monarchy Janet Sondheimer trans., (London:

Longnm, 1971 )e
Ganshof, Prankish Institutions_p. 28.

109

38-
39.

40.

41.
42.

45.
44.

45.

46.

47.

49.

52.
55.

54.

55.

56.
57.

Ibid. , 3):). 29-30.
Loyn, Capitulary of Paderborn of 735, c. 29, p. 54.

Admonitio Generalis, found in Monuments Germaniae Historica
(mCH) Canitula I, No. 22. Alfredus Boretius ed. 1883.

Ganshof, Frankish Institutions, p. 27.

Loyn, Capitulary of Herstal, c. 11: "And if he (the judge)
should maim a man through hatred or ill intent and not
for the sake of justice, he is to lose his office and
is subject to the laws under which he acted unjustly..."

Loyn, Capitulary of Paderborn, c. 24, p. 54.

Capitulatio de Partibus Saxoniae, c. 24. MGR Capitula I
No. 26. "Be Iatronibus et malefactoribus, qui’de una
comitatu ad alium confugium fecerint, si quis eos
receperit in suam potestate et septen noctibus secum
detenuerit, ad iustitiam faciendam praesentare noluerit
et ad hoc excusare non potest, honorem suum perdat."

Both Einhard and the REA give examples of the king travel-
ling to the distrIEt of an erring royal official and
taking steps to correct the situation.

Ganshof, Erankish Institutions,p. 48. According to Ganshof
the permanent advocate seems to have been instituted be-
fore 792-93. '

Ibid., pp. 49-50.

Ibid., for a discussion of lands with immunity see pp. 45-50.

Ibide ’. Ppe 23-260

 

 

 

. aleyn, Capitulary De 711113, c. 27 p. 53.

Ganshof, Frankish Institutiogg . 49. Qanitulare Missorun
of 805, c. P3 MGH Canitula ’I, No. 40. --

Ibid., p. 25.

Charles E. Odegaard, "Carolingian Oaths of Fidelity" Sneculgg
XVI (1941), p. 284.

For the revolt of Hardrad see: Einhard, Ch. 20.PP. 75-76 and
Egg 785, pp. 62-63.

For the revolt of Pepin the Hunchback see Einhard, Ch. 20,

Canitulare Missorum of 792/95, c. 1-14, MGH ggpitula I No. 25.
Loyn, Capitulary of Herstal, c. 16, p. 48.

110

58.

59.

60.

61.
62.

63.
64.

65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.

72.
75.

74.

Duplex Legationis Edictum of 789, c. 18 MGH Capitula I, No.23.
"De sacramentis fideIitatis causa, quod nobis et filiis
nostris iurare debent, quod.his verbis contestari debet:
'Sic promitto ego ille partibus domini mei Caroli regis
et filiorum eius quia fidelis sum et ero diebus viyae
sine fraude at malo ingenio.'"

P. L. Ganshof "Charlemagne's Use of the Oath" in The Caro-

, inaians and the Prankish Monarchy (London: Longman,
1971), p. 112. .

 

Loyn, Capitulary of Herstal, c. 10, p. 48. "Concerning a
man who commits perjury, that he cannot redeem it except
by losing his hand."

Ganshof, "Charlemagne's Use of the Ga ", p. 113.

Generally the missi travelled in pairs but the two men did
not travel EIon . The missi often took scribes along to
assist them in making reports and the missi needed to
travel in a group large enough to ward of? attacks along
the Prankish roadways.

See Appendix.I & II for Charlemagnefs itineraries.

Refer to the EPA for Charlemagne's yearly or seasonal move-
ments.

Charlemagne's religious travel will be discussed later.
Ganshof, Prankish Institutions, p. 18.

‘lpig.,‘p. 19.

Ibid.

1

l

S!
p.

id., p.76.

id., p. 72. Ganshof lists the following national laws
which were committed to writing before the year 800:
Le: Saxonum, 785: Lex Salica, 789; Le: Alamannorum and
Lg37Biagvariorum were both revised around 788.

Ibid., p. 75.

Ibid., p. 30. Du lex Legationis Edictum of 789, c. 17, up;
Canitula I, No. 23

5’

l

5’

 

Loyn, Capitulary De Villis c. 53, p. 71. See also Capitulary
of Herstal c. 11:—25?"éapitu1atio de Partibu§58axoniae
c. 24, MGH Capitula I, R6. 26.

111

75.

76.

77.
78.
79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
86.
87.
88.
89.

90.
91.

92.
93.
94.
95.
96.
97.
98.

Ganshof, Frankish Institutions,p. 77. Ganshof sees the
following progression in the institution of the scabini:
in the north of Francia, 774; Provence, 780; on the Iower
Seine, 781; in Franconia, 782; around the Moselle, 782.

Capitula Incerti Anni of 789-814?, c. 1,2 MGH Capitula I,
No. 86.

 

Ganshof, Frankish Institutions, p. 83.
Ibid.

gpgg.

£25 796, P. 74.

Loyn, Capitulary De Villis, c. 1, p. 65.
Ibid., o. 1-3, P. 65.

Ibid., c. 5, p. 66.

Ibid., c. 26, p. 68.

Ibid., c. 56, p. 71.

I§;Q., c. 20, p. 67.

Ibid., c. 62, P. 72.

See Appendix I for Charlemagne’s movements before 800.

This map is taken from Radice and Thorpe, Two Lives of Char-
lem e, p. 43.

This map is taken from Scholz, Carolingian Chronicles,p. 98.
Pierre Riché, Daily Life in the world of Charlemagne Jo Ann
McNamara trans. ( Philadelphia: -University of Pennsyl-

vania Press, 1978), p. 78.
The Prankish Church will be discussed later.
Loyn, Capitulary of Paderborn, c. 3,4,6-9 pp. 51-52.
Einhard, Ch. 15, p. 67.
BEA 772, p. 49.

BEA 758. p. 42.

EA 774' De 500

535 787-788, pt. 64-68.

112

99.

100.
101.
102.
105.
104.
105.
106.
107.
108.
109.
110.

111.
112.

113.
114.
115.
116.
117.
118.
119.
120.
121.
122.
123.

RPA

Einhard, Ch. 15, PP. 68-69.

5E5 76L pp. 43-44.

§§§_ 769, P. 47.

BEA 769, P. 47.

This map is taken from Scholz, Carolingian Chronicles, p. 45.

325 778, p. 56.

Einhard, Ch. 9, P. 64.

‘325 773, P. 49.

This map is taken from Scholz, Carolingian Chronicles, p. 41.

Scholz, Carolingian Chronicles, p. 185, éfn‘.”1.

525_ 774, P. 50.

RPA mentions expeditions against Saxony in 772, 774, 775 and

-—_776:.it mentions Saxon raids on Prankish territory in 773.
776 and 777. A

535 778, p. 56.

Donald Bullough, The Age of Charlemagne
Putnam's Sons, 1966), p. 60.

.225. 778. pp. 57-58.

779, P. 58.

780. P. 58.

This map is taken from Scholz, Carolingian Chronicles,p. 52.

(New York: G.P.

as

 

This map is taken from Scholz, Carolingian
REA 782, p. 61.

Einhard, Ch. 7, pp. 62-63.

£35 788, p. 67.

774, Po 50-

778, p. 58.

799, p. 78.

Chronicles,p. 54.

an

as
RFA

113

124.

125.
126.

127.

128.
129.
150.
151.

152.
155.
154.

135.
136.
137.
138.
139.
140.

141.
142.
145.

144.

F.L. Ganshof "The Frankish Monarchy and its External Relations
from Pippin III to Louis the Pious" in The Carolingians
and the Frankish Monarchy, p. 166.

Egg 806, p. 86.

Ganshof, "The Frankish Monarchy and its External Relations
from Pippin III to Louis the Piousfi,pp. 162-204. This
article provides a helpful discussion of Charlemagne's
diplomatic relations.

 

 

The year 799 is an exception. In this year the pope himself
travelled to Charlemagne after he was attacked by con-
spirators in Rome.

SChOIZ, Pe 183' .fn. 4e

REA 781, p. 59.

BEA 796, p. 74.

Ganshof, "The Frankish Monarchy and its External Relations
from Pippin III to Louis the Pious" p. 171.

fig 787. p. 64._
EPA 812, PP. 94‘95e

Ganshof, "The Frankish Monarchy and its External Relations
from Pippin III to Louis the Pious”, p. 172.

gm... 1:. 171.

gpgg., p. 172.

Ipig., p. 163.

133 773. 787, 800-801, pp. 49-50, 64-66, 79-82.

Loyn, Synod of Frankfurt, c. 1,2, p. 57.

F. L. Ganshof, "The Church and the Royal Power in the Frankish
Monarchy under Pippin III and Charlemagne" in The Caro-
lingians and the Prankish Monarchy, p. 209.

Loyn, Synod of Frankfurt, c. 10, p. 59.

Ibid., c. 20, 53, pp. 60, 62.

Loyn, Capitulary of Herstal, c. 4, P. 47.; Synod of Frankfurt
O. 39. 53, PP. 61, 62.

Loyn, Capitulary of Mantua, c. 6, p. 50.: Synod of Frankfurt,
c. 59, p. 61.

114

145.
146.
147.

148.

149.
150.
151.
152.
153.
154.
155.

156.

157.
158.

159.
160.
161.

162.
165.

164.
165.

Loyn, Capitulary of Herstal, c. 4, P. 47.

Bullough, p. 110.

Rosamond McKitterick, The Frankish Church and the Carolingian
Reforms 789-895 (London: Royal Historical Society, 1977),
P. 1233

Loyn, Synod of Frankfurt, c. 6, p. 58.; Capitulary of Herstal,
Ce 1 Pe 47s
1

§£A_ 773, P. 50.

mi 780, p. 58.

Einhard, Ch. 17. P. 71.

Einhard, Ch. 27, p. 125.

Loyn, Capitulary of Herstal, c. 17, p. 49.

Loyn, General Capitulary for the miggi of 802, c. 27, P. 76.
Loyn, Synod of Frankfurt, c. 41, p. 61.; See also c. 7, p. 58.

Loyn, Synod of Frankfurt, c. 27. P. 60.: See also c. 11, 19,
pp. 59, 60; Capitulary of Mantua, c. 5, P. 50; Capitulary
of Herstal, c. 6, p. 47.

Loyn, Capitulary of Paderborn, c. 54, p. 54.

Loyn,-Capitulary of Herstal, c. 19, 20, p. 49; Capitulary of
Mantua,c. 7, p. 50.

Loyn, Capitulary of Herstal, c. 8, 17, pp. 48. 49.

Einhard, Ch. 28, p. 8?.

Richard E. Sullivan, The Coronation of Charlemagne: What did
it Signify? (Boston: D. C. Heath and Company, 1959). for
an overview of various opinions concerning Charlemagne's
imperial coronation.

Fichtenau, p. 74.

‘RFA 801, p. 82; F. L. Ganshof, "The Last Period of Charle-
magne's”Reign: a Study in Decomposition" in The Carolin-
gians and the Frankish Monarchy, p. 242.

Loyn, General Capitulary for the missi of 802, c. 1, p. 74.

Ibid., c. 40, p. 79; See also MGR Capitula I No. 55, c. 5, 14.

115

.166.

167.
168.
169.
170.

171.
172.
175.
174.

175.
176.

177.
178.

179.

180.
181.

182.

. 185.

184.

Ganshof, "The Last Period of Charlemagne' s Reign: a Study in
" Decomposition”, pp. 240-245 for a discussion of the
capitularies of 802.

Loyn, Capitulary of Aix of 802-805, c. 5-9, pp. 75-76.
Ganshof, "Charlemagne's Use of the Oath", PP. 115-117.
Loyn, Capitulary oquix.of 802-805, opening statement, p. 82.

Ganshof, "The Last Period of Charlemagne's Reign: a Study in
Decomposition", pp. 244—245.

Ganshof, Frankish Institutions, p. 79. 169, . fn.60.

Ibid., P. 78.: Capitulare Missorum of 805 c. 20, MGH Capitula
I, No. 40; Canitulare Missorum in Theodonis VilIE‘Datum
Secundum,gGenerale, o. 16, MG apitula 4 .

McKitterick, The Frankish Church and the Carolingian Reforms,
p. 10.

Ganshof, "The Church and the Royal Power in the Frankish
Monarchy under Pippin III and Charlemagne", p. 210.

Ganshof, Frankish Institutions, p. 84.

Ganshof, "The Last Period of Charlemagne's Reign: a Study in
Decompositron", pm 248.

Ganshof, Frankish Institutions, pp. 84-85.

Ibid. p. 85 Canitulare de Iustitii Faciendis of 811, c. 2
—Lefi oapituIE‘I"Ro. 20.

F. L. Ganshof, "The Use of the Written Mord in Charlemagne's
Administration" in The Carolingians and the Frankish
Monarchy, pp.'125-142.

McKitterick, The Frankish Church and the Carolingian Reforms,
p. 12.

Ganshof, "The Last Period of Charlemagne's Reign: a Study in
Decomposition", p. 242.

The RFA shows Danish hostilities toward the Franks in 804,
808, 809, 810, and 811, pp. 85, 88-90, 92,96.

Ganshof, "The Last Period of Charlemagne's Reign: a Study in
Decomposition", p. 242.

Capitula.de Rebus Exercitalibus in Placito Tractanda of 811,
c. 9, MGR Capitula I, No. 73.: Quod super omnia maius
fiunt inoboedientes ipsi pagenses comiti et missos
decurrentes, quam antea fuissent.

116

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