LIBRARY
Michigan State
University

_~

 

 

 

This is to certify that the

thesis entitled
The Influence of Peer Group Associations
In the Development of Alcoholism:
A Case Study

presented by

Ann Kathleen Hart

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Master of Artgegree in Sociology

g 4 at am

Major professor

 

 

Date November 4, 1987

 

0-7639 MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution

 

 

._._ _—-—————————-——-v. "—— , __ ___. __

 

 

 

 

1V1ESI.J RETURNING MATERIALS:

Place in book drop to
LJBRARJES remove this checkout from
n your record. ‘FINES will
be charged if book is
returned after the date
stamped below.

 

 

 

 

av:-‘--t~*«'~¢£.c.r£
JUN til-L‘s;
1 ,4: 7

l»

 

 

THE INFLUENCE OF PEER GROUP ASSOCIATIONS
IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF ALCOHOLISM:
A CASE STUDY

by

Ann Kathleen Hart

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Sociology

1987

ABSTRACT

The Influence of Peer Group Associations
In the Development of Alcoholism:
A Case Study

by
Ann Kathleen Hart

The following paper examines the influence of various
peer group associations at different stages in the life of
an individual subject over a period of ten years. Addressed
in the paper is the question: To what extent did peer group
associations influence the subject's drinking habits? It is
argued that peer group associations significantly affected
the subject's excessive drinking behavior.

The case study was employed as the primary research
tool. The data were gathered in over sixty hours of
unstructured interviews. The discussion and conclusion were
developed through a literature review and the application of

relevant research findings to the study at hand.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First and foremost I would like to express a debt of
gratitude to the Chairman of my committee, Professor
Donald W. Olmsted. Dr. Olmsted's patience, persistence
and advice represented an unflickering light at the end
of a seemingly endless tunnel. For retaining an
interest at times when I had to fight to maintain mine,
I thank you. For your ongoing effort and direction, I
will never forget you.

To Professors David Kallen, James McKee, and Barrie
Thorne, I would like to express my appreciation not only
for agreeing to be a part of my committee, but also for
wading through a naive and sloppy first draft. Although
the resulting comments were rather hard-hitting
initially, they propelled me to work harder, read more
and gain insight that I will value through my lifetime.

For his invaluable assistance, and for giving me a
much-needed push, I thank Michael J. Duffy, Ed.D.,
Assistant Director of the Blue Water Clinic. Dr. Duffy
gave me his time, shared his knowledge and his wisdom,
lent direction to my literature review, and provided me
with the incentive to keep going.

Finally, I would like to thank my parents, Bill and

ii

Gale Hart, for reasons only they can understand.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Research Question
Research Tool
The Subject and Informant:
Data Collection
Presentation
Informed Consent
NARRATIVE
About Jill
A Ten-Year Chronology
DISCUSSION
Nature Versus Nurture
Occupational Peers
Observability
Stressful Events
Peer Group Influence and a Question of Choice
CONCLUSION
LIST OF REFERENCES
GENERAL REFERENCES
APPENDIX

iv

INTRODUCTION

It is the position of the sociologist that the
addiction phenomenon--and its more general
definitional descendent, substance abuse—-is as
much a social construct as it is a medical
condition. (Alskne, 1981, p.78)

The issue of problem drinking has been simultaneously
addressed by more academic fields than, perhaps any other
single issue in the eighties. Each field, from its unique
perspective, has attempted to understand the nature of
problem drinking and how it effects and is affected by their
theoretical focus. Representatives of the physical
sciences, for example, have based their definition of
alcoholism on the metabolic relationship between percent
blood-alcohol level and sensori-motor behavior (Rockville,
Md.: National Institute of Mental Health, 1972). While
such a definition is useful in an examination of degree of
intoxication, it is of little value to sociologists.

As students of society, sociologists want to learn why
an identified behavior is more prevalent among some groups
than others. Specific to the study at hand, this student
would like to develop a greater understanding of the

relationship between problem drinking and peer group

associations in young adults.

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Louise H. Kidder (1981) argues that a major problem
plaguing qualitative researchers is the fact that they work
inductively rather than deductively. Seasoned qualitative
researchers do not begin with an hypothesis: instead they
generate hypotheses from their data.

Conversly, Glaser and Strauss (1967) argue that it is
not this inductive approach that presents problems to the
researcher employing qualitative methods. Rather, they
argue, it is the resulting causal assertions that may
violate some of the assumptions of statistical testing in
quantitative research. They identify this as a potential
problem area in all qualitative research, and caution
researchers from drawing resolute causal assertions from
single cases.

Taking this caution to heart, I developed my research
question to reflect the relationship that had proved evident
throughout the study, while at the same time working toward
an examination of my research question rather than the

formulation of a causal assertion.

se es '0

I thus pose the following research question:

To what extent did peer group associations influence the
subject’s drinking habits?

My hope is not to determine whether or not a particular
relationship caused the drinking. Nor do I hope to develop
sweeping generalizations on adolescent drinking habits.
Rather, I hope to answer my question by examining the degree
to which one individual's drinking was facilitated or
inhibited by the various associations identified in the
study. In so doing, I hope to illuminate related research
and arrive at a conclusion reflective of my findings.

As a secondary purpose, I intend to identify additional
questions generated by the study. Such questions, I hope,

will at some point be addressed in further research.

METHODS

BEEEQIQDJIQQI

The case study method was the primary research tool
employed in the following study. A case study is, according
to Foreman (cited in Franklin & Osborne, 1971, p.187), a
depiction of either a phase or the totality of relevant
experience of some selected datum. In presenting my data, I
will utilize a narrative approach, from an historical
perspective to depict a ten year span in the life of a young
female alcoholic.

The study represents a "third person report" in that it
is comprised of information primarily supplied by persons
other than the subject (Foreman, cited in Franklin &
Osborne, 1971, p.188). Although there was, to some degree,
a reliance on personal documents supplied by the subject,
the bulk of the data were gathered through interviews with
family members and friends.

I chose the case study method as my primary tool of
research because I believed that the illustration of an
actual case history would provide invaluable insight into
the nature of adolescent alcoholism, as well as assisting me

in my efforts to grasp a better understanding of a subject

Kn

of great personal interest.

The case study method is, by no means, a single
procedure. Information utilized in such a study is actually
gathered through a number of different methods. Researchers
employing the case study (as well as other qualitative
research methods) have long had to defend their approach as
an adequate research tool (Foreman, cited in Franklin &
Osborne, 1971, p.187). The typical defense of the
utilization of case studies is the presumption that through
the analytic reconstruction of a single case, a researcher
will gain useful insights into the class of events from
which the case has been drawn. The problem, of course, is
the fact that there is no indisputable method of determining
precisely how typical the selected case actually is. As a
result, it is extremely hazardous to draw any steadfast
conclusions from a single case study.

The primary justification for this and all case studies
is thus the potential that they have for generating rich
subjective data that can aid in the development of theory
and empirically testable hypotheses (Stake, cited in Borg,
1983, p.489). Case studies are further justified in that
they may focus concepts and categories for further analysis
(Foreman, as cited in Franklin & Osborne, 1971, p.204).

The case study that is to follow will, by no means,
enable this or any other researcher to formulate broad
generalizations or draw resolute conclusions regarding the

nature of alcoholism. I do, however, hope to utilize this

illustrative research tool to not only answer my research
question, but also help to support past and incite future

studies into the problem of adolescent alcoholism.

W

The selection of the subject, Jilll, was not random.
Rather, Jill was a person with whom I was quite familiar. I
had a relationship with family members, and I had met,
though did not know, the other informants prior to the
study.

I chose Jill for three reasons. First, she was willing
to help. She said that I could discuss her with friends and
family members, she would sign any consent form that might
be necessary, and she would provide me with what little she
had in the way of written documents. Second, I was familiar
with Jill's history. Though statements and events revealed
throughout the study continually surprised me, I had a
general knowledge of the path that Jill's life had taken.
Third, Jill was very agreeable to restrictions imposed by
the informants. As many confidences were revealed, Jill's
friends who participated wanted specific attributions to
remain anonymous. Jill did not object to this. Upon
reading the completed narrative, Jill did not question me as
to who said what. In fact, I got the distinct impression

that she genuinely did not care.

 

l a pseudonym

The major problem in using Jill as a subject was the
fact that she would not participate in any interviews. As
she was institutionalized through much of the time during
which the study was conducted, Jill was involved in very
intensive therapy. She stated that she resented being
”forced to discuss my [her] life" with therapists, and that
she would not be willing to discuss it with anyone else.
She said that she "got very upset" when she talked about
things that had happened and that she did not want to
subject herself to any further "emotional drain."

I carefully considered this limitation and finally came
to the conclusion that, although interviews with Jill would
add greater texture to the data, the potential damage might
have outweighed the value. I am not an alcohol therapist,
and I would not know how to appropriately deal with an
emotional outburst. Thus, although the interviews could be
useful, they could also be harmful. I felt this was a risk
I was not in a position to take.

A second concern was the fact that I did know Jill and I
feared that, perhaps, an occasional opinion might surface.
To address this fear, I determined a minimum number of hours
of interviews that would be personally acceptable. I felt
that this would best facilitate a reliance on solid data
rather than personal knowledge. In doing so, I soon found
that my study became very systematic and Jill was very much
a "subject." The use of a pseudonym further helped to

reinforce this distance in my examination and subsequent

presentation of the data.

I selected the informants on the advice of Jill's
mother. I asked her to provide me with the names of people
who had been Jill's friends through the entire period
covered by the study. She provided me with only three.

Each agreed to help with one condition, that being anonymity
in terms of specific attributions. They realized and
accepted the fact that Jill, through a simple process of
elimination, could conceivably guess their identities. They
did not, however, want her to be informed of the exact

source of specific recollections.

12mm

The primary data employed in this study were gathered in
over sixty hours of unstructured interviews with the
subject's immediate family members and three close friends.
All of the interviews were conducted in the home of the
subject’s parents.

I also relied, to a lesser extent, on logs and diaries
written by family members during the period of focus. In
addition, the subject provided me with a short diary written
during her final months in high school. This diary was, in
reality, a forty-page notebook filled with thoughts and
observations recorded by the subject while sitting through
her final months in the classroom.

In collecting the data, I made each of the respondents

fully aware of the intent of my study. I assured them of

10

their anonymity in the presentation of my findings, and
agreed to keep the identity of each respondent from the
subject. Although the subject is fully aware of the
participation of family members, she was not made aware of

the identities of the peer group respondents.

Win

In organizing my data, I rewrote notes taken throughout
all contact with respondents onto 4x6 index cards. I
grouped these cards in chronological order. I then
developed what I called a "date index" consisting of five
small boxes, each containing notes covering two of the ten
years spanned by the study. Cards that I felt would be most
useful in the study were "flagged" by a triangle of red
construction paper which I stapled to the upper left corner.

In writing my narrative, I utilized each box as it had
been arranged, and presented the data in strict
chronological order. I also relied very heavily on the date
index for information and insights utilized throughout my

analysis.

IDIQIE§Q_QQD§EDE

I fully informed each participant as to the purpose of
the study, as well as its potential readers. Each was,
therefore, aware not only of the reason for the study, but

also who may be expected to read their comments at a later

11

date.

Initially I did not feel that any form of written
consent would be necessary as the purpose of the paper is
academic and it will not go beyond the academic community.
Upon further consideration, however, I decided that perhaps
it was better to be safe than sorry. I thus developed a
rather crude document through which I secured written
consent by each participant. A copy of this document may be

found in the appendix.

NARRATIVE

The following narrative is a compilation of data
gathered throughout over sixty hours of unstructured
interviews, as well as limited information provided by
written documents. Although it was neither possible, nor
feasible, to describe every event that happened in Jill’s
life during the period of focus, certain events were
identifiable as prominent in the data, and it was those

events that I attempted to cover.

About Jill

Jill is the third of four children in an upper-middle
class family. Her father is a small business owner. Her
mother is an accountant. Both of Jill’s parents are social
drinkers, but neither drinks on more than one occasion per
week, and neither to excess.

Jill is described by her mother as "a girl who always
knew what she wanted to do and did it." Even as a baby,
Jill's independence was evident to her family. According to
her father, "Jill was the only one of the four kids who
never cried when we left her with a sitter. In fact, we
used to comment that she never looked back. She was always

in a world of her own. She knew where she wanted to go and

12

13

what she wanted to do."

Jill's independent will was the subject of family
confrontations from "the time that Jill could talk." Any
form of restriction was very much resented and always the
subject of a debate. Jill especially resented any curfew
that was imposed upon her, and this was the primary focus of
family battles prior to the point at which this study
begins.

Although Jill had "been caught drinking on three or four
occasions, it was not, to our knowledge, a problem,"
according to Jill's father. "Maybe we just didn't know what
to look for. Our big problem with Jill at that point was
getting her in the house when we told her to be in. We'd
ground her, and she'd be out an hour late her first night
off restriction. It was like she wanted to tell us that she
didn’t care. But drinking I don't believe was a problem
until her junior year in high school. To this day, I

believe it was the kids she met then."

This study begins ten years ago as Jill was faced with
one of the most significant events to happen in her
lifetime. At seventeen years old (on her seventeenth
birthday, in fact), Jill, her parents and her younger sister
(her brothers were all ready on their own) moved nearly a
thousand miles from the place that she had called home for

over half of her lifetime. The move came between semesters

14

of her junior year in high school, thus the time for
adjustment was not ample. Jill arrived at her new home on
Saturday, and attended her new school on Monday.

Having been known throughout her life as a person prone
to extreme changes in temperament, Jill surprised everyone
in her family by fitting into her new surroundings rather
easily. The move did, of course, elicit more than a few
tears from everyone involved, but the initial anxiety
appeared to pass rather quickly.

Jill made friends and socialized outside of the house by
the second weekend. Being from a financially comfortable
family, she had the means to attend concerts and other
activities, her own car, and access to money as she needed
it. On the rare occasions that Jill was at home, the house
was always filled with friends.

Her mother notes that Jill was always quite popular.
While those closest to her liken her personality to that of
a rattlesnake, she rarely seemed to display such abrupt mood
changes to those outside of the family. The one
characteristic of her personality that everyone interviewed
mentioned was the fact that as quickly as Jill could "turn"
on you, she could also forgive you. She never wanted to
make a final break in an intimate relationship or a
friendship. Jill's father describes this forgiving quality
by saying that "Jill doesn't know how to hold a grudge.
She'll hate you at 10:00 and ask you to go for a ride at

10:05. Regardless of the circumstances, she always forgives

15

and expects similar forgiveness in return."

Her mother notes that Jill does not have an accurate
memory "in any sense.” "She has said that she hates me a
hundred times in the past five years, but honestly can't
remember ever having said it. By the same token, she
forgets the unfavorable circumstance that caused her to say
it. I've often thought, ‘this is insanity'." This is again
illustrated at a later point in Jill's volatile intimate
relationships.

Soon after the family’s relocation, Jill began skipping
school. By the end of the second month, she had been absent
to the extent that summer school would be necessary if she
were to be passed onto the senior level. On learning of
this, her parents were puzzled because Jill had taken the
car each morning, they assumed, to school, and she had
returned at 3:00 each afternoon. They were not, however,
surprised. Jill had a history of similar behavior in their
last home. She had been caught skipping classes on several
occasions, but never to the point of endangering her grades.

Shortly thereafter, Jill announced that she would be
quitting high school. At the same time, her parents decided
that they would be moving to a larger town about an hour
away for business reasons. Jill and her parents thus agreed
that she would attend night school immediately following the
move and finish her high school diploma in this manner. At
this point, everyone was in agreement. "Jill didn’t fight

us on this," noted her mother. "Jill's major gripe was

16

sitting in school all day. Most of the work from night
school could be done at home, and that was fine with her."

This time, Jill was pleased with the idea of a move. In
letters to friends, she wrote that she needed a fresh start.
She had gotten off on the wrong foot academically after the
last move, and she was ready to begin again. Jill's mother
believed that Jill was actually excited to move and finish
high school. She had even mentioned enrolling in a course
or two in a nearby junior college after completing her
diploma.

Night school, however, lasted only a few weeks. Jill
was soon working part time in a clothing store and steadily
dating a coworker. During this period of time, Jill began
using alcohol heavily for the first time. She also began
experimenting with other drugs. Jill’s parents agreed that,
for the first time, alcohol became a problem for Jill. She
and her boyfriend would drink heavily and then begin to
fight. "The phone rang at all hours. Either they couldn't
make it through the night without talking to each other, or
they couldn't make it without yelling at each other. It was
hot or cold--never warm."

The relationship was volatile (though not physically
abusive), and by the time Jill's parents decided to leave
the state, the relationship had (seemingly) ended. Jill was
anxious to move and begin a new life.

Jill made friends quickly in her new surroundings. Soon

she became involved with a group of "cloggers" who got to-

17

gether for dancing and drinking once a week. The group met
at a local pub, had one or two drinks, practiced, and then
most went home. It was through this group that Jill met
several heavy drinkers, and drinking readily became
paramount in her social life.

Jill and her new friends would remain at the pub hours
after the rest of the group had departed. She became
attracted to one member, and it was this attachment that
most clearly tied her to the group. Jill's father felt that
she would not have remained involved with the group had it
not been for this one particular individual. "Sammy was
married, but Jill’s mother and I were certain that Jill was
attracted to him (Jill later admitted a romantic involvement
to a friend whom I interviewed). Her involvement with the
group allowed her to see him, and he was one of the group
who closed the bar after dancing."

On Jill's nineteenth birthday, with her parents out of
the country on vacation, Jill planned a large party and
invited all of her fellow cloggers. Drinking and the use of
other drugs was the only activity of the evening, and the
party quickly became uncontrollable. The police were
summoned by a neighbor, and the party was brought to a halt.
The details reached the local newspaper the following day.

Knowing that her parents would learn of the party and
the police involvement, Jill got in touch with her previous
boyfriend and made plans to join him. On the day that her

parents were to return, Jill left the state.

18

Jill's parents did not understand her reasoning in this
sudden departure. They had been on relatively good terms
with Jill prior to the party. In addition, it was unlike
Jill to be so concerned of her parents reaction to her
behavior and its consequences. Jill's father speculated
that possibly something happened with Sammy that caused her
to flee, or possibly Sammy's wife had learned of the
relationship. This was, however, only speculation. When
asked by a close friend, Jill denied it.

Several months passed before Jill called her parents.
She phoned to tell them that she was very ill and needed
plane fare home. They arranged it, and Jill returned home
where she underwent a radical hysterectomy due to a pelvic
abscess resulting from untreated fibroid tumors. Jill’s
mother suspects a link between the tumors and a family
history of diabetes. Such a relationship was never proven,
and Jill was tested negative for the disease at the time of
the surgery. However, a family history of diabetes and any
tendency toward it would present profound implications for
Jill’s drinking career.

When questioned about Jill's sexual behavior, her mother
said she definitely would not describe Jill as promiscuous.
According to her mother, Jill had never been a "boy chaser."
Rather than intimate partners, Jill sought drinking
partners.

The hysterectomy represented a major loss to Jill who,

although physically healthy, did not recover quickly. She

19

had her first drink on the day that she left the hospital.
From that point, drinking became a major part of her daily
life. She sipped wine throughout the day and had typically
consumed at least one bottle by the time she went to bed.
According to her mother, "We knew that there was a serious
problem, but she had just been through so much that no time
seemed like the right time to discuss it. Eventually we
ignored it."

When the family moved back to their home state, Jill was
happy to go. She said that she wanted to "start again."

Within one year of the move, Jill met and married an
unemployed alcoholic who was ten years her senior. Their
dating relationship had been short and abusive, resulting in
several black eyes and one arrest. Jill told her mother
that she was marrying this man because "no one else would
want her." She said that she had never before met a man who
didn’t want children, and since she could no longer have
any, she had to marry "the only man who would want her."
"Everyone tried to convince her this was nonsense, but she
wouldn’t listen. She just became more determined!"

The marriage continued along a path of violence. Each
partner was abusive. By this time, they experimented
heavily with drugs. Drinking was a daily activity, and
physical brawling was nearly constant.

By the end of the couple’s first year of marriage, they
had spent more time separated than together, and each filed

divorce proceedings.

20

On her own, Jill established a lucrative career managing
a health club. She became health and fitness conscious, and
her drinking was greatly reduced. The only periods of heavy
drinking came during the frequent attempts at reconciliation
between Jill and her estranged husband. Each attempt ended
in a physical battle. The divorce became final three years
after they were married.

Shortly following the divorce, Jill became bored and
seemed to lose interest in her job. Jill's mother remembers
that Jill set goals for herself when she began the job.

"She was going to lose X number of pounds and earn x number
of dollars. She was totally dedicated to achieving the
goals, but she literally fell apart when she got there."

She frequently missed work, and she requested a transfer.
Shortly after the transfer, she requested another. Soon she
left the job entirely.

Rather than seeking employment in the health club
industry, Jill decided to go into auto sales, a profession
heavily dominated by men. She had no problem in getting a
job and immediately fit in, drinking nightly with coworkers.
She did not, however, sustain an interest in any one
particular job. She went from dealership to dealership,
finally exhausting all of the dealerships in the city. At
this point, she returned to the town that she had left on
her seventeenth birthday.

Anxious to socialize with old friends, Jill attended

parties and went to the bar nearly every night. She

21

received a drunken driving ticket in the process of a
serious accident and lost her driver's license within weeks
of her arrival. Because local residents would know that
Jill was without a license, working in a local dealership
would be nearly impossible. She moved on within one month.

At this point, Jill commented to friends that the town
had changed and old friends had become "hicks." She
insisted that the townspeople drank excessively for lack of
other entertainment, and this was causing her to drink
heavily, too.

Jill moved to a larger city and settled into a job
quickly. Again, she chose a job in auto sales. Her
drinking steadily increased. Although it had, at this
point, gone beyond her control, she became less restless and
remained in a single job for a year. As the drinking
increased, though, so did confrontations with friends and
authorities. Jill was arrested several times for being
drunk and disorderly, and she began to admit to confidants
that she had a drinking problem.

With the encouragement of others, Jill sought help in
the form of Alcoholics Anonymous. Though she admitted that
she had a drinking problem, she was convinced that she was
still able to drink socially without abusing alcohol.
Because of this, she never entirely gave up the substance.

For a short time, social drinking appeared to be an
acceptable solution to Jill's problem. There were no more

scenes, loss of memory, or any of the other occurrences

22

related to drinking that she only much later revealed. This
calm, however, was short-lived. Jill was arrested in a bar
for public fighting, and she was given a choice of four
weeks in jail or thirty days in the detoxification ward of a
hospital. She chose the latter, and that is where she was
residing at the close of this study.

An overriding theme in my interviews with friends and
family members was the feeling that Jill's values had
genuinely changed. Whereas she was once terribly concerned
with her looks, clothing and accumulating possessions, none
of this seemed to incite any interest in her at the close of
the study. Although she had once been exceptionally weight
conscious, she allowed herself to balloon to fifty pounds
overweight. Cleanliness became unimportant to her. No
longer does she have the desire to accumulate possessions,
only to have the means to acquire what she needs at a given
moment.

While the preceding narrative provides only a brief
picture of Jill’s life during the ten year period of focus,
it does depict the events that were most prominent in the
data. I will now draw from this depiction and relevant

literature in an attempt to answer my research question.

DISCUSSION

HQLHI§_!£I§HE_HHIEEI§

According to Curtishoff (1963), the absence of a family
history of alcoholism is not atypical of the adolescent
alcoholic. Curtishoff contends that, because the individual
is highly susceptible to group pressures, social attitudes
are a factor of primary significance in the incidence of
drinking and alcoholism. Curtishoff argues that such group
pressure may, in fact, be a more vital indicator of eventual
alcohol dependence than ancestry. This theory was further
exemplified by Haer (cited in Curtishoff, 1963, p.31) in his
study of alcoholic trends. Haer concluded that individual
patterns of drinking tend to follow more closely those of
the peer group than those of the previous generation.

Again this was illustrated in the Glasgow study by
Davies and Stacey (1972) which examined alcohol use among
children aged 14-17. Upon an examination of alcohol
consumption within each age level, the researchers concluded
that, as children grow up, the influence of their home wanes
~ and that of the teenage peer group becomes dominant.

The absence of a family history of alcoholism does not,
however, lessen the impact of the family on subsequent

drinking patterns. More important, perhaps, than the

23

24

heredity link, is that network of relationships and
attachments that exists within each family.

Drawing upon Hirschi's (1969) bonding theory, we can
identify attachment as a primary factor in the development
of future patterns of behavior. According to Hirschi, the
closer one's ties to others in society, especially one's
parents and peers, the more likely one will conform to
society's expectations.

Throughout the interviews, Jill's father made frequent
reference to his belief that Jill’s attachment to family was
weak from her earliest years. According to bonding theory,
Jill would, therefore, be more inclined to adopt behaviors‘
that did not conform to familial expectations than would a
child with a more pronounced feeling of attachment to her
parents. Taking Hirschi’s theory one step further, perhaps
we can apply this lack of early attachment in our attempt to
gain a better understanding of Jill's ability to freely move
from one peer group to another. This illustration is, of
course, and oversimplification and, perhaps, an unjustified
application of Hirschi’s theory. However, the role of early
attachment in ones ability to freely vacillate from one
network of relationships to another poses interesting
questions for further research.

Martin Plant (1979) attributes the influence of
significant others at given points in time to individual
development. Plant argues that influential people in an

individual's life change as a person develops. He states

25

that, as children mature, the peer group of other young
people of the same age becomes the main influence. Further,
he states that social behavior and attitudes change
according to which particular kinds of people are
significant at a given time.

It is, however, essential to bear in mind the source of
much of the information utilized in the analysis. We are
necessarily risking a degree of bias when relying on
immediate family members for any data. In considering the
preceeding section, as well as the study as a whole, it is

imperative to recognize this methodological problem.

The influence of the occupational peer group is, I
believe, clearly illustrated in an examination of Jill's
drinking habits while working in a health club versus her
previous and future drinking habits. Throughout the health
club employment, Jill's drinking was significantly reduced.
I contend that this change in the pattern of her drinking
was very much a factor of peer group influence.

While in a profession in which heavy drinking was not an
acceptable social behavior and might, therefore, incite
sanctions, Jill's drinking was significantly reduced.
Conversely, as a member of social networks in which heavy
drinking was an acceptable social norm (e.g. employment in
automobile sales), Jill’s drinking greatly increased.

This profound influence of occupational peer groups was

26

the subject of several studies by Martin Plant (1979).

Plant argued that, when a person drinks heavily it is
usually for purely social reasons and his or her drinking
habits may be influenced by the type of job he or she has.
Plant noted that certain occupational groups have far
greater alcoholism rates than others. He identified factors
contributing to the "high risk" of certain occupations as
availability of alcohol during work hours, strong pressure
to drink from workmates, separation from normal home life
and freedom from supervision.

In applying Plant's high risk criteria to the case at
hand, we can identify a position in auto sales as meeting at
least one of the criteria, that being freedom from
supervision. Pressure to drink from workmates is also a
frequent characteristic of such employment. Conversely,
employment in the health club industry ensures a near
antithesis of Plant’s criteria for high risk occupations.
Accordingly, Jill’s drinking was heaviest during her
employment in auto sales, and was most controlled during her
limited health club career.

In conclusion, Plant argued that a person may drink
heavily in a social group where such heavy drinking is the
norm, and then drink less in a different social group.

Thus, in most cases, people who encounter difficulties with
their drinking will have to change their way of life not
only by modifying their former patterns of alcohol use, but

also by attaching themselves to new social groups.

27

Throughout his findings, Plant stressed the origin of
alcohol addiction as social rather than physical or
psychological.

An application of Plant's theory to the case of Jill
lends support to my contention that peer group associations
were, in fact, a significant influence in the development

and maintenance of Jill's problem drinking.

Qbsembilifx

As indicated by Martin Plant (1979), freedom from
supervision is a primary characteristic of high risk
occupations. Specifically, the extent to which the
individual is free from observation by coworkers will
dictate the degree to which the individual will deviate from
the dominant group norms without facing sanctions.

While members of certain high risk occupational groups
may view heavy drinking as an acceptable social behavior,
few will condone the use of alcohol on the job or to an
extent such that it interferes with the individual’s
subsequent ability to perform his or her job functions. If
alcohol use is to be a factor during work hours (with the
exception of accepted "martini lunches"), it is best
facilitated in a position which is not highly visible to
peers and superiors.

When Jill was employed in the health club, she was
highly visible to both members and occupational associates.

Drinking and the subsequent effects of drinking were not

28

acceptable in this setting. Compliance with the norm of
controlled drinking was easily monitored by peers as a
result of the high visibility of the position. Jill’s
drinking decreased accordingly and she was able to
successfully function on the job.

It is important to note that Jill's drinking outside of
work was also greatly reduced during this period of
employment. Jill had become attached to a new social group,
that being her occupational peer group. This group did not
utilize alcohol as a major component of their social
behavior. Throughout the time that Jill identified with
this group, her overall drinking was reduced to the accepted
level of consumption.

Conversely, as Jill’s occupational peer group
association was transferred to members of a less observable
occupation, her drinking was more easily facilitated. The
spatial organization of an automobile dealership is such
that employees are primarily observable only to the extent
that they wish to be. Employees are paid on a commissioned
basis so they are permitted, to a large extent, to function
autonomously. In this occupational setting, Jill again
increased her drinking to problem proportions.

Similarly, at the times in her life when Jill was most
visible to family members, her drinking was considerably
less than when her primary social involvements were

exclusive of her family.

29

fi:I§§fiIRl.E¥§B§§

A notable exception to Jill’s tendency to control her
drinking when such drinking was conspicuous to family
members was the period following her hysterectomy. Not only
did Jill drink in quantities and at times that were not in
keeping with familial norms, but she did so in a manner that
was highly visible to her entire household.

Anthony W. Clare (1979) argues that solitary drinking
can frequently be traced to periods of crisis or significant
life events which have led to serious instability, confusion
and role stress. This is not to say that a non-drinking
individual will suddenly become an alcoholic, but Clare
contends that previously accepted convention regarding
alcohol use can lose significance to the individual
experiencing extreme stress or instability. Clare
identifies menopause as a common factor leading to heavy
alcohol consumption.

Certainly the stress and profound implications of Jill’s
hysterectomy were factors in her subsequent social isolation
and altered drinking behavior. The weight of such stress
versus the lingering influence of previous social factors
and life experiences in determining Jill's reaction to the
hysterectomy, however, is unknown.

The influence of Jill’s hysterectomy versus the
influence of the social isolation on the development of
excessive drinking patterns would be an interesting question

for further research. Indeed, the effects of hormonal

ll

 

30

changes resulting from a hysterectomy on subsequent drinking
behavior presents questions not only for the social

sciences, but for the biological sciences as well.

WM

To consider the means by which one person can influence
another is paramount in any examination of social
interaction. Specific to the study at hand, we are
concerned with the degree to which Jill's drinking behavior
was influenced by peer group associations.

Several different means of influence may be delineated,
and an individual may be the target of influence from a
number or sources at any given point in time. For purposes
of this study, however, we are focusing our concern on the
power of the peer group as reference group, or as an
"influence base." We can refer to this as referent power
(Tedeschi, 1972).

The phenomenon of referent power has been studied by a
number of theorists using various sociological terms to
identify the concept. It is the equivalent of Deutsch and
Gerard's notion of "normative power" (cited in McGinnes,
1970, p. 148), Thibaut and Strickland’s concept of "group-
set" (cited in Tedeschi, 1972, p. 25), and Kelman's
"mechanism of identification" (cited in Tedeschi, 1972, p.
25).

The influence base paralleling referent power is perhaps

most clearly illustrated by the process of identification,

31

and corresponds to the internalization of values, attitudes,
and behaviors constituting compliance to influence attempts
from a value-congruent rather than sanction-mediated basis
(Tedeschi, 1972, p. 25). Referent influence, then, depends
to an enormous degree, upon a person's identification with
the influencing agent, as well as a person's conscious
desire for such identification (Raven and Rubin, 1976).

In the case at hand, we can clearly see, with few
exceptions (most notably the health club career), that Jill
identified with other heavy drinkers. One can thus
speculate, given the body of supportive research, that
referent power did, indeed, wield a significant influence
upon the development and perpetuation of Jill’s alcoholism.

There remains, however, a missing link in our
understanding of such influence, that being the matter of
choice. This notion of selective exposure has received a
great deal of attention from theorists Brehm and Cohen and
Festinger as a core proposition of dissonance theory (cited
in Tedeschi, 1972, p. 182). Tedeschi (1972) argues that one
of the most widely accepted principles of mass communication
is that voluntary exposure to information is highly
selective. Freedman and Sears (cited in Raven and Rubin,
1976, p. 47) contend that in seeking a referent, a person
will ordinarily seek someone who is seen as similar.
Festinger further hypothesized (cited in Tedeschi, 1972, p.
183) that the extent to which a person will seek or avoid

discrepant information (or referents with discrepant

32

attitudes and beliefs) will depend upon how confident the
person is that his or her position is correct.

In the case at hand, we have seen not only that Jill
associated primarily with individuals similar to herself in
attitudes, values and behaviors, but that she routinely
avoided exhibiting her drinking behaviors when among those
who might express opposition. Thus, according to Festinger
(cited in Tedeschi, 1972, p. 183), it would be fair to
assume that Jill was not extremely confident that her
behaviors were, in fact, "correct" behaviors. It would also
be fair to speculate that selective exposure was very much
an active agent in Jill’s peer group associations and the

subsequent influence of such associations upon her drinking

behavior.

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, I address my research question: To what
extent did peer group associations influence the subject’s
drinking habits?

In answering this question, I drew upon relevant
literature in the area of substance abuse to consider such
issues as nature versus nurture, occupation, observability,
stressful events, and conscious choice. I then carefully
examined my data and attempted to apply the findings
identified in the literature to gain a better understanding
of the impact of all of these issues on the development of
Jill’s drinking habits. In so doing, I found that peer
group influence was both profound and consistent.

Evident in Jill's behavior was not only a tendency to
increase alcohol consumption when associating with heavy
drinkers, but also a tendency to decrease such drinking
among peers who attached a negative value to excessive
alcohol use.

As indicated in my discussion and supported by the
literature, the influence of the peer group in determining
alcohol use is, perhaps, most significant in early drinking
behavior. However, we can see that, in Jill's case, peer
groups consistently influenced Jill’s behavior even though

the groups were comprised of entirely different people at

33

34

different points in time.

Obviously, Jill's alcoholism is not an isolated deviance
within her life. However, all studies must limit, in some
way, the range of variables that will be considered. The
focus of this study has been on Jill's peer group
associations and how these associations impacted her
drinking behaviors. This student is very much aware of the
limitations and is, therefore, unable to make any claims
beyond the intended focus.

I believe that the course of events that have formed
Jill's life over the last ten years clearly illustrates the
significant influence of peer group associations on social
behavior. Specifically, in an examination of the case at
hand, I believe that we can align high and low periods in
Jill's drinking career to her attachment to groups
displaying like patterns of drinking. Certainly this
alignment is neither exact, nor thoroughly consistent, but
we can identify a strong tendency for Jill to emulate the
drinking patterns of the peer group with whom she identifies
at given points in time.

The unknown factor in such an identification, as
previously noted, is whether Jill was, in fact, emulating
the drinking patterns of her peer group, or if she
consciously chose peer groups which would facilitate her
drinking habits. On the basis of the experiences I have had
and the information I have gained in completing this

analysis, I would hypothesize that the answer to this

35

question would change as the individual's drinking
progressed from alcohol use, to abuse, to dependence.
However, the movement from primarily emulation to conscious
choice would, I suggest, follow the stages of dependence,
with the initial impetus of the drinking being emulation and
the final stage of development being conscious choice. I
further contend that conscious choice would come into play
early in the drinking career.

Bearing in mind the body of supportive research for the
principle of selective exposure, I thus contend that Jill's
selection of peer groups entailed a conscious consideration
of the group attitudes, values and behaviors regarding
alcohol use.

In summary, I conclude that, in the case of Jill, peer
group influence clearly affected Jill's evolving drinking
patterns and subsequent alcohol dependence. I further
contend that as the patterns of drinking were established,
Jill consciously sought peer group reinforcement and that
the extent of her drinking was highly dependent upon her
success in obtaining such reinforcement.

Finally, in agreement with Martin Plant (1979), I
conclude that Jill's success in overcoming alcoholism will
be primarily dependent upon peer group influence and
reinforcement. Not only will Jill need to modify her former
patterns of alcohol use, but she will also need to develop
new peer group associations.

The hypotheses and conclusions presented are not

36

intended as a complete analysis of this case or similar
cases, but are instead presented as hypotheses for
consideration in future analyses. In closing, I reiterate
my earlier caution regarding the methodological problem of
relying on family members for data. In so doing, we are
necessarily risking a degree of bias. Although written
documents and interviews with informants were utilized to
address this concern, the risk was nonetheless present and
does represent a methodological problem with this and

similar case studies.

LIST OF REFERENCES

Alksne, H. (1981). The Social Bases of Substance Abuse.

In Lowinson, J.H. and Ruiz P. (Eds.), Substangg_5bu§g;
' (pp. 78-90).
Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins.

Borg, Walter R. (1983). £§ggatigna1_gg§gargh. New York:
Longman.

Cahalan D. (1970). ' ' a
(lst ed.). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers.

Clare, A. W. (1979). The Causes of Alcoholism. In Grant,

M- and Gwinner, P- (368-). Alcobelism_in_£ersnestixe
(pp. 64-76). Baltimore: University Park Press.

Curtishoff. E- (1963)- Aspects_2f_Alsobelism.
Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott.

Davies, D.L. (1979). Defining Alcoholism . In Grant, M.
and Gwinner, P. (Eds. ), s P e (pp.
42-51). Baltimore: University Park Press.

Franklin, B.J. and Osborne H.W. (Eds.). (1971). Research
0 - s' . Belmont, California:

Meth_ds1__1ssues_and_1n_ignt§
Wadsworth Publishing Company.

Freedman, J.L. and Sears, D. (1965). Selective Exposure.

In L- Berkowitz (86-). Adxan2es_in_Exeerimental_§gsial
ngghglggy (pp. 57-97). Vol.2. New York: Academic

Press.

Glaser, B. G. and Strauss, A. L. (1967). Ih§_gi§ggygry_gf

. l" t—og ' - . 0 a V - :es-1. t.
Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company.

Hirschi, T. (1969). gau§g§_gf_pelingugngy. Berkeley:

University of California Press.

Kidder, L. H. (1981). Qualitative Research and Quasi-
Experimental Frameworks. In Brewer, M.B. and Collins,

8 E- (Eds ). Ssien1ific_Inguirx_and_tbe_figcial_§sienses

(pp. 226- 256). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers.

37

38

McGinnes, E. (1970). v' - '
Anglyfiig. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company.

Merton, R.K. (1957).
(rev. and enlarged ed.). Glencoe, Illinois: The Free
Press.

Plant, M.A. (1979). Learning to Drink. In Grant, M. and
Gwinner. P- (Eds.). Alsebeli§m_in_£ersnestixe (pp- 34-
41). Baltimore: University Park Press.

Raven, B.H. and Rubin, J.z. (1976). fig;ial_£§yghglggy;
£ggplg_in_§rggp§. New York: John Wiley and Sons.

GENERAL REFERENCES

Anderson, R. E. and Carter, I.g(1984). Humen_fiehaxigr_in_th§
SQ2ia1_Enxir2nment1__A_§ogisl_sxstem__aeereaeb (3rd-

ed.). New York: Aldine Publishing Company.

Arnold. D-O- (1970)- Tbe_Sesielegx_ef_Subeultnres-
Berkeley: The Glendessary Press.

Bepk0. 6- with Krestan. J. (1985). Ibe_Beseen§ibilitx_Irsei
A_Bluenrint_f2rIIreating_tne_Alcebelis_£amilY- New
York: The Free Press.

Brendtro, L.K. and Vorath, H.H. (1974). Peeiriye_2eer
gnlrnre. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company.

Brewer, M. and Collins, B. (Eds.). (1981). SQiEDEIIiQ
Inguirx_snd_tbe_fiesial_fisienses- San Franciseoz
Jossey-Bass Publishers.

Cahalan, D., Cisin, I. and Crossley, H. (1961). Amerieen

Drinking Eraetieee: A Nerionel seedy er Drinking
e av o d t' . New Brunswick, New Jersey:
Publications Division, Rutgers Center of Alcohol
Studies.
Derber, C. (1983). e s f e ' ° w d
‘v 's ' v ' . New York: Oxford

University Presss.

Edwards, G. and Grant, M. (Eds.). (1976). o ’sm: ew
Ka2sledge_and_Neu_Beseenses. Baltimore: University

Park Press.

Ewing, J.A. and Rouse, B. (Eds.). (1981). Drinking;
h e ca oc'e : sue t
Beeeeren. Chicago: Nelson-Hall.

Farrell, R.A. and Swigert, V.L. (Eds.). (1978). Seeiel
Deyienee. New York: J.B. Lippincott Company.

Gergen, K. J., Greenberg, M. S. and Willis, R.H. (Eds.).
(1980).
Beeeeren. New York: Plenum Press.

Gildea, E.F. and Kanton, M.B. (1959). Medico-Social
Perspectives for Research in Alcoholism. In B.J.

Pittman (Ed.), Aleenelien (pp. 78-82). Springfield,

39

40

Illinois: Charles C. Thomas.

Goffman, E. (1959).
Lire. Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company.

Grant, M. and Gwinner, P. (Eds.). (1979). Aleenelien_in
Eerepeeriye. Baltimore: University Park Press.

Lemert, E.M. (1972). Sociocultural Research on Drinking.
In E.M. Lemert (Ed.).

WW
and_§99131_§en§rel (pp. 207-217). Englewood Cliffs, New

Jersey: Prentice Hall.

Leslie, G.R. and Larson, R.F. (1980). Qrder_end_gnenge_1n
Seeiery (3rd ed.). New York: Oxford University Press.

Lindesmith, A.R. and Strauss, A.L. (1968L Seeiel
Eeyenelegy. Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Lloyd, J., Mack,

R W and Pease. J. (1979) W
(6th ed. L New York: D. Van Nostrand Company.

McCaghy. C-H- (1985)- W
eng_1nrereer_§renne (2nd ed.). New York: Macmillan

Publishing Company.

McNeil, E.B. (1969). Henen_§eeielirerien. Belmont,
California: Brooks/Cole Publishing Company.

Merton, R.K. and Nisbet, R.A. (Eds.). (1966). genrenperery
Seeiel_£reblen§. New York: Brace and World.

Merton, R. K. and Rossi, A. R. (1968). Contributions to the
Theory of Reference Group Behavior. In R. K. Merton,

WWW (pp 279- 334)

New York: Free Press.

Newcomb, T. M., Turner, R. H. and Converse, P. E. (1965)
Seeiel_£eyenelegy. New York: Holt, Rinehart and

Winston.

Milam, J.R. and Ketcham, K. (1981). Under_rne_1nfilneneee__e
o o 's . Seattle:

Madrona Publishers.

Murphy, L. B. and Murphy, G. (1935). The Influence of Social
Situations upon the Behavior of Children. In C.
Murchison (Ed. L
(pp. 1034-1096L New York: Russell and Russell.

Plant, M. A. (1975). Occupational Factors in Alcoholism. In
Grant, M. and Kenyon, W. H. (Eds. L Aleenelien_in
Indnerry. London: Alcohol Education Centre and MLCCA.

Sutherland, B.H. and Cressey, D.R. (1978). Qrininelegy

#1

(10th ed.). Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott.

Zucker, R. (1976). Parental Influences Upon Drinking
Patterns of their Children. In Greenblatt, M. and
Schuckit. M. (Eds.). Al22b21ism_£reblems_in_flomen_and
gnilgren. New York: Grune and Stratton.

APPENDIX

42

STATEMENT OF INFORMED CONSENT

I give my full permission to
Ann Hart to utilize at her discretion the information I
have provided to her. Ms. Hart has explained to me the
context in which such information is to be revealed, as well
as its potential readers. Further, I understand that Ms.
Hart will not reveal my true identity, and will utilize a
pseudonym in the presentation of the information I have

provided to her.

My signature also means that I have read this form and fully

understand its content and implications.

 

 

(subject) Date:
(student) Date:
(witness) Date:

 

43

MICHIGAN STATE UNIV. LIBRARIES
illllHIUINHIIWIWWINIlllllllllllmllllllINWHI
31293006852184