MSU RETURNING MATERIALS: Place in book drop to LIBRARJES remove this checkout from W your record. FINES wiII be charged if book is returned after the date stamped below. ’“W'C’i‘ ”j g 3 RI: I U V . CONCEPTUALIZATION OF APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGY IN LUNDAZI DISTRICT OF RURAL ZAMBIA BY Mwizenge S. Tembo AN ABSTRACT OF A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology 1987 ABSTRACT CONCEPTUALIZATION OF APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGY IN LUNDAZI DISTRICT OF RURAL ZAMBIA BY Mwizenge S. Tembo A sample of 144 people from the Lundazi District of the Eastern Province of rural Zambia in Central Africa responded to a questionnaire. The first objective of the study was to determine how men and women conceptualized and evaluated appropriate technology for food production, processing, preservation and storage. Second, to investigate if participation in modern institutions (COSISOCHINS) was related to conceptualization of appropriate technology. There were no significant gender differences in how men and women viewed appropriate technology. Participation in modern institutions was not significantly related to how people conceptualized and evaluated appropriate technology. 'There were significant gender differences in participation in modern institutions; men participated more than women. The findings remained the same when age, education, income and marital status held constant. Sex role task overlap and exclusiveness in gender division of labor account for lack of significant gender differences. Modern institutions can be useful if they are effectively integrated with the social structure, gender division of labor, and social organization of the production process of the rural communities of the Third World. To Beth iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I express my sincere thanks to my major advisor, Dr. Ruth Hamilton, for her relentless effort and assistance in writing the dissertation. I extend my thanks also to the members of the dissertation committee; Dr. Christopher. Vanderpool, Dr. Jay Artis, and Dr. Frederick Waisanen. This dissertation is clearly symbolic of the highest achievement in one's academic career. This accomplishment is also a cumulative social achievement with key contributions by many people in my life during various crucial stages. For practical reasons, I cannot acknowledge all of the peOple by name who number in hundreds who touched me as I meandered through my life. I thank all of those people for their kindness and hope they will celebrate this achievement with me. I wish to thank my parents; my father Sani Zibalwe Tembo and my mother Enelesi nya Kabinda, all my six sisters and brothers, my late grandfather Mateyo Muchaba Kabinda and late grandmother Esitele nya Mwaza. You have always been vibrant, wonderful, and inspirational. My grade 1 (Sub A) teacher, Mr. Mbuzi, at Boyole Primary School in 1959; Mr. Elisa L. Phiri and all the teachers at Tamanda Primary School between 1964 - 66; Mr. J.S. Mei, Headmaster at Chizongwe Secondary School who deeply inspired me and motivated thousands of other students to be their best. I cannot forget Ad Hordijk, my math teacher at Chizongwe. At the University of Zambia, I cannot forget Dr. Dupree who graded my very first essay as a freshman. Needless to say the essay was the worst I have ever written. But he was compassionate enough to encourage and inspire me to learn and improve. Dr. Muyunda Mwanalushi and Dr. Robert Serpell were inspirational in my undergraduate senior years. My undergraduate life at University of Zambia would have been a nightmare without Vincent Musakanya and many of our friends. I wish to remember Mr. and Mrs. Mayovu and family. I would like to thank the University of Zambia, Mr. Chiyanika of the Staff Development office, and Dr. Moyo, the Director of the Institute for African Studies, for their assistance and funding for this research. In the Lundazi District where this research was conducted, I thank the District Governor, District Secretary, employees of the Lundazi Rural Council Rest House, and the Lundazi Sports Club for their help and generosity. In assisting in the conducting of interviews in the villages, I would like to thank Mr. Nkhata and Miss Christine Phiri. I would like to also thank Mr. Dominique Muchimba of the Institute of African Studies. My special thanks to all the respondents from the villages. I thank Mr. and Mrs. Zerweck and family for their warm vi support. Last and most significant, I cannot express enough heart-felt thanks to my wife Elizabeth Zerweck and my sons Temwanani and Kamwendo for putting up with all the emotional stress during these years. At the end when I would sit at the computer for days on end, my sons often asked; "Daddy, why are you always working?" It turned out this question has interesting philosophical ramifications. But that is another matter. The challenge now is to use these skills for the betterment of society. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES ....................................... xi LIST OF FIGURES ...................................... xv CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION Pr0blem00000000000000......OOOOOOOOOOO 0000000000 1 Objectives ..........OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO ........... 6 Independent and Dependent Variables ..... ... ..... 7 CHAPTER TWO DEFINING APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGY Appropriate Technology.................. ........ 15 Definition of Appropriate Technology............ 23 CHAPTER THREE GENDER DIFFERENTIATION AND MODERN INSTITUTIONS IN RURAL ZAMBIA IntrOductionOOO. ..... OOOOOOOOOOOOOO 0000000000 0.. 31 A. ZAMBIAN VILLAGE Social Organization and Gender Differences in the SOCial structurBOOOOOOOO0.00.00.00.0000......I0. 32 B. GENDER DIFFERENCES IN THE DIVISION OF LABOR.... 36 C. CONTACT WITH SIGNIFICANT SOCIAL CHANGE INSTITUTIONS (COSISOCHINS) AND ITS SIGNIFICANCEOOOOOOOOOOOOO ..... O 0000000000000000 42 CHAPTER FOUR HYPOTHESES AND METHODOLOGY A. HYPOTHESES.. .................................. 60 B. METHODOLOGY Research Site....... ....... .... ........... .... 62 COLLECTION OF DATA Survey Method........ ......................... 63 Field Observation..... ........................ 64 Sampling............ ..... . .................... 65 viii Page VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY OF DATA .............. 67 METHOD OF DATA ANALYSIS Scoring........ .............. .. ............ 69 THE SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SAMPLE OF RESPONDENTS Age ........................................ 72 Education .................................. 74 Income.... ................................. 76 Marital Status ............................. 78 CHAPTER FIVE RESULTS AND DISCUSSION PART ONE A. GENDER DIFFERENCES IN THE CONCEPTUALIZATION OF APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGY FOR FOOD PRODUCTION.. 84 Implications of Significant Gender Differences in in the Conceptualization of Appropriate Technology for Food Production.... ..................... 91 B. GENDER DIFFERENCES IN THE CONCEPTUALIZATION OF APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGY FOR FOOD PROCESSING, PRESERVATION, AND STORAGE.... .......... ..... 102 Significant Gender Differences in Appropriate Technology for Food Processing, Preservation, and storageOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0.0000... 107 Summary and Conclusion ...................... 117 CHAPTER SIX RESULTS AND DISCUSSION PART TWO PARTICIPATION IN MODERN INSTITUTIONS (COSISOCHINS) AND CONCEPTUALIZATION OF APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGY ix A. DIFFERENCES IN COSISOCHINS AND CONCEPTUALIZATION OF APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGY.. ................. 125 Implications of Significant differences in COSISOCHINS and Conceptualization of Appropriate TeChDOIOQYOOOOOOOOOO...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO 131 B. GENDER DIFFERENCES IN THE COSISOCHINS INDEX. 134 Discuss1on000000 ......... ......OOOOOOOOOOOOO 145 Summary of Results and Findings ............. 152 CHAPTER SEVEN SUMMARY, POLICY IMPLICATIONS, AND CONCLUSION . Summary............. ............ ............ 158 Policy Implications on Social and Technological Change in Rural Zambia and the Third World.. 170 Directions for Future Research .......... .... 177 APPENDIX A SOME SOCIAL ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE LUNDAZI DISTRICTOOOOOOO.....OOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0.0.0... 183 APPENDIX B COLLECTION PROCEDURE AND CODING OF DATA ..... 191 APPENDIX C TABLES OF FINDINGS .......................... 218 APPENDIX D MAPS OF LUNDAZI DISTRICT, ZAMBIA, AND AFRICAOOOOOOOOO ..... ......OOCOOCOO .......... 263 APPENDIX E LETTER OF INTRODUCTION ...................... 267 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...................................... 268 Table 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. LIST OF TABLES Frequency Distribution for Age .......... Age Distribution by Gender......... ..... Frequency Distribution for Education.... Educational Distribution by Gender...... Frequency Distribution of Income per YearOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO 0000000000 O. 00000 Income Distribution per Year. ........... Frequency Distribution for Marital StatUSOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0.0.... Detailed Breakdown of Marital Status.... Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) of Food Production by Gender .................... Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) of Food Production by Gender ....... . ........ .... Whether Making Ox-poughs is Possible in the Village .......................... There is Nothing We can do to Improve FarmingOOOOOOOO.......OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO Views on Agricultural Tools by Gender andAQGOOOOOOOOOO00.0.0000... ........... Views on Agricultural Tools by Gender and IncomGOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) of Appropriate Technology for Food Processing, Preservation, and Storage............... Appropriate Technology for Food Processing, Preservation, and Storage by Gender..... Solar Drying Food is Better than Canning by Gender.............. ............ ..... xi 72 74 74 74 76 78 ’78 78 80 85 86 92 93 95 98 102 103 108 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. There is Nothing We Can Do to Improve Food Processing, Preservation, and Storage by Age and Education ....................... Appropriate Technology for Food Processing, Preservation, and Storage by Gender, Age, and Income.. ...... ... ...... Comparison of Variances for Low and High COSISOCHINS Index Groups........... Appropriate Technology for Food Production, Processing, Preservation, and Storage by COSISOCHINS Index ......... O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Correlation Between COSISOCHINS Index and Questionnaire Score.......... .......... . Comparison of Variances for Low and High COSISOCHINS Index Groups. 0 O O O O O I O O O O O O O 0 Appropriate Technology for Food Production, Processing, Preservation, and Storage by COSISOCHINS IndexOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0... Percent Relationship Between Gender and Low and High COSISOCHINS Index Groups... Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) of Gender by COSISOCHINS Index. 0 O O C O O O O O O O O ..... O 0 Comparison of Variances for Men and Women on COSISOCHINS .................... ...... Frequency of Meeting with Agricultural Extension Officials by Gender.... ....... Frequency of Meeting with Agricultural Extension Officials by Gender Controlling for Age, Education, Income, and Marital Status ................................ .. Relationship Between Gender and Cosisochins Index by Age, Education, Income, and Marital Status.... ..... ................. Estimate of Population Distribution by Sex and Ten Year Age Groups, Lundazi District, 1980.00.00.0000000.....OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO xii 110 112 125 127 130 132 133 134 135 135 138 139 143 173 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. Language Distribution of the Lundazi District ................................ Reported Attendance of Meetings ......... The New System of Rural District Administration in Zambia ................ Tools Reported Used in the Lundazi District by Respondents in the Study.... Food Produced and Marketed in the Research Area of the Lundazi District 1982-84.. ....... ......OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO Prices for Marketing Agricultural Produce for All of Zambia - 1984 ............... Cash Income of the Research Area of the Lundazi District in 1984 Based on 1984 Produce and Prices in Kwacha............ Frequency Criteria was mentioned in Conceptualization of Appropriate Technology..... ............ . ............ Appropriate Technology for Food Production by Gender and Age.......... ........ ..... Appropriate Technology for Food Production by Gender and Education ................. Appropriate Technology for Food Production by Gender and Income ................. ... Appropriate Technology for Food Production by Gender and Marital Status..... ...... . Appropriate Technology for Food Processing, Preservation, and Storage by Gender andA960...00.000000000000000...00...... Appropriate Technology for Food Processing, Preservation, and Storage by Gender and Education ............................... Appropriate Technology for Food Processing, Preservation, and Storage by Gender and Income .................................. xiii 183 184 185 187 188 189 190 217 218 221 224 227 230 233 236 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. Appropriate Technology for Food Processing, Preservation, and Storage by Gender and Marital Status .......................... Appropriate Technology for Food Production, Processing, Preservation, and Storage by COSISOCHINS Index and Age ............... Appropriate Technology for Food Production, Processing, Preservation, and Storage by COSISOCHIONS Index by Education ...... Appropriate Technology for Food Production, Processing, Preservation, and Storage by COSISOCHINS Index by Income ............. Appropriate Technology for Food Production, Processing, Preservation, and Storage by COSISOCHINS Index by Marital Status..... xiv 239 242 247 253 258 CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION Problem The central issue undergirding this study is the extent to which the social structure of rural Third World societies relates to the way rural dwellers evaluate appropriate technology. The nature of contemporary social, political and economic changes in most Third World countries forces individuals to lead ambivalent life styles. Their indigenous traditional social values, religions, norms, beliefs, and cultures often exist side by side with foreign (usually Western) social, political, economic and technological cultural values. Sometimes the two clash. In many cases however, people in Third World societies have found ways to manage and manipulate the two world views. Appropriate technology has been caught within the dilemma of the two clashing world views. Tremendous social changes have taken place over the last twenty years. These changes introduced conflicting choices among the rural people, putting them at precarious crossroads. Rural people were often confronted with questions of whether to stay with the indigenous traditional culture or adopt modern values. Each choice came with its own pressures, risks, advantages and disadvantages. Because appropriate technology constitutes newer and more innovative technological methods, the challenge to rural people is real. The choice to adopt or reject appropriate technology is invariably influenced by individual and collective experiences, and structural relations which characterize the day-to-day social reality of the rural people. Governments and other social institutions within Third World countries like Zambia1 often made tremendous strides in improving rural inhabitants‘ well-being.2 In Zambia, agricultural loans were granted to both small farm holders and larger commercial farmers and farming co-operatives were formed. A new hybrid maize was introduced, which gradually gained wide acceptance. Infrastructural and public services -- including schools, clinics, and hospitals -- and improved transportation were indicative of rural area improvements. These improvements and services, however, reflected two major shortcomings. First, this development was not uniformly distributed over the entire rural area. Second, the government was not able to sustain high standards in existing facilities or reach more neglected areas due to the dwindling, or frequent total lack of recurrent and capital funds. The governments tended to encourage and advocate the use of appropriate technology among the rural people as solutions to some of these problems. Appropriate technology for rural development should not be viewed in a total vacuum. It must not be assumed that all the people have been exposed to it in a complete, uniform fashion. Even if they appear isolated and backward, potential rural recipients are influenced or affected by modern advanced technology. although somewhat unevenly. A large proportion of this population has used motor transport and tractors; most know about the effectiveness of aeroplanes, modern medicine, automatic electrical appliances, piped water, and other modern technological conveniences.'Between the bullock cart and the jet plane, between the hand plow and the combine, between the wheelbarrow and the truck, there exists a whole range of "intermediate" technologies that are "appropriate" to an individual, a culture, a nation."3 The rural areas of Third World countries like Zambia were exposed to different types and degrees of social forces over the years. The indigenous traditional forms of political, economic, and social organizations often adequately sustain the rural social system within a subsistence framework. Colonialism and new development priorities of the modern government introduce modern institutions requiring different social organization and perception. This places additional demands on an already depressed rural political, economic, and social system. These additional demands are clearly evident in the social structure of rural Africa with particular reference to gender differentiation, division of labor, and the role and impact of modern institutions of government. The exposure to and incorporation of some aspects of modern political, economic and social institutions has meant that some traditional gender differences in the rural social structure are either increased, diminished, or perhaps newly created. These continued changes impact on how rural people organize the goods production and provision of services like food production, gathering, processing and storage, housing construction, transportation, health and medical services, and communication. These social changes are increasingly evident in such aspects of rural Third World communities including the family (especially kinship structure), religious institutions, education (both formal and informal including socialization), communication (indigenous languages, symbols), print media, radio, (including the role of modern foreign languages like English), income, population, and age distribution. In short, rural people's exposure to modern advanced technology is mitigated by the nature of production relations affecting access to material resources and the socio-cultural and organizational structures and their geo- political locations within the larger societal structure. How people view technology is also affected by several influences: First, the nature of gender differentiation and its relationship to participation in modern institutions; second, how social differences, values, and institutions, might be related to food production, processing, preservation and storage; third, construction and maintainance of housing, transportation, health and differential access to medical facilities, exposure to modern communication like radio and print media, formal education and income. All these factors may account for variations in how appropriate technology is conceptualized and evaluated. An understanding of the differing, often ambivalent perceptions of appropriate technology must be gleaned from rural people's varying socio-historical experiences. Variations which may exist within the larger societal and rural social structures must also be accounted for. This study's focus is on the exploration of whether internal social structural differences in the Third World rural areas, particularly gender differentiation and modern institutions, have a bearing on the differential conceptions of appropriate technology. Objectives The objective of the research for this dissertation was to analyze how a sample of respondents in the Lundazi District of rural Zambia in Central Africa conceptualize and evaluate appropriate technology. The research project will: 1. present a theoretical discussion of the meaning of appropriate technology; 2. compare how men and women conceptualize appropriate technology in relation to social institutions, using empirical data gathered from field work; 3. assess whether different levels of individual Contact with Significant Social Change Institutions (COSISOCHINS)4 (Clinic, Agricultural Extension, Schools, Political Party and Co- operatives) account for differences in the conceptualization of appropriate technology between people and whether gender is also related to these differences. This study is important for two main reasons. First, for the past twenty years, substantial literature has been generated by scholars such as Schumacher, Dickson and Jequier5 discussing the use of appropriate technology among the rural poor in developing countries. A variety of manuals for appropriate technology for the rural poor are also available like those produced by the Canadian Hunger Foundation, the Brace Research Institute, Lindblad and Druben, and Congdon.6 However, only limited attempts have been made to conduct a critical analysis through empirical research. One of the key issues that could be explored is how differing, stratified, and often conflicting rural social structural characteristics and experiences may have a bearing on individuals' conceptualization of appropriate technology. The findings of the study will perhaps provide new insight and clarify some of the conceptual confusion about appropriate technology. Secondly, many appropriate technology development projects failed in the rural areas of the developing countries. In most cases the failure was attributed to serious differences in values, priorities,7 and aspirations between rural dwellers and project experts. Dumonte and Mottin8 felt this often resulted in a waste of funds, time, human technical resources and created needless conflict and mutual suspicion between both parties. This study will act as a starting point in the exploration of some of these issues. Independent and Dependent Variables In exploring the influence of the social structure on individual differences in conceptualization of appropriate technology, a vast number of elements within a rural area's social structure must be examined. The role of gender differentiation and impact of Contact with the five Significant Social Change Institutions (COSISOCHINS) on the conceptualization of appropriate technology were chosen as independent variables because they seemed to play fundamental and dominant roles. In daily living, gender differentiation and modern- institutions appeared to play key roles in the social organization of the production process and division of labor. Whether the task was farming, transportation, communication, family organization, the socialization of the young, organizing political meetings, campaign for better primary health care, or participation in adult literacy programs, both gender and modern institutions figured prominently in the social organization of rural communities. The dependent variable chosen for the study was the conceptualization of appropriate technology for food production, processing, preservation, and storage. This was an even more important aspect of the social organization as it was crucial to the very physical survival of Third World rural communities. If food production, processing, preservation and storage deteriorate, the whole life process of the rural community disintegrates. This was sufficiently demonstrated in areas of Africa devastated by famine, as in Ethiopia, or the advancing desert and subsquent drought in the Sahel region. Gender differences and modern institutions, food production, processing, preservation and storage were both chosen for the study because they were intertwined, representing together the very essence of life and social organization of Third World rural communities. Because of their central nature, these variables for the study provided valuable information, knowledge and insight significant to understanding how the social structure of Third World rural communities influenced people's day-to- day existence. There are seven chapters in this dissertation. The first chapter has explained the general purpose of the study. The second chapter explores the definition of appropriate technology. The third chapter looks at gender differentiation, modern institutions and their influence on how men and women view technology in rural Africa, specifically the Lundazi District in rural Zambia. The fourth chapter states the hypotheses and describes the methodology used in the study. The fifth chapter presents part one of results and the discussion. These concern gender differences in the conceptualization of appropriate technology for food production, processing, preservation, and storage. The sixth chapter presents part two of the results and discussion. They concern participation in modern institutions and how it is related to conceptualization of 10 appropriate technology. Chapter seven summarizes the findings, explores the findings' implications on development policy in the Third World, and offers suggestions for future research. 11 Footnotes 1The Ministry of Rural Development spent a total of 128 million Kwacha ($256m) between 1972-76. This was for activities such as research, marketing, increase in agricultural production, and training. Another program for the development of rural areas was initiated by the Zambian government in 1973. It was initially known as Intensive Development Zone. Its purpose was to provide a stimulus for development of rural provincial areas. "This new method of development meant a change from 'single purpose' projects towards a 'comprehensive' or 'package' approach. Designated zones, one in each province, were defined as areas of high natural potential." (TNDP, 1979:171) These were later known as Integrated Rural Development Programmes (IRDPs). These programs have been going on since 1973 in 4 of the 9 provinces of the country. Other institutions involved in rural development research projects are the Institute for African Studies, the Rural Development Studies Bureau both of the University of Zambia. Both institutions are currently involved in appropriate technology projects in 3 rural districts of Zambia in the Southern, Northern and Eastern Provinces. The researcher was the co-ordinator of this project while being responsible for research primarly in the Lundazi district in the Eastern Province. The proposed research will clearly help in the advancement of these efforts and the new data can be shared later with other institutions and individuals involved in rural development in Zambia and elsewhere. Republic of Zambia,Third National Development Plan 1979-83, Lusaka: National Commission for Development Planning, 1979. David H. Evans,P1anning and Implementingilntegrated Rural Development: A Review of the Integrated Rural Development Project in the North-Western Province of Zambia, Kabompo (Zambia), Integrated Rural Development Project, May 1981. 2The problem of the rural poor in Africa, specifically how to improve farming techniques and output, was addressed by many individuals and international development agencies. Eicher(1984) identified and suggested 4 elements of a national strategy to achieve what he termed "food security" which included employment and income generating opportunities to enable rural and urban people to improve their diet and purchase other commodities. Eicher concluded: 12 "My analysis of technology transfer in Africa has shown that numerous plant breeders - e.g oil palm, cotton, maize, - have benefitted from imported technology transfer in theory and practice." (Eicher, 1984:23) Research of the type proposed here may help close this gap. Carl K. Eicher, "International Technology Transfer and the African Farmer: Theory and Practice," Agricultural Economics, Michigan State University, Working Paper 3/84, May 1984. The World Bank (1980) also recognized the crisis in African Agriculture by noting that over the last two decades (1960-80) food production declined. The World Bank stated the major plan of action program for rural agricultural development, the FAO's Regional Food Plan for Africa was endorsed 3 times by the Organization of African Unity (O.A.U) in Arusha (1978), Monrovia 1979 and Lagos (1980). The relationship to the research proposal was that the findings could help create an atmosphere in rural Zambia in which the infrastructure for appropriate technology for agricultural development was laid in order to facilitate better methods of food production, processing and storage. These issues were not included in the grand plan of action for the development of Sub-Saharan Africa. World Bank, Accelerated Development in Sub-Saharan Africa, Washington D.C., The World Bank, 1980. 3R.J. Congdon (Ed.), Introduction to Appropriate Technology: Toward a Simpler Life-Style (Emmons, P.A. : Rodale Press, 1977), p. xii. 4Contact with Significant Social Change Institutions (COSISOCHINS). This independent variable will be designated by an index. Villagers in the Lundazi District came into contact with significant modern institutions like schools, clinics, government agricultural extention, political party and co-operatives. These contacts had a significant impact on individual perception of social change, including appropriate technology. The more the individual came into contact with these institutions, the more they were likely to conceptualize and evaluate appropriate technology with greater variation. The COSISOCHINS Index will be established by determining how frequently the individual was in contact with the 5 institutions. Examples include whether the respondent was a member of the local school's Parents Teachers Association, how frequent the meetings, how frequent the contacts with clinics and agricultural extention officers. The final procedure is that an index will be established. This will be compared to the individual's conception, and evaluation of appropriate technology. We can expect that the higher the Contact with 13 Significant Social Change Institutions (COSISOCHINS) Index the more varied the perception of appropriate technology. 5E.F. Schumacher, Small Is Beautiful: Economics as If People Mattered," (New York: Harper and Row, 1973). D. Dickson, Alternative Technology and the Politics of Technological Change, (London: Fontana, Collins, 1974) Nicholas Jequier, (ed.) Appropriate Technology: Problems and Promises, (Paris: Development Center for Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (O.E.C.D), 1976. 6Canadian Hunger Foundation and Brace Institute, A Handbook on Appropriate TechnologyLan ed., (Ottawa: the Foundation and Institute, April, 1973) C. Lindblad and L. Druben, Small Farm Grain and Storage, Vols. 1 - 3. (Peace Corps Program and Training Journal and Vita Publications, July 1977.) R.J. Congdon (Ed.), Introduction to Appropriate Technology: Toward a Simpler Life—Style (Emmons, P.A. : Rodale Press, 1977), p. xii. 7Rene' Dumont and Marie-France Mottin, Stranglehold on Africa, Translated from French by Vivienne Menkes, (London: Andre' Deutch Limited, 1983.) Dumont and Frances-Mottin reflected the common observations of many experts. The bureaucracy not only had been growing but was increasingly engaged in consumption of imported commodities, which was hardly productive to Third World economies. The bureaucratic elite imitated the life styles, consumption habits, and inappropriate development models advanced by the developed world. The bureaucratic elite dominated projects in remote rural areas, enforcing development models whose source was not the peasants but the elites. The economies were tertiarized because Third World elites of government bureacracies, nationalized companies and multinational companies engaged in international banking services, importing, purchasing, consuming and distribution of wines, automobiles, and other expensive western manufactured commodities. The food habits of the urban dwellers developed into preferential consumption of imported wheat (bread) and rice, while local indigenous and less costly cereals like maize and millet were ignored as less prestigious. All these activities were not economically 14 productive and did not strengthen Third World economies. This was found to be true in Zambia, Tanzania, Senegal and other West African countries. 8Rene' Dumont and Marie-France Mottin encountered an identical problem. The government of Tanzania, assisted by USAID, wanted to bring the Masai people into modern development. The Masai are an African tribe which traditionally keeps large herds of cattle on large savannah grasslands. Their staple food is meat and milk. They hate farming. Recent population pressures pushed them to unfertile marginal lands. The large herds of cattle presented an ecological threat because too much grazing caused desertification in much of the Sahel region of Africa. - The Tanzanian government wanted the Masai to reduce their herd of cattle, settle in one locality, and learn to grow beans and maize. The Tanzanian government spent $2 Million toward the project and the USAID and other international donors spent $3 Million. There was an elaborate administrative structure. After many years, the Masai have hardly been integrated. They have become more suspicious and have moved further out into marginality. Why was the project unsuccessful? According to Dumont and Mottin, it is partly because the Masai were never consulted about their wants and needs. "The most urgent need is to talk to the people concerned, rather than merely dreaming up new ideas." (p.147) Dumont suggests that the Masai should have been consulted to bring about a compromise. The Masai love owning cattle, but hate farming. Because of the project, their strong traditions and power structures were destroyed. Although this is not an appropriate technology project, it illustrates what can happen if experts impose their views of development on rural dwellers. This project helps clarify some issues in appropriate technology for rural development in the Third World. CHAPTER TWO DEFINING APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGY Appropriate Technology During the 19603, with the decline of European colonialism and gaining of political independence, the international community experienced a tremendous euphoria regarding development of emerging Third World countries. The general consensus was that a massive transfer of capital and advanced technology from developed to developing countries would bring the Third World countries to the level of the developed countries. To the experts' dismay, this did not provide the anticipated changes or development. Instead, the transfer of capital and advanced technology usually exacerbated economic, political and social problems in the Third World. The principle cause was that the Third World did not have the same well-developed supporting infrastructures found in developed countries. Since advanced technology was capital intensive instead of labor intensive, it increased unemployment in the Third World. Zambia's Third National Development Plan(1979-83)1 supported this latter assertion, saying "....the stagnation in the level of employment was attributable to a low tempo 15 16 of investment activity in the economy and scant attention given to adoption of labor-intensive techniques even where choice was available."2 Because most advanced technology was only suitable for the urban areas, with their relatively strong infrastructures, rural- to-urban migration increased. Only the urban areas provided any hope for employment and an improved standard of living. The Development Plan attributed the causes of increasing unemployment in the Zambian economy to: ....the wide rural-urban gap in income caused and accentuated by a rapid increase in urban wages and movement of terms of trade in favor of urban consumers against rural producers; continuous migration of the peOple from rural to urban areas in search of employment; the overwhelming predominance of large firms, large shops, large-scale and highly mechanized agriculture, capital-intensive technology used in implementing Second National Develop- ment Plan projects and dominance of large- 3 construction and infrastructural projects... This resulted in an exploding Third World urban population which, due to inadequate housing and other social facilities, settled in slums. In discussing the economy's general inability to generate more employment, the Third National Development Plan stated ".....there was hardly any slow down in the rural—urban drift of population."4 Consequently, the proportion of the Zambian population living in urban areas rose dramatically from twenty and one half percent in 1963 to forty- three percent 17 in 1980.5 During the same period in Lusaka, the country's capital city, the squatter settlement comprised of the poor, unemployed, and new migrants, accounted for about forty-five percent of the population. During 1979 to 1983, there was an official demand for 80,000 units of housing in the urban areas, while only 23,900 units could afford to be built.6 These factors put pressure on the provision of other social services like health, education, and law enforcement. Because advanced technology used imported raw materials, developing countries spent hard-earned, frequently scarce, and limited foreign exchange to buy them. Advanced technology required specialized skills and training which local labor lacked, and skilled labor had to be imported. This labor was paid with increasingly dwindling foreign exchange earnings. For example, while the University of Zambia expected to produce 140 engineers between 1979 and 1983, it faced a projected demand of 250 engineers. During the same period, there was a projected shortage of about 400 doctors.7 Similar shortages of skilled labor existed in virtually all industries, the void was filled with expensive foreign experts. Advanced technology often used costly imported energy. Due to insufficient or lax regulations, and inadequate skills and management, advanced technology often produced pollution, safety hazards, and other environmental problems in the Third World. 18 The result was a burgeoning, frequently parasitic bureaucracy with increasing tertiarization of Third World economies. Dumont and Mottin asserted that the African elite were not only employed in the economy's secondary and tertiary sectors like the bureaucracy, but also developed Western consumer tastes and models of development not affordable by developing countries.8 The gap widened . between a rich elite minority and a poor majority and between urban and rural populations. Rural poverty escalated as raw materials like cotton and other food crops produced in rural areas were continually exported to earn foreign exchange used by the elite urban population. Dickson,9 Morrison,10 Coombs,11 and Streeter,12 best summarized the economic and ideological climate surrounding the shift to alternative or appropriate technology by researchers and development planners. According to Morrison, in the late 19603 and early 19703, there was disillusionment with the technology transfer from developed to developing countries which took place during the 19503 and 19603. Although this policy was endorsed and strongly supported by modernization theorists, the technology transfer increased poverty and created a gap between rural and urban areas, and a rich minority and poor majority in the Third World. Morrison further asserted the Arab Oil boycott of 1973 and price hikes by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting 19 Countries (OPEC) which followed made the idea of appropriate technology more salient. At the same time, the environmental movement in the Western world matured and feminism and the poor people's movement13 all brought a greater concern for equity and meeting the basic needs for the poor. The focus on the needs of the rural poor and small scale farmers in the Third World was perhaps best represented in the works by Streeter14 and Coombs.15 The researchers focussed on how alternative technologies could be used to help the small scale farmer and provide basic needs for the rural poor in Third World countries. Appropriate technology was coined and advocated in the late 19603 and early 19703 with the hope of improving a difficult situation. It came about with the realization that a massive transfer of capital and advanced technology to the Third World as a model of development failed. It did not improve the standard of living for most of the population. Instead, it increased the number of people living in poverty-like conditions. Perhaps with this notion in mind, the government of Zambia recommended "....highest priority for programmes of rural development, adoption of labor- intensive methods and intermediate technology wherever it is feasible...."16 Appropriate technology in a Third World country such as Zambia should be labor intensive instead of capital intensive. In this way it reduces unemployment by providing 20 jobs for more people. The technology must be based on the use of locally available energy, skills, and raw materials, thus reducing the country's reliance on scarce and often dwindling foreign exchange. Since appropriate technology theoretically may be located anywhere within a developing country, it may decrease rural-to-urban migration by locating industries in rural areas. Because of its relative simplicity, appropriate technology gradually reduces a bureaucracy which often supports imported advanced industries injected into developing countries. In this way, the gap between urban and rural, rich and poor is eventually narrowed.17 There are disagreements in defining and characterizing of appropriate technology among researchers. Jequire18 saw these differences as more semantic than real. Schumacher19 asserted that people often oppose and criticize appropriate technology philosophy on the grounds that it relegated Third World nations to a permanent state of technological inferiority and mediocrity. He retorted that these critics were not the poor and underprivileged, but the social, economic and political elite of the Third World. In the researcher's view, these disagreements reflect the more fundamental difficulty of finding a universal definition. Marilyn Carr,20 in using food production as an analogy, illustrated a common problem encountered in 21 defining appropriate technology. The hoe, ox-plough and tractor for Carr represented the typical repertoire of technology at the potential disposal of any society. For people traditionally using only the hoe for farming, the ox- plough represented a "new" or an improved technology. But for peOple in India who have used ox—ploughs for centuries, this did not represent a "new" or "improved" technology. Similarly, European or American farmers regard tractors as traditional technology, having used them for over a century. Appropriate technology is not a monolithic concept. It changes according to existing conditions of a specific environment and the criteria being used to define it. Congdon reflected this view: In this age of big, and often destructive, technologies, increased attention is being given to "intermediate" or "approximate" or "low-cost" technologies which tend to mean different things to different people. But, beyond this semantic tangle is discernable cry, both in America or the developed world, and abroad, for alternative technologies, for different "World views" and tools and21 technologies to fit such perceptions. The technology is called "intermediate" when predominantly engineering criteria is used. A motorcycle becomes intermediate because its technology lies between a bicycle and automobile. In the same way, the ox-plough is "intermediate" technology because the complexity of its engineering lies in between the hoe and the tractor. The technology is "low cost" when its economic criteria are 22 considered. Again, the ox-plough is low-cost technology when compared to a tractor. Apart from purely engineering criteria, people's value judgements -- including political, economic, geographical and social environments -- often affect and determine the choices and conceptions of appropriate technology.22 The use of traditional subsistence agricultural technology was probably adequate twenty to thirty years ago in most rural areas of Third World countries. Recently, two major deficiencies developed: the inability to meet demands of population pressure and the modern consumer or cash economy and the population increased faster than food production or output. The modern economy often enticed rural people to produce more crops in order to sell surplus for cash. The cash was used to purchase modern consumer commodities like clothes, kerdsene, candles, and bicycles. In many cases, additional pressure came from agricultural loans which rural inhabitants could repay only by producing more crops. The increase in agricultural output could no longer be achieved by using traditional technology like the hoes, practicing shifting cultivation, mixing crops, or the use of traditional seeds. Appropriate technology provides a viable option in response to pressures for increased food output, through improved preservation and storage methods. The rural areas 23 of Third World countries like Zambia are especially suited to appropriate technology because they have largely a subsistence agricultural population. This population's disposable income is usually small. These conditions are quite different from the large concentrations of population and high disposable incomes prevalent in developed countries where advanced technology thrives. Schilie said: With a lower disposable income available and a population that is often smaller, more wide— ly dispersed in terms of accessibility if not distance, and varying widely in tastes and pre- ferences, most developing countries cannot simply consume the quantities of products pro- duced ggder mass production at an economical price. Definition of Appropriate Technology In probing the definition of appropriate technology for rural development, two distinctions become clear. First, among the inhabitants of target villages in rural areas, there exists a traditional technology. This is the technology villagers used from generation to generation. However, this technology can no longer meet the demands for more food because of the expanding population. The demands of the cash economy and changing consumer tastes to modern goods compel people to grow surplus food in order to obtain cash to satisfy their new tastes. The second distinction is that among the inhabitants of target rural villages, there exists a knowledge of and desire for or prior use of modern 24 sophisticated technology. Appropriate technology for the rural area is a technology that is better than or superior to traditional technology but is not too advanced or sophisticated. Appropriate technology for rural people perhaps meets the criteria of convenience, low cost, output, time saving factor, affordability, and local availability of resources. It perhaps fosters community self-reliance and minimizes ecological damage like soil erosion or pollution. Finally, the appropriate technology may have minimum negative social impacts on the villages, like disruption of strong traditional structures which foster egalitarianism or certain customs which maintained stability of the rural social structure and community. There is a wide repertoire of appropriate technology for rural people. This includes solar drying, solar refrigeration, maize and groundnut shellers, hand-driven maize grinders, ox-ploughs, ox-drawn carts, improved grain storage structures, fruit canning, water-driven electric generators, wind-driven grinders and electric generators, hand-driven groundnut oil extractors, wood-burning stoves, bio-gas cookers, water filters and purifiers, solar cookers, hand driven planters, and natural manure. In order to be appropriate, the choice of any of these technologies must meet selected criteria. Is the technology convenient? Does it relieve physical drudgery? Is it low - 25 cost? Does it produce more, in terms of output, than the traditional technology? Does it require the users to have minimum basic skills? Must the energy (i.e. gasoline), be imported at a high cost? Can wind or solar energy, which are more abundant and locally available at virtually no cost, be used? Does the technology minimize environmental or ecological damage? Does the technology increase self- reliance in the rural or urban community? Does the appropriate technology exert excessive pressure on traditional social relations? For example, advanced technologies, like the ones prevalent in urban areas, encourage rural-urban migration, create unemployment, and disrupt family and other vital supportive social structures such as leadership in self-help and other government sponsored projects in rural areas. Young married men are frequently absent so long that women and the old must perform all farming activities while rearing children. Appropriate technologY, especially in rural areas of the Third World, must incorporate the present skill levels of people and create a potential for advanced skill development. Appropriate technology for rural areas should draw resources from available local material and non- material resources to avoid the large expenses of obtaining and paying outside skilled labor. It should also reduce 26 dependency on external sources. This would lead to greater self-sufficiency and possible realization of potential for growth. If rural areas of the Third World like Zambia are to improve their standards of living through increased food production and perhaps its preservation and storage, one possible option is to adopt appropriate technology. This innovation may be achieved in the context of a community with existing wide ranges of indigenous and foreign social values, beliefs, norms, and customs. The next chapter explores how the social structure of rural Zambia and Africa may be related to how people view technology. Gender differentiation in the social organization of the production process, gender division of labor, and participation in modern institutions are explored in relation to how people may view appropriate technology. 27 Footnotes 1Republic of Zambia, Third National Development Development Plan 1979-83 (Lusaka: Office of the President, National Commisssion for Development Planning, October 1979) 2Ibid., p.14 3Ibid., p.56 41bid., p.14 5Republic of Zambia, Countrngrofile: Zambia 1984 (Lusaka: Central Statistical Office, 1984) p.51 6Republic of Zambia, Third National Development Development Plan 1979-83 (Lusaka: Office of the President, National Commisssion for Development Planning, October 1979) p.323 71bid., p.63, 64 8Rene' Dumont and Marie-France Mottin, Stranglehold on Africa, Translated from French by Vivienne Menkes, (London: Andre' Deutch Limited, 1983).(see footnote 7 in Chapter 1 of this dissertation for details) 9David Dickson, The Politics of Alternative Technology, (New York: Universe Books, 1975) Chapter 1. 10Denton E. Morrison, "Soft/Hard Tech, Hi Tech/Lo Tech: A Social Movement Analysis of Appropriate Technology," Sociological Inquiry, Vol. 53, Number 2/3, Spring 1983. 11Philip H. Coombs, "What Will It Take To Help the Rural Poor?" in Meeting the Basic Needs of the Rural Poor, Edited by Philip H. Coombs (New York: Pergamon Press, 1980) 12Carroll Streeter, Reaching the Developing World's Small Farmers (New York: The Rockefeller Foundation, 1977) 13The Environmental Movement began in the early 19603. Its basic philosophy is to stop pollution and the destruction of the environment, i.e. air, water, and other 28 natural resources. For example, the movement advocates the use of safe energy sources like solar, water, and wind. These sources of energy do not pollute the environment. The movement is against such sources of energy as nucleaur energy because its by—products are not biogradable and permanently pollute air, water, and other natural resources. According to Morrison, the Environmental Movement more or less matured by 1973. The movement made appropriate technology a more environmentally safe choice. Feminism and the Poor People's movements, according to Morrison, share a common feature; concern for equity. At the time appropriate technology was being advocated, feminism was advocating for social equality in society in general and in between the sexes in particular. The Poor People's movement culminated in the Civil Rights Movement in the US in the 19603. The movement helped shift the focus of develOpment and social priorities to the poor in the US, the Western World and the international development aid policies. Denton E. Morrison, "Soft/Hard Tech, Hi Tech/Lo Tech: A Social Movement Analysis of Appropriate Technology," Sociolggical Inquiry, Vol. 53, Number 2/3, Spring 1983. 14Carroll Streeter, Reaching the Developing World's Small Farmers (New York: The Rockefeller Foundation, 1977) 15Philip H. Coombs, "What Will It Take To Help the Rural Poor?" in Meeting the Basic Needs of the Rural Poor, Edited by Philip H. Coombs (New York: Pergamon Press, 1980) 16Republic of Zambia, Third National Development Development Plan 1979-83 (Lusaka: Office of the President, National Commisssion for Development Planning, October 1979) p.14 17James C. McCullagh, "Introduction" in R.J. Congdon, (ed.),Introduction to Appropriate Technology: Toward a Simpler Life Style (Emmaus, PA: Rodale Press, 1977). p. xiii- xiv. ~ McCullagh provided a more specific presentation of what is appropriate technology for rural development. He presented a long list of 11 criteria used to qualify a technology as appropriate for rural areas. 1. Low in capital costs. 2. Use local materials whenever possible. 3. Create jobs, employing local skills and labor. 29 4. 13 small enough in scale to be affordable by a small group of farmers. 5. Can be understood, controlled, and maintained by villagers whenever possible without a high level of Western-style education. 6. Can be produced out of a small metal-working shop, if not in a village itself. 7. Suppose that peOple can and will work together to collectively bring improvements to the communities, recognizing that in most of the world, important decisions are made by groups rather than individuals. 8. Involve decentralized renewable resources, such as wind power, solar energy, water power, methane gas, animal power, and pedal power (such as in that highly efficient machine, the bicycle). 9. Make technology understandable to the people who are using it and thus suggest ideas that could be used in further innovations. 10. Are flexible so that they can continue to be used or adapted to fit changing circumstances. 11. Do not involve patents, royalties, consulting fees, import duties, shipping charges, or financial wizards. 18Nicholas Jequier, (ed.) Appropriate Technology: Problems and Promises, (Paris: Development Center for Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (O.E.C.D), 1976). 19E.F. Schumacher, Small is Beautiful: Economics as If people mattered," (New York: Harper and Row, 1973). 20Marilyn Carr, Economically Appropriate Technologies for Developing Countries: An Annotated Bibliography (London: Intermediate Technology Publications, Ltd., 1976). 21R.J. Congdon (Ed.), Introduction to Appropriate Technology: Toward a Simpler Life-Style (Emmons, P.A. : Rodale Press, 1977), p. xii. The term "or the developed world" is mine. 30 22Nicholas Jequier, (ed.) Appropriate Technology: Problems and PromisesL (Paris: Development Center for Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (O.E.C.D), 1976). 23T.W. Schlie, "Appropriate Technology: Some concepts, some ideas, and some recent experiences in Africa," Eastern Africa Journal of Rural Development 7 (No. 1 - 2, 1974) : p.83 CHAPTER THREE GENDER DIFFERENTIATION AND MODERN INSTITUTIONS IN RURAL ZAMBIA Introduction Men and women in rural Zambia conceptualize appropriate technology depending on the opportunities they have to be exposed to technology. These opportunities are not the same for men and women for three basic reasons. First, in the rural community's social structure, men and women have different amounts of power. This power accounts for differences in access and exposure to agricultural technology. Second, differential access and exposure to agricultural technology by men and women is due to inequality in the gender division of labor in the production process. Third, the unequal power and gender division of labor is responsible for men and women's differential participation in modern institutions and potential exposure to new ideas about agricultural technology. Differences in power between the genders in the rural community may lead men and women to view appropriate technology differently. Gender inequality in division of labor may in turn lead to differential access and exposure 31 32 to technology. This may contribute to how men and women view appropriate technology. Gender differences in the ability to participate in modern institutions may influence men and women to view appropriate technology differently. These three perspectives are explored in Lundazi District and rural Africa with the view of establishing the basis for the hypotheses generated for the study. A. ZAMBIAN VILLAGE Social Organization and Gender Differences in the Division of Labor The Lundazi District of the Eastern Province of rural Zambia in Southern Africa was studied. Located in the far north-eastern corner of the province, the district shares an international boundary with the country of Malawi. Lundazi town itself is only ten miles (sixteen kilometers) from the border. (See maps in appendix D) A village is characterized as a collection of households established within one physical locality. A household consists of a man, his wife, and their children. Adjacent households are usually those of the man's parents, or his brothers and their wives and children. Three or four clans might be in one village. In most cases, these are a man's close kin and other distantly-related relatives. The man is the dominant head of the household. Tumbuka people are patrilineal and observe patriarchal customs. When a woman marries, she moves to her husband's village. Polygamy 33 is common with some men marrying up to seven wives.1 Land is usually inherited by men through their fathers. A woman may have her own separate farm land if married to a polygamous man or widowed and too old to be remarried by her brother-in-law. The same woman may be too old to return to her father's village where she could have her own land. If a man is monogamous, he and his wife both grow food or work in the one garden or farm land. If he is polygamous, he gives each wife a separate piece of land where she and her children grow food. Under these circumstances, the wives feed their children from their own granary. Cash proceeds from surplus crops are usually controlled by the man.2 The social organization of the Zambian village reflects the dominance of men and subordinance of women. These differences in power and status perhaps also influence the nature of gender division of labor. 3 found in the sexual division of labor within the Tembo social organization of the Lundazi District villages, men were responsible for chopping down trees annually for new finger millet gardens, and building and repairing structures like houses, food stores, and kraals. Men were responsible for obtaining, forging, and repairing such tools as hoes, axes, bows and arrows, knives, and spears. The socialization of male chidren was predominantly the father's and other males' responsibility. Men were also responsible for cash 34 crop production of mainly hybrid maize, tobacco, and cotton. Men were also responsible for securing loans, fertilizer, and other inputs for the growing of cash crops in particular and food crops in general. In the same study, women in the Lundazi District were found to bear responsibility for gathering, processing and cooking of food, a good proportion of food production, fetching water and firewood, tending livestock, looking after children and the old, and nursing the sick.4 Women also participated in planting, weeding, and harvesting of crops. The socialization of female children was the primary responsibility of the mother and other women. Men dominate food production in agriculture, particularly cash crops. They make more frequent contacts with agricultural extension agents, obtain loans for fertilizer, and are dominant and active members of modern institutions like administrative councils, co—operatives, political parties, and religious institutions. Women's additional tasks of child rearing, looking after the old, nursing the sick, and their subordinate social status suggests they cannot travel to participate in political parties and co-operatives which frequently organize their meetings far from the villages. This is done because the sponsoring institutions and officials are very few in number. The government cannot afford to establish many 35 organizations because of a lack of funds and qualified personnel. Men are exclusive members of the traditional village institution known as the mphala.5 Decisions made in these institutions influence most of the villagers. Concrete evidence of men's dominance came from attendance and membership in social institutions. Of a total membership of 2,865 in two co-operative societies in the district, only 11.7% (336) were women. This was in spite of the fact that women outnumber men in the population of the district: 54,945 men and 63,016 women.6 This illustrates a village social structure in which men dominate the decision-making process and control major resources like land and agricultural inputs. Women have limited influence over these resources because of their subordinate social roles. This village social organization and gender division of labor suggests that men have greater access and opportunities for exposure to newer forms of agricultural technology in cash crop and food production than women. Women are more familiar, have greater exposure to and experience with the burdens and demands of food processing, preservation, and storage. The potential influence of gender differences in the division of labor on how men and women evaluate appropriate technology is explored in further detail. 36 B. GENDER DIFFERENCES IN THE DIVISION OF LABOR The pattern of gender division of labor in the Zambian village of the Lundazi District is also consistent with most of rural Africa. Men dominate the use of newer technology in cash crop production, frequently leaving women with the burden of producing food for subsistence using inferior technology. This is in addition to performing other household chores like food processing, preservation, storage, cooking, fetching water and firewood, nursing the sick, and looking after the children and elderly.7 Muntemba8 found that men's role in agriculture in the rural areas of Africa focussed largely on food production with a heavy emphasis on cash crop production. This in turn led to a situation where most agricultural or farming technology introduced tended to not only increase cash crop production and earnings, but decrease men's labor through the use of the new labor saving technology. For example, Spencer says: ....agricultural development projects introduce improved practices into farming systems such as improved seed, fertilizer, farm mechanization, and irrigation. However, improved agricultural inputs are usually introduced by men, saving men's labor, while women are called on to increase their labor input in order to weed the expanded acreagegand harvest and process the expanded output. The dominant role of men in food production was 37 initially present indigenously in the society according to traditional African customs relating to sexual division of labor.10 In some cases, according to Muntemba, men's dominant role was later encouraged and reinforced by the introduction of colonialism and penetration of capitalism.11 In contemporary African rural development, men dominated cash crop production. They used labor saving technology reinforced by male-oriented development strategies and conceptions in government and other international development agencies.12 What was the relevance of men's dominant role in the use of newer forms of technology in cash crops and other food production? Men in rural Africa and other Third World Countries had greater access, exposure to and experience with the use of various technological methods and implements in the process of producing food. For example, they purchased fertilizer, hired ox-ploughs and tractors to produce the new hybrid maize, bought new varieties of seed, cotton, and tobacco. In this context and in contrast to women, men were more likely to have greater knowledge of the problems of using modern or advanced technology for food production in the rural village environment. Skjonsberg,13 however, provided another perspective based on a study at Kefa Village in the Eastern Province of rural Zambia. She found the men she interviewed and observed for over one year relied on 38 physical labor or ox-ploughs although a tractor was available for hire. The reasons the men gave were that the cash to be used for the hiring was hard to come by, their gardens were too small to warrant the use of a tractor, or the tractor was unreliable, broke down too often, and could not be repaired quickly or easily. This tended to reduce the productivity of these particular farmers, especially if they grew hybrid maize, becaue this variety requires increased inputs. _ Men's access and exposure to modern agricultural technology enabled them to make choices about what type of agricultural technology is suitable or unsuitable for their circumstances. For example, whether the size of their field warranted the use of a tractor, if they could afford it, whether the use of a new agricultural input has proven successful elsewhere. Although women also played an important role in food production, they were unlikely to have similar choices about technology. This was because women had limited access and exposure to modern agricultural technology. Another area in which men and women are likely to show differences in how they view technology is food processing, preservation, and storage. The literature shows that women perform most of these tasks while men concentrate on cash crops or leisure. 39 Boserup14 says that women play a very fundamental role in the daily life and survival of rural inhabitants in Africa and the Third World in general. In periods of social and economic crisis, they are not only the sole producers of food,15 but also perform tasks involving food processing, preservation, and storage. According to Tinker and Bramsen: In subsistence societies, women tend to do at least 50 per cent of the work related to food production and processing. Women rise earlier and retire later than everybody else; in short, they work 18 to 20 hours a day while the men work some 12 hours a day..... The essential tasks typically performed by these women include fetching and carrying water and wood; pounding and grinding corn to make flour; baking, cooking, and serving; nursing infants and caring for the sick and old; milking and feeding animals; sewing and washing; sowing, weeding, harvesting, and working in the fields; andécuring and drying extra food for later use. They further saywomen's productivity is low because they may use only the inefficient traditional technology. This places a tremendous physical burden on rural women. Studies supporting this assertion are available in a wide variety of literature about Third World women and development including Huston,17 Dauber and Caine,18, Charlton,19 Jaquette and Staudtzo. Huston21 outlined the World Plan of Action for 1975-1985 Decade for Women formulated by the International Women's Year conference held in Mexico City in 1975. The plan recognized the types of burdens Third World women carry and suggested possible solutions. 40 The Plan urges governments and development agencies to take measures to ease the drudgery and increase the efficiency of women's work to ameliorate the un- reasonably heavy "double" work load (compared to that of men) that falls upon large groups of women in many countries, and to help women tozacquire and strengthen their income generating skills. Skjonsberg's study of Kefa Village located in the Chipata district of the Eastern Province of rural Zambia confirms the above assertions. Her observations of various daily activities of men and women for a period of one year suggest that women performed more tasks than men: Women were far more busy than men both in terms of length of time spent on work and in terms of number of activities they engage in. While 5,850 periods of activity were registered on the men in the sample, as many as 8,500 periods of activity were registered on the women. This emphasizes what is known about sex roles in other parts of the world: that women's work is usually far more timgsconsuming and also piecemeal than that of men. A study was conducted among samples of women from three rural parts of Zambia by Due, Mudenda, and Miller.24 A total of 142 rural women were asked whether they perceived development as occurring and what kinds of development would most assist them. Fifty-one per cent of the farm women believed development had occurred. Only thirty-three percent of the women believed they had "influenced" the direction of development. The women contributed fifty-three percent of the total agricultural labor and eighty-two percent of the household labor. When asked what kinds of development would be most useful to them, the women's responses were: farm 41 improvements, credit, clinics, wells, and transport. The majority of these women wanted farm improvements like oxen, ploughs, and tractors for hire. A clearer reflection of the constraints imposed by gender differentiation in the social organization and gender division of labor was offered by the University of Zambia's Institute of African Studies. They wanted to assess the appropriate technology needs of Gwazapasi village in the Lundazi district of rural Zambia.25 When men were interviewed, they said that there was nothing wrong with the water supply in the village. It was easily accessible, plentiful and clean. Women, who had to carry the water every day from two miles away, said exactly the opposite. This stark contrast not only implied that men underestimated women's physical burdens, but it also reflected the effects of the differentiating nature of sexual division of labor on men and women. What does all this mean for rural men and women in relation to the study of the conceptualization of appropriate technology? Gender differences are not merely superficial reflections of which sex performs what task, but demonstrate deeper and more fundamental barriers rooted in the differences of social status and power. The gender differences in division of labor in the Zambian village and rural Africa are partly a function of this unequal 42 distribution of power. What is significant to this study is that the gender differences may account for differences in which men and women view appropriate technology for agriculture. Men's and women's access and exposure to modern forms of technology comes from a variety of possible sources. Some of the major sources are modern institutions like the agricultural extension and cooperative society. C. CONTACT WITH SIGNIFICANT SOCIAL CHANGE INSTITUTIONS (COSISOCHINS) AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE The concept of "Contact with Significant Social Change Institutions" (COSISOCHINS) was developed by the researcher. The concept's basic tenet is that a modern formal social institution may influence individuals interacting with it towards a wide range of reactions. However, depending on the circumstances, the individual could resist the change being conveyed, could be indifferent to it, or could incorporate and adopt the change. Also, different institutions have different levels of impact on individuals. The individual could resist the change being conveyed by the formal institution perhaps because the new ideas threaten existing attitudes and ideas or power structures that are valued by both the individual and the community. The financial cost or emotional sacrifice of adopting the innovation may be too high. There is a whole range of circumstances which surround the successful adoption or 43 rejection of innovations like ideas and technology often introduced by modern formal institutions. The literature on the diffusion of innovation says innovations introduced by modern institutions have a better chance of being successfully adopted if they have a relative advantage over existing ideas, if they are compatible with existing ones, if the new ideas are simple, and if the people are given an opportunity to try them out and observe the results.26 These potential reactions to modern institutions draw attention to the possibility that they do not have an equal impact on people's conceptualization and evaluation of appropriate technology. For example, the modern institution of the agricultural extension might have an impact on people's farming methods. Perhaps because people have been practicing agriculture for many generations, new ideas introduced by agricultural extension have a better chance of being seen as relatively advantageous, compatible with some existing methods of farming, and farmers have an opportunity to try and observe their effect. The formal educational institution may be unsuccessful because people traditionally are not familiar with reading and writing. Inkeles and Smith's27 studies of Overall Modernity [(OM) Scale] perhaps best exemplify the range and circumstances of individual reaction to the impact of modern 44 formal social institutions. Although the nature and quality of the impact of these institutions is not necessarily uniform, the assumption of COSISOCHINS is that when groups of individuals interact with a number of significant formal institutions simultaneously, social-behavioral and attitudinal changes may occur in the individuals and the institution as a consequence of the interaction. The combinational product -- the change -- can be reflected in terms of what the researcher terms "Contact with Significant Social Change Institutions" or "COSISOCHINS". In this study, five formal institutions were selected which were thought to more directly and significantly impinge on respondents' conception and evaluation of appropriate technology for food production, preservation, and storage. Althoughthe institutions do not have a uniform impact, the significant and common factor they share is that perhaps ideas conveyed about apprOpriate technology. The five institutions were clinics, schools, agricultural co— operatives, agricultural extension, and the political party. 45 Significance of COSISOCHINS These five social institutions, in many cases, merely perform predictable roles. For example, schools teach children how to read and write; clinics treat the ill; co- operative societies help improve farming among members; agricultural extension officials advise farmers about how to improve crop yields; and the political parties ensure that all aspects of life in villages are going according to local tradition as well as according to the aspirations of the political party and government policy. But these institutions also acted as agents of change, and often pushed participants to new brinks of social conduct and imagination, virtually unknown and unthinkable in the villages in the traditional context. For example, when parents from several villages participated in Parent Teacher Association (PTA) meetings, they discussed, planned, organized, and executed projects on a self-reliant basis. They learned that they, both collectively and as individuals, co-operated and did something useful for themselves. They also influenced the formal education of their children by shaping and creating the environment known as the "school." When clinics went beyond merely treating illnesses and taught good nutrition, disease prevention, and proper sanitation, people perhaps began to alter traditional perceptions of disease as caused by mysterious supernatural 46 powers. A good example is that of witchcraft. An individual will attribute the cause of malaria fever to witchcraft instead of a disease carrying mosquito. A co-operative society is an organization with voluntary membership. Its main objectives are to provide the members with farm loans, use of a tractor, fertilizer, credit in the local store owned and run by the members. They can embark on various fund-raising projects. Membership in a co-operative society not only brings obvious material benefits to the members, but in the process also conveys to them that fertilizer, tractors, and ploughs are good for increasing food yields. Motor driven grinding mills and shops belonging to co-operative societies introduce newer and non-traditional perceptions of how corn or maize is processed into meal, that foods like beef and vegetables are processed and stored in cans and bought in shops or grocery stores. The Agricultural Extension Program is run by the government and provides farmers with technical agricultural information like when to plant cash and food crops, how to apply fertilizer, the best way to improve yields, or plant and crop diseases and how to prevent or fight them. Participating in the training and visiting system of the Agricultural Extension program has a relevant influence on respondents' perceptions of appropriate technology for food 47 production, because the program exposes participants to less traditional methods of farming. A good example of the impact of these institutions is a study conducted in East Pakistan. Agricultural Cooperatives were introduced in the mid 19503 to isolated villages in Kotwali Thana. The people used the less productive, traditional agricultural methods. The cooperatives brought new information, roles, and techniques through "agricultural extension, water development, provision and maintenance of tractors and marketing.......In the geographical area of the experiment, seventy-five percent or more of the population had by 1964 adopted such practices as chemical fertilizing, innoculation and vaccination of the family, and saving and borrowing through the village cooperative."28 Inkeles and Smith concluded "that the cooperatives were a very powerful school in modernization."29 Theoretically, these five major institutions play a very significant, fundamental, and dynamic role in Third World rural people's conception and evaluation of appropriate technology within the fabric of their social, political, and economic environment. This interaction, however, should not be perceived as unidirectional where the respondent merely reacts to the institution. Rather the relationship is reciprocal: individuals shape institutions which in turn shape them. 48 According to formal rules, the teachers must expel any pupil who does not wear a school uniform. Some poorer parents with large families cannot afford to buy school uniforms. In this case the parents, through PTA meetings, influenced the teachers to make some exceptions to a school policy. In this way the formal rules of the school as an institution were influenced by the parents and vise versa. The five institutions are also intertwined. A good example is how the political party initiates projects relating to farming, schools, and clinics. Agricultural extension officials provide estimates of how much fertilizer is needed by farmers each year. This estimate may be given to the co-operative society which will deliver the fertilizer to the farmers. The crop harvest may be marketed by the co-operative. The people may use some of the money earned from the sale of crop yields to contribute to the activities at the schools and clinics. The interactive relations of these modern institutions and the potential or actual clientele are also riddled with contradictions reflecting and reinforcing existing social inequalities. For example, the position of women in the operation of these institutions (COSISOCHINS) is likely to be that of limited and peripheral participation. This is because first, since the women perform most daily tasks and chores in the sexual division of labor, including rearing of children, they are likely to be so busy that they cannot 49 travel to meetings organized by the institutions as easily or frequently as men. Second, since women's social positions in a village social organization is subordinate to men, the women will not be tolerated in large numbers, let alone influential positions. No women sat on the board of directors of co-operative societies or occupied positions of leadership in political parties or village social hierarchies of power.30 Thus COSISOCHINS, in many instances, may extend gender differentiation from the village social organization by further reinforcing men's domination in the modern institutions. The United Nations Development Programme31 identified specific areas in which rural women faced problems in participating in development: the data base for development planning, education and training, including extension services; and technological change and its social implications. The Programme asserted that most areas of technical education and training including agricultural education were closed to women and girls even though learning these skills would help them in their traditional tasks. The Programme further stated that traditional attitudes were so entrenched that even where legal sexual discriminatory rules were removed, girls and women were still unable to gain formal skills. According to the 50 programme: "In the few areas where women as a rule are admitted - often because they are more or less indispensable - they are generally employed in relatively surbodinate positions, such as nursing and teaching of girls and young boys."32 The UN Development Programme provided additional evidence of peripheral participation of rural women in formal institutions. A case study was conducted in the East African country of Rwanda involving reviewing Education and Training facilities for rural women. The Programme asserted that although women played major roles in crop farming and animal husbandry, the extension services offered to them ignored agriculture and instead emphasized nutrition, cooking, sewing, embroidery, and child care. It concluded: "....an urgent need remains to train female extension workers in agriculture and to integrate training in farming with that provided in cooking and nutrition."33 Staudt34 conducted a study among rural women farmers in Western Kenya and found that women were discriminated against in agricultural extension services because of sexual prejudice. When the bureaucrats responsible were asked about this, they replied: "In the African way, we speak to the man who is the head of the house and assume he will pass on the information to other household members. Being men, of course it is easier for us to persuade men."35 51 It is obvious that significant social change institutions are not highly independent of the societal context and may reinforce already existing patterns like gender inequality. Additional structural problems, as illustrated by poor transport systems, plague the Third World in general and rural areas in particular. Lack of transport in rural areas often results in the shortage of medicine in clinics and the failure of clinic medical staff to go to villages to carry out routine immunizations and respond to emergencies. Co-operative societies can be plagued by loan defaulters. If the interest on the loans rises and there are bad rains during that growing season, the harvest is bound to be poor. As a result, people default on loans because they do not have sufficient surplus yields to sell to pay back co-operative society farm loans. In some limited cases, individuals simply squander the money and do not bother to make the payment on the loan. In Parent Teacher Association (PTA) meetings and projects, some members refuse to attend meetings and participate in the projects. As in any other social institution, there are many organizational and administrative problems. But these problems do not necessarily diminish the social significance and influence of the institutions in the lives of the individuals or vice versa in the study. What is the significance of COSISOCHINS for the appropriate technology study? 52 The first assumption is that in the general population of the rural community, people experience different levels and intensities of interaction with the five Significant Social Change Institutions. The second assumption is that Contact with Significant Social Change Institutions may alter or reinforce people's values, norms, beliefs, goals, perceptions and aspirations. The institutions however, do not have uniform impact on people's attitudes. People do not have equal influence on the institutions. For example, the differences in social status between men and women suggest men have more access to and greater influence on social institutions than women. From another perspective COSISOCHINS may reinforce the dominant social position of men and ignore the women, relegating them to a peripheral role. This is likely to contribute to differences in conceptualization and evaluation of appropriate technology in the general population and between men and women. Some institutions might have more of a direct influence on conceptualization of appropriate technology among the people than others. The institution of Agricultural Extension deals more directly with technology for food production than the Clinic. The political party perhaps reinforces new technological methods. Frequency of participation in social institutions perhaps does not necessarily indicate quality of 53 participation. Because of the possibility that for a high quality institution, one visit might impact an individual's attitudes more than if the individual interacted with another institution more than eight or ten times per year. Summary While recognizing limitations of modern institutions when they operate in rural areas of Third World countries like Zambia, this researcher accepts the position of Inkeles and Smith, Rogers, and Lerner:36 that modern institutions have an impact on the attitudes and perceptions of individuals. But this change rarely occurs in a vacuum. Recognizing this possibility, this researcher first explored the differential opportunities the rural social structure provides for men and women in access and exposure to technology. Second, participation in modern institutions may be related to how men and women view technology. The literature shows that men and women in rural Zambia have different levels of access and exposure to newer forms of technology for agricultural production. There is also inequality in gender division of labor with women performing more tasks than men. These gender differences occur because of a rather possible intricate relationship between the social organization of the production process, inequality in the gender division of labor, and partipation in modern institutions. 54 The challenge of this study, therefore, is to determine the extent to which different social positions of men and women in the social structure accounts for differences in how men and women view appropriate technology. The next chapter states the hypotheses and describes the methodology used to test them. 55 Footnotes 1Judy C. Bryson, "Women and Agricultural Development in Sub-Saharan Africa: Implications for Development (An Exploratory Study)," in African Women in the Development Procesgélfidited by Nici Nelson (Totawa, N.J.: Frank Cass and Co., 2Ann Whitehead, "Effects of Technological Change on Rural Women: A Review of Analysis and Concepts," in Technology and Rural Women: Conceptual and Empirical Issues, Edited by Iftikhar Ahmed (Boston: George Allen and Unwin, 1985) 3Mwizenge S. Tembo, Chungu Mwila, and Peter Hayward, Ag Assessment of Technological Needs in Three Rural Districts of Zambia, (Lusaka: Institute for African Studies, University of Zambia, February 1982) p. 8 4Ibid., p.8 5 Mphala is first and foremost a physical location on the edge of the village. In this sense, the mphala has a close resemblance to, for example, say the physical location of a University, the home or house for a family, or a church for a religious institution. The location of the mphala is designated by a thatch roof supported by five to six lone wooden supports placed in a round fashion. It has no walls. A more precise definition is that it is a "hut without walls." This is the place where all men of the village meet to eat, chit-chat, or mend tools. They also carve household implements from wood like stools, pestles and mortars, wooden stirring spoons(better known as 'mthiko" and "lukhezo”). Baskets and mats are also sewn or made at the mphala. It is at the mphala where village disputes are settled by the headman, vital and critical decisions concerning the internal or external welfare of the village are discussed, debated and made. For example, the price of the dowry for a bride will be decided at the mphala. Decisions to participate in a local co-operative project, what issues to discuss at the upcoming PTA meeting are all discussed here. 56 At the mphala, there is a strong reliance on age and sexual status as determinants of influence. Women ordinarily have no direct influence in the affairs that are deliberated at the mphala. Once in a while a woman, usually elderly, is summoned to testify during the hearing of a dispute. Otherwise the mphala is an exclusive domain of men. It is not unusual though for women to sit within earshot of the mphala to listen in to a particulary dramatic or sensational case. 6The data on membership in cooperative societies is derived from the dissertation research. It is gathered from interviews with officials of co-operative societies in the district. The population data is from: Republic of Zambia, 1980 Census of Population and Housing: Preliminary Report (Lusaka: Central Statistical Office, 1981) p.28 7Irene Tinker and Michele Bo Bramsen, (eds.) Women and World Development (Washington, D.C.: Overseas Development Council, April 1976); Else Skjonsberg, The Kefa Records: Everyday Life Among Women and Men in a Zambian Village (Oslo: U-Landsseminaret, No. 21, 1981) 8Shimwaayi Muntemba, "Women as Food Producers and Suppliers in the Twentieth Century: The Case of Zambia," Development Dialogue (1-2, 1982) 9Dunstan S.C. Spencer, "African Women in Agricultural Development: A Case Study in Sierra Leone," (African Economy Program, Michigan State University: Department of Agricultural Economics, Working Paper No. 11, April 1976) p.1 1°Ibid., 11Shimwaayi Muntemba, "Women as Food Producers and Suppliers in the Twentieth Century: The Case of Zambia," Development Dialogue (1-2, 1982) 12Barbara Rogers, The Domestication of Women: Discrimination in Developing Countries(London: Kogan Page Limited, 1980) 13Else Skjonsberg, The Kefa Records: Everyday Life Among Women and Men in a Zambian Village (0310: U- Landsseminaret, No. 21, 1981) 14Ester Boserup, Woman's Role in Economic Development(New York: St. Martin's Press, 1970) 57 15Shimwaayi Muntemba, "Women as Food Producers and Supliers in the Twentieth Century: The Case of Zambia," Development Dialogue (1—2, 1982) 16Irene Tinker and Michele Bo Bramsen, (eds.) Women and World Development (Washington, D.C.: Overseas Development Council, April 1976) p. 147 17Perdita Hunston, Third World Women Speak Out: Interviews in Six Developing Countries on Change, Development and Basic Needs (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1979) 18Rosalyn Dauber and Melinda L. Caine, (eds.) Women and Technological Change in Developing Countries (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, Inc., 1981) 19Sue Ellen M. Charlton, Women in Third World Development (Boulder, Colorado: Westview, 1984) p.70-74 20Jane S. Jaquette and Kathleen A. Staudt (eds.), Women and DevelopingACountries: a Policy Focus (New York: Haworth Press, 1983) 21Perdita Hunston, Third World Women Speak Out: Interviews in Six Developing Countries on Change, Development and Basic Needs (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1979) 22Ibid., p. xv. 23Else Skjonsberg, The Kefa Records: Everyday Life Among Women and Men in a Zambian Village (Oslo: U- Landsseminaret, No. 21, 1981) p.6 24Jean M. Due, Timothy Mudenda and Patricia Miller, "How do Rural Women Perceive Development? A Case Study in Zambia," (East Lansing: Michigan State University, Women in International Development, Working Paper No. 63, August 1984) 25Mwizenge S. Tembo, Chungu Mwila and Peter Hayward, 5e Assessment of Technological Needs in Three Rural Districts of Zambia(Lusaka, University of Zambia: Institute for African Studies, 1982) pp. 1-33 also see Mwizenge Tembo, "An Assessment of Appropriate Technology Needs of Gwazapasi and Mkanile Villages of Lundazi District of Rural Zambia," Eastern Africa Journal of Rural Development (Vol. 14, No. 1 and 2, 1981). 58 26Rogers and Burdge state that there are five characteristics of innovations that contribute to different rates of adoption as perceived by receivers; 1. Relative advantage 2.Compatibility 3. Complexity 4. Triability and 5. Observability Relative advantage: the innovation must be perceived as advantageous by people receiving it. The advantage could be in economic terms. But often factors of convenience, and prestige could even be more important than economic cost. Compatibility: the innovation must be compatible with existing or previous experiences, needs and desires of receivers. New value systems often need to be created if the innovation is to be completed. Complexity: if the innovation is perceived as too complex, it is less likely to be adopted. In general, those innovations that require little additional learning of skills are more easily adopted. Triability: if an innovation can be experimented with on a limited basis, the more likely it is to be adopted. Observability: the results of an innovation must be visible to the receiver and to others. The more the results are visible the more the innovation is likely to be adopted. The modern social institutions are not likely to have an equal influence precisely because the new ideas and values are unlikely to be assimilated or adopted by the people at an equal rate. Everett M. Rogers and Rabel J. Burdge, Social Change in Rural Societies, 2nd Edition, (New York: Meredith Corporation, 1972) Chapter 13. 27Among other institutions, Inkeles and Smith investigate how Overall Modernity (OM) is influenced by such formal social change institutions as school or formal educational institution, the Agricultural Cooperative Society and the modern factory. But he also asserts that there are limits, for example, to effective learning. Learning is not inevitable. For example, a teacher can show wrong values to students by beating them, favoring certain students or by being superstitious. In a somewhat similar way the impact of COSISOCHINS is not inevitable. Alex Inkeles and David Smith, Becomipg Modern: Individual Chapge in Six DevelopingCountries(Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1974. 231hid., pp. 196, 198 59 291bid., p. 204 3°This information was gathered from in depth interviews with officials of two co-operative societies and United National Independence Party (UNIP) political party leaders who are all men. Other additional information is from the researcher's people's customs regarding social organization which seem not to allow women to be head women of villages. During interviews women often complained that they could not attend any of the public meetings and conferences organized by various modern social institutions and organizations because they were always so busy with children or attending to household chores. 31United Nations, Rural Women's Participation in Development: Action Oriented Assessment of Rural Women's Participation in Development (New York: United Nations Development Program, Evaluation Study No.3, June 1980) pp. 10-12 321bid., p.11 33Ihid., p.89 34Kathleen A. Staudt, "Women Farmers and Inequalities in Agricultural Services," Women and Work in Africa Edited by Edna G. Bay, (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1982) pp. 207-224 351hid., pp. 207-224 36Alex Inkeles and David Smith, BecomingyModern: Individual Change in Six Developing Countries(Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1974. Everett M. Rogers, Communication of Innovations: A Cross-Cultural Approach, Second Edition (New York: The Free Press, 1971) Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society: A Modernizing the Middle East(New York: The Free Press, 1958) CHAPTER FOUR HYPOTHESES AND METHODOLOGY A. HYPOTHESES According to the literature, appropriate technology for rural people is defined as technology which meets criteria such as convenience, low cost, output, time saving factors, affordability, and local availability of resources for use in the technology.1 But in this researcher's view, knowledge, awareness and use of these criteria by rural people in defining what is appropriate technology is not transmitted through a vacuum. Instead, knowledge about technology is conveyed through the social structure and social organization of the day—to-day existence of peOple in the rural community. The social structure often has social and cultural constraints and processes. Three aspects of the rural social structure are thought to influence men's and women's views of appropriate technology. The distribution of power, gender inequality in the division of labor, and participation in modern institutions. This is consistent with studies conducted in rural Africa by Boserup, Muntemba, Tinker and Bramsen, and Skjonsberg.2 60 60 Men dominate the social organization of the Lundazi rural district. They control such key agricultural resources as land, farm inputs, cash crop production, and newer forms of technology for food production. Since men have greater control, access, and exposure to modern technology for food and cash crop production, they are more likely to conceptualize appropriate technology for food production better than women. It is precisely this power, access, and exposure to technology through the production process that gives men greater knowledge of food production technology. Gender inequality in the division of labor is such that women in the Lundazi District experience most of the burden involved in food processing, preservation, and storage. This view is consistent with studies by Staudt, Tinker and Bramsen, and Spencer.3 Women perform these tasks and household chores often using poor, less productive technology. Because women carry out more food processing and preservation tasks than men, they have greater awareness of and exposure to the burdens and limitations of these aspects of gender division of labor of rural subsistence life. Therefore, women can be expected to conceptualize appropriate technology for food processing, preservation, and storage better than men. Participation in modern institutions is one key method in which information about technology is conveyed to rural people.4 Because of their greater access to information on 61 agricultural technology, people who participate in the institutions can be expected to view technology differently from people who have less participation in modern institutions. The gender inequality in the division of labor with women performing virtually all household chores, food processing, and some food production, means that women spend much of their time doing these chores. As a result women have fewer free opportunities to participate in modern institutions. Therefore, women are likely to have less Contact with Significant Social Change Institutions than men. (COSISOCHINS)5 From the preceding discussion three major hypotheses are drawn which are to be tested in the study. These are: 1. The sample of men respondents will score higher on the appropriate technology questionnaire on items on food production than the sample of women respondents. 2. The sample of women respondents will score higher on the appropriate technology questionnaire on items regarding food processing, preservation, and storage than the sample of men respondents. 3a. Those with a high COSISOCHINS Index will show a wider variation in their scores on the appropriate technology questionnaire than those with a low COSISOCHINS Index. 62 b. Women will score lower than men on the COSISOCHINS Index. c. Women will show less variation in their scores than men on the appropriate technology questionnaire. B METHODOLOGY Research Site The Lundazi District, particularly the plateau, was a good site because social and economic conditions in the district presented an excellent opportunity for the survey research design. The plateau supports better cultivation, has better communication and transportation patterns throughout the year, and a larger population concentration than the valley. The area villages are generally accessible even during the rainy season. When the limited resources of the dissertation were assessed, it was found more economical and suitable to limit the research site and survey to the plateau area of the Lundazi District. Moreover, the researcher was familiar with the area, having previously conducted research there. COLLECTION OF DATA The two principle research methods employed yielded both qualitative and quantitative data. These were survey and field methods. 63 Survey Method The structured questionnaire consisted of twenty-two items on appropriate technology in the area of food production, food processing, preservation and storage. The questionnaire was divided into three parts: food production; food processing, preservation and storage; and Contact with Significant Social Change Institutions.(COSISOCHINS) The objective of the questions was to find out how the respondents conceptualized appropriate technology. In food production, questions were asked about whether more traditional tools like hoes and ox—ploughs were better than the newer and more advanced tractor. Several questions focused on comparing more traditional farm inputs like natural manure with the newer more advanced fertilizer. Respondents were asked whether they thought they could make some of the agricultural tools like ox-ploughs in the village. Respondents were asked what they thought was appropriate technology for farming for themselves in the village. Responses to these questions were expected to show what men and women thought was appropriate technology for food production. These questions tested the hypothesis that men respondents would score higher on the appropriate technology questionnaire on items on food production than women respondents. Questionnaire items on food processing, preservation, and storage focused on several common traditional and modern 64 methods of processing food. For example, respondents were asked to compare solar drying and canning as methods of processing and storing food. Did they think one was better than the other? In the respondent's opinion, what was the most appropriate method of processing, preserving, and storing food for themselves in the village. Responses to these questions were expected to reflect how men and women conceptualize appropriate technology for food processing. These questions were testing the hypothesis that women would score higher on questions on food processing than men. The questions on participation in modern institutions focussed on how often the respondents interacted with the local Co-operative Society, School, Clinic, United National Independence Party (UNIP) and Agricultural Extension. These items were meant to test the third hypothesis; that respondents with a high COSISOCHINS Index would show a wider variation in their scores on the questionnaire than those with a low index. These questions also tested the sub— hypothesis that women would score lower than men on the COSISOCHINS Index. Field Observation The researcher recorded in writing and on tape all significant social events influencing respondents' daily lives but were not covered in the formal survey. The events were particularly those pertaining to food production, 65 processing, preservation and storage. Sampling Random sampling6 was used in the survey and covered approximately half of the Lundazi District. Because the basic social structure of the villages in the district was the same, drawing the sample from only half of the district did not necessarily increase chances of a biased sample. The sampling was performed using the latest records and population estimates from the office of the District Governor of the Lundazi district. The office of the District Governor is a Zambian government administrative body which executes and supervises the political, economic and social activities, projects, services of the Lundazi district in close liason with other non-government institutions. The District Social Secretary provided the population estimates for the research area. The population estimates were based on polling stations statistics of the number of adults registered to vote. The actual number was then multiplied by three. The multiplication by three of the total number of registered voters proved to be a reliable estimate because it was consistent with a more accurate random head count of a sample of villages. The estimate included people under sixteen years of age, aliens and those who did not bother to register for voting since voting was 66 not compulsory.7 The survey was conducted in the western half of the district including part of the southern area(see map). The area had an estimated total population of 44,631 with a total list of 435 villages and an average of 102 people per village.8 A total of twenty-four villages were randomly drawn from the list of villages. From each of the villages, a total of six adult respondents were randomly selected; three men and three women. A total of 144 respondents were interviewed. In order to explore the role of significant social change institutions (COSISOCHINS), officials running the five institutions were each interviewed from the research area. The conversations were carefully taped. A total of ten individual officials were interviewed from Schools, Clinics, Agricultural Co-operative Societies, Agricultural Extension, and the United National Independence Party (UNIP). The choice of officials interviewed on a tape recorder was made on the assumption that they would be most familiar with how each of the five institutions operate within the regions, the nature of the quality, and frequency of interaction of the people with the institutions. There were only two of each of the following in the area; Agricultural Extension Station, Co-operative Society and Clinic. There was no choice regarding whom the 67 researcher could interview. The researcher had to interview the Agricultural Extension officers, the Managers of the Co- operative societies and the Medical Assistants from both clinics. This was not the case however with the United National Independence Party (UNIP) and Schools. There were several UNIP ward administrative divisions in the area as well as many schools. Although a strictly representative sampling procedure was not adhered to, the researcher used two broad criteria for choosing which UNIP ward and School officials were going to be drawn from for the interviews. The schools from which Headmasters were interviewed, were chosen roughly based on their central nature in geographical distance and having the largest enrollment of pupils in the area. The UNIP wards from which the Chairmen were interviewed were also chosen based on geographical centrality and the largest size of population. Nkhanga and Chimaliro met these criteria in the area. The questions asked of all these officials can be found in the appendix. VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY OF DATA The validity of the survey was improved by the translation of the English questionnaire9 into the Tumbuka indigenous language which was the language spoken by almost sixty percent of the population of the district. The use of the Random Probe Technique was an additional tool used to 68 improve the validity of the study. In order to have a general idea of the reasoning behind the replies to the structured questionnaire, the random probe technique was used.10 Following this procedure, a total of forty-two of the 144 randomly chosen respondents, twenty-one from each region, were asked why they responded to one particular question the way they did. Did they answer the way they did for reasons of custom, mere individual choice or opinion or were they in fact basing their answers on their knowledge about appropriate technology for food production, preservation and storage? In this way, different respondents were asked about one of the twenty-two items in the questionnaire. Despite a good random sample, some practical limitations possibly affected the validity and reliability of the survey. This was perhaps the case in two villages in the area. One village had to be replaced by another adjacent to it because the road to the original village was impassable. In another village in the area, most of the men were away to attend to an emergency. The few men provided a rather possible skewed sample. Compared to the entire sample, the sample bias from the two villages probably had an insignificant effect. The sample of officials interviewed from the modern institutions like Agricultural Extension and Schools did not include women. The reason for this was that no women could 69 be found in positions of leadership in these institutions. In spite of some minor difficulties, proper questionnaire translation, the use of the Random Probe Technique, and good sampling methods improved the validity, reliability, and generalizability of the findings. METHOD OF DATA ANALYSIS Four principle statistical methods were used for data analysis: the Chi-Squared Test, Analysis of Variance (ANOVA), the difference between two variances, and the Pearson Correlation. The questionnaire items measured the dimensions of "definition", "conception", "perception," and "evaluation" of appropriate technology through inference.11 Scoring High scores were assigned to respondents who chose the appropriate technology over the advanced technology. Those who agreed they could build apprOpriate technology hardware themselves locally were scored higher than those who did not know or did not think so. The rationale behind the scoring derived from the definition of apprOpriate technology was: that among many other factors, it has low cost, is labor intensive, requires basic simple skills of the users, relies on local, cheap, abundant and easily available resources. Advanced technology is probably beyond the available resources in the villages. To retain traditional technology 70 is undesirable since it is likely it will maintain the status quo of insufficient food output to keep up with the population growth. Traditional technology introduces very limited or no potential for growth and raising the standard of living in the rural areas. The scoring of the responses ranged from one to ten. Depending on the question, the nature of the response could be assigned a particular score. Several items will be cited as an illustration of the scoring procedure and rationale. Item five in the questionnaire says; "Fertilizer is better than natural manure for use in our farms or gardens." Fertilizer is an inappropriate technology because the cost is high, it cannot be manufactured within the village area or in the country and is therefore imported, it leaches the soil making further use of the land without fertilizer unproductive. If the respondent strongly agrees with the statement the score is one and if the individual strongly disagrees, the score is five. In item nine, the question is; "In your opinion, what is the appropriate technology for farming to you here in the village?" A response of tractors and fertilizer had a low score of one since these two are costly, demand high skills, the tractor uses expensive and scarce fossil fuels, and are not suited for the village economic infrastructure. The response "Any technology which is easy to operate, repair or even make right here in the village" was assigned the 71 highest score of eight. The response of ox-ploughs, natural manure, and hoes had middle to high scores ranging from four to seven. In item fourteen, the statement was; "Canning is the best method for us for preserving and storing food". If the respondent strongly agreed with the statement, the response was assigned a low score of one. This was because canning is very advanced and expensive technology which is beyond the abilities of available resources in the villages. Those who strongly disagreed with the statement were assigned a high score of five. The questions, scoring of the responses, and coding procedure are shown in the appendix. An index was made which reflected the frequency of the respondents' Contact with Significant Social Change Institutions. This was termed the COSISOCHINS Index. A high score or index showed that the respondent reported that he or she contacted or interacted with the five modern social institutions very frequently; the School, Clinic, Co- operative Society, Agricultural Extension and UNIP political party. For example, if the respondent did not attend any meetings by all the five Significant Social Change Institutions, the respondent was assigned a score of five. If the respondent attended meetings by the Agricultural Extension and the School, he had a score of seven. If he reported attending meetings of all five institutions, 72 he had a perfect score of nine. The COSISOCHINS Index was statistically correlated with the respondent's score on the appropriate technology questionnaire. THE SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SAMPLE OF RESPONDENTS The frequency distributions of four independent variables reflect a profile of the sample in which seventy- one percent of the 144 respondents are less than fifty years old, sixty-seven percent of the sample have none or only four years of formal education, fourty-seven percent of the sample earn none or up to 399 US dollars per year, and there are more polygamous marriages than monogamous ones. The polygamous ones account for fifty-two percent of the sample while monogamous marriages account for approximately fourty- one percent of the sample. The following frequency tables and histograms show the distribution of the 144 respondents in the study. TABLE ONE FREQUENCY DISTRIBUTION FOR AGE AGE FREQUENCY PERCENT 80 and Over 2 1.38 70 - 79 10 6.94 60 - 69 18 12.51 50 - 59 12 8.33 40 - 49 28 19.45 30 - 39 41 28.47 20 - 29 30 20.83 15 - 19 3 2.09 73 FIGURE ONE HISTOGRAM FOR AGE DISTRIBUTION Frequency Distribution for Age F iSNJZHBEDGD‘04950538Hwimq9 a» Agnuanrs The frequency distribution in Table One and histogram in figure one show that the majority of the respondents, about seventy-one perecnt, were less than fifty years old. Those who were older than fifty years comprised only about thirty percent of the sample. The largest cohort was between the age of thirty to thirty-nine which comprised approximately twenty-eight percent of the sample. There was an equal distribution of men and women in the age groups fifteen to thirty-nine years and those over forty years old. 74 TABLETHK) AGEIIHflWUBUTDNHINICENDER 15 - 39 Yrs. 40 Yrs.+ TOTAL WOmen 27.8% (40) 22.2% (32) 50.0% (72) Men 23.6% (34) 26.4% (38) 50.0% (72) TOTAL 51.4% (74) 48.6% (70) 100.0% (144) Calculated x2: 1.00 1 degree of freedom Table x2= 3.841 Significance = 0.31 Table Two shows that the age distribution was more or less uniform ranging from twenty-two to twenty-seven percent. TABLE THREE FREQUENCY DISTRIBUTION FOR EDUCATION EDUCATIOINAL LEVEL FREQUENCY PERCENT Grade 8 and Over 12 8 Grade 5 - 7 35 24 Grade 1 - 4 52 36 No Education 44 32 TOTAL 143 100 Missing = 1 His 5am lav lOH San “i; n EEC; 75 FIGURE TWO HISTOGRAM FOR EDUCATION Education Level F The frequency distribution in Table Three and the Histogram in Figure Two show that ninty-two percent of the sample had a seventh grade education or less. When low levels of formal educational skills are not put to use for a long time, atrophy often occurs. Respondents with up to a fourth grade education might as well have had no formal education. Many of the older respondents, particularly those over fifty, often admitted during the survey that they had forgotten how to read and write since it had been such a long time since they attained the little formal education they had had. This suggests that up to sixty percent of the sample had no formal education. The largest proportion of people who had none or up to four years of formal education were women . 76 TABLE FOUR EDUCATIONAL DISTRIBUTION BY GENDER GRADE 0 - 4 GRADE 5 + TOTAL Women 38.5% (55) 11.2% (16) 49.6% (71) Men 28.7% (41) 21.7% (31) 50.4% (72) TOTAL 67.2% (96) 32.9% (47) 100.0% (143) Missing = 1 Calculated X2: 6.82 1 degree of freedom Table X2: Significance = 0.009 Table Four shows that men have more formal education than women. While men with a fifth grade education and over constituted 21.7% only 11.2% of the women had a fifth grade education. This distribution was statistically significant at 0.05 percent level. TABLE FIVE FREQUENCY DISTRIBUTION OF INCOME PER YEAR INCOME IN US S FREQUENCY PERCENT 1,000 and Over 33 24 400 - 999 43 30 OO - 399 29 21 None 36 25 TOTAL 141 100 Missing ll 0) 77 FIGURE THREE HISTOGRAM FOR THE DISTRIBUTION OF INCOME income Per Capita 0 i-NN 4MFTD imw+ usneuue The distribution of income shown in Table Five and in Figure Three does not account for the cost of agricultural inputs and labor. About eighty percent of the respondents reporting a cash income said that their source of income was the annual sale of agricultural produce. The rest obtained their cash income from the occassional sale of traditional beer and livestock. When inflation is also taken into account, the real value and purchasing power of the income might be really weak. Men earned more cash income than women . 78 TABLE SIX INCOME DISTRIBUTION PER YEAR 0.0 - 399 USS 400 USS + TOTAL Women 29.1% (41) 21.3% (30) 50.4% (71) Men 17.0% (24) 32.6% (46) 49.6% (70) TOTAL 46.1% (65) 53.9% (76) 100.0% (141) Missing = 3 Calculate X2: 7.80 1 degree of freedom Table X2: 3.841 Significance = 0.005 Table Six shows that 29.1 percent of the women earned nothing or up to 399 USS dollars equivalent per year. The table further suggests that more men generally earn cash income than women. The gender distribution of income is statistically significant at 0.05 percent level. TABLE SEVEN FREQUENCY DISTRIBUTION FOR MARITAL STATUS PERCENT 3.47 27.77 24.33 41.66 2.77 MARITAL STATUS FREQUENCY Other 5 Men Polygamists 40 Women married to Polygamists 35 Monogamous Marriage 60 Single 4 TOTAL 144 79 FIGURE FOUR HISTOGRAM FOR DISTRIBUTION OF MARITAL STATUS Marital Status Smb mmo MflbhuWmemN (Mr lipadffluvunn Table Seven shows the proportion of polygamous marriages in the sample exceeds monogamous marriages by about eleven percent. The sample of respondents suggests polygamy is the dominant form of marriage with more or less equal proportions of men and women involved in polygamous marriages. A detailed look at these marriages and the resulting number of children reflects a complex picture of variation. 80 TABLE EIGHT DETAILED BREAKDOWN OF MARITAL STATUS FREQUENCY PERCENT Man Polygamist with more than 3 wives and more than 10 Children 11 8 Man Polygamist with up to 3 wives and up to 10 children 29 20 Woman married to a Polygamist with more than 3 wives (including herself) and has more than 5 children 9 6 Woman married to a polygamist with up to 3 wives (including herself) and up to 5 children 26 18 Monogamous marriage with more than 5 children 11 8 Monogamous marriage with up to 5 children 43 30 Monogamous marriage with no children 6 4 Single and Others 9 6 sh; """"""""""""""""""""" IZZ""""'166' Table Eight shows the variations in marital characteristics of both adult males and females in the Lundazi district. When these marital characteristics are examined in relation to the other three variables, a general and in some cases complex picture emerges. A typical respondent had no formal education, had no cash income, was between twenty and fifty years old. If the respondent was a woman she could be in either a polygamous or monogamous 81 marriage with children ranging from five to more than ten. The same also applied to a male respondent. If these characteristics are assumed to be representative of the Lundazi District, they suggest a general profile in which the majority of adults are less than fifty years old, most being between twenty and thirty-nine years old. The income distribution suggests the majority of adults earn only up to 399 US dollars cash income equivalent per year with cash crops the dominant source of the income. The majority of adults have little or no formal education at all. These characteristics also suggest that in the social structure of Lundazi rural District, men have more formal education and earn more cash income per year than women. This seems consistent with men's dominant social status and women's subordinate status in the social organization of the rural community. Customs perhaps do not give girls and women the opportunity to achieve formal education. Men control the dominant source of cash income which is cash crops. In the next chapter, the results and discussion of the study are presented. 82 Footnotes 1E.F. Schumacher, Small If Beautiful: Economics as If People Mattered, (Paris: Development Center for Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (O.E.C.D), 1976). Nicholas Jequier, (ed.) Appropriateness Technology: Problems and Promises, (Paris: Development Center for Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (O.E.C.D), 1976). 2Ester Boserup, Woman's Role in Economic Development(New York: St. Martin's Press, 1970) Shimwaayi Muntemba, "Women as Food Producers and Suppliers in the Twentieth Century : The Case of Zambia," Development Dialogue (1-2, 1982) Irene Tinker and Michele Bo Bramsen, (ed.) Women and World Development (Washington, D.C.: Overseas Development Council, April 1976.) Else Skjonsberg, The Kefa Records: Everyday Life AmongeWomen and Men in a Zambian Village (Oslo: U - Landsseminaret, No. 21, 1981) 3Kathleen A. Staudt, "Women Farmers and Inequalities in Agricultural Services," Women and Work in Africa Edited by Edna G. Bay, (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1982) pp. 207-224 Irene Tinker and Michele Bo Bramsen, (ed.) Women and World Development (Washington, D.C.: Overseas Development Council, April 1976.) Dunstan S.C. Spencer, "African Women in Agricultural Development: A Case Study in Sierra Leone," (African Economy Program, Michigan State university: Department of Agricultural Economics, Working Paper No. 11, April 1976) 4Alex Inkeles and David Smith, Becoming Modern: Individual Change in Six Developing Countries (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1974) 5Contact with Significant Social Change Instituions (COSISOCHINS). This independent variable will be designated by an index. Villagers in the Lundazi District have come into contact with significant modern institutions like schools, clinics, government agricultural extension, political party and co-operatives. These contacts have had a significant impact on the individual's perception of social change including appropriate technology. The more the individual comes into contact with these institutions, the 83 more likely they are to conceptualize and evaluate appropriate technology positively and hold a diversity of views on it. The COSISOCHINS Index will be established by determining how frequently the individual has been in contact with the 5 institutions. For example, whether the respondent is a member of the local Parents Teachers Association for the school, how frequent are the meetings, how frequent are contacts with clinics, agricultural extension officers. The final procedure is that an index will be established. This will be compared to the individual's conception, and evaluation of appropriate technology. We can expect that the higher the Contact with Significant Social Change Institutions (COSISOCHINS) Index the more varied the perception of appropriate technology. 6Hubert M. Blalock, Jr. An Introduction to Social Research(Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1970) pp. 55, 56, 51-58 7The latest National Census, conducted in 1980, does not provide a breakdown of population into regions. This is why it could not be used. 8The source of this data is the office of the District Governor of the Lundazi District. 9The procedure about how the questionnaire was translated is in the appendix. Also refer to the appendix for the table of the distribution of linguistic groups in the district. 10Howard Schuman, "The Random Probe: A Technique for Evaluating the Validity of Closed Questions," in Comparative Research Methods, Edited by Donald P. Warwick and Samuel Osherson (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1973) 11Sanford Labovitz and Robert Hagedorn, Introduction to Social Research (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1971) pp. 64-87. CHAPTER FIVE RESULTS AND DISCUSSION PART ONE A. GENDER DIFFERENCES IN THE CONCEPTUALIZATION OF APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGY FOR FOOD PRODUCTION The interactionist1 perspective maintains that gender differences are determined by a combination of different biological and cultural experiences among individuals. Scholars like Tresemer,2 Benard,3 Parlee4 and D'Andrabe5 assert that common sense and social researchers have often created "models of the sexes that have them as utterly dichotomous."6 The biological and gender differences between men and women modelled in this way often create polarization.7 Biological males are described as aggressive, dominant and independent. Females are non-aggressive, submissive and dependent.8 The gender differences investigated in this research were based on somewhat similar assumptions: men dominate social structures, organization of the the production process, and have greater access and exposure to food production technology than women. Therefore, men should show greater knowledge than women in the conceptualization of appropriate technology for food production. 84 85 The findings in Table Ten and Eleven show that the hypothesis was not confirmed. TABLE NINE ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE (ANOVA) OF APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGY FOR FOOD PRODUCTION BY GENDER 0.95 F1.282 Table F-Value= 3.84 Calculated Signi- ITEM Women Men F—Value ficance FARMING 2.69 2.32 3.650 0.058 TOOLS USE 2.37 2.74 2.725 0.101 OXEN TRACTORS 3.72 3.69 0.021 0.886 MAKE OXPLOWS 3.64 * < 4.14 7.830 0.006 FERTILIZER MANURE 2.01 1.93 0.247 0.620 TRACTOR GOOD 2.81 2.41 3.193 0.076 MAKING TRACTORS 3.26 3.31 0.047 0.828 IMPROVE FARMING 2.69 * < 3.30 10.238 0.002 A.T. FARMING 3.90 4.27 0.724 0.396 AGRIC EXTENSION 1.33 * < 1.73 26.010 0.001 * significant < less than > more than Of the ten items regarding food production, only three demonstrated significant sexual differences at P < 0.05. On these three items, men scored significantly higher than women 0 9 86 TABLE TEN APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGY FOR FOOD PRODUCTION BY GENDER mm m N MEN N df x2 Sign. Farming Bad 25.0% 36 30.6% 44 Fair 9.0% 13 11.1% 16 6.34 0.09 Good 16.0% 23 7.6% 11 Tools U3e Hoes Only 20.1% 29 12.5% 18 Hoes, Ox-Ploughs 25.7% 37 31.9% 46 3.83 0.14 Tractors, Ox-Ploughs 4.2% 6 5.6% 8 Ox-Plough and Tractor Disagree 6.9% 10 11.8% 17 Don't Know 6.9% 10 2.8% 4 4.39 0.11 Agree 36.1% 52 34.4% 51 Making Ox-Ploughs Disagree 29.9% 43 38.2% 55 Don't Know 14.6% 21 5.6% 8 7.35 0.02* Agree 5.6% 8 6.3% 9 Fertilizer Better Than Manure Disagree 4.9% 22 5.6% 8 Don't Know 3.5% 5 1.4% 2 1.38 0.50 Agree 41.7% 60 50.8% 62 Tractors Good Disagree 15.3% 22 13.9% 20 Don't Know 9.0% 13 1.4% 2 10.10 0.006* Agree 25.7% 37 34.7% 50 Make Tractor Disagree 13.9% 20 18.8% 27 Don't Know 11.1% 16 4.2% 6 5.70 0.05* Agree 25.0% 36 27.1% 39 Improve Farming Disagree 12.6% 18 27.3% 39 Don't Know 14.0% 20 6.3% 9 14.00 0.0009* Agree 23.8% 34 16.1% 23 87 TABLE TEN (Continued) App. Tech. Farming Tractor, Fertilizer 16.7% 24 11.8% 17 Ox-Plough, Natural Manure, Hoes, Village Oriented Technology 11.1% 16 13.2% 10 3 1.8 0.6 Ox-Ploughs, Fertilizer, Hoes 18.1% 26 19.4% 28 Advanced Technology 4.2% 6 5.6% 8 Agric. Extension Zero Times Per Year 33.6% 48 13.3% 19 One or Mbre Times 1 21.28 0.000* Per Year 16.8% 24 36.4% 52 *Significant Difference at P < 0.05 percent level bi: 144 Wbmen a 72 Men = 72 As indicated in Table Ten, fifty percent of the questionnaire items showed insignificant gender differences. The significance of items is greater in Table Ten because the Analysis of Variance (Table Nine) is a more vigorous test than the ChiHSquared Test (Table Eleven).10 The strongest significant gender difference is in Agricultural Extension in which the findings suggest men consult agricultural extension agents more than women. The item "fertilizer is better than natural manure" showed the least gender differences. Both men and women more or less agreed that fertilizer is better than natural manure for farming. The key explanation of the lack of significant gender differences is best understood when considering the assertions of Kessler and Mckenna,11 Tresemer,12 Maccoby and 88 Jacklin13 that gender differences are based "on the complexity of interaction between one's biological predispositions and one's experiences."14 These findings suggest that "although we tend to think of males as aggressive, females as submissive, males are independent and females nurturant, there is obviously great overlap in the possession of these traits."15 The overlap of sexual role tasks may therefore explain the lack of significant gender differences in how men and women viewed appropriate technology for food production. It is likely that although men and women in this study have different sex roles within the village social structure, organization of the production process, and sexual division of labor, their role tasks overlap. The lack of significant gender differences in the conceptualization and evaluation of appropriate for food production occured because women were also involved in food production. A study conducted among 142 women in another rural part of Zambia revealed that women contributed up to fifty-three percent of total agricultural labor, including food production and eighty-two percent of household labor which includes food processing and preservation.16 Since women are involved in at least fifty percent of food production,17 they are probably just as familiar with food production technology as men. Additional evidence of sex role task overlap was found 89 in Heath's study.18 Using information from over 200 societies world wide and a five-point scale, Heath divided sex participation in subsistence activity. The scale ranged from sex role tasks considered exclusively male to those considered exclusively female. A considerable overlap of tasks existed where both males and females participated in between these two extremes: sex role tasks that were considered exclusively male to those considered exclusively female. This is contrary to the dichotomous model of sex differences.19 Men adopt food production technology primarily because they have greater power and control over the major agricultural resources. They have greater power in the social organization of the villages. Men usually contact agricultural extension agents, join agricultural cooperative societies at a higher rate and subsequently have greater access and exposure to technology than women. In Table Eleven on item consulting "agricultural extension" officials, men reported consulting the officials more often than women. Men dominate the adoption, use, and ownership of new technology, although both men and women use the technology. In Table Eleven on item "tool use", almost equal proportions of men and women reported using hoes, ox- ploughs, and tractors. The findings in this study suggest that it is perhaps "the unrecognized," "latent" or hidden "use" rather than direct ownership, access, and exposure to 90 technology which determines the opinions of both men and women. This seems to explain why men and women in our survey had more or less the same view of appropriate technology for food production. This is inspite of women's general lack of control, access, and exposure to newly introduced agricultural technology innovation.20 The pattern of insignificant gender differences were true when the respondent's age, education, income, and marital status were held constant.21 In otherwords, whether the respondent was old or young, age differences did not yield significant sexual differentiation in conceptualization. The persistence of the pattern of continued insignificant differences in how men and women view appropriate technology, even when age, education, income, and marital status are held constant, is further evidence in support of this explanation: that the sex role task overlap in the social organization of the production process including gender division of labor is very strong and dominant. A few examples illustrate the trend. The respondents were asked about "the tools they used", whether "ox-ploughs were better than tractors," whether "fertilizer was better than manure" a3 farming technologies. In all items the data suggests it did not matter if individuals were young or old, had none or some formal 91 education, earned none or some cash income per year, were in a monogamous or polygamous marriage; both men and women more or less responded in the same way. Both men and women reported a predominant use of hoes and ox-ploughs for farming; they both agreed that ox-ploughs were better than tractors and they agreed with the statement that fertilizer is better than natural manure for farming. Implications of Significant Gender Differences in the Conceptualization of Appropriate Technology for Food Production The finding of significant differences is related to exclusive sex role tasks which include making, obtaining and repairing tools. The findings are shown in the next three tables. Table Eleven22 shows the differences in the findings between men and women are statistically significant at P < 0.05. Approximately thirty percent of the women disagreed with the statement that they can make ox-ploughs on their own in the village as compared to 38.2 percent of the men. The objective of the question was to explore the extent to which respondents had confidence that they could control agricultural production technology. This is important in understanding the nature of conceptualization and evaluation of appropriate technology. 92 TABLE ELEVEN ITEM44.VflEflmEEI MNKDK3(NETTOUGHS LS POSSUHEEINQHEIVTLLNGE Agree Disagree Don't Know TOTAL WOmen 5.6% (8) 29.9% (43) 14.6% (21) 50.0 (72) Men 6.3% (9) 38.2% (55) 5.6% (8) 50.0 (72) TOTAL 11.8% (17) 68.1% (98) 20.1% (29) 100.0 (144) Calculated X2 = 7.35580 2 degrees of freedom Significance = 0.0253 Table X2 Value = 5.991 ANOVA 0.95 F1.282 Table F-Value= 3.84 Calculated Signi- Female Male F-Value ficance MAKEOXPL 3.64 * < 4.14 7.830 0.006 In the Lundazi District, men are responsible for tools such as forging axes from old car springs, repairing broken hoes, spears, arrows, knives, the making of pestles and mortars (the last two women use for pounding food), and purchasing new agricultural tools. These tasks are male exclusive and women never partipate in them. As a result, they perhaps sincerely believed the men could make the ox- ploughs. Since the men are more familiar with actual technological resource limitations, they mostly disagreed with the statement that ox-ploughs can be made in the 93 village. The men scored consistently and significantly higher than women on this item because they are the ones primarily in charge of food production technology. It is possible that men and women share a similar conceptualization where sex role tasks overlap in the village social structure and organization of production. However, when role tasks are sex exclusive, men and women tend to differ in the way they conceptualize and evaluate appropriate technology. TABLE TWEHVE IHEMIB.TflflflmiISINUflflflEiWElflnlD09HJIMPROVEIHUGHNG Agree Disagree Don't Know TOTAL women 23.6% (34) 12.4% (18) 14.0% (20) 50.4% (72) Men 16.2% (23) 27.2% (39) 6.3% (9) 49.6% (71) TOTAL 39.9% (57) 39.9% (57) 20.2% (29) 100.0 (143) Calculated X2 = 14.02576 2 degrees of freedom Significance = 0.009 Table x2 Value = 5.991 ANOVA 0.95 F1.282 Table F-Value= 3.84 Calculated Signi- Female Male F-Value ficance IMPROEAR 2.69 * < 3.30 10.238 0.002 With regards to improvement of their farming, 23.8 percent of the women agreed with the statement that there is 94 nothing they can do to improve their farming, compared to only 16.1 percent of the men. The statement showed that women were more pessimistic than men. Table Twelve shows the differences in the findings between men and women are statistically significant at P < 0.05. It can be argued therefore that since only men are responsible for food production technology and inputs for agriculture, they can show greater confidence and feel more optimistic about improving farming. Women's pessimistic outlook might reflect their powerlessness in this context. Compared to men, women do not control land allocation, have little political power, and in general have limited knowledge and control of some of the modern agricultural inputs which are the center of successful and improved susbsistence life in rural communities. Because of this lack of power, women perhaps feel they cannot control their future.23 The significant gender differences on items relating to agricultural tools is another aspect of the findings that reflects the dominant role of men in controlling essential agricultural inputs and the peripheral or surbodinate role of women. 95 TABLETHIRTEW vmsmmwmmsmmmmm mm m N MEN N df x2 Sign. Tools Use 15-39 Yrs. Hoes Only' 20.3% 15 5.4% 4 Hoes, Ox-Ploughs 31.1% 23 37.8% 28 2 6.41 0.04* Tractors, Ox-Ploughs 2.7% 2 2.7% 2 40Yrs.+ Hoesmly 20.0% 14 20.0% 14 Hoes, Ox-ploughs 20.0% 14 25.7% 18 2 0.38 0.82 Tractors, Oxrploughs 5.7% 4 8.6% 6 Making'Ox-Ploughs 15-39 Yrs. Disagree 31.1% 23 37.8% 28 Don't Know' 18.9% 14 5.4% 4 2 5.79 0.05* Agree 4.1% 3 2.7% 2 40Yrs.+ Disagree 28.6% 20 38.6% 27 Donft Know 10.6% 7 5.7% 4 l 1.69 0.42 Agree 7.1% 5 10.0% 7 Tractors are Gbod 15-39 Yrs. Disagree 14.9% 11 10.8% 8 Donft Know 9.5% 7 0.0% 0 2 7.36 0.02* Agree 29.7% 22 35.1% 26 40 Yrs.+ Disagree 15.7% 11 17.1% 12 Donft Know 8.6% 6 2.9% 2 2 3.63 0.16 Agree 21.4% 15 34.3% 24 Make Tractors 15-39 Yrs. Disagree 20.3% 15 14.9% 11 Donft KhOW' 9.5% 7 2.7% 2 2 3.15 0.20 Agree 24.3% 18 28.4% 21 40'Yrs.+ Disagree 7.1% 5 22.9% 16 Donft Know 12.9% 9 5.7% 4 2 7.22 0.02* Agree 25.7% 18 25.7% 18 *Significant Differences at P < 0.05 percent level fitneni=72 NEr1= 72 N = 144 96 Table Thirteen shows that when age was held constant, there was a significant gender difference in agricultural tool use among men and women who were fifteen to thirty-nine years old. More women reported using hoes only, 20.3 percent, than men who constituted 5.4 percent. More men reported using hoes and ox—ploughs, 37.8 percent, than women who constituted 31.1 percent. There was an equal small proportion of 2.7 percent men and women who reported using tractors and ox-ploughs. The findings suggest that young men use better agricultural tools than their women counterparts. Among men and women over forty years old, there were no significant differences. More or less equal proportions of men and women reported using hoes, ox-ploughs, or tractors. These findings 24 and other researchers that men in support assertions by Spencer rural areas tend to use better agricultural technology than women. Table Thirteen also shows that to the statement "we can make ox-ploughs on our own here in the village," there was a significant gender difference when age was held constant. Among men fifteen to thirty-nine years old, 37.8 percent of the men disagreed with the statement compared to 31.1 percent women. More women reported that they did not know, 18.9 percent, than men who constituted 5.4 percent. These findings suggest that younger women know less about the making of tools than men the same age. 97 The similar pattern of gender differences is also shown in Table Thirteen where age held constant in the statements: "tractors are best for us for farming" and "it is more difficult to make a tractor here in the village than an ox- plough." The significant differences among men and women between fifteen and fourty years can be explained by the differences in time invested into agriculture by both sexes. Younger men tend to invest more time in agricultural production than their women counterparts. This is because they have more physical strength and opportunities. A study conducted in the eastern province of rural Zambia provides some evidence. Skjonsberg divided the sample of respondents into two major age groups: those below and above fourty years of age. Skjonsberg "....found that it is the younger men and the older women who invest more time in agriculture."25 Since ybung men invest more time and other resources in agriculture than young women, this explains the significant gender differences in the younger age group as shown in Table Thirteen. Because of this, younger men are likely to use better agricultural tools than women the same age; younger men are likely to disagree that ox-ploughs can be made in the village more than their women counterparts. Since the young men might have had opportunities to use tractors, they are more inclined to agree that they are good more than their women counterparts. 98 The significant differences between men and women over the age of forty on the item "make tractors" suggest that even though older women invest perhaps as much time in agriculture as their men counterparts, the older women are not exposed to knowledge about making agricultural tools. This might be because the making of tools is a male exclusive sex role task in the gender division of labor in the village community. MSW \HINSIIIAGRHIEEUWuhTOGESBY<§DDERITDDDKIEE ITEM WNBENN deZSign. OriuomfiiamiTraxnr $0.0-399 Disagree 13.8% 9 12.3% 8 DonftiKnow 7.7% 5 3.1% 2 2 1.09 0.57 Agree 41.5% 27 21.5% 14 $400+ D 1.3% 1 10.5% 8 Donft.Know 6.6% 5 2.6% 2 2 6.02 0.04* Agree 31.6% 24 47.4% 36 MakingWOx-Ploughs $0.0-399 Disagree 35.4% 23 30.8% 20 Donfit Know 21.3% 14 3.1% 2 2 5.82 0.05* Agree 6.2% 4 3.1% 2 $400+ Disagree 26.3% 20 44.7% 34 Donfit Know 7.9% 6 6.6% 5 2 1.22 0.54 Agree 5.3% 4 9.2% 7 Tractors Are Good 30.0-399 Disagree 15.4% 10 13.8% 9 Donft Know 12.3% 8 1.5% 1 2 3.47 0.17 Agree 35.4% 23 21.5% 14 $400+ Disagree 15.8% 12 14.5% 11 99 TABLE FUJRTEEN (Continued) Don't Know 5.3% 4 1.3% l 2 7.12 0.02* Agree 18.4% 14 44.7% 34 Make Tractors $0.03399 Disagree 16.9% 11 16.9% 11 Don't Know 12.3% 8 0.0% 0 2 6.29 0.04* Agree 33.8% 22 20.0% 13 $400+ Disagree 11.8% 9 19.7% 15 Donft Know 10.5% 8 7.9% 6 2 2.30 0.31 Agree 17.1% 13 32.9% 25 *Significant Difference at P < 0.05 percent level. bhd44 WamszZ MavflZ When income was controlled for the item "an ox-plough is better than a tractor for use here in the village," there were no significant differences between men and women earning nothing or up to $399 US dollars cash equivalent. Among respondents earning more than 400 US dollars equivalent in cash income per year, more men agreed with the statement than women; 47.4 percent men and 31.6 percent women. Since income is a product of how much land and agricultural inputs and cash crops an individual can command, older men have a superior advantage because of their dominant social status enabling them to control land and other agricultural inputs. Therefore, older men are perhaps more likely to have more experience with agricultural implements and inputs which motivates them to agree with the statement more than women the same age. 100 In Table Fourteen the items; "making ox-ploughs", "tractors are good" and "making tractors" all yielded significant gender differences. Among men and women who earned none or up to 399 US dollars cash income per year, more women disagreed with the statement "making ox-ploughs in the village" than men; 35.4 percent of the women disagreed compared to 30.8 percent of the men. A larger proportion of the women reported that they did not know; 21.3 percent of the women compared to only 3.1 percent of the men who reported the same. There were no significant gender differences among men and women who earned more than 400 US dollars cash equivalent per year. There were no significant differences among men and women who earned nothing or up to 399 US dollars cash equivalent per year. Respondents earning 400 or more Us dollars more men agreed with the statement; "tractors are good" than women; 44.7 percent of the men agreed compared to 18.4 percent for the women. In the statement "it is more difficult to make a tractor here in the village than an ox- plough", of the men and women who earn up to 399 US dollars equivalent cash income per year, significantly more women agreed with the statement than women; 33.8 percent of the women compared to 20.0 percent of the men. A larger proportion, 12.3 percent of women reported that they did not know. There were no significant differences among men and 101 women who earned more than 400 US dollars. These significant differences when income is held constant can be explained by the source and effect of cash income. Income in the village is obtained through sale of cash crops or sale of limited amount of the surplus food.26 Since men control land and cash proceeds from agricultural produce, and modern agricultural technology, they are in a better position to agree that "tractors are good" as shown in Table Fifteen. Since women do not control land, or control and enjoy most of the cash proceeds, they hold an opposite view. These significant gender differences suggest two issues: first, that the few items yielding significant gender differences are ones in which men and women share very limited knowledge in their day to day sex role tasks. In otherwords, there is a more rigid sexual division of labor in those areas of food production technology. Second, that control of agricultural inputs in rural areas is crucial to one's outlook. Because men control the agricultural inputs including food production technology and most cash proceeds from sale of agricultural produce, they have a better and more optimistic outlook toward improving farming. Because women do not control or have access to agricultural inputs including food production technology, they have a more pessimistic outlook. As a result women feel they cannot improve their farming. 102 B. GENDER DIFFERENCES IN THE CONCEPTUALIZATION OF APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGY FOR FOOD PROCESSING, PRESERVATION, AND STORAGE. The assumptions about gender differences in processing technology were based on the sexual inequality in the division of labor in the social organization of the production process. Women in the rural community are primarily responsible for food processing. They bear the burdens of food processing and often use poor traditional technology to perform these tasks. It was assumed that since women are the ones with greater exposure to and performance of these tasks, they conceptualize and evaluate appropriate technology for food processing, preservation, and storage better than men. The findings of the study did not confirm the hypothesis. Tables Fifteen and Sixteen show that there were significant differences in how men and women viewed appropriate technology for food processing. TABLE FIFTBEN ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE (ANOVA) OF APPROPRIATE {HKEDEEOGYIRMIFUODIHMXIESING,IHEBERVNEHHI AND:smnurm:BY more than Out of the eleven items on food processing, preservation and storage, there were significant sexual differences in only two items at P < 0.05. Even in the two items, women scored significantly lower than men.27 {HEREISIXMEBG IETEDPRLNHSTECHNOUJBIFURIEU!)IHIIESSING, ITESERWNEHIIAND:SRJVEE:8Y(§§IE31 mummy WNMENN <1fo 51% 8.3% 12 8.3% 12 Fair 16.0% 23 8.3% 12 Gbod 25.7% 37 33.3% 48 2 4.88 0.08 TABLE SIXTEEN (Continued) Food Preservation Fair Food Storage Fair Preserve and Store Food.wa Refining Smoking, Sun.Drying Traditional Solar-Drying’Better Disagree Donft Know Making Solar Driers Donft Know 15.4% 9.8% 25.2% 104 23 10 39 20 11 41 17 13 42 13 49 10 45 18 22 14 3%» c 18.8% 9.7% 28.5% 9.7% 5.3% 34.0% 10.5% 4.2% 31.5% 3.5% 17 14 41 14 49 11 21 51 16 20 45 1.61 1.96 0.34 4.12 4.98 1.63 4.28 4.64 0.44 0.37 0.55 0.12 0.08 0.40 0.11 0.19 105 TNMEISDHEBW(Oafiflnm¥D mehods 13.9% 20 16.0% 23 Sun, Fire Drying, 1 0.29 0.58 Preserve, Storage 36.1% 52 34.0% 49 thhing Improve Processing, Preserve Storage Disagree 10.4% 15 20.8% 30 Fair 23.6% 34 13.2% 19 2 9.24 0.009* Good 16.0% 23 16.0% 23 *Significant Differences at P < 0.05 N==l44 Wamxxa=72 Nan==72 Table Sixteen shows that only one item of eleven, or only nine percent, showed significant gender differences. In the item "there is nothing we can do to improve food processing, preservation, and storage" the findings in the table show that men disagreed with the statement more than women. The sex role task overlap explanation applies to the lack of significant differences in how men and women view appropriate technology for food processing, preservation and storage. Although women are involved in most food processing and preservation,28 processes,29 men also acquire somewhat similar knowledge and often tiring and back breaking familiarity with the same tasks. Men see or observe women process and preserve the food in daily life. Sometimes, men participate in food processing by shelling maize and 106 groundnuts before either is pounded into flour or sold on the commercial market. Therefore the men probably share conceptions and evaluations which are somewhat similar to that of women. Insignificant sexual differences in the conceptualization of appropriate technology for food processing persist when age, education, income and marital status were held constant.30 Overall, eighty-two of a total of eighty-eight items or ninty-four percent of the items yielded insignificant gender differences in the conceptualization of appropriate technology for food processing, preservation, and storage. The persistent pattern of even more insignificant gender differences in the evaluation of appropriate technology for food processing when age, education, income and marital status are held constant suggests the sex role task overlap is even more evident in this area of the Lundazi District sexual division of labor and social organization of the production process. Men and women perhaps share more of these tasks in their day to day village existence inspite of differences in age, formal education, income level, and marital status. For illustrative purposes, in the items "Solar drying is better than canning," "what is the appropriate technology for food storage," "canning is best," and "how are your current methods of food preservation," there were no differences in how men and women responded. Men and women 107 agreed with the statement that solar drying was better than canning; responded that sun drying and traditional storage methods were the appropriate technology for food storage; disagreed that canning food was best for them as a method of storing food; and responded that the current methods of preserving food were good. These identical responses on virtually all other items were consistently given by both men and women whether they were young or old had low or high formal education, had low or high income, had monogamous or polygamous marital statuses. Significant Gender Differences in Appropriate Technology for Food Processing, Preservation, and Storage The few items showing significant differences suggest these areas of food processing are sex exclusive. The item "Solar drying food is better than canning" is an illustration. In this table the Analysis of Variance shows the differences between men and women to be significant at P < 0.05 while the Chi-Squared Test did not yield any significant differences at P > 0.05. The differences is assumed to be significant any way since ANOVA is stronger than the Chi-Squared Test.31 108 TABLE SEVENTEEN ITEM 5. SOLAR DRYING FOOD IS BETTER THAN CANNING BY GENDER Disagree Agree Don't Know TOTAL Women 11.8% (17) 29.2% (42) 9.0% (13) 50.0% (72) Men 6.3% (9) 36.8% (53) 6.9% (10) 50.0% (72) TOTAL 18.0% (26) 66.0% (95) 16.0% (23) 100.0% (144) Calculated X2 4.12653 2 degrees of freedom. Significance = 0.1270 Table x2 Value = 5.991 ANOVA 0.95 F1.282 Table F-Value = 3.84 Calculated Signi- Female Male F-Value ficance SOLARCAN 3.47 * < 3.89 5.013 0.027 Women do so much sun drying of food, and it is so strenuos and tedious a task that the women are more likely to disagree with the statement that it is better than canning. In other words, the women are willing to try anything new that would allow them freedom from using sun drying to preserve their food. Since men do not take part in such tasks, they are likely to assume solar drying is better than canning. Several studies confirm food processing in general is not only tedious and physically demanding on rural women in Africa, but constitutes a significant addition to an already heavy load for women. Bryson discusses food crop production and sexual 109 division of labor in sub-Saharan Africa, using data from the Ethnopgraphic Atlas.32 She concludes that women overall account for fifty-two percent of the labor as opposed to men who account for only ninteen percent. Bryson says: "processing is also in the women's sphere of responsibility.... the benefits to be derived from improved food processing and storage should not be overlooked, as this would have the same effect as increased production of the basic product."33 Studies conducted in rural Kenya, Zaire, Zambia and Gambia found that women worked six to ten hours daily in the fields. "The women's work load during off-peak seasons is only slightly less demanding. Estimates show that when the number of hours spent in the fields is lower, the number of hours spent on other activities such as collecting water and firewood, processing and preparing food and caring for children increases."34 Rural women, including those in this sample from the Lundazi district, spend a great deal of time in processing like thrashing, shelling, and handpounding of cereals, collecting firewood, and fetching water. As an appropriate technology explored in food processing in this study, solar drying was probably perceived to be as tedious as the traditional sun drying as a means of preserving food for the women. Therefore, this is probably why the women disagreed 110 with the statement that solar drying was any better than canning as a method of processing, preserving, and storing food. Another item yielding a few significant differences is "There is nothing we can do to improve food processing, preservation, and storage." TNNIIEHEHEEN THEREIn;h0THDI§WE<3TiDOiK>LMHINEMRIIDPRODTEHNG, mm,ammsy mmmmnm AGEJUID mm m N MEN N df x2 Sign. 15-39 Yrs. . Disagree 12.2% 9 20.3% 15 Donflt Know 25.7% 19 8.1% 6 2 7.86 0.01* Agree 16.2% 12 17.6% 13 40 Yrs.+ Disagree 8.6% 6 21.4% 15 Donft Know 21.4% 15 18.6% 13 2 3.55 0.16 Agree 15.7% 11 14.3% 10 Grade 1-4 Disagree 9.4% 9 16.7% 16 Don't Know 29.2% 28 13.5% 13 2 6.74 0.03* Agree 18.8% 18 12.5% 12 Grade 5+ Disagree 12.8% 6 29.8% 14 Donft Know' 10.6% 5 12.8% 6 2 0.83 0.65 Agree 10.6% 5 23.4% 11 *Significant Difference at P < 0.05 percent level N’= 144 women = 72 1431 = 72 Table Eighteen shows one item demonstrating significant gender differences when age and education were 111 held constant. Among men and women between fifteen and thirty-nine years old, more men disagreed with the statement than women; 20.3 percent of the men compared to 12.2 percent of the women. A larger proportion of women reported that they did not know more than the proportion of men; 25.7 percent women compared to 8.1 percent men. The findings suggest that women were more pessimistic than men. Table Eighteen also shows that among men and women with little or no education (grades one to four), more men disagreed with the statement "nothing can be done to improve food processing, preservation, and storage," 16.7 percent men disagreed compared to 9.4 percent women. Twice the proportion of women reported they did not know; 29.2 percent of the women compared to 13.5 percent of the men. The gender differences of this item perhaps are not completely explained by age and education alone. Men who are younger and have some formal education may have more knowledge about newer methods of processing and preserving food than their female counterparts of the same age who have no or little formal education. The more likely explanation is perhaps offered by gender differences in consulting agricultural extension agents. Men consult extension agents more often than women. The men's superior and more powerful social position in the rural community gives them the social control and confidence needed to project an optimistic attitude. While women's surbodinate 112 and less powerful social position does not give them enough power to be as confident about the future. Therefore, the response to the question might have reflected the men's more confident outlook and women's pessimistic outlook about their life circumstances. An additional viewpoint and explanation is that perhaps women feel so overwhelmed by the amount of drudgery and other chores they have to perform in processing food, that they realistically know they themselves cannot truely do anything to improve it. Similar patterns of gender differences were evident in the very few items that showed significant differences in food processing when age and income were held constant. {HEEEIUNEHEN JMEEOHHITETEDHKIOGYIURIIDDIHECEHHNG, PREEfiNETHJL.ANDEHDRMEEBY(§§DER, AGEIUEDINUJIB rim ' WN MENN deZSign. MdaaSonu:Dnuns 15-39 Yrs. Disagree 10.8% 8 6.8% 5 Donft Know' 33.8% 25 16.2% 12 2 8.99 0.01* Agree 9.5% 7 23.0% 17 40 Yrs.+ Disagree 7.1% 5 8.6% 6 Don't Know 34.3% 24 40.0% 28 2 0.02 0.98 Agree 4.3% 3 5.7% 4 is Best 15-39 Yrs. Disagree 29.7% 22 21.6% 16 Don't Know’ 16.2% 12 17.6% 13 2 0.59 0.74 Agree 8.1% 6 6.8% 5 113 TABLE NINETEEN (Continued) 403hs.+ Disagree 32.9% 23 50.0% 35 Don't Know 8.6% 6 4. % 3 2 6.01 0.04* Agree 4.3% 3 0.0% 0 tkflarrnynrJCmrung SOJ}399 Disagree 18.5% 12 1 5% 1 Donflt Know 10.8% 7 7.7% 5 2 6.00 0.04* Agree 33.8% 22 27 7% l8 SHIN Disagree 5.3% 4 10.5% 8 . Donft Know 7.9% 6 6.6% 5 2 1.30 0.52 Agree 26.3% 20 43.4% 33 Agmxprnfie'nxmnunn ferlkoaarh Pnaxxve 30.0-399 Nbdaaneflhfing, Automation. 3.1% 2 10.9% 7 thaDqfing,Lme 0.05. The explanation was that ANOVA found that the differences within and between groups were significant while Chi-Squared found the differences between the categories of men and women to be insignificant. The differences were assumed to be significant since since ANOVA is stronger than the Chi- Squared Test. 32Judy C. Bryson, "Women and Agriculture in sub-Saharan 124 Africa: Implications for Development (An Exploratory Study)," in African Women in the Development Process, Edited by Nici Nelson, (Totowa, N.J.: Frank Cass and Co., 1981.) p.114 The Ethnographic Atlas was a series of data collected on various cultures in the world. Researchers drew on the data to study particular societies, following strict statistical procedure. Bryson based her analysis on Murdock's work (1967:114) 331bid., p.114 34Marilyn Carr, ”Technologies for Rural Women: Impact and Dissemination," in Technology and Rural Women: Conceptual and Empirical Issues, Edited by Iftikhar Ahmed, (Boston: George Allen and Unwin, 1985) p. 117 Economically Appropriate Technologies for Developing Countries: An Annotated Bibliography, (London: Intermediate Technology Publications, Ltd., 1976.) 35Irene Tinker and Michele Bo Bramsen, (eds.) Women and World Development (Washington, D.C.: Overseas Development Council, April 1976) 36Eric Goode, Sociology, (New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1984) p. 234 37See details about the mphala in the discussion and footnotes in chapter six. CHAPTER SIX RESULTS AND DISCUSSION PART TWO PARTICIPATION IN MODERN INSTITUTIONS (COSISOCHINS) AND CONCEPTUALIZATION OF APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGY A. DIFFERENCES IN COSISOCHINS AND CONCEPTUALIZATION OF APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGY It was expected that respondents experiencing greater participation in modern institutions showed greater variation in their scores than respondents with less or who did not participate in the institutions. The study found that respondents with a more frequent Contact with Significant Social Change Institutions (COSISOCHINS) did not have significantly greater variation in their conceptualization of appropriate technology from those with a low frequency or no contact at all with the institutions. This is shown in Table Twenty. 125 125 TABLE TWENTY MARISON OF VARIANCES FOR LOH AND HIGH mSISOCHINS INDEX GROUPS 0.95 F = 1.52 (72,48) CALCULA- TED ITEM LOW GROUP HIGH GROUP F-VALUE FARMING 0.866 0.693 0.800 TOOLS USE 0.424 0.331 0.780 OXEN TRACTOR 0.373 0.202 0.541 MAKE OXPLOW 0.326 0.299 0.917 FERTILIZER MANURE 0.379 0.158 0.416 TRACTOR GOOD 0.550 0.375 0.681 MAKE TRACTOR 0.449 0.461 1.026 IMPROVE FARMING 0.704 0.451 0.640 A.T.FARMING 5.401 4.469 0.827 FOOD PROCESSING 0.471 0.358 0.760 FOOD PRESERVATION 0.449 0.424 0.944 FOOD STORAGE 0.447 0.306 0.684 NOW PRESERVE STORAGE 0.015 0.025 1.666 SOLAR CANNING 0.431 0.271 0.628 MAKE SOLAR DRIER 0.673 0.513 0.762 CANNING PRESERVE STORAGE 0.293 0.332 1.133 REFINING CANNING SOLAR 0.520 0.325 0.625 A.T. PROCESS PRESERVE 1.513 1.405 0.928 A.T. STORAGE 0.201 > 0.221 1.099 126 TABLE TWENTY (Continued) IMPROVE PROCESSING 0.742 0.649 0.874 SCHOOL PTA 0.239 0.103 0.430 CLINIC 0.044 0.000 0.000 AGRIC. EXTENSION 0.121 0.123 1.016 UNIP PARTY 0.254 0.025 0.098 COOPERATIVE SOC. 0.096 0.093 0.968 > larger than * significant difference at P < 0.05 percent level Of the twenty items on the appropriate technology questionnaire for food production, preservation and storage, the variance of the sample of respondents with a high COSISOCHINS Index was significantly higher than that of the sample of respondents with a low COSISOCHINS Index only on one item. This suggests that, contrary to the hypothesis, Contact with the five Significant Social Change Institutions in general had a minimal or insignificant relationship with how peOple conceptualized and evaluated appropriate technology for food production, preservation and storage.1 The insignificant differences suggest that the modern institutions are not effectively transmitting the "generally accepted systems of norms and values that regulate the fulfillment of society's basic needs..."2 This means that the five modern institutions investigated in the study 127 perhaps did not convey the new innovative ideas about technology effectively. This is expanded on later in the discussion of the findings. TNflEFflMDHY4JE: APPRJHUATESHIHNGUIHIFORIRIDIBRJIETLJL PRODTEENG, mm,amsmmmsxsoomlsmm Cbsflaxidns Cbstsxxuns nxhx Ihdar mm 101 N moi N dfx2 Sign. andng Good 25.0% 36 30.6% 44 Fair 7.6% 11 12.5% 18 3 2.62 0.45 Bad. 12.5% 36 11.1% 16 'Rxflslkn Haes Only' 18.1% 26 14.6% 21 Hoes, Ox-Ploughs 22.9% 33 34.7% 50 2 3.03 0.21 Tractors, Ox-Ploughs 4.9% 7 4.9% 7 OmJfloqjlandTradrr Disagree 11.1% 16 7.6% 11 Donft Know 6.3% 9 3.5% 5 2 5.38 0.06 Agree 28.5% 41 43.1% 62 Making'Oerloughs Disagree 29.9% 43 38.2% 55 Donft Know 11.8% 17 8.3% 12 2 2.82 0.24 Agree 4.2% 6 7.6% 11 Fertilizer'Better ThanJManure Disagree 3.5% 5 6.9% 10 Donflt Know 4.2% 6 0.7% 1 2 5.45 0.06 Agree 38.2% 55 46.5% 67 Tractors Good Disagree 13.9% 20 15.3% 22 Don't Know 6.9% 10 3.5% 5 2 3.37 0.18 Agree 25.0% 36 35.4% 51 Make Tractor Disagree 14.6% 21 18.1% 26 Donft Know 6.9% 10 8.3% 12 2 0.04 0.97 Agree 24.3% 35 27.8% 40 128 TABLE TWENTYHONE (Continued) Improve Farming Disagree Don't Know Agree App. Tech. Farming Tractor, Fertilizer Ox—Plough, Natural NEmnre,iHoes, Village Oriented Technology Ox-Ploughs, Fertilizer, Hoes .Advanced.Technology Food.Processing Good Fair Bad Food.Preservation 13.3% 13.3% 19.6% 15.3% 11.1% 14.6% 4.9% 45.1% 0.7% 9.7% 9.7% 26.4% 9.7% 27.8% 8.3% 19 19 28 22 16 21 35 18 13 35 10 21 36 11 19 14 14 14 12 Sea sass 13.2% 13.2% 22.9% 4.9% 38 10 29 19 19 \18 17 11 45 14 19 c8! 12 57 10 49 19 2 8.34 3 2.15 2 1.85 1.02 3.29 0.19 2 4.06 2 2.17 0.01* 0.54 0.39 0.59 0.19 0.66 0.13 0.33 Chnnflrgisikst Disagree 30.6% 44 36.1% 52 Donft Know 12.5% 18 11.1% 16 2 2.37 0.30 Agree 2.8% 4 6.9% 10 Imminnryandtknar Drying Disagree 16.8% 24 12.6% 18 Donft Know 8.4% 12 5.6% 8 2 6.29 0.04* Agree 21.0% 30 35.7% 51 App.1toh.!kooe§flng axlsumrge NbdamlReEUHng, Automation 5.6% 8 11.2% 16 Iflrelhadng,ikxaof Hand or Manual 1.4% 2 4.2% 6 3 3.94 0.26 Sun Drying, Other 33.6% 48 35.7% 51 Donft Know 4.9% 7 3.5% 5 App.1tod.£flrnage itflenlAdwrred Nemhods 12.5% 18 17.4% 25 Sun, Fire Drying, 1 0.38 0.53 Preserve, Storage 33.3% 48 36.8% 53 Nduungimqnoma anmsshrL Pnaxnve sunage Disagree 11.8% 17 19.4% 28 Donft Know 19.4% 28 17.4% 25 2 2.22 0.32 Agree 14.6% 21 17.4% 25 N=JA4 Wamrw72 ikrp72 *Significant Difference at P < 0.05 percent level Table Twenty-One shows a detailed comparison of the scores on the questionnaire between respondents with a low COSISOCHINS Index and those with a high index. According to the table, eighteen of the twenty items showed insignificant differences. 130 The Pearson Correlation was used to determine how the Cosisochins Index correlated with the respondents' score on each item in the appropriate technology questionnaire. The following are the correlation coefficients: TABLE TWENTY-TWO CORRELATION BETWEEN COSISOCHINS INDEX AND QUESTIONNAIRE SCORE ITEM COEFFICIENT SIGNIFICANCE FARMING -0.1262 0.066 TOOLS USE 0.0635 0.225 OXEN AND TRACTOR 0.1660 0.023 MAKING OX-PLOWS 0.0734 0.191 FERTILIZER AND MANURE 0.0225 0.395 TRACTOR GOOD -0.0094 0.456 MAKING TRACTOR -0.0126 0.441 IMPROVE FARMING 0.1302 0.060 APPROP. TECH. FARMING 0.0717 0.196 FOOD PROCESSING 0.1358 0.052 FOOD PRESERVATION 0.0591 0.241 FOOD STORAGE 0.1535 0.033 NOW PRESERVE STORAGE -0.ll64 0.082 SOLAR CANNING 0.1551 0.032 MAKING SOLAR DRIERS 0.1401 0.047 CANNING PRESERVE STORAGE 0.0637 0.224 REFINING CANNING SOLAR 0.1110 0.093 131 TABLE TWENTY-TWO (Continued) APPROP. TECH. PROC. PRESERVE -0.0579 0.245 APPROP. TECH. STORAGE 0.0271 0.374 IMPROVE PROCESSING 0.1960 0.009 Number of Cases= 144 A correlation as low as 0.195 was regarded as significant at the 0.05 percent level. But the highest correlation coefficient in the table above was only 0.1960 which was barely higher than the significant level. In fact five of the coefficients also showed negative correlation at insignificant levels. This is further evidence, contrary to the hypothesis, that perhaps Contact with Significant Social Change Institutions (COSISOCHINS) is not a reliable predictor of conceptualization and evaluation of appropriate technology among the sample of respondents. The pattern of insignificant differences in the conceptualization of appropriate technology between respondents with low and high COSISOCHINS Index is also true when age, education, income, and marital status are held constant.3 Implications of Significant differences in COSISOCHINS and Conceptualization of Appropriate Technology Since a majority of the items did not yield significant differences, a small proportion of the items demonstrating 132 significant differences cannot be very conclusive or show cause for extensive generalizations. However, they can still shed some light on how participation in modern institutions could be related to people,s view of appropriate technology. TABLEfflflflflNZTHREE (IEEAREQIUCW'VNKUHKIIFORIUJHIUEDHIGH OOSHMX3UIEIINDEX(HENTS 0.95 = 1.52 F(72,48) CALCULATED LOWimMXH’ HIGHGQMXH’ F'- VALUE How do you Preserve and Store food?(NOWPREST) 0.015 0.025 1.666 The variances of the low COSISOCHINS group was significantly lower on the item in Table Twenty-Three because this group has a narrower pattern of methods of preserving and storing food. While the higher COSISOCHINS group had a wider range of methods. For example, Table Twenty-One on items "appropriate technology for food processing and storage", the higher index group chose a wider variety of processing technologies and methods than the lower group. 133 ME TWENTY-m mmmmmw,msm, FRFSERVATIm,AmSTORAIEEYmSISOGmsnDEx Oxflsafiflns Cbsnxnhhrs Lara: Inthx 2 TEOWIIOGY IOW 1N HR}! N dflt Sky» nmmrweimnmdng Disagree 13.3% 19 26.6% 38 Donft Know 13.3% 19 7.0% 10 2 8.34 0.01* Agree 19.6% 28 20.3% 29 RefihungaNEISohm: Dnfing Disagree 16.8% 24 12.6% 18 Donft Know 8.4% 12 5.6% 8 2 6.29 0.04* Agree 21.0% 30 35.7% 51 *Significant Differences at P < 0.05 percent level Womxur72 1431==72 ii==144 On the item; "it is more difficult to refine and can food than solar drying it here in the village," those who reported a high contact with modern institutions significantly agreed more with the statement than those with little or low contact with modern institutions. This finding suggests that perhaps respondents with a high COSISOCHINS Index developed more accepting views of modern methods of refining food than those with a low index. Because a high index meant that the respondents would have had more sources and opportunities for exposure to modern methods of processing and refining food. In the other item; "there is nothing we can do to improve our farming", the respondents reporting a high 134 contact with modern institutions disagreed more with the statement than respondents reporting low contact with modern institutions. This suggests that respondents who had high contact with modern institutions perhaps have more knowledge and better sources of agricultural inputs. Therefore they are more confident that they can improve their farming. B. GENDER DIFFERENCES IN THE COSISOCHINS INDEX The findings of significant differences between men and women on the Contact with Significant Social Change Institutions Index (COSISOCHINS Index) confirm what has been hypothesized in this study and elsewhere: rural women have less contact with modern institutions than men. This is shown in Table Twenty-Five and Twenty-Six. TABLE TWENTY-FIVE PERCENT RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN GENDER AND LOW AND HIGH COSISOCHINS INDEX GROUPS COSISOCHINS Index Low High Total Women 34.7% (50) 15.3% (22) 50.0% (72) Men 11.1% (16) 38.9% (56) 50.0% (72) Total 45.8% (66) 54.2% (78) 100.0% (144) P < 0.001 135 TABLE TWENTY-SIX ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE (ANOVA) OF GENDER BY COSISOCHINS INDEX 0.95 F1.282 Table F-Value = 3.84 Significance = 0.001 Calculated Signi- Women Men F-Value ficance COSISOCHINS 6.63 8.24 62.045 0.001 P < 0.001 Tables Twenty-Five and Twenty-Six show that the differences between men and women were both very strong and statistically significant at P < 0.001. This confirms the hypothesis that women participate in modern institutions less often than men. TABLE TWENTY-SEVEN COMPARISON OF VARIANCES FOR MEN AND WOMEN ON COSISOCHINS 0.95 F = 1.39 (71,71) CALCULATED WOMEN MEN F-VALUE COSIOSOCHINS 0.215 0.175 0.813 P > 0.05 136 Table Twenty-Seven shows that, contrary to the hypothesis, the differences in variances between men and women were not statistically significant. The insignificant sexual differences in the variances also mean that men's exposure to modern technology and their dominant status in the social structure did not give men a diverse conceptualization and evaluation of appropriate technology than women in the study. The significant findings in the COSISOCHINS Index are explained by the fact that the majority of women in the Lundazi district did not consult agricultural extension officers as often as men, did not attend political party meetings, and did not participate in the Parent Teachers Association (PTA) meetings for their local schools. When a tiny number of women participated they were limited to a marginal role. There is now a wide consensus among scholars that in comparison to men, women account for a very large, if not larger, proportion of the labor in rural production and sustenance. Yet women continue to be discriminated against in access to modern technology. They are often prevented from having access to agricultural extension services, acquiring credit, or owning their own land. Carr agrees with this view when she says: "It is now recognized that women are responsible for a large and increasing proportion of 137 the work and that they have usually been denied access to improved equipment and facilities necessary to enable them to do this work efficiently."4 There is literature exploring how each of the five social change institutions have a differential impact on both men and women in rural areas of Africa and the Third World. For example, in this study, Medical Assistants said that health education classes organized by clinics were attended mostly by women.5 Men did not attend these sessions since nutrition and child care were women's responsibilities in the sexual division of labor. Women did not participate actively, or in large numbers, in the political party, School PTA and Co-operative Society because perhaps the patriachal arrangement in the village social structure and organization excluded women from sharing political power.6 Politics were perhaps regarded as men's domain.7 Among the five institutions, the one which was best documented was the Agricultural Extension. 138 TABLE TWENTY-EIGHT ITEM 10. FREQUENCY OF MEETING WITH AGRICULTURAL EXTENSION OFFICIALS BY GENDER zero times or more times per year per year TOTAL Women 33.6% (48) 16.8% (24) 50.3% (72) Men 13.3% (19) 36.4% (52) 49.7% (71) TOTAL 46.9% (67) 53.1% (76) 100.0% (143) Calculated X2 = 21.28765 1 degree of freedom Significance = 0.000 Table X2 Value = 3.841 0.95 F1.282 Table F-Value= 3.84 Calculated Signi- Female Male F-Value ficance AGRIEXTE 1.33 * < 1.73 26.010 0.001 Table Twenty-Eight shows the differences in the findings between men and women are statistically significant at P < 0.001. It shows that only 16.8 percent of the women responded that they contacted an agricultural extension official at least once or more times per year as compared to 36.4 percent of men respondents. The most significantly different higher score even P < 0.001 level was therefore regarding agricultural extension. Women reported that they met agricultural extension officials far less frequently than men. 139 The findings in tables Twenty-Five, Twenty—Six and Twenty-Seven are related to table Twenty-Eight. Because women do not consult Agricultural Extension Officials as often as men, they cannot learn as much about the various types of appropriate technology for food production. These were the same types of technology which were be used to improve their farming. Therefore, perhaps due to this lack of complete access, control and participation in food production technology, the women were likely to agree with the statement that there was nothing they could do to improve their farming. TNHE'HDPTYTUNE FREUIACY(N?NEEEDEEWTHIAGRRIEEUWE.EKHQEEON (NHECDESIAIGBIER(IIERJIJNSEURIEE, IEMIZTRJL.INOJEL.NW)NERFHE.SDHMS ITEM W N MEN N df x2 Sign. Agrflmfltumfl.ExuaEdon 15-39 Yrs. ZenaTmesPer Year 35.1% 26 12.2% 9 AtLeastOneorMore 1 10.94 0.0009* Times Per Year 18.9% 14 33.8% 25 403h8u+ ZenaTLnster Year 31.9% 22 14.5% 10 At Least One or More 1 12.01 0.0005* Times Per Year 14.5% 10 39.1% 27 .m;dcu1uutu.Exuarnon Gnmkal-4 Zenalimasrer Year 41.1% 39 12.6% 12 At Least (he or More 1 15.32 0.0001* Times Per Year 16.8% 16 29.5% 28 Gnmk35+ TABLE THIRTY-NINE (Contimied) ZenaTtnasPer Yen: Atlrost<1raorbtre TtmmwnarYeu: Agnnxutunfl.ExumeL31 W Zenalumes Perikor AtleostChoeIEr ‘er SKI» bar>Tmms Rarwanr Atlemfl:0mxaPer Yen: Agnnxutumfl.ExUEEnon HEEEEEY Zenolumes Perihor Atleostcxce Perimor P61 ZenaTtmxs Perikor Atleost<1ro Perimor 19.1% 14.9% 46.2% 16.9% 22.7% 17.3% 35£R IELO% .$L4% 213% 140 30 11 17 13 21 24 15 14.9% 51.1% 16.9% 1XLO% 10.7% 49.3% .H10% 35£Rr 8.1% 39.2% 24 11 13 37 21 6 29 5.32 4.85 12.25 9.63 15.08 0.02* 0.02* OJXXB* OJXXH* OJXXH* *Significant Difference at P < 0.05 percent level N:=144 Womal==72 Man==72 Table Twenty-Nine shows that the pattern of gender differences in frequency of contact with agricultural extension officials was significantly consistent at 0.05 percent level. Men consistently reported meeting officials more frequently than women inspite of gender differences in age, education, income, and marital status. These findings suggest that individual contact with agricultural extension 141 officials was perhaps influenced by factors other than the four controlling variables. One possibility is that different social factors influence men and women to contact or not contact officials. Based on evidence from the field work, men often stated that they were able to freely consult with extension officials and travel to attend meetings organized by other modern institutions. Women often stated that they could not travel and attend these meetings because of demanding domestic responsibilities like cooking, looking after Children and other household chores. These findings further suggest that this unequal gender division of labor and contact with extension officials was hardly influenced by the man or woman's age, education, income, or marital status. The problems of rural women being prevented from having access to modern facilities is explained in two major ways; limited dissemination and women's limited access.8 Limited dissemination means that most rural women are simply not aware of the facilities and services available, including the improved technologies that can help them. Men often receive the information from male extension workers. But this information is never passed on to the women.9 Limited access means that most Third World rural women have little access to mainstream agricultural extension and co-operative societies. Two studies in rural Kenya showed that the services of the agricultural extension agents 142 concentrated on male farmers because the men tended to concentrate on growing cash crops. Besides the dominant role of men in the rural community's social organization, tradition, custom, and norms make it easier for male extension agents to contact male farmers. Most women had no access to credit.10 The unequal channelling of extension services and key inputs in food production is said to be largely the result of a lack of appreciation, on the part of the men and rural development planners, of women's significant and vital role within the rural economy and society. Women's services tended to emphasize and be confined to family planning, sewing, cooking, nutrition and clinics. According to Carr: "Not much systematic information is available regarding the relative access by rural women and men to non-formal education, rural institutions, extension services. etc. However, a rough estimate reveals that African women hardly have any opportunity to learn about agriculture, co- operatives or animal husbandry."11 Many suggestions were made to improve the situation for women. These included: a change in the existing extention services so men would be encouraged to understand the true role of women and their contribution. Men had to be persuaded to support women's change involving equipment and technology. Women needed equal access to co-operative 143 societies and credit facilities since they often had a better record for repayment. The scale of the technology should be the small hand-operated equipment or appropriate technology seems better than big diesel-operated equipment. The hand-operated is easier to repair and operate. 12 Education, training and extention should be introduced and improved for rural women. One way to improve access for women is to increase the number of female extension REUMHDNSKE’BEREEN¢§WDERIWD(IEESBJHNS IDIEXIMIAGE,IEUCNEKDL DMIEE,1MID agents.13 AGE Odysocmms 15-39Yrs. LOW IUGH 4OHEH LOW IHGH Edmxnion Gnm230~4 LOW IHGH Gnm235+ 10W IHGH Cmflllnxne Perikor $0.0-399 10W IHGH TAHHETHHHY’ Fmeru.smuts 41.7% 15.6% 21.3% 12.8% 46.2% .KL3% N 27 13 .68 «:68 Boo Boo 11 16 disx2 12.38 iflLZG 26JK) 6.01 9.89 Sign. OJXXM OJXD* OJID* 0.01* 0&Xfl* 144 'HEEEYHBRTY(Cbnthnmfl) $4X)+ LOW 25.0% 19 9.2% 7 HIGH 14.5% 11 51.3% 39 1 18.69 0.000* bkmififl.Stfims EEEEEETY Lari 31 . 7% 19 13.3% 8 HIGH 18.3% 11 36.7% 22 1 8.14 0.004* Fellow LOW 37.3% 28 5.3% 4 HIGH 14.7% 11 42.7% 32 1 28.18 0.000* *Significant Difference at P < 0.05 percent level 1&444 WamaFVZ Mavfl2 Table Thirty shows that when age, education, income, and marital status were held constant, the pattern of very significant gender differences in the COSISOCHINS Index persisted. In spite of age, education, income and marital status variations, women were consistently in the low cosisochins category while men were in the high one. This means that these four controlling variables did not influence the rate at which either of the sexes contacted modern institutions. What this pattern of significant differences suggests is that gender is a major factor influencing participation in modern institutions. Although some of the reasons for women's lack of participation in agricultural extension have already been disclosed, they do not adequately explain the sharp and consistent pattern of gender differences in 145 participation in the five modern institutions. One possible explanation is that all modern institutions operate so far from many villages that the vast majority of women cannot attend. Evidence of this is provided by this study. In half of the district in which the study was conducted, there were very few modern institutions. For example there were only two agricultural co-operative societies, two agricultural extension stations, two clinics, two political party constituency offices. Although there are more than ten primary schools, they are spread wide geographically.14 These factors of physical distance, women's heavy household and social responsibilities, and their surbodinate social status, make it virtually impossible for the vast majority of women to participate in modern institutions; whatever their age, educational level, income or marital status. Discussion These findings of insignificant differences suggest two implications. First, that even though gender differences in the social structure and organization of the production process prevent women from participating in the social institutions, these social institutions play a very limited, insignificant role in how people view appropriate technology. Second, the differences in levels of contact 146 with the institutions are not sufficient to account for the differentiation in conceptualization. These findings raise the key question; "When is an institution likely to have an impact on people's conceptualization?" The answer to this question would perhaps help explain the findings. Although a wide variety of modern institutions may have an impact on people's conceptualization, the best documented and empirically validated is that of the formal educational institution. In investigating the notion of individual modernity, Inkeles15 found that education was correlated with the Overall Modernity (OM) Scale. Educated individuals tended to have higher degrees of efficacy. Education tended to increase an individual's "readiness for innovation and openness to systematic change."16 According to Inkeles, "the school modernizes through a number of processes other than formal instruction in academic subjects. These include: reward and punishment, modeling, exemplification, and generalization."17 Inkeles asserted that education also created resistance to change if the individual learned in a negative environment or the values of the school reinforced existing resistance. The relevance of the educational institution to these findings is that as a modern institution, if it interacts with people and people interact with it in a positive 147 manner, it is likely to have an impact on people‘s conceptualization of their environment. The five social institutions investigated in this study yielded insignificant differences in the conceptualization of appropriate technology perhaps because they currently lack the kind of impact and level of interaction that, for example, formal educational institutions have on the peOple. If the five institutions interacted intensively with peOple by more clearly and consistently reinforcing rewards and punishment and creating models for behavior and efficacy, this would perhaps improve people's sense of efficacy and exemplification.18 Perhaps then, Contact with the five Significant Social Change Institutions would have a significant relationship with people's conceptualization and evaluation of appropriate technology. Despite the finding of statistically insignificant differences, the concept of Contact with Significant Social Change Institutions (COSISOCHINS Index) is still potentially a useful one. The social structure and organization of the production process in the Lundazi District is such that Contact with Significant Social Change Institutions (COSISOCHINS), where it occurs, has less impact on how people view appropriate technology. The entire Lundazi District has over eighty-one primary schools19 but only six Agricultural Extension 20 Centers and twelve clinics.21 The two Agricultural 148 Extension Centers, in the area the research was conducted, serve too vast a geographical area and population to be effective. This decreases people's frequency and intensity of contact with agricultural extension agents. Similarly, the co-operative societies were very few, and where peOple are involved with schools, clinics and the political party, the contact was not effectively integrated with the traditional social structure, norms, beliefs, values, sexual division of labor and social organization of the production process in the villages of the rural district. Effective integration means these institutions should Operate within easy proximity of and interact with the people on a daily basis. The people should also be free to join with and freely participate in the institutions while bringing to the institutions their traditional values, norms and beliefs. Studies of the integration of women into these institutions show that: institutions discriminate 22 against women, unequal sexual division of labor makes it difficult for women to attend due to the many chores women 24 and and are perform,23 institutions are dominated by men, inefficiently operated.25 These factors may partly account for the low scores, lack of saliency, and low discrimination levels in the COSISOCHINS scores. Insignificant differences may mean that the intensity with which the five investigated institutions operated in 149 the Lundazi district needed to be tremendously increased. This can be achieved by increasing the institutional embeddedness26 of the five institutions. Institutional embeddedness is the level, frequency, and intensity with which the individual interacts with social institutions. For example, the family is said to be highly institutionally embedded in society because every individual is influenced by it. In the same way, the five institutions investigated in the study would be more institutionally embedded if, for example, nearly every farmer in the district was influenced by the institutions on a daily basis. An example of this institutional embeddedness is the indigenous traditional institution of the mphala27 in the Lundazi district. The 22212 contributes to the process of socialization, achieving social status and boundary maintainace, stability and cohesion in all villages of the district by teaching the young and also being a Citadel of social, political and economic tranquility of the villages. The mphala therefore is not only pervasive but institutionally embedded. The five institutions explored in COSISOCHINS were perhaps not as pervasive as the mphala. But comparable levels of institutional embeddedness and pervasiveness would perhaps articulate significant relationships. Achieving a high level of institutional embededdness in isolation for the five institutions alone would not perhaps have a differentiating impact on the 150 conceptualization of appropriate technology. But the embeddedness would only be effective perhaps if implemented simultaneously with other social changes within the village social structure. Some of the change would involve values, norms, beliefs, customs and the social organization of the production process among the people. For example, bringing Agricultural Extension and Co- operatives within easy physical access of each village is less likely to have an impact if the people have little formal education, if customary gender differences and restrictions prevent women's full participation in the institutions; if the poor, disadvantaged, and individuals with a lower social status in the community are prevented by the powerful from full participation in the social institutions. In other words, in order for the institutional embeddedness of COSISOCHINS to have any significant bearing on how peOple view appropriate technology, it must be effectively coordinated with other aspects of the village. On the one hand, the five institutions could be coordinated with the village social structure and social organization of the production process. On the other hand, the five institutions could be integrated with other institutions of a modern government including, transportation, communication and curriculum for formal educational institutions like schools. 151 Summary of Results and Findings A high or low level of participation in modern institutions (COSISOCHINS Index) was not significantly related to differences in how respondents belonging to the high or low index group conceptualized and evaluated appropriate technology. When age, education, income and marital status held constant, the pattern of insignificant differences persisted. Significant gender differences existed in the frequency of contact with modern institutions in general (Cosisochins Index) and agricultural extension in particular. This unequal participation is caused by men's more powerful social status and women's surbodinate status. It is also caused by inequality in the gender division of labor in the social structure and in the social organization of the production process. Because of these factors, the sharp gender differences in participation in modern institutions persisted when age, education, income, and marital status were held constant. It is suggested that for COSISOCHINS to have an impact on how people View appropriate technology, the modern institutions must be sufficiently integrated into the social structure and day to day lives of the rural people. One suggestion is that the number of institutions should be increased. 152 Gender differences in participation in the modern institutions are very wide. Despite their vital and key productive role in the subsistence and survival of the rural society, women continue to be discrimirated against in modern institutions like the extension service. These differences can be eliminated by openning membership and participation to everybody including women. This open participation in modern institutions can be counterproductive, however, if the gender relations in the rural structure, gender division of labor and social organization of the production process do not also Change from inequality to equality. The final chapter of the dissertation contains a summary of the findings, implications of the findings on rural development policy in the Third World countries and suggestions for future research. 153 Footnotes 1In testing this hypothesis, those respondents who reported contact with none of or only two of the five significant institutions at least once per year were designated as having a low COSISOCHINS Index. (Clinic, Co- operative Society, School, Agricultural Extension, United Nations Independence Party (UNIP)). Those who reported contact with at least three or all the five institutions at least one or more times per year, were designated as having a high COSISOCHINS Index. The hypothesis was explored in two ways: first, the Chi-Squared Test and cross-tabulation shows how respondents with a low COSISOCHINS Index scored on the questionnaire in relation to those who had a high COSISOCHINS Index. Second, the variances of the two groups were compared since what was being tested was the tendency toward homogeneity, heterogeneity, or variability within the two groups. According to the hypothesis, the variance of the group with a high COSISOCHINS Index was expected to be bigger than that of the low COSISOCHINS Index group. Then the significance of the differences between the variances was determined. A small variance implied that the group had homogeneous scores. A large variance implied that the group had heterogenous scores. In comparing the significance of the differences in the variances between the Low and High COSISOCHINS groups, one variance was the denominator and the other the numerator. The high group variance hypothesized as being bigger (numerator) was divided by the low group variance (denominator) that was hypothesized as being smaller. The division produced an F-Value. If the calculated or computed F-Value exceeded the Table F-Value of 1.52, then the differences between the variances was significant. If the calculated F-Value is less than 1.52, then the difference was not significant. 154 The High Group Variance degrees of freedom (73-1) = 72 The Low Group Variance degrees of freedom (49-1) = 48 0.95 F = 1.52 (72,48) William Hayes, Statistics for Psychologists (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1963) p.351 2Victor Baldridge, Sociology: A Critical Approach to Power, Conflict, and Change, Second Edition, (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1980) p. 205 3Refer to Tables Fourty-Eight to Fifty-One in appendix C for details. 4Marilyn Carr, "Technologies for Rural Women: Impact and Dissemination," in Technology, and Rural Women: Conceptual and Empirical Issues, Edited by Iftikhar Ahmed, (Boston: George Allen and Unwin, 1985) p. 115 5This information is from the indepth interviews conducted with Medical Assistants at two clinics; one in Vuu-Nkhanga region and the other in the Mwase region of the Lundazi District. 6Rogers made the more general point that men not only dominate the social structure and have a monopoly of political power, but the ideological beliefs and values of men determine the agenda of most development projects in Third World countries. Barbara Rogers, The Domestication of Women: Discrimination in Developing Societies (London: Kogan Page Limited, 1980). 7This article explained that women have unequal participation in politics because of constraints arising from gender differences in the division of labor. She explored women's and men's power relative to each other in the "public" and "domestic" domain. She used a cross- cultural perspective in exploring female status. Peggy R. Sanday, "Female Status in the Public Domain," in Woman, Culture, and Society Edited by Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo and Louise Lamphere(Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1974) pp. 189-206. Collier also discussed women's participation in politics with an ethnographic perspective. Jane Fishburne Collier, "Women in Politics," in Woman, Culture, and Society Edited by Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo and Louise Lamphere(Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1974) pp. 88-96 155 8Elsa Chaney, Emmy Simmons, and Kathleen Staudt, Women in Development: Background Papers for the United States Delegation World Conference on Agrarian Reform and Rural Development FAO Rome 1979, (Washington, D.C.: Agency for International Development, July 1979.) Jean M. Due and Timothy Mudenda, "Women's Contributions to Farming Systems and Household Income in Zambia," (Michigan State University: Women in International Development, Working Paper No. 85, May 1985.) Marilyn Carr, "Technologies for Rural Women: Impact and Dissemination,” in Technology and Rural Women: Conceptual and Empirical Issues, Edited by Iftikhar Ahmed, (Boston: George Allen and Unwin, 1985) 9Marilyn Carr, "Technologies for Rural Women: Impact and Dissemination," in Technology, and Rural Women: Conceptual and Empirical Issues, Edited by Iftikhar Ahmed, (Boston: George Allen and Unwin, 1985) loElsa Chaney, Emmy Simmons, and Kathleen Staudt, Women in Development: Backgpound Papers for the United States Delegation World Conference on Agrarian Reform and Rural Development FAO Rome 1979, (Washington, D.C.: Agency for International DevelOpment, July 1979.) United Nations, Rural Women's Participation in Development: Action Oriented Assessment of Rural Women's Participation in Development (New York: United Nations Development Program, Evaluation Study No. 3, June 1980) pp. 10-12 11Marilyn Carr, "Technologies for Rural Women: Impact and Dissemination," in Technology and Rural Women: Conceptual and Empirical Issues, Edited by Iftikhar Ahmed, (Boston: George Allen and Unwin, 1985) p. 145 12Ihid. 13Elsa Chaney, Emmy Simmons, and Kathleen Staudt, Women in Development: Backgpound Papers for the United States Delegation World Conference on Agrarian Reform and Rural Development FAO Rome 1979, (Washington, D.C.: Agency for International Development, July 1979.) 14Refer to the discussion that follows which includes the issue of schools as institutions in the district. 15Alex Inkeles, Exploring Individual Modernity(New York: Columbia University Press, 1983) 16Ibid. p. 63 17Ibid. p. 54 156 18Ibid. p. 62: efficacy meant being able to realize that human beings could change and control some aspects of their environment by acquiring a sense that everything was not inevitable. "By exemplification we refer to the process whereby the individual incorporates into himself not a personal model but an impersonal rule or general practice characteristic of the social organization or institution as such." p. 55 19Whim Hoppers, C. Banda, A. Kamya, M. Schultz and Mwizenge Tembo, Youth Training and Employment in Three Zambia Districts: A Survey on Training Facilities for Out- of-School Youth and their Scope for Expansion and/or Supplementation by the Ministrygof Youth and Sport, (Manpower Research Report No. 5, Lusaka: Institute for African Studies, October 1980) p. 103 20This information was gathered from the District Governor's Office during the field researc during March-May 1985. 21Mwizenge Tembo, Chungu Mwila and Peter Hayward, 52 Assessment of Technological Needs in Three Rural Districts of Zambia(Lusaka: University of Zambia: Institute for African Studies, February 1982) pp. 14-15. 22Marilyn Carr, "Technologies for Rural Women: Impact and Dissemination," in Technology and Rural Women: Conceptual and Empirical Issues, Edited by Iftikhar Ahmed, (Boston: George Allen and Unwin, 1985) p. 145 Shifferraw, "The Training Components at Women's Projects in Rural Africa: Do they Promote or Retard Women's Participation in the Development of their Countries?" in Women Creatipg Wealth: Transforming Economic Development, Edited by Rita S. Gallin and Anita Spring. Selected Papers and Speeches from the Association for Women in Development Conference; April 25-27, 1985 (Washington, D.C.: Association for Women in Development, July 1985) pp. 51-53. Discussing women's projects in the rural areas. She says: "Most women's projects tend to promote the existing sexual division of labor in society and, in fact, encourage women to participate only in these fields regarded as women's job." p.51. 23Else Skjonsberg, The Kefa Records: Everyday Life Among Women and Men in a Zambian Village(Oslo: U- Landsseminaret, No. 21, 1981) Mwizenge S. Tembo, "An Assessment of Appropriate Technology Needs of Gwazapasi and Mkanile Villages of Lundazi District of Rural Zambia," Eastern Africa Journal Of Rural Development, (Vol. 14, No. 1 and 2, 1981) 157 24Dunstan S.C. Spencer, "African Women in Agricultural DevelOpment: A Case Study in Sierra Leone," (African Economy Program, Michigan State University: Department of Agricultural Economics, Working Paper No. 11, April, 1976.) 25During the in depth interviews gathering during field work, a common complaint was the inefficiency in the way clinics, cooperatives and extension services were operated. Reinhold E.G Sachs, "Functions and Training of Agricultural Extension Officers: With Special Regard to the Zambian Case," in Extension Education and Rural Development, Vol. 2., Edited by Bruce Ro Crouch and Shankariah Chamala, (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1981) pp. 131-140. 26This concept was derived from Etzioni. He discussed social institutions and how they had a significant role in maintaining stability in society by mediating between the individual and what ever task had to be performed. What was relevant to this study was that institutions " 'educate' individuals. They introduce and reinforce a mentality that sustains individual's mutual and Civil commitments." p.94 Amitai Etzioni, An Immodest Agenda: Rebuilding America Before the 213t Century,(New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1984); Bert N. Adams, The Family: A Sociolofical Interpretation, Fourth Edition, (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Publishers, 1986) p. 11-13 27Mphala is first and fore most a physical location on the edge of the village. In this sense, the mphala has a close resemblance to, for example, the physical location of a University, a house for a family, a church for a religious institution. The location of the mphala is designated by a thatch roof supported by five to six lone wooden supports placed in a round fashion. It has no walls. A more precise definition is that it is a hut without walls. This is the place where all men of the village meet to eat, chit-chat, mend tools such as hoes, axes, spears, knives. They also carve household implements from wood like stools, pestles and mortars, wooden stirring spoons(better known as 'mthiko" and "lukhezo"). Baskets and mats are also made at the mphala. It is at the mphala where village disputes are settled by the headman, vital and critical decisions concerning the internal or external welfare of the village are discussed and made. For example, the price of the dowry for a bride will be decided at the mphala. Decisions to participate in a local co-operative project, what issues to discuss at the upcoming PTA meeting are all discussed here. 158 Every village in the Lundazi District of the Eastern Province of rural Zambia has a mphala. In order to illustrate the perversity of this institution, the Lundazi District in the Eastern Province of Zambia has a geographical size of 31,680 Square Kilometers, population of 117,961 and an estimated density of 3.9 persons per Square Kilometer in 1980. The South-Eastern or Mwase region and the North-Western regions of the District have a combined total of approximately 800 villages. Each village has approximately a population ranging from 42 to 130 people. The entire District might have well over 1500 to 2,000 villages. With each village having a mphala, this means that the institution must have a significant and perversive influence on the inhabitants. The mphala as an institution has its own weaknesses. For example, it does not allow women's partipation. Therefore it discriminates sexuaslly against them. Age also determines which men will be the most powerful. The older men are more powerful than the younger ones in the affairs of the mphala. But its institutional embeddedness can be emulated by the institutions investigated under COSISOCHINS in the study. CHAPTER SEVEN SUMMARY, POLICY IMPLICATIONS, AND CONCLUSION Summary The findings of this study alone cannot be used to make sweeping conclusions and generalizations about how the social structure and modern social institutions are related to the conceptualization of appropriate technology among the rural people of the Third World.1The study only explored a small aspect of the social structure using a limited sample of what is a vast and complex field. The findings, conclusions, suggestions and limited generalizations must be understood with this in mind. It was stated in the study that men have greater power in the rural community. This accounts for differences in access and exposure to agricultural technology by men and women. Men have control of land and have greater access and exposure to modern agricultural inputs and technology like fertilizer, ox-ploughs, and tractors. It was hypothesized that men would conceptualize appropriate technology for food production better than women. 3 It was stated that the inequality in the gender division of labor in the rural community accounts for women 158 168 carrying out most of the tasks and experiencing most of the burden involved in food processing, preservation, and storage. It was hypothesized that women would view appropriate technology for food processing, preservation, and storage bette than men. Contact with Significant Social Change in institutions (COSISOCHINS) was thought to be related to how people view appropriate technology. It was expected that respondents with a high Cosisochins Index would view technology differently from those with a low Index. It was also hypothesized that men would have a higher rate of participation in the modern institutions than women. The findings did not confirm most of these hypotheses. There were no significant differences in how men and women viewed appropriate technology for food production, processing, preservation and storage in the majority of the questionnaire items. The pattern of insignificant gender differences persisted when age, education, income and marital status were held constant. This is because men and women share more of food production and processing tasks than is believed. In other words, men and women have sex role task overlap in the organization of the production process in the rural community. The few items that showed significant gender differences were areas of the gender roles that were sex exclusive in the production process. 169 Participation in modern institutions (COSISOCHINS Index)(Clinics, School PTA, Political Party, Cooperative Society, Agricultural Extension) was not significantly related to how respondents conceptualized appropriate technology. The pattern of insignificant differences persisted when age, education, income, and marital status were held constant. However, there were significant gender differences in COSISOCHINS. It was confirmed that women participate in modern institutions in general significantly less than men. Specifically, women reported consulting agricultural extension agents less frequently than men. This suggests that the gender power relations in the social structure, gender inequality in the division of labor in the social organization of the production process may be responsible for introducing and maintaining real social barriers of inequality between men and women in the rural community. These institutions, however, must be increased and their operation improved if their impact is to be significant on rural people's conceptualization of appropriate technology. The findings suggest that appropriate technology in the rural community of the Third World is indeed caught between two major conflicting world views. One is the indigenous view determined by a rural community's traditional social structure, gender division of labor, and the social organization of the production process. The other is that 170 modern technological values introduced initially by Western European colonial powers are now sustained by politically independent governments' aspirations for development. One problem with the methodology might point to something fundamental undergirding the conceptualization of appropriate technology among rural people in the Third World. The questionnaire translation for the survey from English to the Tumbuka language and the Random Probe Technique2 suggested linguistic equivalence problems. The indigenous language did not have one linguistic term that, for example, reflected the English concept of "appropriate technology". The Tumbuka equivalent did not reflect or capture the full repertoire of technological diversity implied by the English term "appropriate technology." This perhaps reflects what seems to be true in most Third World societies: that western technological values reflected in language rarely have indigenous linguistic nor conceptual equivalents in these societies. This suggests that there may be problems of communication when the notion of "appropriate technology" is being conveyed to rural people of the Third World. Policy Implications on Social and Technological Change in Rural Zambia and The Third World The findings of this research have only indirect and perhaps remote implications on major issues including what 171 the policy of all Third World governments should be on technology as a tool for development. Should these governments adopt advanced capital intensive technology from the West? Why or why not? Is appropriate technology the only choice? What are some possible problems in adopting appropriate technology as a technological innovation for rural areas of the Third World? The findings of this study cannot directly provide definite and conclusive answers to these larger questions. However, the findings may be used to make two key suggestions and tentative conclusions regarding aspects of rural development policy in Zambia and the Third World: first, the adoption of appropriate technology is imperative. Second, when adopting appropriate technology, many existing social structural problems of rural areas must be overcome. Population growth, age distribution, and rural urban migration have created problems in the rural areas of the Third World. These three factors and the general stagnation of the economies make it imperative Third World governments adopt a policy of advocating appropriate technology for rural development. Zambia offers an excellent example. In 1963, Zambia had a population of 3.5 million. By 1980, it was 5.68 million.3 The population nearly doubled over twenty years. This is one of the highest rates in the world. About forty-three percent of the Zambian population lives in urban areas, one of the highest rates in the world. 172 The rural areas have a scattered population, reflected by the 1980 national population density of 7.5 person per Km.2 Children, the population below fifteen years, constituted an estimated forty-six percent of Zambia's pOpulation in 1980. The country's Central Statistical Office says: The Zambian age structure gives a dependency ratio (number of children under 15 years of age plus people aged 65 years and over to working age adults of 15-64) of 94 dependents per 100 productive adults. Domestic investment is reduced as the economic burden of dependents grows and diverZs national income from savings to consumption. The population distribution of the Lundazi District confirmed what is consistent with the whole of Zambia: the country is sparsely populated. The Lundazi District had a population of 117,961,* an area of 31,680 Kms2 and a population density of 3.9 persons per sz in 1980.5 This was a 2.3% annual population increase since the 1969 natinal census. This was within the range of population increases of between 1.0 to 3.0% for most of the thirty rural districts in the country. The total population increase for the entire country during this period was 3.1%. 173 TABLE THIRTY‘ONE ESTIMATE OF POPULATION DISTRIBUTION BY SEX AND TEN YEAR AGE GROUPS, LUNDAZI6 DISTRICT, 1980. AGE MALE FEMALE TOTAL 0 - 10 20,228 20,115 40,343 10 - 19 12,455 11,754 24,209 20 - 29 6,379 11,327 17,706 30 - 39 4,774 8,451 13,225 40 - 49 3,901 5,891 9,792 50 - 59 3,607 3,200 6,807 60 -69 1,991 1,349 3,340 70 + 705 323 1,028 Not stated 905 606 1,511 TOTAL 54,945 63,016 117,961* *For the total population of Lundazi District, Table Thirty-Two showed there was a discrepancy between the total population for 1969 and 1980. This was due to an administrative Change instituted in 1973. Part of what was in 1969 the original geographical area of Lundazi District was formed into a separate district known as Chama in the northern corner of the Lundazi district. Detailed population distribution for the district is not yet available for the 1980 census. Table Thirty-two showed two significant features which were problem indicators in the social structure and social organization of the production process and the sexual division of labor in the Lundazi District: sexual and age 174 distribution. If the marriageable and productive age in the Lundazi District is assumed to be twenty to forty-nine years for both sexes, then in 1980, there were an estimated total of 25,669 women, but only 15,054 men in the age group.7 Since most men were absent, the women perhaps supported families alone while the men migrated to urban areas in search of employment. Also assuming that the total population of men and women between the age of twenty and forty-nine are the only physically able, energetic and productive, 40,723 perhaps support the population of children and elderly (children under twenty years of age and the elderly over fifty years) numbering 77,238. The dependency ratio then becomes very high. In other words, sixty-five percent of the population depends on less than thirty percent of the population, taking into account the migration of young men to urban areas. The dependency ratio of the district is roughly higher than the national, which is ninty-four dependents per one hundred productive adults.8 Regarding rural-urban migration and sexual distribution, the Central Statistical Office says: The high degree of male rural-urban migration has led to an imbalanced sex-distribution between the provinces. Central, Copperbelt and Lusaka Provinces have a male surplus. (The three are provinces with major cities) In some districts sex ratios of less than 80 males per 100 females are found. Female headed households 175 in the rural areas are quite prevalent, and the work load of rural women with husbands or relatives away has increased drammatically while their ability to feed their families adequately has been affected by the shortage of male labor. The absence of males and the over-burdening of women, discograges progress in agricultural development. The pressures of a rapidly expanding population, the population's high dependency ratio, the increasing migration of men from rural to urban areas, and a stagnating economy mean that Zambia's rural social structure, social organization of the production process is under tremendous strain. Women increasingly support children and the old alone. At the same time, the women continue to be denied full access to agricultural inputs through modern institutions.10 Adopting appropriate technology for food production, processing, preservation and storage is therefore imperative for rural areas of the Third World if food output is to meet the pressing demands of an increasing and expanding dependent population. The danger of decreasing productive labor in the rural areas due to rural urban migration by men searching for employment is also very real. Appropriate technology will not only help improve the standard of living in neglected or isolated rural areas, but will also help supplement the dwindling efforts of both the government and other development institutions and agencies. Appropriate technology will help the people improve their lives without relying entirely on increasingly 176 inadequate traditional practices. For example, appropriate technology will help improve yields of otherwise exhausted farm land, consolidate the yields through new methods, or improve current traditional means of processing, preserving and storing food. Appropriate technology provides an excellent opportunity for the rural community in general, and women in particular to improve their quality of life. First, it will cut down or remove entirely the drudgery from daily tasks. Second, appropriate technology will improve nutrition by increasing the output of labor in food production, processing, preservation and storage. The problems in adopting appropriate technology in rural areas of the Third World may be categorized into two related areas: what Jequier11 describes as material or hardware and non-material or software problems. The hardware problems refer to all physical material implements used in appropriate technology. These include, aluminum cans, bottles, forging iron and steel for ox-ploughs, hoes and other tools. The software or non-material aspects of appropriate technology refer to all ideas, knowledge, and technical skills including norms, values, social structure, organization and production process that make or prevent the possibility of adopting approrpiate technology. Both the hardware and software aspects are preconditions for the 177 successful adoption of appropriate technology and are far from being realized in most Third World rural areas. The findings of this study suggest that the village gender relations reflected in the gender division of labor, social organization of the production process are perhaps not yet suited to a successful adoption of appropriate technology. The production process is still largely subsistence-oriented. Modern social institutions and their organization seem ineffective in influencing how people view appropriate technology. The last, perhaps most imprortant suggestion is that successful adoption of approrpiate technology will require radical transformation of rural society's gender relations in the social structure, sexual division of labor, social organization of the production process, and radical improvement of the role of modern institutions.12 Directions for Future Research Future studies should focuss on three areas. First, there must be further articulation to increase saliency and improve the validity of the findings. For example, in the notion of sex role task overlap, various tasks in food production and processing could be broken down and categorized to determine more concretely which tasks are sex- and gender-exclusive and which are performed by both sexes. What kinds of the pressures do they feel about sexual 178 and gender differences in the division of labor? What Changes do they perceive occuring within the social structure and production process as a result of the new demands and influences impinging on the modern rural economy? Second, there must be more intensive exploration of the role of modern institutions and how they interact with traditional social structure. One key aspect which should be explored is the relationship between the village gender relations in the social structure and modern institutions and their influence on one another. For example, to what extent does men's membership in a village council, or women's social position in the village social hierarchy affect the nature of same individuals' interaction with modern social change institutions? What possible conscious and unconscious factors influence men and women to interact or not interact with modern institutions? Third, further studies should be replicated in other parts of rural Zambia in particular and rural Africa in general. It is possible that different social, political and economic experiences among rural people in different parts of Zambia and Africa might account for differences in the conceptualization and evaluation of appropriate technology. Some rural people are matrilocal while others are patrilocal. Some countries had different colonial 179 experiences and have different religious orientations and are more urbanized than others. Replicating the research in other rural parts of Zambia and Africa would improve the reliability and generalizability of the findings. 180 Footnotes 1Refer to chapter five and six for details of the findings. 2The Random Probe Technique in the survey was used to determine the rationale used by the respondents in their responses. See appendix of the dissertation for details on how this was done. Howard Schuman, "The Random Probe: A Technique for Evaluating the Validity of Closed Questions," in Comparative Research Methods, Edited by Donald P. Warwick and Samuel Osherson (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1973). . The findings from the Random Probe Technique generally suggest that several criteria were used by the respondents in how they conceptualized and evaluated appropriate technology. The findings suggest that the fourty-four randomly chosen respondents to the random probe used five broad categories of criteria: first, strong belief in traditional methods and values. Second, knowledge of problems and advantages of modern technological know-how. Third, lack of financial resources or capital in the village environment. Fourth, supernatural powers and fifth modern problems of government bureaucracy. Forty-four respondents were randomly asked why they responded to specific questions the way they did in the appropriate technology questionnaire. The respondents made approximately eighty-eight statements. Table Fifty-Two in the appendix shows the frequency with which the respondents cited one of the five broad criteria. A sampling of answers to the probes for a few items from the questionnaire can be cited to illustrate the five mentioned criteria. The first item in the questionnaire asked how good the farming was. To the random probe "Why?" According to one respondent the farming was bad because of bad rains and delays in delivery of fertilizer by the government through the local agricultural co-operative. In this instance, the respondent based their criteria on rains which are said to be controlled by supernatural powers. Delays in delivery of fertilizer is blaming the government bureaucracy. The other 181 respondent said they thought farming was good that year because the rains were good. In yet another item (item 3) asked why the two respondents agreed that "an ox-plough was better than a tractor for farming in the village", one replied "we do not have money for a tractor". While the other replied "a tractor cannot plough as well as an ox—plough." Asked why they thought "the most appropriate technology for food production was ox-ploughs and fertilizer", the respondents replied "because fertilizer is very useful for farming" and "I am used to using fertilizer." Both of these responses showed the respondent's knowledge of technological know-how for farming. Evaluation of appropriate technology based on knowledge Of modern technological know-how cited tractors as being more advanced than ox-ploughs. Typically a respondent agreed that fertilizer was better than natural manure because; "fertilizer is good for farming, otherwise your harvest becomes very small." A typical response which reflected the respondent's strong belief in tradition is a response to the statement; "Canning is the best method for us for preserving and storing food." A respondent disagreed because: "We are used to the traditional method. Canning has never been done before." Modern government bureaucracy and its problems were repeatedly cited by some respondents in explaining why they thought fertilizer was not an appropriate technology for them. They said fertilizer was rarely delivered in time by the government during the growing season and its price was frequently increased. A complete examination of all the rationales suggested that knowledge of technological know-how was the consistent and dominant basis for the responses to the questions. Because it accounted for about fourty-seven percent of the basis frequently most cited by respondents in conceptualizing and evaluating appropriate technology. The other fifty-three percent of the basis reflected a mosaic of rationales ranging from explanations based on traditional beliefs, norms and values to consciousness of the limitations imposed by lack of financial resources in the rural village environment. For example while as some respondents replied that canning food is bad simply because it has never been done traditionally, others said, although fewer in number, that canning was good because the food preserved most of its nutritional values. Others said that canning food was bad because it would cost too much. This suggests that the respondents do not conceptualize appropriate technology for food production, preservation and 182 storage based on a single criteria but rather based on their awareness of the wide combination of prevailing norms, values and social, economic and political processes, reality and limitations within the social environment. Each respondent rarely used just one criteria to describe and evaluate appropriate technology. Given the basis and criteria for its conceptualization and evaluation, were there any differences in the conceptualization of appropriate technology? 3Republic of Zambia, 1980 Census of Population and Housing; Preliminary Report (Lusaka: Central Statistical Office, January 1981). 4Ibid., p.8 5Ihid. 6Republic of Zambia, Census of Population and Housing, 1969 Final Report, Vol. IIc : Eastern Province, Lusaka: Central Statistical Office, 1974. Republic of Zambia, 1980 Census of Population and Housing: Preliminary Report (Lusaka: Central Statistical Office, January 1981). These estimates are based on 1969 population distribution. 7Ihid. 8Republic of Zambia, Country Profile: Zambia 1984, Lusaka: Central Statistical Office, 1984. 9Ibid., p.6 10Marilyn Carr, "Technologies for Rural Women: Impact and Dissemination," in Technology and Rural Women: Conceptual and Empirical Issues, Edited by Iftikhar Ahmed (Boston: George Allen and Unwin, 1985) 11Nicholas Jequier, (ed.) Appropriate Technologye Problems and Promises, (Paris: Development Center for Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (O.E.C.D), 1976) 12Goran Hyden, "African Social Structure and Economic Development," in Strategies for African Development, Edited by Robert J. Berg and Jennifer Seymour Whitaker (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986) pp. 52-80 Kathleen Staudt, "Uncaptured or Unmotivated? Women and the Food Crisis in Africa," Rural Sociology, (Volume 52, Number 1, Spring 1987.) pp. 37 - 55 A P P E N D I X A SOME SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE LUNDAZI DISTRICT 183 TABLE THIRTY-TWO LANGUAGE DISTRIBUTION OF THE LUNDAZI DISTRICT LANGUAGE % Population as First Language Spoken Tumbuka 59.6 Senga 20.6 Chewa 8.3 Bisa 4.2 Nsenga 2.4 Ngoni/Nyanja 2.2 Other 2.7 TOTAL 100.0 SourcezRepublic of Zambia, Census of Population and Housing, 1969 Final Report, Vol. IIc : Eastern Province, Lusaka, Central Statistical Office, 1974. Table Thirty-Two shows the largest linguistic group in Lundazi District is Tumbuka, the first language spoken by almost sixty percent of the population. The languages are part of the Bantu group of languages commonly spoken by Africans from Kenya, Uganda up to South Africa. This means the meanings to words and expressions are either common or have identical Bantu linguistic roots. As such, people within the language groups have no trouble understanding each other within the geographical area of the Lundazi District. In fact since in most instances the language differences are not significant, the languages can be termed dialects as they are strongly influenced by Tumbuka, the language spoken by a majority of people in the district. 184 TABLE THIRTY-THREE REPORTED ATTENDANCE OF'MEETINGS TYPE OF INSTITUTION MEN N WOMEN N Co-operative 38.9% (56) 14.6% (21) % attendance Political Party 47.2% (68) 27.8% (40) atleast once Agricultural Extention 36.4% (52) 16.8% (24) per year. Parents Teachers Association 40.3% (58) 25.0% (36) Clinic 49.3% (71) 48.6% (70) Men = 72 WOmen = 72 Total Sample = 144 A sample of 144 people were asked how many times during the year they attended meetings organized by various institutions. Table Thirty-Three shows the men reported attending these meetings more frequently than women. 185 TABLE THIRTY-FOUR *THE NEW SYSTEM OF RURAL DISTRICT ADMINISTRATION INZAMBIA 1. District District Secretary (ii) (iii) General Supervision and c0-ordination of Executive Secretary Preparation of agenda, meetings, and resolutions of the council. Performance of any or all functions of the District Secretariat if deemed necessary. 2. Political Secretary Party organization, information, publicity, public relations, elections, conferences, seminars, celebrations, public meetings, trade unions, ward/ Branch/Village Section Committeees. 3. Administrative Secretary Administration, Registry/ Records, Methods and Organization, Registration, Census, Staff Matters, Transport Pool. 4 . Development Secretary Planning, Public WOrks, Mechanical Services, Agriculture, Data Collection, Fisheries, Water, Veterinary Service, Communication, Traffic, Fire Services, Valuation, Monuments and Relics, Co-operatives, Tourism and Parks. 5. Financial Secretary Budget, Accounting, Revenue, Lincensing, Payments, Internal Audit, Personal Levy, Stores, Banking, Insurance. 186 6. Commercial & Commerce/Trade, Manufacturing, Trading Industrial Lincenses, Parastatal Bodies, Price Secretary Control, Liquor Undertaking, Private Enterprises. 7. Security National Service, Home Guards, School Secretary Cadets, Police, Parades, Special Constables, Military Affairs, National Service Production units, Rural Reconstruction Centers, Prisons. 8. Social Community Development, Social welfare, Secretary Public Health, Public Education, Training, Housing Estates, Public Amenities, YOuth and Sports, Clubs and Societies, Religious Matters, Social Security,Cultural Services. 9. Legal (1) all legal matters pertaining to the Secretary functions and operations of a council (ii) Courts (Administration) *Source: Supplement to the Republic of Zambia Government Gazette dated the 14th January, 1981. Table Thirty-Four shows how the modern administrative structure pervades not only the village social structure and organization of production but almost every aspect of peOple's lives. Almost all aspects of people's lives in one way or another are affected by the government's bureaucratic structure known as the Decentralized System of District administration. Under this system, which applies to all districts in the country, there are nine departments in the Lundazi District administrative body: the District Council; District Executive Secretary, Development Secretary, Financial Secretary, Commercial and Industrial Secretary, Security Secretary, Social Secretary and Legal Secretary. 187 TABLE THIRTY-FIVE TOOLS REPORTED USED BY RESPONDENTS IN THE STUDY IN'THE LUNDAZI DISTRICT TOOL FREQUENCY PERCENTAGE HOes Only 47 32.6% Hoes and Fertilizer 36 25.0% Ox-plows Only 25 17.4% Ox-plows, Hoes and Fertilizer 22 15.3% Ox-plows and Hoes 10 7.6% Tractor 3 2.1% 'I'OTAL1431000% (11;;ESQTI """"""""""""""""""""""""" The sample of respondents was drawn from approximately half of the Lundazi district. Table Thirty-Five shows that a large majority of the respondents used hoes for farming. A small proportion reported using tractors and other forms of mechanization. 188 TABLE THIRTY -SIX FOOD PRODUCED.AND MARKETED IN’THE RESEARCH AREA OF THE LUNDAZI DISTRICT 1982-84* CROP TOTAL PRODUCTION Maize 298,821 Sunflower 24,981 Groundnuts 916** 130** 1,046 687(FAQ) 523(FAQ) 1,210(FAQ) Soyabeans 9 Beans 78 Rice 1 Paddy Rice 0 Sorghum 0 TOTAL 326,146 *All figures are in bags **Unshelled FAQ-Fair Average Quality Table Thirty-Six shows maize which is the Zambian staple food has the highest level of production. 189 TABLE THIRTY‘SEVEN PRICES FOR MARKETING.AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE FOR.ALL OF ZAMBIA91984 CROP QUANTITY PRICE SOLD PER BAG* Maize 90 Kg. per Bag(198 lbs) K24.50 (US $12.25) Groundnuts 80 Kg. per Bag(176 lbs) K75.20 (US $37.60) Groundnuts (Unshelled) 30 Kg. per Bag(66 lbs.) K19.20 (US $9.60) Soyabeans 90 Kg. per Bag(198 lbs.) K52.50 (US $26.25) Sunflower 50 Kg. per Bag(110 lbs.) K21.50 (US $10.75) Beans 90 Kg. per Bag(198 lbs.) K65.00 (US $32.50) Rice 80 Kg. per Bag(176 lbs.) K40.00 (US $20.00) *Prices obtained from the Lundazi district Offices of Eastern Co-operative Uhion(ECU). This is a much bigger Co-operative union that caters for the entire Eastern Province of Zambia. Table Thirty-Seven shows the prices at which producers sold their surplus produce to the Zambian government in 1984. This gives the reader an indication about which crop has the most incentive for being produced (US $37.60). Maize is the staple food for the whole of Zambia, but its marketing price is low (US $12.25). 190 TABLE THIRTY-EIGHT CASH INCOME OF THE RESEARCH AREA IN THE LUNDAZI DISTRICT IN 1984 BASED ON 1984 PRODUCE AND PRICES IN'KWACHA CROP QUANTITY TOTAL INCOME IN US DOLLARS Maize 2,956,463 1,478,232.1* Sunflower 375,949 187,974.5 Groundnuts 50,534 3,494.2 (unshelled) Groundnuts 5,564.4 2,782.4 (Shelled- Fair Average Qual ity- FAQ ) Soyabeans 210.0 105 Beans 0 0 Rice 0 0 Paddy Rice 0 0 Sorghum 0 0 TOTAL 3,388,720.4 1,672,588.2 Table Thirty-Eight shows that the highest source of income in the research area is maize which is also the staple food of the country. A P P E N D I X B COLLECTION OF DATA 191 APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGY QUESTIONNAIRE 1. Village: 2. Region: 3. Sex of Reepondent: Male Female 4. Age: 5. Marital Status 15-19 Single 20-29 Married (No. 30-39 of Children ) 40-49 Widow 50+ Polygamist (No. of wives ) 6. Educational Level: Grade 0 Grade 1—4 Grade 5-7 Grade 8 and over Income Per Capita: Source of Income: K00.00 ($00.00) K00.00 - K199.00 (Up to $398.00) K200-K1999 ($400-S999) K2,000 and up ($1,000 and up) Cash Crops Sale of Domestic Animals Other Religion: Catholic Church of Zion Reformed Church of Zambia Other 192 Questions Interviewer: We are interested in finding out how you live here in the village. We will discuss and ask you questions about farming, how you process and store your food. Food Production 1. How is farming these days? Very Good Good Fair Bad Very Bad Option: Why is it so? 2. What tools do you use for farming now? Hoes and fertilizer Ox-ploughs Tractor Other Option: Why? 3. An ox-plough is better than a tractor for use here in the village. Strongly Agree Agree Don't Know Disagree Strongly Disagree Option: Why is this so? 4. We can make ox-ploughs on our own here in the village. Strongly Disagree Disagree Don't Know Agree Strongly Agree Option: Why? 193 Fertilizer is better than natural manure for use in our farms or gardens. Strongly Agree Agree Don't Know Disagree Strongly Disagree Option: Why? Tractors are best for us for farming. Strongly Disagree Disagree Don't Know Agree Strongly Agree Option: Why? It is more difficult to make a tractor here in the village than an ox-plough. Strongly Agree Agree Don't Know Disagree Strongly Disagree Option: Why is this so? There is nothing we can do to improve our farming. Strongly Disagree Disagree Don't Know Agree Strongly Agree Option: Why? 9. Note: 194 In your Opinion, what is appropriate technology for farming to you here in the village? Ox-ploughs, natural manure Tractors, fertilizer Don't Know Any technology which is easy to operate, repair right here in the village. Any latest advanced farming technology Option: Why do you think so? Interviewer should take separate note of the details to question 9 if they are not included in the 5 above. Food Processing, Preservation and Storage 10. 11. 12. How good is your food processing now? Option: How good is your Option: How good is your Option: Very Good Good Fair Bad Why is it so? Very Bad food preservation now? Very Bad Bad Fair Bad Why is it so? food storage Why is it 30? Very Bad now? Very Good Good Fair Bad Very Bad 195 13. What do you do to preserve and store food now? Sun drying and stroring in dry container Smoking and stroring in a dry place ------ Canning, bottling and modern refining. ------ Other Option: Why? 14. Solar drying food is better than canning. Strongly Disagree Disagree Don't Know Agree Strongly Agree Option:Why is it so? 15. We can make solar driers on our own here in the village. Strongly Agree Agree Don't Know Disagree Strongly Disagree Option: Why is it so? 16. Canning is the best method for us for preserving and storing food. Strongly Disagree Disagree Don't Know Agree Strongly Agree Option: Why is it so? 196 17. It is more difficult to refine and can food than solar drying it here in the village. Strongly Agree Agree Don't Know Disagree Strongly Disagree Option: Why? 18.‘ In your opinion, what is the appropriate technology for food processing and preservation? Use of physical hands Sun and fire drying Use of automation and mechanization; harvesters etc. Modern Refining Option: Why? 19. In your opinion, what is the appropriate technology for food storage here in the village? Sun, fire drying and storing in traditional structures Sun drying and storing in bags - Storing in concrete silos and using insecticides Refining, canning, bottling and other advanced modern methods Option: Why? Note: Interviewer should take separate note to the details to question 16 if they are not found among the 4 identified above. 20. There is nothing we can do to improve how we process, preserve and store our food here in the village. Strongly Disagree Disagree Don't Know Agree Strongly Agree 197 Option: Why? 21. How frequently do you do the following: 1. Attend school meetings including Parents Teachers Association (PTA)? 0 times per year at least once or more times per year Option: Why? 2. Go to the Clinic when you, your children, friends and relatives are ill? 0 times per year sometimes or always Option: Why? 3. Meet with Agricultural Extention Officials 0 times per year at least once or more times per year Option: Why? 4. Attend United National Independence Party (UNIP) political meetings and rallies? 0 times per year at least once or more times per year Option: Why? 5. Attend and participate in the activities of an active co-operative society? 0 times per year at least once or more times per year Option: Why? 198 22. Overall, and in your opinion, what do you think about appropriate technology in the areas of food production (farming), processing, preservation (harvesting) and storage here in the village? Note: Interviewer to write down details of the answer and other comments particularly the replies to the option questions. COSISOCHINS Index 199 TUMBUKA QUESTIONNAIRE MAFUMBO 27TH MARCH, 1985 MALONJE: Tikupenja kuti timanye za kakhalilo kinu muno mumuzi. Tikuti tiyowoye namwe na kumufumbani za kalimilo na kasungilo ka vyakurya. KALIMILO 1. Kasi kulima kuli uli mazuba ghano? Nkhuwemi comene Nkhuwemi Nkhuwemiko Nkhuheni Nkhuheni comene Option: Chifukwa nchivici? 2. Kasi mukulimila vici mazuba ghano? Mayembe Mayembe na Fataleza Plao na ng'ombe Talakita Vinyake Option: Chifukwa? 3. Kulimila na pulao la ng'ombe nkhuwemi muno mukaya kuluska talakita. Nkhuzomela Comene Nkhuzomela Nkhumanya yayi Nkhukana Nkhukana comene Option: Chifukwa nchivici? 2 0 O 4. Tingapanga tekha ma pulao gha ng'ombe muno mumizi. Nkhukana comene Nkhukana Nkhumanya yayi Nkhuzomela Nkhuzomela comene Option: Chifukwa? 5. Fataleza nguwemi kulimila mu minda yithu kuluska nthaka yekha ya vundila na manuba ya mumunda. Nkhukana comene ----Nkhukana ----Nkhumanya yayi Nkhuzomela Nkhuzomela comene Option: Chifukwa? 6. Matalakita ngawemi comene kuti ise tilimilenge. Nkhukana comene Nkhukana Nkhumanya yayi Nkhuzomela Nkhuzomela comene Option: Cifukwa? 7. Nchakusuzgha comene muno mumizi kupanga talakita kulingana na kupanga jembe panyake pulao la ng'ombe. Nkhuzomela comene Nkhuzomela Nkhumanya yayi Nkhukana Nkhukana comene Option: Chifukwa nchivici? 2 O 1 8. Palije ici tingacita kuti malimilo ghithu ghapite panthazi. Nkhukana comene Nkhukana Nkhumanya yayi Nkhuzomela Nkhuzomela comene Option: Chifukwa? 9. Kasi mukaghanaghaniro kinu, nthowa ya kalimilo kawemi muno mumuzi ni njini? Mapulao gha ng'ombe na nthaka ya vundila Talakita na fataleza Nkhumanya yayi Option: Cifukwa nchivici mukughanaghanira nthena? Note: Interviewer should take separate note of the details to question 9 if they are not included in the 5 above. KASUNGILO, KANOZGHERO, NA KARONGELO KA VYAKURYA 10. Kasi kanozghero ka vyakurya kali uli mazuba ghano? Nkhawemi comene Nkhawemi Kali Makola nthana Nkhaheni Nkhaheni comene Option: Chifukwa? 11. Kasi Karongelo ka vyakurya kali uli sono? Nkhaheni comene ----Nkhaheni Kali makola comene Nkhawemi Nkhawemi comene Option: Cifukwa? 202 12. Kasi kasungilo ka vyakurya kali uli mazuba ghano? Nkhawemi comene NKhawemi Nkhawemi nthana Nkhaheni Nkhaheni comene Option: Cifukwa? 13. Kasi mukucita vici kuti munozghe, na kusunga vyakurya sono? Kuyanika pazuba nakubika mu cinthu cakomira. Kwanika na moto nakubika pa malo ghakomira kubika mu mathini, mubotolo na nthowa zinyake zacizungu Zinyake Option: Cifukwa? l4. Chakurya chakwanika na zuba nchiwemi kuluska cha mumathini. Nkhukana comene Nkhukana Nkhumanya yayi Nkhuzomela Nkhuzomela comene Option: Cifukwa nchivici? 15. VYakwanikilapo na zuba vyama pulanga tingapanga tekha muno mumuzi. Nkhuzomera comene Nkhuzomera Nkhumanya yayi Nkhukana Nkhukana comene Option: Cifukwa? 203 16. Kusunga vyakurya mumathini nge mphacizungu ndiyo nthowa iwemi comene yosungiramo vyakurya mumuzi. Nkhukana comene Nkhukana Nkhumanya yayi Nkhuzomela Nkhuzomera comene Option: Cifukwa nchivici? 17. Nchapatali comene kubika vyakurya mumathini nge mphacizungu kulingana na kwanika pa zuba. Nkhuzomela comene Nkhuzomela Nkhumanya yayi Nkhukana Nkhukana comene Option: Cifukwa? 18. Kasi umu mukughanaghanira imwe, nthowa iwemi comene yakanozghero na karongero ka vyakurya ni njini? Kusebeza na mawoko Kwanika pa zuba na kumoto Kusebezesa visimbi Nthowa za mazuba ghano za cizungu .Option: Cifukwa? 19. Kasi umu mukughanaghanira imwe, nthowa iwemi comene yakasungilo ka vyakurya ni njini? Kwanika na moto panji na zuba nakubika munkhokwe olo mumalo ghanyake ghawemi Kwanika pa zuba nakubika mumathumba. Kubika munkhokwe za simenti nakuthilako munkhwala wokoma fufuzi na tudodo Kusunga mumathini, mumabotolo nge mphacizungu na nthowa zinyake ziwemi zalero. Option: Cifukwa? 204 Note: Interviewer should take separate note to the details to question 19 if they are not found among the 4 identified above. 20. Palije ici tingacita kuti tinozghe karongero na kasungiro ka vyakurya muno mumuzi? Nkhukana comene Nkhukana Nkhukana yayi Nkhuzomera Nkhuzomera comene Option: Cifukwa? 21. Kasi nkhalinga pa caka mukucita ivi: 1. Kuluta ku musonkhano wa PTA wa Kusukulu (Parents Teachers Assciation). Nkhuyako yayi Nkhuyako kamoza panji kanandi pa caka. Option: Cifukwa? 2. Mukuluta ku Chipatala ku Kiliniki para bana, banyinu panyake babali binu balwala? Nkhuyako yayi Nkhuyako nyengo zinyake panji nyengo zose. Option: Cifukwa? 3. Mukukumana na balimi ha boma; agalakaca? Nkhukumana nabo yayi Nkhukumana nabo nyengo kamoza panji nyengo zinandi. Option: Cifukwa? 205 4. Kuluta ku Ungano wa UNIP? (United National Independence Party) Nkhuluta yayi Nkhulutako kamoza panji nyengo zinandi. Option: Cifukwa? 5.Mukuluta kalinga ku misonkhano ya kopaletivu? Nkhulutako yayi Nkhulutako kamoza panyake kanandi. Option: Cifukwa? 22. Kasi pa umoyo winu wose, na umu mukughanaghanira imwe, muganiza vici pa zanthowa iwemi comene yakulima, kanozghero, kawezghero na kasungiro ka vyakurya muno mumuzi? Note: Interviewer to write down details of the answer and other comments particularly the replies to the optional questions. COSISOCHINS Index 206 THE THREE BASIC QUESTIONS ASKED OF OFFICIALS DURING THE IN DEPTH INTERVIEWS 1. Do you find that people always come to you whenever they need advice about farming? 2. Do people listen to your advice whole heartedly? 3. Can you mention atleast five things that you discuss with people and describe what you do? These questions are an example of an interview with an Agricultural Extension Official. The same questions were used in all in-depth interviews with the officials from the five institutions: the Clinic, Agricultural Extension, Co-operattive Society, School, and the (UNIP) Political Party. Of course, in each question during the interview, the subject of the interview was substituted by the appropriate institution. TUMBUKA TRANSLATION OF'THE'QUESTIONS 1. Kasi ndiko kuti banthu bakwiza kwa imwe nyengo zose para bana suzgho ghakulima? 2. Kasi ndiko kuti banthu bakupulika na mtima wose? 3. Kasi mungazunulapo vinthu vinkhondi ibvi mukusambizgha banthu? Nchito yinu mukusebeza uli? COLUMN 1 - 3 ITEM 207 CODING PROCEDURE CODE Identification Three numbers on top of the Village Region Sex Age questionnaire 1=Kasuntha 2=Chimwala 3=Chiyekwete 4=Mtambalika 5=Malewa 6=Mazamu 7=Pemphelani(Maso a Boma) 8=Kadange 9=Nkhombokombo 10=Kamamphina 11=Robert Nyika 12=Chapola 13=Mphamba 14=Kaithinde 15=Kolakumutu 16=Musekadala 17=Kapayika 18=Nyalubanga 19=Gwazapasi 20=Dowoko 21=Mwatamtonga 22=Limbalimba 23=Bila 24=Chizingizi-Chimwamtaba 1=Mwase 2=Vuu-Nkhanga 1=Female 2=Ma1e 15-19 yrs. 20-29 30-39 40-49 50-59 60-69 70-79 80 years and over (DQO‘UIkCONH 10 11 12 13 14 Marital Status Educational Level Income per Capita Source of income Religion FOOD PRODUCTION 208 1=Single 2=Married with no children 3=Married with up to 5 children 4=Married with more than 5 children 5=WOman married to a polygamist with up to 3 wives and up to 5 children 6=WOman married to a polygamist with more than 3 wives and more than 5 children 7=Man polygamist with up to 3 wives and up to 10 children 8=Man polygamist with more than 3 wives and more than 10 children 9=Other 1=Grade 0 2=Grade 1- 4 3=Grade 5- 7 4=Grade 8 and above K00.00 ($00.00 K00.00-K199 ($00.00-$399.00) K200.00-K999.00($400.00-$399.00) K1,000 + ($1,000 and above) Iwal-J 1=Cash Crops 2=Brewing beer 3=Sale of Domestic Animals 4=Other 5=None , l=Catholic 2=Reformed Church of Zambia 3=Church of Zion 4=Chipangano 5=Other 6=None Q1 How is farming these days? (FARMING) 1=Very Good 2=Good 3=Fair 4=Bad 5=Very Bad 15 16 17 18 19 Q2 Q3 Q4 05 06 209 What tools do you use for farming now? (TOOLSUSE) An Ox-plough 1=Hoes only 2=Hoes and Fertilizer 3=Ox-plough 4=Ox-plough, hoes and fertilizer 5=Tractor 6=Ox-plough and hoes 7=Other is better than a tractor for use here in the village. (OXTRACTO) 1=Strongly Disagree 2=Disagree 3=Don't Know 4=Agree 5=Strongly Agree we can make ox-ploughs on our own here in the village. (MAKEOXPL) 1=Strongly Agree 2=Agree 3=Don't Know 4=Disagree 5=Strongly Disagree Fertilizer is better than natural manure for use in our farms or gardens. (FERTMANU) Tractors are 1=Strongly Agree 2=Agree 3=Don't Know 4=Disagree 5=Strongly Disagree the best for us for farming. (TRACTORG) 1=Strongly Agree 2=Agree 3=Don't Know 4=Disagree 5=Strongly Disagree 210 07 It is more difficult to make a tractor here in the village than an ox-plough. (MAKETRAC) 1=Strongly Disagree 2=Disagree 3=Don't Know 4=Agree 5=Strongly Agree 08 There is nothing we can do to improve our farming. (IMPROFAR) 1=Strongly Agree 2=Agree 3=Don't Know 4=Disagree 5=Strongly Disagree Q9 In YOur Opinion, what is the appropriate technology for farming to you here in the village? (ATFARMIN) 1=Tractor and fertilizer 2=Tractor 3=Don't know 4=Ox-plough and natural manure 5=Ox-plough and fertilizer 6=Hoes 7=Hoes and Fertilizer 8=Any technology which is easy to operate, repair right here in the village. 9=Any latest advanced farming technology FOOD PROCESSING, PRESERVATION AND STORAGE Q10 How is your food processing now? (FOODPROC) 1=Very bad 2=Bad 3=Fair 4=Good 5=Very Good 24 25 26 27 28 011 Q12 Ql3 Q14 Q15 How is your How is your What do you (NOWPREST) 211 food preservation now? (FOODPRES) 1=Very Bad 2=Bad 3=Fair 4=Good 5=Very Good food storage now? (FOODSTOR) 1=Very Bad 2=Bad 3=Fair 4=Good 5=Very Good do to preserve and store food now? 1=Canning, bottling and modern refining. 2=Smoking and storing in a dry place. 3=Sun drying and storing in nkhokwe(traditional food storage structure) 4=Other Solar drying food is better than canning. (SOLARCAN) We can make 1=Strongly Disagree 2=Disagree 3=Don't know 4=Agree 5=Strongly’Agree solar driers on our own here in the village. (MAKSOLDR) 1=Strongly Disagree 2=Disagree 3=Don't Know 4=Agree 5=Strongly Agree 29 30 31 32 Q16 017 Q18 019 212 Canning is the best method for us for preserving and storing food.(CANPREST) 1=Strongly Agree 2=Agree 3=Don't Know 4=Disagree 5=Strongly Disagree It is more difficult to refine and can food than solar drying it here in the village. (REFCANSO) 1=Strongly Disagree 2=Disagree 3=Don't Know 4=Agree 5=Strongly Agree In your opinion, what is the appropriate technology for food processing and preservation? (ATPROPRE) 1=MOdern refining 2=Use of automation and mechanization; harvesters etc. 3=Sun Drying 4=Fire drying 5=Use of physical Hands 6=Other In your opinion, what is the appropriate technology for food storage here in the village? (ATSTORAG) 1=Refining, canning, bottling and other advances modern methods. 2=Storing in concrete silos and using insecticides. 3=Sun drying and storing in bags 4=Fire drying and storing in nkhokwe (traditional food storage structure) 5=Sun drying and storing in nkhokwe (traditional food storage structure) 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 213 Q20 There is nothing we can do to improve how we process, preserve and store our food here in the village. (IMPROPRO) 1=Strongly Agree 2=Agree 3=Don't Know 4=Disagree 5=Strongly Disagree Q21 How frequently do you attend school meetings including Parents Teachers Association (PTA)? (SCHOOLPT) l=0 times per year 2=at least once or more times per year Q22 How frequently do you go to the clinic when you, your children, friends or relatives are ill? (CLINIC) 1=0 times per year 2=Sometimes or always Q23 How frequently do you meet with Agricultural Extention Officials to learn or discuss farming techniques? (AGRIEXTE) 1=0 times per year 2=at least once or more times per year Q24 How frequently do you attend united National Independence Party (UNIP) political meetings and rallies? (UNIPARTY) 1=0 times per year 2=at least once or more times per year. Q25 How frequently do you attend and participate in the activities of an active co-operative society? (COOPSOCI) l=0 times per year 2=at least once or more times per year. COSISOCHINS Index (Score from.Q20 to 24) x 2 (-1) 214 ENTRY TO THE RESEARCH SITE: LUNDAZI DISTRICT Entry into the research site was relatively easy. This is because the researcher had previously conducted research in the Lundazi District on two different projects in his capacity as a Research Fellow at the Institute of African Studies at the University of Zambia. So he was familiar with the officials at the district administrative level and where the villages were located. The Director of the Institute for African Studies provided the researcher with a four wheel drive Jeep or Land Rover which was ideal for the muddy dirt roads. The Institute provided a Research Assistant who was also a driver and funds for all expenses during the research trip. The distance from the capital city of Lusaka to the Lundazi District is 800 Kms. The main road from the capital city to the district is tarred or paved. The research team was accommodated at the Lundazi Rest HOuse which is some what equivalent to a motel. The team commuted everyday from the Rest House to the villages. Sometimes as far as fifty miles or eighty kilometers over rough, muddy virtually impassable terrain to remote villages. Upon request the District Secretary assigned the team an experienced guide, officially known as Office Messenger, who was very familiar with the people and the two regions. The services of the guide proved invaluable because on numerous occasions, his knowledge of people, the terrain, short cuts and villages saved us a lot of time. Although the Research Assistant/Driver provided by the Institute for African Studies was multilingual, he could not speak Tumbuka; the language predominantly spoken around the district. So a twenty-three year old assistant was hired. She had a ninth grade education. The day before the team went to conduct the survey, the researcher coached her on how to read the questionnaire and conduct the interviews. The following day when we arrived at the first village, the research assistant observed three interviews which the researcher conducted and was subsequently observed while she conducted several interviews. During the course of the survey, she was randomly monitored as she conducted the interviews. The research team comprised of four people; the researcher, the male guide, the male Research 215 Assistant/Driver, and the female Research Assistant. The Research Assistant/Driver ran errands and drove. The procedure for conducting the six interviews at each of the twenty-four villages was the same. The team arrived at the village to the headman's house or his deputy. We would introduce ourselves to the headman and explain the purpose of our visit. NOne of the headmen was ever hostile or uncooperative. He would summon all the adults in the village; both men and women. The six respondents were then randomly selected and interviewed. VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY OF DATA The validity of the survey was improved by the translation of the English questionnaire into the Tumbuka indeginous language which is the language spoken by almost sixty percent of the population of the district.8 The use of the Random Probe Technique was an additional tool used to improve the validity of the study. Inspite of some minor difficulties, the use of proper sampling methods improved both generalizability and reliability of the findings. Questionnaire Translation The English version of the appropriate technology questionnaire was translated into the Tumbuka language. With the use of the back translation method, eight people were used to translate the questionnaire. They ranged in age from eighteen up to forty-five years. They were all fluent bi- lingual speakers of both English and Tumbuka. Their formal educational qualifications ranged from grade eight to freshmen and senior at the university of Zambia. The first four individuals were asked to translate the English questionnaire into Tumbuka. Then the second four were asked to back translate the Tumbuka questionnaires into English. In each individual process of translating and back translating, the individuals did it separately over two days and did not know or consult each other. They were instructed to translate in the best manner they could and find the closest equivalent concepts and terms where they thought none existed in either language. They were also told to write the problems they faced during the translation. Each time the translation was completed, the researcher discussed with the translator about the problems encountered during the translation. These were carefully written down. The final Tumbuka version of the questionnaire, which was used in the survey, took into account and subsequently incooperated the suggestions, observations, objections of the translators. 216 RandomiProbe Technique In order to have a general idea of the reasoning behind the replies to the structared questionnaire, the random probe technique was used. Following this procedure, a total of forty-two of the 144 randomly chosen respondents, twenty-one from each region, were asked why they responded to one particular question the way they did. Did they answer the way they did for reasons of custom, mere individual choice or opinion or were they infact basing their answers on their knowledge about appropriate technology for food production, preservation and storage? In this way, different respondents were asked about one of the twenty-two items in the questionnaire. 217 TABLE THIRTYeNINE FREQUENCY CRITERIA.WAS MENTIONED IN CONCEPTUALIZATION OF APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGY CRITERIA PERCENT N Strong Belief in Tradition 22.31% 10 Knowledge of Modern Technological Know-how 46.73% 21 Lack of Financial Resources or Capital 4.44% 2 Supernatural Powers e.g Rains 11.20% 5 Problems of Govt. Bureaucracy 15.32% 7 TOTAL 100.00 45 Fourty-four respondents were randomly asked why they responded to specific questions the way they did in the appropriate technology questionnaire. The respondents made approximately eighty-eight statements. Table Thirty-Nine shows the frequency with which the respondents cited one of the five broad criteria. fi- A P P B N D I X C TABLES OF FINDINGS 218 mm APPROPRIATE 'I‘ECHMDLCXSY EUR FCXJD PRODUCI'IG‘I I_3XGENDERANDAGE AGE F 15—39 Yrs. Good Fair Bad 49[Yrs.+ Good Fair Bad Tools USe 15-39 Yrs. Hoes Only Hoes, Oxrploughs Tractors, OXrPloughs 14_Yrs.+ Hoes Only Hoes, OKrPloughs Tractors, Ox-Ploughs Ox-Plough.Tractor 15-39 Yrs. Disagree Donft Know Mmm 49_Yrs.+ D Donft Know Agree Making Ox-Ploughs 15-39 Yrs. Disagree Donft Know Ema 491Yrs.+ Disagree Donft Know Agree 31.1% 8.1% 14.9% 18.6% 10.0% 17.1% 11 13 12 83w» ... OQO‘ 25.7% 12.2% (A) 9 PM” 33333? mgN 9.333 F' u) me? my? 53$$ 31.5w 0) w 0019 {001% Eats: 29.2739; 8» P'P' O‘Qfi N 26 10 25 mix2 2 3.76 2 5.31 2 6.41 2 0.38 2 2.17 2 2.92 2 5.79 1 1.69 Sign. 0.28 0.07 0.04* 0.82 0.33 0.23 0.05* 0.42 Make Tractors 15-39 Yrs. Disagree Don't Know Agree 491Yrs.+ Disagree Donft Know Agree Improve Farming 15-39 Yrs. Disagree Donft Know Agree 59[Yrs.+ Disagree Donft Know Agree App. TeCh. Farming 15-39 Yrs. Tractor and Fertilizer l0x-Ploughs, Hoes bkunnx» Pthnuxxai 219 TABLE FURHH' 2.7% 2 4.1% 4.1% 3 2.7% 47.3% 35 39.2% 7.1% 5 7.1% 2.9% 2 0.0% 35.7% 25 4.7% 14.9% 11 10.8% 9.5% 7 000% 29.7% 22 35.1% 15.7% 11 17.1% 8.6% 6 2.9% 21.4% 15 34.3% 20.3% 15 14.9% 9.5% 7 2.7% 24.3% 18 28.4% 7.1% 5 22.9% 12.9% 9 .7% 25.7% 18 25.7% 10.8% 8 24.3% 13.5% 10 6.8% 29.7% 22 14.9% 14.5% 10 30.4% 14.5% 10 5.8% 17.4% 12 17.4% 18.9% 14 14.9% N ONOO 83cm 18 11 21 12 11 0.47 2.60 7.36 3.63 3.15 7.22 8.75 6.14 0.78 0.27 0.02* 0.16 0.20 0.02* 0.01* 0.04* TABLE FIFTY (Continued) Technology (Ix-Ploughs, Fertilizer, Hoes Dcn't Know 40 Yrs.+ Tractor and Fertilizer Ox-Ploughs, Hoes Manure, Advanced Technology 0x-Ploughs, Fertilizer, Hoes Dm't Know Agricultural Extension 15-39 Yrs. Zero Times Per Year At Least (he or Mare Times Per Year Q Yrs.+ Zero Times Per Year At Least (he or More Times Per Year 220 9.5% 20.3% 5.5% 14.3% 12.9% 15.7% 2.9% 35.1% 18.9% 31.9% 14.5% 7 15 4 10 26 14 10 12.2% 13.5% 4.1% 8.6% 14.3% 25.7% 5.7% 12.2% 33.8% 14.5% 39.1% 10 18 25 10 27 5.: H 1.13 2.90 10. 94 12.01 0.76 0.40 0.0009* 0.0005* *Significant Difference N = 144 Wonen = 72 Men = 72 Table Forty shows that when age is held constant, the omoeptualizatim of appropriate technology for food productim still shows insignificant differences. In twelve of twenty or well over fifty percent of the item show insignificant sexual differences. In otherwords, whether the remxdent was old or young I differentiatim in ocnceptualization. age differences did not yield significant sexual 221 ME FIFTY-(NE mmmmmm BYCENDERAMJEIIIETIO‘I df x2 mm W N MEN N Sign. Farming Grade 1_-4_ Good 28.1% 27 26.0% 25 Fair 9.4% 9 8.3% 8 2 2.63 0.26 Bad 19.8% 19 8.3% 8 Grade _t Good 19.1% 9 40.4% 19 Fair 6.4% 3 17.0% 8 3 2.44 0.48 Bad 8.5% 4 6.4% 3 Tools Use Grade E Hoes Oily 27.1% 26 15.6% 15 Boss, 0x-Ploughs 25.0% 24 21.9% 21 2 1.13 0.56 Tractor, Ox-Ploughs 5.2% 5 5.2% 5 Grade 2 Hoes (hly 6.4% 3 6.4% 3 Hoes, Ox-Ploughs 25.5% 12 53.2% 25 2 0.86 0.64 Tractor, Ox-Ploughs 2.1% l 6.4% 3 Ox-Plough and Tractor Grade 31:11 Disagree 8.3% 8 11.5% 11 Dm't Know 10.4% 10 3.1% 3 2 3.84 0.14 Agree 38.5% 37 28.1% 27 Grade E Disagree 4.3% 2 12.8% 6 Don't Know 0.0% 0 2.1% l 2 0.94 0.62 Agree 29.8% 14 51.1% 24 Making Ox-Ploughs Grade 11 Disagree 33.3% 32 29.2% 28 Don't Kim 18.8% 18 6.3% 6 2 4.65 0.09 Agree 5.2% 5 7.3% 7 Grade g Disagree 23.4% 11 57.4% 27 Dcn't Know 6.4% 3 4.3% 2 2 2.39 0.30 Agree 4.3% 2 4.3% 2 222 TABLE FORTY‘ONE (continued) Fertilizer and Manure Grade.1:4 Disagree Donft Know Agree Gradel§i Disagree Donft Know P9169 Tractors Are Good Gradellzg D Donft Know $09 393 $$$ fimq $23 BDF‘P' axe-r) $23 92$ a.. 18.8% 11.5% 20.8% H 000 14 15 26 18 11 20 are $29 0| w 9?? wow .... “P9 995 N $33 35$ 01 5.2% 13.5% 18.8% §~G 0‘00! 20 19 20 21 15 18 13 18 3.99 2.88 4.78 4.22 10.26 1.40 9.91 4.71 5.79 0.13 0.23 0.09 0.12 0.005* 0.49 0.007* 0.09 0.12 223 new mar-(m: (Continued) Dm't Know Grade _5_+ Tractor and Fertilizer Ox-Ploughs, Hoes Marmre, Advanced Technology Ox-Ploughs, Fertilizer, Hoes Dcn't Know Agricultural Extension Grade 11 Zero Times Per Year At Least (he or More Times Per Year Grade 5_+ Zero Times Per Year At Least (he or More Times Per Year 6.3% 12.8% 41.1% 16.8% 19.1% 14.9% 6 39 16 5.2% 25.5% 12.8% 21.3% 6.4% 12.6% 29.5% 14.9% 51.1% 5 12 12 24 3 1.79 0.61 1 15.32 0.0001* 1 5.32 0.02* *Significant Difference N = 144 Wonm = 72 Men = 72 Although ordinarily low and high levels of formal educatim can be expected to be responsible for sexual differentiatim in oonceptualizatim, Table Forty-me shows this not to be the case in this study. When education was held constant, sixteen or eighty percent of the items still yielded insignificant gender differences. mmmmmm BYCENDERAI‘DM 224 new I‘m-TDD PER CAPITA (191 m U.S s F 0.0-399 Good Fair Bad $33 cagsn> $$$ 8.4 fiqa 22$ $82 18 15 17 19 18 19 12.3% 16.9% 7.7% 13.2% 43.4% ...- 90M >195 53 $$$ $53 a: 55$ qmfi NNB $33 12 31 10 dfx? Sign. 2.47 0.48 3.21 0.20 1.97 0.37 0.68 0.71 1.09 0.57 6.02 0.04* 5.82 0.05* 1.22 0.54 225 ‘TABLE FORTY¥TWO (Continued) Fertilizer and.Manure 0.0-399 Disagree Donft Know Agree 400+ D Donft Know’ Mme Tractors Are Gbod 0.0_399 Disagree Donft Know Agree .QE Disagree Donft Know A9199 Make Tractors 0.0-399 Disagree Donft Know Agree 400+ Disagree Donft Know Agree Improve Farming 0.0~399 Disagree Donft Know Agree 400+ Disagree Donft Know Agree App. Tech. Farming 0.0-399 Tractor and Fertilizer Ox-Ploughs, Hbes, Manure, Advanced Technology OxePlough, Fertilizer, Hoes 16.9% 12.3% 33.8% 11.8% 10.5% 17.1% 10.8% 20.0% 32.3% 14.7% 8.0% 17.3% 18.5% 12.3% 24.6% (A) £00k N GIN 13 21 11 13 12 16 . SH» $$$ 3&8 5"?“ UI P’Hs’fi $22 $22 fipfi 13.8% 9.2% 10.8% 8H0! 8H0.) H0 11 13 15 25 ..n 01000 548 0.35 0.96 3.47 7.12 6.29 2.30 10.97 2.62 1.15 0.83 0.61 0.17 0.02* 0.04* 0.31 0.004* 0.26 0.76 226 TABLE FORTY‘TWO|(COntinued) Donft Know 400+ Tractor and Fertilizer Ox-Ploughs, flees, NEmore,.Advanced Technology Ox-Plough, Fertilizer, Hbes Donft Know Agricultural Extension 0.0b399 ZeroiTimes Per‘Year At Least Once Per Year 400+ ZeroiTimes Per‘Year At LeastIOnce Per Year 7.7% 15.8% 9.2% 13.2% 1.3% 46.2% 16.9% 22.7% 17.3% 5 12 30 11 17 13 3.1% 10.5% 17.1% 26.3% 6.6% 16.9% 20.0% 10.7% 49.3% 2 13 20 11 13 37 3 5.47 1 4.85 1 12.25 0.14 0.02* 0.0005* *Significant Difference N’= 144 women a 72 Men ='72 Low or high income was not responsible for significant gender differences in conceptualization either. Table FortbeWo shows that iiurteen.cm':rbdariflve remnant of the items showed insignificant gender differences in the evaluation of appropriate technology for food.production. APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGY FOR FOOD PRODUCTION 227 TABLEIFORTYrTHREE EX GENDER.AND MARITAL STATUS nauunmm.smamus Farming EEEEEEEEZ Good Fair Bad Elm Good Fair Bad Tools‘Uee Hoes Only Hoes, Oxrploughs Tractors, Ox-Ploughs Balm Hbes Only Hoes, Oxeploughs Tractors, Ox-Ploughs Ox-Plough.and Tractor EEEEEEEEK. Disagree Donft Know Agree P21291111 Disagree Fair Donfit Know 39? 80w $3353 $333 (.0 N' 13 10 11 14 13 13 gififl Elfin) Blfli 33.3% 6.7% 10.0% 26.7% 14.7% 6.7% 33$ are $33 $33 5.. mp. 33$ mm: 9.3 are N' 20 20 11 dtxz 3.30 4.59 2.41 2.20 2.80 0.25 2.98 4.31 Sign. 0.19 0.10 0.29 0.33 0.24 0.87 0.22 0.11 Daft Know Agree E291“! Disagree Daft Know Agree Improve Farming EEEEEEEEY Disagree Daft Know Agree Pol Disagree Daft Know Agree App. Tech. Farming m Tractorand Fertilizer Ox-Plough, Hues $38 3?? $99 8§$ $95 53$ 33% ..- 009) N 25.0% 13.3% 12.0% 26.7% 11.7% 16.7% 21.7% 13.5% 12.2% 27.0% 20.0% Advanced Technology 11.7% Ox-Plough, Fertilizer, Hoes Daft Know 16.7% 1.7% 15 10 20 10 13 10 20 12 0.) my? age H $99 $33 N 8.8 are 22$ .9 ..a (DUI 10.0% 16.7% 18.3% 5.0% 16 14 10 20 18 17 14 1.01 0.27 5.54 3.70 7.99 7.99 8.60 4.59 3.57 0.60 0.87 0.06 0.15 0.01* 0.01 0.01* 0.10 0.31 229 TABLE m-THREE (Cautinued) Exam Tractorand Fertilizer 16.0% 12 12.0% 9 (Ix-Plough, Hues Advanced'rechnology 9.3% 7 10.7% 8 3 0.48 0.92 Ox-Plough, Fertilizer, Hoes 20.0% 15 20.0% 15 Daf t Know 6. 7% 5 5.3% 4 Agricultural Extension 139291"): Zero Times PerYear 35.0% 21 15.0% 9 AtIeastOnoe 1 9.60 0.0001* PerYear 15.0% 9 35.0% 21 3.1-292“}! ZeroTimes PerYear 32.4% 24 8.1% 6 AtieastOnce 1 15.08 0.0001* PerYear 20.3% 15 39.2% 29 *Significant Differences N = 144 Wanen = 72 Men = 72 The pattern of insignificant differences between men and wanai was also true when marital status was held omstant. Table Forty-Three straws that fifteen or seventy-five percait of the items on the questionnaire showed insignificant sexual differences whether the respaident had a polygamous or mmogamous marital status. Overall, fifty-six of a total of eighty or seventy percent of the items yielded insignificant gender differences in the oonceptualizatim of appropriate technology for food productiai. 230 TABLEIFORTYBFOUR APPROPRIATE‘TECHNODOGY’FORlFOOD'PROCESSING, PRESERVATION,1N!)£§K1§K§3Ii!(§illfltlfll)ll§3 1K}! Food.Prooessing 15-39‘Yns. Good Fair Bed 40 Yrs.+ Good Fair Bad Food Preservation. 15-39 Yrs. Good Fair Bad 40 Yrs.+ Good Fair Bad Food Storage 15-39 Yrs. Good Fair Bed 40 Yrs.+ Good Fair Bad Preserve and.Store New 15-39 Yrs. Smoking, Sun.Drying Traditional 40‘Yrs.+ Smoking, Sun Drying Traditional ltlflfli I! 32.4% 6.8% 14.9% 21.4% 7.1% 17.1% 31.1% 8.1% 14.9% 25.7% 7.1% 12.9% 21 13 16 10 24 11 15 12 MEN .33 A95 555 H “NH 555 8 .53 53222 59° 558 0) uh:oro 555 (A) H 015001 555 T32 T35: omfi wqfi H8 H8 df :22 2 LB 2 am 2 2% 2 am 2 in 2 2n 1 am 1Lm Sign. 0.28 0.18 0.35 0.73 0.12 0.34 0.90 0.27 Solar Drying canning 15-39 Yrs. Disagree Donft Know Agree 40 Yrs.+ Disagree Donft Know Agree Make Solar'Driers 15-39 Yrs. Disagree Donit Know Agree 40 Yrs.+ Disagree Donft Know Agree canning is Best 15-39 Yrs. Disagree Don't Know Agree 40 Yrs.+ Disagree Donft Know Agree Refining and Solar Drying 15-39 Yrs. Disagree Donft Know Agree 40‘Yrs.+ Disagree Donft Know 231 .2“ Pas $3; $22 3355 5355 p50. 0.3 mg? 222 223 H 33.” ‘DHN wwd’ BPS” 555 P'F‘ \INU'I 14 16 29 2.18 4.73 8.99 0.02 0.59 6.01 1.19 4.53 2.02 0.33 0.09 0.01* 0.98 0.74 0.04* 0.54 0.10 0.56 232 TABLE RICH-MIR (Continued) 40Yrs.+ NbdernRefining, Autanatiai 2.9% 2 10.0% 7 Fire Drying, Use of Hands,orManua1 0.0% 0 2.9% 2 4.49 0.21 Sun Drying, Other 38.6% 27 38.6% 27 DaftKnow 4.3% 3 2.9% 2 Appropriate Technique for Food Storage 15—39 Yrs. ModernAdvanced Methods 21.6% 16 23.0% 17 Sun Drying, Tradi- 0.74 0.38 tional Storage 32.4% 24 23.0% 17 40Yrs.+ NbdernAdvanced Methods 5.7% 4 8.6% 6 Sun Drying, Tradi- 0.15 0.69 timal Storage 40.0% 28 45.7% 32 Nothirgtolmprove Process, Preserve 15-39 Yrs. Disagree 12.2% 9 20.3% 15 DaftKnow 25.7% 19 8.1% 6 7.86 0.01* Agree 16.2% 12 17.6% 13 40Yrs.+ Disagree 8.6% 6 21.4% 15 DaftKnow 21.4% 15 18.6% 13 3.55 0.16 Agree 15. 7% 11 14.3% 10 *Significant Difference = 144 Wanen=72 =72 Table Forty-Four straws that when age is held constant, the oaioeptualization of appropriate technology for food preservatiai, and storage still shows insignificant differences. In ninteei of twenty-two or well over eighty-five percent of the items show insignificant sexual differences. In otherwords, wretrertherespaidentwasoldoryamg, agediffereicesdidnot yield significant sexual differeitiatiai in oonceptualizatiai. Food Storage Grade 1-4 Fair Grade 5+ Fair Preserve and Store Now Grade 1-4 Canning,1Modern Refining Smoking, Sun Drying Traditicnal Traditional HN N O‘O‘H 00m 3:5 :2: N CPO) N N O‘NUI are $25 0.0% 31.9% 2.1% 27 19 10 27 20 12 16 10 16 N 090‘ H .pa . 223 are 25.0% 5.2% 12.5% 36.2% 19.1% 10.6% 25 10 26 11 11 (ifx2 4.95 1.70 0.84 3.31 1.11 1.96 0.04 1.97 Sign. 0.08 0.42 0.65 0.19 0.57 0.37 0.83 0.15 234 TABLE FORTY-FIVE (Continued) Solar Drying Canning Grade 1-4 M%mm Rthnw Grade 5+ Mama mfitwnv mmsmannes Grade 1-4 ammgnnwn ambLA Mama thmuv Mme Gm®5+ Mama mfltmnv Mme Refining and.Solar Drying aware Mama metwuv Agree away Mama RmWKuv MM” wmwnflewmee fmew$,H%aw mabLA Mwanmfimm, mumum. Fuequmeof Hm$,mwmwn wnMfim,mMr mfltmuv mah5+ 10.4% 12.5% 34.4% 14.9% 2.1% 11% 7.3% @£% 6.3% 12.8% 14.9% 6.4% 15% lmfi 27.1% 1&% Q% 21.7% 4.2% 2.1% 45% 6.3% mpq $55 GgN II:- 5?» 3535 $55 555 N 555 555 OQCD \looq NN 955 r98 555 555 OPdeP 6969 9N5 5mm vwwm Hug (A) 8001 899 W B M N n m NgN on 4.62 4.74 1.32 5% 2.95 1.17 3.82 0.54 LB am am 0.51 0.08 0.22 0.55 0.14 0.76 Q3 235 TABLE KITTY-FIVE (Continued) Pbdern Refining, Autanatim 10.6% 5 14.9% 7 Fire Drying, Use of Hands, or Manual 0.0% 0 8.5% 4 2.62 0.45 Sun Drying, Other 21.3% 10 36.2% 17 Daft Know 2.1% 1 6.4% 3 Appropriate Technique for Food Storage m Modem Advanced Methods 13.5% 13 31.6% 6 . Sun Drying, Tradi- 1.19 0.27 timal Storage 43.8% 42 45.5% 35 Grade 5+ Modern Advanced Methods 14.9% 7 36.2% 17 Sun Drying, Tradi— 0.51 0.47 timal Storage 19.1% 9 29.8% 14 Nothing to Improve Process, Preserve Grade 1-4 Disagree 9.4% 9 16.7% 16 Daft Know 29.2% 28 13.5% 13 6.74 0.03* Agree 18.8% 18 12.5% 12 Grade 5+ Disagree 12.8% 6 29.8% 14 Daft Know 10.6% 5 12.8% 6 0.83 0.65 Agree 10.6% 5 23.4% 11 *Significant Differene N = 144 Wanem = 72 Men = 72 Although ordinarily low and high levels of formal educatim can be expected to be respaisible for sexual differentiatiai in ca'xceptualizatiai, Table Forty-Five shows this not to be the case inthisstudy. Wheaeducatiaiwasheldcaistant, twenty-axe of twenty-two or over ninty-five percent of the items still yielded insignificant gender differences. 236 TABLE KITTY-SIX APPWRIATEWHRMWDG, PRESERVATIONLAMJMBYCINDER AM) more PER (EPITA CASH rims U.s.s m N m: N df x2 Sign. Food 0.0-399 Good 32.3% 21 23.1% 15 Fair 20.0% 13 7.7% 5 0.99 0.60 Bad 10.8% 7 6.2% 4 400+ Good 21.1% 16 42.1% 32 Fair 13.2% 10 7.9% 6 4.49 0.10 Bad 5.3% 4 10.5% 8 Food,Preservation 0.0-399 Good 35.4% 23 18.5% 12 Fair 6.2% 4 7.7% 5 1.50 0.45 Bad 21.5% 14 10.8% 7 400+ Good 21.1% 16 35.5% 27 Fair 7.9% 6 11.8% 9 0.28 0.86 Bad 10.5% 8 13.2% 10 Food Storage 0.0-399 Good 29.2% 19 24.6% 16 Fair 13.8% 9 4.6% 3 2.54 0.28 Bad 20.0% 13 7.7% 5 400+ Good 28.9% 22 42.1% 32 Fair 2.6% 2 6.6% 5 0.38 0.82 Bad. 7.9% 6 11.8% 9 Preserve and Store New 0.0-399 Smoking, Sun.Drying Traditional 60.0% 39 36.9% 24 1.20 0.27 Other 3.1% 2 0.0% 9 400+ Smoking, SunLDrying Traditional 39.5% 30 59.2% 45 0.66 0.41 Other 0.0% 0 1.3% 1 237 TABLE FORTY¥SIX.(COntinued) Solar Drying Canning 0.0-399 Disagree Donft Know Agree 400+ Disagree Don't Know Agree Make Solar Driers 0.0~399 Disagree Donft Know Donft Know Agree Refining and Solar Drying 0.0-399 Disagree Donft Know 0.0-399 Modern.Refining, Annrnefldrxi Fire Drying, use of Hands,ioermnmfl. Sun.Drying, Other 23.8.53 $53 tar N Ibb-I' HP? ”HP 52333 $22 pan. wNH 999 553 HN 55%?» age are $$$ a) 5°99 3.1% 0.0% 51.6% 26 10 14 14 18 17 8c: are are 513m . $85 it. are 9355 N00 NUIO‘ 10.9% 1.6% 20.3% H OJUIH 8mm 6.00 1.30 0.78 3.95 0.10 5.19 5.19 0.90 10.21 0.04* 0.52 0.67 0.13 0.94 0.07 0.07 0.63 0.01* 238 TABLE FORTY-SIX ((bntimed) Donft Know 9.4% 6 5.3% 2 400+ MaiarnRefihfing, Autanaticn 9.2% 7 10.5% 8 Firelhqdng,thnof Hands, or Manual 2.6% 2 5.3% 4 0.77 0.85 Sun Drying, Other 26.3% 20 40.8% 31 DaftKnow 1.3% 1 3.9% 3 Appnxrdate'neirugue :flanbodsflrnage 0.0-399 MaierxAdwmred Methods 18.5% 12 9.2% 6 Sun Drying, Tradi- 0.13 0.71 ticnal Storage 44.6% 29 27.7% 18 400+ MoiernAdwrred Methods 10.5% 8 19.7% 15 Sun.Drying, Tradi- 0.30 0.58 ticnal Storage 28.9% 22 40.8% 31 thhhrgtolnqntwe fatness,22oe§ume 0.0-399 Disagree 12.3% 8 15.4% 10 DaftKnow 26.2% 17 9.2% 6 3.97 0.13 Agree 24.6% 16 12.3% 8 400+ Disagree 9.2% 7 25.0% 19 DaftKnow 21.1% 16 17.1% 13 5.03 0.08 Agree 9.2% 7 18.4% 14 *Significant Difference N=144 Wamen=:72 Mea==72 Low or high income was not responsible for significant gender differences in conceptualization either. Table Forty-Six stmsthattwentyoftwenty—tmorovernintypercentofflne items showed insignificant gender differences in the evaluatian of appropriate technology for food productia’n. APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGH’FOR.FOOD*PROCESSING, PRESERVATIONL ANDISTORAGE'BY’GENDER ANDIMARITAL STATUS 239 TABLE FORTYPSEVEN MARITAL STATUS Fcchrccessing Fair W Fair Food Preservatian Fair 2.01m Fair Food Storage Fair £01m Fair PreserveandStoreNow Smoking, SunDrying Traditional P01 Smoking, Sun Drying Traditional arruaw 1' 25.0% 11.7% 29.3% 29.3% 18.7% 4.0% 48.3% 1.7% 50.7% 1.3% 15 22 14 10 10 24 10 H canon Suki H (301% N \100 1.81 1.74 0.34 1.91 1.96 0.50 0.0 1 0.93 an:2 Sign. 0.40 0.41 0.84 0.38 0.37 0.77 1.00 0.33 240 TABLE FORTYLSEVEN’(Oontinued) Solar'Drying’Canning BEEEEEEEK Disagree Donft Know Agree Pol Disagree Donft Know Agree Make Solar Driers EEEESETY Disagree Donft Know Agree £21m Disagree Donft Know A9166 Canning is Best EEEEZEEEK Disagree Donft Know Agree Essen: Disagree Donfit Know Agree Refining and.Solar Drying EEEEEEEEZ Disagree Donft Know Agree Pol Disagree Donit Know Agree ' Appropriate Technique for Process, Preserve :Modern.Refining, Automation Fire Drying, USe of Hands, or Manual Sun Drying, Other Donfit Know 11.7% 7 8.3% 5 30.0% 18 12.0% 9 9.3% 7 30.7% 23 6.7% 4 36.7% 22 6.7% 4 12.0% 9 32.0% 24 8.0% 6 33.3% 20 10.0% 6 6.7% 4 30.7% 23 14.7% 11 6.7% 13.3% 8 6.7% 4 30.0% 18 18.9% 14 12.2% 9 21.6% 16 5.1% 3 1.7% 1 39.0% 23 5.1% 3 10.2% 1.7% 30.5% 6.8% {Sum N 01010 19 10 22 2.00 0.89 3.35 1.12 0.16 1.45 1.16 4.41 1.73 0.36 0.63 0.18 0.57 0.91 0.48 0.91 0.11 0.62 241 TABLE KITTY-SEVEN (Continued) P01 ModernRefining, Autanatian 6.7% 5 10.7% 8 Fire Drying, Use of Hands,orManua1 1.3% l 6.7% 5 6.00 0.11 Sun Drying, Other 38.7% 29 29.3% 22 DaftKnow 5.3% 4 1.3% 1 Appropriate Technique for Food Storage m NbdernAdvanced Methods 16.7% 10 13.3% 8 Sun Drying, Tradi- 0.31 0.57 tianal Storage 33.3% 20 36.7% 22 m ModernAdvanced Methods 12.0% 9 14.7% 11 Sun Drying, Tradi- 0.53 0.46 tianal Storage 40.0% 30 33.3% 25 NothingtoImprove Process, Preserve W Disagree 10.0% 6 20.0% 12 DaftKnow 28.3% 17 16.7% 10 3.88 0.14 Agree 11.7% 7 13.3% 8 20.1191"! Disagree 10.7% 8 18.7% 14 DaftKnow 20.0% 15 12.0% 9 Agree 21.3% 16 17.3% 13 N=144 Wanen=72 Men=72 The pattern of insignificant difference between men arnd wanen was also true when marital status was held canstant. Table Forty-Seven shows that none of the twenty-two items in the questiannaire showed significant sexual differences whether the respandent had a polygamous or monogamous marital status. Overall, eighty-two of a total of eighty-eight itens or ninty-four percent of the items yielded insignificant gender differences in the caiceptualizatian of appropriate technology for food processing, preservation, and storage. 242 TABLEIFORTYFEIGHT APPROPRIATE:TTIIDIIIIBIIKIIIKII)I§KIIIHHIAL PROCESSING, PRESERVATION}.AND STORAGE BY'OOSISOCHINS INDEXflBYflNGE amanms amaums AGE FmMm 15-39 Yrs. Good Fair Bed 40 Yrs.+ Making'Ox-Plcughs 15-39 Yrs. M%gm mwtwuv 40‘Yrs.+ untmav nflm NH 555 .7 2.73 P'P' P'F‘ w H 5'3 5w 555 555 N Pm N' 21 15 10 13 21 13 12 Ban HIGH 28.4% 12.2% 10.8% 32.9% 12.9% 11.4% .5 532$ $335.2 N’ mBG nge £22 Sign. 1.54 0.67 1.65 0.43 4.11 0.12 0.72 0.69 7.45 0.02* 1.52 0.46 0.54 0.76 2.49 0.28 Fertilizer andlManure 15-39 Yrs. Disagree thmnv Agree 40 Yrs.+ Disagree Donft Know Agree Tractors are Good 15-39 Yrs. Disagree IX:ft:Khow Agree 40 Yrs.+ Disagree Donft Know Agree biflaa'Tractors 15-39 Yrs. Disagree Donft Know Agree 40 Yrs.+ Disagree Donft Know Agree Improve Farming 15-39 Yrs. Disagree Donft Know Agree 40 Yrs.+ Disagree Donft Know Agree App. Tedh. Farming 15—39 Yrs. Tractor and Fertilizer Oerloughs, Hoes btunntn Advanced Tedhnology' Oxeploughs, 243 w s 9&9 .9? 555 $55 S BmH 15.9% 11.6% 15.9% 20.3% 8.1% N 01H 5mg 5mm 11 17 11 11 15 6 SH. 30. $55 $3: a.. S0. 5P? 555 H (A) \IPUI 555 355 am; 558 :35 N N mag am. $39 2&3 H 13.5% 13.5% new FOR‘IY—EIG-H' (Cmtinued) 12 21 14 19 18 16 20 13 10 10 'TABLEIFORTYLEEGHH'(continued) 7.00 0.07 1.78 3.52 0.44 1.11 7.09 1.92 3.44 0.03* 0.96 0.40 0.17 0.80 0.57 0.02* 0.38 0.32 Fertilizer, Bees Donft Know 40 Yrs.+ Tractor and Fertilizer Ox-Ploughs, Hess Manure, Advanced Technology Ox-Plcughs, Fertilizer, Hces Donit Know Food Processing 15-39 Yrs. Good Fair Bed 40 Yrs.+ Good Fair Bad Fbod.Preservation 15-39 Yrs. Good Fair Bad 14 Yrs.+ Good Fair Bad Food Storage 15-39 Yrs. Good Fair Bad 40 Yrs.+ Good Fair Bad Preserve and.Store New 15-39 Yrs. Smoking, Sun Drying Traditional 28%.». 244 14.3% 15.7% 25.7% 14.9% 22.9% 10.0% 10.0% 47.3% 1.4% 10 19 11 16 19 16 12 20 16 10 35 1 20.3% 4.1% 12.9% 25.7% 5.7% H0.) HHg #5001 I-‘Ng 09* HP 0 m 555 a.» 555 50.0% 1.4% 25 20 11 27 27 10 37 1 TABLE Emmy-Elam (Gantinued) 1 1.25 0.73 2.23 0.32 0.31 0.85 1.51 0.46 3.58 0.16 2.20 0.33 1.56 0.45 0.001 0.96 Smoking, Sun.Drying Traditional Other Solar Drying Canning 15-39 Yrs. Disagree Donft Know Agree 40 Yrs.+ Disagree Donlt Know Agree Make Solar'Driers 15-39 Yrs. Disagree Donft Know Agree 40 Yrs.+ Disagree Don't Know Agree canning is Best 15-39 Yrs. Disagree Donft Know Agree 40 Yrs.+ Disagree Donft Know Agree Refining and.Solar Drying 15—39 Yrs. Disagree Don't Know Agree 40 Yrs.+ Disagree Donlt Know Agree Appropriate TeChnique for Process, Preserve 15-39 Yrs. btrhmanefining, Infirmrndrrn 245 10.8% 10.8% 27.0% 8.6% 29.7% 16.2% 2.7% 31.4% 8.6% 2.9% 21.9% 6.8% 20.5% 11.4% 10.0% 21.4% 8.2% papa c>aad3 ~5a ~m5 ~55 6 12.2% “P 55 N H *9? 5*? 555 555 12.3% 16 13 36 12 20 31 9 ‘TABLE FORTYSEIGHT (continued) 0.76 0.85 4.50 1.33 1.20 5.39 3.35 1.27 6.14 0.38 0.65 0.10 0.51 0.54 0.06 0.18 0.52 0.04 246 Fire Drying, Use of Hands, or Manual 2.7% 2 5.5% 4 3 1.31 0.72 Sun Drying, Other 31.5% 23 30.1% 22 Daft Know 5.5% 4 4.1% 3 40 Yrs.+ Modern Refining, Autanatian 2.9% 2 10.0% 7 Fire Drying, Use of Hands, or Manual 0.0% 0 2.9% 2 3 3.92 0.26 Sun Drying, Other 35.7% 25 41.4% 29 Daft Know 4.3% 3 2.9% 2 Appropriate Technique for Food Storage 15-39 Yrs. Modern Advanced Methods 21.6% 16 23.0% 17 Sun Drying, Tradi- 1 0.0006 0.97 tianal Storage 27.0% 20 28.4% 21 40 Yrs.+ Modern Advanced Methods 2.9% 2 11.4% 8 Sun Drying, Tradi- 1 2.48 0.11 tianal Storage 40.0% 28 45.7% 32 Nothing to Improve Process, Preserve 15—39 Yrs. Disagree 12.2% 9 20.3% 15 Daft Know 21.6% 16 12.2% 9 3.76 0.15 Agree 14.9% 11 18.9% 14 40 Yrs.+ Disagree 11.4% 8 18.6% 13 Daft Krnow 17.1% 12 22.9% 16 0.38 0.82 Agree 14.3% 10 15.7% 11 *Significant Difference N = 144 Wanen = 72 Men = 72 Table Forty-Eight shows that when age is held canstant, the canceptualizatian of appropriate techrnolcgy for food productian, processing, preservation, and storage between low and high COSISOCHINS Index still shows insignificant differences. In seventeen of twenty or well over eighty-five percent of the iters show insignificant sexual differences. In otherwords, whether the respandent was old or young, age differences did not yield significant CDSISOOCHINS Index differentiatian in conceptualizatian. 247 TABLE FORTY¥NINE APPROPRIATE:TEIIDIXLXEIIIIIIIIIJITIIIIHBIFL PROCESSING, PRESERVATIONL AND STORAGEIBYWOOSISOCHINS EDUCNEHJ' Farming Grade 1-4 Good Fair Bad Grade 5+ Good Fair Bad Tools Uee Grade 1-4 Hoes Only Hoes, Oerloughs Tractor, Oerlcughs Grade 5+ Hoes Only Hbes, Oerlcughs Tractor, Ox—Plcughs Ox-Plcugh.and.Tractor Grade 1—4 Disagree Donfthnow Agree Grade 5+ Disagree Don't Know Agree Making'OxePlcughs Chane 1-4 Disagree Donft Know Agree Grade 5+ Disagree Donft Know Agree Index HN NHh 90001 (A) 555 555 898 H .95". 555 555 N 01 N’ 24 17 12 24 18 15 10 29 12 29 14 14 INDEX.BN'EDUCATTCNI Index EEK}! 553 55? 555 555 H n5q NHQ «’de :55 we? 5?? 555 555 U! $3; 55% 333 33333 $93 929 h‘ a: rd cow awm $98 $99 16.7% 13.3% 11.7% 3.3% 259 16 10 15 10 inoo 26.7% 6.7% 21.7% 13.3% 10.7% 33.3% 28.3% 10.0% 16.7% 27.0% 5.4% 24.3% 13.3% 15.0% 23.3% 3.3% N \ll-‘U'I 83cm 16 13 10 25 17 10 20 18 2.60 4.22 0.82 4.12 2.36 0.97 3.00 7.07 2.03 0.27 0.12 0.66 0.12 0.30 0.61 0.22 0.02* 0.56 Pol Tractor and Fertilizer OKrPlough, HUes Advanced.Technology Ox-Plcugh, Fertilizer, Hoes Dcnft Know Fbcd.Processing EEEEEEEEK Good Fair Bad m 260 14.7% 11 6.7% 5 16.0% 12 5.3% 4 26.7% 16 6.7% 4 11.7% 7 21.3% 16 16.0% 12 5.3% 4 23.3% 14 8.3% 5 13.3% 8 24.0% 18 6.7% 5 12.0% 9 31.7% 19 3.3% 2 10.0% 6 18.7% 14 12.0% 9 12.0% 9 45.0% 27 0.0% 0 41.3% 31 1.3% 1 13.3% 13.3% 24.0% 6.7% 11.7% 41.3% 5.3% 10.7% TABLE FIFTYHONE (Continued) 10 10 1.44 0.48 3.03 0.12 1.06 0.36 6.94 0.69 0.78 0.21 0.94 0.58 0.83 0.03* 0.56 0.88 261 TABLE FIFTY-(NE (Continued) SolarDrwngCanning 322931—11! Disagree 10.0% 6 6.7% 4 Daft Know 10.0% 6 6.7% 4 2 2.72 0.25 Agree 25.0% 15 41.7% 25 P01 Disagree 9 . 3% 7 10 . 7% 8 Daft Know 9.3% 7 6.7% S 2 1.82 0.40 Agree 24.0% 18 40.0% 30 Make Solar Driers m Disagree 6.7% 4 5.0% 3 Daft Know 31.7% 19 33.3% 20 2 2.16 0.33 Agree 6.7% 4 16.7% 10 1012921!!! Disagree 13.3% 10 9.3% 7 Daft Know 21.3% 16 36.0% 27 2 2.38 0.30 Agree 8.0% 6 12.0% 9 Canning is Best m Disagree 33.3% 20 35.0% 21 Daft Know 8.3% 5 11.7% 7 2 1.05 0.59 Agree 3.3% 2 8.3% 5 P01 Disagree 25.3% 19 38.7% 29 Daft Know 14.7% 11 12.0% 9 2 1.99 0.36 Agree 2.7% 2 6.7% 5 Refining and Solar Drying m Disagree 11.7% 7 15.0% 9 Daft Know 3.3% 2 8.3% 5 2 0.97 0.61 Agree 30.0% 18 31.7% 19 101291"! Disagree 20.3% 15 12.2% 9 Daft Know 12.2% 9 4.1% 3 2 16.18 0.0003* Agree 10.8% 8 40.5% 30 Appropriate Technique for Process, Preserve m Nbdern Refining, Autanatim 8.5% 5 6.8% 4 Fire Drying, Use of Hands, orManual 1.7% l 1.7% l 3 1.41 0.70 Sun Drying, Other 27.1% 16 42.4% 25 DaftKnow 6.8% 4 5.1% 3 262 TABLE FIFTY‘CNE (Continued) Pol Modern Refining, Autanatim Fire Drying, Use of Hands,orManual Sun Drying, Other Daft Know 16.0% 6.7% 32.0% 2.7% 3 10.97 0.01* Appropriate Technique for Food Storage m1“! Modern Advanced Methods Sun Drying, Radi- tianal Storage m Modern Advanced Methods Sun Drying, Tradi- tiaxal Storage Notlm'gtolmprove Process,Preserve Disagree Daft Know Agree Em Disagree Daft Know Agree 11.7% 33.3% 8.0% 34.7% 11.7% 21.7% 11.7% 8.0% 17.3% 17.3% 20 26 13 13 13 18.3% 36.7% 18.7% 38.7% 13.3% 23.3% 13.3% 21.3% 14.7% 21.3% 11 22 14 29 14 16 11 16 1 0.11 0.73 1 1.15 0.28 2 0.39 0.82 2 3.48 0.17 N=144 Wanen=72 Men=72 Table Fifty—Che shows that when marital status was held cmstant, thirty-six of fourty or ninty percent of the items still yielded insignificant differences in the evaluation of appropriate technology at 0.05 percent level. The cauparism was betweenrespamdentsvmohadalanandhigthISOCHINS Index. APPENDIX D MAPS J.D. Page, An Atlas of African History, Second Edition, co to m' u' 10' I" 30' a' 3" ‘0' I” ‘ - :- v v T v w ‘ . . ‘0 > ‘ ‘ . C i u. g ..I a g Tunis u '5‘ Algiers 2 I Rabat a I (,0 ’, 131 i I . L I ,o P IFNI Spur-M) $0 I a r" to Moron-o. I96! *0 Cairo. d! 1.1 sumsu SAHARA ' : du-ulnl Mun-m A L G E R I A L I B Y A EGYPT . Murwu- and n Maunlumu I076 I I l :a’~r- CA»: venoe 4m: , ISLANDS MAURITANIA t. 7 I I 9.1: ‘0 NoqurItolI N I G E R I ' M A L' Kim-tun = ..o' Dakar ‘64, N H A - DJIBOUTI :977 ‘ I T H E Bamul C? Bamaku ‘0" F 9m" C D I I GAMBIA ° «3‘ o . S U D A N .? 8m... .9 ““4 Ndyamcm A d . .; GUINEE GUINEA ° A: E, g < w' I" 'I' '9" CW3"? N I C E R IA .1 o 3 I Freetown Q II $222: GHANA Lagos ”"7““- E T H I O PIA Q0 I I swam "mm," 6‘0 AFRICAN £MFIRE ,9 , LEONE 9 ’ CAL Banyan Q‘ I I '\. c i . ‘ "I_ \ . I; mean v“ v" ”‘3? ° \Lsmmdr 0* r" g 7 I "7‘ r“ 4‘ M d , ' 1'; 000 o o“. KENYA to w m“ 5. ... ‘r nItrrviIIr 0 4v Km» .1 J? " I' NIN GABON ? .1!” o . . I I. (formnflv 0° 2 A I R E I“ "and" R A DA 5 '3 "A HOMEY) "m7 IJWJ'O' flue-‘1 . W N ,f I K Isluu u" ‘ IURUNOI ', . EQUATORIAL " M TANZA~IA g a . GUINEA nu . . .- [I AO THOME Luanda 0‘" a ”I“... U .‘I 1 Pamela: J CU "r .975 I! I I . H ANGOLA H .i g I' i * % J In; :0 b I , I - 0 mm ler.‘ 2 I g - A 4 4- . 3 K: Mam-r8 A__IL N I to ; . l' {401’ H ' 5°”"' 91 W W I A F n I c A I I; l I. ‘ | I i I In I -! VI a H A A L #4 . _ 4 A 1 ‘u I 4" .W' m o‘ m' :o' 30' 40‘ 50' (m' Source: London: Edward Arnold (Publishers) Ltd., 1958, 1978. 264 languages 0 MILCS 199 .4 L. v-—‘-r- “I 0 KILOMCTRES 20° . . . ._._;.i»;«:‘_~\\ F ( Luc AZI \ W’ (’4’ MBUNDA\‘Y. IL, 9 V A F5907 I“ flq‘x\‘ *- 117/1:51 I’VI’I‘II ‘1 . 7 — ' ——, ‘ f ® . Tubes 0 MILES 125 O KILOMETRES 200 '\.’-‘. . SEB’A ¥'\ \""\5 ,’ g ’ LAMBA -\_ ---_._-—- i . LIMA A, (‘15 LALA I KAONDE v,’ ' i" r \ ' / OP‘\ NKOYA Mbwclc . ' Nyfngfied“ IMBUNDA ' to V 2| chngwc r effig) I p Moshosho ' ’ (1d 4'. MBUN A Kwondl CUMBU ' 1 Simco "" ‘9’» 4760 V AMBO Tribe 4' SHANJO TOKA Two Sub-Tribal Group For explanation of- ---- boundaries see text (I a, (.1 3 I, L92“ suew \ \, LEYA 3"“.— Source: D. Hywel Davies (ed.)., Zambia in Maps. London: Press Ltd., 1971. HWL/LM University of London 265 Ltd. , 1971. 24' 27' 30° TH _T l I . O 1 1"} I ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISIONS E . I J ' A, 9'~ /- .\' -I »_- 1 . x, \ ‘ MPOROKOS'O” \ ‘3 “1"“? ‘?5 "'~ . '-\ 6 inflame; 250 (KAWAMBWA ' KASAMA»; Jim I,\ J ‘. 3 I NORTHERN;"\\‘ -\ irx , . . .133“ ‘: LUW'NGU' fiCHINSALII $5 . /‘°’—-° .'- I, - u" o ' I T-' I, MAN“ {TSAMFYAV' ~\ ./ (MWINILUNGAhx, ['1‘ \L U A p U __L A’ 3‘ \ 0 . ‘. v. z o 12.- , g- “‘- .\ \\ : \r‘ MPIKA I I N12. ) : DJ?" .“'\ .b.\p ( 1. \‘ .L. SOLWEZI J .2 3. i I LUNDAZI] ’ N o. R T. H I ~"":;§.3'"‘s"" ' I‘ 1’ "' . .- Noon: .-::‘ . \_ ‘ ....... .. ....» ~, z.» ! ,s I “some '-.,.,'IC 0 p p 5' R ,N,/ I sERENJE \{l CHIN” -) BALOVALE —- ' I“ w.-E s T E R N g..-‘ 3,5 L I” -. I T: r ~ - .- . « ---, =-----« . V “‘2"? “,3, KASEMPA 5". .--- ”3: MKUSHI ‘, EA 5.75 R N ,2? ' I .- KABWE': ’ ' 3... IKALABO “T"‘TTH “URN-I " 3...»! PETAUE./ MANKOYA " 15'- I MONGU ) MUMBWA C E N T R A L..= .-‘-’ ”5' | LEALU' l-----.-.._-, =22" LUSAKA I w E S. T E- R: N ,1 -,,.- .. °-.9. :IRURALI. Penna . a 5 '5’" "TT' "T" . v; NAMWALA :‘ " ‘\ URBAN DISTRICTS I .., M.‘AZABUKA.‘ , SENANGA l-. ': ..... ( 1 Chlhlabombwe \ ’ I- ,,,,, "" '3 .......... . 2 Chingola .\ ’3‘ " QCHQMA; ~5W5M3§ - 3. Mufullra '\' SESHEKE , S O U T H E R. 4. Kalulusm 5 Kltwc \ - 3' “ALONG 6 Luanshya .g.’.’o—oh. :0"; BOUNDARIES 7. NdOIO \AQ’ , ‘2' ~-- Provincial 3 “05"" 1g- ’9' ‘0’” a Lusaka IIBI --- Rural and Urban District 10 LIVINOSIOM DJS/LM I 1 1 l 24' 27’ 30' 33‘ Source: D. Hywel Davies (ed.), Zambia in Maps, London: University of London Press \ ‘ / ' '\ /" mum mu. \VK-A" /‘ . / ‘ ' / z-fv \ E "n. /. '/ \\ // ~"" )3 / \ ---------- —— ‘.' I. ./ .,l I I. \. A. ./ ! ! I . /' WAS! ml VUU-NKHANDA REGIONS of the LUNDAZI DISTRICT Sub ”H.500 5 ID 1‘! ID 1'0 1'0 3'0 lull Vllm fut-nu = ""- M w nun Source: Tembo, Mwizenge, Vuu-Nkhanga and Mwase Regions of the Lundazi District. A P P E N D I X E LETTER OF INTRODUCTION THE UNIVERSITY OF ZAMBIA INSTITUTE FOR AFRICAN STUDIES P.0. Box 30900, LUSAKA. ZAMBIA. Your Reference: Telephone: 2.2.13.2: Our Reference: Telegrams: INSAS 27th March, 1985. TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGY FOR FARMING, FOOD PRODUCTION AND STORAGE This is to introduce Mr. Mwizenge S. Tembo. a Special Research Fellow here in the Institute for African Studies, University of Zambia. Mr. Tembo is conducting research on “Appropriate Technology for Farming Food Production and Storage" in your area. We will be most grateful to you for whatever assistance you can give him to facilitate this very important research. He will gladly advise you, should you need more information on the project. Yours in National Service. Steven P.C. Mo 0 (Dr.) DIRECTOR, INSTITUTE FOR FRICAN STUDIES BIBLIOGRAPHY 268 REFERENCES Agarwal, Bina. "Women and Technological Change in Agriculture: The Asian and African Experience." in Technoiggy and Rural Women: Conceptual and Empirical Issues," Edited by Iftikhar Ahmed. Boston: George Allen and Unwin, 1985. 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