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THE PORTRAYAL OF WOMEN AND WOMEN’S ISSUES
IN THE TELEVISION NEWSCASTS 0F EIGHT COUNTRIES:
A CONTENT ANALYSIS

By

Gayle P. King

A THESIS

Submitted to Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of

Master of Arts

Department of Telecommunication

1987

ABSTRACT

THE PORTRAYAL OF WOMEN AND WOMEN’S ISSUES IN TELEVISION
NEWSCAST IN EIGHT COUNTRIES: A CONTENT ANALYSIS

By

GAYLE P. KING

This study is an attempt to explore from a global
perspective what television news presents to its viewers
as the prevalent condition and status of women and
women’s issues. The basic question of the investigation
is to determine content quality, quantity and treatment
of women and women’s issues in television news
programming; and to describe any difference in content
quality, quantity and treatment based on national
origin.

The study found women dramatically underrepresented
in television news programming. They were most visible
.as anchorpersons. As news sources, women were most

often characterized in positions of low status and

power. As news topics, women’s issues were found to be
negligible.

Despite diverse geographical and contextual
variables, women’s status and conditions, as

characterized by television news, takes on a universally
uniform posture, not explainable by social or national

ideology.

Copyright by
GAYLE P. KING
1987

To my family: The Kings, McGuires, Littles, and Uncle
Louie: exceptional role models.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

An endeavor of this nature is a challenging and
rewarding experience that can never be accomplished
without the love, concern and support of many people.
First and formost I thank the Creator for divine guidance
and many blessings: the opportunity to express myself,
the ability to accomplish the task, the will to
persevere and the benefit of having so many warm and
encouraging people who have enhanced this experience
through their expertise or love and friendship. While
there have been many who have been helpful, the
following persons have been central in this process.

I offer a special thanks to my academic advisor and
thesis director, Dr. Gretchen Barbatsis. Her guidance
during this research process and unwavering support
during the entire academic period were important factors
in the successful completion of this task.

I convey my sincere appreciation to Dr. Larry Redd.
Not only did he provide guidance and friendship, but he
helped me deal with many of the intangibles that exist

in any human environment.

Special words of gratitude are due Professor Ruth
Simms Hamilton for her encouragement and positive
perspective. She is a seasoned_ scholar and an
outstanding role model.

I am particularly grateful to Mr. Ron Amos for his
assistance with the statistical analysis. His expertise
helped shape may understanding of the practical
application of statistical techniques and significantly
enhanced my learning experience.

I must express my appreciation to the many persons

who have not been responsible for direct assistance on

this project, but who nevertheless influenced other
major aspects of my life during this period. My family
has been particularly supportive. My mother and

fatherfi, Ruby King-Williams, David T. King and Robert J.
Williams, brother and sisters, Paul, Monica, Cynthia,
Carol and all the kids have been a strong and persistant
source of inspiration and motivation. Thanks for your
love and faith.

My close friends and extended family have also been
a source of inspiration and support. A special note of

gratitude to Linda Riggs for her tremendous support and

many generous "gifts." Special thanks to Faidah
Braithwaite for her radiance and "real" Blackness; to
Kesho Scott for her dynamic energy; to Becki Armstrong,
Robin Barclay, Charlene Bomar, Olu Davis, Michael

vi

Jennings, Nataki Cheeks-Kilpatrick, Stan Maffett,
Abdullah Masoud, Sharon and Melvin Peters, Linda
Thompson, Amelia Opubor, and Bruce and Debbie Hunt,
knowing all of you has truly enhanced my life.

Much gratitude and appreciatdion to my student
colleagues and friends for helping me maintain a healthy
balance between academic theory and "real" world
politics; for guidance and inspiration, lots of laughs
and good reggae -- Kwadwo "Professor" Anokwa, Melvenia
and Mamadou Gueye, Abul Barry, Wilbert Jenkins, all
scholars in the full sense of the word. Our time has
just begun, see ya back "home."

I may have unwittingly neglected a few names. If

so, thank you just as sincerely.

vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LISTOF TABLESOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO.

CHAPTER

I.

II.

III.

INTRODUCTION...OOOOOOOOOOOO00.0000...

Purpose of the Study.......

Significance of the Study............
Limitations..........................
Generalizability.....................
Assumptions..........................
Summary..............................

CHAPTER I--NOTESoooooooooooooo-oooooooo

REVIEW OF LITERATURE AND CONTEXTUAL
ISSUESOOOOOOOOOO...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO

Page

..xi

..14

Media Structure and Women..............

Portrayal of Women in Mass Media
contentOO...OOOOOOOOOOIOOOOOOOOOOO.
Portrayal of Women in News Content...

NATIONAL POLICIES AFFECTING WOMEN AND
WOMEN’S ISSUES.OOOCOOOOOOOOOOOCOCOOOO

NATIONAL MEDIA STRUCTURES AND
PHILOSOPHIES.......................

summary 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0
CHAPTER II--NOTES o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0
METHOD 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o

POPULATION AND SAMPLE................

INSTRUMENTATIONOOOOOOOOOOOOIOOOOOOOOOO

PROCEDUREOOOOOOOO0.000.000.000.000...

viii

.14

.17

.28

.25

.31

.37

.39

.47

.50

.51

..53

TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)

IV.

Page

content COders O I O O O O O O I O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O 54
Reliability. 0 O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O I O 0 O O O O O 0 O O .54
validity.OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO 0.0.0.000000055

ANALYSIS................................56
SUMMARY.................................60
CHAPTER III--NOTES......................62
RESULTS.................................63
ATTENTION TO WOMEN AND WOMEN’S ISSUES...63

Newspresenter by Gender.................63
Newsmakers Source Role by Gender........66
News Story Topics and Women’s Issues....71

DIRECTION OF NEWS STORY AND WOMEN AND
WOMEN’S ISSUES0.0...0.0.0.0000000000000074

News Story Direction and Newspresenter

by Gender.............................77
News Story Direction and Newsmaker

Source Role by Gender.................8l
News Story Direction and Women’s

Issues................................92

ROLE TREATMENT AND NEWS TOPIC TREATMENT
OF WOMEN AND WOMEN’S ISSUES.............92

Newspresenter by News Topic.............95
Newsmaker Source Role by Newsmaker Story
Line Role............................101
News Story Topics and Newsmaker Source
Role.................................106
Distribution of News Story Topics by
Newsmaker Source Role by Gender......108
Newsmaker Role and Women’s Issues......128
Summary................................134

SUMMARY, DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION.....137

DISCUSSIONOOOOOOOO0.0.6.0.0000000000000139

ix

TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued)

CONCLUSION.......
Future Study.....
APPENDIX A...................
APPENDIX B...................

LIST OF REFERENCES...........

Page
..144
..147
..149
..155

..164

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

1.1(a)

1.11(a)

LIST OF TABLES

Page

National Gynography Policies
by Country.........................27

Country Demographics...............3O

Distribution of Newspresenters
byGender...‘0.0.0.000000000000000065

Distribution of Newspresenters
by Type and Gender.................65

Country Distribution of Newspre-
senter by Gender...................67

Country Distribution of Newspre-
senters by Type and Gender.........68
Distribution of Newsmaker Source

Role by Gender and Order of
Appearance.........................70

Country Distribution of Newsmaker
Source Role by Gender and Order
of Appearance......................72

Distribution of Women’s Issues by
News Story TOPiCoooooooooo00000000075

Country Distribution of Women’s
Issues by News Story Topic.........76

Distribution of News Story
Direction by Newspresenter

Gender..0...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO00.078

xi

LIST OF TABLES

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

3.2(a)

3.2(b)

3.2(0)

3.2(d)

(CONTINUED)

Page

Country Distribution of News
Story Direction by Newspresenter
Gender...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0.79

Distribution of News Story
Direction by Newsmaker Source
ROle by Gender.‘00.0.0000000000000082

Country Distribution of News
Story Direction by Newsmaker
Source Role by Gender..............85

DiStribution of News Story
Direction by Women’s Issues........93

Country Distribution of News
Story Direction by Women’s
IssueSOOOOOOOOOO...00.00.00.000000094

Distribution of Newspresenters
by Gender and News Story Topic.....96

Country Distribution of News-
presenters by Gender and News
Story TopiCOOOOOOOO0.00.00.00.0000097

Distribution of Newsmaker Source
ROle byGenderOOOOOOOOO000.000.00.102

Gender Distribution of Story Line
ROIeSOOOOOOIOOOOOOOOOOOOIOO0.0.00.102

Distribution of Newsmaker Source
Role by Gender and Story Line
ROIeO0.00000000000000000000000.00.104

Distribution of Story Line Role
byGenderOOIOOO0.0.00.00.00.000000105

Distribution of News Story Topic

by Newsmaker Source Role by
Gender....0...00.00.000.0000000000107

xii

LIST OF

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

TABLE

.21

.21(a)

.3(a)

.31

.31(a)

(CONTINUED)

Page

Country Distribution of News—
maker Source Role by Gender
and Story Line Role...............109

Country Distribution of Newstory
Topic and Newsmaker Source Role
byGender.O0......0.00.00.00.00000117

Distribution of Newsmaker Source
Role and Story Line Role by
Gender to Women’s Issues..........129

Distribution of Women’s Issues to
News Story Topic..................130
Country Distribution of News-

maker Source Role and Story

Line Role by Gender to Women’s
Issues............................132

Country Distribution of Women’s

Issues to News Story Topic by
Source Role Gender................133

xiii

 

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Changing roles of women in society have been
discussed in a variety of forums in recent years. Women
in the developed and developing world are tacitly

regarded as social actors, engaged in the manipulation

of their environment. Women are generally the prime
agents in the transfer of social heritage. However, in
their traditional and changing roles, women are

generally not recognized as a force in society.

This study provides a global reference decribing
quantitatively the content of television news in
relationship to the treatment of women and women’s
issues.

The subordination of women is an historical
phenomenon, transcending class, caste, cultural and
racial boundaries. The three central factors that
contribute to their auxiliary position in society are:
male definition of the status and role of women; female
status intrinsically linked to the socio-economic
structure; and reproductive physiology as a determinant

1
of destiny.

Everywhere we find that women are excluded
from certain crucial economic and political

activities, their roles as wives and mothers
are associated with fewer powers and
prerogatives than are the roles of men. It

seems fair to say then, that all contemporary

societies are to some extent male-dominated,

and although the degree and expression of

female subordination vary greatly, sexual

assymmetry is presently a universal fact of
human social life.2

Iglitizen and Ross refer to this phenomenon as
patriarchal heritage. Ideology that rests in the belief
of male superiority and female inferiority.3
Patriarchy, as a component of capitalism, regulates
gender and power relationships. Its ideology permeates
the entire cultural fabric. The entrenchment of this
phenomenon is anciently rooted in the process of
socialization, where norms and values shape the
individual and ultimately the group. Society, via its
institutions, relies on this socializing process to
provide the necessary structure that reinforces
"proper" roles, attitudes and beliefs for the
maintenance of the social system.

This masculine defined reality represents three
broad areas: psychological, political and economic.
Male domination is the psychological oppression of
women. It represents an interplay between power and

class. More specifically, it emcompasses the

patrilineal transfer of power from father to son. Within

 

this reality, female significance is relative only to
her temporal position to the family. Biologically, the
female birthing capacity has deemed "her" weak, while
"his" physical strength justifies domination and
rulership.4 Moreover, economic privilege exists only in
relationship to males, generally excluding females from
property ownership and in some cultures, sanctioning
them as "possessions."

The political component is fostered by the
ideology of male chauvanism. It provides the structure
and justification for the manner in which the oppression
is carried out. It provides the rhetoric and legitimacy
for masculine based gender roles and definitions.
Another dimension of the male governance concept is
religion, that authority of righteousness that
perpetuates the double standard of morality, where
freedom is commonplace for the male and denial for the
female.5 Over time, each new economic order has

further entrenched this patriarchial ideology.

Sexism functions as the final dimension of the

patriarchial network. It operates as the economic
stronghold of female subordination. Its foundation
rests on discrimination based on gender. Sexism is the

denial of privileges and opportunities based primarily
on gender. The perpetuation of sexist attitudes and

behavior impacts female economic development, by

limiting access to personal autonomy variables i.e.,
labor participation and education.

Masculine monopolistic practices are part and
parcel of the social, political and economic fabric of
global society. Furthermore, each of these institutions
has a complementary and interrelated cause and effect
result upon the other. "Virtually all existing
countries are structured by patriarchal psychology. The
standard of being human is male, consigning females to
the status of "other" and "invisibility."6

These roots of inequality have been deeply
ingrained into a universal consciousness, where the
entire process of role and identity formation is
positioned in the production of meanings.7
Historically, those who occupy the positions of power
tend to create the values and images of culture.
Subsequently, since women are generally powerless within
the socio-economic ranks, their identities have been
defined outside their gender sphere.

Increased concern and initiative among women in the
world community regarding their status and conditions
is due in large measure to rapid developments in the
production and transmission of mass media messages. The
mass media as an instrument of public communication
functions as a transmitter and enforcer of social

8
heritage. Through incidental learning, values,

perceptions and social norms are passed on to viewers of
the particular medium.9

Television is considered influential in that it has
the V power to change attitudes by Cpresenting or
suppressing a certain value system.10 Television is of
particular significance as a source of news and
entertainment. It is also influential as a vehicle for
educating and informing (seeRoper 1977).11 Moreover,
broadcast news programming more than drama is more
readily accepted as fact, and granted both credibility
and believability. Consequently, the manner in which
women are portrayed on television in general, and in
television news in particular affects how viewers see
women and how women view themselves. Subsequently, one
could predict two scenarios across national boundaries:
1) that television news functions as a mechanism for the
maintenance of the status quo or 2) that television
news functions as an agent for social change.

Critics of female portrayals of television news
describe women as understated and link their lack of
news coverage with women’s socio-economic status and
conditions. Research on television drama in the United
States [typically describes women as underrepresented;
in subordinate positions to men with low status and
power; as sex objects; as victims of crime and in roles

12
generally related to family and parenthood. In light

of the foregoing, this study seeks to describe
quantitatively the content of television newscasts.
Until more information is gathered and analyzed, the
criticism that women featured on TV news programming in
both the developed and developing world are under-
represented and are often inaccurately represented

remains a subject of concern.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY

The purpose of this study is to investigate
through content analysis the treatment of women and
women’s issues in television news programming in eight
(8) countries. The study analyzes and describes
content quality, quantity and direction, based on the
patterns identified in U.S. television drama. In
addition, each country’s national media philosophy and
national policies affecting women are addressed. The

study involves four research questions:

13
1. How much attentiong5given women and
women’s issues?14
15
2. What is the direction of news

story treatment regarding women and
women’s issues?

3. What is the news topic treatment and story
line role16 with regard to women and
women’s issues?

4. Is there a difference in the amount of
attention, direction of story treat-
ment, and topic and role treatment given
women and women’s issues in relationship
to national source?

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

The importance of this study is to shed light on
the kind of status television news confers for women and
women’s issues. In addition, it is important to examine
in what capacity women make news, as well as determine
the direction, type and amount of news coverage afforded
females and female issues.

Far too little emphasis has been placed on the role
of women and women’s issues in TV news programming.
There is a need for empirical data of a global nature on
female news coverage. It is also important to examine
where the news media stand on the presentation of women
and their concerns, in relationship to the changing
roles, attitudes and practices of women in present-day
society. Moreover, the examination of what change or
lack of change has occurred (based on previous studies)
can provide significant information for future trend
studies.

This study does not claim to be an exhaustive
survey. However, it is hoped the study will contribute
to the limited body of knowledge currently available on

female imagery in broadcast television news. In

addition, the findings may furnish concrete and
objective information on the content of news afforded
the public by television from diverse perspectives.

It is hoped the findings will permit us to draw

significant conclusions about each country’s news
programming practices, recognize characteristic
similarities and differences among nations and

evaluate the service provided by the selected broadcast

units in the dissemination of news for and about women.

LIMITATIONS

The study does not address female participation in
the newsroom or female decision-makers in the news
definition process. Nor does it attempt to cast

judgment as to why one nation has more or less news of

one kind or another. The study is limited to the
imagery of women on screen--as newspresenters and
newsmakers. Certain subject-matter categories should

permit an estimation of the amount and quality of female
coverage. By objective examination, the study explores
the "content" of newscasts as defined by the Random
House Dictionary: "something that is expressed through
some medium, as speech, writing or any of the various
arts; the topics of matter treated in a document or the

17
like."

GENERALIZABILITY

Since television news is an important information
source in most industrialized nations and an increasing
source of information in areas within developing
societies, it is reasonable to conclude that the
research will hold for a large proportion of countries
that broadcast TV news. Second, there is no reason to
believe the study cannot be generalized, because of the
generally consistent nature of the news definition
process world—wide. Third, there is no reason to
believe that the influence and power of television news
is any less functionary in the selected countries, than
in any other region or nation. Rather, it may be
appropriately ascribed to any population in which

females exist and television news operates.

ASSUMPTIONS

In view of the background material presented:

1: It is assumed that women’s roles and
positions in society have changed since
the introduction of television.

2: It is assumed that television news will
reflect the values and issues of (its
given) society, and hence any change in
female roles and status.

3: It is assumed that the information
presented by television news programs
is important and significant to society.

10

SUMMARY

The interpretation and meaning of results of an
investigation are dependent on the framework or
perspective from which one approaches a phenomenon. The
purpose of the study is to provide a global reference
that describes quantatively the content of television
news in relationship to women and women’s issues. The

study posits a relationship between women’s status and

conditions and the process of role and identity
formation based on a masculine defined reality. The
tenacles of partriarchal heritage legitimize the
standards and provide the foundation for the

institutionalized subjugation of women. Television as a
medium for the production of meanings is a source of
information and provides an environment through which
attitudes are influenced and affected. Television news
in particular is considered a believable and credible
source. The aspect of identity addressed in this study
is sex-role and gender issue treatment. Identity
formation, specifically in the context of character
portrayal in U.S. television drama is seen as providing
models of appropiate sex-role behavior. Of specific
interest is : 1) the information that describes the
relationship between sigificance and importance and
imagery on screen; and 2) the role of the mass media in

general, and the particular role of television news as a

11

catalyst for social change or as an instrument for the
maintenance of the existing order. The specific problem
addressed in this study is seen in the context of female
underrepresentation and their stereotyped presentation
in television newscasts. In general, the rationale for
the research questions lies in the assumption that
television news reflects the values and issues of
society and presents information of importance and

significance to society.

12

CHAPTER 1--NOTES

1
Margaret Gallagher, Unegual Opportunities (Paris:

UNESCO Press, 1981), p. 10.
2
. "Female Status in the Public Domain,"

 

Michelle Resaldo and Louise Lamphere, eds., Women,
Culture and Society (Stanford: Stanford University

Press), p. 183.
3
Lynne B. Igtilzin and Ruth Ross, eds., Women in

the World (California: ABC-CHIC Press, Inc., 1986).
4
Rae Lesser Blumberg, "Economic Influence on Female

Status and Fertility," paper presented at the Annual
Meeting of the American Association for the Advancement

of Science, New York, 1975.
5
Igtilzin and Ross, Women in the World.
6
Robin Morgan, Sisterhood Lg Global (New York:

Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1984), p. 1.

7Michele Barrett, Philip Corregan, Annette Kuhn and
Janet Wolfe, eds., Ideology and, Cultural Production
(London: Croom Helm, 1979).

8Harold D. Lassell, "The Structure and Function of

Communication in Society," Mass Communication, (Urbana:

The University of Illinois Press, 1960).

13

9
Melvin DeFleur, "Occupational Roles as Portrayed

on Television," Public Opinion Quarterly 28: 257-74

(1964).
10
Yasuko Muramatsu, "The Images of Women in

Japanese Television Drama," Tokyo, 1977 (mimeograph), p.

14.
11
Bruce W. Roper, Changing Public Attitudeg Toward

Television and Other Mass Medig 1959-1976 (New York:

Television Information Office, 1977).
12
Jean C. McNeil, "Feminism, Feminity and the

Television Series A Content Analysis," Journal 9:

Broadcasting 19:3 (Summer, 1975): 259-271.
13
Attention refereg to frequenty of occurance.
14
Women’s issues in this study address topic areas

often referred to as domestic issues.

15Direction refers to the type of news story in
which women and women’s issues make news, good news and
bad news.

16

Story Line role refers to the function of the

news source within the context of the news story,
authority, victim, non-official, service,
relative/spouse.

17Laurence Urdang (ed.). 1g; Random Hgggg

Dictionary 2: the English Language. (New York: Random

House, 1968), p. 290.

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF LITERATURE AND CONTEXTUAL ISSUES

Media Structure and Women

 

Historically, the media has been a contributor to
the construction and consumption of social knowledge.
Various mechanisms of the media have given way to a host
of key available meanings in which people find ways to
cope with or respond t? their environment, acting out

with or against them. Traditionally, women have

occupied subordinate positions in relationship to the

media, with limited access, decision making, and
participation.
During the enlightenment period the powerless

(women and children) provided the essential menial labor
activities so vital to the dissemination of the printed
word. The influential status of copiers gave males
prestige, credibility and power over the transfer of
meanings and knowledge. Females were literally excluded
from the lucrative professions of message and idea
scholarship, and the power that such trades afforded.
Lack of aetive female participation and

contribution during the early formation of message

14

15

production established a decisive and fundamental
leadership role for the patriarchal institutions of
contemporary society.2 Within this social sphere, three
message institutions have been inextricably intertwined
in support of male domination and control: culture,
language and education.

Congruent with the cultural realm, "appropriate,"
feminine behavior has been reinforced in a variety of
functional rites, including language and education as
intrinsic components of culture. According to Lakoff the
role of language in cultural production reveals the
powerlessness of women, by presenting weaker female
expressions--including passivity and, politeness of
speech rather than advising and ordering, as well as
questions rather than statements.3 Golding suggests a
global relationship between educational systems and the
publishing industry and their promotion of stereotyping.
He asserts their materials and curricula perpetuate the
conditioning of an acceptable female behavior.4

In sum, the media and its political economic
structuring has played a significant role in promoting
the status quo and reinforcing women’s social condition.

The. link between women and the socio-economic
system is a fundamental one. A patriarchal distribution

and control of power is intrinsically tied to the

formation of a feminine identity. The political-

16

economic determinants of female subordination have long
been a contradiction. The reproduction/production
dichotomy of the female is conceptualized (politically,
economically and ideologically) within the "private
world of someone else." Within this realm, "her"
destiny is pre-ascribed, maternally and maritally, to
the family.5 The discrepancy lies in the trivialization
of this vital function, in relationship to the world of
production, where the "home" (via the reproductive
function) supports production by supplying the labor
force, the backbone of economic gain and expansion.6

Out of this male-dominated subjugation, the
physiological distinction of the female species has
emerged as a determining factor in what roles have been
defined natural and "appropriate" for women.

Gallagher contends "the media (do) play a central
ideological role, in that their practices and products
are both a source and confirmation of the structural
inequality of females in society."7

It is difficult to separate mass media institutions
and processes from the social, economic and political
systems Vin which they function. The ability of the
media to promote change is more active within the

confines of a theoretical framework. Whereas, in

reality, change is dependent upon those socio-economic

17

practices and policies functioning within the social

structure.

Portrayal 9f flgmgg Lg Mggg Medig Content

Two distinct strands prevail in female portrayal
research in the mass media: 1) females are presented in
traditional roles or 2) they are not represented at all.
Much of the mass media research world-wide presents a
fairly consistent scenario of feminine portrayal. Most
of the images echo McNeil’s findings of women in
American television drama: that of under-
representation, emphasis on maternal and marital roles,

subordinate to men, and characteristics of passivity in

8
relationship to men. Coupled with McNeil’s findings,
Gallagher summarizes the sex-object, glamour girl,
virgin-whore dichotomy along with dependence and

9
indecisiveness as additional dominant themes.

Sex-role findings throughout mass media research
hold males as central characters and the dominant image

of females as the "happy housewife content in the world

10
of bedroom, kitchen, sex, babies and home."
Conspicuously absent is the autonomous, independent,

11

self-directed human being, with thoughts and ideas.

Instead, what is found are sex-typed females as domestic
adjuncts to males, submissive to men, household
functionaries, sex objects and generally unintelligent

12
persons.

18

In child directed programming, Long and Simmons

reported females as performing expressive and socio-
13

emotional roles within the family context. Busby

found males dominating in the home as well as in the

14
general society. Women in daytime and prime-time
drama were found to be disproportionately sparse,
15
trivializing and condescending in tone. Downing

identified stronger female roles in daytime drama

(soaps) than in other aspects of the entertainment
16
media.

In general, little change occurred between the
19503 and 19703 when sex-roles in prime—time drama were

examined by Head (1954), Smythe (1954), Gerbner (1972),
17
and Tedesco (1974). Females were out-numbered in

comparison to men and generally cast in comedy roles and

as victims. Moreover, working women were portrayed as
18
incompetent or inferior to males, or as villains.

Turow found dominant roles of advising and ordering
occupied by men. Males were more often cast as

professionals, as aspiring outside the home—family
19
context, unmarried and in charge.

Bias in the media is also a prevalent theme. In

newspapers Davis found females less newsworthy than
20
males. In news photos, Miller identified women
21
overwhelmingly in roles of spouse. This double-

19

standard exists while the most unscrupulous, decisive,
independent and tenacious characteristics depicted as
negative in women, were found to be symbols of great
pride in men.22

Although much of the research on sex-role
stereotyping has been conducted in North America, Latin
American scholars have made considerable strides in
identifying the universality of the identity dilemma
facing women. Beltran’s research has been significant
when looking at the role of the mass media (and culture)
in the communication of ideas and values.23 These
issues are significant when considering sex-role
stereotyping, given the extensive invasion of foreign
media products and their influence on the structuring of
media institutions and content. Santa Cruz and Eraz
reveal an overwhelming exposure to Western feminine
cultural values and models in their examination of
women’s magazines in Latin America. Working females
were portrayed as manipulating emotional relationships
instead of representing economic development.24 In
addition to the dominant North American themes, Colomina
de Rivera and DeMarmora found "love" as the solution to
problems and social mobility for females, and
consumerism associated with sexuality for the

25
alleviation of fears, loneliness and anxiety.

20

Albeit the research is scarce, similar themes

appear to prevail across the globe (see Cuthbert,

Jamaica, 1979; Baehr, Great Britain, 1980; Goren,

Israel, 1978; Aw, Senegal,1977; Murumatsu, Japan,
26

1977). Even in the government-controlled countries of

central and eastern Europe, where efforts of sexual
parity are presumed and ensured, traditional conceptions
of sexual differences are subtly promoted by the mass
media (See Semenov, 1973; Rosenham, 1977; Lewartowska,
1975; Adamski, 1968; Sokolowska, 1976).27

The second, and perhaps, most significant element
of female portrayal is the lack of representation, or
the non-image. Tuchman refers to this phenomenon as the
"symbolic annihilation" of women. This concept equates
absence, condemnation and trivialization of women and
women’s concerns, across the mass media spectrum,
with insignificance and unimportance.28 Though opposite
in nature, traditional roles and the non-image of women
are synergestic in their socio-ideological conditioning
of and toward females globally.

However, exceptions are identified. Gallagher
notes deviations to the forementioned themes in those
regions (that exhibit a strong government commitment to
social change and development. She cites the remarkable

progress of female social, economic and political

participation, and the exceptionally positive news media

21

images of women in China, Cuba, and certain regions
within the Soviet Union. In addition, Gallagher asserts
that where economic imperatives have underlined the
formulation of policies toward women, the mass media in
general, have tended to reflect a national commitment to
these policies.29

On the other hand, where the economies are of the
capitalist nature, the mass media has tended to respond

to commercial pressures which characterize female

participation in terms of consumerism.

Within both of these socio-economic strands, the
media still tends to reinforce the traditional
inequalities of male/female, parent/home respon-
sibilities. For the female, the responsibilities of

social contributor are coupled with the traditional
30
chores of family and home.

Portrayal of Women in News Content

 

Previous research reveals television news as a
major source of information about the economy, politics,
national and international affairs and social problems
(see Roper, 1977).31

The representation of women in television news is
greatly understated. The 1974 United States Commission
on Civil Rights study reported 14 percent of the

newsmakers on the three major U.S. television evening

22

news programs were women, and (that) three years later
that figure was virtually cut in half.32 During the
period when the 1977 and 1978 U.S. Civil Rights
Commission surveys were compiled not one of the female-
oriented events or activities identified as happening
in the local communities were reported as news.33

Exclusion of women from the news reporting process
is related to definitions of what constitutes "news."
According to Roscho, the basic function of news is to
keep us "aware," not necessarily knowledgeable of "what
is going on" in the world. It is events, not issues
that determine newsworthiness.34 Pingree and Hawkins
acknowledge the disproportionate treatment against women
(and other powerless groups) in news. Based on the
"events as news" concept, Pingree and Hawkins describe
the news definition process as the primary culprit or
justification for the disproportionate treatment of
women and women’s issues. They focus on the imbalance
of power within the socio-economic structure as the
cornerstone of female newsmaking deficiencies.35 What
surfaces is limited and often non-existent
newsworthiness for females as a result of their lack of
power positions and decision-making roles.

Impact of the news definition process on the

audience is a tacit one. The process denies the public

information about women, particularly as social

23

36
contributors. It reinforces cultural stereotyping of

what is a woman’s "proper" place. Moreover, it

substantiates the status conferral function of the media

where presence signifies importance and absence,
37
insignificance.
The manner in which women are portrayed on

television in general and broadcast news in particular
affects how viewers perceive women, and how women view
themselves. Gerbner and Gross’s (1976) cultural
analysis studies shed light on the impact of television
viewing and the viewers’ sense of reality. What they
(the viewers) see is generally how they perceive the
world to be.38

In studies of news coverage, the imagery of women
has tended to be defined in terms of passivity and
dependency. The American Association of University
Women’s 1974 survey reported women in stereotypic roles
of the helpless victim and the supportive wife and
mother of a male newsmaker.39 The 1977 report of the
U.S. Civil Rights Commission also underlines these
findings.40 A 1976 study of WNBC-TV news concluded that
women considered newsworthy were primarily criminals,
victims, entertainers or relatives of famous men.41

As newsmakers, women are numerically under-

represented, an absence which underlines their marginal

and inferior status in many spheres of social, economic

24

and cultural life. Although the research is scant on
women and broadcast news outside of North America,
Gallagher purports that prevalent news values, (in most
regions of the globe) define most females and most
female problems and activities as unnewsworthy,
admitting females to coverage primarily as wives,
mothers and daughters of men in the news. In their own
right, women generally make news only as fashionable or
entertainment figures. When present, irrelevant details
tend to be reported about females, such as appearance, age
and family status, which are not reported about men.44

Earlier studies reported a disproportionate
treatment of issues related to women, compared with
other news stories. Cantor identified that of twenty-
one news categories, women’s rights and changing roles
were least emphasized.42 The two studies compiled by
the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights (1977, 1979)
indicated just over one percent of the news stories in
its 1977 sample dealt with stories about or information
of particular concern to women; while the 1979 report
revealed a decrease in the previous number and in the
relative percentage of such stories.43

Thus, to the extent that television news provides
information about significant events, issues and

important people in society, the trite and trivial

imagery or lack of, suggests that women and women’s

25

issues are neither significant nor important.
Consequently, their exclusion from broadcast news gives

the impression to the world that women may not matter.

NATIONAL POLICIES AFFECTING WOMEN AND WOMENS’S ISSUES

While women represent half the world’s
population and one third of the labor force,
they receive one tenth of the world income and
own less than one percent of the world’s
property. (UNDP) Two out of three of the
world’s illiterates are now women, and while
the general illiteracy rate is falling, the
female rate is rising. One third of all
families in the world are headed by women. In
the developing countries, almost half of all
single women over the age fifteen are mothers.
Women in the developing world are responsible
for more than 50 percent of all food
production. While females outlive males in
most cultures, they constitute the elderly of
the world, as well as being the primary
caretakers of the elderly.45

Such is the status of women in the world. And
this depicts only a part of the scenario.

Attention given women and women’s issues has
impacted political agenda-setting around the globe in
the past two decades. In recent years, social-political
systems have been altered in some manner by the changing
consciousness of women.

In the last decade, government efforts directing
poliq§é§ intitatives and legislative reform that affect

women’s lives have been widespread. The present study

examines the national gynography policies in the sampled

26

nations. Gynography refers to sexual-politics topics
46
whose references are biologically feminine based.
Table 1 shows all of the nations surveyed have a

fairly consistent and rich array of legislative efforts

directed toward women. The first seven topics (marriage

through rape) are represented across all the
nations. Exploitation topics (incest through
prostitution) are more scattered across national
boundaries. Assistance efforts are generally lacking

across the sample, with only three of the eight nations
offering any such programs.

Success of a policy initiative includes a
combination of components. Unless programs and decisions
are developed around specific goals and objectives, the
effectiveness of the policy activity is nill. It is the
blend of government posture and legislative enactment,
coupled with the needs of the intended beneficiary and
permission of (social) tradition that affords
successful policy. To merely list and report those
policies particularly impacting women is an incomplete
approach. It is important to look beyond the obvious,
to the actual practice.

Practice is the gap between policy and actual daily
enactment. It delineates the degree of success or
failure of the law’s implementation; the loop-holes by

which policies are evaded; religious or cultural over-

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47
rides of formal legislation and de facto reality.

Three important elements affect this "reality gap":
lack of effective action programs; lack of fiscal
reform; and traditional customs and mores.

Of the proliferation of gynographic reforms and
resolutions, few governments provide the necessary
framework to affect structural change. Where
anti-discrimatory programs do exist, they generally are
not wide spread enough to impact the number of needy
beneficiaries, and/or lack adequate financial
commitment. In the U.S., an array of nationally-
sponsored programs exist and have been implemented
over the years, but enforcement and fiscal
responsibility continue to decline.

The third, and perhaps most important factor
particularly aimed at or injurious to structural change
for women is traditionalism. Traditionalism consists of
those practices which have existed or still persist
under the justification of "tradition" or "custom". It
is this social order that often breeds a resistance to
change.48Albeit outlawed, such practices as dowery,
arranged marriages, sati, female infantcide, rape and
battery are prevasive and generally go uncontested in
many regions. Influence of the church on social and
moral values that define female issues and priorities is

also prevalent in a variety of societies.

29

The values that determine a society’s
institutional structures and processes are the result of
public policies, economics and social institutions.
Labor participation and education are basic indices of
gender status and social participation. Representation
in decision making and enfranchisement also weigh heavy
on influence and power. Table 2 indicates that women
represent a substancial proportion of the populace in
all the nations surveyed, reporting over 50 percent in
five of the eight countries. The data also demonstrates
that females play a significant role in the labor force,
with over 50 percent in the Soviet Union to 25 percent
in Colombia. It should be noted however, that these
statistics represent wage-earning laborers and may not
account for the vast number of unpaid female workers in
family operated businesses, part-time workers, food
producers, handicrafters and piece-workers.

Equal pay legislation without regard to gender
varies in terms of the number of years of enactment.
West Germany is the most recent of the nation‘5 surveyed
to establish this legislative reform, and Colombia has
no policy at all.

Education is another quantitative measure that over
time serves to impact women’s status and conditions.
Table 2 presents the percentage of females enrolled in

primary and secondary schools. The Soviet Union

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and the industrialized nations, with the exception of
Italy, report over 90 percent female attendence between
ages six and seventeen years. Female enrollment declines
between primary and secondary school in all the nations
sampled, with the exception of the United States, where
it increases slightly. The most substantial decrease in
female education is found in China and Italy, where

female secondary school participation declines by 30

percent. Access to education is most limited for girls
in China, India and Colombia. Higher education
opportunities and skill training programs are less

available to females than males in all the nations
examined.

Political power is a measure of whose interests
serve what constituency. Table 2 reports the
representation of women in governmental decision—making
posts as dramatically low. On average, women make-up
less than 10 percent of government representatives.
This is particularly alarming given women’s percentage

of the population.

NATIONAL MEDIA STRUCTURES AND PHILOSOPHIES

Traditionally, press/media systems have been
characterized by their socio-political differences.
Seibert’s four press theories (authoritarian,

49
totalitarian, libertarian and social responsibility)

32

focused on the dissimilarites of world media structures,
as they existed prior to the electronic media explosion.
Parallel to the advancement of television in the late

19403, came a shift in the world power structure,

characterizing a less simplistic framework for
classifying media systems. Altschull refers to this
evolution as three structures, likened to a symphonic

movement, where the market, Marxist, and advancing

propositions each represent a basic theme, but with

numerous variations on that basic theses. The most
distinct feature of these movements is that they
parellel the socio-political designations of
industrialized, communist and developing nations.50

These classification schemes encompass all the realities
of the environment in which the news media exist,
including historical, social, political, cultural, and
most importantly, psychological.51 One distinct feature
that surfaces from Altschull’s media system analysis is
the similarity that exists among the three structures.

Market system is representative of industrialized
nations, where to varying degrees, capitalism is the
economic norm. Variations exist primarily with the
media ownership and financing model. The United States
is most characterized by the commerical nature of its

broadcast units. The goal here is to inform the public

to assist in wise decision making so as to safeguard the

33

social order. The driving force of this system is
freedom of speech and information, coupled with free
enterprise. It is also represented by the separation of
press/media and State, where private ownership and
commercial advertising provide the basis of financial
support.

Also characterized under the market umbrella are

West Germany, Italy and Japan. Although similar as
industrialized nations, the make-up of their electronic
media institutions vary to some degree. Like the USA,

the news media in West Germany functions to "contribute

to the formation of will and decision, and the
52

functioning of the social process in society," and is

fueled by its freedom to inform. The system exists by

public ownership and control, and is supported by a

mixed financing network of license fees, institutional
funding and limited advertising. Italy on the other
hand espouses a public broadcasting philosophy, "where

the fundamental principle of the government television
service is to broaden citizen partipation in public life
and contribute to Italy’s social and cultural
development." 53 Philosophically, independence of view-
point, objectivity in informing and sensitivity to
variations of political and cultural expression are

touted. Italy’s diverse media structure of public and

private national networks is developing into an

34

54
oligipolistic system. Financing is achieved primarily

by receiver tax and advertising revenues. A third
variation on the market model is Japan, whose goal is to
educate and inform, in an effort to reserve the socio-
cultural order. Ideologically, freedom of expression
provides the foundation for Japan’s media consciousness.
Its dual system operates public and private networks,
free of government control. Financing is achieved. by
receiver tax and advertising revenues.

The Marxist composition is less varied than the
market system. It is characterized by its role as an
instrument of information and education, state ownership
and party control. The purpose of the media is to
function as a collective organizer, to mold attitudes
and to alter behavior.55 China and the Soviet Union are
representative of this model.

China’s information media is one of national
integration, designed to inform, educate and mobilize
the masses. Television is primarily available in major
urban areas, but is expanding outside urban centers.
Philosophically, the news media’s aim is to promote the
goals of the Central Communist Party and to fulfill
government political, social and economic programs. In
this regard, it embraces characteristics of advancing
systems. The structure of the system is under complete

party control and financing. The Soviet model provides

35

the same basic philosophical approach, whereby the
purpose of the media is to provide "utilitarian
information to promote social participation in order to
strenghten community links".56 Ideologically, the goal
is to advance the aims and objectives of the Party-State
in the work place and social structure. The seven
channel Central Television network is state-owned,
controlled and financed.

In general, the media philosophy in the developing
nations demonstrate characteristics unique to the East-
West models. The advancing perspective views the media
as serving in partnership with government, as twin
agents of socio—economic progress. This movement is
dynamic, in that it operates both as a safeguard of the
existing order and as an agent for social change when so
described.57 In the present study, Colombia and India
take on varying degrees of this model.

Colombia, like most semi-peripheral58 nations is a
hybrid of the market and advancing models.
Economically, its economy represents a developing market
system, capitalist in nature, with an advancing social
infrastructure. The goal of Colombia’s media is to
provide (a vehicle for the advancement of national
integration and socio-economic modernization. It
functions to ensure the national integration and the

59
participation of socially deprived groups. The media

36

system, broadcasting in particular, functions as a
State-owned public service, with operations conducted on
a commerical basis. Financing is based on commerical
sponorship.

India’s democratic government embraces the media as
an agent of national integration and development for
its diverse populace. The premise is that the media
functions in the interest of the government, the needs
of the public and the prerogative of 'parliament.60
Broadcasting is a central government monopoly, with
television primarily an unban phenomenom. Freedom of
speech and information support a "commitment to
demographic principles and practices, in which the good
of society as a whole prevails over personal and
sectional interests."61 The broadcast system is
completely government controlled and financed.

Despite the numerous deviations of the three basic
schemes, each is recognizable, but not limited to
economic percepts. More importantly, all these media
systems function as instruments to educate and inform
their publics in an effort to mirror and mold the status
quo.62 Differences lie primarily with the ideological

rhetoric embraced in the East—West philosophical

conflict.

37

Summary

By examining the findings of scholarly research,
one is assisted in establishing a frame of reference by
which further investigation can expand the boundaries of
a given topic. The intent of the present study is to
describe how women and womens’ issues are portrayed in
national television news programming in eight nations.

Historically, males have exercised control over the
production of meanings. As a result, feminine roles and
images have been defined out of a masculine reality.
Institutionalization of mass media processes has been
central to the confirmational nature of media messages
as source and product, in the socialization of female
role and identity formation. When visible, women tend
to take on characteristics of marital-maternal status,
sex-object, glamour girl in passive and subordinate
positions to men. The disproportionate representation
of women in television news programming is intricincally
linked to their socio-economic status and conditions.
By definition, news is significant events, characterized
by important, powerful people. As limited participants,
women are viewed as marginal social actors, while the
world is portrayed as dominated by men of power and

influence.

38

Policies directed toward domestic issues and
concerns were prevalent across the countries examined.
However, legistative reform is a cursory measure of
daily practice. Moreover, women’s social involvement is
not indicative of female representation in the populace.
Female directed policies invariably lack action
programs, fiscal commitment and the cultural sanctions
necessary to form the backbone of strutural change.
Furthermore, limited access to personal autonomy
measures hinders female advancement individually and
collectively.

Varied media systems and philosophies take on
individual nation—state characteristiCs, based upon
political-economic structuring. Common among all the
nations examined is the role of the media entity as

social stabilizer.

39

CHAPTER 2--NOTES

1
Margaret Gallagher, Unegual Opportunitiea (Paris:

UNESCO Press, 1981),po10.
2 .
Michele Barrett, Phillip Corregan, Annette Kuhn

and Janet Wolfe, eds., Ideology and letural Production

(London: Croom Helm, 1979) p.16.
3
Robin Lakoff, Language and Women’s Place, (New

York: Harper and Row).
4Peter Golding, "The International Media and the
Political Economy of Publishing,"
5Charlotte Bransden, "It is Well Known that by

Library Trends, 26:4.

Nature Women are Inclined to be Rather Personal," in
Women Take Issue (London: London and Bermenfram
Hutchison and University of Birmingham, 1978), p. 35.

6
Gallagher, Unegual Opportunitiaa UNESCO Press,

1981).
7
Ibid., p. 18.
8
Jean C. McNeil, "Feminism, Feminity and the
Television Series," Journal 9:, Broadcaating, 19:3

 

(Summer, 1975): 259-271.

 

9
Gallagher, Unegual Opportunitiea.
10
Betty Friedan, The Feminine M sti ue, (London:

Victor Gollancz, 1971), p. 30.

40

11
Ibid.
12
Judith A. Hennessee and Joan Nicholson, "Who
Says: TV Commercials Insult Women," New York Times

 

Magazine, (May 28, 1972), p. 13.

Joseph R. Dominick and Gail E. Ranch, "The Image of
Women in Network TV Commercials," Journal f
Broadcasting, 16(3), 1972, pp. 259-265.

A. E. Courtney and Thomas W. Wipple, "Women in TV

Commercials," Journal a: Communication 24(2), 1974, pp.

 

110-118.
13
Michele Long and Rita J. Simon, "The Roles and
Status of Women on Children and Family TV Programs,"

Journalism Quarterly (Spring, 1974): 107-110.

 

14
Linda J. Busby, "Sex-Role Research on the Mass
Media," Journal a: Communication 25:4 (Autumn, 1975):
107-31.
15
George Gerbner, "The Dynamics of Cultural
Resistance," in Hearth and Home (eds.), Tuchman, Daniels
and Benet (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978),
pp. 48-49.
16

Mildred Downing, "Heroine of the Daytime Serial,"

Journal a: Communication 24:2 (1974): 130-137.

17
Sidney Head, "Content Analysis of Television
Drama Programs," Quarterly Journal a: Film, Radio and

 

Television, 9 (1954): 175-94.

 

41

 

Dallas Smythe, "Reality as Presented by
Television," Public Opinion Quarterly 18 (Summer, 1954):
143-56.

George Gerbner, "Violence in Television Drama:

Trends and Symbolic Functions," Televiaion and Social
Behavior (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing

Office, 1972) 1:28-187.

 

Nancy S. Tedesco, "Patterns in Prime Time," Journal
_: Communication 24:2 (1974): 119-24.

18Gerbner, "Violence in Television Drama."

19Joseph Turow, "Advising and Ordering: Daytime,

Prime Time," Journal 9f Communication 24:2 (1974): 138-

 

41.
20
Junetta Davis, "Sexist Bias in Eight Newspapers,"

Journalism Quarterly (August, 1982), pp. 456-60.
21
Susan H. Miller, "The Content of News Photos:

 

Women’s and Men’s Roles," Journalism Quarterly (Spring,

1975). pp. 70-75.
22
Ethel Rios de Betnncourt, "La influencia de los

medias de communication, la educacion, la literatura y

el arte en la vision de la meijer,‘ paper presented at
the Conference of Puerto Rican women, San Juan: 1977
(mimeograph).
23
Luis R. Beltran, "TV Etchings in the Minds of
Latin American Conservatism, Materialism . and

Conformism," Gazette 24:1, 61-83.

42

24
Adriana Santa Cruz and Viviana Erazo,

(Mexico City: Editorial Nueva Imagen, 1980).
25
Marta Colomina De Rivera, El hueaped Alienation:

Un estudio Sobre audiencia y efectos de las radio-

telenvelas ap Venaauela (Maracarbo: Centro Audio

 

Visual, 1968).
26
Marlene Cuthbert, The Impact pf Audio-Visual

Media 9p Social-Cultural Behavior of Women ip Jamaica

 

(Paris: UNESCO Press, 1979).

Helen Baehr, ed., prap apd Nadia (England:
Pergamon Press Ltd., 1980).

Dina Goren, Lpaga apd pp; Maaa Magia la Israel
(Jerusalem: Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1978).

Eugenie Aw, Tag Impact 9: Audio-Viapal Media pp
Socio-Cultural Behavior 9: Kappa ip Senegal, (Paris:
UNESCO Press, 1979).

Yasuko Murumatsu, lag Ipaga a: flppgp 1p Japanese

Televiaion Dramas (Tokyo: NHK, mimeograph, 1977).

27
V. S. Semanov, "Obszory Braka i Ljukui v
Molodeznyh Zurnolev," In: Molodez, Obrazovanie,

Vospitanie, Professional’ naja Dejatel’nost (Leningrad:

 

1973). pp. 164-70.
Mollie Rosanham, "Images of Males and Females in

Soviet Children’s Readers," In D. Atkinson et. al. eds.,

43

Women ip Russia (Palo Alto, California: Stanford

University Press, 1977).

S. Lewartowska, "Women and Family Newspapers and
Magazines," Zeszyty Prasoznawcze (16), 65-70, 1975.

Franciszek Adamski, "Press Readers--Studies to Date
and Research Needs," Polish Sociolagical Bulletin, 1:17
pp. 97-105, 1968.

Magdalena Solowaka, "The Woman Image in the
Awareness of Contemporary Polish Society," Polish

Sociological Bulletin, 3:35, pp. 41-50, 1976.

 

 

28Gay Tuchman, "The Symbolic Annihilation of Women
by the Mass Media" Hearth and Home (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1978).

29Gallagher, Unegual Opportunities.

30Ibid.

31

Burns W. Roper, Changing Public Attitudes Toward

 

Television and Other Mass Media 1959-1976 (New York:

Television Information Office, 1977).
32
United States Commission on Civil Rights, Window

Dressing pp the Set: Women and Minorities ip Television
(Washington, D.C.: United States Commission on Civil

Rights, 1979), p. 25.
33
Ibid.
34
Bernard Roshco, Newsmaking (Chicago: University

of Chicago Press, 1975).

44

35
Suzanne Pingree and Robert P. Hawkins, "News

Definitions and Their Effect on Women," Women and the

News (New York: Hastings House, 1978).

36
Ibid., p. 1270
37
Paul F. Lazarsfeld and Robert K. Merton, "Mass
Communication, Popular Taste and Organized Social
Action," in Guy Swanson, Theodore Newcomb and Eugene

Hartley (Eds), Readings ip_Social Paychology (New York:

Holt, 1952).
38
George Gerbner and Larry Gross, "Living with
Television: The Violence Profile," Journal a:

Communication 26:3 (Spring, 1976).
39
American Association of University Women, The

 

Image 9: Women 1p Television (Washington, D.C.: AAUW,
1974).
40
U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, Window Dressing

 

 

g_ the Set, 1977.
41
Women’s Advisory Council, WNBC Monitoring

Findings (New York: WAC, 1976).
42

Muriel Cantor, Women 1 the Wasteland Fight Back

 

(Washington, D.C.: National Organization of Women,

U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, Window Dressing
on t e st, 1977, 1979.

Gallagher, Unequal Opportunities.

45

45
Robin Morgan, Sisterhood La Global (New York:

Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1984), p. 2.
46
Lynne B. Igtilzin and Ruth Ross, eds., Women a;

the World (California: ABC-Clio Press, Inc., 1986), p.

 

xx.
47
Morgan, Sisterhood 1a Global, p. xxi.
48
Ibid.
49
Frederick S. Siebert, Theodore Peterson and

Wilbur Schramm, Four Theories a: the Press, (Urbana:

 

University of Illinois Press, 1956).
50
Herbert J. Altschull, Agents 9: Power (New York:

Longman, Inc., 1984), p. 219.
51
Ibid., p. 280.
52
William E. McCavitt, Broadcasting Around the

World (Pennsylvania: Tab Books, Inc., 1981), p. 223.

53
Ibid., p. 275.
54
Paulo Mefalopoulos, "Why Diversification of
Programs?" Unpublished (Masters Thesis, Department of

Telecommunication, Michigan State University, 1985).

 

 

 

55
Altschull, Agents 9: Power, p. 285.
56
McCavitt, Broadcaating Around the World, p. 67.
57
Altschull, Agents 9: Power, p. 286.
58

Semi-periphery refers to a world economic system
term for countries that are primarily manufacturers and

producers of raw materials.

46

59
Howard Blutestein, Area Handbook for Colombia

(Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1977),

 

 

p. 42.
60
McCavitt, Broadcastipg Around the World.
61
Ibid., p. 219.
62

Altschull, Agents 9: Power.

CHAPTER III

METHOD

The research design of this study is defined by
Holsti as the use of content analysis to describe the
attributes of message.1 Within this general
categorization, the study is designed to analyze and
describe content quality, quantity and direction of
television newscasts in eight selected countries in
relationship to the treatment of women and women’s
issues.

Procedures used to investigate the relationships
in this research were guided by the following research

questions:

1. How much attention is given women and
women’s issues?

2. What is the direction of news story
treatment regarding women and women’s
issues?

3. What is the topic and role treatment of

story content with regard to women and
women’s issues?

4. Is there a difference in the amount of
attention, direction of story treatment,
topic and role bias given women and
women’s issues in relationship to
national source?

47

48

Data used in these analyses were obtained by the
use of a content analysis coding scheme, consisting of
identification variables, content characteristics, topic
characteristics, and bias treatment variables. The
data set contains 53 variables and 135 cases.

Attention variables describe how often and in what
manner women and women’s issues appear in the news
story. The attention variables were delineated by
addressing: (a) proportion of newspresenters by gender,
reflecting the number of anchors,. reporters,
correspondents or others delivering news information.
Newspresenter classifications were distinguishable by
physical locale. Anchor refers to the person delivering
the news from behind the anchor desk in the news studio.
The anchor person generally provide "lead-in" statements
and/or report the entire news story. Reporter refers to
the person reporting a news story from outside the
studio, from a domestic site. Correspondent refers to a
person reporting from outside the home country, on
location. The correspondent is usually a national,
stationed in/or near a foreign news bureau. Other
refers to a person presenting news information or news
commentary not represented by the above categories. Any
of the newspresenters may or may not be presented on

screen. b) Proportion of newsmakers refers to the

49

number of government officials, public figures, private
individuals, criminals and non-official government

representatives by gender. The third attention variable

examines; 0) Proportion of news stories that target
women’s issues. These topics address areas often
referred to as domestic issues. They include human
reproduction, children, marriage/partnership,

women/feminist activities and family.

Direction 9: the atory refers to the climate of the

 

news story, whether in social harmony or conflict.
Three judge-mental categories determined direction.
Favorable reflects good news, social cohesion and
cooperation. Unfavorable refers to bad news, or reports
of social conflict, disharmony and disorganization.
Neutral indicates a balance of content, resulting from
either (1) no affect or bias, or (2) elements of both a
positive and negative nature. Direction of story
treatment variables were operationalzed by identifying:
a) proportion of favorable, unfavorable and neutral news
stories by female newspresenters; b) proportion of
female newsmakers identified in news stories of a
favorable, unfavorable or neutral nature, and c)
proportion of women’s issues favorable, unfavorable and

neutral.

50

News topics and story line role treatment a: story
content refers to the subject matter categories of the

news story and the function of the newsmaker within the

context of the news story. Nine news topic categories
were identified. Topic treatment variables identify:
a) the number and news topic category covered by

newspresenters; b) the number and type of topics by

source role newsmakers; and c) proportion of topic areas

in which women’s issues are identified. Seven story
line role distinctions were revealed. These variables
identify: a) the number and story line role by
newsmaker source role; and b) the number and story line

role of news sources in which women’s issues are

depicted.

POPULATION AND SAMPLE

To systematically examine the media content of
television news programs pertaining to the portrayal of
women, a content analysis was performed on a purposive
sample of national evening television news programs from
eight countries (China, Colombia, West Germany, India,
Italy, Japan, USA, USSR) for a one day period, Tuesday,
June 12, 1984. The mid-week was chosen in an attempt to
select a day most representative of news volume variety.
The purposive approach was based on: 1) the

availability of the newscasts from the identified

51

nations, and 2) to allow for a comparison of the

variables under investigation.

In all content analysis, certain units of
measurement are used. Theses sampling units may be
2

items, themes, time-space, stories or columns inches.

The news "story" is the unit of analysis described and
coded in this investigation. "Story" is defined as an
event or issue which manifestly and specifically
imparts information or opinion about an event, issue,
individual or group. Data includes both verbal and
visual content.

In selecting the news story to be used in the
study, the following content was excluded from the
analysis: commercial advertisements, editorials,

weather and sportscasts.

INSTRUMENTATION

Establishment of a set of categories that
accurately describe the content is essential to any
content analysis. A system of categories was devised
to reveal identification variable, topic content,
content characteristics and direction of the news story,
(see Appendix 1 ).

The first set of categories used to code news

content represents identification variables.

 

52

Identification includes country code, story number,
date of newscast, agenda order and story title.

Ippip content was divided into nine general
categories, with sub-groupings for finer subject-matter
identification and distinction. Topic variables whose
attributes possess only characteristics of

exhaustiveness and mutual exclusiveness were selected.

These categories were defined to include all the
possible responses that might be expected.
Conversely, the number of categories were held to a

workable number to limit coder confusion and error.
The categories include: crime/justice/disaster; gov-
ernment/politics; business/economics; social welfare/
social conflict; art/culture/sport/religion; human
interest; military/security/defense; labor/employment
and other. A tenth category identifies subject-matter
generally considered women’s issues. It includes: human
reproduction; children; marriage/partnerships; employ-
ment; women/feminist activities; and family.

Content categories include: type of story
(international, foreign, national, local); newspresenter
gender and classification (anchor, reporter,
correspondent, other); newsmaker gender, source role
(government official, public figure, private individual,

criminal, non-official government representative, other)

53

and story role distinctions (authority, victim, non-
official, relative/spouse, service, other, no role).
Although the element of subjectivity in the
determination of direction in content analysis is
difficult to control and impossible to eliminate
entirely, the ability to show direction or the lack of
it, in a content study can prove to be very productive.3
Treatment 9: Biaa ip pp; apppy employs three
judgemental categories to determine the direction
of: a) the story, b) treatment towards women and 0)
treatment towards men. Evaluative measurement is based

on four treatment categories: favorable, unfavorable,

neutral and inappropriate.

PROCEDURE

A coding protocol and instruction guide were
designed as an efficient method for recording and
subsequently analyzing the data. The coding scheme was
set up so the data for each story could be easily
transferred onto a computer card for tabulation. The
number on the left in parentheses represents the card
columns »for keypunching each variable. The code
instruction guide included the most complete and logical

definitions possible for each content category. The

54

standards for direction treatment were sensitive to the
meaning of the content.4 Often direction definition
measures are not defined in terms of the content being
analyzed, but are left to the generic interpretation.
The direction definition measures in this study are
referenced to news and the news definition standard.
Newspresenters and newsmakers were recorded in their

order of appearance in the news story, first, second,

third or fourth.

Content Coders
A set of definitions and instructions, along with

the coding protocol were provided each coder during a

coder training session. The session included an
overview of the project; explanation of the content
analysis method; identification and explanation of the

content to be analyzed; explanation of the coding
procedure including the code scheme, code guide, and a
practice session with discussion regarding problems,

conflicts and concerns.

Reliability

 

Prior to coding, a pre-test was conducted. The
definitions and categories for the classification and

recording of the variables direction, topic and

55

newsmaker characteristics were put to a reliability test
using three trained coders. The reliability method was
determined by a formula offered by Holsti:

(C C C )

 

1 2 3
R : 3
1 2 3
C + C + C
1 2 3
C , C , C is the number of category assignments the
three trained coders agreed upon, and C + C + C is the
1 2 3
5
total category assignments made by each coder. The

three trained coders coded the same television news
stories (twenty- five percent of the sample).
Intercoder reliability was calculated as a percentage of
agreements between the three coders. The intercoder
reliabiltiy estimates obtained were direction (81%),

topic (100%), and newsmaker characteristics (95%).

Validity

Validity functions to determine "goodness of fit",
or to ascertain whether the measurement method produces
the desired information.6 Face validity is often
assumed appropiate for analyzing content. Face validity
assumes that it is self-evident that the researcher is
measuring what she/he purports to be measuring.
Validity is important, and attention was given to it in

this study. In order to assess the validity of a

measurement device it is nescessary to use an outside

56

standard. In the present study validity was determined
by the jury method. Three jurors (persons with
considerable content analysis background and experience)
were engaged to judge independently the suitability of
the content definitions, categories and sub-categories.
There was 100 percent agreement that the definitions,
categories and sub-categories adequately addressed the

purpose and direction of the study.

ANALYSIS

Data analyses included contingency table tests
and measures for reflecting relationships among the
principal variable dimensions. The contingency table is
a table in which the levels of the explanatory variables
form the columns, while the levels of response variables
form the rows. The cells of the table show the number
of observations for each of the possible combinations of
explanatory response levels. Only summary statistics
from the tests and measures associated with particular
contingency tables are reported here.

The results of the study are based upon the
coding of eight national television news programs.
The sample studied represents a non-random selection

and therefore, is not based on a normally distributed

population. The variables used represent nominal,

-——‘

 

57

measures. The measure of dispersion was relative
frequency and the analysis used non-parametric
statisitics. The Statistical Package for the Social

Sciences (SPSS) was used to perform the analysis.

Frequencies were computed for newspresenters,
newsmakers, women’s issues and the demographic data of
order, classification, sex, topic and story line role.
Appropriate statistical tests were computed to reflect
the probability of the measures being statistically
significant.

Tests and measures used in these analyses were the
Chi-square test of independence X2 and Cramer’s V, a

measure of strength of association. A .05 probability

level was set to determine the independence of the

variables.

The Chi-square test was found most conducive
to the intent of the present data analysis. This
test was used to determine whether a systematic
relationship exists between the variables. Bivariate
analysis was employed to show comparatively and

descriptively subgroup relationships of categorical data
7

and determine the independence of the varibles. The

Chi-square test generates a statistic which reflects

whether the test variables of the row by column

contingency table are associated or independent. This

58

enables the significance of difference to be tested
among: 1) sex of newpresenters; 2) sex of newsmakers;
3) domestic issue treatment; 4) news story treatment;
and 5) type of roles depicted in the news stories in
the eight nations. Small values of Chi-square are
interpreted to indicate the absence of a relationship or
statistical independence. A large Chi-square implies
that a systemic relationship of some sort exists between
the variables.8

If in fact a relationship does exist, what is the
degree of association? Cramer’s V is a correlational
measure reflective of the degree to which the pair of
variables are associated. It was utilized on this data
to approximate the degree of association among the
variables sex and newspresenter and sex and newsmaker;
women’s issues and news story direction; news story
topic and newspresenter and newsmaker source role
treatment; and topic and story line role treatment of
women’s issues. Cramer’s V merely signifies the degree
of association that exists, and estimates the value 1.0
when the pair of variables are perfectly associated. It
does not however reveal the manner in which the varibles
are related. To interprete the Cramer’s V coefficients
in this investigation, the 0 to 1.0 range has been

divided into five levels: 0.0 (no correlation), .10-.25

~h~

59

(weak), .26-.50 (moderately weak), .51-.75 (moderately
strong), .76-.99 (strong) and 1.0 (perfect).
The first general research question investigates

the amount of attention given to women and women’s
issues in television news stories. To explore this
situation, questions 1.1 and 1.2 examine the
relationship between newspresenters and newsmakers
respectively and the independent variable sex. Question
1.3 addresses the relationship between women’s issues
and the independent variable news story.

The second general researh question investigates
the relationship between news story bias regarding
women and women’s issues. Subset 2.1 and 2.2 contribute
to the general research question by examining the
relationship between news story direction and the
independent variable newspresenter and newsmaker gender
respectively. Subset 2.3 looks at the question by
addressing the relationship between news story direction
and the independent variable women’s issues.

Research question 3.0 explores the topic and story
line role treatment of story content regarding females
and domestic issues defined as a concern to women.
Subsets 3.1 and 3.2 examine the relationship between
news topic and the independent variable newspresenter by

gender; and story line role and the independent variable

60

newsmaker by gender, respectively. Question 3.3
addresses the broader issue by looking at the
relationship between topic and role, and the independent
variable women’s issues.

Research question 4.0 examines between country
relationships, asking: Is there a difference in the
amount of attention, news story direction, topic and
story line role treatment with respect to women and

women’s issues based on national source?

SUMMARY

The research design developed to address the
questions advanced regarding the portrayal of women
and women’s issues follows the procedure outlined by
Holsti for content analysis. The design represents the
use of content analysis to describe the attributes of
the news story as they represent different national
sources. The sample of stories includes a non-random
selection of news programs from a one day mid-week
period from eight selected countries. Messages were
coded according to a category system designed to
determine topical content, content characteristic and
story treatment. Content characteristics codes include
classification, sex, role, and dominate gender in visual

coverage. Data analysis provides a description of

61

various patterns of newspresenters and newsmakers
portrayals according to gender. Significance of
difference is determined by use of the Chi-square

statistic. Measures of association are determined by
Cramer’s V. Frequencies were obtained for
newspresenter, newsmaker and the demographic variables
order, classification, sex, topic and story line role.
Frequencies were also determined for women’s issues and
story direction with regard to newspresenters and

newsmakers by gender.

62

CHAPTER III--NOTES

1
Ole R. Holsti, Content Analysis for the Socia;

Sciences and Humanities (New York: Addison-Wesley,
1969). pp. 27-33.

2

Richard Budd, Robert K. Thorpe and Lewis Donohew,

Content Analysia a; Communigation (New York: MacMillan

Company, 1967), p. 19.

3
Ibid., p. 50.
4
Ibid., p. 51.
5

Holsti, Content Analysis for the Social Sciences

and Humanities, p. 140.

 

 

6

Budd et. al., Content Analysis pf Communication,
p. 69.

7

Earl Babbie, The Practice a: Social Research

(California: Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1983), p.
356.

8

Norman H. Nie, C. Hadlai Hull, Jean G. Jenkins,

Karia Steinbrenner and Dale H. Brent, SPSS (New York:

MCGraw-Hill, 1975), p. 224.

CHAPTER IV

RESULTS

What do women look like and how are their issues
presented by television news? The present study was
designed to describe the manner in which women and
women’s issues are portrayed by national television

newscasts in eight nations.

ATTENTION TO WOMEN AND WOMEN’S ISSUES

In general, national television evening news in
this study portrayed the world as dominated by men in
positions of power and importance. Women were most
visible in the the position of anchorperson, with

shared responsibilites in the news studio evidenced in

half of the countries sampled. In arenas outside the
news studio, however, female participation declined
significantly. Overall, the coverage of women and

women’s issues was negligable.

Newspresenters py Gender

Newspresenters were recorded in the order in which

63

64

they appeared on screen. This generally reflected a
newspresenter sequence of: anchor, reporter and
correspondent. This pattern was generally prevalent for
the programs of all countries examined. Where this
pattern was not represented, presenters were collapsed
by newspresenter classification.

Table 1.1 shows the relationship between
newspresenters and gender. Of the total number of
newspresenters, 29.6 percent were female anchors and 42
percent were male anchors. 5.6 percent were female
reporters and 14.5 percent were male reporters and
7.2 percent male correspondents. Female correspondents
were virtually absent.

Table 1.1a also indicates the relationship between

newspresenters and gender. Percentages however, are
based on the total number of newspresenters by
type. Of the total number of anchorpersons, 41 percent

were female and 58 percent were male. While females
constituted 27.8 percent of. the reporters, males
dominated this category at 72 percent. 93 percent of the
correspondents were men and 7 percent were women.

Table 1.11 shows the relationship between
newspresenters by gender by country. China demonstrates
the highest proportion of female newspresenters,

constituting 70 percent of the anchorpersons. In the

65

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momaucoouom

 

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w.mn III w. m.m w.m~ . Omaaom
Aducv .v~u:. .wmncv .mmnucv
HmOOB nonao usovconmouhoo wouhoaom hosoc<
mowdusoOHom

 

..ms_uz. coucoc an mcoocomooomzmz to cosoaamcomao a." m4m<s

66

Soviet Union females were 38 percent of the
anchorpersons. Female anchorpersons in India
represented 45 percent of the total newspresenters.
Table 1.11(a) presents country distribution of
newspresenters by type and gender. China (90.3%),
Soviet Union (58%) and India (50%) reported significant
representation of females on the news anchor team. Four
nations had no female anchors: Colombia, West Germany,
Italy and the USA. Males dominated as reporters in all
of the nations except India, although a significant
representation was found for Colombia and China where 43
percent and 37.5 percent of the reporters were women.
Women were conspicuously absent as reporters in West
Germany, Japan, and the Soviet Union. Female
correspondents were dramatically absent across all

nations examined, except Italy.

Newsmakers Source Role py Gender

Newsmakers were recorded in the order that they
appeared on screen. Percentages for gender are based on
the total number of nesmaker source roles, by order of
appearance in the story. Overwhelmingly, men predominate
as newsworthy characters in national television evening
news in the eight nations sampled. Women constitute

marginal participation, witnessed primary as private

67

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(58

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.uopcoo pad onus an aboucooohnnsoz uo scuuanduauao hhuszoo .o.-.~ mam<e

69

individuals and public figures in third and fourth
newsmaker positions.

Table 1.2 identifies the major newsmaker source
role categories in relationship to gender. Of the
newsmakers appearing first in a story government
officials appeared most frequently (59%), followed by

public figures (28%). Males overwhelmingly dominated

these first two newsmaker positions. Of newsmakers
appearing first in a story, 55.7 percent were male and
3.5 percent were female. Of the newsmakers appearing

second in a story, 38 percent were government officials,
35.2 percent of which were male and 2.8 percent of which
were female. Public figures constitued 28 percent of
news sources appearing first in a story, of which 24.3
percent were male and 3.5 percent were female, and 34.1
percent of the second newsmaker appearance, of which
29.6 percent were male and 4.2 percent were female. The
highest representation of women occurred as private
individual (27.7%), positioned as fourth news source in
the story. The only other significant appearance of
women as newsmaker occurred as public figure (15.2%)
represented as third newsmaker in a story. Overall,
males as government officials and public figures

dominated.

70

 

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71

Table 1.2 indicates a highly significant
relationship between newsmaker source role and gender.
The data shows a strong positive correlation between
third and fourth appearance newsmakers and sex and a
moderatly strong correlation for newsmakers appearing
first and second in a story and gender.

Table 1.21 presents results for the country
proportions of newsmaker source roles by gender in order
of appearance. Males in general, and as government
officials in particular dominate the first newsmaker
position in all of the represented countries. Female
first appearance government officials constituted a
range of 3.6 to 12.5 percent in four of. the eight
nations. As public figure, males also constituted the
vast majority of first appearance news sources. Of
second appearance newsmakers, female government
officials appeared in only two of the eight countries;
as public figures, females outnumbered males in China,
and equaled males in Japan. As private individuals, in
the second apearance position women were signiicant in

two of the eight nations examined.

News Story Topics and Women’s Issuea
The third section of the attention variables

examines the frequency in which women’s issues gain

’72

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74

recognition. Of the 135 news stories examined, only
nine (9) news stories addressed topics defined as
women’s issues (see Table 1.3). Three (3) stories dealt
with children, two (2) with issues of employment and
family, and one each with issues of human reproduction
and women’s activites. There was no significant
relationship identified between the coverage of a
woman’s issue and category of news story topics.

By national origin, the USA reported the most
activity with regard to female issues (4) on varied news
topics. Japan was next with stories in three different
topic areas. China and the Soviet Union each reported
only one story, with none represented by the other

countries sampled (see Table 1.31.).

DIRECTION OF NEWS STORY AND WOMEN AND WOMEN’S ISSUES

Direction of bias measures were used to assess the
extent of balanced treatment devoted to women and
women’s issues. In general, female newpresenters had a
higher proportion of association with favorable to
unfavorable stories, than did their male counterparts.
As newsmakers, however, the pattern was reversed. Female
newsmakers had a higher proportion of association with

unfavorable news stories than did male newsmakers.

 

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77

Issues of concern to women were equally divided

between positive and negative story direction.

News Story Direction and Newspresenters bz_Gender

Table 2.1 presents the proportion of favorable,
unfavorable and neutral news stories by newspresenter
and gender. In general, male newspresenters have a
higher degree of association with unfavorable news than
do females. This was the case for males as anchors,
reporters and correspondents. Although female
newspresenters are associated with unfavorable news
stories, their proportion to favorable is far less than
for males (see Table 2.1). Analysis shows, however, no
statistically significant difference between news story
direction and gender of newspresenter.

By national source, (See Table 2.11) female
anchorpersons in China and the Soviet Union had a higher
degree of association with favorable news stories than
did their male counterparts. Female anchors in India
were divided in their association with positive and
negative story direction. Female anchors in Japan had a
higher degree of association with unfavorable news
stories than did male anchors in Japan. As reporters,

women were more closely associated with positive news

78

TABLE 2.1 Distribution of News Story Direction by Newspresenter Gender (N=179

 

 

FAVORED UNFAVORED NEUTRAL
n=128
Anchor
female 28.1 11.7 1.6
male 30.4 24.2 3.9
n=36
Reporter
female 19.4 8.3 --
male 38.8 27.7 5.5
n=14
Correspondence
female -- 7.1 --
:1
Other
female -— -- _-
male 100 -- --

 

n = number of news stories reported.
Percentages are based on total number of stories per newspresenter, not on
total number of newspresenters.

79

TABLE 2.11 Country Distribution of News Story Direction by
Newspresenter Gender.

 

 

 

FAVORABLB UNFAVORABLE NEUTRAL
CHINA
Anchor n=31
female 71.0 16.1 3.2
male 6.5 I 3.2 ---
Reporter n=8
female 37.5 --- ---
male 62.5 --- ---
Correspondent n=1
female --- --- ---
male 100 ---
COLOMBIA
Anchor n=l5
female --- --- ---
male 46.7 53.3 ---
Reporter n=7
female 28.6 14.3 ---
male 14.3 42.8 ---
NEST GERHANY
Anchor n=8
female --- --- ---
male 44.4 44.4 11.1
Reporter n=5
male 20.0 60.0 20.0
Correspondent n=1
female --- --- ---
male 100 . --- ---
INDIA
Anchor n=18
female 22.2 22.2 5.6
male 27.8 16.7 5.6
Reporter n=1
female --- 100 ---
male --- -—— ---

Correpondent n=1
female --- --- —--
sale --- 100 ---

80

TABLR 2.11 (continued)

ITALY
Anchor n=10
female --- --- ---
male 50.0 40.0 10,0
Reporter n=3
female --- 33.3 ---
male 33.3 33.3 ---
Correspondent n=3
female --- 33.3 ---
male --- 66.6 ---
JAPAN
Anchor n=11
female 9.1 27.3 ---
sale 36.4 27.3 _--
Reporter n=1
female --- --- ---
male --- 100 ---

Correspondent N=2

female --- --- ---
male --- 100 --_
USA
Anchor n=15
female --- --- ---
male 46.77 40.0 I 13.3
Reporter n:7
female 28.6 --- ---
Correpondent n=1
'female --- --- ---
male --- 100 ---
Other n=1 100 --- ---
USSR -
Anchor n=19
female 42.1 15.8 ._ ——-
male 31.6 10.5 ' ---
Reporter n=5
female --- --- ---
sale 100 --- ---

Correspondent n=5
female --- --— ---
male 80.0 20.0 ---

n = nunber of stories reported.

Percentages are based on the total number of stories per newspresenter, not
on total number of newspresenters.

81

stories in Colombia and the United States. Both of
these nations lacked female anchors and correspondents.
In Italy, females were virtually non-existant as
newspresenters. The one (1) female reporter and only
female correspondent in the sample, were associated with
unfavorable news items. Males were fairly evenly
divided between positive and negative story association.
West Germany was the only nation sampled with no female

presenters.

News Story Direction and Newsmaker Source Role by
Gender

When women appear as newsmakers 'they are more
likely to be in a negative news story than in one which
is positive. Male appearance on the other hand is
overwhelmingly associated with a positive news story.
The only exception was the appearance of males as non-
official government representatives, which represents
military security and police. Table 2.2 shows a greater
proportion of unfavorable story direction associated
with women as private individuals. Only when female
public figures appear as the second, third or fourth
newsmaker in a story are they more likely to be
associated with a positive story than a negative one.

There was not a statistically significant difference

82

TABLE 2.2 Distribution of News Story Direction by Newsmaker Source Role by
Gender (N=233).

 

FAVORABLE

UNFAVORABLE

NEUTRAL

TOTAL

 

FIRST APPEARANCE
n=68
Government
Official

female

male

n=32

Public

Figure
female
male

n:7

Private

Individual
female
male

n=7
Non-official
Government Represent.
female
male

100

100

100

SECOND APPEARANCE
n=2?
Government
Official

female

sale

n=23

Public

Figure
female
Iale

n=15

Private

Individual
female
male

n = 3

Criminal
female
male

n=2
Non-Official
Government Represent.
female
male

26.7

50.0

18.5

21.7

33.3
40.0

100

50.0

4.1

100

100

100

100

100

813

TABLE 2.2 (continued)

THIRD AND FOURTH APPEARANCES
Gov. Official

n=18
female —-- --- _-_
male 94.1 5.8 --- 100
Public Figure
n=18
female 28.6 7.1 7.1
male 27.8 38.8 --- 100
Private Ind.
n=1?
female 27.3 36.4 ~-- \
”1° 9-0 27.3 --- 100
Criminal
31:7
female --- --- ---
male --- 100 --- 100

 

Percentages are based on newsmaker source role by order of appearance.

 

84

1
between news story direction and newsmaker gender.

In China, all female news sources were associated
with favorable news stories. The reverse was true in
Colombia, where all of the female newmakers were
associated with negative news. In West Germany, the one
female newsmaker, a public figure, was depicted in a
negative news item, while the only female news source in
Italy was associated with a favorable news story. In
India, the only female newsmakers were government
officials, each associated with one positive and one
negative news story. Female public figures in Japan
were more likely to be associated with favorable news
items, while female private individuals were more likely
to be associated with unfavorable story direction.
Women in the United States appearing as second and third

public figures in a story were more likely to be

associated with positive news, than private individual
females, whose association was more likely to be with
news story of an unfavorable nature. Women in the

Soviet Union were most commonly depicted as private
individuals, associated with unfavorable news

coverage (See Table 2.21).

85

TABLE 2.21 Country Distribution of Newstory Direction by Newsmaker
Source Roles by Gender.

 

FAVORABLE UNFAVORABLE NEUTRAL TOTAL
(Percentages)

 

FIRST APPEARANCE

CHINA
Government Official
n=22

female 4.5 --- ---

male 72.7 18.2 4.5 100
Public Figure
n=2

female --- --- ---

male 100 --- ~-- 100
Private Individual
n=3

female 33.3 --- ---

male 66.7 --- --- 100
Non—Official
n=1

female --- --- ---

male --- 100 -—- 100
COLUMBIA
Government Official
n=7

female --- 14.3 ---

male 28.6 57.1 --- 100

Public Figure

n=5

female --- --- ---

male 80.00 20.0 --- 100
Private Individual
n=1

female --- 100 ---

male --- --- --- 100
Non-Official
Government Represent.
n=1

felale --- --— ---

male --- 100 --- 100

86

TABLE 2.21 (continued)

NEST GERMANY

Government Official

n=6

female —-— --- ---

male 50.0 33.3 16.7 100
Public Figure
n=3

female --- 33.3 ---

male 33.3 33.3 --- 100
INDIA ------------
Government Official
n=10

female --- 10.0 ---

male 60.0 30.0 --- 100

Public Figure
n=3
female --- --- ---
male 33.3 66.7 --- 100

Government Official
n=7
female --- --- ---
male 71.4 28.6 --- 100

Public Figure
n=4
female --- --- ---
male 50.0 50.0 --- 100

Government Official
n=5
female --- 20.0 ---
male --- 80.0 --- 100

Public Figure
n=3
female 33.3 --- ---
male 33.3 33.3 --- 100

Government Official
n=4
female --- --- ---
male 25.0 50.0 25.0 100

87

TABLE 2.21 (continued)

Public Figure

n=8
female 12.5 --- ---
.male 62.5 25.0 --- 100
Private Individual
n=2
female --- —-- ---
male --- 100 --- 100
USSR
Government Official
n=7
female --- --- ---
male 100 --- --- 100
Public Figure
n=4
female 25.0 --- ---
male 75.0 --— --- 100
Private Individual
n=2
female -—- 100 --—
male -—- --- --- 100
Non-Official
Government Represent.
n=5
female --- --- ---
male 60.0 40.0 --- 100

SECOND APPEARANCE

CHINA
Government Official
n=13
female --- ~-- ~--
male 76.9 15.4 ’* 7.7 100
Public Figure
n=3
female 66.7 --- ---
male 33.3 --- --- 100
Private Individual
n=2
female --- -—- -—-

lale 100 --- --- 100

88

TABLE 2.21 (continued)

COLOMBIA
Government Official
n=2
female --- --- ---
male 50.0 50.0 --- 100
Public Figure
n=2
female --- --- ---
I818 100 --- ___ 100
Private Individual
n=3
female --- 33.3 ---
male --- 66.7 --- 100

WEST GERMANY

Government Official

 

 

n=1

female --- --- ---

male --- 100 --- 100
Public Figure
n=4

female --- --- ---

male 50.0 50.0 --- 100
INDIA
Government Official
n=1

female 50.0 --— ---

male 50.0 --- --- 100
Public Figure
n=2

female --- -—- --_

male 50.0 50.0 --- 100
Criminal
n=1

female --- ——- ---

male --- 100 --- 100
ITALY
Government Official
n=4

female 25.0 --— -_-

male 75.0 --- --- 100

'89

TABLE 2.21 (continued)

Public Figure
n=1
female 100 --- ---
male --- --- --- 100

Private Individual

 

n=1

female --- 100 ---

male --- --- --- 100
JAPAN
Government Official
n=1

female --- --- ---

male --- 100 --- 100
Public Figure
n=2

female 50.0 --- ---

male --- 50.0 --- 100
Private Individual
n=4

female --- 50.0 ---

male 25.0 25.0 --- 100
USA
Government Official
n=1

female --- -—- ---

male 100 --- --- 100
Public Figure
1):?

female --- --- '--

male 71.4 14.3 --- 100
Private Individual
n=3

female --— 33.3 ---

male --- 66.7 --- 100
USSR
Government Official
n=3

female --- --- ---

male 100 -—- -—- 100

TABLE 2.21 (continued)

Public Figure
n=3
female
male

Private Individual
n=2

female

male

Non-Official
Government Represent.
h=2

female

male

THIRD AND FOURTH APPEARANCE

CHINA
Government Official
n=2

female

male

Public Figure
n=2
female
male

Private Individual
n=2

female

male

100

50.0

100

90

50.0

100

100

100

100

WEST GERMANY

Public Figure
n=4
female
male

Government Official
n=2

female

male

Criminal
n=1
female
male

100

100

100

91

TABLE 2.21 (continued)

ITALY
Government Official
n=7
female --- --- ---
male 100 --- --- 100
Criminal
n=4
female --- --- ---
male --- 100 --- 100
JAPAN
Public Figure
n=1
female 100 --- ---
male --- --- --- 100

Private Individual

n=5

female 20.0 20.0 ---

male 20.0 40.0 --- 100
USA
Government Official
n=2

female --- --- ---

male 50.0 50.0 --- 100
Public Figure
n=1

female 14.3 14.3 14.3

male 42.8 14.3 --- 100
Private Individual
n=4

female --- 50.0 ---

male --- 50.0 --- 100
Criminal
n=2

female --- --- ---

male --- 100 --- 100
USSR

Government Official
n=5
female —-- --- ---
male 100 --- --- 100

 

. n- m.- .. ,qt,‘-

92

News Story Direction and Women's Issues

Table 2.3 lists the news stories addressing
women’s issues in relationship to story direction. The
data reveals a 50 percent division between positive and
negative news story direction. News stories about
children, human reproduction and women’s activities were

depicted in positive stories. Stories with a negative

direction included issues of employment, family and
children.
By national source, (see Table 2.31) Japan

portrayed women’s issues in more positive stories than
the other countries. Although the USA aired more
women’s issues than did the other countries sampled,
only one (1) was in a positive story. The data reveals
no significant difference between women’s issues and

news story direction.

ROLE TREATMENT AND NEWS TOPIC TREATMENT OF WOMEN AND
WOMEN’S ISSUES

For the most part, news programs sampled in this
study equate newsworthiness with events, rather than
issues and males rather than females. Influential males

dominate throughout the inquiry of topic and story line

93

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95

role treatment. Not only are males represented in a
variety of news topic areas, they are also characterized

by more diverse roles than are females.

Newspresenters by News Topic

Although males were responsible for a greater
number of news stories, as anchors there was closer
parity between females and males in the distribution of
news topic in which they were associated. (See Table
3.1) Female anchors were absent, however, in the
coverage of crime/justice/disaster topics. As
reporters, females were less likely to be assigned to
events relating to labor/employment and
military/security/defense, than were male reporters.
Female correspondents were dramatically
underrepresented, appearing in only one news category,
government/politics. For each category of
newspresenter, there was not a statistically
significant difference between news story topics
presented by males and females.

Table 3.11 reports women dominated as anchors in
China and the Soviet Union, reporting topics related to
government/politics, business/economics and
military/security/defense. As reporters females were

visible in China, Colombia, and the United States.

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101

However ,there was no significant coverage in any one

topic area. Women were dramatically absent as
correspondents, however, the only female correspondent
(from Italy) delivered a story related to
government/politics. The most significant coverage by

women addressed topics related to government/politics,

social welfare/social conflict and business/economics.

Newsmakers Source Role by Newsmaker Story Line Role
Women in newsmaker source roles were more

frequently portrayed as private individuals (6.8%) and

public figures (5.6%). Male government officials
(45.6%) and public figures (24.0%) were the most
predominate news sources. Females were dramatically
absent as criminals and non-official government

representatives (see Table 3.2).

Story line role characterizes the function of the
newsmaker within the context of the news story. Table
3.2(a) shows the story line role authority constitutes
the greatest proportion of story line roles (73%), of
which females were 6.4 percent and males were 66.6
percent. 7.7 percent of the total story line role
distribution were victims, of which women represent 5.2
percent and men 2.5 percent. Also, 7.7 percent of the
story line roles were service oriented, represented

totally by males.

102

.mmqoa mouzom noxaEmzm: mo amass: Mono» :0 woman who momdustpom

 

 

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.cwmopaom u:m&:um>oo Hmsow>flpcm oasmdm dowodmmo
HoflOwquIcoz Hosafiwao muw>wpm OMHDSQ acmEChm>ou

 

..mmmuzc panama an mace motsom tostmzmz so :owusnwpumfla ~.n mqm<s

103

Government officials in the role of authority
represent the highest proportion (59.4%) of news
sources, of which females constitute 3.5 percent and
males 55.9 percent. (See Table 3.2b). Females
demonstrated their greatest authority representation as
public figures (5.3%). Private individual constituted
the greatest proportion of victim roles (88.8%), of
which women were 66.6 percent and men were 22.2 percent.
Public figure constituted the highest representation of
relative/spouse roles, of which 66.6 percent were female
and no males.

Table 3.2(c) indicates women make up 8.8 percent of
the total authority roles, while men represent 91.2
percent. Of the total victim roles women constituted
66.6 percent, while men represented 33.3 percent. Of
the total relative/spouse roles 83.3 percent were women
and 16.6 percent were men. The reverse was the case for
females and males in non-official roles.

A significant difference exists between newsmaker

source role and newsmaker story line role by gender.

1()4

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.Lovcmo so «do: new; steam to cosusnauumaa .o.~.n mgm<e

106

By national origin over 50 percent of the news
sources in China and Italy were government officials in
authority roles (See Table 3.21). Public figure
authorities were the second most frequent newsmakers
represented. Japan showed the most significant
representation of women as public figures in authority
positions. Japan also had the greatest proportion of
female unknown victims (19%), followed by Colombia
(17.4%). Women were least visible in West Germany and

India.

News Story Topics and Newsmaker Source Role

 

In Table 3.2(d) women are most often portrayed in
news stories related to social welfare/social conflict
(3.8%), with no significant representation in any of the
newsmaker source roles. Men were most frequently
depicted as government officials (19.3%) in news stories
related to government/politics (24.4%).

Women were most frequently portrayed as private
individual victims, Colombia (17.4%), Japan (19.0%);
followed by public figure authority in Japan (14.3%)
(See Table 3.21).

Women were shown more often in news topics related
to social welfare/social conflict, of which Japan had
the highest representation (38.1%). Government/politics
category possessed the second most significant

proportion of female news sources (See Table 3.21a).

107

 

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109

 

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110

 

 

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111

 

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115

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116

 

 

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117

 

 

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118

 

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1265

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128

Males were highly visible in all news topics across the

nations samples.

Newsmaker Roles and Women's Issues

 

News items of a domestic nature were referred to
as women’s issues. Table 3.3 shows of the 25 newsmakers
identified under women's issues 14 were female and 11
were male. Eleven (11) of the newsmakers were portrayed
in stories addressing children; seven (7) :hn stories
related to employment, three (3) in stories related
women's activities and four (4) in stories about the
family. Twelve (12) of the news sources were public
figures, of which eight (8) were women and four (4) were
men. Public figure females dominated authority roles.
Private individuals constituted ten (10) of the news
sources,with equal representation by gender.
Government officials represented three (3) of the
newsmaker source roles addressing women's issues. Of
the government officials one (1) was female and two (2)
were male, all in story line roles of authority.

Eleven (11) of the women's issues were in news
topics related to social welfare/social conflict (See

Table 3.2a).

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131

Government/politics related topics represented the
second most prevalent news items with eight (8) news
stories, five (5) addressing employment and three (3)
women’s activities. Military/security/defense
constituted four (4) of the 25 domestic issues, all
under family. Crime/justice/disaster news stories were
represented twice, under the employment heading.
Four of the eight nations sampled reported stories
addressing women’s issues. Thirteen (13) of the total
newsmakers were from the U.S. newscast, of which five
(5) were women and eight (8) of which were men. Four
(4) were female public figures, addressing issues

related to children (2), and employment (2), of which

three were in role of authority and one a
relative/spouse. As a private individual, only one
female was represented as an "other" in a story
concerned with employment. Japan accounted for eight
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five (5) depicted female newsmakers. Two were public

figures in roles of authority and three were private
individual victims. Three (3) of the total news sources
were from China, of which all three were women. 0f the
three female news sources, one (1) was a government
official in an authority role and two (2) were public
figures in roles of authority and relative/spouse. All

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132

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134

women’s issue covered in the Soviet Union depicted one
(1) female private individual victim in the context of
family.

By news story topic, all three (3) of China’s
women’s issues related to women’s activities addressing
government/politics topics (See Table 3.31a). In Japan,
children make news most frequently in news stores
related to social welfare/social conflict. The USA had
the most diverse news topics for female issues,
constituting five (5) employment issues under
government/politics; three (3) family items under
military/security/defense, three (3) children items
under social welfare/social conflict; I and two (2)
employment issues related to crime/justice/disaster.
The Soviet Union had one (1) domestic issue addressing
the family under the news topic

military/security/defense.

Summary

The intent of this research is to describe the
manner in which women and women’s issues are addressed
in eight national television evening news programs.
Four general patterns represent the portrayal of women
and women’s issues: the amount of attention; direction

of the news story; role treatment; news topic

135

treatment; and differences in attention, direction, role

and topic treatment based on national origin. The
results of the present study describe women as
generally underrepresented as newspresenters;

dramatically underrepresented as news sources; with
negligible representation of women’s issue’s as news
items in national evening news in all of the nations
surveyed. In general, men of authority and influence
are seen dominating the world, while women are shown as
marginal social actors. The visibility of female
anchorpersons in the news delivery process was
relatively substantial in half the nations 'examined.
However, females had limited access to. reporter and
correspondent positions. Exposure afforded women and
issues identified of particular concern to women was
dramatically low. Male newsmakers governed positions of
decision-making and influence, and were generally
associated with favorable news events and issues. On
the other hand, news story direction associated with
female news sources was less favorable. Albeit the
coverage of women’s issues was negligable, news story
direction was equally divided between favorable and
unfavorable treatment. Although limited, women were
most frequently depicted as private individual and

public figure news sources. They were most often

 

136

portrayed as unknown victims. Women were most
frequently characterized in news stories related to
social welfare/social conflict and government/politics
issues. They failed to make news in topics related to
culture/religion/sports/art and military/security
/defense. Males of prestige and expertise dominated in
all news topic categories. Women received increased
visibility, higher status and more positive role
depiction within the domestic domain. Moreover,
children and employment issues were most often addressed
within the sub-topic women’s issues.

By country analyses parallel the general 'findings,
where men of power and prestige dominate as news sources.
What stands out, is that women in China were highly
visible as anchorpersons, and all female news sources

in that nation were associated with favorable news items.

CHAPTER 5

SUMMARY, DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

This study was an attempt to explore from a global

perspective what television news present to its viewers

as the prevalent roles and status of women and women’s

issues. The objective of this investigation was to
identify specific characteristics associated with
attention, direction, role and topic treatment
variables.

While a number of studies have examined the
portrayal of women in the mass media, in developed as
well as developing settings, the subject of female

imagery in television news has not been given much
attention. It is against this background that this
preliminary study was conducted.

The basic question of the present investigation was
to determine content quality, quantity and treatment of
women and women’s issues in television news programming;
and to describe any differences in content quality,
quantity and treatment based on national origin.

The data set included 53 variables and 135 cases
for a single day newscast from eight countries,

137

138

representing four continents. The primary findings
suggest an underrepresentation of women and women’s
issues; a disproportionatly high association with
unfavorable news for female news sources; low status
portrayal and an absence of women’s issues as news
topics.

No statistically significant relationship was found
between newspresenter and gender. However, female
anchors were the most visible women in the news stories
surveyed. As newsmakers, women were less visible.
Data suggests a strong relationship between newsmaker
and gender, and a positive correlation 'based on
newsmaker sex and order of appearance in the news story.

Patterns of difference were found in the
relationship between the direction of a news story and
the appearance of women and women’s issues. Female
newspresenters had a higher proportion of association
with positive to negative news stories, while female
newsmakers were more likely to be associated with
news of a negative to positive nature. However, these
results were not found to be statistically significant.

Relative parity was identified between female and
male anchors in the distribution of news topics with
which each was associated. However, no significant
relationship was found between newspresenter gender and

news story topic. On the other hand, the relationship

139

between gender of newsmaker and news story topic was
found to be significant. Women were identified to be
either proportionately more present or absent from
specific news categories. Where female appearance was
proportionately high, they tended to be portrayed as
unknown victims.

Analysis of domestic issues brings to light
patterns of increased visibility and higher status for
female news sources; and a disproportionately high
association with specific news topics.

The scenario across the eight nations indicates

that women are grossly underrepresented, 'and when
present, they are most often characterized in positions
of low status and power. Exception was found among

female anchors in China and the Soviet Union, where
their representation was over 50 percent; and the high
status positions and positive depiction of female news

sources in China.

DISCUSSION

Given the assumption that women’s roles and
positions in society have changed since the introduction
of television; and that information presented by
television news is important and significant to society;

one might assume that television news will reflect the

140

values and issues of society, and hence any changes in
female roles and status.

The results of the present investigation are, in
many ways, surprising. Little change has occurred in
sex-role portrayal since the initial TV drama studies
conducted in the 19508 (Head, 1954; Smythe, 1954) and

more recently in the 19703, with TV drama (Gerbner,

1972; Tedesco, 1974) and television news (U.S.
Commission on Civil Rights, 1977 and 1979). Why is
female representation so low? Does it mean that women

are less newsworthy than men? Does it mean that females
are less important or less significant to society than
males?

One explanation might be that women are not engaged

in activities that are deemed newsworthy. If so, why do
so few women involve themselves in newsworthy
activities? Perhaps there are social variables or

societal structures that place them in conditions not
conducive to newsworthiness.

The historical and contextual framework setforth in
this investigation suggests that early exclusion of
women from message formation and production established
a decisive and fundamental leadership role for male
domination and control of message institutions:
culture, language and education (Gallagher, 1981).

Consequently, patriarchal influence might be seen as a

141

contributor to women’s powerlessness to define and
defend their gender sphere psychologically, politically
and economically.

The values that determine a society’s institutional
structures and processes stem from those who possess
access to the personal autonomy variables that allow for
advancement to positions of power in the society.
Pingree and Hawkins (1978) define female newsmaking
deficiencies as the imbalance of power within the socio-
economic structure, resulting from women’s lack of power
positions and decision making roles in society. Despite
their substantial numbers in the sampled populace, the
data suggests that sustained access to personal
advancement variables, i.e., education and labor
participation are limited for women. Moreover, the
disparity between policy reform and policy enactment
points to an ineffective framework for social change in
this sphere.

The general thrust of the findings show trends
similar to those found by earlier researchers (Cantor,
1971; AAUW, 1974; U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 1977,
1979; Tuchman, 1978; Davis, 1982). Women and those
domestic issues associated with women, tend to be less
newsworthy, virtually absent and/or characterized by the
non—image of unknown victim. Men are shown as the

dominate image in society, possessing a range of

142

opportunities. “What is striking, is the homogenity of
males as power elites across the sample.

Class analysis intimates that the news definition
process reflects patriarchial values, where power is
defined by status and authority. The prevalent
depiction of men of high status and achievement, as news
sources, suggests a male power elite.

Education, labor and political participation are
basic indices of social mobility. In this sample, there
is less disparity between females and males, “U

primary/secondary school enrollment. However, women

occupy the lesser ranks on the literacy scale (See Table

2). Moreover, men in the labor force outnumber women
two to one. The literature points to the fact that
higher education opportunities and skill training

programs are less available to females, than to males in
the nations represented.

Although suffrage is not a recent phenomenon in any
of these nations, women have virtually no voice in
national government. Collectively, female participation
in national goverment is less than ten percent.

Historically, the underclass has never been
adequately represented in the news (Pingree and Hawkins,
1978). This, too, may be an explanation for the
negligible cover of domestic issues, generally

associated with the subordinate position of women. It

143

seems that women’s restricted access to personal
autonomy measures does not permit opportunities to
achieve status levels that warrant newsworthiness as
defined by the present structure.

Are there policies and/or practices that hinder
women from covering or contributing to certain news
topics? The literature shows that women are generally
referenced by their biologically feminine nature, what
Morgan (1984) refers to as gynography. Globally, women
are relegated to certain tasks and confined within
certain parameters by culture and/or tradition. For
example, women in Colombia and Italy fall prey to the
mores and pervasive influence of the Catholic church,
which dictates their behavior toward "private"
standards. The Caste system in India, and the tradition
of feminine complacency and passivity in China and Japan
may tend to isolate women from what is perceived to be
masculine subjects. As exampled in this study, women

and women’s issues were most frequently addressed under

the social welfare/social confict category. While they
were least often depicted in topics related to
military/security/defense and excluded from the

art/culture/religion/sports category.
High visibility of women as news anchors, and
negligible identification of women as news gatherers

(reporters, correspondents) might be interpreted as,

144

women function best as talking heads, while men provide

credibility and indepth examination to news issues.

CONCLUSION

In providing the conclusions to this study, it is
necessary to point out that the preceeding findings were
based on an analysis of a single day of news
programming. Thus, this limitation should be borne in
mind when interpreting the results provided in this
investigation.

Recognizing the tendency of news to be event rather
than issue determined, the first consideration was to
control for the impact of world events on the news
content of all countries sampled. The second related to
the managability of data where interests of the study
were for an indepth analysis, including examination of
both visual and verbal content. The final constraint
was the availability of programs from as many countries
as possible which, at the same time controlled for the
impact of events. It is acknowledged that the
constraints of a single day news program analysis may
not enhance the generalizability of the foregoing
findings. Despite this limitation, the findings are
consistent with previous related studies.

Having pointed out the shortcoming in the analysis,

we are left with the task of recapitulating the main

145

points emerging from this investigation.

An overall appraisal of the findings suggest the
typical viewer of television news is likely to perceive:
that women do not exist to the same degree that men do;
that women and women’s issues are restricted to a sex-
defined sphere; that women may not matter, and issues
associated with women are of lesser importance.

The data implies the imagery of women and women’s
issues described in this investigation is prevalent
across culture and national boundaries. With the
limited exception of China, there appears to be no
generally distinguishable differences among the sampled
nations, with regard to attention, direction, role and
topic treatment of women and women’s issues in the world
of television news.

It appears from the data reported that little
significant change has occurred in the portrayal of
females and domestic issues, as evidenced by the
proceeding related research. Despite diverse
geographical and contexual variables, evidenced in this
study, women’s status and conditions, as characterized
by television news, takes on a universally uniform
posture, not explainable by social policy or national
ideology. This could lead one to surmise that
television news (molded in the West, and coupled with

it’s hierarchical values) is not a culturally distinct

146

phenomenon. In the process of culture, television news
seems just another socializing institution, perpetuating
rather than changing basic attitudes about women.

Nevertheless, there are a number of theoretical as
well as practical implications that can be drawn from a
study of this kind. First, the findings in this study
point to a number of implications beyond the fact that
the viewer sees fewer females. That these women exist
in less important roles is particularly significant,
since it seems to suggest that women and women’s issues
are to be less attended to then men.

Furthermore, the fact that females are 'virtually
absent and males are disproportionately present
throughout the world of television news could lead the
viewer to conclude that women, unlike men cannot
function in a public world of decision making and
influence; and that women occupy a more restricted
social sphere.

The trivializing and condescending portrayal of
women, and the negligence toward domestic issues in
television news appears to suggest that a private
"unseen" realm of feminine life is not only prevailing,
but an "appropriate" place for women. Moreover, the
limited range of female images may allow traditional
images to go unchallenged and women’s changing roles to

advance unrecognized.

147

These are some of the ways in which the viewer may
perceive the roles and behaviors of women, as
represented by television news, and to the extent that
the medium is a socializing force, in real life.

Negative role assignment infers negative status,
and negative status is equated with negative conditions.
This nullifying position of women may lend itself to the
perpetuation of a common justification for limiting
women’s social status and mobility. Since women do not
receive the focus and attention in television news
commensuate with their numbers and responsibilities in
society, it is plausible to conclude that the viewer may
perceive that women are unimportant and do not matter

very much.

Future Study

 

Further empirical study of the issues surrounding
female portrayal in television news would be a welcomed
addition to the literature. Too few studies exist on
the imagery of women in broadcast news. The primary
task of the researcher following on this investigation
is a theoretical one; it is the task of understanding
the importance of social variables and societal
structures that create and contribute to the framework
that restricts women from certain social spheres. This
must be based on a critical assessment of the contexual

variables (social, political, economic, and cultural,

148

both internal and external to society) that shape social
participation and mobility.

Future investigations should take on the task of

replicating this study, to evaluate its
generalizability. Replication could employ increased
sample size, examining a single week or month of news

programming, within country, within region and/or across
national boundaries.

Structural analyses might investigate the role of
women within the professional ranks of broadcast
journalism. At what levels are women involved in
journalistic training? What is the level of female
participation in broadcast management? To what degree
are women involved in the news room?

There is a critical need to shape and expand the
current body of knowledge related to female imagery in

the world of television news.

APPENDIX A

v1

v2

v3

v4

v5

v6

v7

v8

v9

149

APPENDIX A

WOMEN IN TV NEWS
Coding Sheet

Coder’s name:
Date of coding:

 

 

Country:
Country Code
1=China 5=Italy
2=Colombia 6=Japan
3=Germany (West) 7=USA
4=India 8=USSR
(1) card #1
(2-4) # of 135 stories; code actual story

# viewed (001-135)
(5) ______country code
(6-11) 06/12/84: (Tuesday): date of newscast
(12-13) agenda order of news story by country

(14-80) Title of news story

 

 

 

(1) card #2
(2—4) story number
(5) Type 2: gtgrz
1=international
2=foreign
3=national
4=local
(5-7) Topic

 

l:CRIME/JUSTICE/DISASTER
1=violent crime
2=non-violent crime
3=courts and the law
4=natural disaster
5=accident
6=drug traffic

 

150

2=GOVERNMENT1POLITICS
1=public policy issues
2=elections,campaigns of government
3=political organizations
4=demonstrations/protests
5=criticism of government/leaders
6=taxes and legislation process
7=meetingslrelations

3:BUSINESS/ECONOMICS
1=business/industry
2=banking/finance
3=commerce/trade
4=agriculture
5=energy/mining

4:SOCIAL WELFARE/SOCIAL CONFLICT
1=education
2:science/medicine
3=health/health care issues
4=social welfare (services)
5=housing/population
6=social conflict
7=public transportation

5=ART/CULTURE/SPORTS/RELIGION
1=art/music/culture
2=sports
3=religion

6=HUMAN INTEREST
1=prominent people
2=animals .
3=people and animals
4=ordinary people doing unusual things
5=children
6=weather

 

7=MILITARY/SECURITY/DEFENSE
1=soldiers/arms
2=nuclear arms
3=defense pacts/organizations
4=armed struggle/war
5=intelligence

8=LABOR/EMPLOYMENT
1=labor unions/strikes
2=jobs/related issues

09:0THER
(specify)

 

151

v10 (8) WOMEN’S ISSUES
1=human reproduction
2=children
3=marriage and partnerships
4=employment
5=feminist activities/women’s work
6=family
0=no women’s issue; inap (inappropiate)

 

v11 (9) DIRECTION (of story)
1=favorab1e
2=unfavorable
3=neutral
0=inap

v12 (10) DIRECTION (toward women)
1=favorable
2=unfavorable
3=neutral
0=inap '

v13 (11) DIRECTION (toward men)
1=favorable
2=unfavorable
3=neutral
0=inap

 

MULTIPLE MENTION VARIABLES

ORDER OE NEWSPRESENTER

1=first newspresenter

2:second newspresenter

3=third newspresenter

0=inap; and no addition newspresenter

 

TYPE 9: NEWSPRESENTER

1=anchor

2=reporter

3=correspondent

4=other (specify)
0=inap; no further mention

 

GENDER 9E NEWSPRESENTER
1=female

2=male

0=inap; no further mention

NUMBER QB TIMES ON SCREEN:code actual number (1-9):

1=one time; 2=two times; 3=three times; etc.
9=none; zero times; 0=inap; in further mention

152

 

 

 

 

 

 

v14 (12) FIRST NEWSPRESENTER

v15 (13) type of newspresenter

v16 (14) gender of lst newspresenter

v17 (15) times on screen/lst newspresenter
v18 (16) SECOND NEWSPRESENTER

v19 (17) type of newspresenter

v20 (18) gender of 2nd newspresenter

v21 (19) times on screen/2nd newspresenter
v22 (20) THIRD NEWSPRESENTER

v23 (21) type of newspresenter

v24 (22) gender of 3rd newspresenter

v25 (23) times on screen/3rd newspresenter

ORDER OF NEWSMAKER

1=first newsmaker

2:second newsmaker

3=third newsmaker

4=fourth newsmaker

0=inap; and no additional newsmaker

TYPE OF NEWSMAKER

1=government official

2=public figure

3=private individual

4:criminal .
5=non-official government representative
6=non—human news issue

7=other specify

0=inap; no further mention

GENDER QE NEWSMAKER

1=female

2=male

3:neither; non-human news issue
0=inap; no further mention

 

ORIGIN OF NEWSMAKER

lznational

2=foreign

3:neither; international territory
0=inap; no further mention

153

ROLE Q: NEWSMAKER
1=authority
2=victim
3=non-official
4:relative/spouse
5=service

6=other

(specify)

 

7=no role

0=inap;

NUMBER OF TIMES ON SCREEN:

v26
v27
v28
v29
v30
v31

v32
v33
v34
v35
v36
v37

v38
v39
v40
v41
v42
v43

v44
v45
v46
v47
v48
v49

v50

1=one time;
9=none;

no further mention

__ _____ __ code actual number (1-9):
2=two times; 3=three times; etc.

zero times; 0=inap; no further mention

) FIRST NEWSMAKER

) type of lst newsmaker

) gender of lst newsmaker
) orgin of 1st newsmaker
)

)

 

role of lst newsmaker
number of times on screen/lst newsmaker

SECOND NEWSMAKER

type of 2nd newsmaker

gender of 2nd newsmaker
origin of 2nd newsmaker

role of 2nd newsmaker

times on soreen/an newsmaker

 

THIRD NEWSMAKER

type of 3rd newsmaker

gender of 3rd newsmaker
origin of 3rd newsmaker

role of 3rd newsmaker

times on screen/3rd newsmaker

 

 

) FOURTH NEWSMAKER

) type of 4th newsmaker

4) gender of 4th newsmaker
) origin of 4th newsmaker
)
)

role of 4th newsmaker

 

times on screen/4th newsmaker

 

(48-50) LENGTH OF STORY: code actual length in seconds

(001-999)

v51 (51)
V52 (52)
v53 (53-55)

154

APPEARANCE BX DOMINATE GENDER IN
COVERAGE FOOTAGE

1=predominately female

2=predominately male

3=mixed

4=neither; non-human news issue

9=NA (not ascertained); no film footage

ORIGIN OF PERSONS IN COVERAGE FOOTAGE
1=national

2=foreign

3=mixed

4=neither; non-human news issue

9=NA

0=inap

LENGTH 92 COVERAGE FOOTAGE:

 

code actual length in seconds (000-999)

APPENDIX B

155

APPENDIX B

CODING INSTRUCTION

 

IDENTIFIERS

1. Coder refers to the name of the individual coding
the news story.

2. Date refers to the month, day and year the coding
takes place.

3. Country refers to the country being analyzed, where
the newscast originates, also referred to as the
home-country. Write the name in full.

4. Date—of-newscast refers to the day the newscast was
broadcast. All of the news stories analyzed will be
Tuesday, June 12, 1984.

CARD #1

5. Story-# of the total # of stories.

6. Country-code refers to the identification number
given each country at the top of the coding manual.

7. Date-of-newscast: 06/12/84.

8. Agenda-Order refers to the sequence which the news
program flows. Numbered according to their
sequential order.

9. Title-of-News-Story refers to the nature of
the news story (provide a brief title).

CARD #2

Story # of total number of stories.

10. Type of Story

-international means g9: involving the home
country. A report about the internal affairs

or issues of another country, or relations between
two or more countries, without mention of the

home country;

-foreign refers to stories concerning the home
country and one or more other countries.

156

-national refers to stories concerning the home country
only, i.e. national or regional issues;

—local refers to internal affairs of the home country
at the municipal (city), village or community level.

11. Topic refers to subject matter categories.
There are nine general categories. Under each
general category are a variety of sub-categories.
Code for both the general and sub-categories:

Crimeljusticeldisaster - stories involving
violent and non-violent crimes, murder, rape,
assaults, kidnapping, extortion, fraud; the
courts and the law; natural disasters and
accidents. Stories about fires, floods,
earthquakes, explosions, transport accidents,
drug traffic.

Governmentlpolitics - news stories dealing
with public policy issues; elections,
campaigns and activities of governmental
bodies (local, regional, national). It also
includes stories about political organization
of a government and non-government nature;
demonstrations/protests; criticisms of
government and/or political leaders; taxes and
legislative process; meetings and relations.

Business/economics - stories relating to
business and industry affairs and climate;
banking debt and finance; commerce and trade;
agricultural/farm issues and developments,
energy and mining.

Social welfare/socigl conflict - stories
dealing with general education programs,
issues and operations--public/private/military
schools, adult education, libraries and
statements from educators; includes stories
related to science and/or medicine-~new
devices, techniques and applications within
the medical and physical science and research,
medical organizations and environment;
public/private health issues and services such
as food and nutrition, disease, epidemics and
cures. Stories about social welfare issues,
organizations and delivery services--services
that benefit society or a specific group;
housing and population; public transportation;
people working together cooperatively.

157

Social-conflict--stories that involve conflict
between social groups, rather than individuals
(excluding labor unions groups, picketing and
demonstrations). Stories concerning the
failure of individuals or society to function
in a cooperative manner.

Art/culture/sports/religion - refers to
stories dealing with the arts, music and
unique and traditional heritage of people.

Stories about sports figures, events or
issues; statements from sports figures. Also
stories about the Church and other religious
institutions/sects; statements from clergy or
religious leaders; stories about religious
issues, holidays, celebrations and

Observances.

flgman-interest - news stories of prominent
people, oddities, children, animals, and
leisure/entertainment, weather. It includes
stories that appeal to the emotions-—
curiosity, amazement, skepticism, humor, and
sadness of people. It also involves ordinary
people doing unusual things.

Militarngecurity/defen§§_ - stories about
soldiers, arms, nuclear arms and national or
territorial defense; defense pacts and
organizations/NATO; armed struggle and war,
intelligence and national defense issues.

Labor/employment - stories about labor unions,
strikes, jobs and job-related issues—-
salaries, conditions, benefits and wages.

Other topics not included in the above
categories. Be certain to specify.

Women’s Issues Categories

12. Women’s issues refers to a topic in one of the
above categories that generally relate to an issue of
a domestic nature, as defined below:

Human-reproduction: stories concerning
contraception, birth, abortion, pregnancy and
adoption, population.

Children: stories concerning the welfare, both
societal and family responsibility toward
children, not including education.

13.

158

Employment: stories addressing job issues
related to women: equal pay, maternity leave,
affirmative action, job training etc.

Marriage-and-Pgrtnerghipg: women’s roles in
marriage and other types of parterships.

Women/femini§t_§9tivities: stories concerning
organized activities relating to equal rights
for women, including all discrimination not
included under employment, human reproduction,
politics, religion, science, education,
women’s groups, committees, women’s work.

Family: stories that concern women in the
family or family relationships, not included
under children and childcare, i.e. abuse,

sibling relationships, etc.

inap (inappropiate): refers to no women’s
issue addressed in the story.

Direction-of-the-story refers to the climate of the
story, whether in social harmony or conflict,
balance or no affect or bias. The classifications
include, favorable, unfavorable, neutral and not
applicable.

Favorable -- good news, those items reflecting
social cohesion and cooperation:
international cooperation, normal
communication among nations; government at
work; information (non—controversial) on
affairs of government; society at work;
information about groups of persons
cooperating in non-governmental affairs.
"Life goes on" -- news items about individuals
and peace. Home country or individuals are
depicted as strong, forthright or cooperative;
persons/country cooperating in politics,
social or economic affairs-—progressive,
successful, peaceloving, humane, moral
intelligent, lawful, unified or exercising
leadership will be considered favorable.

 

Unfavorable -- bad news, those items that
report social conflicts and disorganization;
international tension; conflicts between

nations-~military, political and/or economic;
civil disruptions; conflict between people--
political, social, economic; crime, vice and
violence; accidents and disasters.

159

Unfavorable will be judged on the basis of
domestic or internal or international tension
(political, social economic) where any group,
individual home country is depicted as weak,
unjust, immoral, uncooperative, unlawful,
ignorant, indecisive in a subordinate role or
position. In internal affairs unfavorable
will be judged on the basis of civil
disruptions in which conflict between persons
or groups of persons in political, social, I
economic affairs. Events and incidents which P
depict the country, group or individual as
backward, immoral impractical, domineering,
unlawful, disunified or lacking in leadership.

Neutral-- those items which reflect neither
favorable or unfavorable conditions whether
through balance of content, no affect or bias
or elements of both a positive and negative

 

 

 

nature.

inappropiate-- no reference at all.
Direction-(toward-women) - favorable shows women in a
positive light; in roles of authority and in a decision-
making reference; presents good feelings and self-
esteem. Shows women as knowledgeable and intelligent.

Unfavorable - presents women in a negative

fashion, in roles of subordination, as

victims, non-authority or non-decision-making

reference. '

Neutral -- present a balanced view or no

affect or bias.

Notsgpplicgble -- no reference to women or
women’s issues at all.

Direction-(towardjmen)

Favorable -- shows men in a positive light,
in role of authority and decision-making;
presents good feelings and self-esteem.
Shows men as knowledgeable and intelligent.

Unfavorable -- presents men in a negative
fashion, in roles of subordination, as
victims, non-authority or non-decision-making
reference.

 

 

160
Neutral —- presents a balanced view or
no affect or bias.

14. Newspresenters,-Gender,-and-Number-of-times-on-
screen

Order pf Newspresenter: refers to the order of
appearance in the news story, first, second, third,
or fourth.

Type pf Newspresenter:

Anchor -- refers to the person(s) in the
studio, at the news desk, reporting the news
story;

Reporter -- refers to the person reporting a
news story from outside the studio, on
domestic location (national, regional, or

local within the home country), resulting from
recent travel to the site to cover a story.

Correspondent -- person reporting from outside
the home country, on location, by either
video/film or live transmission. Generally, a
national, but not always. Unlike the
reporter, the correspondent is stationed
outside the home country.

Other -- refers to any person presenting a
news story, editorial or commentary not
represented by the above categories. Please
specify.

For each of the presenter categories be certain to
indicate the gender by recording male, female or inap.

Npmber-of-times-on-screen -- refers to the initial time
the presenter is on screen, and each time there is a cut
to another subject or scene and the presenter reappears
on screen, (all within the same news story), record the
actual number. -

15. Newsmaker,-Gender,-Origin,-Role,-Times-on-Screen
Order pf Newspaker: refers to the order of

appearance in the news story, first, second, third,
fourth.

 

161

 

Newsmaker refers to the source of the story. The
person(s) that lend information, credibility and/or
expertise regarding the story. There are five (4)

general categories.

Type pf Newsmaker: refers to newsmaker source role;
whom the newsmaker represents or is identified as.

Government-official -- refers to an elected or
appointed person whose appearance in the news
story is in an official capacity on the

national, state/regional, municipal level
(President, Prime Minister, Governor, Mayor,
Ambassador, member of congress, parliament,
cabinet, party official or member of the
United Nations or like international
organization, government administration or
ministry.

Non-official—governpent-represent§tive-refers

to a person(s) employed by a government
official but functions in a non-decision-
making capacity, i.e., the military, police,

security forces, aide, secretary, etc.

Public-figure - refers to a person(s) from the
private sector, either well-known celebrities,
or persons that appear in public because of
their actions/activities on a public issue or
service. They include entertainers, sports
figures, religious leaders, non-incumbent
candidates for office and experts on a
specific area or issue. Non-official may
include a public figures representative such
as an agent, secretary or some other type of
spokesperson.

Private-individual - refers to those
newsmakers deemed newsworthy because of their
relationship to an issue or event of public
importance. May be a worker, women/men on the
street. Non-official may include a secretary,
assistant, aide, clerk, spouse or family
member functioning as the representative of a
private individual.

Criminal - refers to an individual(s) already
incarcerated, indicted for a crime and/or on
trial and anyone alleged as having committed a
criminal act. Includes violent and non-
violent lawbreaking offenses. Non-official

162

may include a lawyer, family/friend
spokespersons or any other representative of
the criminal.

Non-human news issues -- refers to a non-
gender news item or event, such as animals,
weather, innate objects, etc.

Other - refers to any individual not included
in the forementioned categories.

ina - refers to no newsmaker function.
Gender: refers to the sex of the newsmaker.

Origin refers to the nationality of the newsmaker.

national - refers to a citizen of the home
country;

foreign - refers to citizenship of any
country, other than the home country. Be

certain to specify the country.
neither — not applicable or was not indicated.

Story line role-of-the-newsmaker refers to the function
of the newsmaker within the context of the story.

 

authority - providing expertise and/or a
decision-making capacity/responsibility regarding
particular issue.

 

victim - the recipient of ill-fate; a criminal
act (violent or non-violent) disaster, poverty
or injustice, war. ‘

non-official - appears in the story, but not
in their official role, expertise or title.

relative-or-spouse - appears in the story as a
result of their association with a relative or
spouse that is the primary newsmaker (wife,
husband, child, parent, companion).

service - a person that provides assistance to
a person of authority (an aide, secretary,
nurse, worker, assistant) in a non-decision-
making capacity. Also includes soldiers,

_ - 1 hi”. -. “If-4.5m

163

police security forces where decisions are
made by a central authority and carried out by
the service person(s).

other - any role not included in the
forementioned categories. Please specify.

no-role - not applicable, or no mention of a
newsmaker.

number-of-tipes-on—gcreen - same as fore-
mentioned. See newspresenters.

Length-of-news-story refers to the number of minutes
and seconds given to the story, (must be accurately
timed).

Appearance-in-coverage-footage refers to the
gender and nationality of person(s) in the
film/video footage, other than the newsmaker.

predomingntlyepale - majority of the persons
in the visual are men.

predominantly-female - majority of the persons
in the visuals are women.

mixed - an equal appearance of males and
females in the visuals.

neither - visual do not present men or women.
NA - (not ascertained); no film coverage.
Length-of-coverage-footage refers to the
number of minutes and seconds given to the

coverage film/video, code om seconds (000-
999).

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