.,. 5.., . ' «5m..— mm 03..-”... M", ’W :71: ”41:: .: any» .' F»: .7, 1'"! Fleyfn- ...,._.._..rr- _ r ...= J . _ (.3. ’ >9 V w» I .-,..., ‘ ,u , ,...,...:--~" 1”“! .. .- . n.. .. r ”.m r... 4 ...-,.,. .- ’ "3 '1!."’1'.w......‘:.2..- .. ov-v . any. .— ..n N .pr..........— 4" 9633/8 TTTTT T T T T TTT TTT T T! L LIBRARY Michigan State! University T This is to certify that the dissertation entitled CONTRIBUTION TO CULTURE-BASED CURRICULUM DEVELOPMENT IN AGRICULTURAL AND EXTENSION EDUCATION: PERCEPTIONS OF SOIL MANAGEMENT AND CONSERVATION BY FARMERS IN FUUTA JALON, GUINEA, WEST AFRICA presented by Jona thon Keith Land eck has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Agr1cul tural and Ph.D. degree in Extension Education Major pr fessor February 22, 1991 Date \ MSU i: an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunily Institution 0-12771 PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. DMtECDUE DATE DUE DATE DUE TT TT T T MSU Is An Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity lnditution cManma-pd CONTRIBUTION TO CULTURE-BASED CURRICULUM DEVELOPMENT IN AGRICULTURAL AND EXTENSION EDUCATION: PERCEPTIONS OF SOIL MANAGEMENT AND CONSERVATION BY FARMERS IN FUUTA JALON, GUINEA, WEST AFRICA By Jonathon Keith Landeck A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Agricultural and Extension Education 1991 ABSTRACT CONTRIBUTION TO CULTURE-BASED CURRICULUM DEVELOPMENT IN AGRICULTURAL AND EXTENSION EDUCATION: PERCEPTIONS OF SOIL MANAGEMENT AND CONSERVATION BY FARMERS IN FUUTA JALON, GUINEA, WEST AFRICA By Jonathon Keith Landeck Soil management and conservation practices in the Fuuta Jalon highlands of Guinea are often discussed with little regard to farmers' environmental perceptions and the cultural factors which influence land use. Therefore, an ethnographic case study of two villages in this region was completed during 1988-89 to test a process by which farmers' perceptions of soil management and conservation may be elicited and understood in terms of these cultural factors: Agronomic (vegetation, organic matter, soil properties, topography, weeds, seeds, tillage, cr0p rotation, equipment); Social (education, health, human relations, tradition); Economic (labor, capital, land); Religious (Islam, spiritualism), as well as Historical, Political, and Aesthetic factors. The research examined three issues germane to agricultural land use in Fuuta Jalon and elsewhere: 1) What farmers know and do not know about soil management and conservation. 2) How farmers learn about soil management and conservation. 3) How farmers organize themselves for soil management and conservation. The methodological process tested in this case study has potential for three practical applications: 1) As a curriculum development tool for the training of agricultural extension educators. 2) As a tool for curriculum development in youth and adult education programs. 3) As a planning tool for community-based agricultural research and development programs. Research results are organized into twenty soil management domains which are grounded in field data obtained during 12 months of participant observation and semi-structured interviews of farmers in two villages, Tahira and Bussura. The data provide information on the respective roles of available technology, socio-political power relationships, social learning processes, and social organization in land use management. The twenty soil management domains represent chapters of a community sourcebook on agricultural land use and reflect the environmental perceptions of farmers in Tahira and Bussura. Information exchange between agricultural extension educators and farmers in these and other communities can proceed on the basis of the knowledge documented in the sourcebook. Based upon the methodological process tested successfully in this case study, other such sourcebooks can be developed by agricultural extension educators in Guinea and elsewhere as one aspect of their pre-service or in-service training program. Copyright by JONATHON KEITH LANDECK 1991 Dedicated to Kathryn and Ellen. Dara l of my one It suppt lor ln' lnlorr iflec SUpp Kati ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are many names which should fill this page including the farmers of Dara Pelli district, my colleagues from the University of Conakry, the members of my dissertation committee, and the hundreds of other people who helped in one way or another to make this study successful. Financial and administrative support for the field work was provided by the University of Conakry, the Institute for International Education/Fulbright Fellowship program, and the United States Information Service in Conakry. Their assistance will forever be appreciated. Above all, very special recognition and my most sincere feelings of gratitude are offered to Dr. 0. Donald Meaders, whose omnipresent wisdom and moral support guided me through my doctoral program at Michigan State University. Finally, words alone are an inadequate thank you to my wonderful spouse, Kathryn, whose granite patience and never ending love are truly my inspiration. vi LISI LISI INTI A N PRT THE RE TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES LIST OF FIGURES . INTRODUCTION A NOTE ON ORTHOGRAPHY PROBLEM AND PURPOSE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Definitions of culture Culture-based curriculum development Environmental perception research in agricultural extension education Application of the theoretical framework RESEARCH METHODOLOGY The ethnographic case study . Field work methods Meetings of field work closure with the farmers of Tahira and Bussura Analysis of data DESCRIPTION OF THE STUDY SITE Cultural and physical geography Political administration in Guinea Social structure of Fuuta Jalon vii 37 38 42 42 48 53 Soc Social history of Tahira and Bussura . . . . . . . . . . 58 Soil and crop management . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 Soil erosion and conservation . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 Land tenure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96 Agricultural and extension education in Guinea . . . . . . . 105 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 Agronomic domains of soil management and conservation . . . . 120 leaves and fertilizers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120 trees and grasses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 soil properties and utilization . . . . . . . . . . . . 138 rain and water . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143 landscape and topography . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 tillage and cultivation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150 fire and burning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 wild and domestic fauna . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156 crop rotation and fallow . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161 cr0p production and harvest . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 seeds and sowing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 weeds and weeding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171 machinery and equipment . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 Social domains of soil management and conservation . . . . . 175 human relations and resources . . . . . . . . . . . 175 tradition and habit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188 viii CONCl , Intrt The The Cull Full BIBLIC IPPEI APPET knowledge and study health and survival . Economic domains of soil management and conservation work and labor . money and markets Religious domains of soil management and conservation religion and spiritualism Field work closure . meeting with the men of Tahira meeting with the women of Tahira meeting with the men of Bussura meeting with the women of Bussura . CONCLUSIONS Introduction and review The scope of farmers' knowledge The exchange and acquisition of farmers' knowledge Cultural domains and the exchange of information Parallel curriculum development Future directions BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDIX A: Glossary of selected Pular words APPENDIX 8: Map of Guinea 190 194 196 196 . 202 . 205 . 205 . 211 . 211 . 215 . 220 . 223 227 . 227 . 228 . 236 . 238 . 242 244 . 248 . 259 . 263 Table 1. Del Tai Table 2. Sui SOI Tal Table 3. Crt dOI IIIII LIST OF TABLES Page Table 1. Demographic characteristics of Tahira and Bussura in 1989 . . . . . . . . . . . 63 Table 2. Suggested volume and chapter titles for a community sourcebook on soil management and conservation in Tahira and Bussura . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 17 Table 3. Cross-reference chart illustrating which soil management domains were addressed by the responses to each interview question . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 18 Fumel.Nge sepa Fbme2.8un Figure 3. Clo: Figure 4. Agri Fbw95.6ir otu Fbwe6.0b: Fbue7.Poc Figure 1. Figure 2. Figure 3. Figure 4. Figure 5. Figure 6. Figure 7. LIST OF FIGURES ngsa land (foregound) and aunt uure land (background) separated by a fence (mid-figure, left to right) . Sunt uure land at mid-slope in Tahira Close-up view of a fence surrounding a corn field in Tahira . Agricultural tools commonly used in Tahira and Bussura G ir~ i nj i placed strategically on a sloping field of upland rice . . . . . . . Close-up view of g ir~ i nj i and young upland rice plants Poorly maintained kot i on ngesa land xi Page .69 .70 .71 .76 .78 .79 .95 This dis: perceived a of Guinea. colleagues, used in this study in thr During I "We hold I the people conservatir In this I Iamework the study : conclusior conservati economic, perceptior Bussurat; Ihatthese developm aTernotsr research Iilceptio r\ The COITea INTR Tl N This dissertation is a case study of soil management and conservation as perceived and understood by farmers in two villages of the Fuuta Jalon region of Guinea. The field work was realized in collaboration with three Guinean colleagues, faculty members at the University of Conakry‘. The pronoun ”we” is used in this dissertation to denote us, the four researchers who completed this study in the villages of Tahira and Bussura during 1988 and 1989. During the field work, we frequently told the farmers of Tahira and Bussura, ”We hold the pen, your knowledge fills the pages." In this spirit, the voices of the people who shared with us what they know about soil management and conservation remain audible. These people made this research possible. In this dissertation are presented the research problem, the theoretical framework for the research, a review of research methodology, a description of the study site, the research results accompanied by discussion, and conclusions. As expected, the data demonstrate that soil management and conservation in Tahira and Bussura is not only agronomic in nature, but economic, social, spiritual, historic, and political as well. This suggests that the perceptions and practice of soil management and conservation by Tahira and Bussura farmers reflect the cultural bases of agriculture in these villages and that these cultural bases may be integral to agricultural research and development there. With that suggestion in the forefront, this case study attempts to illustrate an educational process by which culture-based agricultural research and development may be initiated at the village level using farmers' Perceptions of their cultural and agricultural environment. ¥ 1The colleagues are lbrahima Sory Seck, Abdoul Karim Barry, and Souleymane Donghol Diallo. Moreth Idonregh heRomar denote cer htmswod Forthe wudswdt numberot 1971I TI DhIo(19 Eachl every asoo and I Pdar byonr an or vowel ihelc “bead Pdar \ TUTOR r Tidislrlan mud.as Tull“). Fo T'w1.w middle, wh ”Noah ”Tai Ilngu AN TE N RTH RAPHY More than 300 vocabulary words in Pular, the lingua franca of the Fuuta Jalon region of Guinea, appear in this dissertation. To spell these Pular words, the Roman alphabet is used in this dissertation with special characters added to denote certain word sounds when necessary. Phonetic Pular words and letters in this work are written in monaco font. French and Latin words are in italics. For the most part, the orthography used in this dissertation to spell the Pular words written within was adapted at a meeting of experts on transcribing a number of West African languages, held in 1966 in Bamako, Mali (CRDTO, 1971). The mechanics of the orthography have been explained by Fagerberg- Diallo (1987), whose work is summarized as follows: Each letter in written Pular has only one sound value, in most cases, and every letter that is written is pronounced, including doubled letters such as 00 and pp. Three sounds, represented by the characters ’8 / 6, ’D / d‘, and 'Y lg, are perhaps best explained when heardz. Vowel sounds in Pular can be either short or long. Short vowel sounds are represented by one letter, a or e. Long vowel sounds are represented by two letters, no or ee. A long vowel sound is a drawn out sound version of its short vowel counterpart. Pular vowel sounds rhyme with the vowel sounds in the following English words: a (as in 'hot"), e (as in 'get"), i (as in 'bead'), o (as in 'road"), and u (as in 'shoe'). Other special sounds in Pular are represented by U /r) (pronounced like the 'n' in sing) and fi/fi 2Author's note: The 8/6 sound and the 'D /d‘ sound approximate what might be called, in rather pedestrian terms, a staccato B / b and staccato D / d, respectively. In order to produce the ’B 7 6 sound, a speaker draws in air through their lips while pronouncing "buh" (which rhymes WIth "huh"). For the ’0 Id‘ sound, a speaker places their tongue lightly on the roof of thelr mouth, near its front, while drawing in air and pronouncing "duh" (rhymes with "huh"). The 'Y lg sound 15 even more enigmatic, pronounced with one's tongue placed lightly on the roof of the mouth, .near Its middle. while drawing in air and uttering "jeh" (rhymes with "heh"). These rather crude. SImDIISUC explanations are the author‘s and should not be attributed to Fagerberg-Dlallo (1987). a “019d Pular linguist. In any case, Pular sounds are best appreciated when heard. (prono repres pronu repres with 'I (as In ' unTas more 1 than it A glue dissertati appear m phrases 1 Polar wo. lootnotes been syr Mombey Pular. 8 works of Schenk Gillliean 3Alllhofs The PUIar context a "lime to Thiben co"millet 3 (pronounced like the “hi" in onion). In addition, the Pular C / c character represents a sound equivalent to the 'ch' sound in English. Other key pronunciations in Pular are presented below. The Pular sound represented by cg rhymes with the English word ”eye" while eg rhymes with "hay'. ln Pular, there is also 19 (as in 'tree"), cg (as in 'toy"), ug (as in 'buoy"), am (as in 'how"), ew3, i w (as in ”few”), our (as in 'foe"), and um (as in 'queue"). In her work, Fagerberg-Diallo (1987) offers a much more comprehensive and scholary overview of this pronunciation system than is presented in this summary. A glossary describing some of the Pular words that are used in this dissertation is provided in Appendix A. This glossary includes Pular words that appear more than once throughout the dissertation text as well as some key phrases that may require an explanation beyond that given in the text. Some Pular words that appear in the body of the dissertation are explained with footnotes. The definitions for Pular words used in the text and glossary have been synthesized from the works of CRDTO (1971), Fagerberg-Diallo (1987), Mombeya (1971), Sow (1966; 1968), and the author's study and field use of Pular. Scientific and Pular names of trees and grasses are taken from the works of Bah (1975), Bonfils (1951), Diallo (1972), Diallo (1976), Ly and Schenk (1986), and Osborne (1989), in addition to the information provided by Guinean professionals and the farmers of Tahira and Bussura. 3Author’s note: Fagerberg-Diallo (1987) uses the English word "meow" to illustrate the sound of the Pular or». In my experience, it is difficult to isolate the our vowel-consonant sound from the context of a word. For example, for the word hewtugol ("attaining"), the hem sound is similar in rhyme to a combination of the English word “hey" and the English letter "",u spoken rapidly together. Likewise, for the word decal ("religiosity"), the dew sound is similar in rhyme to a combination of the English word "day" and the English letter "u" spoken rapidly together. The bar the Fuuta. many agro been that : entire We: Jalon (Bor Khouma, Dugain ar and Willla 1960; Mel Surel-Car opinion re remains 1 Whale soientllio Tom a so initiated, methodol have obs cObserve (1973), I (1973)! a One . IrTil-III noted 1h P BL MANDP P The basic problem that prompted this research is the soil erosion potential of the Fuuta Jalon highlands in Guinea. For the past 50 years, a perception of many agronomists, soil scientists, social scientists, geographers, and others has been that soil erosion in this geographic region is a threat to the quality of the entire West African river system, whose principal sources are found in Fuuta Jalon (Bonfils, 1951; Boulet and Talineau, 1986; CRED, 1985; Cueto and Khouma, 1986; Derman, 1973; Diallo, 1986a; Diallo, 1986b; Diallo, (undated); Dugain and Fauck, 1959; FAMA. 1962; Freeman, 1987; Gupta, 1987; Heermans and Williams,1988; Heusch, 1984; lsbecque, 1985; Maignien, 1958; Maignien, 1960; McGahuey, 1985; Pepler, 1960; Richard-Molard, 1944; Rouanet, 1952; Suret-Canale, 1970; UNESCO, 1981; Vieillard, 1939). Despite the plethora of Opinion regarding actual and potential soil erosion in Fuuta Jalon, this issue remains debatable. T Whatever may be the outcome of such a debate, it is true that no scholarly scientific work had specifically addressed the Fuuta Jalon soil erosion issue from a sociological perspective when the field work for this case study was initiated. Certainly, no other studies are examining this problem using the same methodology as employed in this research. A number of scholars and writers have observed that the technological and sociological facets of soil conservation are integrally allied, including Ashby (1982; 1985), Bennett (1978), Blaut et al. (1959), Coughenour (1984), Mbithi and Kayongo-Male (1978), and Nowak (1983a), among others. One attempt to address this issue in Guinea occurred in 1959 at the Third Inter-African Soils Conference held in Dalaba, Fuuta Jalon. There it was clearly noted that the technical and social aspects of soil conservation are inseparable 4 amnae Jalon. Or olethnogr environmr training ol research conserval years alts as an hit I is a and ends agronomi However conserva conserve Tsagooc Whose pr manuscr Presents any lunc aIlicultl With TUTTI W: pelcepyi coTimer SUoh a aIlDlicaI and that extension education programs are keys to soil conservation in Fuuta Jalon. One recommendation offered at this conference was "the development of ethnographic, sociological, and psychological studies of African rural environments with a view to collecting necessary information for the specialized training of agricultural extension staff and for their work (Pepler, 1960).” The research presented here, an ethnographic case study of soil management and conservation in a small-scale watershed in Fuuta Jalon, realized nearly thirty years after the Dalaba Conference recommendation, is nevertheless intended as an initial step for acting upon the Dalaba recommendation. It is a fairly elementary procedure for scholars and technicians to read about and understand the perceptions of soil management and conservation held by agronomists, social scientists, administrators, and other professionals. However, this case study presents the perceptions of soil management and conservation held by another set of stakeholders in soil management and conservation, the farmers of two remote villages in Fuuta Jalon. Nevertheless, it is a good bet that this dissertation will not be read by most, if any, of the farmers whose perceptions of soil management and conservation are contained in this manuscript, regardless of the language in which the data are or will be presented. It is worth noting here that the issue of farmer literacy, as much as any fundamental social or agronomic issue, ought to be a central concern for agricultural development in Fuuta Jalon, if not elsewhere. With that issue and other related problems in mind, this ethnographic case study was originally intended to test a methodological process by which the perceptions and knowledge of soil conservation and management by a community of farmers may be elicited and interpreted with respect to land use. Such a methodological process has potential for at least three practical applications: 1) The process could be used as a learning tool in pro-service or in-service agrl could be user management a guide to the programs am With thesr to land use in know about s soil managen soil manager lnlormatic local, regions process oi oi emphasis we cutsiders' (ir researchers) community u information t economic, Sr Thai Inlluenc rTSITGCIIVQ n lower relatir \ 4ItistemIllin Niel (193 earlya "ea: I 989 wagetsu °°°Inize myd I ‘ in-service agricultural extension educator training programs. 2) The process could be used as a planning tool in the design and development of soil management and conservation programs. 3) The process could be applied as a guide to the development of curricula for youth, adult, and literacy education 3 programs and texts that utilize environmental themes. With these potential uses in mind, this study examines three issues germane to land use in Fuuta Jalon and elsewhere: 1) What farmers know and do not ‘ know about soil management and conservation. 2) How farmers learn about ‘ soil management and conservation. 3) How farmers organize themselves for soil management and conservation. Information obtained from this study can contribute to the development of local, regional, and national environmental policies and programs. In the process of obtaining the information presented in this manuscript, particular emphasis was placed upon a methodology that would enable ”cultural outsiders" (including agricultural extension educators and university-based researchers) to a farming community better understand why farmers in the community use the land as they do. To this regard, the field work data provide information on three sets of cultural parameters including: 1) The agronomic, economic, social, historic, political, religious, and aesthetic "cultural factors"4 that influence soil management and conservation in a specific locale. 2) The ‘ respective roles in soil management and conservation of technology, political . power relations, social learning processes, and social organization, the “cultural , elements” that ground land use patterns to a particular community. 3) The 4It is tempting to use the term "facets" (Le. cultural facets) instead of ”factors", as noted by J.Y. Marchal (1983) who, referring to G. Sautter's ideas on the interaction between nature and society, said that "each facet is characterized in a particular way by the superimposition of human and 1 physical facts". To this, BIanc-Pamard and Mllleville (1985) Suggested that to identify and explain these "facets“ researchers should learn local knowledge systems and local perceptions as well as I recognize and analyze the milieu in thematic terms such as soil, vegetation, topography, etc. 1. critical re environm social en Wllh : sociologi A major I sourcebt and Bus: suggests 1980; w. disserlal extensio sourceb curricula 7 :ritical relationship between individuals' environmental perceptions, their environmental knowledge, and their values and beliefs about their natural and social environment. With attention to these cultural parameters, this research examines both sociological and technological aspects of soil management and conservation. A major portion of this case study includes ingredients for the development of a sourcebook on soil management and conservation in the communities of Tahira and Bussura. The development of community-based sourcebooks has been suggested, proposed, or alluded to by several writers (Pepler, 1960; Richards, 1980; Warren and Meehan, 1980; Whyte, 1977). In the chapter of this dissertation entitled CONCLUSIONS, future directions for agricultural extension education that would make use of such community-based sourcebooks in the development and implementation of culture-based learning curricula are suggested. Ddhmgn Thane peode.i pecepio indiuion thddhep cwdsh (Ker,1§ Sever chewed diherwo ongnaIy agncuhur wheeby retrenct elabsna Demepnr lemnoh cultural ( sImbols bIFreIir 0edited ““0th . THE R I AL FRAMEW RK Defini1i9n§ git QUIIUTQ There may be as many definitions of “culture" in the world as there are people. Some scholars consider culture to be a panoply of language, ideas, perceptions, experiences, beliefs, traditions, sciences, arts, technologies, and institutions (Frake, 1962; Unruh and Unruh, 1984). Another school of thought is that the principles by which people perceive and interpret their environment reveals how information is coded and retrieved and how decisions are made (Kelly, 1955), and that these principles are representative of culture. Several concepts of the word ”culture” that are useful to this study were reviewed by Morris Freilich (1989). Freilich noted, first of all, the linguistic roots of the word “culture“, which he identified as culture or cultus. These two terms originally referred to ”cultivation", as in soil tillage, which should be of interest to agricultural extension educators. Freilich recalled one Marvin Harris definition whereby “culture" is a set of language units. Freilich also noted Wescott's reference to the "cultural bases of human uniqueness and divinity”, our powers of abstraction and insight. Kroeber, observed Freilich, suggested that the perception, knowledge, and understanding of the cultural ideas of art, technology, and the like are passed from generation to generation, but not the cultural elements themselves. Schneider's theory that culture is a system of symbols and meanings best understood by studying societal norms was cited by Freilich as useful for relating culture to patterns of action. In addition, Freilich credited Geertz with the concept that people impose meaning upon experience through the qualities of their culture. Hunn ( Idea of cut appropriat asasyste Obvior culture. It uselul. Br accommo uselul. S the world To be not be the dillerently Some 01 learn to I shared ur relate, bc Because Commun ability 0y Iarmersl exIllairte T0 eslab edUCaIOI TI) This n com"Turtle Hunn (1989) reviewed other definitions of culture, including Gocdenough's idea of culture as the information a person should know in order to act appropriately in normal social contexts. Hunn (1989) promotes a view of culture as a system of information that serves as a blueprint for a way of life. Obviously, an entire dissertation could be written on various definitions of culture. Indeed, each definition of culture presented here is comprehensive and useful. But, for the purpose of this research, a definition of culture that accommodates individual as well as group interpretation of the world is most useful. Such a definition of culture supports the idea that how a person views the world and gives meaning to daily life reflects the culture of that person. To be sure, how an individual or a group of people perceives the world may not be the ultimate definition of “culture”. Each person views the world differently yet some of us nevertheless share common perceptions and beliefs. Some of us believe, for example, that agricultural extension educators ought to learn to understand and share the myriad world views held by farmers. Such a shared understanding might help agricultural extension educators to better relate, both verbally and spiritually, to the farmers whom they represent. Because a key to constructive agricultural extension education is effective communication between farmers and agricultural extension educators, the ability of agricultural extension educators to relate verbally and spiritually to the farmers they represent might truly be important. A premise of this research, explained in the following section, is that sharing cultural grounds upon which to establish a basis for communication between agricultural extension educators and the farmers is a worthwhile pursuit5. 5To this regard, it is worthwhile to note that one root for the word "communicate" is the Latin word communicare, which means "to make common" (Webster‘s New World Dictionary, 1962). cum The (It In learns 1984), cu learning 1 Unruh, II exchange soil man: much as managen understa understa perceive reside at agricultu understa system at agric (Sinclai environ 10 lr- rrilm vimn The development of curriculum, where “curriculum" is defined as a strategy for learners to acquire purposeful knowledge and skills (Unruh and Unruh, 1984), ought to proceed under the assumption that peeples‘ motivations for learning are derived from the significance of the curriculum content (Unruh and Unruh, 1984). Given this assumption, a curriculum for learning and information exchange about soil management and conservation should attempt to relate soil management and conservation issues to other community concerns as much as possible. An agricultural extension educator whose focus is soil management and conservation must therefore know how to identify and understand other such community concerns. One method for identifying and understanding community concerns is to know how community members perceive the social and natural environment (i.e., world) within which they reside and operate. When these perceptions are elicited and understood by agricultural extension educators, these educators will also have begun to understand the culture of the community. A methodology is thus required by which community members' environmental perceptions can be elicited by agricultural extension educators working within a community. Frake (1962) wrote that culturally significant and cognitive environmental features must be communicable between persons in the standard symbolic system of the persons’ culture, namely language. For this reason, the essence of agricultural extension education curricula, an ”environment for learning” (Sinclair and Ghory, 1985) where farmers and extension educators exchange agricultural information, should be language-based. This means that the words used by farmers to express their thoughts and Opinions about their agricultural environment should be the basis for curriculum development. For de concept 0 outlined it} those sch: descriptior Wanen ar determine approach in any the gener initiation c conservat Alternativ or house i was hypo managen members Warren sommuni critical c called 'p The program that ena total agr 11 For developing culture-based agricultural extension education curricula, a concept of curriculum development that accords with a model of education outlined by Warren and Meehan (1980) is useful. The model proposed by these scholars includes an initial research phase during which a cultural description of the community to be served by the curriculum is prepared. As Warren and Meehan suggested, the goal of the initial research phase is to determine themes that are appropriate and relevant to community issues. This approach was emulated during the field work in Tahira and Bussura. In any farming community, relevant issues abound. For this research, the the general issue of soil management and conservation was selected prior to initiation of the field work. It was a reasoned that soil management, if not soil conservation, would be a central concern of farmers at the study site. Alternatively, general issues such as the community water supply, health care, or house construction, for example, might have been chosen for examination. it was hypothesized that more specific issues and themes allied to soil management and conservation would arise in discussions with community members when soil management and conservation was the selected topic. As Warren and Meehan (1980) implied, such themes can be incorporated into community education programs. The same themes as those which are of critical concern to a community can also be incorporated into training curricula for agricultural extension educators. This strategy of curriculum development for community education and for agricultural extension educator training may be called ”parallel curriculum development". The application of a parallel curriculum development strategy to training programs for agricultural extension educators entails setting learning objectives that enables these educators to better understand farmers' perceptions of their total agricultural environment. in addition, agricultural extension educators should und Young, 197 linking com programs. knowledge value as kr availability processes This re: through its degradatio 1973; Blau 6your rate 12 should understand the role of community social structure in the exchange of information. Within farming communities like Tahira and Bussura, information exchange generally occurs through a "kith and kin”6 network (Rohrer, 1986). This communication system reflects the structure of community interpersonal relationships, the options and constraints allied to these relationships, and the history of the relationships (Hansen, 1979). Likewise, this dissertation research on developing culture-based curricula follows a social theggy 9f learning drawn from a WWW develgpmgnt (Asoveh, 1981; Hansen, 1979; Robinson, 1981; Verduin, 1980; Young, 1971). This theory and model underscore the significance of relating or linking community social structure to the content of community learning programs. The theory suggests that the organization and use of community knowledge in learning programs should accord with what community members value as knowledge, who influences what is valued as knowledge, the availability and utilization of such valued knowledge, and community learning processes (Young, 1971). This research advances current theory of agricultural extension education through its contribution to developing a ”sociological perspective to soil degradation", as advocated by Ashby (1985) and others (Ashby, 1982; Bennett, 1973; Blaut et al., 1959; Coughenour, 1984; Dunlap and Martin, 1983; Firey, 1984; Mbithi and Kayongo-Male, 1978; Nowak, 1983a). it is h0ped that this research will encourage the adoption by agricultural extension educators of a ”sociological perspective“ to soil management and conservation that will complement their technical skills and improve their capacity to exchange information with the farmers they represent and serve. 6"Kith" refers to ”friends and neighbors"- farmers‘ environmental scholars have directly 0 Alrica, sometimes starti soil management. The (1965), Guggenheim a (1978), Mbithi and Kay (1958), Thomson (198 However, there are few knowledge for agricultu dissertation research i In Guinea, a recent which begins and flow whether or not the pars constraint to soil conser Jamaica, which is tape! cultural determinants 0 'lack of perception of a larmers (Blaut et al., 1 similar conclusions reg For the United States. as perceived by farms promotion of soil consl Ashby‘s strategy fc degradation is based 13 Enviro-nmn l o:r ‘slo r -..r hin ori I rl x -n ion :- - ion The theories that support this research are based upon the assumption that farmers' environmental perceptions are linked to land use. A number of scholars have directly or indirectly examined this assumption in recent times in Africa, sometimes starting with an inventory of African farmers' knowledge about soil management. These scholars include Benneh (1973), Ford (1982), Gallais (1965), Guggenheim and Fanale (1976), lgobzurike (1971), Kowal and Kassam (1978), Mbithi and Kayongo-Male (1978), McC.Netting (1968), Savonnet (1958), Thomson (1980), Vieillard (1939), and Watson (1972), among others. However, there are few scholarly works that specifically address the use of such knowledge for agricultural extension education programs and curricula, as this dissertation research intends to do. in Guinea, a recent study of the Gambia River Basin, the upper portion of which begins and flows in the Fuuta Jalon highlands, raised the question of whether or not the perception of soil erosion by farmers in that region is a major constraint to soil conservation there (CRED, 1985). In the Blue Mountains of Jamaica, which is topographically similar to Fuuta Jalon, research on the cultural determinants of land use showed a major factor of soil erosion to be a ”lack of perception of erosion, its causes, consequences, and control” by farmers (Blaut et al., 1959) . in Kenya, Mbithi and Kayongo-Male (1978) drew similar conclusions regarding the perception of soil erosion by rural residents. For the United States, Nowak (1983a,b) noted that low estimation of soil erosion as perceived by farmers is a critical agricultural issue and suggested that the promotion of soil conservation on the basis of productivity alone is insufficient. Ashby's strategy for developing a sociological perspective to soil resource degradation is based upon understanding farmers' perceptions of environmental resour between biophysical is managing natural resou 1984; Dunlap and Marti suggest that an undsrs agricultural extension 9 agricultural milieu like t Also critical to soil inlormaticn shape hum (Wharton, 1963). But t agricultural extension e soil management and might wish. Therefore, why farmers practice 5 1983a; Stavis,1979). The failure of agricu larmers‘ land use patte (Singh, 1981) between communication and int gap between farmers : understanding on the | local agricultural envirr an excellent guide to r such research should use decision-making. Two concepts are land use: “Selective | 14 environmental resources and acknowledgement of the interdependence between biophysical features of the environment and the social organization for managing natural resources (Ashby, 1985). The work of other writers (Bennett, 1984; Dunlap and Martin, 1983; Holdgate, 1984; Whyte, 1984) leads one to suggest that an understanding of farmers' environmental perceptions by agricultural extension educators can be a key to soil conservation in an agricultural milieu like the Fuuta Jalon highlands. Also critical to soil conservation is education because knowledge and information shape human values which, in turn, influence peoples' behavior (Wharton, 1963). But the provision of knowledge and information to farmers by agricultural extension educators does not necessarily guarantee that farmers' soil management and conservation practices will change as these educators might wish. Therefore, agricultural extension educators need first to understand why farmers practice soil management and conservation as they do (Nowak, 19833; Stavis,1979). The failure of agricultural extension educators to understand the basis of farmers' land use patterns is often related to certain "socio-cultural distances” (Singh, 1981) between farmers and extension workers that may inhibit effective communication and information exchange. To bridge any such socio-cultural gap between farmers and agricultural extension educators, a systematic understanding on the part of extension educators of farmers' perceptions of the ‘ local agricultural environment may be a useful tool. Whyte (1977) developed , an excellent guide to research on environmental perception, suggesting that ; such research should contribute to understanding farmers' rationales for land , use decision-making. l l l l ‘. r l l Two concepts are useful for understanding farmers' decision-making about land use: "Selective perception", the cognitive process by which people interpret sensory ““9555 (Rogers and Shoemake mmmmwmn ol their most preSSing n When mindful of 'se outsiders to farming vi|| lind it easier to underst: It truly rational, which it should represent an ad processes that influenc adaptive behavior will I inlormaticn is taken an Another scholar of r schema for geographic sensory inlormaticn is receptors (eyes, ears, 1 and when its truth or v With their accepted anr iliormation is determir 31319111. attitudes, and ”leanings, lhe individu Downs (1970) iden‘ perception and cognith case study: r it not the same as those study of environmenta addresses community 15 interpret sensory messages in terms of their existing attitudes and beliefs (Rogers and Shoemaker, 1971), and "bounded rationality", a mental mechanism by which people confront and deal with only selected components of their most pressing needs at a given moment (Simon, 1983). When mindful of "selective perception“ and “bounded rationality", cultural outsiders to farming villages, agricultural extension educators included, may find it easier to understand the motivations of farmers to use the land as they do. it truly rational, which we assume farmers to be, then local patterns of land use should represent an adaptation to environmental conditions or reflect learning processes that influence such adaptation (Simon and March, 1958). Moreover, adaptive behavior will likely be grounded in a local knowledge base from which information is taken and used for decision-making. Another scholar of environmental perception is Downs (1970), whose schema for geographic space perception can be synthesized as follows. First, sensory information is received by through a system of physiological perceptual receptors (eyes, ears, nose, hands, etc). This information becomes cognitive if and when its truth or validity is recognized by an individual as being consistent , with their accepted and established knowledge. The meaning of any such information is determined by the interaction between the individual's value 1 system, attitudes, and images of the world. Based on this information and its I; meanings, the individual makes decisions expressed overtly as behavior. 1 Downs (1970) identified three approaches to the study of environmental ‘ perception and cognition which have been adapted and modified for use in this case study: geographic, affective, and strugjwal approaches, terms which are l not the same as those employed by Downs. The geographic approach to the l study of environmental perception and cognition, as applied to our research, addresses community farmers' spatial perceptions of landscapes in relation to their land use behavior management PlaCtices' cognition may be under aconcept used by soil landscape (Wilding et a Based upon the idea 1936 by Milne in his wc which was to develop a Dalrymple,1977). Sinc concept of catena (Busl concept has been appli least two field research Blanc-Pamard (1986). research to elicit farms with reference to varior The effective apprc cognition, as applied tr values that relate to so allroach to the study this dissertation resear access to technical kn< Still. structural eleme lllalionships, learning lor 8°" mar‘allement a Ailbl (1985) obse larmers are based in p lilies and the process 16 their land use behavior and expressed in local land classification and soil management practices. Geographic elements of environmental perception and cognition may be understood and analyzed in terms of the landscape "catena", a concept used by soil scientists with reference to "the interlocking soils on a landscape (Wilding et al., 1983).“ 1 Based upon the idea of catena, the Catenary Concept was pioneered in 1936 by Milne in his work on land capability in East Africa, an original aim of which was to develop a practical guide for East African land use (Conacher and Dalrymple, 1977). Since Milne, soil scientists have continued to develop the concept of catena (Bushnell, 1942; Muir, 1962; Wilding et al., 1983). This concept has been applied to local landscape classification in West Africa by at least two field researchers (Ford, 1982; Kintz, 1981) and, in Madagascar, by Blanc-Pamard (1986). The Catenary Concept was used in this dissertation research to elicit farmers' perceptions of soil management and conservation with reference to various landscape positions. The effective approach to the study of environmental perception and cognition, as applied to this research, addresses farmers‘ cultural ideals and values that relate to soil management and conservation. The structural approach to the study of environmental perception and cognition, as applied to this dissertation research, addresses farmers' technical knowledge base, access to technical knowledge, and community learning processes. In this case study, structural elements such as access to technology, political power relationships, learning processes and institutions, and the social organization for soil management and conservation are examined. Ashby (1985) observed that the soil management decisions made by farmers are based in part upon their perceptions of the value of different soil types and the processes affecting soil fertility. In addition, the adoption of soil conservation techniquel worm and KayepppMa access to information. I lactors, security and 5” and attitudes about rel: For this dissertation 'ground up' in order to soil management and c this research is the knc already possess. This education and prograrr Various hypotheses curricula can be exami One hypothesis is that education at the farm 1 knowledge succession accepted knowledge a 1973). This learning p learning about what re: researchers and agricr Operate in their agricu can also benefit from t planning environment perspectives and spin 17 conservation techniques is believed by Ashby (1982) and others (Firey, 1984; Mbithi and Kayongo-Male, 1978) to be influenced by land tenure, economics, access to information, personal experience, other peoples' opinions, historical factors, security and sufficiency concerns, and farmers' personal perceptions and attitudes about relations between people and the environment. For this dissertation research, an attempt is made to proceed from the "ground up" in order to understand the general and specific issues related to soil management and conservation in Tahira and Bussura. The foundation for this research is the knowledge and perceptions that farmers in these villages already possess. This approach to the development of agricultural extension education and program planning curricula is a potential policy option. Various hypotheses related to the development of such culture-based curricula can be examined with reference to scholarly literature and field work. One hypothesis is that culture-based curricula for agricultural extension education at the farm level will create a learning environment that facilitates knowledge succession, the process by which new knowledge is built upon accepted knowledge and concepts (Bransford and McCarrell, 1974; Freire, 1973). This learning process would be appropriate whether applied to farmers learning about what research and extension have to offer, or to the training of researchers and agricultural extension educators who learn how farmers operate in their agricultural environment. Agricultural development planners can also benefit from this learning approach by formulating their strategies in a planning environment that, in word and deed, explicitly regards farmers' perspectives and opinions as paramount. rrliinfhhr Several definitions C culture-based approaC' education have been re framework UFO“ Whic“ This framework holds t their culture and that, i people of different cultr The achievement 0 adore in agricultural dr this objective on the p: The harboring of genui institutions. To achiev purpose of agricultural research, those indivic concur that environme development. It woulr research was used, in participate in larm-levr intended to encourage larmers, then plan am With respect to the andlarmers, the initia bl agricultural extensi “99d8011armers and o n 18 Applicatign Qf the theoretigal frgmgwgrk ‘ Several definitions of culture and the theories and concepts that support a V culture-based approach to curriculum development in agricultural extension ‘ education have been reviewed. These theories and concepts represent the framework upon which this dissertation research was structured and guided. This framework holds that how people perceive the world around them reflects their culture and that, in order to share information for educational purposes, people of different cultures should try to understand each other's world view. The achievement of mutual understandings between culturally dissimilar actors in agricultural development requires a genuine intention to accomplish this objective on the part of all actors and a structured orientation to this end. The harboring of genuine intentions is the responsibility of both individuals and institutions. To achieve the objective of cross-cultural understanding for the purpose of agricultural development, using the methodology employed in this research, those individuals who establish agricultural policy would have to concur that environmental perception research has a role in agricultural ‘ development. It would also be encouraging if environmental perception research was used, in some form, by agricultural extension educators who , participate in farm—level agricultural development. To this regard, information i l intended to encourage agricultural extension educators to take their cues from i farmers, then plan and act accordingly, is provided in this manuscript. With respect to the relationship between agricultural extension educators and farmers, the initiative in developing mutual understanding should be taken by agricultural extension educators, one role for whom is to understand the 1 needs of farmers and act as their representatives in the agro-political structure of a nation or region. The verity and validity of this role is likely influenced by the extent to which farn representing farmers' in between farmers and at understanding 0‘ tarme Moreover, the seminal agricultural extension 9 training programs, give it may be suggeSte‘ upon the theoretical fra extension educator trai methodology might als youth development, ad demonstration. Envisic agricultural extension e utilized, scaled to train village-level "field expe In this dissertation, information, knowledgr educators who would t such a field experienc extension educators of isitpped that such an educators would imprc 'l'iinshios with the r eighanfie of cultural at based curricula for us a sense of ownership . 19 i the extent to which farmers identify agricultural extension educators as ’ representing farmers' interests. The development of empathic relationships 1 i between farmers and agricultural extension educators is critical to an accurate ; understanding of farmers' interests by agricultural extension educators. : Moreover, the seminal roots of empathic relationships between farmers and agricultural extension educators can be developed in extension educator training programs, given the appropriate learning curriculum. It may be suggested that the methodology employed in this research, based upon the theoretical framework outlined above, is applicable to agricultural extension educator training programs in Guinea and elsewhere. The methodology might also be useful to culture-based community programs in youth development, adult literacy education, or agricultural research and demonstration. Envisioned, above all, is a core training activity for prospective agricultural extension educators by which the methodology of this research is utilized, scaled to training objectives and expected outcomes, in short-term, T village-level "field experiences“ for agricultural extension educators. in this dissertation, an attempt is made to illustrate the nature of the 1 information, knowledge, and perspective sought by agricultural extension 1 educators who would undertake a purposeful field experience. The goal of ‘ such a field experience would be an enhanced understanding by agricultural ii extension educators of farmers' perceptions of their agricultural environment. it i is hoped that such an understanding on the part of agricultural extension i educators would improve their capacity to develop constructive, empathic relationships with the farmers they represent and serve through the mutual exchange of cultural and agricultural information. it is also hoped that culture- 1 1 based curricula for use in agricultural extension education programs would offer i a sense of ownership to farmers who participate in such programs. [1 Th in “am ase Given the objective‘ specific watershed in F departure. lndetermin opinions of Stake (und case study, researcher behavior that fit, contra This approach allows l bounded system being research objectives wit observations are made whole system, and not rather than a populatic though perhaps valid, 1 The research goal is to links in the dynamic pa Stake observes the examination is repress teseearch objective is and Bussura, the chief ihaimal. in fact, be a elperts who claim the or that their soil mana Asa—J. A f 3:» 1 RE EAFt HMETH D L Y ‘Th hn ra hi Given the objectives of this research, it was decided that a case study of a specific watershed in Fuuta Jalon would be the most appropriate point of departure. in determining to use the case study method for this research, the opinions of Stake (undated) were considered valuable. Stake notes that, in a case study, researchers attempt to look for relationships between observable behavior that fit, contradict, or have no relation to a multiple working hypothesis. This approach allows for very close examination of the parts that make up the bounded system being studied. The choice of what to observe is based upon research objectives without disrupting the unity of the bounded system. That is, observations are made on the system without fragmenting the system. The whole system, and not just parts of the system, are considered. The case itself, rather than a population of cases, becomes the research focus. Generalization, though perhaps valid, may not be at all germane to the purpose of the study. The research goal is to understand a particular case, in order to identify critical ‘ links in the dynamic parameters of the whole system. Stake observes that the question of whether or not the case under 1 examination is representative of a population of cases is not critical. That is, the i reseearch objective is not always to generalize. As for this research in Tahira i and Bussura, the objective may be to gain a concrete perspective on an issue ‘ that may, in fact, be all too commonly generalized. For example, there are many experts who claim that Fuuta Jalon farmers give no thought to soil conservation 1 or that their soil management strategies are archaic. l l Even if it were true strategies bll FUUta Jal behavior is sometimes what is considered nor: research, the researCh understanding of a par whether or not the cho suggestion that the me equip agricultural exter and unquantiliable limi agricultural developme The multiple workir was that the soil mana villages involve more 1 twelve months, using ) and supponed by arch that agronomic, econo factors interact to colc Tahira and Bussura is Because an invest for 12 months), we we farming slistem as a v iselated from the socia from the religious, anc research results over be grounded in the mr ialm, Rather, It Was ti 21 Even if it were true that prudent soil management and conservation strategies by Fuuta Jalon farmers are the exception rather than the rule, deviant behavior is sometimes studied in an attempt to gain an enriched perspective on what is considered normal. Sometimes, as in the case of this dissertation research, the research objective may be simply to point to how an enhanced understanding of a particular whole system may be developed. Moreover, whether or not the chosen case is typical of Fuuta Jalon does not devalue the suggestion that the methodological tools employed in this case study may better equip agricultural extension educators to consider certain factors, perceptions, and unquantifiable limitations that could influence the goals and objectives of agricultural development in Fuuta Jalon. The multiple working hypothesis during the field work in Tahira and Bussura was that the soil management and conservation strategies of farmers in these villages involve more than just agronomic elements. On a daily basis over twelve months, using participant observation and semi-structured interviews, and supported by archival research and other documentation, the hypothesis that agronomic, economic, social, religious, political, historic, and aesthetic factors interact to color the perceptions of soil management and conservation by Tahira and Bussura farmers was tested. Because an investment in time was made for this research (24 hours per day for 12 months), we were able to study and understand the Tahira and Bussura farming system as a whole system in which the agronomic factors are not isolated from the social factors, nor the social from the historic, nor the historic from the religious, and so forth. The intention was not to generalize the research results over the entire Fuuta Jalon. Any such generalization would not be grounded in the most pivotal element of a farming system, the people who farm. Rather, it was thought that certain key elements related to farmers' cultural and agricultural world i work in Tahira and BU! twenty prevalent cuiiU' management and 6005 cultural and 8910mm” as "soil management C conservation and man: Rather, these domains otTahira and Bussura conservation strategie The research methv issue of soil managen of soil erosion. The m education, training, an management activities in curriculum developr The field work resu this dissertation becat deal about how terms This educational bene Stake believes that ex eXperlence' in additior This benefit can be v: riplicate the methodol their pre-service or in. enable the extension 6 differently from how it 22 and agricultural world would emerge from the data over the course of the field work in Tahira and Bussura. As expected, due to the methodology employed, i twenty prevalent cultural and agricultural domains with respect to soil 1' management and conservation in Tahira and Bussura were identified. These ) cultural and agricultural domains, presented in RESLJLTS AND DISQLJSSION as "soil management domains", do not represent the definitive structure of soil conservation and management as perceived by Tahira and Bussura farmers. ‘ Rather, these domains should be thought of as benchmarks on the mental maps of Tahira and Bussura farmers with regard to their soil management and conservation strategies. The research methodology chosen for this field work was oriented to the twin issue of soil management and conservation, a converse of the central problem of soil erosion. The methodology was also oriented to the potential role for education, training, and information exchange in soil conservation and management activities. It will be suggested how the research data can be used in curriculum development for agricultural extension education. (The field work results do not merely reflect the data which were gathered for this dissertation because, as researchers, we were also able to learn a great deal about how farmers in Tahira and Bussura view their agricultural world. This educational benefit is an important by-product of the case study method. Stake believes that executors of the case study should benefit from a "cognitive i experience" in addition to the sometimes mechanistic process of data collection. This benefit can be valuable to agricultural extension educators who would replicate the methodology of this case study in a scaled down manner as part of their pre-service or in-service training program. This experience would better enable the extension educators to "think like farmers' or, at least, to think ‘ differently from how they thought prior to the experience. i As Stake su9995i5’ studll m9ih°d is 'natufi learning about, rather t experimentation and in professionals, we shot Should our wall 0i thin orientations? The 085 opportunity to exercise farming systems and a exchange information. During the field we otawide spectrum of This procedure, obsen same, throughout our and point of view was might seem to be. As end is the research va no odd opinion is unin useful for provoking d wisdom can be an sis in moving toward a ”Is Simply because as iarmors articulate sho Opinions. Rather, agr "nonh‘mx Opinions 1 hot °be contu - tyne m0 6 Co 39d Wllh ! 23 As Stake suggests, the learning experience that results from use Of the case study method is "naturalistic“, based on experience within the system one is learning about, rather than “scientific", which is based on empirical experimentation and induction. As agricultural extension education professionals, we should decide MM extension educators ought to think7. Should our way Of thinking scientific or naturalistic, or a balance of the two orientations? The case study method Offers prospective extension educators an opportunity to exercise new ”ways of thinking" in the process Of learning about farming systems and about the farmers they represent and with whom they exchange information. During the field work in Tahira and Bussura, the opinions and perspectives of a wide spectrum Of informants about certain issues were frequently sought. This procedure, observes Stake, has some Of the effects Of replication. Just the same, throughout our field work we maintained the position that every opinion and point of view was valid, no matter how Odd or how much of an outlier it might seem to be. As Stake implied, the question should be asked, ”For what end is the research valid?“ If the raison d'e‘tre of the research is education, then no odd Opinion is unimportant. Much to the contrary, unconventional wisdom is useful for provoking discussion in a learning environment. Unconventional wisdom can be an element of the cognitive dissonance that educators call upon in moving toward a ”learning moments”. Simply because agricultural extension educators may be surprised by what farmers articulate should not be reason enough to discount the value of these Opinions. Rather, agricultural extension educators should rejoice upon hearing unorthodox opinions which, after all, represent new information. 7Not to be confused with what extension educators think, which depends upon each educator. 8The more commonly used phrase is "teachable moment”. At a meeting With a discussed the results 0 question asked of those satflflhpiaflfl means were assured that then opinions. The first exte larmers think about tak about it." This observe underscores the probif knowledge of farmers' As for the 'ethnogrt observed that this term is a “picture of a way 0 research methodology Nevenheless, an ethnv using, in the case of ti interviews, and docum methodology, as muct used for data collectio The ethnographic r development of detail existing conditions or : formulating policy quic studies founded upon Wipes can result fro can also indicate wha particular problem lr 24 At a meeting with a group of agricultural extension workers with whom we discussed the results of the field work, we were surprised by a response to one question asked of those in attendance, "What do you thinkthe phrase 11km eere ef the land means to Tahira and Bussura farmers’?" The extension workers were assured that there were no right or wrong answers to this question, only opinions. The first extension worker to reply said, "We can't tell you what the farmers think about taking care of the land, but we can tell you what we think about it." This observation, seconded by other extension workers in attendance, underscores the problematic issue of agricultural extension educators' knowledge of farmers' perspectives. ' As for the "ethnographic" in ethnegraehie ease etudy, Wolcott (undated) observed that this term can refer to a research process or a research product. It is a "picture of a way of life of some group of people" (Wolcott, undated). By this research methodology, the researcher is the primary research tool. Nevertheless, an ethnography also relies upon a 'multi-instrument approach" using, in the case of this dissertation research, participant Observation, interviews, and documentation. According to the principles of ethnographic methodology, as much time is allowed for data analysis and interpretation as is used for data collection. The ethnographic research approach, wrote Wolcott, is applicable to the development Of detailed subject descriptions and enhanced understandings of existing conditions or situations. As such, the method is not always useful for ‘ formulating policy quickly. In the long run, however, after other supporting studies founded upon ethnographic research have been completed, long-term policies can result from basic, ethnographic research. Ethnographic research i can also indicate what areas of future research would be useful for solving a particular problem. In the case of this dissertation research, that problem would ,, Ass swam? <3 4. be the development of management and con: Like the case study understanding of the | theory, the classes of study may be easily u: case. As Dobbert (19 patterns of behavior it part of the cognitive 0 simply, ethnographers the participants, as at Field wgrk methgde Aguiding principl interpreted and analy community investigatv social realities ought community members principle to understa conservation in Tahir perceptions of farms research can be use management and co To develop the fr and nights in Tahira l 98810 Aplii. i989 25 be the development of curricula for agricultural extension education using soil management and conservation as themes. Like the case study per se, ethnographic research methods seek an “understanding of the particular as an example of the several", noted Wolcott. In theory, the classes of issues and events that emerge from an ethnographic study may be easily understood due to a thorough examination of a particular case. As Dobbert (1982) suggested, an ethnographer looks for and explains patterns of behavior that constitute social structure as well as patterns that are part of the cognitive or conceptual repertoire of the society being studied. More simply, ethnographers attempt to understand a situation from the point of view of the participants, as attempted and realized in Tahira and Bussura. Field wgrk methods A guiding principle of social science research stipulates that data should be interpreted and analyzed within the context and socio-cultural framework of the community investigated (Leiter, 1980). This principle holds that a community's social realities ought to be understood by researchers from the point-of-view of community members (Leiter, 1980). This dissertation research uses that principle to understand the socio-agronomic realities of soil management and conservation in Tahira and Bussura as reflected in the environmental perceptions of farmers in these villages. The information obtained from this research can be used as the basis for a community sourcebook on soil management and conservation. To develop the framework for this sourcebook, we passed a total of 240 days and nights in Tahira and Bussura over a period of twelve months, from April, 1988 to April, 1989. In addition, a total of three months were spent in either Labe. 40 kilometers sot Guinea. Prior to our a Dakar, Senegal: ‘0' a ‘ Conakry and Labs, prl We selected a stud evidence of or potentit the site; topographic d at 300 to 500 people; . animal husbandry); 00 research; and that the unless paved roads Wt conduct our study witt potential cooperation ' Alter an initial two with administrative aut situated some 400 kilc i" a Private car, this tr season using public tr p°°k°d pavement see beyond Labs are tedit mountainous Iandsca During this reconn local administrative or mmwmmea 90\ u . ring the Period of less 26 Labe, 40 kilometers southwest of the study site, or Conakry, the capital of Guinea. Prior to our arrival in Guinea, archival research was conducted in Dakar, Senegal, for a total of two months. This archival research continued in Conakry and Labe, prior to, during, and following on-site field work. We selected a study site based upon a number of criteria including, evidence of or potential for natural and accelerated soil erosion processes at the site; topographic diversity in the natural landscape; a community population of 300 to 500 people; existence of a local agri-pastoral economy (crop and animal husbandry); Community understanding, acceptance, and approval of the research; and that the study site should not be located near a paved road, unless paved roads were the rule rather than the exception. We also wanted to conduct our study within a sub-watershed of the Gambia River basin, due to potential cooperation with Belgian agronomists in the region. After an initial two weeks in Conakry discussing research plans and meeting with administrative authorities, we took a five-day reconnaissance trip to Labe, situated some 400 kilometers northeast of Conakry by road. In the dry season, in a private car, this trip is a grueling 12 hours on potholed roads. In the rainy season using public transport, the voyage is commonly 24 hours long. The pocked pavement essentially ends at Labe9, and forays into the countryside beyond Labe are tedious, dangerous, and tiring, despite the very beautiful mountainous landscape. During this reconnaissance trip to Labe, we were introduced to regional and local administrative officials. At each office visit, the research objectives were explained and input and suggestions were elicited from officials as to how to 9During the period of research, this road was being totally refurbished. best proceed with the l archival research and l During the time in 1 our potential study site and of themselves, srr River basin were ident choices largely based were located within thr Labe, but does includt Upon our return to discussion with gover the target of an in-cor rejected upon the adv low population density site. It was then deci selection criteria, we I work. One reason to maps. Another reasc terrain, making trave Fortunately, the it small-scale watershe about 16 km2 in area district ot Dara Pelli the Bussurawot, whic trials of the watershe 10 We later h met with timely: me th . e 27 best proceed with the field work. We then returned to Conakry for additional archival research and preparation for installation at some field site. During the time in Conakry, topographic maps were used as a tool to narrow our potential study sites to two or three choices. General areas that were, by and of themselves, small-scale but entire watersheds within the larger Gambian River basin were identified. Three potential study sites were pre-selected, the choices largely based upon available topographic data. Each of the three sites were located within the Koubia prefecture, which does not include the city of Labe, but does include much of the Gambia River basin. Upon our return to Labe, one of the sites was rejected early in continued discussion with government administrative officials because it was planned as the target of an in-coming rural development project. A second site was rejected upon the advice of the Koubia préfet‘o, who singled out the abnormally low population density in that particular area as a rational for not working at that site. It was then decided that should the third potential site meet our site ‘ selection criteria, we would look no more for sites but attempt to begin the field work. One reason for this decision was the dearth of available topographic maps. Another reason was the difficulty of mobility in the Gambia River basin terrain, making travel both time-consuming and exhausting. Fortunately, the third study site was the best geo-physical example of a small-scale watershed among the three potential study sites. This watershed, about 16 km2 in area, corresponds more or less to an administrative unit, the district of Dara Pelli. The watershed includes two streams, the Taybatawol and the Bussurawol, which have their sources in the upper slopes. On the distant plain of the watershed the streams converge to join the Gambia River. 10We later heard over the radio that the Koubia préfet was relieved of his duties the day after we met with him. We were, perhaps, his last official visitors. Two meetings were district. The first ot the Pilimini, the center of t Here, we discussed th Finance (and acting Pr present at the meetinl elders from various ha Tahira and Bussura w possible study sites at to having the right size slope landscape positi We hypothesized that tanners of each respe villages (1 - 2 km), dit between Tahira and E Following the disc community leaders at following Wednesday Pelli residents, men a attendance were mair lrom surrounding villa interviews that would local residents that w. watershed to learn. I larmers in Fuuta Jalor reason tor this sort of a no elsewhere do not 28 Two meetings were scheduled with the community leaders of Dara Pelli district. The first of these meetings took place on a Saturday market day in Pilimini, the center of the sous-prefecture in which Dara Pelli district is located. Here, we discussed the research agenda with the Secretary of Economics and Finance (and acting president) of Dara Pelli district, a resident of Tahira. Also present at the meeting was an elder from Bussura, along with several other elders from various hamlets in Dara Pelli district. It was the two villages of Tahira and Bussura which we had tentatively targeted prior to this meeting as possible study sites after reviewing the most recent census figures. In addition to having the right sized population, the village of Tahira was located at a mid- slope landscape position while Bussura was situated near the slope bottom. We hypothesized that some aspects of land use might be particular to the farmers of each respective village. In light of the mutual proximity of the two villages (1 - 2 km), differences in land use or environmental perceptions between Tahira and Bussura farmers would merit further investigation. Following the discussion of our research agenda and objectives with community leaders at the Saturday market, we were invited to Tahira the following Wednesday. On that Wednesday, a considerable number of Dara Pelli residents, men and women, were on hand to participate in the meeting. In attendance were mainly people from Tahira and Bussura in addition to notables from surrounding villages. In the same manner as repeated prior to each of 104 interviews that would be conducted over the next 12 months, we explained to local residents that we were based at universities and that we had come to the watershed to learn. We further explained that our interest was not only how farmers in Fuuta Jalon farm but what these farmers thought about farming. The reason for this sort of inquiry, it was explained, was that non-farmers in Guinea and elsewhere do not understand enough about what Fuuta Jalon farmers think about farming- It was moving farming ahead intention was to ultima French, Pular, Arabic). As it turned out, tht whether to invite us to taken soon after the pl Likewise, by the time to be met was that the research. We determi Pelli residents and dis During our initial tl panicipant observatior Tahira and Bussura a contonable with our p tor it was the period 0 three year cropping cy would be a first round We hated the number recomposing the que: in the research propo translation, tor some readily translate into sort conservation, lan land value. N The Con 09m . once. well into ii, so" 9" a field 29 about farming. It was reasoned that such an understanding might be helpful for moving farming ahead in Fuuta Jalon and elsewhere. It was also noted that our intention was to ultimately publish this information in four languages (English, French, Pular, Arabic). As it turned out, the decision by Tahira and Bussura authorities about whether to invite us to spend the year in Tahira and Bussura had already been taken soon after the previous meeting, four days earlier, at the Saturday market. Likewise, by the time of the second meeting with local officials, our sole criterion to be met was that the community understand, accept, and approve of the research. We determined this to be the case judging by the comments of Dara Pelli residents and discussion at the village meeting. During our initial three months in Dara Pelli district, we concentrated on participant observation, making daily notes of life and activities in the villages of Tahira and Bussura and allowing the members of each community to become comfortable with our presence. We went frequently to the fields during this time, for it was the period of cutting and clearing fields for the initial year of a two to three year cropping cycle. In addition, we prepared a set of questions for what would be a first round of interviews. From an initial set of 16 possible questions, we pared the number to 12 questions. It is important to remember that we were recomposing the questions in neither English nor in French, as had been done in the research proposal, but in Pular. This process involves more than direct translation, for some of the concepts presented in English or French do not readily translate into Pular. Examples of such difficult-to-translate concepts are soil conservation, land improvement, soil fertility, soil erosion“, land owner, and land value. 11The concept of soil erosion (i lugol legdl) is synonymous with soil surface runoff. Only once, well into the field work, did someone in Tahira or Bussura refer to the notion of soil The core set of qt“ 1, How does '9°°d '3' e legdi ”Wu" 2. What does “taking dank itagol legc 3. What does “mining legdi ndin firr 4. What does 'improv legdi ndir) fim 5. What does 'soil err ndlry finani or) 6. What does 'land 0t f inoni on?) These six questior that specific 'technica explain what the term phrase “mean to you" liwude ("to signify”: the phrase “in your oy 'e nlijo hon“ (lit.' our interview questior respondents that that asitem at our work 30 The core set of questions (in English and Pular) are as follows: 1. How does “good land' differ from 'poor land"? (Ko honno Iegdi bonndi e legdi mo'g'gundi sent i?) 2. What does "taking care of the land" mean to you? (Ko hon d‘un dankitagol legdi ndir) firani on?) 3. Whatdoes “ruining the land' meanto you? (Kc hond‘ur) agbingol legdi ndir) finanl on?) 4. What does “improving the land” mean to you? (Ko hond‘ur) uurnitugol legdi ndir) fironi on?) 5. What does 'soil erosion” mean to you? (Ko hond‘un ilugol legdi ndir) firani on?) 6. What does ”land owner" mean to you? (Ko hon d‘un joorn legdi nd i r) finani on?) These six questions may be thought of as "semantic-based”, which implies that specific “technical terms" are presented to respondents who are asked to explain what the term "means“ according to his or her understanding. The phrase "mean to you" as used in the questions above is derived from the verb f irude ( "to signify"). We most often preceded each interview question with the phrase "in your opinion", which translates easily and very well into Pular as ”e mi ijo mon' (lit. "with your thought“). By using these two phrases in posing our interview questions, our intention was to communicate the idea to respondents that their perceptions and viewpoints were the most important aspect of our work. movement or slippage per se, in using the verb j uur‘ude (to disperse). This person, a young boy, intact, said that when hillsides are cultivated from the top downward, as opposed to beginning at the bottom of the slope, the soil tends to move down the hill. When we tried to employ this term as a way to express soil erosion, respondents indicated that the term made little sense. In any case, perhaps a better reason for why farmers begin at the bottom of the slope when tilting and seeding in one operation is that it's easier to cover the seed with soil and provide better soil-seed contact as they move up the slope during planting. The next six questi 'semantic-based' in th ordering of questions 1 Although we continuer these questions, the q Rather, we were atten economic aspects of s here that, during the ir lollowed by live to set were related to the pn question was asked ir previous interview. 1. What makes takin sottoni 00 19' 8. What would make telemno ko den 9. What makes tarml reheteendi?) 10. What does Islam . ond‘un di ind neaeteendi?) it. Do your farming t drlter? (Telemno Item no sent i ?) 12. How do people let gondol telemhr These twelve ques questions with the he 31 The next six questions (presented below) of the core twelve were not ”semantic-based” in the same sense as the previous six (We retained the same ordering of questions for all 64 interviews conducted in the first round). Although we continued to frequently use the phrase 'in your opinion” to precede these questions, the questions were not hinged upon a critical concept or word. Rather, we were attempting to elicit general to specific information about socio- economic aspects of soil management and conservation. It should be noted here that, during the interviews, each of the 12 core questions were always followed by five to seven questions on average which, as much as possible, were related to the preceding responses. Quite frequently, an additional question was asked in order to cross-check new information acquired from a previous interview. 7. What makes taking care of farmland difficult for you? (Ko hon d‘ur) sottani or) telemma ka dankitagol legdi remeteendi?) 8. Whatwould make farming easierfor you? (Ko honno hogironogno or) telemma ka demal ngal?) 9. What makes farmland valuable? (Ko hond‘un tiidinta legdi nemet eendi?) 10. What does Islam counsel with respect to taking care of farmland? (Ko hond‘ur) di ind lislam gamini telemma ka dankitagol Iegdi nemet eendi?) 11. Do your farming techniques and your parents farming techniques differ? (Telemma ka demal ngal, pehe model) and pehe maulfie neon no serti?) 12. Howdo people Iearnto farm? (Ko honno togaafie Ber) begdor‘a gandal telemma ka demal ngal?) These twelve questions were tested prior to their use. We first tested the questions with the help of a local politico-religious leader in the neighboring villall° °f Dara Pelli. Si Some, though few, as trial. We considered 1 hamlet. but decided in (no expert committeet committee of women. each of these four 60' over the next three m asking the questions r help us to ensure that were not committing 2 These meetings w using a 'quasi-intervie taken. The principal it represented peoples' quasi-interviews were ourselves. Moreover, draw numerous replie It was originally th 50 women. After nea some of the informati. rntormation was contir completed, a goa| of p c°mplet°d (16 men at Tm") Bussura), we intt included little or no n: have all, the intervie l 32 l village of Dara Pelli, simply to find out if the questions made any sense at all. i Some, though few, aspects of the questions were modified as a result of this y trial. We considered further testing of the questions in another, neighboring T hamlet, but decided instead to ask the residents of Tahira and Bussura to form . two expert committees of three people each, one committee of men and one committee of women, to test the questions 'in-house'. Meeting separately with each of these four committees, we explained very carefully and precisely that, over the next three months, we would be interviewing people one-by-one and asking the questions presented above. We asked the committee members to help us to ensure that the questions were clearly understandable and that we were not committing any faux pas in asking any of the questions. These meetings with the four committees (two per village) were conducted using a ”quasi-interview" format, meaning that notes on the discussion were taken. The principal intent of the note-taking was to verify that the responses represented peoples' perceptions of soil management and conservation. The . quasi-interviews were also an opportunity to compare our note-taking among ourselves. Moreover, we were able to identify which questions were likely to draw numerous replies and which were difficult to answer. y 50 women. After nearly 40 interviews were completed, it was apparent that ; some of the information obtained was fairly predictable, although new [ information was continually received. After a total of 40 interviews were completed, a goal of 80 interviews was set. But, when 64 interviews were it completed (16 men and 16 women from Tahira, and 16 men and 16 women from Bussura), we interviewed no more people. At that point, responses included little or no new information and considerable data had been verified. 1, Above all, the interviews were halted because we had developed a very good y It was originally thought that 100 people should be interviewed, 50 men and understanding °i the F larmers interviewed w For all resp°ndemi permission from them lasted appi°Ximately 1 peoples' homes. Afte our collective underSiE about ten interviews, l techniques and becar In reviewing each 1 interview responses w mentioned: agronomi aesthetic. By 'code' i thought expressed in | example, was assigns equipment, soil fertility like. Econ\0myq was a labor, credit, and so to relations with one's ne referred to issues ass Mandated to go Hiiiilisalwas assigns was reserved for resp ReSttonses were thus their cultural nature. I comprised of a combir are as follows. 33 understanding of the perceptions of soil management and conservation by the farmers interviewed with respect to the 12 questions presented above. For all respondents, notes were taken during their interview after asking permission from them to do so. No tape recorders were used. Each interview lasted approximately 90 to 120 minutes and all interviews were conducted in peoples' homes. After each interview, the responses were reviewed to clarify our collective understanding of what the respondent had communicated. After about ten interviews, we began to feel quite confident of our interviewing techniques and became more comfortable with each succeeding interview. In reviewing each interview, in order to direct and organize our thinking, the interview responses were coded in terms of the seven cultural factors previously mentioned: agronomic, economic, social, religious, political, historical, and aesthetic. By 'code' is meant that a factor was assigned to each complete thought expressed in response to the interview question. Agrgnomig, for example, was assigned to responses that referred to such things as farm equipment, soil fertility, rainfall, seeds, surface runoff and erosion, trees, and the like. Eggngmig was assigned to issues related to money, markets, availability of labor, credit, and so forth. $3M referred to health and health care, education, relations with one's neighbors, community solidarity, and the like. Religious referred to issues associated with Islam as well as with animism and sorcery. EQIiJLQatreferred to government policy and programs, for the most part. Histgrical was assigned to responses that referred to past events. Aesthetic was reserved for responses that addressed the arts and appreciation of nature. Responses were thus given a score that reflected, in a very rudimentary way, their cultural nature. Each factor counted "one" point. Often, a response was comprised of a combination of several factors. Examples of this coding system are as follows. ln resl)°nsa to the woman from Bussurat ,0, want fruit at any i same time, help the 'a' Etitlluflcfieeial becz and-demand (900mm in response to the que Bussura replied: 'In in today. But, as Alla ha erosion and, thus, ero: response was coded l: (historic), to Alla (religi We used this scorir regard to the type of d. 'scores' as an indicatc for two reasons. One, factor over another. T what islam counsels is every question had its historical, or political, r sIstem is externally in responses to pro-cone Space enough to one that there were too rna real nature of the respt 12 The aesthetic factor it sh 34 In response to the question, "What does Wmean to you?" a woman from Bussura said, 'If you plant trees (you improve the land) because if you want fruit at any time, you can pick it. Thus, you can help people and, at the same time, help the land live“. We coded this response as Agronomic- mm because it referred to planting trees (agronomic), to supply- and-demand (economic), and to human relations (social). As another example, in response to the question, “What does soil erosion mean to you?" a man from Bussura replied, 'In the past, Alla made this problem even worse than it is today. But, as Alla has now reduced the rainfall, he has also reduced the erosion and, thus, erosion and runoff have not been seen in awhile“. This response was coded Historig-Religious-Agronomic because it refers to the past (historic), to Alla (religious), and to the rains (agronomic). We used this scoring system only as a means to orient our thinking with regard to the type of data being collected. We refused to use the resultant . 'scores' as an indicator of which factors were more important than the others, i for two reasons. One, the questions themselves were biased in favor of one factor over another. The obvious example of this bias is the question that asks what Islam counsels farmers about taking care of the land although, in fact, every question had its own bias, whether agronomic, economic, social, historical, or political, or a combination of these biases‘2. Two, this coding system is externally imposed and restricts the characterization of interview responses to pro-conceptualized categories without allowing the responses space enough to emerge as or into their own categories. Moreover, we found hat there were too many "gray areas" with respect to the seven factors and the real nature of the responses. In addition, we found ourselves at times reading 2The aesthetic factor, it should be noted, was virtually a nonvissue. into the respOnseS' pe in any case, the exerc After about 40 inter abandoned and that it emerged naturally fror interviews were compi use the coding system among ourselves the 1 Because we deterr our purposes, in BE_S_| presented entirely in t are discussed as soil l answers to each of thy discussed across all lr emerged from the into The second set i addressed the basic h addressed two mecha agricultural developmt decided to interview 4 Tahira and Bussura, t larmers (13) had beer (32) had not, dependi I tesented are as lotto standardized, but the 35 into the responses, perhaps assigning them a character that did not truly exist. In any case, the exercise was useful for becoming familiar with the data. After about 40 interviews it was felt that this coding system could be abandoned and that we should concentrate instead upon categories that emerged naturally from the responses. We continued this exercise until all 64 interviews were completed simply as a matter of course. However, we did not use the coding system in the second set of interviews, opting instead to discuss among ourselves the responses in terms of their apparent nature. Because we determined the coding system to be less than appropriate to our purposes, in RESLJLTS AND DISQLJSSIQN the interview data are not presented entirely in terms of the seven cultural factors, although these factors are discussed as soil management domains. Nor are the data discussed as answers to each of the questions and scenarios. Instead, responses are discussed across all inquiries in terms of the respondent-grounded themes that emerged from the interviews. The second set of interviews was comprised of four scenarios, two of which addressed the basic human needs of food and water, and two of which addressed two mechanisms commonly believed by experts to catalyze agricultural development, experimentation and credit. For these interviews, we decided to interview 40 farmers, 20 men and 20 women (10 men each from Tahira and Bussura, 10 women each from Tahira and Bussura). Some of these farmers (18) had been interviewed during the initial set of interviews and some (32) had not, depending upon their availability. The four scenarios that we presented are as follows, in English (The translations into Pular were not standardized, but the essential scenario was consistently presented): 1. Suppose that Y°ur muddY than is "om for this Phen°m°nc 2, Suppose that YOU r or five years or 010' phenomenon and l 3. Suppose that some money, like 50,000 do with regard to as plows, animals, trer money must be use 4. Suppose that some available to farmers applied to the imprr whatsoever would I lfyou accepted sur Both rounds of sen sources for this resear discussions with farms de"ltgrrtithic survey 0 \ t GFqus Guinean Franc 36 1. Suppose that you notice streams and sources drying up, becoming more muddy than is normally the case. What do you think would be the reason for this phenomenon and what might be done to change the situation? 2. Suppose that you notice the crop yields begin to decrease over a period of five years or more. What do you think would be the reason for this phenomenon and what might be done to change the situation? 3. Suppose that someone with money decided to give you, as a gift, enough money, like 50,000 GF13 (about 100 dollars) to do what you would like to do with regard to agricultural experimentation on seeds, weeds, fertilizers, plows, animals, trees, and the like. The only condition would be that the money must be used for farming. With what would you like to experiment? 4. Suppose that someone with money made 50,000 GF (about 100 dollars) available to farmers as a loan, with two conditions. One, the loan had to be applied to the improvement of farming. Two, no reimbursement whatsoever would be necessary until after the second cropping system. If you accepted such a loan, for what would you use the money? Both rounds of semi-structured interviews are the central information sources for this research, complemented by participant observation and discussions with farmers. These two interview rounds were followed by a demographic survey of Tahira and Bussura residents. 1331: means Guinean Francs At the time, one dollar was about equal to 500 to 600 GF. Mein ii” wrk For the final phase Tahira and Bussura '91 well as could be Sl’mh‘ as to how the researci meeting with the men 1 ol Bussura, and one W Our input to each n was, in brief, to unders hint about soil manag interviews were shares question. We asked th general opinion of the l provided by the intervit (is, this dissenation 0 As for discussion bl quite careful to not pos llestions which grew r themsetlngs. Prior to it People of Tahira ar maritime enough to d education program in ti “tailored to to dictatt Brief summaries oft DI ' it These the research method‘ 37 M in ffilwrkl rwih fmr fThir n sr For the final phase of the research, a series of four meetings were held with Tahira and Bussura residents to share the results of the interviews (at least as well as could be synthesized at that point) and to elicit suggestions from them as to how the research might be put to use. The four meetings consisted of one meeting with the men of Tahira, one with the women of Tahira, one with the men of Bussura, and one with the women of Bussura. Our input to each meeting began with a reiteration of our purpose which was, in brief, to understand what the farmers of Tahira and Bussura know and think about soil management and conservation. The synthesized results of the interviews were shared with those who attended the meeting, question by question. We asked those in attendance two questions: First, what is their general opinion of the interview results? Second, how might the information provided by the interview respondents be useful when compiled in book form (i.e., this dissertation or a subsequent work). As for discussion beyond responses to these seminal inquiries, we were quite careful to not pose leading questions but were, instead, aware of asking questions which grew directly from the observations of those people attending the meetings. Prior to the meetings, we had envisioned a scenario by which all the people of Tahira and Bussura would consider the research results interesting enough to decide to use them to develop an agricultural extension education program in the villages. Of course, this scenario was ideal and was ot allowed to to dictate the orientation of our questioning. Brief summaries of the four meetings are presented in RESQLTS AND I N. These meetings were barometers to gauge the potential utility fthe research methods employed in the field work. This genre of meetings held with local people should be, without our level. It is regrettable were truly informative . the prospects for agric Analysis of data To reiterate the list 1989, atotal of 104 int conducted, 52 intervie' includes first-round intt by second-round inten these 104 interviews, r of soil management ar For practical reasor information are called ( inlormaticn represents Items such as trees at and spirituality, for exar expressed by a respon regardless of whether i examples of W the Wild. "140 farmers inteM titling ’ difference: rtteWiewZaiii‘lhe adult pg, 8 ' Ce) 0i) ' re not mtermeWed a: 21"": 38 held with local people to share and discuss information received from them should be, without question, obligatory for any research agenda at the village _ level. It is regrettable that only four of these meetings were held because they were truly informative and, for the most part, quite encouraging with regard to the prospects for agricultural extension education in Tahira and Bussura. Anlif To reiterate the field work procedure, during a ten-month period in 1988 and 1989, a total of 104 interviews of farmers in Tahira and Bussura were conducted, 52 interviews with men and 52 interviews with women. This includes first-round interviews of 64 farmers (32 men and 32 women) followed by second-round interviews of 40 farmers (20 men and 20 women)”. From these 104 interviews, nearly 3300 units of information on farmers' perceptions of soil management and conservation were obtained. For practical reasons in analyzing the interview data, these units of information are called references. This term was chosen because each unit of information represents a respondent's referenee, in their responses, to a topical theme such as trees and grasses, human relations and resources, or religion and spirituality, for example. Each referenee represents a complete idea as expressed by a respondent in his or her reply to an interview question, regardless of whether or not the reply directly addressed the question. Two examples of referenees are provided below. 1"'Of the 40 farmers interviewed in the second round, 18 had also been interviewed in the first round. In all, 86 different adult farmers were interviewed at least once, 44 women and 42 men, or about 60% of the adult population in Tahira and Bussura. Eight women and ten men were interviewed twice, one time per interview round. However, only 12 adult men in the two villages were not interviewed at all while 51 adult women were not interviewed at all. in response to the i put", one person rep teammates fruit trees it's not only person who eats the ff reference because if r pan of this reply (not I because it too refers 1 the first idea. As another examp take care of the land? want to learn how to i show you what to do. Your courage, too. If: try it and we'll compar idea is one [Meme MW We separately ant interview questions a: scenarios. In this an categories, dependinr responses categories grasses, religion and tradition and habit, cr testing, and machir 39 In response to the question, "What does taking care of the land mean to you?". one person replied. WWW Whatever we grew we teke eere ef.‘ This person continued, "When we plant fruit trees it's not only for the person who plants them because it's not only that person who eats the fruit.’ The first part of this reply (underlined) is called a reference because it refers to and encapsulates a complete idea. The second part of this reply (not underlined) is considered to be a second reference because it too refers to and encapsulates a complete idea, though different from the first idea. As another example, in response to the question, 'How do pe0ple learn to take care of the land?", one person replied, 'If you are a farming novice and want to learn how to farm, you can call together a group of people and they'll show you what to do. The rest is up to your own intelligence. A lot depends on your courage, too. If you want to learn to sow seed, you try it and the group will try it and we'll compare how the seeds spread out over the soil.“ This complete idea is one referenee. The person continued, 'Semeene een ering teehnigees from . hr at. - {no o-ul- will —. k an hm .no hn a: hm --lv ifi's a gged thing er net.” This complete idea (underlined) is a second reference. We separately analyzed the responses to each of the twelve, first-round interview questions as well as the responses to each of four, second-round scenarios. In this analysis, references were grouped into thematic response categories, depending upon the nature of the responses. Some examples of responses categories include human relations and resources, trees and grasses, religion and spirituality, landscape and topography, fire and burning, tradition and habit, crop rotation and fallow, knowledge and study, weeds and weeding, and machinery and equipment. Some questions scenarios question: all intervi reference With 1 calegorie understa of sell me editing, in farmers c The p thinkthat count the afronomi our Objec affect iIOI When out based de. ital color among lh ill the itinerary suppyeme stud) Site L'A: mr' e, _ V, 40 Some response categories are represented in nearly all 16 interview questions / scenarios (twelve first-round questions and four second-round scenarios). Some categories are represented in only two or three of the questions / scenarios. When the appropriate categories for each reference for all interviews and scenarios were determined, the categories and their references were pooled and sorted across all questions and scenarios. With thousands of references organized into the appropriate thematic categories, it becomes easier for cultural outsiders to Tahira and Bussura to understand Tahira and Bussura farmers' individual and collective perceptions of soil management and conservation. After considerable study, review, and editing, we are able to present a comprehensive, composite overview of how farmers of Tahira and Bussura perceive soil management and conservation . The purpose of this research was not, for example, to count the farmers who think that trees and grasses are more important than manure and mulch, nor ‘ count those who feel that labor is a greater constraint to soil conservation than agronomic knowledge. Issues like these do emerge from the reading. Rather, iour objective was to offer readers a perspective on the multi-faceted issues that I affect how and what farmers think about soil management and conservation. ‘(When cultural outsiders such as literate agricultural extension workers, urban- )based development experts, or university researchers understand the factors ithat color farmers‘ world views, then communication and rapport between and (among these parties may be improved. I.) in the section that follows, Wthe observations iigarnered from interviews and interactions with Tahira and Bussura farmers, supplemented by observations made over a period of twelve months at the 1study site, are presented. The perceptions of soil management and firs; J! ,5” 3.1.; COHSI categ larmt mane respr inten natur inher were is tru authr comn and s 41 conservation by these farmers were assigned to one of twenty response categories, called self management demains, listed below. These soil management domains represent themes that emerged from farmers' responses to 16 interview questions, as described above. The soil management domains were not pre-selected. Instead, each individual response given to us by each of 104 interviewees (18 of whom were interviewed in each interview round) was carefully studied to determine the nature of that response. The soil management domains, in this sense, are inherent in the responses themselves. Responses of a similar inherent nature were grouped together to comprise one of the domains listed below. Due to our methodology, each datum obtained from the interview responses is truly grounded in the community because each response represents an authentic perception of soil management and conservation as articulated by a community member. The resultant soil management domains are given below ‘and examined further in RESLJLTS AND DISQLJSSIQN: l Human relations and resources Fire and burning Leaves and fertilizers Tradition and habit Work and labor Wild and domestic fauna Trees and grasses Crop rotation and fallow Religion and spiritualism Crop production and harvest Soil properties and utilization Seeds and sowing Rain and water Knowledge and study Landscape and topography Health and survival Tillage and cultivation Weeds and weeding Money and markets Machinery and equipment idiom The F Sierra Le Guinea is (US. Sta 2.6 millio million pe who live estimator Islam lUS. Sta throne all of Gui are the h peeple, a alarm or Along w" Pilaf. the Billiard, Frelltlit is DE RIPTI N FTHE T DY ITE The Republic of Guinea is located on the western coast of Africa, north of Sierra Leone and south of Senegal and Guinea-Bissau15 (Appendix B). Guinea is about equal in land area to the state of Oregon16 in the United States (US. State Department, 1985a). However, the population of Oregon is about 2.6 million people (Rand McNaIIy, 1985) while Guinea's population is about 5.7 million people (US. State Department, 1985a), including the 1.6 million people who live in the Fuuta Jalon region”. The population growth rate in Guinea is estimated at 2 - 2.5% (Heermans and Williams, 1988). Islam is the principal religion in Guinea, claimed by 75-85% of the people (US. State Department, 1985a,b). In the Fuuta Jalon region, virtually 100% of the population is Muslim. There are at least 16 differentiated ethnic groups in i all of Guinea (Van Chi-Bonnardel, 1973). The most numerous of these groups E are the Manding, who include the Susu, the Malinke, and the Sarakoole peOple, a total of approximately 1,500,000 people. The Manding speak Mande, a term comprising the distinct dialects spoken by these distinct ethnic groups. Along with the Fu His people, who inhabit the Fuuta Jalon highlands and speak Pular, the Mending account for 65% of the total population of Guinea (Van Chi- Bonnardel, 1973). There are some 25 African languages or dialects in Guinea. French is the official administrative language but the rate of literacy in the 15This places Guinea between 7 degrees, 30 minutes and 12 degrees, 30 minutes north latitude, and 8 degrees and 15 degrees west longitude (Diallo et al., 1987). ‘16The land area of Guinea is 246,048 sq. kilometers, or approximately 95,000 sq. miles (US. State Dept., 1985a). 17This population figure, taken from a 1982 national census, is more than doubled from 750,000 people in 1943 (Heermans and Williams, 1988). Frenr Bonn natio abet rain 4) ft of it til POP are into for too: 43 French language among Guinean people has been estimated at 35% (Van Chi- Bonnardel, 1973) or less (Rand McNaIIy, 1985). The Guinean government has designated four geographic regions within the nation (US. State Department, 1985b). These are 1) the western coastal strip, about 50 miles wide, known as Maritime Guinea; 2) the southeastern tropical rain forest, or Forested Guinea; 3) the eastern savanna, or Upper Guinea; and 4) the Fuuta Jalon highlands, known as Middle Guinea, with an average altitude of 1000 meters. As of 1983, the population of Middle Guinea was 1,595,007 (at 29.0 people per km2), or 28% of Guinea's total population and 27% of its rural population (Ministére du Développement Rural, 1986). In Middle Guinea, or Fuuta Jalon, three basic geomorphological divisions are found (Diallo et al., 1985): the central plateau (600-1500 meters); the intermountain zones (300-600 m); and the plains and foothills. The study site for this dissertation research was located in the central plateau. This zone is ‘ located between 10°10” N and 1230" N latitude. The entire area of the Fuuta Jalon region is about 56,000 km2 (Gupta, 1987), or approximately 20% of the total land area of Guinea. The climate of Fuuta Jalon has been classified as Soudano-Guinean or Guinean-Foutanlan, described as a montane sub-climate characterized by intense summer rains and cool to hot drying winds from November to April when rainfall is minimal or absent (Maignien, 1958). According to weather data from 1950 to 1980, an annual total rainfall of 1200 mm to 2000 mm (48 to 80 inches) is the precipitation range of Fuuta Jalon‘e. The rainfall totals generally increase from north to south. Most of the rainfall in the Fuuta Jalon occurs during the period from June through August. 18In comparison, Michigan's annual precipitation is approximately 35 inches, including snowfall. For II study sit characte The ave as com; (UNESC Labs air if) kilon annual t cereals, season: surface: Attf 1988 w: or less season frovokr minima Stpten Seasor did not Acc long 3S free is 44 For the Labe area, centered approximately 40 kilometers southwest of the study site, the climate is described as sub-humid with a five-month dry season, characterized by an annual average rainfall of 1600-2000 mm (Gupta, 1987). The average annual rainfall in Labe during the period 1931—60 was 1690 mm, as compared to 1723 mm during 1960-69, and 1480 mm during 1970-77 (UNESCO, 1981). Freeman (1987) reported the mean annual rainfall at the Labe airport as 1670 mm, with a standard deviation of 246 mm. At Pita, about 70 kilometers south of Labe, the standard deviation is 327 mm for a average annual total of 1719 mm (Freeman, 1987). Despite adequate rainfall to produce cereals, the ability of the Fuuta Jalon massif to store rainfall is limited by the seasonality of rainfall, the general impermeability of its rocks and lateritic surfaces, and the aridity of its dry season (Freeman, 1987). At the study site, the villages of Tahira and Bussura, precise rainfall data for 1988 was not available. Total rainfall for the year was around 1600 mm, more or less an average year. As for rainfall distribution throughout the 1988 growing i season, an unexpected three-week dry spell in May following corn planting provoked worry on the part of farmers but in June the rains resumed with ‘ 1. minimal damage to corn crop development. A second drought period in late ‘ September and early October adversely affected some late-planted upland rice. ) Season-ending rains in October and November were slightly above normal but did not hinder the harvest of the principal cereals. it According to Gupta (1987), the Fuuta Jalon region was probably covered ilong ago by a dense forest of primarily Parineri eye—Isa, or kuro in Pular. This tree is today considered an indicator of site suitability for growing upland rice in the first year of crop rotation after fallow. Much of the formerly dense forest to I: which Gupta referred has been cleared for agricultural use. Today, in Fuuta (Jalon, barely 1% of the land is classified as forest reserve (Gupta, 1987). Ne nature major includ Koulo Fatal: flowo (Free for lhi 45 Nevertheless, there reportedly remain over 800 permanent or intermittent natural springs of water in Fuuta Jalon (Gupta, 1987). In addition, a number of major rivers trace their headwaters to the Fuuta Jalon highlands. These rivers include the Senegal, the Niger, the Gambia, the Koliba, the Konkoure, the Koulountou, the Tinkisso, the Kaba, the Lolo, the Mongo, the Kolente, the Fatala, and the Cogon (Gupta, 1987). As for the Gambia River, about 70% of its flow originates in Fuuta Jalon and totals some 12,000 km2 within Guinea (Freeman, 1987). This total includes Dara Pelli watershed where the study site for this dissertation research was located. Because so many rivers take their source in Fuuta Jalon, the region is consistently called the water tower (chateau d’eau) of West Africa in virtually all the pertinent literature. This title has made Fuuta Jalon a focal point of discussion on soil erosion and conservation in West Africa in the 20th century. Richard-Molard (1944) identified three types of parent material found in Fuuta Jalon: ferruginous19 sandstone, dolerite (igneous basalt), and schist (micaceous metamorphic rock). The soils of Fuuta Jalon have been grouped into five major classes in accordance with the French classification system, as follows (Gupta, 1987): The skeletal soils are those characterized by a surface horizon less than or equal to 10 cm thick over either sandstone, dolerite, or hardened ironstone outcrop or outwash (cuirasse). The ferrallitic2° soils are relatively thick (10-50 cm or deeper) and characterized by an accumulation of iron sesquioxides21, silica leaching, and diagnostic horizons that are either 19The term "ferruginous" refers to a condition in which silica has been lost from the mineral system, usually by teaching, where kaolinite is the dominant clay, and where base saturation is variable depending upon the climate (Duchaufour, 1983). 20Ferrallitic soils are similar to ferruginous soils but altered to a greater degree by climatic factors, namely leaching, such that clay accumulation is not pronounced and base saturation is generally quite low (Duchaufour, 1983). 21"Sesqui" indicates one and a half. Thus, the term "sesquioxide" refers to the ratio of oxygen to a metal (1.5 to 1) as for the oxygen versus aluminum or iron in aluminum oxide or iron oxide. gravely, hardened, c over unconsolidated to 50 cm deep that is three distinct horizon of the floodplains cot Other soils, called se they are found on far surface and subject Much more impor classification system Gupta (1987) correc positions are recogni pet le), which are tf intermountain plain. specific soil types 0 farmers using vemae heave), can be inclr honest as a rocky, having no agricultun described boouol s The boouo I has literature, as has the Maignien (1958). art 46 gravelly, hardened, or mottled. The region's hydromorphic22 soils are formed over unconsolidated material, often low on the landscape, and include a profile to 50 cm deep that is frequently saturated with moisture. These soils often have three distinct horizons, including a zone of clay accumulation. The alluvial soils of the floodplains consist of stratified sediments deposited at regular intervals. Other soils, called sols peu évolués (“soils little evolved“) tend to erode because they are found on landscape sites where their parent materials are close to the surface and subject to frequent modification. Much more important to Fuuta Jalon farmers than the French soil classification system is their own system of soil and landscape classification. Gupta (1987) correctly notes that at least three general types of landscape positions are recognized by farmers in the Fuuta Jalon. These are f el I 0 (pl. pel Ie), which are the hill/s or mountain/s; done I , the plateau; and agnde, the intermountain plain. Each of these landscape types may include one or more specific soil types or other topographic designation identified by Fuuta Jalon farmers using vernacular terms (Gupta, 1987). A fourth category, boowa I (pl. boo we), can be included as a landscape position. Gupta (1987) describes the boourol as a rocky, iron-rich outcrop or denuded area on slopes or plateaus having no agricultural use and little value as pasture. Dugain and Fauck (1959) described booural soils as skeletal with a lateritic23 crust. The boowo t has long been discussed in the French-language agronomic literature, as has the cuirasse, a denuded ironstone outcrop or landscape zone. Maignien (1958), an expert on the process of cuirassement, claimed that many 22Hydromorphic soils are those whose genesis is principally determined by water saturated conditions such that oxygen is absent from the system for extended periods thus resulting in the reduction of iron (Duchaufour, 1983). Hydromorphic soils are often found at relatively low landscape positions and can have a fairly high clay content. 23The term "lateritic" refers to a hardened landscape condition that formerly consisted of soft material abundant in iron, aluminum, and manganese hydroxides. ironstone soil zones 1 the detrimental actior debatable. Marenien is not necessarily its excellent comprehen vegetation, parent m: The primary soil it results from the tran: slippage of upper lar relatively thick, mobi dolerite boulders, gre dontooj e) soils orig weak inclines, and st ochre, reddish, or gr Significant amounts e soils of plains, often study site but is foun dunki ije )soils or tree-covered. Para iDWain and Fauck, The soils of Fun Nitrogen is by and l: (lSiiOdS, manure apt a ocurately, aluminur production. This so considerable detail in . . after Ill marntainin 47 ironstone soil zones are extensions of former agricultural fields or result from the detrimental action of cattle herding on soil landscapes. This hypothesis is debatable. Maignien (1958) also wrote that fire accelerates cuirassement, but is not necessarily its cause. In a classic work, Maignien (1958) offers an excellent comprehensive overview of the role of climate, topography, vegetation, parent material, and time on cuirasse formation. The primary soil type on the fel to is hansanere (pl. kansaoe), soil that results from the transport of materials originating from hillsides, cliffs, and slippage of upper landscape positions (McGahuey, 1985). Hansanere is relatively thick, mobile, light, heterogeneous, and comprised of sandstone or dolerite boulders, gravel, and finer materials (McGahuey, 1985). Dantoari (pl. dantao j e) soils originate from materials that accumulate at the base of slopes, weak inclines, and subhorizontal surfaces (McGahuey, 1985). These soils are ochre, reddish, or grey in color, with a silty appearance yet often containing significant amounts of clay. The hol laande (pl. kol laad‘e) are shallow, clayey soils of plains, often flooded in the rainy season. This soil was absent at the study site but is found within ten kilometers of Dara Pelli district. Dunk i i re (pl. dunk i i je ) soils occur along watercourses. They are light, humid soils, often tree-covered. Parauro l (pl. paraa j i) is a humic, riverine, clay soil of low areas (Dugain and Fauck, 1959; Richard-Molard, 1944). The soils of Fuuta Jalon are generally low in phosphorous and potassium. Nitrogen is by and large supplied by organic materials, the result of fallow periods, manure applications, and leaf mulch. Soil acidity (pH < 5.5) or, more accurately, aluminum toxicity due to low pH, is a major inhibiting factor to cr0p production. This soil condition in the Fuuta Jalon is described very well, in considerable detail, by McGahuey (1985), who discusses the role of organic matter in maintaining the fertility levels of Fuuta Jalon agricultural soils. Pliil Since 1 (Ministers r administrat principle, it traditional l geopolitica Council24 Sages con permanent M%Mm In the t in urban Cl structure, administra s°"3'llreih Middle Gr Tahira an. The so tinahoed t SGVera| dd \ ”The Nine treats“'el). : Mal acti commllnica “blame "Dara F Wiser 48 P Iii I mini r inin in Since 1986, Guinea has been organized administratively at three levels (Ministére du Développement Rural, 1987). At the local level, the basic political administrative units are districts in rural areas and quartiers in urban areas. In principle, the district /quartier model allows the local population to manage their traditional lifestyle with liberty. In the rural areas, each district defines its own geopolitical limits and is administered by a nine-member, elected District Council24 (Rondot, 1986). Within each district there also exists a Council of Sages composed of at least four members whose function is to symbolize the permanence and coherence of the local communities and to offer advice at times of critical decision-making25 (Rondot, 1986). In the Guinean political model, several districts make up a communauté and, in urban centers, a number of quartiers comprise a commune. This political structure, fairly well established, is intended to complement the existing administrative structure by which a group of districts or quartiers make up a sous-prefecture 26. In Guinea, there are 345 sous-préfectures, including 104 in Middle Guinea (Ministers du Développement Rural, 1987). The villages of Tahira and Bussura are part of the sous-prefecture of Pilimini. The sous-prefectures (or communautés) are projected to be autonomously financed for purposes of rural development. Each communauté, composed of several districts, is to be led by a Community Council of representatives from the 24The nine offices are president, vice-president, secretary of economics and finance (i.e. treasurer), secretary of rural development, secretary of rural management, secretary of health and social action, secretary of youth and sports, secretary of security, and secretary of communications. In Dara Pelli district, each of these offices were filled, but two officers were the most active political actors. These were the president, a merchant-farmer from Feto Baya who was away for much of the year conducting business in Dakar, Senegal. The treasurer, more than the president. led Guinean government politics in Dara Pelli district. 25In Dara Pelli district, the Council of Sages were mainly composed of local religious leaders. 26At present, a sous-prefecture and a communauté are essentially one and the same. various District Coun For the most part, the place in each Guinea. At the next level, a prefecture is administ this level. There are For urban or rural de' Prelectoral Developrr commune or commu. Acertain number regions of Guinea prt Resident Minister wh directly representing In summary, the v Pelli, the sous-préfec administrative center closer in distance to t prélecture. Koubia; while Labe préfectun prefecture measures By 1983, the populat kmz) while the popul kmz) (Ministers du E The history of Gu It a general summar Jalon can neverthele c . observation in this r 49 various District Councils in the area (Ministére du Développement Rural, 1987). For the most part, the District and Community Councils are at least nominally in place in each Guinean sous-préfecture. At the next level, a number of sous-préfectures make up a prefecture. The préfecture is administered by a préfet, the only government representative at this level. There are 36 préfectures in Guinea, including 10 in Middle Guinea. For urban or rural development administration, the préfet presides over a Prefectoral Development Committee, composed of representatives from each commune or communauté and other public organizations in the prefecture. A certain number of préfectures comprise each of the four geographic regions of Guinea previously noted. Each region is administered by its own Resident Minister who is much like a government cabinet member or governor directly representing the national government. In summary, the villages of Tahira and Bussura are within the district of Dara ‘ Pelli, the sous-préfecture of Pilimini, and préfecture of Koubia, whose administrative center is the town of Koubia. However, Dara Pelli district is closer in distance to the city of Labe, the administrative center of the Labe prefecture. Koubia prefecture includes 6 sous-préfectures and 36 districts while Labe prefecture includes 13 sous-prefectures and 48 districts. Koubia prefecture measures 4000 km2 compared to the 2200 km2 of Labe préfecture. By 1983, the population of Koubia prefecture was 98,053 (or 24.5 people per km2) while the population of Labe prefecture was 253,214 (115 people per km2) (Ministers du Développement Rural, 1987). The history of Guinea and Fuuta Jalon is epic and cannot be fully honored by a general summary. A sketch of some major historical features of Fuuta Jalon can nevertheless provide context for discussing soil management and conservation in this region. To briefly recap 1000 years, the land that is now Guinea was the far rt the 10th to 16th centl 1973). By 1700, eler presentday Fuuta J3 FuutaJann began ti By the middle oft presence in Guinea, r the Fuuta Jalon regio state. For eleven ye: subject to de facto gc Department, 1985a,t 1973). The rulers of the French presence into the year 1911. E and the Koundara re little avail (Van Chip In the early 20th aFederation, a struc‘ headed bit a Iieutena governor. The colon conlmandants who a Chefs de cercle and c Gurhean administrati‘ It???“ is net Pillar Jalon b th' °°Ument r 50 Guinea was the far reaches of the Ghana, Mali, and Songhay empires during the 10th to 16th centuries (U.S. State Department, 1985a; Van Chi-Bonnardel, 1973). By 1700, elements of an Islamic state were already established in present-day Fuuta Jalon. In the early 18th century, the Islamic j ihaad27 in the Fuuta Jalon began to dominate the Guinean political landscape. By the middle of the 19th century, the French had developed a significant presence in Guinea, culminating in 1896 with an invasion by French troops of the Fuuta Jalon region which, by that time, had become a bonafide Islamic state. For eleven years prior to this invasion, the territory of Guinea had been subject to de facto governance by the French Ministry of Colonies (U.S. State Department, 1985a,b) although not officially until 1893 (Van Chi-Bonnardel, 1973). The rulers of the Fuuta Jalon Islamic state, the Fu I Be people, tolerated the French presence until 1906, when they began a failed resistance that lasted into the year 1911. Elsewhere in Guinea at this time, notably in the forest zone and the Koundara region near Senegal, others were fighting French control to little avail (Van Chi-Bonnardel, 1973). In the early 20th century, all French colonies in West Africa were formed into a Federation, a structure that persisted into the 19505. Each colony was headed by a lieutenant governor who answered to the Federation's general governor. The colonies were divided into administrative units governed by commandants who appointed regional and district African administrators, called chefs de cercle and chefs de canton, respectively (Derman, 1973). Today, the Guinean administrative structure reflects the French influence in spite of Sekou 27This word is not Pular (as the font would indicate) but Arabic in origin. However, the spelling used in this document reflects the pronunciation of the word in Pular. The first j i hand in Fuuta Jalon began around 1727 (Derman, 1973). Touré, a man outsl’0 ushered Guinea to in For nearly 40 yea near the forefront of I Guinea (PUG) in 194 Hassemblement Der unit for French West . Marxist analysis of cl pushed for freedom I reforms placed here while Guinean labor 1965a; Van Chi-Bent In 1950. Sekou T power as a leader of (Van Chi-Bonnardel, had become general Conakry (Van Chi-Br The turning point I957, when the PDG When Sekou Touré a Minna (Van Chi~Bor develoliment, the par membelshih in the Ft of France's West Afri 2811953uGUinea W membership and, in a Republic and Its con< 51 Touré, a man outspoken against colonialism and cultural imperialism who ushered Guinea to independence during the 19405 and '505. For nearly 40 years until his death in 1984, Ahmed Sekou Touré was at or near the forefront of Guinean politics. He helped found the Democratic Party of Guinea (PDG) in 1947. This political organization was an arm of the Rassemblement Democrafique Africaine (RDA), the main political organizing unit for French West Africans at the time. At that time, Sekou Touré viewed the Marxist analysis of class struggle as appropriate to colonial Africa and he pushed for freedom from European political control. At the same time, colonial reforms placed increasing political responsibility with native-born Guineans, while Guinean labor unions allied with French unions (U.S. State Department, 1985a; Van Chi-Bonnardel, 1973). In 1950, Sekou Touré was able to garner a significant measure of political power as a leader of one union, the Confederation Générale de Travail/eurs (Van Chi-Bonnardel, 1973; US. State Department, 1985a). By 1952, Touré I had become general secretary of the PDG and, in 1955, was elected mayor of I I Conakry (Van Chi-Bonnardel, 1973). .I The turning point in the independence from France movement came in I 1957, when the PDG won 59 seats in the French Territorial Assembly, a time I when Sekou Touré assumed the vice-presidency of the territorial government of I Guinea (Van Chi-Bonnardel, 1973). By late 1958, in a well-publicized development, the pan-Africanist Touré felt powerful enough to reject Guinean membership in the French Community as proposed by Charles DeGaulle for all of France's West African colonies. When decision-time arrived, on September I28, 1958, Guinea became the only French colony to vote “no” to community membership and, In effect, to vote "no" to affiliation with the Fifth French Republic and its constitution. On October 2, 19 sovereign REPUbIIC' November 12, 1958, democratic, with a N. and the Gulneans qu to the socialist world including the estimat and ’70s, most certal The Guinean sagr to its political stance Guinean nation was including forests, wal lreedom in Guinea hr Touré and coupled w Sekou Touré regime prisons (Alata, 1976; 198425. Guinean go current president. F leadership in setting natural resources ca IIIIe Iteen earmarks extension education it - Tours died in Clevelan 52 On October 2, 1958, Guinea proclaimed itself to be an independent, sovereign Republic. A government by constitutional law was formed on November 12, 1958, rendering the political system of the Republic of Guinea democratic, with a National Assembly and an elected President. Sekou Touré and the Guineans quickly became heroes to a broad spectrum of Africans and to the socialist world at large. Less than twenty years later, many Guineans, Including the estimated one million people who fled the Guinea in the 1960s and '70s, most certainly have mixed feelings about the Sekou Touré years. The Guinean saga, in many ways, is one of a dream gone sour. In addition to its political stance towards France, popular across all of Africa, the young Guinean nation was and is today richly endowed with natural resources, including forests, waters, and minerals. By the end of the 1960s, political freedom in Guinea had withered due in part to political paranoia by Sekou Touré and coupled with economic mismanagement. Slowly but surely, the I Sekou Touré regime grew infamous for its political oppression and political I prisons (Alata, 1976; Kaké, 1987). Unexpectedly, Sekou Touré died in March, I 198428. Guinean government control was assumed by Lansana Conté, the 1 current president. For seven years, President Conté has provided patient leadership in setting the Guinean nation on a course by which human and I natural resources can be constructive forces in development. Guinean farmers have been earmarked for a major participatory role. To this end, agricultural , extension education has a vital role in Guinea in the 21st century. ,28Touré died in Cleveland, Ohio, where he had traveled to seek medical treatment. W Many scholars ha agricultural PiaCIIces Ibrahim Sow (19569 forefront with their w Most interestingly. bl works in phonetic PL Among other sch evolution of the Fit I l Vieillard (1939; 194i knowledgeably abou (1944) is noted for of aspects of life in Fur comprehensive socir the colonial period fr independence in the social organization c in Fuuta Jalon proxir American anthropolc Political, social, and In Fuuta Jalon, tt let qube, whose h IIII°II°3IIY centered Uurufie, from Koyin Mm ' rs rntormatio ' itnkolticial who isn (Iisuitrzti 53 ialr r fF In Many scholars have contributed to the literature on social norms and agricultural practices in Fuuta Jalon. Among all scholars, two Guineans, Alfa Ibrahim Sow (1966; 1968) and Tierno Mouhammadou-Samba (1971) are in the forefront with their works on religious history and philosophy in the Fuuta Jalon. Most interestingly, both Sow (1966; 1968) and Mombeya (1971) wrote their works in phonetic Pular as well as in French. Among other scholars, Ousmane Diallo (1961) discussed the social evolution of the Ful 6e people with some reference to agriculture. Gilbert Vieillard (1939; 1940), a French administrator in colonial Guinea wrote knowledgeably about culture in Fuuta Jalon. The geographer Richard-Molard (1944) is noted for detailed essays on the gee-physical and socio-economic aspects of life in Fuuta Jalon. Suret-Canale (1970) produced a general but I comprehensive socio-geographic reference to Guinean history, beginning with the colonial period from the early 19th century and through the early years of I independence in the 19605. Dupire (1970), in her voluminous work on the social organization of the Ful 6e people, referred frequently to a specific locate in Fuuta Jalon proximate to the study site of this dissertation research. Two American anthropologists, Derman (1973) and Roberts (1991), studied the , political, social, and agricultural economy of village life in Fuuta Jalon. In Fuuta Jalon, there are four major Ful 5e families”. These are the J Jul luuSe, whose historic center in Fuuta Jalon i5 Bodewal, the Dogeefie, I historically centered at Dayatu, the Feroofie , who originate in Wanyo, and the I I Uurufie, from Koyin. Today, the Jet qufie family name is Jallo (Diallo in the 29This information is taken from an unpublished, anonymous manuscript provided by a World Bank official who is Guinean. French spelling). the I Feroofie are Sow, at names were replese' The first wave of | the end of the 16th Ct Islamic immigrants, n Mali, came to Fuuta t rather than as particit Jallonke people alrea agriculturalists. Man} their Fuuta Jalon hon The Pulli people, Jalon when the Islam Islamic Ful Be immig moved into the regior (Dupire, 1970). Accc probably bought past exchange for cattle p relationship develops alriculturalists of Fun Atrican savanna zonr grain and access to l Blt1725, the gem attiled itself as a re: sociocultural domina tears olj ihood, whr 54 French spelling), the Dogeefie are Bari (Barry or Bary in the French), the FerooBe are Sow, and the UuruBe are Ba (Bah) or Balde. All of these family names were represented among residents of Tahira and Bussura. The first wave of Islamic immigrants to Fuuta Jalon arrived in the region near the end of the 16th century and the beginning of the 17th century. These lslamic immigrants, most of whom were F ul So from present-day Senegal and Mali, came to Fuuta Jalon primarily to find new pasture lands for their cattle rather than as participants in the F ul Be-led j ihaa d. The Ful 6e found the Jallonke people already inhabiting the region. The Jallonke were animist agriculturalists. Many Jallonke people were later forced by lack of choice to flee their Fuuta Jalon homeland during the j ihaod. The Pulli people, who were animist cattle herders, were also living in Fuuta Jalon when the lslamic Ful 5e started to immigrate to the region. Like many lslamic F ul Be immigrants, the Pulli were cattle herders par excellence who had I moved into the region around the 15th century or earlier in search of pasture I (Dupire, 1970). According to Guebhard (1909), the Pulli and the Fu | Be probably bought pasture rights on hilltops and meadows from local farmers in exchange for cattle products. It is likely that a mutually beneficial economic 1 relationship developed between the cattle keepers and the Jallonke agriculturalists of Fuuta Jalon, similar to the system that exists throughout West African savanna zones today, whereby milk and manure are exchanged for grain and access to forage and palatable crop residues on farmers' fields. 5 By 1725, the genuine devotion to Islamic principles by Ful 5e leaders availed itself as a reason by which they might establish military, economic, and r socio-cultural dominance over the Jallonke and Pulli peoples. After 20 or so t . years of j ihaad, when the Ful 5e victory over the Jallonke and Pulli seemed ’47 inevitable“, F U' 5° I united the nine traditi Derman (1973) sumr state, noting that the based in limbo; that one and the same in: could become provin constitutionally equal Derman (1973) a evolution ol the Ful E Seydiyanke families, Derman (1973) re level, a structure that ostensibly in tunctior Political center for a r the villages (Derman lhenisiide (pl.mig Well 01 parish cen c°mm°ll|ll situated n Koran-wise Ful 6e 0 M°idd°°l i, one or Web are located in :2;°::;°1'9“°'i”a-lvpe Disgruntled centuries uula glow. tees; resslwttjtrcrrr “Tooentruryhto quell Ful _ap icall it the drstricto yllpart 'Of liltrnme rmrnr, r l' . evil this and Bussura :22: 55 inevitable30, Ful 6e leaders established a constitutional confederation that united the nine traditional Ful 5e provinces (di iural pl. dl i we) in Fuuta Jalon. Derman (1973) summarized the political structure of the Fuuta Jalon lslamic state, noting that the head of the confederation, the Almaami Fuuta, would be based in Timbo; that the Almaami Fuuta and head of Timbo province would be one and the same individual; that only direct descendants of a province head could become province heads; and that each province head was constitutionally equal in political stature to the other province heads. Derman (1973) and Sow (1968) provide overviews and information on the evolution of the F ul 6e religious aristocracy, founded in the Seriyanke and Seydiyanke families, which were based in Timbo province. Derman (1973) reviewed the structure of the traditional province at the local level, a structure that persists today in Dara Pelli district in form though not ostensibly in function. As in Dara Pelli district, the traditional religious and political center for a cluster of villages is a selected mosque located in one of ' the villages (Derman, 1973). The village where this mosque is located is called , the m is i ide (pl. mi 3 i ddaaji or mi 3 i ddeej i), an Arabic word similar to the concept of parish center (Mombeya, 1971). In Fuuta Jalon, m is iddaaj i are commonly situated near upper landscape positions where cattle-owning, l Koran-wise Ful 5e originally settled. In Dara Pelli watershed there are two or is i ddaaj i, one each in the villages of Dara Pelli and Taybata31, both of which are located in upper landscape positions. ,3 30However, guerilla-type warfare continued to be waged against Fu I Be rulers throughout the 1 18th and 19th centuries by the Jallonke and Pulli resistance after the j i hood was won. . Disgruntled Fuuta Jalon religious leaders at times quarreled with each other during these years n (Sow, 1966; 1968). Moreover, the French sent their military to Fuuta Jalon near the end of the I 19th century to quell Ful 6e resistance to colonialist intentions (Derman, 1973). l 31Topographically part of the Dara Pelli watershed, the village of Taybata is administratively a part 1 of the district of Pilimini, which is also the center of the sous-prefecture. Under the Sekou Touré " government, the villages of Tahira, Bussura, and Taybata were part of the same political unit. (Tahira and Bussura taxes were collected at Taybata, for example. Political practices and certain r r Commonly found asrunde (pl. dune), people (Mombeya, 1 as compared to villas lhej ihaod 33, is a 5 whose early work in Residents of a r u Fv I Be serfs relerred words mean 'serl / s Sekou Touré governr idea of moccufie is to \ uses of power by Taybat watershed was adminis government. Individuals and major least days is di 3.21mi is, so-called rund district are nearer to stre: Ills generally agreed a Derman ‘ :750. Dupire (1970) cl(£ vl Be conquest, and we it tt One hypothesis for th at. urrng the several 56 Commonly found at lower landscape positions are villages formerly known as runde (pl. dun e), villages whose majority population is made up of servile people (Mombeya, 1971). These villages are situated closer to good farmland as compared to villages near the upper slopes”. The nunde, a by-product of the j ihaod 33, is a social phenomenon discussed at length by Derman (1973), whose early work in Fuuta Jalon focused on serfdom and peasantry“. Residents of a runde are run de e6 e. In the past, some rundeeBe were Fu l6e serfs referred to as no cc use (5. mac cu d‘o)35. Politely translated, these words mean ”serf / s". Use of these terms was strongly discouraged by the Sekou Touré government. In Fuuta Jalon today, the correct way to refer to the idea of mac cu Be is to say huuuoofie, meaning 'workers'36, in broad terms. .—_ uses of power by Taybata leaders strained relations between Tahira and Taybata such that the watershed was administratively realigned by mutual consent under the Lansana Conté government. Individual allegiance to the two local - l a Iddaa j l with respect to Friday prayers and major feast days is divided among Tahira residents. 32That is, so-called runde villages, a term not used in a glib or cavalier manner today in Dara Pelli district, are nearer to streams and riversides, or bottomland, for the most part. 33It is generally agreed among scholars that most peOple of the dune, referred to as rundeefie, are non-F ul 6: descendents of former F at Be servants and slaves. Apart from the j I hood, the evolution of the master / serf relationship between Fu I Be and non-Fu I be of Fuuta Jalon, starting from what was likely a mutually beneficial economic relationship of grain and milk exchange, is not entirely clear. Similar relationships between Ful 6e and their non-F u I Be neighbors developed at about the same time in other parts of West Africa (Derman, 1973, citing several authors), including the Yatenga and Liptako regions of northern Burkina Faso (personal observation). Derman (1973) concluded that serfdom was part of the Fuuta Jalon since at least 1750. Dupire (1970) claims that the institution of serfdom existed in Fuuta Jalon prior to the F ul Be conquest, and was practiced by both the Jallonke and the Pulli. 3"'One hypothesis for the develbpment of Fu I Be / non-Fu 1 be master / serf relations would be that, during the several generations prior to the onset of the 1727 Fu IBe-led j i hood, the combination of Koranic knowledge, Arabic reading and writing skills, and cattle wealth on the part of certain Ful So were effective tools of power useful against the spiritually animistic, agriculturalist, autochthonous peOple. It is generally agreed that the F u l fie-led j iha ad exacerbated established master-serf relationships in that conquered pagans were forced to flee Fuuta Jalon, be killed, or convert to Islam and serve the F ul 6e victors. 35My colleagues pointed out that another word, the verb Ira j j ude (to lose or to be lost), and no] j are (ignorance), may be historically linked to the development of the pejorative terms maccud‘o (pl. naccufie). The pronunciation of Iaccud‘o and no] j ud‘o (someone "lost" or "ignorant" of knowledge) is similar. Serfs were generally inhibited access to Koranic study. 36The Pular word got loose also means "workers". For most of the 2 in Guinea even as Ill from wild rubber tree regime, he was an at especially for womer Pelli district today”. and Bussura farmers former serf family, or relationships of formr that these people no It appears, nevert serf families remains balance of power in 1 Perhaps be religious ol the Koran is an aw has recently been re in the district is from keep this young man that his skills are in r . 0 social Dupire (1970) and, partii accurater reflects many 5 t “bull Bipression "their intes'on eissueofwh expIllelts informal or miss present and form ash it huuuoofie take ”the not secretive at Whiter" midway througl flea nseasonat migrat “I lettered to char 57 For most of the 20th century the French had prohibited the practice of slavery in Guinea even as they forced many Fuuta Jalon inhabitants to harvest latex from wild rubber trees. And, despite the atrocities credited to the Sekou Touré regime, he was an acknowledged vocal champion of equal status for all people, especially for women. Nevertheless, social class stratification persists in Dara Pelli district today". The historic truth of serfdom is a sensitive issue that Tahira and Bussura farmers deal with honestly but guardedly. One elderly man from a former serf family, commenting on the social status and interpersonal relationships of former huuuroofie and "their Ful 5e'38, noted with diplomacy that these people now belong to each other. It appears, nevertheless, that the socio-political status of members of former serf families remains relatively low. A potentially effective way to redistribute the balance of power in the stratified social structure of Dara Pelli district would perhaps be religious education. Local residents are well aware that knowledge of the Koran is an avenue to power. The j uu | ir~d e (place of prayer) at Bussura has recently been refurbished and one of the brightest young Koranic scholars in the district is from Bussura. In fact, a concern of Bussura residents is how to keep this young man in the village to teach Bussura children the Koran, given that his skills are in great demand39. 37Those scholars interested in a more detailed description and analysis of the important phenomenon of social stratification in Fuuta Jalon are strongly encouraged to read the works of Dupire (1970 ) and, particularly, Derman (1973 ), whose 1967 case study in the Poopodara region accurately reflects many socio-agronomic realities that exist today in Dara Pelli district. 38The expression "their Fu ISe" (Fu lBe nafifie), like “my Pullo" (Pullo an), turns the semantic tables on the issue of who owns whom. This expression was heard on several occasions during interviews and informal conversations. It seems to be a rather tongue-in-cheek way to accept and express present and formal realities in a gracious manner. The phrase perhaps demonstrates that former huuuoofie take pride in their freedom as human beings and that they are neither ashamed nor secretive about what happened in the past. 39About midway through the field work, the Koranic school teacher in Bussura died in Senegal while on seasonal migration for work. One young man from Bussura informed us his peers were already prepared to offer the bright Koranic student a salary of grain and all his other needs if he ilhi I“ Derman (1973) pt leaders of the Islamic surprising that Kal dl watershed. give“ the leader of these immit neighborhood of Lat meters south of Dara The founder of D: migrated from 'Bunn Jalon. From Dalen, | order, ultimately settl Wongo. Modi Abdul: two kilometers north stone's throw from P is estimated as some coincide with a perio provincial Ful Be lea founding of Pelli is di difference between I The respective ar "'9 grand historic per sole basis for the lav Would rem surelybenifte ainin m3£ssura 400M uranic tell at W red 8' "lcu rs der e"bYCI laring tre 58 ilirfThirnB r Derman (1973) points out that members of the Kat dug aafie lineage were leaders of the Islamic j ihaod in their traditional province of Labe. Thus, it is not surprising that Kal dugoafie were the first F ul 5e occupants of Dara Pelli watershed, given the watershed's relative proximity to the city of Labe. The leader of these immigrants was a certain Mama Sirey from Daaka, today a neighborhood of Labe. Mama Sirey founded Pelli, located several hundred meters south of Dara Pelli which, at the time, had not been settled. The founder of Dara Pelli was Modi Abdulay of the Ranaafie lineage who migrated from 'Bunndu, in eastern Senegal, to the village of Dalen in Fuuta Jalon. From Dalen, Modi Abdulay and his family moved several times in short order, ultimately settling with their huuwooBe in Sincu40, later named Salli Wongo. Modi Abdulay finally relocated his family's residence to an area one or two kilometers north of Salli Wongo. thereby founding the village of Dara Pelli, a stone‘s throw from Pelli. From available information, the founding of Dara Pelli is estimated as sometime around 1830 - 1850. If these dates are accurate, they coincide with a period of history marked by dissension between several provincial Ful 6e leaders (Sow, 1968). The approximate year of Mama Sirey's founding of Pelli is difficult to estimate as is the number of years in age difference between Mama Sirey and Modi Abdulay. The respective arrivals of Mama Sirey and Modi Abdulay occurred during the grand historic period known as the Hrsi laamaak u, when Islam was the sole basis for the law of the land. These men chose to settle in Dara Pelli would remain in Bussura. The same young man indicated that the bright Koranic student would surely be offered Koranic school teaching positions in Labe as well as in Senegal. foThe word Sincu is derived from the verb 3 l ncude, meaning "to establish a village (or a grain field, often by clearing trees from the land)". watershed becausel their cattle, to farm, a watershed was consir could see others arriv unwelcome intrusion, people to migrate ant between themselves the dividing line betwl their former villages it Some people who who settled in Kuraaji People of the Jo' 1 gr Pelli watershed from t Billet? were also fro. sailed in Taybata. Tl Pooreko, near Labe. tenets. Some See I data Komba, settling late, to settle in Tam Gawal and Telimeli, a 59 watershed because they were looking for uninhabited land (out a) to graze their cattle, to farm, and to establish their own authority. To these leaders the watershed was considered to be an isolated refuge (wedd i) from which they could see others arriving from long distances. Despite this safeguard against unwelcome intrusion, both Mama Sirey and Modi Abdulay encouraged other people to migrate and settle in Dara Pelli watershed. They divided land between themselves using a trail, today the present road to Dongol Sigon, as the dividing line between their claimed properties. They periodically returned to their former villages to recruit others for settlement in Dara Pelli watershed. Some people who migrated from Dalen to Dara Pelli watershed, like those who settled in Kuraaji‘“, were of the T i mboofie lineage, led by Karamoko ljalla. People of the Ja' i goalie lineage settled in Tesin. They had migrated to Dara Pelli watershed from Baleeba, near Dalen. The Bat Be who settled in 'Bunndu Bume42 were also from Dalen. Other Bol 5e came from Tunni, near Pita, and I settled in Taybata. The ngri goose who settled in Taybata came from Pooreko, near Labe. The Na' igaafi e, from Poopodara, settled in ’Bunndu Kene43. Some See I igoaB e, led by Modi Kalidu, came from Poopodara and Gada Komba, settling in Tahira. The Kuu lunaafie arrived from Burawel, near Labe, to settle in Tahira. The Kot eeBe came from Bows and Kate Kinsi, near Gawal and Telimeli, and settled in Tahira“. 41This word is the plural for the tree kura (Parinari exgelsa). 42'Bunndu means "source of water" and Bume is the name for a tree, m cuneata. 43'Bunndu means "source of water" and Kane means "open area". 44For complementary information about the social structure of Fuuta Jalon, scholars may refer to the following works: Mombeya (1971) summarized the genealogy of the Jet luuSe (Diallo) family. Sow (1968) has described the familial genealogy of the aristocracy, the vassals, and the "simple subjects" of Fuuta Jalon, as well as the chronology of major historical events in the region from 1747 to 1896. Dupire (1970) wrote about patrillneage in the social structure of Fuuta Jalon with reference to her study of the TarambaIi-Jonfo - last I do in the traditional province of Labe. Our information Pl unlikely scenario) an: which people were th ultimately settled in Ti andtheSi idi i6e.l occupants were Kuu | Koteefie, who were and Modi Usu Kote. ' Kuu lunaoBe, who w Seel i goalie from Pt (woodworkers) invite: woodworking skills at It is agreed that it changed to Tahira wl time of Cerno Ugaylr Kamilaya, today a qc claim heritage. After Cerno Ugaylu returnr acertain Game 800) watershed at the tim. attended Koranic sch imadu, now near SC I“ iluv. a word are “Mela. 1971). 453 aabere In so eans ' tiers of Tahira morigrirr Titus tlt . elandw ilivery "09mm pres 60 Our information portrays the history of Tahira as rather uneventful (an unlikely scenario) and the history of Bussura as controversial. The issue of which people were the first residents of Tahira is unclear. Four lineages ultimately settled in Tahira: the Kuul unaaBe, the KoteeB e, the Seal iyooBe, and the Si i di i Be. One information source claimed that Tahira's first occupants were Kuu I one as e. Another informant said the first settlers were Kot eeB e, who were herders from Kote Kinsi, near Telemeli, led by Samba Kote and Modi Usu Kote. The Kot eeS e, said this source, were followed by the Kuu lunaafie, who were of the Uurufie lineage from Koyin. then by the See I i goose from Poopodara and Gada Komba. The S i i di 1 6e were I awfie (woodworkers) invited to settle in Tahira because of their weaving and woodworking skills and in order to increase the population of the village. It is agreed that the original name of Tahira was Saabere45. This name was changed to Tahira when the place of prayer (j uu l inde) was constructed at the time of Cerno Ugaylu, a Koranic school teacher. Cerno Ugaylu originated from Kampaya, today a quartier of Labe, a place where some Kuu l unaab‘e in Tahira claim heritage. After constructing and consecrating the j uul lrde at Tahira, Cerno Ugaylu returned to Kampaya and entrusted the teaching of the Koran to a certain Cerno Booyi. The man most learned in the Koran in Dara Pelli watershed at the time of this field work, Cerno Amadu from Taybata, reportedly attended Koranic school in Tahira as a young boy early in this century. Cerno Amadu, now near 90 years old, is acknowledged and celebrated locally as a urol iggu, a word derived directly from Arabic meaning "saint", or “friend of God" (Mombeya, 1971). 458aabere means "former, abandoned farm" which the hamlet probably was when the first settlers of Tahira moved in. In those days, fallow periods were likely as long as 20 years or more. Thus, the land where present-day Tahira is situated may have been, at the time of its ”founding", a formerly cropped field out of grain production and into fallow. As for the villaSle ‘ settlements, Bussura to the information SOI hamlet of Telilre, UPi‘i huurroofie oi Mama watershed was uninil Bussura was a Mind Booyi,aKo| dugaai number of Bussura n Bussura, although thi founding of Teliire or In consideration c the 400 years prior tr byathird informant, and coherent historic Telttre was founded I well before the onset hand, is the result of "ii ii is an original I when the local praye Touré. The name Cr Jaimie people who ”iii is an iron har residents of Bussura mg: in the door 99309" ar 48M 0i iarlr WWII beheeitstwur: I: 61 As for the village of Bussura, it is really a combination of two contiguous settlements, Bussura and Jam Weli45. The history of Bussura varies according to the information source. One informant from Dara Pelli reported that the hamlet of Teliire, upsIOpe and to the south of Bussura, was settled by the huuuroofie of Mama Sirey, the founder of Pelli, at a time when the entire watershed was uninhabited. A second source, from Tahira, informed us that Bussura was a run do and that its first occupants were the huuwooBe of Modi Booyi. a Kol dugao j 0 who had settled in Pelli. According to this source, a number of Bussura runde eBe moved to Teliire across the watershed from Bussura, although this informant could not specify if the move was the actual founding of Teliire or if the move occurred after the founding of Teliire. In consideration of the events that took place throughout Fuuta Jalon during the 400 years prior to French occupation of the region, the information provided by a third informant, an elder resident of Jam Weli, seems the most reasonable and coherent historical scenario. According to this informant, the hamlet of Teliire was founded over 300 years ago, prior to the establishment of Bussura, well before the onset of the Ful lie-led j ihaod in 1727. Jam Weli, on the other hand, is the result of family expansion in Bussura. Jam Weli‘i7 (also spelled Jar) llel i) is an original name but the name of Bussura was changed from Conki when the local prayer place (j uu l i rd e) was erected during the time of Sekou Touré. The name Conki was given to the village by its original residents, Jallonke people who had migrated to the area from somewhere near Koubia. A conki is an iron handpick used by blacksmiths, suggesting that the original residents of Bussura (then Conki) may have been blacksmiths43. “Henceforth in the document, the name Bussura refers to Bussura and Jam Well together. 47Jam means ”peace" and Well means ”pleasant“ or “nice" (also, “sweet”). 48Not far from Bussura is an intermittent stream with a Iaterite bed. This stream is a traditional local boundary between two areas of the watershed. tn the rock-hard streambed can be seen many Our third informant watershed, those Jallt Some of the converts rest were routed and c proximate to TambaC< Today, Bussura is Kamara (Camera). Tl tour wives: Jiba, Binta the time of Cerno Sa Members of the two n Bussura is said to be Bussura also live in It We were informec 20th century the Fran canton. Modi Lamiin was succeeded by hi Cerno Siiel. sometin liil political head in 0iTaybata took powt 62 Our third informant also claimed that when the j i haod reached Dara Pelli watershed, those Jallonke in Conki who accepted conversion to Islam stayed. Some of the converts moved to Teliire and others remained in Bussura. The rest were routed and chased away. Some fled to 't arobo out a“, bushland proximate to Tambacounda, Senegal, and some went to the Conakry area49. Today, Bussura is composed of two families, named Jallo (Diallo) and Kamara (Camera). The founding father of Bussura was Cerno Samba. He had four wives: Jiba, Binta, Maymuna, and Niimatu. Other important family heads at the time of Cerno Samba were Manga Saajumma and Manga Saatinen. Members of the two main families intermarried over time such that, today, Bussura is said to be one ”house" (3 uudu). People affiliated by family to Bussura also live in Keete and are widespread in northern Fuuta Jalon. We were informed that in Dara Pelli watershed during the early part of the 20th century the French installed Modi Mamadu Lamiin as the local chef de canton. Modi Lamiin was succeeded in power by Ceerno Booyi. Cerno Booyi was succeeded by his son, Modi Usuman, who was also followed by his son, Cerno Sirey, sometime in the 19303 or early 19405. Cerno Sirey remained the chief political head in Dara Pelli watershed for 30 years. Then, Cerno lbrahima of Taybata took power at the time of Sekou Touré. pockets, uniformly rounded out. When we first observed these pockets, they did not appear to be the result of stream water flow. When we asked several people about the pockets, we were informed that the streambed had been the place where blacksmiths would fire taterite to extract iron for making tools. Now the metals used in tool making are purchased as scrap in the markets. A material commonly used and sold for tool making is recycled material from cars. 49A fourth informant, a resident of Bussura, reported that the original inhabitants of the area were not migrating Fu Ifie but Susu-speaking people. His understanding was that, sometime in history, all of the original inhabitants of Bussura died, though he was not certain how they died, He indicated that these pe0ples' common origin was a place called Sangalan and that he once found near the river some very thick, old earthenware (pagonnde) made of fired clay, but much greater in size than the type used today. The 1987 district I households of Dara F identified a number 0 Table I. Tablet. Demograpl ‘ iii—itseobiriam Total population (male) (female) Households51 Female headed hou P°°Pie Der househo Married men Married womenss lZ/o males marrier i/o females marrl Mean age, married a (men) (Women) s Cows sper house)“ 50 51gussura includes the i no ousehold is: 1) Me rand °3ii°trsesl v OiaOne 63 The 1987 district census indicated a total population of 1807 people in 214 households of Dara Pelli district. A demographic survey of Tahira and Bussura identified a number of social characteristics for these two villages, shown in Table 1. Table 1. Demographic characteristics of Tahira and Bussura in 1989. Demographig Parameter Tahira Bussura50 Total Total population 181 132 313 (male) 75 62 137 (female) 106 70 1 76 Households51 40 25 65 Female headed households52 8 5 13 Peeple per household 4.5 5.3 4.8 Married men 32 20 52 Married women53 49 34 83 (% males married) 42.7 32.3 38.0 (% females married) 46.2 48.6 47.2 Mean age, married adults54 (yrs) 43.8 39.4 42.0 (men) 51.7 47.7 50.1 (women) 39.1 34.5 37.4 Cows55 per household 1.6 1.2 1.4 5°Bussura includes the hamlet of Jam Well. 51 One household is: 1) a married couple, with or without children; or 2) a married triple, that is, a man and two spouses, with or without children (There were no cases where more than two wives of a one husband lived in Tahira or Bussura, although the third wives of several local men lived elsewhere); or 3) an unmarried man or woman over 40 years of age (one case); or 4) an married man or woman whose spouse was elsewhere for more than a year's time. 52For both Tahira and Bussura, 20% of households were headed by women. 53in addition, there were seven widows in Tahira and five widows in Bussura. 54lnctudes one unmarried, head of household adult male from Tahira. 55This refers only to cows able to reproduce. The low number ° men from Tahira and Guinea, lvoiY 0°33t’ Tahira or Bussura du 1989) but who had bl were included in the r and Bussura aged 15 Bussura). Thirteen n population in Tahira r reading and writing it Only one person, read French with a n school teacher in Tai enrolled at the eleme From Tahira, one yor entrance exam forth to enter the universitj Tahira in high school women from Bussura Though neither T. etitration, the neighl trowess, led by the t It commonly perceiv it 57:th from Tahira ar Miriedam , are worse 580" women studiedlt News reason for this 1 etc their populatlor 64 The low number of people per household may reflect the migration of young men from Tahira and Bussura to urban and rural areas in eastern and coastal Guinea, Ivory Coast, Senegal, Liberia, and Sierra Leone. Men not present in Tahira or Bussura during the period of the demographic survey (February, 1989) but who had been present at some time during the 1988 cropping season were included in the survey totals. The percentage of the population of Tahira and Bussura aged 15 years or less was 47.0% (48.1% in Tahira and 45.5% in Bussura). Thirteen men56 and no women, or 9.6% of the married adult population in Tahira and Bussura, claimed to have a working knowledge of reading and writing Arabic at some fundamental level57. Only one person, a veteran of World War II in France, was apparently able to read French with a measure of proficiency. This man was also the Koranic school teacher in Tahira. There were no young children from Tahira or Bussura enrolled at the elementary school in Dara Pelli during the period of field work. From Tahira, one young man was in high school in Labe preparing to take his entrance exam for the university. Another young man was in Conakry preparing to enter the university in the fall of 1989. There were no young women from Tahira in high school or the university. Nor were there any young men or women from Bussura in high school or at the university. Though neither Tahira nor Bussura appear to have a great tradition of education, the neighboring hamlet of Taybata is noted for its educational prowess, led by the wot i ggu, Cerno Amadu. In addition, Taybata's arable land is commonly perceived as the watershed's most productive farmland58. \— 56Nine (9) from Tahira and four (4) from Bussura. _ 57in Tahira, there were more young girls than young boys in Koranic school in early 1989. 5:509 married women studied the Koran as young girls but did not continue to practice therr wrrtrng s r s. one reason for this, we were told, is that Taybata farmers possess a large amount of land ’elatrve to their population and are therefore able to utilize longer fallow 99"th- ilan ’ mna There is abundar of the Fuuta Jalon rt Canals (1970). Nice (1973). These work system as practiced nohrithstanding. Th agricultural system r Freeman (1987; hectares of agricultu production limitation upper portion of the located, are technic; farmed or grazed re Cultivated land p (Freeman, 1987). 1 established a stand Jalon and a standar This report notes th 0iOiled to a small. Chipped to com. A. Ecology in Guinea, three-quarters hect . thre lolulatron size haseindci 65 There is abundant literature in English and French on the agricultural system of the Fuuta Jalon region, including works by Richard-Molard (1944), Suret- Canale (1970), McGahuey (1985), Freeman (1987), Gupta (1987), and Derman (1973). These works are accurate with respect to the agricultural production system as practiced today in Dara Pelli district, minor exceptions notwithstanding. The paragraphs of this section describe, in general terms, the agricultural system as observed in Tahira and Bussura during 1988-89. Freeman (1987; citing Cueto and Khouma, 1986) noted that some 27,000 hectares of agricultural land in Fuuta Jalon have moderate to severe crop production limitations. Freeman (1987) further reported that 82% of lands in the upper portion of the Gambia River Basin, within which Dara Pelli district is located, are technically classified as non-agricultural. Many of these lands are farmed or grazed regardless of their suitability classification. Cultivated land per capita in Fuuta Jalon has been estimated at 0.16 to 0.37 (Freeman, 1987). The Guinean Minisfére du Développement Rural (1986) established a standard mean of 0.25 cultivated hectares per person in Fuuta Jalon and a standard average farm size of 1.51 hectares for a family of five59. This report notes that, on average, 41% of family farmland in Fuuta Jalon is cropped to a small-grained cereal called f ofie (Digitaria ex_ili_§) and 16% is cropped to corn. According to the National Division of Research on Agro- Ecology in Guinea, for every hectare of land cultivated in Fuuta Jalon, about three-quarters hectare of land are in fallow (Diallo, undated). 59According to Heermans and Williams (1988), demographic data ’0' Fuuta Jalon sugges‘ssi'lfig over the past three decades. agricultural lands per caprta may have declined even a population size has increased. In Dara Pelli (“iii suntuune (Pi- cunt u cordinsi. The "i"5 alence, called a MS and card In are cite The nodko is mat (basal I e), and 000% buy onion sets on on The sardi n is US orange (I ennune), n lime (kacce). Fruit 1 occasionally, cola (9 compounds and cou men for the most par lhesondi n isimm larmers deep till (50 severthe rhizomes r nulch to cover the v hauled to bananas We were told that, it “Still or weed con 66 In Dara Pelli district are two major types of cropland, ngesa (pl. ges e) and aunt uune (pl. cunt uuj i)5°, and two minor types, no ako (pl. no akooj i) and sardi n61. The nge so and the euntuure can be separated from each other by a fence, called a hoggo, or be distant from each other. A household's nooko and sand in are often located on the same parcel of land. The nooko is managed primarily by women. Tomatoes (t omoot i), onions (b 030 l l e), and occasionally cabbage (s u”) are planted there. Many women buy onion sets on credit from market sources and repay with harvested bulbs. The sordi n is used principally for fruit trees such as banana (b an ac n), orange (l ernmune), mango (man go), avocado (p igaa), papaya (b uudi i), and time (k oc ce). Fruit trees, particularly orange trees but mangoes, papaya, and, occasionally, cola (goro) trees as well, can be seen found in and near the compounds and courtyards of peoples' houses. The sand in is managed by men for the most part, though the women market its fruit. A major weed pest in the sordi n is lmperata cylindriga (soo j e). To control this rhizomatous weed, farmers deep till (50 centimeters down) with a long-bladed hoe (keni epp i) to sever the rhizomes as much as possible, then search for grasses and leaves for mulch to cover the weeds so they do not resprout. This land can then be planted to bananas, among other crops, which thrive under a mulch system. We were told that, to control 300 j e, farmers have two options available: mulch heavily or weed constantly. ‘50 Boulet and Talineau (1986; cited by Heermans and Williams,1988) point out that the human population of Fuuta Jalon seems to have increased in recent years, with ancillary increases in household sizes. However, the average size of a aunt uure appears to have remained constant while the average size of a ngesa has declined. A 1986 survey of 37 Fuuta Jalon households found the average household size to be about 9 people, the average aunt uure size to be 0.5 hectares per household, and the average ngeeo cultivated per household to be another 0.5 hectares (Heermans and Williams, 1988). 51 From the French word for garden, jardin. 62From the French word for cabbage, chou. llgese land is foun landscape positions d soppuuru (pl. CODPi cycle, or fukkere (pl cropping cycle or Ian planted on nge so lar pi. i lgooj e), and so the common ngesa r with substantial help Onsuntuure (pl (joobeere), sweet; liluaku), peanuts (t little). Various pl (boro boro), are al and children. Mend In Tahira and Bu th h alsuntuune land ones are situated l several cunt uuj i, (ll. kol Is)“, also it constructed mainly t :1: toori can refer Florist, din "to oHeermr ieartJal oneover1952r “80:13? i ears' rs an rnr tlrcaethatlittl 1 list a c or ,mein" "°d "”11! When ref homer are situa at aderri 67 Ngesa land is found on the fat lo, honsonere, dono l , or dont oori63 landscape positions discussed earlier in this chapter. llgesa land can be called soppuuru (pl. copp i), land cut and cleared land for the first year of the cropping cycle, or f okkene (pl. pokkeej i), land in the second or third year of the cropping cycle or land in fallow. There are four principal crops commonly planted on ngesa land. These are f 06 e, upland rice (macro), peanuts (t i go pl. t igoaj e), and sorghum (b oh e). Sesame (b en e) is also intercrOpped with the common ngesa crops. llgeso land is worked primarily by men and boys with substantial help from women for weeding and harvesting. On suntuure (pl. cuntuuj i)54 land are grown corn (k aaba), taro (j do be an e), sweet potatoes (put ee), manioc (b antora), hot red pepper (fiomoku), peanuts (t i go pl. t i go oj e), cotton (hoto l to), and cowpeas (fieBBe). Various plant species for making sauces, including leaf amaranth (bono bo 1‘0), are also planted. The suntuure is primarily worked by women and children. Men do help open seed pockets at planting, and they harvest. In Tahira and Bussura, a first-time observer could develop the impression that aunt uure land is located next to the family dwellings. More accurately, homes are situated within the borders of the aunt uure. The entire ensemble of several cunt uuj i, enclosed by a single, contiguous fence, is called the hoggo (pl. kol le)65, also the term for the single, contiguous fence itself. This fence is constructed mainly of wood cut from the nearby forest. lnterspersed among the 63lJont oar‘i can refer both to soil type or landscape position. 64According to Heermans and Williams (1988), the superimposition of 1979 aerial photos of the Fuuta Jalon over 1952 photos indicates that the most significant land use change in the region in nearly 30 years is an increase in suntuure lands today in areas of higher papulation. The photos also indicate that little forest area has been cleared to increase the available agricultural land during this time period. 5This mixture of terms is not as confusing in conversation as it might at first appear to be. For example, when referring to the hoggo as the ensemble of cunt uuj 1 within which people's houses are situated, a person will say "ko hog go ", which means "at / within the hoggo”. wood uplighisr WhiCh usualll the tree name hoggo, often delineat ngea land is sur cunluuj I, is bullltc fence around “9" a land is in production, seven years or more cuntuuj i iswell-m negligence and term Needless to say, material, then left to lands is seen as imp construct the fence x restsinfallow. Inar ngeso lands are dy It a given year, soil and individual and g in Production at the Filures t and 2 andiuutuurre crop View of a fence sep; wiIIisiur (understandir mm”)? 0990 reasr iltus illnit. Wish ere told ,ther elnterior WW“, 0 Slha Olklldjj 68 wood uprights, which stand about chest high, are live trees (i.e. fence posts), usually the tree named k i idi (Jemima games). Other fences transect the hog go, often delineating the cuntuuj i of different households“. Ngeso land is surrounded by a fence which, like the fence surrounding the cunt uuj i, is built to inhibit animal movement into the crapping area. But, the fence around ngeso land is temporary, maintained only for as long as ngesa land is in production, generally two to three years on the f at l o and five to seven years or more on dont oari land. While the hoggo protecting the cunt uu j i is well-maintained on an annual basis, ngeso fences are left to negligence and termites after their period of use. Needless to say, a considerable amount of wood is used as ngesa fencing material, then left to rot as fallow begins. The use of live fence posts for nges a lands is seen as impractical by most farmers because of the labor required to construct the fence coupled with the need to maintain the fence when the field rests in fallow. In addition, during the cropping-fallow cycle, the borders of ngeso lands are dynamic, not fixed, and dependent upon available farm labor in a given year, soil fertility, site suitability for specific crops on the landscape, and individual and group decisions by farmers as to which lands will be placed 2 in production at the start of a new crepping cycle. Figures 1 and 2 (Petersen, 1991) on the following pages illustrate ngesa and aunt uure cropland in Tahira. Figure 3 (Petersen, 1991) shows a close view of a fence separating a un t uure land from fallowed land in Tahira67. 55h is our understanding that the Sekou Touré government discouraged the presence of fences within the hoggo, reasoning that these fences tend to divide peOple by lineage or other criteria. Thus, we were told, there once were more interior fences in Tahira and Bussura than are presently found. Some interior fences remain, such as one that marks the boundary between the cuntuuj i of the Seal lgoofie, Kot erotic, and Kuu l unaofiefamilies of Tahira. 67Note in Figure 3 that the larger diameter, upright fence supports are living trees (Jatrggha surge, or k l l dl ). 69 .29. 2 ea. 933-38. 892 m .3 uofiemaom 6:30.962. can. can: “can new 822059 V 8 new. doom . r F 959m .5. . .5... MR. . .2 S E, s. - .. - - . _ x. 3; i; .1. . . . ..\ . .5)... > . .. .. a Q... . .,. \ .\ \r . s . .. 5.; \ . . I w . \\\ .1 II II \‘vs‘\\ —-a’o.\\ ‘\\\\ can‘- =.. a .wu . . .v. a . _ . e. .V\? J c ; ... . ~ ~:\\\ 3.5.}.- o u u .\b \ I . . I . .. He. ... . \. s an I o v o. I o. ‘\ . . . .. .. . . . . . Wfikflsxxfiis x... u. I I a... . I I I o 0 I \ o O \‘O on a . .u. o e e s a.\ -\ss 6 -I . ... e . . . . \WW\\K\§\\\\HHW.\\\D . \S‘ \\ l u ~ \ \N. e‘ \\ o e on... I. N \ 8 e C v n . w . ...... ..,/.. L??? . p. Ame. . ...... o. .\ .- ...\ no. ._a_) ... i. i _ ._ . .udV‘..flu / \\x.\. \ \ (\(ll Ill Ialll ‘ I \‘IIII ((\ III/1| Ir {“ II‘I\- \ 5|-l- all II I '0 '0 I‘ I \ b all]. \I' 1 It I ullll“1 70 V///// f/ca// // / /// ‘\l k '5' ‘1: ‘\\ z»- ‘3\\\\\:\\ “(it“s " .\,t “times.“ L, _C .-t .‘C \r... “2'; N3)". 1.. . - . ECEJ K‘ é -‘ “"'."I"\\\‘r' i ’_y\. 1 _. t .. \‘T‘f‘ @: > . - s l - ~ , ‘1 .\r‘t \ K ‘2 “O'lflibiyk, ' ' g . x‘ ' . s “ ‘ \\5 2617’ i - ,\ Ir r}, . W/ N-K‘A/f/V/v / «r anti W b E Figure 2. Sunt uur~e land at mid-slope in Tahira. — vane—1 ' c:«:. :I. II b u‘mv/IVV Q.\ ”‘1 I hm“: \Nl!\\\\‘~|\ ‘l .‘.‘. in!” ‘5‘ ‘5 u ommvdvldbdi; daq\\\\::t.. .. w ku xtxh'm! 71 :...n.». y .mu.w.......glr 'g HI) ~ \w I, . hflhnhxflwrvw .m/rlr my \ . . . \nflhflufifi‘ . ,«wwy...m.,_.... ._. _ . . .. . \ LIV u ..|..\ ,L L _: _ . , ,_ ,.:......._. Ame armwxb m..- : _ I . . I / {/ EMIfi /£\\\\%yl I“ h \\.rl/.e I _ ‘ .11...M .. . \rfir ‘\ \\ . E , rI V _ _: Q. . m wt. W 71‘.» '4. x“ . .‘l lnffiwrulmwmw‘ “a“. _. m... MW“. Oil V131“ \ up V1. ._l . . , \ , ru..mr...,\ ‘4‘ r il‘lfi-‘~ME§WI\HNM‘I’W%\\VGW\\N§» .. El I R . . Eu. 11$ Known“. m . \ will ” \n . r. x r I an “W‘un‘wmwum..\r\\ “uni.” . h , M‘hémy1rfi\.r _ I .«N ‘f \g ‘ . EX ’\ / ’s. f“ 5, .4 \: r I: ‘P’ g“ / Figure 3. Close-up view of a fence surrounding a corn field in Tahira. The year-to-Yea' fallow period, is ma surrounding forest6 among West Africa adaptation par excr stony acidic soils, a layer), which is als The aunt uur e about agriculture in cenain. Derman (1 oi loud in Fuuta Jal our observations ar importance over thl In general, don for crop production lindicate catena, h”mantra soils. blade of their hoe ; exhosed to the sur called louu ingo I? n\ p, 9”"d0rstand the 59 0f mulching is are will sometir 72 The year-to-year cultivation of corn in the 3 un t u ure, without benefit of a fallow period, is made possible by annual mulching with leaves cut from the surrounding forest“. This practice, though perhaps not unique to Fuuta Jalon among West African cropping systems, is nevertheless a technological adaptation par excellence to very harsh growing conditions -- steep slopes, stony acidic soils, and heavy rainfall. The practice of mulching is known as f ogun, which is also the name given to the leaf mulch itself”. The aunt uure has long intrigued scholars who have studied and written about agriculture in Fuuta Jalon. The origin of the practice in West Africa is not certain. Derman (1973) wrote that the aunt uure has become a critical ~source of food in Fuuta Jalon since 1900, at least. In Tahira and Bussura, judging from our observations and inquiries, the aunt uure may have increased in importance over the years". In general, dant aari soils have the most potential among all ngesa lands for crop production. These soils are usually found on weak slopes, lower on the landscape catena, and are less rocky and more fertile as compared to f el I 0 or hansanere soils. On dantaari land, some farmers till the soil as deeply as the blade of their hoe permits (10 - 15 cm or so), then leave the weeds and soil exposed to the sun for eight days before sowing. This period of eight days is called lammingol“. 68We understand that, in some parts of Fuuta Jalon, particularly where trees are scarce, this practice of mulching is discouraged by Waters and Forests Service personnel. 69Farmers will sometimes refer to the mulch itself simply as haako, which is both the singular and general plural word for "leaves" (k aakee' J i is a specific plural form of h aak 0). Farmers will also employ the verb suddaade (to cover or to hide) when referring to the practice of mulching the suntuure with tree leaves. 70For example, in Tahira, cuntuuj l have now been established on the outer edge of the hoggo (i.e., the hoggo has been expanded) on very steep slopes, up to 100% (45"). Lani ngol literally means "making sour". One may wonder why the verb ue l nugo I (" sweetening") is not employed to identify this agricultural practice. In the U. S., to "sweeten a soil" generally means to raise its pH slightly through the addition of lime, that is, to make soil less acidic and more basic. ln Fuuta Jalon, where soils are generally quite acidic (pH 4.5 to 5.0), it would seem that the last thing a farmer would want to do is to make a soil acidic, or "sour" (by our Plows are sougt readily available in districts, relics of ti programs oi Sekou individuals who ma programs folded to Plow to cultivate d: For most Tahir iel lo and hen: sequence on the r 1988, two distinct surrounding the vi which were fence The fields of Tahi was rented were I definition of "sour 8 same soils have relai 73 Plows are sought by farmers who cultivate dant can i land but are not readily available in the watershed. Some plows can be found in nearby districts, relics of the marginally successful agricultural training and extension programs of Sekou Touré. Relic plows are now sold or rented by foresighted individuals who managed to confiscate the equipment when the government programs folded or fizzled out”. In 1988, we observed only one farmer using a plow to cultivate dunk i i re bottomland, doing so on a one-day rental basis. For most Tahira and some Bussura farmers, the 1988 growing season on f el l o and hen: an-ere land was the first year of a two to three year cropping sequence on the cut, cleared, and burned areas removed from failow73. in 1988, two distinct areas of perhaps 10 to 15 hectares were cut out of the forest surrounding the villages. Each of these two major cropping areas, both of which were fenced, contained the contiguous fields of seven to ten farmers. The fields of Tahira and Bussura farmers who cleared and planted land that was rented were scattered in other areas of the watershed, primarily on land belonging to Taybata residents. In the 1988 growing season, upland rice, f on e, definition of "sour soils”, that is). interestingly, the phrase "no lam i" means "is salty" and saline soils have relatively high pH, although this is probably not the correct explanation for use of the term "lammingol". in Dara Pelli district, the reason for the practice of allowing time for cultivated weeds to decompose is probably to encourage the mineralization of nitrogen in the roots and leaves of the cultivated weeds so that the nitrogen can be used by the crop. As Sanchez (1976) explained, when organic materials decompose, nitrogen mineralization occurs and organic carbon levels in humus increase. The humus provides most of the cation exchange capacity for acidic soils and forms complexes with aluminum and iron oxides. This renders phosphorous fixation by oxides more difficult and makes phosphorous more available for plant growth. This process, as well as direct additions of phosphates to the soil, are what is known for tropical soils as "liming with phOSphorous". This would better explain the use of the term "iammingol". While this explanation does not solve this cross-cultural, linguistic discrepancy, it does show once again that interpretations of U.S. and tropical farming systems issues contrast significantly in both cultural and agricultural terms. 72 Plows are widely perceived by Tahira and Bussura farmers as a potential boost to crop yields. Nevertheless, on the dantaar i, said one farmer from Tahira, where the b i rgaad (BMP; a government program) once cultivated with tractors, it is possible today to see the area of the land that was not cultivated with tractors. in the non-tractor area grow grasses. That land, we were told, yields more grain today as compared to the tractor worked area. 7aDifferent farmers gave us different responses as to the length of fallow for these lands, ranging from five to twelve years. Our estimate, based on a synthesis of information from several sources, is that this land was in a nine-year or ten-year fallow. peanuts, sorghum, lands. ln1989. ric: increased area crO would have been fr planted on "9““ 1 Among Tahira t and cleared a cent Taybata river, alon this area belonging Tahira also cut an loie. The ngesa contiguous with thr families. As for the obliged to rent ngI be cut and cleared their own dont car was primarily dent also rented hen ea In the manager iallow periods are dobill orhansory generally not ader period would be pr land have more 0| MW- However 740 Dorm” the mru.sos19(1973l rel 74 peanuts, sorghum, and sesame were cropped together on these freshly cut lands. In 1989, rice was to be dropped from the system and replaced by an increased area cropped to f on e. The same cropping scheme used in 1989 would have been followed in 1990 should a third year of crops have been planted on ngesa land cut and cleared in 1988. Among Tahira farmers, in 1988, the Kuu lunaaBe and Kat eeBe families cut and cleared a contiguous area of hansaner e land on the Tahira side of the Taybata river, along with one Bussura farmer and his sons who rented land in this area belonging to a family from Taybata. The See I i gaafie families from Tahira also cut and cleared forest fallow in 1988 to plant rice, peanuts, and fofie. The ngesa lands of the Seel igaafie, mainly hans at) an e, were not contiguous with those out and cleared by the Kot ee6e and Kuu l unaaBe families. As for the S i i di i Be families in Tahira, some of these farmers were obliged to rent ngesa land in 1988 because their fallow lands were not ready to y be cut and cleared. Other S i i di i 5e, and one family of Dageefie, had access to their own dantaan i land. As for Bussura farmers, their cultivated land in 1988 was primarily dantaari cropped to f one although several Bussura farmers also rented hansanere and fel lo land. in the management of ngesa land, the building of fences and the length of fallow periods are integrally related. On sloping soils referred to as fel l c or done I or hansan er e, for example, a fallow period of less than seven years is generally not adequate in terms of regenerating soil fertility“. A longer fallow period would be preferable to farmers. Those farmers with greater access to land have more options as to how long certain ngesa land could be left in fallow. However, due to the labor required to build fences around ngesa land to 74Derman (1973) reported fallow periods of 10 to 12 years duration in the Poopodara region in the mid-19605. control the movemI Tahira and Bussur themselves the vet cultivation. The ta most farmers to co reason, as noted a discrete units, eacl of fields encircled Naturally, this i conflicts when, for segment of the ten particular tract of I: try athird year of c larmers in Tahira c means “follow-up c The concept of y' 0 social philosophy ' In Dara Pelli di fellow and made ir betan in early May First, small trees y called the h i lltpqq thick in diameter a their material Io hilleore. Theh in Figure 4 (Peter: 75 control the movement of domestic animals, namely cattle, most farmers in Tahira and Bussura find it necessary or convenient to coordinate between themselves the year in which specific fallow lands will be cut and cleared for cultivation. The fact that burning is used as a land clearing practice compels most farmers to consolidate their ngesa lands and burn together. For this reason, as noted above, ngesa lands belonging to Tahira farmers are not discrete units, each with its own fence, but border each other, with the entire set of fields encircled by a fence of considerable perimeter. Naturally, this form of field management gives rise to socio-agronomic conflicts when, for example, one farmer is tardy in building or repairing his segment of the fence, or when five out of eight farmers prefer to cultivate a particular tract of land for only two years, while the other three farmers want to try a third year of cropping from that land. When situations such as these arise, farmers in Tahira often invoke the principle of jokkene en dam, which literally means “follow-up or continuity of breast milk", but refers to community solidarity. The concept of jokkene en dam may well be the fundamental cornerstone of social philosophy for Tahira and Bussura residents. In Dara Pelli district, in 1988, when several tracts of land were removed from fallow and made into ngesa lands, the work to remove trees from the land began in early March, about two months prior to the onset of the rainy season. First, small trees were removed with a short-handled, curved-blade cutting tool called the h impaane. A well-made, well-sharpened h impaare will fell trees as thick in diameter as the fat end of a baseball bat after four to seven blows. Most woody material to be cleared can be felled with two to four strikes from the h impaare. The h i mpaare and other common agricultural tools are illustrated in Figure 4 (Petersen. 1991) 0" the f°"°wmg page. 76 kaafa (”mm /W I _ .4 Ii/ ’24'” I -. If"; ,, I I "’,;7155 r. ,, ” " $94512, , ' fir tenirde (large axe) Iii/i hasty/[y "did/,7 .- = ‘{ is: - . e\ .3? \x‘éiQ :e.\\ ‘ 14‘ c\ \ .v, ‘ . \‘_\=‘ .- 3s -‘=\ \ \‘E‘ . .. . . .‘ ,1! _- 1; . ..: .1; '1‘-.“_ -m..g_g -_:.-.. z-..— ‘35. 11;. - a .I\-\\L v:_—,_.:.-_f keri (hand hoe, long-handled model) keri eppi himpaare (long-bladed hoe) (small axe) TR sombere (post hole digger) Figure 4. Agricultural tools commonly used in Tahira and Bussura. Upon cutting ar farmers who cultiv: diameter felled trer slope. The cut trur known as g in i nj Tree trunks ant fields for burning. Bussura farmers pl diameters. Very is entirely in Tahira a felled these trees a the rainy season pl When Tahira aI around the fields il begins as they wai Mal rem, followin field burning is pre W°nhf of note the intensity of a t burn's effect on th considered an exe increases alter bu leading of bases. comprise a portior increases in the St 75 Astudy of potential 77 Upon cutting and clearing the forest, many but not all Tahira and Bussura farmers who cultivate the steeper hillsides systematically lay down medium diameter felled trees (those the size of baseball bats), perpendicular to the slope. The cut trunks and branches arranged in this way along the slopes are known as g in i nj i, illustrated in Figures 5 and 6 (Petersen, 1991) below. Tree trunks and branches not arranged as g in l nj i are collected in the fields for burning. After small and medium diameter trees are felled, Tahira and Bussura farmers prune (pollard) the branches of trees with larger trunk diameters. Very few larger trees (those afoot or so in diameter) were felled entirely in Tahira and Bussura in 1988. When this did occur, the farmers who felled these trees assured us that the trees would resprout from their bases as the rainy season progressed. For the most part, the trees did resprout75. When Tahira and Bussura farmers cut and clear trees, they dig fire lines around the fields in preparation for burning the debris. Then, fence-building begins as they wait for the right time to burn. in 1988, burning took place on May 16th, following several rains. A comprehensive overview and discussion of field burning is presented in RE§ULT§ AND DI§QU§§IQN Worthy of note are the observations of Sanchez (1976) who suggests that the intensity of a burn on cleared land in the tropics is a major variable in the burn's effect on the soil’s physical and chemical properties. Sanchez (1976), considered an expert on tropical soils and farming systems, notes that soil pH increases after burning and decreases gradually with time because of the leaching of bases. These basic cations (calcium, magnesium, and potassium) comprise a portion of the chemical constituency of ash and are responsible for increases in the soil's cation exchange capacity. 75A study of potential interest might be to monitor individual trees that do resprout after clearing. N027, ‘~ _ I l "“""‘ -‘ "', s” ‘ _- ““',/i“, ./ —(’ ' .1, vi \ ,2. 1‘ pit" . y . eis‘ifl‘fi'... \ ' 78 . . or" “V “T" . - “‘2’.- Fi ure 5. ‘ ‘ ' ' g G In I n; I placed strategically on a sloping field of upland rice. Figure 6. Close-up view of g in i nj i and young upland rice plants. Sanchez(1976) Ultisot, the soil taxr included, diminishe the soil chemical pr in Fuuta Jalon soils burning volatilizes vegetation, but has MMMWWMs asoil increases up content in the ash. insect and fungal l suntuure land. ' mommmewonl |n1988,dunng and Bussura were wmwdHMOheh between harvest ( °WmhMMHa hecuntuujiisr traps grown in a a and Elnaivsis of th RiCha'd‘Molard's important role 0ft Land intended three years before will likely be plant and manure will i 80 Sanchez (1976) cites research showing that the effect of burning on an Ultisol, the soil taxonomic order within which many Fuuta Jalon soils would be included, diminishes aluminum saturation considerably. Aluminum saturation is the soil chemical property that is largely responsible for low levels of soil fertility in Fuuta Jalon soils (McGahuey, 1985). Sanchez (1976) also noted that burning volatilizes most of the carbon, sulfur, and nitrogen present in plant vegetation, but has little effect on soil organic matter. Finally, Sanchez (1976) points to several studies which indicate that the available phosphorous level of a soil increases upon clearing and burning because of the phosphorous content in the ash. Burning is also quite helpful for eliminating weed seeds and insect and fungal pathogens that lay periodically dormant on both ngescr and sunt uure land. This positive aspect of burning is often overlooked by those who comment on the agricultural practices of cash-poor farmers. In 1988, during the period from March through May when the men of Tahira and Bussura were preparing their gese lands, the women of these villages : were well into their field work in the cunt uuj i. While men have a few months 1 between harvest (October-December) and field preparation (March-May) to 7 complete other tasks such as fence repair or house building, women's work in the cunt uuj i is virtually year-round. This is due to the number and variety of crops grown in a sunt uune. Derman (1973) provides an excellent description 1 and analysis of the aunt uure in the village of Hollande, near Poopodara. ‘ Richard-Molard's work (1944) is also valuable for understanding the very important role of the aunt uure in Fuuta Jalon food production. Land intended to be a aunt uure is cleared and may be left idle for two to three years before cultivation. if the land is not left idle after clearing, peanuts (will likely be planted for one or two years, followed by taro and manioc. Mulch and manure will be applied annually following the peanuts and, by the fourth year, the soil shout revive a suntuure idledsuntuure bl tn Tahira and B active period of tar harvested as need joobeere, in Dara simply, gob o), dist was apparently tes present situation, I when it was the or We were also i discovered that thr water and also hel explained that, in t season (ceedu) a Othenvise, it was taro wouldn't rot if Procedure, thus re who are cut into tiecoming ken e, t Manioc, or bar "1°th of March t Season. One rea: does not store we Derman lo isbranchehm) als s 3'9 plant 81 year, the soil should be ready for corn production. This rotation is also used to revive a sunt uune that has fallen into disuse. ln Tahira, f one was sown in an idled aunt uune by one woman to suppress grasses and broadleaved weeds. In Tahira and Bussura, the months of January and February mark the most active period of taro harvest, although some taro will have already been harvested as needed for family consumption. There are two types of taro, or jaabeere, in Dara Pelli district, jaabeere fuuta and jaabeer‘e goba (more simply, gob a), distinguished by tuber size and leaf shape“. In the past, there was apparently less taro in the Fuuta Jalon cunt uuj i as compared to the present situation, but taro increased in popularity in the early part of this century when it was the only crop to resist a series of locust invasions. We were also told by a Tahira farmer that, at some point in time, farmers discovered that the action of digging up taro helps the corn crop utilize soil water and also helps to mix fiol u into the soil. One woman from Tahira explained that, in the past, farmers would unearth the taro during the hot, dry season (ceedu) and spread it out in the sun to dry until the rains arrived. Otherwise, it was believed, the taro would rot. Farmers later discovered that taro wouldn't rot if not sun-dried, we were told, and so they no longer use this procedure, thus reducing their labor. But, the branches (cal d‘ i) of j aabeere goba are cut into pieces the size of a flashlight battery and laid in the sun to dry, becoming kar e, which is grated and boiled to eat as needed. Manioc, or bant arc, is harvested late in the dry season, in the very hot months of March and April, ten to twelve weeks prior to the onset of the rainy season. One reason for this late harvest, noted Derman (1973), is that manioc does not store well unless dried. Another reason is that the growth cycle of ?609rman (1973) also reported differences between the varieties as to whether the main tuber or Its branches are planted or consumed. We found these differences to vary by farmer. manioc is 13 m°ntl ready to unearth in corn is the first be harvested. It is cm apart. Virtually days to complete t several women rec contribute, openini There are four done (while corn). long-season, 120 r season, 85-90 day colored kernel vart has inconsistent y1 size, grain fill, anc Some women I (solid) in with lh the sottowouldi "remedy for little it seed fungicide or A sunt uune c Potatoes (put ee) for soil moisture. l" lueust, when It 77 a ttthese twigs do i st‘ronomic research ir other he would likt 82 manioc is 18 months, which means that manioc planted in September will be ready to unearth in March, one year and six months afterwards. Corn is the first cereal crop to be planted in the rainy season and the first to be harvested. It is sown three to four kernels per pocket, each pocket about 75 cm apart. Virtually everyone plants corn on the same days. In 1988, it took two days to complete corn planting in Tahira, beginning on April 30th, though several women required three days. This aunt uure task is one to which men contribute, opening seed pockets ahead of the women planting the corn. There are four (dent) corn varieties planted in Dara Pelli district: kaaba dane (white com), a common 95-105 day variety; kaaba bode (red com), a long-season, 120 day variety, less commonly planted; kaaba j one i he, a short- season, 85-90 day variety not commonly planted; and kaaba sunal a, a multi- colored kernel variety that is not usually sown, being considered a mutant that has inconsistent yields when planted. Corn seed is selected on the basis of ear size, grain fill, and grain quality. Some women planting corn in Tahira placed a twig from a parasitic plant (sot t o) in with the corn seed in their seed holders. The women claimed that the act t 0 would improve their yields. We were told that the twigs were a “remedy for little things" (I ekki p i i hog i), which could mean anything from a seed fungicide or insecticide to a talisman against evil spirits”. A sunt uur‘e of corn with taro is considered better than corn with sweet potatoes (put as) because sweet potatoes compete fairly vigorously with corn for soil moisture. Neither taro nor corn coexist well with weeds. At corn harvest in August, when the ears are husked, the husks are spread around the surface 77” these twigs do have anti-fungal properties. for example, it would be an important area of agronomic research in terms of crop stand establishment and seed germination. One farmer even said that he would like to experiment with a at t o. otthe suntuure l‘ generally are in Au placed upon an eta floors of the homes (delbi ) and grass taro leaves have d burned. The asher lode is consid imponant cereal or was planted on 72 cultivated area) (It late is significan our discussions w (Rondot, 1986) ar liell good (FAMA 1988) reported thr Previous level to t Avaluable prc aPronomists inter nutrients. As con l°lll9est which r Period of f she is "W i056 variet tour months to m: 83 of the aunt uure to decompose. When the rains are heavy, which they generally are in August, the harvested corn is dried inside peoples' houses, placed upon an elevated storage platform (d agga i) above fires built on the floors of the homes". After the corn harvest, the suntuure is weeded for vines (del bi ) and grasses. In November, the corn stalks are knocked down after the taro leaves have dried, collected into piles during February and March, and burned. The ashes are spread around the aunt uune. F ofie is considered by many farmers and agronomists to be the single most important cereal crop in Fuuta Jalon. In 1984, for example, in Fuuta Jalon, fofie was planted on 725,000 out of 2,767,000 cultivated hectares (26% of the total cultivated area) (Ministére du Développement Rural, 1986). The importance of fofie is significant in Dara Pelli watershed according to our observations and our discussions with farmers. Fofie yields of 300 to 500 kg/ha can be expected (Rondot, 1986) and yields greater than 600 kg/ha would probably be seen as ‘ very good (FAMA, 1962). McGahuey (1985; cited by Heermans and Williams, l 1988) reported that cereal yields in the Pita region have dropped from this previous level to about 200-300 kg/ha today. A valuable property of f one is that it grows on poor soils, although some agronomists interpret this phenomenon as an indication that fofie usurps soil nutrients. As compared to corn, f or'Ie is not particularly nutritious but it is easy to digest, which makes it a preferred staple among older people. The growing period of f one is fairly lengthy, three and one-half to five months in duration, but most f one varieties sown by Tahira and Bussura farmers need only three or four months to maturity. Fofie gaauruko ("rapid' fofi e) is one of the two short- 78Houses generally consists of three rooms. The round central living area with a high wall is encircled by a lowerwall that would form a ring-like room around the central living area were it not divided into two half-rings by a second. buttress-like inner wall on each side of the house. The three rooms are the central living area plus the two half-ring areas which act as ante-chambers. season (90 days) ‘ known as f 058 kt relatively difficult to unlike most fort e, cereal. For'Ie gobr Longer season (12 established, tasty. as lor're si rooj e] which is particularl Rice seed, repr Jalon farmers at v varieties. We obs (Pedro) according Tahira and Bussu; Period for upland Richard-Molarr sown on the done “under and that m BUSSUla. macro i lPPbtain. iiqqrso many sltort seaso soils. Hoops den Milled by birds also known as M noono kllllluryk apnea, that the 84 season (90 days) varieties commonly sown. The other is f one gab a, also known as f one kul i, a favorite among Tahira and Bussura farmers but relatively difficult to obtain. F one gaba does very well on more fertile soils, unlike most f one, and will mature at the same time as com, a rare feat for this cereal. F one gaba is the preferred f ofie to eat mixed in with soured milk. Longer season (120 days) varieties include f one hot e f onde, which is easily established, tasty, but difficult to prepare; f on e rane ('white" f on e, also known as fofie 3i raaje); fofie hocca, fofie mu Ienman, and fofie kansanbaran, which is particularly noted for its sweet taste. Rice seed, reported Richard-Molard 50 years ago, is sown by local Fuuta Jalon farmers at various landscape positions specifically suited to certain varieties. We observed that Tahira and Dara Pelli farmers also plant rice (m aaro) according to landscape position. Seven rice varieties are sewn in Tahira and Bussura, from 90-day varieties to 180-day varieties. The growing period for upland rice ranges from three to seven months. Richard-Molard (1944) reported that the variety named macro bal ehog is sown on the done I , that the variety called maaro kur fi n is grown on the agnde, and that maaro seren is grown on the hansanere. In Tahira and Bussura, macro bol eh 09 is called maar‘o buubusamba, but this is difficult seed to obtain. Haaro dember‘eme'g'ge is a fast-growing, 90-day variety which, like many short season rice varieties, will only perform well in the most fertile of soils. llaaro dember‘erne'g'ge is fairly resistant to drought but is also more preferred by birds as compared to other rice varieties. Ilaano t ed do were, also known as macro wenseeren (which has a slightly darker grain color) and macro kuntunk as a, receive mixed reviews from Tahira and Bussura farmers. It appears that the yields of these 140-day rice varieties are too inconsistent for farmers to rely on, although they do grow on poorer sites. The preferred r fact, been replacer lineonbaisare season's dynamic both require sites (Erythroghleum g productive rice in ‘ near the shoulder: fun it n and repo producer than t at local farmers are fertile soils; In do n °bl3llli and near rivers. Banjul f When clearing str In1988, ther stored too long a Storagettt. lnthe anobIem. Norr the storage platfr lea“. Provided t i\ 85 The preferred rice in Dara Pelli District is macro kur f in. This variety has, in fact, been replaced by a close cousin, macro k inscnbc, a 150-160 day rice. K inscnba is a reliable producer that adjusts well to a particular growing season's dynamics and is very popular due to its taste. K i nsanbc or k ur f l n both require sites that have considerable fiol u, such as beneath a t e I i (Erythrophleum guineense) tree or near the bottom of slopes. Another reliably productive rice in the watershed is macro machera, a 150-day variety grown near the shoulders and tops of hillsides. llaaherc is less drought resistant than kur fi n and reportedly requires a fair amount of not u79. llcahera is a better producer than t ed dc wccre, agree most farmers. Other rice varieties familiar to local farmers are macro mas foo l i, a 140-day variety that grows best on highly fertile soils; macro j uukeme, a prolific seeder though the seed is difficult to obtain; and macro bcnj ul fel l o, a long season (210 days) variety sown near rivers. Bcnj u l f el to was a more popular variety among farmers in the past when clearing stream areas for cultivation was common”. In 1988, the rice seed planted by many local farmers had apparently been stored too long and the seed germ (p udd i l i) was killed by heat and aridity in storage“. in the house, away from where cooking fires are made, this won't be a problem. Nor will this problem arise if rice seed is stored for one year only on the storage platform. F ofie can be stored for longer periods than rice, up to four years, provided that heat and fire in the house are minimal. 79We received conflicting information on the comparisons between kurf in and macherc. 80After the field work at the study site had been completed, while on the way to Conakry, I met a grain merchant in a small warehouse in Labe next to the market who said he once was a rice farmer in Koumbia, 100 kms northwest of Labs, and that he had earned so much income from growing upland rice that he bought a car with the money. He insisted that, should we want to know about upland rice varieties, the Koumbia region is the place to look and learn, because there "every tree is suited to a specific rice variety". 1Grain is stored in the ante-chambers of houses where meals are often cooked during the rainy season. The resultant extra heat in these areas can affect seed quality. Farmers told us that rice seed stored for longer than three years runs a great risk of not germinating well. liice yields r990 As for peanuts i Tahira and Bussurr talledt iga cOPPC red hue and three- llgo done84 is an onthe dontoor l. When land is of first of all to two sauces. Its leaves their bananas with peanuts at the sal varieties of peanu peanuts are plant peanut harvest wr general, the poem Some Tahira and seed for sale in J llillltr 86 Rice yields reportedly average 600 to 800 kg/ha (Rondot, 1986)32. As for peanuts (t igc pl. t igoaj e), four varieties are commonly planted by Tahira and Bussura farmers. The 90-day, upright (i.e., non-spreading) variety is called t igc cop po. Another 90-day variety, t igc l cb ir igc”, marked by its red hue and three-peanut per shell yield, is more upright than t igc coppo. T i go dar c84 is an upright, 120-day variety that grows well everywhere except on the dcntccr i. Finally, t igc lcgc85 is a 120-day, creeping variety. When land is cleared for a new a unt uure, farmers commonly plant peanuts first of all to improve the soil“. Peanuts are also highly valued as a base for sauces. lts leaves can be dried for use as cattle feed and some farmers mulch their bananas with peanut leaves. We were told that, in the past, the harvest of peanuts at the same time as corn harvest was unheard of. Today, early varieties of peanuts can be harvested at the same time as corn harvest if the peanuts are planted early. In 1988, in Tahira and Bussura, a late August peanut harvest was rare because few farmers planted peanuts before July. In general, the peanut harvest in Tahira and Bussura was not good in 1988. Some Tahira and Bussura farmers had also noted a general absence of peanut seed for sale in June, 1988, and a higher seed price. 82Several years ago, in what Tahira and Bussura farmers perceived as a goodwill gesture, the new government brought rice seed to the watershed to plant, two varieties that the local farmers didn't have. Some farmers still have the seed, we were told, but neither variety performed well. Even worse, people thought the rice was a gift, like when the government handed out blankets to handicapped people one winter. Later, however, the farmers found out that they had to reimburse the rice seed. As the the seed did not produce well, many people were forced to reimburse the government out of their own seed supplies. That incident, we were told, tended to jade peOples' perceptions of the new government's proposed programs. 83Atthough not confirmed, the word lab l r igc may refer to ”Liberia". That is, perhaps this particular rice variety was introduced to Fuuta Jalon from neighboring Liberia. 8“T lga (peanut) dcra (standing). 85T lgc (peanut) l ago (crawling). 6Little specific information was obtained from informants about which soil properties would be improved except to note that peanuts increase soil fertility and organic matter (30 l U)- souuosiooam Whether Tahir: conservation at pr- agrlcultural extens question to answe sure that at least the soil conservat preaching for mor efficacy (or lack ft the time of Guine. We have aSkf the contour i noticed that t cultivator dor stones, as is cows and rair feasible, we r the local pol transformin counseling (0. The extent to not llllll known, Prescribed QUide degradation (UN eslabllshlno cias 87 iii inn n vin Whether Tahira and Bussura farmers' perceptions of soil erosion and conservation at present are totally indigenous or result from the forestry and agricultural extension efforts of the colonial and Republic governments is a question to answer beyond the scope of this study. In either case, we can be sure that at least some Fuuta Jalon farmers have been hearing, if not heeding, the soil conservation message that various Guinean governments have been preaching for more than half a century. One straightforward comment on the efficacy (or lack thereof) of such messages was provided by Claisse (1958) at the time of Guinean independence from France: We have asked the people to place rocks, under supervision, along the contour in areas where a (strong) slope was apparent. We noticed that this (request) was insufficient and non-operative. The cultivator does not obey this but continues to make small piles of stones, as is their habit, or makes discontinuous lines of stone that cows and rains disassociate rapidly. If we want the operation to be feasible, we must employ means that are immediately accessible by the local population. We're persuaded that the issue of slowly transforming customary practices is one of policy and patient counseling (of farmers) moreso than an issue of a big budget. The extent to which Guinean policy-makers took these comments to heart in not fully known. However, it is known that Guinean governments have long prescribed guidelines for preventing and remedying crop and pasture land degradation (UNESCO, 1981). The prescribed, preventive measures include 1) establishing classified, protected forest areas"; 2) prohibiting the clearing of 87This policy has, past and present, met with considerable debate and controversy, with opponents of the policy claiming that the classified forest designations inhibit multiple use options by the local population and increase land use pressures on agricultural lands and pasture that surround the classified forest. There are no classified forests in or next to Tahira and Bussura but the ecosystem within the watershed remains forest-based, despite continual agricultural activity. trees from forest 9 within 10 meters 0 (unspecified) minir lines (kot i) place drainage and dive management and In his FAO rep traditional soil can stone lines along addition to leaving observed 25 yea: advisable when d cleared that it be they might help rr ihen working it. Wile back with v structures Placed o\ 8n“ 1975 Law of Such as marriages 0 a: was "°tweu rest h ,hise lines of rr (Sblt‘lal'l maintain nteWIGWS and COM these structures W maintain existing k 88 trees from forest galleries along watercourses and slapes greater than 30%, within 10 meters on each side of the river or stream; 3) maintenance of a certain (unspecified) minimum density of trees on crapland; 4) reforestation“; 5) stone lines (k at i) placed. along hillside contours to slowly build terraces”; 6) surface drainage and diversion canals90; 7) sedentarization of cattle herds; and 8) water management and conservation measures. In his FAO report, Heusch (1984) devoted three succinct paragraphs to traditional soil conservation techniques, including the above mentioned use of stone lines along the contour and drainage canals (reinforced by live fences), in addition to leaving trees in place, and fallow periods. Foury (1958) had observed 25 years previous to Heusch's report that several precautions are advisable when discussing soil erosion in Fuuta Jalon. One, when the forest is cleared that it be done in such a way that the tree stumps remain intact so that they might help reconstitute the (vegetal) cover. Two, not till the soil too much when working it. Three, leave the land in fallow long enough that the trees come back with vigor. Four, correct the slope gradient with earthen or rock structures placed along the contour lines such that the land begins to look like a 88The 1975 Law of Fria (Fria is a town in western Guinea) stipulated that all social ceremonies, such as marriages or baptisms, must be accompanied by the planting of trees by participants. This law was not well respected in Dara Pelli district during the period 1988-89. 89These lines of rocks (kot l) are quite visible in Da‘ra Pelli district, although most are not habitually maintained. However, they remain functional as an anti-erosion measure. This technique was first promoted by the French colonial government and are fairly common. Interviews and conversations with Tahira and Bussura farmers indicate that the establishment of these structures was not entirely coercive. Yet, very few farmers in the watershed today add to or maintain existing kot l . Those who do use kot l cite keeping the land in place and gaining more space to cultivate as reasons for using kot l. Farmers in Tahira and Bussura acknowledge that the prevalence and maintenance of kotl is less today as compared to previous times. Some of this, we were told, can be explained by diminished encouragement by Waters and Forests Service field agents to place kot l in grain fields as compared to previous years. Now, 9 in I n J i seem to be replacing the kot l, by and large. 9°For dont aanf land, farmers in Tahira and Bussura noted their use of surface drainage canals to divert excess water away from the crop and prevent the loss of fiol u to the rivers. stairwallv Five, m bottomlands as a advised in order ‘ Forty years a! mechanism of 5‘ elements: 1) 3°“ three elements. F Furthermore, wrt be expected to d maybe as much agriculturalists b by erosion and a process by whicl enhanced by t) inhibit soil biolog whose structure overgrazing and Maignien (19 effect on soil prr soil. He did cite affected by fire. sources of orga to insolublllzatic it The eFronch e lgand as early as :1: :hllfiionten (reset aria reservor 0xteens an Step to "1'0" r.olneaklr 89 stairway. Five, to develop the crops that are grown on aunt uure lands and bottomlands as a priority, rather than those grown on the slopes. This is advised in order to increase the fallow period of fields found on slopes. Forty years ago, Rouanet (1951), writing about Fuuta Jalon, noted that the mechanism of soil erosion is related to a decrease or disappearance of three elements: 1) soil depth; 2) humus; and 3) assimilable mineral matter. These three elements, Rouanet pointed out, are needed to support plant life. Furthermore, wrote Rouanet, without vegetal cover, agricultural productivity can be expected to decline. In this respect, low soil fertility in the Fuuta Jalon region may be as much an agricultural problem as soil erosion. However, some agriculturalists believe that the problem of soil fertility in Fuuta Jalon is caused by erosion and a phenomenon that is termed, in French, bowa/isatr’on, the process by which soils become booura | land9‘. This process is allegedly enhanced by 1) too-hot bush fires that damage soil organic matter reserves and inhibit soil biological activity; 2) use of agricultural equipment like plows on soils whose structure is unsuitable for plowing; 3) poor forest management; 4) overgrazing and overcutting; and 5) cut and burn agriculture. Maignien (1958) suggested that fire has little or no detrimental physical effect on soil properties if heat from the fire does not penetrate deeply into the soil. He did cite several soil properties or processes that could be negatively affected by fire. These include the evolution of soil microbiota, destruction of the sources of organic matter”, enrichment in silica of the soil surface horizons due to insolubilization of silica contained in crop residues, selection of perphilic 91 The French explorer Mollien described Fuuta Jalon as deforested with considerable boovral land as early as the 19th century (Heermans and Williams, 1988). 92Maignien (1958) noted that a lack of organic matter diminishes the activity of soil microbiota, which are reservoirs of carbon dioxide in the soil atmosphere. This lends itself to increased oxygenation, making easier the immobilization of iron and aluminum sesquioxides, an important step in the process of cuirasse formation. species, and dest erosion. Maignie' dependent solely cuirasse can met It is noteworth conditions, a gov supervised and tr practiced by herc months after the management pra lines he establisf supervised and n that the fires be : Despite these Tahira and Bussr delfartment. An had caught fire it Although Tahira able bodied men for three days at 98 - aluMaignien (1958) sutrrrrnum sesquioxl 94 yeztéo a series t . uinean fare lines (firebregaok: u re farmers ac 90 species, and destruction of the vegetal cover that protects the soil against erosion. Maignien (1958) thought it difficult to affirm that bowalisation is dependent solely upon anthropic actions, claiming that the development of cuirasse can make its debut before human beings appear on the scene”. it is noteworthy that the early burning of grasslands is, under certain conditions, a government sanctioned soil management practice in Fuuta Jalon, supervised and monitored by agents of the Waters and Forests Service. Often practiced by herders as a technique to resprout dried grasses one to four months after the rainy season, this oft-maligned technique is now an accepted management practice, given several conditions. These conditions are that fire lines be established around areas to be burned“, that the burning be supervised and monitored by an agent of the Waters and Forests Service, and that the fires be set in December or January”. Despite these precautions, one morning in February, 1989, the residents of Tahira and Bussura were alerted by the sound of beating drums, the local fire department. An area of booural land in a southwestern side of the watershed had caught fire from (heard but not confirmed) a discarded but fit cigarette. Although Tahira and Bussura are both protected by the Bussurawol stream, all able bodied men and boys dug fire lines and threw soil on the edge of the fire for three days and nights. This work is tiring and dangerous because, among 93Maignien (1958) explained that formation of cuirasse requires an immobilization of iron and aluminum sesquioxides to provoke induration. This process requires that these sesquioxides be subject to a series of chemical transformations which are regulated by drainage conditions. 94The Guinean government also requires that farmers who clear wooded areas for cultivation dig fire tines (firebreaks) around the areas to be burned or face the threat of a fine. Most Tahira and Bussura farmers adhere to this standard, whether seriously or perfunctorily. The procedure does involve considerable labor in addition to the actual land clearing process, yet farmers in Tahira and Bussura appear to be genuinely concerned about fires that may burn out of control. 95When this practice was uncontrolled and unsupervised (and, certainty these instances do yet occur today), herders would sometimes burn as late in the dry season as April, which presents a significant risk of relatively large-scale fire damage to residential zones. When cornstalks and other crop debris in the cunt uuj f of Tahira were collected into piles and burned in early 1989, t was quite concerned that windblown burning ash would land on the grass roof of my hut. other reasons rel: all snakes in its p were building or r intended for this i was reportedly fir The key ques however, ”Has so and 'no'. Few rig Fuuta Jalon have completed by wh A study by th (OMVG - Organi 3i present sedim aimposed dam over 100 Years l “‘i law would i in 16567 YGars According to research organi: FuutaJaIOn as 1 UHIVerSay Soil L hectare as the , GoodSOn (1, nine studies in 96 h:[9 Welded 91 other reasons related to smoke and flame, the fairly slow-moving fire flushes out all snakes in its path. Moreover, the fire occurred at a time when many people were building or refurbishing their houses“, thus taking away workdays intended for this important task. The village deemed responsible for the fire was reportedly fined a total of 20,000 GF, about 35 dollars at the time. The key question about soil erosion and conservation in Fuuta Jalon is, however, ”Has soil loss in Fuuta Jalon been measured?“ The answer is 'yes' and 'no'. Few rigorous studies of soil loss directly from agricultural fields in Fuuta Jalon have been realized but studies of stream sedimentation have been completed by which soil loss from fields can be estimated. A study by the Organization for the Development of the Gambian River Basin (OMVG - Organisation pour la Mise en Valuer du Fleuve Gambia) suggests that at present sedimentation rates in the upper Gambia River Basin in Fuuta Jalon a proposed dam downstream would lose about 0.5% of its live storage capacity over 100 years (Heermans and Williams, 1988). By the worst-case scenario, the dam would fill up in 170 years and by the best-case scenario it would fill up in 16,667 years (Heermans and Williams, 1988). According to Heusch (1984), the French government‘s international scientific research organization (ORSTOM) estimated the rate of erosion from all lands in Fuuta Jalon as two metric tons per hectare per year. Weischmier, author of the Universal Soil Loss Equation, set a soil loss rate of twelve metric tons per hectare as the “danger zone” of soil erosion (Heusch, 1984). Goodson (1987) compiled sedimentation and soil loss rate estimates from nine studies in Fuuta Jalon. Sediment yields range from 2.1 to 2000 metric tons 96The year 1989 was a banner year for house building in Tahira. None were built in 1988 yet four were constructed in 1989. About two months worth of person-labor are required to build one house, usually the result of at least two people working together at a time. per square kilome severity of stream Heusch (1984 most problematic kilometer. Mostr erosion does occ in Fuuta Jalon prt overall, there is n on cultivated soil: Boulet and Tr pastas to the ex However, these 1 negligible in the minerals in soluti techniques to int Mathieu (cite Suggests that de problem facing t Organic matter, , ”‘3‘ sheet erostc serious erosion soil °°nservatio Heermans a Fuuta Jalon is t the land, Our 0 not as Severe a felon visited, 5, 92 per square kilometer per year. in short, evidence is inconclusive as to the severity of stream sedimentation from agricultural soil loss in Fuuta Jalon. Heusch (1984) suggested that soil erosion in Fuuta Jalon appears to be most problematic where the p0pulation exceeds 50 people per square kilometer. Most of the erosion is due to the action of water, although some wind erosion does occur. lsbecque (1985) remarked that much of the natural erosion in Fuuta Jalon probably occurred during the Quaternary Period and that, overall, there is not too much transport of sediment today in the region except on cultivated soils where levels of organic matter are low. Boulet and Talineau (1986) believe that considerable exaggeration in the past as to the extent and severity of soil erosion in Fuuta Jalon has occurred. However, these experts also believe that 'soil chemical erosion” is not negligible in the regions, given that runoff does occur and probably transports minerals in solution. They wrote that it is important to think in terms of techniques to increase soil surface roughness as a way to inhibit runoff. Mathieu (cited by Heermans and Williams, 1988), like many agronomists , suggests that declining soil fertility, not soil erosion, is the major agricultural problem facing Fuuta Jalon farmers, due to shortened fallows, decreased soil organic matter, and reduced nutrient cycling on acidic soils. Mathieu observed that sheet erosion on cultivated upper slopes does occur, but that most of the serious erosion may be associated with road building and poorly implemented soil conservation measures (Heermans and Williams, 1988). Heermans and Williams (1988) suggest that a primary erosion problem in Fuuta Jalon is the erosion of rural peoples' ability to sustain their livelihood from the land. Our observations in Tahira and Bussura indicate that soil erosion is not as severe a problem as reported in the literature or in other areas of Fuuta Jalon visited, such as closer to the cities of Pita and Labe. The potential does exist for widest)" of greater the1n 3‘ steep slepes97. Pelli wafers“d p launched ”wards seen on i°°tpath Overall. in Ta two of which We" upland rice field ' creating a small ‘ who cultivated ih believe that the I the erosion Pi°°‘ A second eff? hectares betwee on a 25'-35' slop supported little v horizon. Howevc The third locz tax collection r01 covered perhaps The site did not orChorizon. A disuse, also exh Siph- rs law is not e 33:8th several in , e road wher (rain and livestocls: 93 exist for widespread erosion, given that considerable cropping occurs on slopes of greater than 30 degrees, the cutoff gradient by Guinean law for cultivating steep slopes”. Extensive areas of upslope booual land in and around Dara Pelli watershed provide a surface upon which overland flow of runoff is launched towards lower landscape positions. Most signs of gully erosion are seen on footpaths that weave through fields and bushland. Overall, in Tahira and Bussura, three erosion trouble spots were observed, two of which were in agricultural fields. The first of these sites was located in an upland rice field where, sometime in the past, rock and soil had slumped, creating a small depression in the hillside 15 meters in diameter. The farmer who cultivated the area told us that it was once a wild animal refuge and did not believe that the land was threatened by erosion. Close inspection revealed that the erosion process was already well underway on this land. A second erosion spot, the worst observed, was an area of about five hectares between Bussura and Keete where farmers had previously cultivated on a 25-35 slope that leveled out at the Bussurawol stream. This land supported little vegetation nor did the soil appear to have a significant A horizon. However, the site was fairly well covered by f one crop residue. The third location was situated just beyond the limits of Bussura on a former tax collection road93, now in disuse by four-wheeled vehicles. This land area covered perhaps two hectares and was located close to the Bussurawol stream. The site did not support much vegetation and appeared to have an exposed B or C horizon. A more recently utilized tax road leading to Taybata, now in disuse, also exhibited signs of severe gully erosion. 97This law is not enforced with rigor in Dara Pelli district by the local Waters and Forests agent. We observed several instances of cropping on slopes that were greater than 45' (100% slope). 98The road where Sekou Touré government vehicles would arrive at the village to collect cereal grain and livestock as taxes in-kind. On the Tayba on slopes greater Another farmer in anarrow, intermi fined 5000 Guina sorghum yield or by the stand qua Other than th apparent erosior would cultivate a the watershed Ia noteworthy that t 1988 used g in i aPltears to be er fear of a cr0ppir and the soil surf Wild rear of : Several farm “9°80 land, the Same function a mulch is burned kott Were put threat of fine for Service are mor (Petersen, 1991 94 On the Taybata side of the Taybatawol stream, one farmer grew upland rice on slopes greater than 100% (45') down to the riverside but was not fined. Another farmer who had rented land from a Taybata family, cleared land across a narrow, intermittent stream that feeds the Taybatawol. He was reportedly fined 5000 Guinean Francs (GF) by the local Waters and Forests agent“. The sorghum yield on this land was likely among the best in the watershed judging by the stand quality and the diameter of the plant stalks. Other than these instances, Dara Pelli watershed was remarkably free of apparent erosion. it is perhaps inevitable that Tahira and Bussura farmers would cultivate slopes too steep to have low erosion potential because much of the watershed landscape is steeply sloped hillside. Nevertheless, it is noteworthy that the majority of farmers who cultivated these steep slopes in 1988 used g in i nj i (referred to previously). This soil conservation measure appears to be somewhat effective for inhibiting soil erosion during the initial year of a cropping after clearing, despite gaps that occur between the g i r~i nj i and the soil surface. The observable effectiveness of g in i nj i during the second year of a crop rotation remains open to question. Several farmers noted that, in the second year of the cropping sequence on ngesa land, the use of mulch from leaves that resprout from stumps serves the. same function as kot i or g in i nj i for keeping soil no i u in place, though this mulch is burned and reduced to ashes. Some farmers did suggest that many koti were put in place before and during the Sekou Touré regime under a threat of fine for non-adherence. Today, we were told, the Waters and Forests Service are more interested in illegal cutting of trees than in kot i. In Figure 7 (Petersen, 1991) below, poorly maintained kot i are illustrated. 99A fine of 5000 GF was approximately equal to $10.00 at the time. . its l “ t; m \\ '\ i he“ . \\ \i 95 \i‘ A“: '3‘th \sfi TIE? Egmassh 039 _--’.-.. ‘33,“. ..\\\\‘ 1' ' T‘sx‘ It: 4 .. . “~\ ‘ if. ‘ :VsW$t “In“! il- \ i , Q‘ \ \ t\y' .pa;\~; I t, . W“ x is“. 5‘3" Q“ “h: ~:§.‘§“; :\‘ stx- . 4" \‘ my,\m -’ ‘ p,\\’/:\\:§‘§‘\ :! §4 fish, \% : \ ~M“wmfiaal ‘. .2, \\ NW \‘7'_"' l'vte. s, NJ“ ”.— =' ‘1 ~ _ ._ \ ,5... __ Jll!’ L'J...‘ - - .- « “we.“ {EN/r filtth u»— «I x p1 \ Figure 7. Poorly maintained kot i on ngesa land. It should also not out free trunl stump from whic appeared that m clearing. To be practices central Jalon larmers ht Bussura farmers quite sophisticat woman. Others There's ad iegdi)and passes thror they take at subsoil. The 0t erodes v wreck the la even it the I: The issue 0 issue, Land oy Standardsl and understanding the iUdgemem 96 It should also be noted that, in clearing land, Tahira and Bussura farmers do not out tree trunks flush with the soil Surface but leave 15-30 centimeters of stump from which the trees resprout during the course of the rainy season. It appeared that most trees were not killed in 1988 by the process of cutting and clearing. To be frank, it was found that Tahira and Bussura agricultural practices contradict what Bonfils (1951) postulated forty years ago, that Fuuta Jalon farmers have no concern for soil conservation. In fact, Tahira and Bussura farmers' perceptions of soil management and conservation can be quite sophisticated, as evidenced in the observation below by a Bussura woman. Other such observations are given in RESULTS AND DISCUSSION. There's a difference between topsoil (hoor-e legdi or nde l o Iegd i) and subsoil (nddnko). Rain falls first upon the nde l c then passes through to the ndonka. When the powerful, hard rains come they take away the topsoil and leave only gravels (koccu) from the subsoil. The hard rains carry soil to the streams. If the nde l 0 runs off or erodes we won't have a good yield. But runoff doesn't always wreck the land. At times, the water runs off but the land stays in place, even if the land has been worked. Land tenure The issue of land tenure in Dara Pelli district is a potentially volatile social issue. Land ownership rights are not well-defined (at least by non-Guinean standards) and in Tahira and Bussura this issue is entrusted to a general understanding among local residents as to what constitutes land ownership, to the judgement of local elders, and to the decisions of local administrative authorities. The Guinean government is presently revising the national civil land codel°°. In for future conflic land. These var and sorts as to v to which women the cities, and a During the y arose, both of w the first year of similar, the Ioca week or so of d case was a cor between the tw Parcel had bee claim to the Ian Several sci and Keita (197 (1970) reviews following the 6 Ownership in Q land Owners at 100 hmeJf newly revised la pantie, to my kno e wer before the listing authorities for re. stsczral and politic: roughout i the filth century 97 land code‘°°. In Tahira and Bussura, a number of variables have set the stage for future conflict between members of rural communities regarding access to land. These variables include perceptions by the descendents of former nobles and serfs as to which land belongs to whom, the importance of sunt uur‘e land to which women maintain only user's rights, continuing male labor migration to the cities, and access to religious and political power. During the year of research in Tahira and Bussura, two land rights disputes arose, both of which were by-products of farmers clearing the nearby forest for the first year of a three-year cropping period. The issue in both disputes was similar, the location of field boundaries. Both disputes were resolved after a week or so of discussion between the parties involved‘m. The resolution in one case was a compromise in which the disputed territory was divided in half between the two parties. In the other case, the individual who claimed that the parcel had been a gift from the family of the other party in the dispute ceded his claim to the land in the name of community solidarity (j okker‘e en darn). ‘ Several scholars, including Derman (1973), Dupire (1970), Frechou (1965) and Keita (1970), have written about land tenure in the Fuuta Jalon. Keita (1970) reviewed the evolution of land ownership rights prior to, during, and following the colonial period in Guinea. She identified a basic rule of land ownership in Guinea, that the first occupants of a parcel of land are the original land owners and thus have a justified claim to the land102. 100As of May, 1989, the Guinean government was reportedly ready to release the provision of a newly revised land code. As of February, 1991, this new land code had not yet been made public, to my knowledge. 01We were told that local citizens prefer that land disputes be resolved by the parties involved before the issue is sent to the local elders and well before the issue reaches the government authorities for resolution. This preference perhaps reflects a desire by local citizens to maintain social and political control over a local issue. 1(”Throughout Fuuta Jalon, this basic rule was violated in the name of Alla during the j ihaod of the 18th century when many Jallonke people were driven from their land by the F ul 6:. Keita (1970) rights is the mall the land to use i argued throughc French-derived preserving the r African concept takes preceden Keita (1970] Guinea up until of several chan land in Fuuta J in the early elected local re '939008ible for Despite the co rec°0nized orig Night’s] Preper descendents. b° suripened l 0vher. or lam tau“! periods We” Dermihe, excelit for Ian reserved Tight be retained ir 98 Keita (1970) wrote that a local level priority with respect to land ownership rights is the maintenance of social order. For this reason, those people who put the land to use are accorded ownership rights, even if temporary. Keita (1970) argued throughout her thesis that, during the 20th century in Guinea, the French-derived system of granting individual land ownership titles while preserving the right of the State to eminent domain has been in conflict with the African concept of land tenure by which collective, family-based land rights takes precedence over the rights of individuals and the State. Keita (1970) traced the evolution of various land laws and decrees in Guinea up until the year 1970, when her thesis was completed. The net effect of several changes in the civil land code during this century is that, today, the land in Fuuta Jalon belongs officially to the Guinean government. In the early part of this century, traditional village leaders were replaced by elected local representatives of the people and these representatives were responsible for administering land on behalf of the government (FAMA, 1962). Despite the colonial government's legal position, the notion persisted that the recognized original land user, the person who first cleared the forest, is the original property owner and all property rights are transmitted to that person’s descendents. Any changes to the status of land ownership from that point must be supported by community consensus. Moreover, as long as the recognized owner, or family of the owner, continues to cultivate the land (with allowance for fallow periods), then the land is considered theirs. The recognized owner is even permitted to sell or rent out the land. But if the land falls into disuse, except for land in fallow, it is liable to reclamation by the government under its reserved right of eminent domain to all lands (FAMA, 1962). This proviso could be retained in the new Guinean civil land code. Rondot (1986) of which are appli land through mar owners of the Ian f986l. Also, the descendants of s master-serf systr administration, H still demand of c conditions, so th aspects of land ‘ residents of the: Male childrer children in a fan suntuure duty suntuure will do own land get there are no in: brother of the d 'same mother, We were to heme” Onlyt has surpassed W What came: offer to the WI r\ 0 . 30ne lhiotmar 99 Rondot (1986) points out some earmarks of land tenure in Fuuta Jalon, most of which are applicable to Tahira and Bussura. For example, women receive land through marriage from their husband's family and are considered to be the owners of the land they cultivate for as long as they work that land (Rondot, 1986). Also, the descendents of former Ful 6e nobles loan out their property to descendents of serfs and other landless people (Rondot, 1986). Although the master-serf system was officially abolished and prohibited by the Sekou Touré administration, Rondot (1986) observed that 'old slaves or men of caste must still demand of old nobles' descendents to loan them land under certain conditions, so that they will not be left without access to any land." Other aspects of land tenure in Tahira and Bussura appear in the observations of residents of these two villages, summarized as follows. Male children inherit their mother's sunt uure. If there are only female children in a family, it is possible that one of these (girls) will someday own the aunt uure outright. But, if she marries and has male children, ownership of her aunt uure will ultimately fall to one or more of her male children. Women who do own land generally obtain it from their father but these cases are rare. When there are no male children in a family and the male household head dies, a brother of the deceased is usually next in line, often a brother who has the "same mother, same father“ as the deceased individual. We were told that, in Dara Pelli district, land rental contracts are not made between only two people. There are always other people who witness what has surpassed regarding the rental agreement. The renter is expected to "take out“ what amounts to 10% of the harvest, known as the f on i I la103, to remit or offer to the owner. The f ar-i I to used as rent is commonly taken from the fofie 103One informant poetically described the f an i l l a as "four measures out of forty". or rice harvest. the owner and 1 either grain or r from the renter local Koranic a borrowed land, harvest, wheth Aland own the land is cult will likely be to when the land x 104Unconfirmer farmers were rt ctolling season 5A f orl l l o t of the corn harv rice, should be t because during “he“. passersl wealth and also ”We'll give the the their i an i l material wealth We are oblig '°W- Some so Alanarles are e W I '0. what W the in gel I I°"°"‘i00 Year. others wait ”liil Mantle), ih at W“ a Sacri "We Should (at need . Theset nelson item iii "‘9 lstamrc m members,” 100 or rice harvest. Often, the renter takes out their f or i I la and offers one-half to the owner and the other half to someone in need. The f or i l I a is offered as either grain or money‘04. On occasion, a land owner will refuse the f art I to from the renter or perhaps suggest that it be given to a person in need, or to the local Koranic school teacher. In addition to the f art I l a paid as rent for borrowed land, by Islamic custom farmers take out a f or i I to from their harvest, whether or not they farm rented land, for people in need105. A land owner might rent land to the same individual for two years but when the land is cultivated again after, for example, eleven years of fallow, the land will likely be loaned out to someone else. Normally, if a farmer borrows land, when the land is placed into fallow the contract is terminated and the land 104Unconfirmed rumors in Tahira persisted that, for the 1988 growing season, two different farmers were required by land owners to pay 10,000 GF (about $20.00) in advance of the cropping season for the right to cultivate rented land. 105A f art I I a taken out of the harvest to fulfill religious obligations is commonly a portion (10%) of the corn harvest. Neither sorghum (bahe) nor sesame (bene), which are intercropped with rice, should be use as the f art I to. There is also no f or i I la taken from the peanut harvest because during the process of planting and harvesting peanuts, peoole give them away to others, passersby, for example. The f or I l l a should be given to people who have little material wealth and also to the local Koranic school teacher (karaloko). People in Tahira and Bussura usually give their f ari I to to someone who is ill or impoverished, we were told. Some peOpIe give their f on i I to to visitors. Above all, said a young Tahira farmer, those people who have little material wealth or who are orphans should be recipients of the fort I to. Even the poorest of peOple are obligated to take the religion-based f art I to from their harvest, even if the harvest is low. Some sources claimed that Islam does not require the fort I to from people whose granaries are empty. Many farmers in Tahira and Bussura believe that if they do not take out the f art I I o, whatever food they eat henceforth will not be good for their health and that not taking out the fort l l a renders people susceptible to a poor physical condition for farming the following year. Some people take out the f art I to at the time of harvest, right in the field, while others wait until the harvest is taken back to the house. Several respondents even noted that one purpose of such tithing is to help ensure that one does not experience a"bad death" (Iaogde bonnde), that is, a death that leads them to eternal damnation. One man, speaking about the nuddo, a sacrifice (aadaka) equivalent to two cupped handfuls of grain, offered the following explanation: "We should take out two handfuls of grain (in uddo) at the end of the fast and give it to someone in need. These two handfuls will be multiplied at the end of the world when the fires engulf peeple and the earth. One grain given as nuddo will turn into mountains of grain and block an individual person from the fire. Each person should take out two handfuls of grain on the eve of Ramadan (the leamic month of fasting) to sanctity the fast. One can also give the nuddo to other family mem ers." reverts back to that she or he I of confidence it Several Tal land is not real of selling the la Other informan use. Therefon whence l'he issue r gender lines ir suntuure, ar management about suntur. Women were ‘ own the aunt these lands. t ”‘0 reposse thesuntuup may reserve ; Ihat, withouu sell all 0, part The fact it the 6lies of T he owners 0 r\ 0 6H°w°V°h n 101 reverts back to the owner. However, a renter can return and farm the same land that she or he had borrowed before the fallow if a good understanding and level of confidence is established between the owner and the borrower. Several Tahira and Bussura residents explained that buying and selling land is not really a legitimate transaction because Alla created the land. The act of selling the land would thus be a fundamental error (pal j o I ) in behavior. Other informants said that Alla owns the land but entrusts it to people for their use. Therefore, to sell land would be like someone who asks you to watch and safeguard their cow and you say ”sure” but then sell the cow. The issue of sunt uure ownership appears to be somewhat divided along gender lines in Tahira and Bussura, but women agree that males inherit their aunt uure, and that women's ownership only means access to land and management of the harvest106. Of 31 people whom we specifically questioned about suntuure ownership, most of whom were men, over half said that women were the owners. Their observations included the notion that women own the aunt uune and men own the ngesa, due to their respective work on these lands. However, there is consensus that, in the case of divorce, it is men who repossess the aunt uune. Some women are able to reserve all or part of the aunt uune for the future wife or wives of their son(s). Some men (husbands) may reserve a part of the aunt uure for a second wife. All respondents said that, without their husbands consent, women do not have the right to loan out or sell all or part of the sun t uune that they farm . The fact that men build the fences around the cunt uuj i lends credence in the eyes of Tahira and Bussura residents to the claim that men, not women, are the owners of the s unt uur e. This reasoning is underlain by a realization that, 1()5However, men are responsible for taking out the f art I la from the corn harvest. without fences. domestic anima suntuure nev hesuntuure cuntuuji but to produce the aunt uure, mt informants, ca; to live in the hr by a woman fr 'SPOTI' (bung i household of l Tahira and Bi remain with hl Inshon,k binh, at least °Ierandtathe most of Tahir land inheritar The first i Out the wt didn't fan that time generatic "Wde all the W8 \ i s ”at as I °Ihsone in thi. 102 without fences, cunt uuj i lands are virtually useless in the face of foraging domestic animals, namely cattle. Many informants who said that men own the aunt uur~e nevertheless noted that women own the crops that are produced on the suntuure they work. Some informants said that men truly own the. cunt uuj i but, ostensibly, the women own these lands because they work there to produce the crop. One man said that, behind closed doors, the man owns the aunt uure, meaning he makes the ownership decisions. Women, said informants, cannot truly own land because they move away from their birthplace to live in the household (gal le) of their spouse. One tongue-in-cheek remark by a woman from Tahira asked rhetorically whether or not women are born to "spoil” (b ungi nde)107 the household of their husband‘s family, not the household of her own parents. This remark implies that all men and women of Tahira and Bussura understand that the husband's family wealth and assets remain with his family, virtually without question. In short, land ownership is linked to inheritance and most land is obtained at birth, at least for males. Inheritance of land usually originates in a man's father or grandfather or great-grandfather who first cleared a certain parcel. Because most of Tahira and Bussura families have been settled for at least 100 years, land inheritance is generally clear, as one man explained: The first people to settle and farm in this area were those who chased out the wild animals (kul log buruune). The first arrivals, even if they didn't farm, distributed the land to those who wanted to work it. Since that time, all land has been claimed and is passed onto succeeding generations. If someone wishes to cultivate other than where they normally farm, without asking permission, it might lead to discussion all the way to the government if not solved by the elders (mawfie). 107The verb bung i nde means to make another person proud of themselves, even to be so good to another person that they are spoiled by the goodness. This term can also be used in the same way as the American expression "to wrap someone around your finger". However, to spoil someone in this way is also seen as a demonstration of respect for the person spoiled. The tact th: issue of land tr serls farm the had farmed thi trom Bussura, agricultural Iar heKaIdugar dantaari lat Bussura farm. that, in such a Bussura peo; this case, he closest to the Perceptio ownership in Kaldugqas bill, in fact, \r Dara Pelli m residents, th their religior 0i lows in it theKuldug °Wnership r, recemlll est “‘° Prevairrr bulas|0ng dOSSn't ma‘ 103 The fact that land ownership via inheritance is reasonable clear renders the issue of land tenure a volatile issue. This is because many families of former serfs farm the most productive land, the dontaor i , just as their predecessors had farmed the same land, being subjects of the Kal dug case. One young man from Bussura, which is recognized by some as a former runde, believed that if agricultural land on the hillside was (hypothetically) no longer productive, and the Kal dugaaBe from Pelli decided to reclaim ownership of the productive dont aari land now primarily farmed by Bussura residents, the options of the Bussura farmers would be limited with respect to “clear title“. He conjectured that, in such a case, the dont aari land would be divided up between the Bussura people and the Kal dugaaBe from Pelli, with little room for litigation. In this case, he added, the most intense discussions would center upon the land closest to the watercourses. Perceptions by Tahira and Bussura residents of Kal dugaafie land ownership in the watershed are rather translucent. One farmer said that the Kal dugaaBe, who reside in Pelli, might claim ownership of all of the local land but, in fact, what they really own is the plain (cgnde) on the other side of the Dara Pelli mountaintops. It is generally agreed, at least among Bussura residents, that the Kal dugaafie originally became owners of the land through their religion-based hold on political power, complemented by their leaders use of force in the name of Alla. However, a number of Bussura residents doubt that the Kal dugaafie would be able to sustain a claim of widespread land ownership when confronted by stiff, local social pressure to maintain the more recently established status quo regarding land use and ownership. All in all, the prevailing viewpoint seems to be that the Kal dugaafi e truly do own the land but as long as people can rent land to cultivate then true ownership really doesn't matter too much for now. One Bussur phrased it (our In the past, flwmmwr serfs of the nmmme ournawfie work this i physical st to do what anything, i wmnw them rice l to someor that we sl dontaar Really the take it bac Another y situation as 1 There are who say the first l souls anc aWily lro Those wl W. the When tn Sociauy accr land owners is TGVlsioni: with well r 104 One Bussura resident offered this perspective on I'affaire F at Be, as he phrased it (muraadu Fu lfie). in the past, the land was owned by the Fu l5e, the Ka ldugaafie. It is said that we own the land, but that's not really the truth. We were the serfs of the Fu I Be and, consequently, we 'own" (j eg i) some land next to where the Ka ldugaab‘e of Pelli have their land, an area where our house habitually cultivated. In the past, the Kc l dugaaBe didn't work this land but they did own it. The fact is, they didn't have the physical strength to work this land. Today, we have a limited freedom to do what we want on that land, but we really can't do absolutely anything, like plant fruit trees, for example. The Kcr l dugaafie could put a stop to anything if they want to. Today, for example, we give them rice for use of the land and they'll turn around and give the land to someone else the next time it's cultivated. There are some places that we simply can't own. It's only us at Bussura who work the dant can i, yet we are still the property of the land owners, in effect. Really the K0 l dugaafie own most of the land here. If they want to take it back, they could. Another young man from Tahira explained his viewpoint of the Kal dugaafie situation as follows: l There are inequalities here with regard to power. There are people who say they have more power than me because their house were the first here. But, the land is a common good and all people have souls and are thus equal. In the past, the Ful 6e herders took the land away from the Jal lonkeefie then redistributed it to new arrivals. Those who arrived last received less land and had less power. In this way, the power of my parents was limited and, now, so is mine. When the dust of the land tenure issue settles and clears, the most common, socially acceptable, viewpoint of Tahira and Bussura farmers with respect to land ownership remains the principle of “first come, first served.“ This viewpoint is revisionist if one acknowledges the Jallonke to have been in the Fuuta Jalon region well before the arrival of the Ful 6e and the onset of the j ihaod. Neverthele: credited as de: alter the j the are considerer loaned land to and these are event, it was r the lorest lanr larming with t In summa the land is ge cultivates the guarantee th land tor 20 0 But many wc As for the except perhr instead, is u settle there ' WhiChSVer h Ala and the While others W Agricultr DOIlllcal his 105 Nevertheless, this viewpoint grants land ownership to those people who are credited as descendents of the first people to arrive and settle in the watershed after the j ihaod. Because the Ful Be came in the name of Alla, their actions are considered as justified. They even solicited and received newcomers and loaned land to new arrivals until these people were well established in farming and these are considered to be good acts which, of course, they are. In any event, it was explained, the very first Ful Be settlers could not claim to own all of the forest land because they were simply unable to clear all of the land for farming with their limited labor. in summary, if a family cultivates the same land over several generations, the land is generally considered to be theirs. Nevertheless, even if a family cultivates the same parcel of land for three or four consecutive years, this is no guarantee that they own that land. However, if someone has worked a piece of land for 20 or so years, there is no easy way to reclaim the land back from them. But many women work their sunt uur~e until they die and never own it. As for the booural , the people of Tahira and Bussura believe that no one, except perhaps the Ka I dug aafie, owns this land because it isn't cultivated but, instead, is used for pasture. If a person would want to cultivate this land or settle there they would have to discuss the scenario with the people of whichever hamlet is closest to that boo we I. Some informants suggested that Alla and the prophet Mohammed own the booural because it is not worked, while others would add this land to the government's property list. A ri l ral n 'xtensione ai nin uine Agricultural extension education in Guinea is in flux today after an erratic political history under the Sekou Touré regime. it was during this period that the government as: provision of agr policy in the na the 1959 Third Jalon. Alter rr equilibrium of t the lack ot ade during the 20t the speaker Cr We certair were deve are oblige the admin powerless like a pl: technicall methodolr Permit inc understan -- . But Studies, r lntroduoti soil and c The spea agricultural i including an bush tires, p scorces_ Tl te"thieves r by traders o 106 government assumed major responsibility for both farmer education and the provision of agricultural inputs. An indication of Guinea's intended agricultural policy in the nation's early years was offered by a presidential representative to the 1959 Third inter-African Soils Conference held in Dalaba, Guinea, in Fuuta Jalon. After making reference to the negative effects of colonialism on the equilibrium of traditional agricultural system in Fuuta Jalon, and then criticizing the lack of adequate investment in traditional Guinean agriculture by the French during the 20th century and its consequent paralyzing effect on food production, the speaker continued (Diallo, 1960): We certainly can't deny that some techniques of soil conservation were developed (for Fuuta Jalon) during the (colonial) period. But we are obliged to agree that the results of scientific research, just as for the administrative efforts deployed, have revealed themselves to be powerless in the face of the devastation (of resources) that is growing like a plague. The question that we rightfully ask. . . is if it is technically possible to introduce into sub-Saharan Africa specific methodologies, inspired by those used in the temperate zone, which permit increased harvests at the same time as soil conservation. We understand that repeated failures . . . have led to a certain skepticism. . But such failures have often been due to insufficient advance studies, unfamiliarity with traditional practices, and, above all, the introduction of (techniques) without considering their adaptation to soil and climatic conditions. The speaker suggested, as a starting point to solving the problems of agricultural production in Fuuta Jalon, an investment in human resources, including an education campaign at the local level to address the issues of bush fires, preservation of forests, and the protection of uplands and water sources. The speaker further called for ”reciprocal adaptation of scientific techniques to peasant (farmer) initiatives” in addition to eliminating parasitism by traders on profits from agricultural production. As it would later turnout, such parasitism was cereal producti The speaks (farmers') inter out that a mair the profits tron farmers' charn the bane of m; Sekou Tor ahead in Guir extension edt establishment birgocd in l Guinea inclur organization . was to 'breal this rural eco end, 500 Ag D'OdUCtion u would be rea land- Guara along Wllh pr ‘0 be comptr Barry (1975} to\ 8Film the “Mans all work, We Hod: 107 parasitism was replaced by taxation-in-kind by the government of farmers' cereal production, known locally as norm-.1108. The speaker insisted upon the “complete defense of the Guinean peasants’ (farmers') interests“, an idea contradictory to such taxation-in-kind, and pointed out that a major Guinean agricultural policy objective was to restitute to farmers the profits from their efforts. in speeches and on paper, Sekou Touré was the farmers' champion. In the fields and in reality, the Touré administration became the bane of many farmers. Sekou Touré was a man of ideas who clearly wanted to move agriculture ahead in Guinea. One ambitious programs with respect to agricultural extension education in Guinea under Sekou Touré was centered on the establishment of local institutions known as the Production Brigades, or b irguod in Pular. According to Barry (1975), the 1961 Development Plan for Guinea included a scheme for modifying the traditional socio-economic organization and structure of the agricultural sector. Basically, the objective was to “break the limitations of small agricultural exploitations and reorganize this rural economic form upon a modern, collective base (Barry, 1975)". To this end, 500 Agricultural Production Cooperatives (CAP) were planned as the production units for this new rural organization. Crop production for each CAP would be realized from collective fields totaling no greater than 200 hectares of land. Guaranteed commercialization of crops grown on the CAP was a goal along with popularization of modern agricultural mechanization. Each CAP was to be complemented by a Center for Rural Modernization (CMR), described by Barry (1975) as 'a model enterprise for the training of peasants (farmers), the 108From the French word name, or standard, as in standard tax contribution. According to Heermans and Williams (1988), the none was 60 kilograms of rice per year per adult. in our field work, we understood that this figure was 50 kilograms of cereal per year per family member over 14 years of age, although some farmers insisted that young children were taxed as well. demonstration methods such This initial r infrastructural Sow (1975) su was that progr laborers to he technology ar 50, in 196 Agricultural P program, see pesticides, ar poor linancia declared the central princ to the princij mmnm To help i were create P°Wer (Per CERS Was 1 develop agr and the oth were Chip | edllcation, 109’lllOther (Centers of F 108 demonstration of new (agricultural) materials, and the extension of modern methods such as plows and tractors, which were furnished by the government." This initial effort met with disappointing results due to a number of infrastructural constraints, including poor management and administration. Sow (1975) suggested that a major reason for the failure of the CMR program was that program administrators used the available technology and salaried laborers to help themselves moved forward economically, instead of using the technology and the laborers for program objectives. So, in 1965, the Guinean government unveiled a new program, called Agricultural Production and Consumption Cooperatives (COPRAG). This program, essentially a continuation of the CAPs, brought in more tractors, pesticides, and fertilizers, but failed due to insufficient technical manpower and poor financial management (Barry, 1975). The Guinean government then declared that future agricultural cooperative efforts should proceed along three central principles: 1) adherence to a socialist political philosophy; 2) adherence to the principle of "to each according to his or her labor"; and 3) targeting poor people as the beneficiaries of cooperatives at the exclusion of opportunists. To help implement the cooperative program, two agro-political institutions were created in 1966 (Dicko, 1972). These were the Local Revolutionary Power (PRL) and the Colleges of Rural Education (CER109). The purpose of the CERs was to cause profound change in the mentality of farmers in order to develop agricultural cooperatives (Keita, 1970). These institutions, one political and the other educational, supported a Production Brigade, whose objectives were crop production and marketing, rural sanitation, literacy and adult education, and development of a local militia. Production Brigades were 109Another author (Keita, 1970) reported that CER meant Centres d'Education Revolutions/re (Centers of Revolutionary Education). conceived as a particular alter collectivizatlon (1975) reporter According ' whose project: reimbursemen Brigades locu 1975). Type by the membr toward cereal technical ass the governmr determined g were also en The Prod tour reasons analllsis of t Personal fun the affair of collective p. methods of l0r the idea Who Were iI Th9” was received or Brigade Ty 109 conceived as a means to improve the living conditions of rural people, with particular attention to the modernization of agriculture via mechanization and collectivization (Barry, 1975). There were two types of Brigades: A and B. Sow (1975) reported a third type of Brigade, Type C. According to Sow (1975), Type A generally consisted of 15-20 people whose projects were financed 100% by the government with the provision that reimbursement would be made on the basis of annual payments. Type A Brigades focused on cash craps like tomatoes, peanuts, and tobacco (Barry, 1975). Type B focused upon the association of productive activities as defined by the members of the Production Brigade (Barry, 1975) and were oriented toward cereal crops (Sow, 1975). Type B Brigades were eligible to receive technical assistance from the Guinean Democratic Party (PDG), in other words, the government, and were not required to supply the PDG with a pre- determined production quota. Type C was known as the Family Brigade and were also eligible to receive government assistance (Sow, 1975). The Production Brigade program was also a failure. Barry (1975) suggested four reasons for its failure: 1) The program was not founded upon an economic analysis of techno-social conditions of production. People did not see their personal interests implicated in the program but considered the structures to be the affair of the central powers. Moreover, the program did not demonstrate that collective production was better than individual production. 2) The authoritarian methods of program administrators destroyed the original popular enthusiasm for the idea. 3) The program had no clear vision of the future and many people who were involved considered themselves to be agricultural laborers only. There was little explanation of program work plans and execution. 4) Workers received compensation for their efforts. Sow (1975) wrote that the purpose of Brigade Type A was often misinterpreted by the local authorities and, thus, the collective fields the failure of T as ownership In 1972, th lollowed in 19' names sugger tractors. The: to auto-linens goals were m one mechanir each product education, hr Finally, ir Touré goverr d'Arrondissr remaining B (Communal were envisir modern agr Iintensive, 1 Nine tons o Whaler Us to ol (Comm. Until w We will manurr as on cultur; 00mm 110 collective fields became known as the government fields. Sow (1975) blamed the failure of Type B Brigades on unresolved questions related to such issues as ownership of equipment and organizational management. In 1972, the Animal Traction Production Brigade (BAP) was introduced, followed in 1975 by the the Mechanized Production Brigade (BMP). As their names suggest, BAP activities utilized animal traction and BMP activities used tractors. These programs emphasized that surplus production was to be used to auto-finance the BMP or BAP after individual and government production goals were met (Sow, 1975). A team of 18 people -- one foreman, two drivers, one mechanic, ten university students, and four laborers -- were assigned to each production site (Barry, 1975). This program, which included literacy education, had limited success but eventually failed like the others. Finally, in 1979, after the failure of the BMP and BAP program, the Sekou Touré government initiated a program called FAPA, Fermes Agra-Pastorales d’Arrondissement (Arrondissement Agro-Pastoral Farms), and transformed the remaining BAPs and BMPs into FACs, Fermes Agricoles Commune/es (Communal Agricultural Farms). The FAPAs, intended to be revamped CERs, were envisioned as decentralized, 200 to 500 hectare organizational units for modern agriculture in Guinea. Sekou Touré's vision was that Guinea needed ”intensive, scientific agriculture that produced very high yields”, namely, ”six to nine tons of rice per hectare“ (Touré, 1980). He wrote: Whatever would be the natural fertility of our lands, it will never allow us to obtain the crap yields that we expect if we have no recourse to (commercial) fertilizers. One point must be made clear in this regard. Until we have the (capacity) to produce our own chemical fertilizers, we will use fertilizer that we make ourselves. We will use green manure, farmyard manure, . . . human waste, and household garbage as primary materials in the preparation of fertilizers. . . . The best cultural practices must be utilized to achieve per hectare yields comparable to the best yields in the world (Touré, 1980).” in his spee name of 'Ame have masters as localized c There were tc bases for the The FAPl which sat and not w Ancillary establish 30 graduates w teach in the premier eye The course science for the Fuuta J agricultural The tail Sekou Tog credit, and “985), wt intentional train price incentiVe imprecise iii FAPA e 111 In his speech to introduce the FAPA program, Sekou Touré invoked the name of "American (U.S.) farmers', calling them scholars and engineers who have mastered high-level technical knowledge. Touré envisioned the FAPAs as localized centers of applied agronomic research and agricultural extension. There were to be 300 FAPAs throughout Guinea. Touré spoke of the FAPAs as bases for the development of a “new type of civilization': The FAPA should jostle our methods of thinking, jostle that mentality which says scholars and intellectuals should not reside in a village and not work with their hands. Ancillary to the creation of 300 FAPAs throughout Guinea was a plan to establish 30 agro-pastoral training centers at which 70-75% of high school graduates would pursue careers in agricultural science and later work and teach in the FAPAs. A total of 28 institutes of agro-pastoral science for the premier cycle were established throughout Guineallo, two fewer than planned. The course of study was for three years. Five other institutes of agro-pastoral science for the second cycle were also founded, one of which was located in the Fuuta Jalon at Tolo, near Mamou. Today, there are four functioning agricultural training institutes in Guinea, including Tolo. The failures of the agricultural extension education system in Guinea under Sekou Touré, by which the government furnished inputs, extended agricultural credit, and bought produce at a low official price, were analyzed by Blaut (1985), who cited several possible reasons for the overall failure of these well- intentioned efforts, including 1) irregular provision of agricultural inputs; 2) low grain prices for farmers; 3) poor management; 4) corruption; and 5) lack of incentive on the part of public sector employees. 11oPrecise information on the number of operationaltraining centers in the Fuuta Jalon during the FAPA era is not available. Today, in transfer the c private secto 1986). Fora today is whe by the World synthesis of of technolog lrom agrono institutions t The cum and agricultr Guinean agr the extensic iii present, project is ur Organizing I put their the techniques. 300~4oo tar Population . Within tl coordinate TGChnical S the Ministrr At the pres hiesirll. et 112 Today, in the new government of Lansana Conté, a major policy goal is to transfer the commercialization of agricultural inputs and equipment to the private sector, including foreign firms (Ministers du Développement Rural, 1986). For agricultural extension education, the central political issue in Guinea today is whether to adopt the Training and Visit system nationwide, as promoted by the World Bank, or some version of the French extension system, or a synthesis of the two systems. The French system resembles the classic transfer of technology model which emphasizes the transmission of technical messages from agronomic researcher to field agent to farmer in cooperation with public institutions though not necessarily public universities. The current research-extension framework places both agricultural research and agricultural extension within the Ministry of Rural DeveIOpment. Once the Guinean agricultural extension system becomes functional, as fully proposed, the extension field agent at the local level will be known as the Rural Counselor. At present, field agents with this title exist only where a special development project is underway. The Rural Counselor is, or will be, responsible for organizing peOple into groups, helping people to define their priority needs and put their means to work, and conducting the transfer of basic agricultural techniques. Local extension agents will serve about 1500 to 2500 people on 300-400 farms in a Rural Community or a District, depending upon the population density and the number of available field agents. Within the Rural Community or District, a supervisory extension agent will coordinate the work and on-going training of six or seven Rural Counselors. Technical support and information will come from the technical services within the Ministry of Rural Development (Ministers du Développement Rural, 1987). At the prefecture level, each technical sector (agriculture, animal husbandry, forestry, etc.) is to be represented by a Chief of Service. These technical services are r various Chiel Committee pr The gene upon the Fre farmers are r (Ministers do responsible ‘ application r reactions of falls, the fail PPOpte exprr solve the pr According tr (farmer) prc while safeg 1987). The otherwise it system (Mir The FAr ihai 1) the detailed inv utilized in r Dével°Poe °”il'alterl Possible to Dévei°Ppe 113 services are overseen by a Prefectoral Inspector of Rural Development. The various Chiefs of Service are also members of the Prefectoral Development Committee presided by the prefer (Ministers du Développement Rural, 1987). The general philosophy of agricultural extension in Guinea today is centered upon the French-born concept of vulgarisation, by which ideas unknown to farmers are placed at their disposition by a vulgarisateur, or extension agent. (Ministers du Développement Rural, 1987). By definition, a vulgarisateur is responsible for transmitting technical messages to farmers and verifying the application of the messages. She or he is responsible for documenting the reactions of farmers to introduced technologies so that if the technology transfer fails, the failure may be corrected. A vulgarisateur is also expected to help people express their problems and make them conscious of their capacity to solve the problems themselves (Ministere du Développement Rural, 1987). According to the FAO, the purpose of vulgarisation is to improve the peasant (farmer) production system to ensure Optimal satisfaction of peOples' needs while safeguarding production potential (Ministers du Développement Rural, 1987). The goal of vulgarisation is to bring farmers techniques and means otherwise ignored but which could be used to improve the food production system (Ministers du DéveIOppement Rural, 1987). The FAO notes that improvements in a food production system supposes that 1) the system be known with sufficient precision, which necessitates detailed investigations in the field, and that 2) the factors of improvement be utilized in concert in order to avoid wasted time and money (Ministers du Développement Rural, 1987). For Guinea, the World Bank has suggested that only after having determined the constraints to food production will it be possible to propose extension themes adapted to the milieu (Ministere du Développement Rural, 1987). Increased knowledge of the food production system in Fuu production in adapted to Fu Guinean a and peoples' developing a (Ministers du build a syster consist of to for demonstr seed multipli ennui trameworkc In Dara | presence dr extension at is included, Vegetables, errtension a These age, improving g desired leg technical tr imPiOVe (h mandates iaimers, a, hose agar 114 system in Fuuta Jalon, Guinea, and determination of constraints to food production in this region in order to propose agricultural extension themes adapted to Fuuta Jalon is, in fact, a central focus of this dissertation research. Guinean agricultural research objectives include defining research themes and peoples' needs from the ground up, in accordance with field surveys, and developing a close link between agronomic research and vulgarisation (Ministers du Développement Rural, 1987). The Guinean government plans to build a system of research support centers in each prefecture. Each center will consist of twelve or so hectares to be used in the training of extension agents, for demonstrating improved techniques, for tree and plant nurseries, and for seed multiplication. The centers will be placed under the authority of the Prefectoral Inspector of Rural Development and be integrated into the framework of a national program (Ministere du Développement Rural, 1987). In Dara Pelli district, the agricultural extension service barely maintains a presence due to inadequate financial support. There is an agricultural extension agent in the sous-prefecture of Pilimini, within which Dara Pelli district is included, although his principal responsibility was to monitor fruits, vegetables, and grains for diseases at the weekly market. We interviewed this extension agent as well as the field agent for the Waters and Forests Service. These agents articulated issues that we have long recognized as critical for improving extension services in nations such as Guinea. In brief, the agents desired logistical support to better perform their work-related duties, additional technical training, complementary increases in salary, and more opportunity to improve their career. It was not clear that these agents' personal job-related mandates included agricultural extension education per se as a means to serve farmers, at least beyond research and demonstrations. It is quite clear that these agents are very ready and willing to work for the good of farmers. Overview in this sec and Bussura observation. translated, p farmers' obs integrity of t Tahira and either repre perception associated Though represent r indicated, holds that iarmers. ‘ the farmer or Commu Bussura. Piscussig aiiiiCulttlr iniorrnati iearners knowted RE LT AND DI l N Overview In this section on RESLJLTS AND DISQDSSIQN, the perceptions of Tahira and Bussura farmers are reported together with data obtained from participant observation. The perceptions of many Tahira and Bussura farmers have been translated, paraphrased, and presented singly or as a synthesis of several farmers' observations. Considerable care has been taken to ensure that the integrity of the farmers' observations is maintained. Moreover, the opinions of Tahira and Bussura farmers presented in this section have been chosen as either representative of a general outlook or representative of a less common perception that is nonetheless insightful and indicative of cultural realities associated with soil management and conservation in these two villages. Though it may not be readily apparent to readers which observations represent the opinion of one farmer or of several farmers, unless otherwise indicated, the philosophy of education adopted for this dissertation research holds that one farmer's perceptions are as important as those of one hundred farmers. The reporting of farmers' perceptions in this way is purposeful in that the farmers' opinions presented in this dissertation could comprise the heart of a community sourcebook on soil management and conservation in Tahira and Bussura. The observations as presented here could serve as starting points for discussion about various soil management and conservation topics, led by agricultural extension educators. This “discussion approach" to initiate information exchange would create an environment for learning in which learners could recognize critical facets of their own world view and build new knowledge upon their own perceptions of their agricultural environment. 115 The twenl responses of sections, ear tour volume Titles for ear are suggest In Table are cross-re RE EAR l which soilr Tahira and sixteen ints scenarios), domain wa concludet in ther domain th; interviewr rePresent number 0 This lntor paraphra The 0 does not them Category manage 116 The twenty soil management domains that emerged from the interview responses of Tahira and Bussura farmers have been organized into four major sections, each of which can be thought of as subject matter for one volume of a four volume community sourcebook on soil management and conservation. Titles for each volume, including chapters on each soil management domain, are suggested below in Table 2 with Pular versions of each title in parentheses. In Table 3, presented below, each of the twenty soil management domains are cross-referenced with each of the sixteen interview questions described in RESEAROH METHODOLOGY. The information provided in Table 3 explains which soil management domains were referenced by the interview responses of Tahira and Bussura farmers, ”per question“ and "per scenario". For each of the sixteen interview questions (twelve first-round questions and four second-round scenarios), a minimum total of seven references to a specific soil management domain was required across all interview responses to that question in order to conclude that a soil management domain was addressed by the responses. In the narrative discussion that follows Table 3, for each soil management domain that emerged from the responses of Tahira and Bussura farmers to the interview questions (12) and scenarios (4), the number of interview questions represented in the narrative for each soil management domain is given. The number of references from men and from women represented is also given. This information complements that which is provided in Table 3. Translated and paraphrased quotes from respondents are also included in the narrative. The order of discussion of Tahira and Bussura soil management domains does not imply that one domain is more important than another. The domain of human relations and resources, for example, appears to be a major response category while machinery and equipment was one of the least addressed soil management domains. Yet, both domains are considered equally important. __________. Table 2. Sup on s # Volume 1: 13 chapters: 117 Table 2. Suggested volume and chapter titles for a community sourcebook on soil management and conservation in Tahira and Bussura. Soil Management and Conservation: Agronomy, Society, Economy, and Religion (Danki tagol Legdi : Demal , Jamaa, Feene, e Di ina) Volume 1: 13 chapters: Volume 2: 4 chapters: Mm: 2 chapters: yglume 4: 1 chapter: Agronomy (Demo l) leaves and fertilizers (haako e angers) trees and grasses (l ed‘d‘e e hud‘o) soil properties and utilization (j ikku legdi e nafa legdi) rain and water (ndi gom e ndi gam) landscape and topography (fel l o e agnde) tillage and cultivation (j as ugo I e rentago l) fire and burning (gi ite e sunnugol) wild and domestic fauna (kul leej i e mummunt eej i) crop rotation and fallow (coppi e fakkene) crop production and harvest (t oore e wa' ugo I) seeds and seeding (aawugol e sonkugo l) weeds and weeding (geenal e dul ago I) machinery and equipment (j uud‘e e ken i) Society (J an ac) human relations and resources (t ogoaBe e oduna) tradition and habit (f inoo tawaa e woowugo l) knowledge and study (ganndal e j angugo I) health and survival (cel lal e nguurndom) Economy (Fe er e) work and labor (gol is e gol looBe) money and markets (k an I is e luumo) Religion (D i i no) Religion and spiritualism (d i incr e j innooj i) Table 3. Crc wer # W human relation: trees It grasses religion and spr wild edomesttr work a labor leaves & lertiliz rain water fire a burning tillage a cultiva crop rotation 81 soil properties seeds to seed knowledge 8r tradition & hat money 8r marl weeds a wee crop producti: landscape ttl machinery a healttr esurvi TOTAL no. 0 addressed p x i. HOW dog 2- Whatdo to you? 3- What do 4- Whatdc 5- What dr 6' Whatdo Whatm iOlyou‘ i- Stearrr ' Bimini: 118 Table 3. Cross-reference chart illustrating which soil management domains were addressed by the responses to each interview question. ~~~~~ First-round interview questions ---------- Scenarios 12§$§§Z§QLQLLE12§A §Qil Managamant ngain§ human relations & resources x x x x x x x x x x x x x x x trees & grasses x x x x x x x x x x x x x religion and spiritualism x x x x x x x x x x x wild & domestic fauna x x x x x x x x x x work & labor x x x x x x x x x x leaves & fertilizers x x x x x x x x x rain & water x x x x x x x x x fire & burning x x x x x x x x tillage & cultivation x x x x x x x crop rotation 8. fallow x x x x x x x soil properties & utilization x x x x x x seeds 8. seeding x x x x x x knowledge 8. study x x x x x x tradition & habit x x x x x money as markets x x x x x weeds & weeding x x x x x crop production & harvest x x x x landscape & topography x x x x machinery & equipment x x x x health & survival x x x x TOTAL no. of domains addressedperquestion: 12 7 1211 4 5151414 712 3 612 7 7 First-round interviews 1. How does "good land" differ from "poor land"? 8. What would make farming easier 2. What does "taking care of the land" mean for you? . to you? 9. What makes farmland valuable? 3. What does "ruining the land" mean to you? 10. What does Islam counsel with 4. What does "improving the land" mean to you? respect to taking care of farmland? 5. What does "soil erosion" mean to you? 11. Do your farming techniques and 6. What does "land owner" mean to you? your parents farming techniques 7. What makes taking care of farmland difficult differ? for you? 12. How do people learn to farm? nd-r n in rvi w nari 1. Stearm and source drying. 3. Agricultural experimentation. 2. Diminishing harvests. 4. Agricultural credit. Oiscussior seven 'cultur: agronomic, er political facto social, and re relative impo ln review on the follow Bussura, cor community r here as soil Tahira and l which curric application ' and atiricull The sea domains in the cultural n0W docun through inf larmers pe Moreover, “Sins thes OWned by to some 0 refer to th piodUCis r 119 Discussion of the soil management domains is organized around four of the seven “cultural factors" of soil management and conservation. These are the agronomic, economic, social, and religious cultural factors. Historical and political factors are included in the discussion of the agronomic, economic, social, and religious factors and their various soil management domains. The relative importance of the aesthetic cultural factor was found to be negligible. In reviewing the results of interviews and participant observation presented on the following pages, one should be aware that the residents of Tahira and Bussura, considered together, are a community of farmers who represent a community of ideas about agriculture. Their perceptions and ideas presented here as soil management domains reflect the cultural bases of agriculture in Tahira and Bussura. These perceptions and ideas are the cultural bases upon which curricula for agricultural extension education could be developed for application to training programs, youth and adult education programs and texts, and agricultural development programs in Tahira and Bussura. The essential point to understand in reviewing the twenty soil management domains that have emerged from interviews and participant observation is that the cultural basis for agricultural extension education in Tahira and Bussura is now documented. New knowledge can be built upon this cultural groundwork through information exchange that proceeds from how Tahira and Bussura farmers perceive and articulate key facets of their agricultural environment. Moreover, an agricultural extension education program in Tahira and Bussura, using these soil management domains as the basis for its curricula, would be owned by the community members by virtue of their input, rather than belonging to some outside agency or organization. Program activities would consistently refer to the input of community members such that educational experiences and products would be, in effect, home-grown. unscented This soil r respondents represents a references tr articulated d Manure, most wome' hmmm commercial for soil tertil have more Grasses 0i trees, es become fir and taro le soil as mu out that be WiliCh, wh mihe WOT 120 A ron mic domains f oilm na men n c nservati n laavas and fertilizera This soil management domain, as discussed below, was addressed by respondents in 9 of 16 interview questions. The information presented below represents a synthesis of data from participant observation in addition to 121 references to leaves and fertilizers by men and 111 references by women as articulated during the semi-structured interviews. Manure, leaf mulch, and organic matter were cited by nearly every man and most women interviewed as major determinants of good land versus poor land for cropping purposes. This is not surprising because, in the absence of commercial fertilizers, farmers depend upon various sources of organic matter for soil fertility on both ngesa and aunt uure lands. Some soils are known to have more hot u than others though both good and poor land is cultivated. Grasses and trees are recognized sources of not u for the soil. The leaves of trees, especially of trees that grow thickly together, fall to the ground and become Fiol u. Leaves are considered farmers' fertilizer (anger e111). Corn and taro leaves left as residue on the aunt uune after harvest can improve the soil as much or more than leaves brought in from the forest. One farmer pointed out that behind the houses of the villages grow tall grasses and large trees which, when struck high in their crowns, drop their dead leaves. When burned, 111The word anger-e is derived from the French term for commercial mineral fertilizer (engrais). these leaves I augment r'ro II The applic maintaining or alunction of frequent dept indicator of or "fingers” or t Leaf mulr accustomed unable to dr never again essential cl Leaves ; additions or ii ogdi In Or cr0P it eno The apr hesuntu QUEStiOn o the right 3‘ best Varie? ilecause j \ 112% °Pr My neighbc “We are ileai the at inieiieje Wi' 13Alsop, 121 these leaves become no lu for the land beneath the trees. In addition, to ‘ augment no lu in the suntuure soils, cornstalks are burned112. ; The application of leaf mulch is perceived to be absolutely essential to _ maintaining corn yields in the aunt uure. The quality of cunt uuj i soils is also ‘ a function of how long people have resided near to their aunt uure due to frequent deposits of household debris (fiogu fiaga). For the auntuur e, an indicator of whether or not there is sufficient r'fol u is the relative number of "fingers“ or branches (car I d‘i) produced on the taro tuber (j do be an e). Leaf mulch is called the soul (j ikku) of the soil. The aunt uure soil is accustomed to mulch, like a person habituated to eating rice but suddenly unable to do so, explained one respondent. Consequently, the person will never again feel satisfied, we were told. Likewise, a aunt uure would lose its essential character if it were no longer mulched. Leaves are thought of as ”bushland fertilizer” (angere bunuure) and additions of mulch and manure are seen as the only way to revive "dead land“ ‘ (l egdi maagund i ). One farmer claimed that even a boo no I could produce a ‘ crop if enough manure was applied. ‘ The application of leaf mulch (fogun) is a matter of putting a lot of leaves on i the aunt uure soil and knowing how to use the leaves correctly. This is not a i question of putting as many leaves on the aunt uure as possible but of using j the right species. All varieties of leaves are used as sunt uure mulch but the . best varieties are ngoo | a (Holarrhena wager” and boy I e (Uvaria chamael i because these decompose most rapidly. Other preferred mulch leaves are 112This operation is usually performed in March or April, one to two months prior to planting corn. . My neighbor children were given this task in the aunt uure next to my house, an indication that i people are oriented at an early age to the practice of burning. This practice is as much a means to 1 clear the aunt uure of crop residue (a hazard to barefoot women who work this land) that would . rnterfere with planting as it is a method to improve soil fertility. “3 Also known locally as endamma. sin] a (Qaifiii buube leaves Leaves usr ngeso in that letter are burr because they preferred as quickly, and r decompose 1 preferred. N All leaves absence of s necessary11 necessity ar onerous of : Manure dark soil on With livesto 122 i a inj a (Cassia sieberiana) and buube114. Adequate supplies of bog l e and :‘ buube leaves are available in the watershed but fewer ngoo la leaves. ; Leaves used as mulch in the aunt uur‘e differ from those used as ha I u in the ngeaa in that the former are largely left to decompose by themselves while the latter are burned. Young leaves (h aako waggo) are preferred as mulch because they decompose more rapidly than older leaves. Older leaves are less preferred as mulch because they decompose slowly and don't help the crop as quickly, and may even keep the crop from doing well115. Newer leaves, which decompose quickly, are more immediately beneficial to the crop and are thus preferred. Newer leaves will decompose in one month, we were told. All leaves are valued, however, because they suppress weed growth. In the absence of sufficient mulch, as many as three weedings per season may be necessary118 to prevent the weeds from "eating"117 the crop. Despite the necessity and value of mulching, this practice is considered one of the most onerous of agricultural tasks, particularly by women. Manure additions, like decomposed leaves and other debris, account for a dark soil color and improve the fertility of red soil. Red soil can be blackened with livestock manure because cows and goats eat grasses and leaves. The l 114The scientific name for buube could not be verified. One woman explained that buub e ; seems to inhibit corn ear development as compared to other leaf mulches, although other farmers j did not indicate this to be the case. One area for agronomic research might be to determine the r most appropriate leaf mulch for corn production from among local and exotic species. Parameters t such as tree and crop germination and growth rates, effects on insect populations, contributions i to organic carbon, tree survival upon coppicing, and the like, would be worthy of investigation. 1 115This might result from longer periods of nitrogen immobilization due to a longer process of j decomposition for older leaves as compared to younger leaves. l 116Normally, one cultivation prior to seeding and a second cultivation prior to mulching, when the i‘ corn is six to eight inches tall, are completed. The first cultivation can be considered seedbed preparation. Conceivably, the second cultivation would not be necessary if the leaf mulch was ‘, applied early and thickly enough. j 11 The verb fiaamude, to eat, is the root word of the expression “eating (the crop)", used in this . context to mean "outcompete". same effect c from mulchin Manure 9 that door than leaf However yields will sr tor fofie1 ‘3 of addition : materials a' irol u, soil i A farme suntuure three to fix Dara Pelli Years ago mulch intc rPCky lanc horizontal Most f be substit in the sol \ 118i‘iiilher m°Srolano behave on and Bussr levels of Sr 119Land c cut. 123 same effect on soil color and fertility is realized from manure applications as from mulching, but the manure effect is more rapid, as one woman explained. Manure gives life to the land because animals eat leaves and grasses that decompose in their stomachs. Manure is therefore even better than leaf or grass mulch because its effects are more rapid. However, if the soil is very black from a great amount of r‘fol u, then grain yields will suffer at the expense of increased leaf growth. This is especially true for f oi‘i e113. For leaf mulch to fully transform red soil to black, three to five years of addition and decomposition of organic materials are required. Organic materials also help to thicken (deepen) the soil. Moreover, where there is more fiol u, soil is more friable (d‘aat i). A farmer can transform a peanut field into a rice field and then into a aunt uune for corn production by digging in manure and leaves over a period of three to five years. One respondent told us of a rocky expanse of land near Dara Pelli that was once a booural but is now periodically cut and cleared119. Years ago, someone's huuwoofie incorporated a great deal of manure and leaf mulch into the soil at this site, rendering it arable. ln Tesin, one farmer's once- rocky land was planted to kurakacce (Psyghgtria gait/a), whose roots grow in a horizontal form. Now this land is a productive aunt uure. Most farmers in Tahira and Bussura agree that leaf mulch and manure can be substituted for each other when the objective is to maintain the level of ha I u in the soil. However, these two materials in combination provide the best 118Higher levels of nitrogen at certain times of the growing season will favor vegetative growth in most plants. At grain filling, a relative lack of nitrogen will inhibit grain production. Different crops behave differently, of course. Forte, which is in the grass family, is perceived by farmers in Tahira and Bussura as more susceptible to excess leaf growth versus grain development due to a high levels of soil fertility than is rice, which demands soils of higher fertility . 119Land cleared for farming is also called aoppuur‘u (PL copp i ). from the verb sappude. to CUT. advantage to hot it for the s sources for n non-crop peri manure also available, go for crop pros Uprooted we In the ng land is 'fat' suited for rir and improvr The sire dont can i riot u wash is blamed i like insects hmwm Lower ' likelll be rs i0 decline ““8 condi. 124 advantage to crop production. Manure and mulch are the common sources of not u for the aunt uure, but fallen tree leaves and foraging cows are major Fro l u sources for ngeaa lands. Animals can be grazed on geae lands during the non-crop period to improve the land with manure additions. On aunt uune land, manure also keeps soil from drying too quickly. Among the various manures available, goat and sheep manure are considered by many farmers to be best for crop production, in part because the smaller pellets decompose quickly120. Uprooted weeds and post-harvest residues are also sources of not u. In the ngeaa, rice adds fertility to the soil but f one does not121. Where the land is ”fat” (f ag i) due to decomposing leaves from trees, the land is better suited for rice. The mulching of rocky ngeaa land can even ”fertilize the stones" and improve the soil, we were told, but this is rarely practiced, if ever. The stream area of the landscape, which includes the dunk i free and the dont car i, is perceived to be better for grain production because there is more not u washed down from the hills. Likewise, the erosion of hot u from hillsides is blamed for poor production on the slopes. On dant aari land where cicada- like insects (geeged‘e) bury themselves in the soil122, the land is not considered to be suitable for farming. Lower harvests in the naako as compared to a previous year would most likely be related to a lack of manure. In the sand in, yields are not often subject to decline thanks to the presence of hot u. Soils can be hard in these areas but this condition is improved with leaf mulch and ash from burnt debris. 12° Perhaps differences in nutrient content between the various manures would make one or the other more appropriate for crop production. This is a question for agronomic research. ‘2‘ There is debate in the agronomic literature on Fuuta Jalon as to whether f or’ie is a soil nutrient usurper or is simply able to thrive on soils that are quite low in fertility. Generally, the consensus seems to tend towards the latter opinion. 122We were shown this insect, which appears to be a large cicada about four to five inches in length, but were not able to verify that it resides in the soil. This insect was noted by several farmers, one of whom told me that children sometimes eat them. The impor the surface a matter, the Si Onehuor compared to indeed,pku manure are powdeh Po speed lerlil mmmwl is as value: The reasor Onche not Gl'll enough the cm (ding waste. provkl SeaSOI becaus In th isllrohibil because and, mor. \ 123The hc 1“Certair and burnt 125 The importance of tilling surface fiol u into the subsoil is recognized. When the surface and the middle soil horizons (h okkeend i123) have sufficient organic matter, the soil will be fertile and most suitable for farming. One informant noted that farmers used more fresh manure in the past as compared to the present but, with fewer cows today, more goat manure is used instead, placed right into the corn seed pocket at sowing. The effects of cow manure are not immediate unless it is pounded, pulverized, and turned into powder. Powdered manure and burnt leaves are spread after planting to speed fertilization. Farmers burn cow manure so that the r‘iol u is available right away but pounding is a more common practice. However, burned manure is as valued as powdered manure124. Manure is not applied to gese lands. The reasons for this are explained below by several farmers. On cleared land, leaves serve the same function as manure. There's not enough manure to put on ngeaa land because there aren't enough cows and they're usually left to roam around. We could park the cows for two months or so in a given field as a type of corral (d i ng l rag). When cows are left parked they urinate and drop their waste. One month's worth of two cows grazing in a field would provide enough manure for good crop growth for one cropping season. Another reason we don't bring manure to cleared land is because these lands are cultivated for three years at most125. In the past, pe0ple had more cows and manure but, today, the price of cows is prohibitively expensive for most people. There are also fewer cows today because the taxes in-kind on cattle during the Sekou Touré era depleted herds and, more recently, because of thieves. lf farmers have only two or three cows, 123The hak k- portion of this term‘is derived from hakkunde, meaning "between". 124Certainly, there would be differences in the respective chemical composition of fresh, dried, and burnt manure. 125This remark illustrates the key role of labor in soil management. Because certain gese lands are not cropped for more than three years out of ten, to use the labor to bring in leaf mulch would probably not be worth the time and energy, as it is for women on aunt uure lands. they usually Ir have more th: as was done accessible to hoggo, it is t roam all OVGI enough man suggested it Many far where the s. cleared lanr because pe available, 8. present, thi being baml wouldn't bt sells peop| because it One cc Suntuupr Yield level larmers, v Women to would ()9; Given ac herbicide 90th Ollt 126 they usually let them wander around on their own to browse and graze. if they have more than two or three cows, they may park them in a corral (d ingi rag), as was done more often in the past, so that the manure accumulates and is accessible to peOple for use. If cows are kept in a corral (d ing irag) next to the hoggo, it is easy to obtain the manure. However, cattle are generally left to roam all over the hillsides searching for browse and pasture. Thus, there's not enough manure readily available for corn production. Other informants suggested that there is enough manure in total but that it is not distributed well. Many farmers believe that if they had access to fertilizer (angers) for use where the soil is not fertile, this would make the sunt uure as well as the cleared lands (copp i) more valuable. There is little angers available because people have no money to buy it, we were told. if angers was available, someone would have to show many farmers how to use it. At present, this is usually done by the seller. When asked about the chance of being bamboozled by fertilizer merchants, one farmer replied that peOple wouldn't buy angers if they weren't sure of what they were buying. Whoever sells people angers that is not good, he explained, is only hurting himself because the money won't serve him well. One controversial issue is whether or not women would cease to mulch the aunt uure should angers prove to effective in maintaining or increasing current yield levels. fingers might be used in conjunction with mulch, suggested some farmers, while others believe that angers could replace mulch entirely. Some women told us that if angers or herbicide were available and effective, they would cease to mulch because of the work and pain involved in this practice. Given a choice, many farmers said that they. would choose angers over herbicide because they can always eliminate weeds with hard work. Others point out that if they had both angers and mulch available for use, they could take care of b women addre 0f the "it the loresl studied (‘ not need without ll mulching weeds, t many pe Some fa because thi available in angers mt specific. l-' angers,“ One respe Something traveled t. limits of 0 trees \ This 1 'eSDOndl reltleser \ 126The p Same ide: 127 take care of both weeds and Fiat u in the aunt uure at the same time. Several women addressed the labor issue associated with mulching as follows: Of the '10 plus 2" tasks that we have126, bringing mulch material from the forest to the sunt uure is the most difficult. If people who have studied (j angoofie) came up with something that would allow us to not need mulch material for our corn, we'd ask Alla to bless them without limit for the rest of their lives. Many of us would surely stOp mulching if there was an alternative way to add ha I u and suppress weeds, the two functions of mulch. But, if we stopped this practice, many peOple would laugh at us and say we were asking for trouble. Some farmers consider angers a good candidate for experimentation because they have not seen how fertilizer works and because there is little available in the area for farmers to try on their own. It was noted that some angers may be good for one crap and bad for another. That is, angers is crap specific. However, because farmers in the watershed are not too familiar with angers, they do not separate the crop-specific ang ere as much as they should. One respondent pointed out that if a person doesn't know very much about something such as angers, it's difficult to comment on it. The people who have traveled to Senegal to work have the most information about the benefits and limits of angers and how to use it. trees and grasses This soil management domain, as discussed below, was addressed by respondents in 13 of 16 interview questions. The information presented below represents a synthesis of data from participant observation in addition to 118 126The phrase "10 plus 2" is an expression used to mean "numerous". Also used to express the same idea is the phrase "8 plus 10". references to articulated d , The pres criterion for grasses are and fertility. the larger il Farmers be large or sn leaves as : As long major sou fertility an so will the the land ( tree seer increase Percepiil because ln ge well. Tl hol in: same. Censidr he i i ac 128 references to trees and grasses by men and 69 references by women as articulated during the semi-structured interviews. The presence of trees and grasses was consistently cited as an important criterion for discriminating between good and poor farmland. Trees and grasses are perceived by most farmers as vitally linked to soil organic matter and fertility. Respondents told us that to take care of the land means to leave the larger trees in place such that they “close together high in their canopies." Farmers believe they should never out trees to the point where none remain, large or small. This perception is associated with the practice of relying upon leaves as a source of soil fertility. As long as water or rain is available for their growth, trees are seen as a major source of life for the soil because they provide organic matter (not u) for fertility and shade to humidity the soil and keep it from drying. If the trees dry up, so will the land, believe Tahira and Bussura farmers. ”Trees are the wealth of the land (nga lu l egdi )," said one farmer. Another farmer explained, ”When a tree seed sprouts and grows, this starts a cycle during which the soil will increase its strength, all because of the tree leaves which fall every year.” One perception is that without trees there would be no falling leaves and no worms because worms consume the tree leaves that fall, according to some farmers. In general, good land is perceived as land where trees and grasses grow well. The only more or less treeless land considered to be quite valuable is hol laande127. Trees and grasses give value to land but not all trees are the same. Tall trees indicate the best land. Where trees are numerous and have 127llal laande (pl. kol loads) is a clayey, lower slope, grassed meadow that is often considered to be pasture land par excellence. tn the Dara Pelli watershed there is no hol l aanda, though one such land type can be found in the vicinity. thick trunks is gor trunks the land is the crops will als be relatively sma Despite the f: lrom trees in the suntuure soils trees near the hi corn is crepped not women, whc Production. It is which are used Men, however, burning, and cl To find suit: trees like buub Uui egge (13.: inmate good I (9%: tell mm P°0rer land is ieberiana a i Wt 129\ 129mm: tooAlso “asses 129 thick trunks is good land. Where trees are stunted and scraggly or have bent trunks the land is not as good. Crops will mimic the trees. It the trees are tall, the crops will also be tall. Where smaller trees grow the crop planted there will be relatively small. Despite the fact that women are directly involved with cutting leafy branches from trees in the forest environs of the watershed for use as mulch material, the s an t u u re soils that they cultivate are generally treeless, except for a few fruit trees near the houses. Where trees do grow within the aunt uure, little or no corn is cropped beneath the canopy because of shading. Moreover, it is men, not women, who cut and burn trees to clear lands for both sunt uure and ngssa production. It is not too surprising, therefore, that women would cite leaves, which are used for mulch material, but not trees, as determinants of soil quality. Men, however, work in the ngesa with the entire tree in the process of cutting, burning, and clearing. To find suitable sites for f or‘ie the first year after fallow, farmers look for small trees like buube123. For rice, where t sl i (Erythrophleum guineense) or gal sgge (Vapaga toggegsisl‘” predominate is good land. Other trees that ‘ indicate good land are barkeh i (Piligstigma Magnum, d‘ooki (Qombretum _e_l_li_gt_ii1, and kaaj o (fiyzygiurn guineense). Land where large t el i (Erythrgphleum guineense) is found is the best land, especially for corn. Poorer land is where psl l itoro(51m9_r199fldi§acidat, sinja (Qgsiig sieberiana), and cel en (Prgsggis afrigana)131 grow. Land with ngoo l a (WWW, pel I itoro (Emmaand ”amps spam undetermined. 129Also classified as Anggargigm gggjdflnate, 13°Also classified as Piligstigma giggles; 131Note: It is somewhat surprising that MM. a leguminous tree, was noted as an indicator of poorer land, unless this is a case of a good tree growing on poor sites. 132Also known as endamna. kooukarunden‘ai (Erythrgphleum g produce leaves be found, rice will at Such land, in mos koofooaandu ( lone. Where ihl Mane), the lar fewer worms in 1 Tel i (gym production. Tel but will resprout the seeds of su broadcast seed time, the sundl Upland rice in Tahira and E “°* as 900d for leaching the g M °i grain dug inng of not gr glows Poorly 1 leaves for hol 130 karukarundsn133 is good for fofis. Groves of buube and t sl i (Erythrgphlegm guineense) are good for rice but on these sites f ofie will only produce leaves because of too high fertility. Where bog le (LL/aria ghamae) is found, rice will at times produce only leaves, but other times will grow well. Such land, in most cases, is better suited for f ofie. The land where kaa f auaa ndu (Markhamia tgmentgsa) grows is poor for rice but good for fofie. Where there are kahi (MWand lenge (Letitia afrigana), the land beneath these trees will not be as productive. There will be fewer worms in these places and rice won't grow well. Tel i (Erythrophleum guineense) is considered to be beneficial to rice production. Tel i will not Sprout back the first year after clearing and burning but will resprout during the second year after burning. Ts l i seeds mixed with the seeds of suna la (Hargngana madagasgariensis or _l-1. p_a_n_ic_r,riata), then broadcast seeded on denuded land, provides a desirable vegetative cover. In time, the sunal a must be thinned so that the t el i can grow. Upland rice needs adequate soil moisture, moreso than f one, agree farmers in Tahira and Bussura. The land beneath very thick-crowned trees is therefore not as good for rice because the leaf canopy reduces the amount of rain reaching the ground. Here, rice will grow thin and upright but won't produce a lot of grain due to insufficient moisture. This rice may sprout and ripen but risks dying or not growing as well as expected. Fan's likes the dant aari but rice grows poorly there because the dant aari has fewer trees and thus fewer leaves for fiol u. Plus, there is ”too much sun" on dantaari land, a condition that favors vegetative growth over grain development134. we were told. 133mg; species undetermined. 13“'That (upland) rice produces poorly on the dont aari is perhaps due more specifically to soil type and available soil moisture due to “too much sun", as expressed by the respondent. ll larmers wan' trees and few stor structure is some growing on it, the than clear cutting removing a parcr Where many considered to be improved, believ produce for at Ie other reasons, t government (I c saying this she of trees for burr in Tahira and B on the surface ‘ land will neithe animals rest be fertility and, uh It is genera therefore yield the actual nun previous times will neger be ( believed it) pr mammbu bushland for a 131 ff farmers want to clear land for a suntuure, they look for land with many trees and few stones, then plant peanuts first of all. Even for soils whose structure is somewhat cemented (l egdi sat tund i), if the land has trees growing on it, the crop will do well, believe farmers. Selective cutting, rather than clear cutting, is perceived to be the better management practice when removing a parcel of land from fallow for cropping. Where many tree leaves are found on the soil surface, the land is considered to be good for a ngesa. When these leaves are burned the soil is improved, believe farmers. But if the land is burned too vigorously, it may not produce for at least one year. Farmers in Tahira and Bussura burn, among other reasons, because forest shade may keep crops from growing well. The government (I aamu) advises people not to cut and burn at all and has been saying this since the time of Sekou Touré, to little avail. Some farmers cut a lot of trees for burning and some out a moderate amount (ka ha or i ). Farmers in Tahira and Bussura believe that if trees are cut and the land is burned only on the surface then the crop will do well. On fallow land with many trees, the land will neither dry quickly nor easily burn because of the shade. There, animals rest beneath the trees and leave manure, thereby contributing to soil fertility and, ultimately, to the harvest. It is generally agreed that, in the past, there were more trees to cut and therefore yields were better. One farmer clarified this opinion, suggesting that the actual number of trees may have been the same as today, but the trees in previous times were bigger. It is commonly thought that the forested bushland will never be devoid of trees because trees resprout by themselves. Alla is believed to provide people with enough useful trees. Some farmers suggested that, thanks to the fruit of the forest trees, a person could live in the forest and bushland for as many as 40 days without going home. In this respect, the total elimination of tree the moral equivall Farmers beliel because every dr naturally to replal Bussura are, will watercourses lea considered to be Trees and w there are he trees there is One farmer r rain comes fron radio talk about this is one p085 one lease" Wh} ACOUnielpc db Up Without , Although 80mg farmers in the ‘ ““9 period, a, Say they Shouj bring mm» the i lsome ,espom fees and ralnral 132 elimination of trees and the forest is a sure way to ruin people which, in turn, is the moral equivalent of ruining the land. Farmers believe that the total elimination of trees by cutting is unlikely because every dry season, just prior to the rains, many new trees sprout naturally to replace felled and burned trees. However, farmers in Tahira and Bussura are, with some exceptions, of the opinion that cutting trees next to watercourses leads to stream drying. Deep pools of water in rivers are considered to be areas where there are or once were large trees. Trees and water go together. For example, in the morning where there are trees you see the dew on the grasses. Where there are no trees there is little or no dew. One farmer observed that vast forests are located in the east and noted that rain comes from the same direction. He, like others, have heard people on the radio talk about the effect of deforestation and many farmers now believe that this is one possible reason for reduced rains. That the rains have diminished is one reason why farmers are now prohibited to out next to the streams. A counterpoint to the ”trees bring rain” argument is that sometimes rivers just dry up without explanation, even when the trees next to them are left intact. Although some peoole believe that the cutting of trees has reduced the rains, farmers in the watershed note that they have cut a lot of trees in years past, for a long period, and the rains have only recently begun to decrease‘35. Farmers say they should have seen the effects of cutting on rain long ago if the "trees bring rain” theory was correct. 135The respondent is perhaps thinking of an immediate cause and effect relationship between trees and rainfall rather than the long-term effect. We were told should leave a w water for, when s (uirtugol) COL When there': and the prop river are cut (t i ppe) in t the sunlight 1 Burning the Moreover, in cu themselves fall ' up the source. and see the ml 5°90). one car river for firewo People Whl even though, . Some farmers forest gallery Plenty of watt We do ha up have t See how l 80 covers las\ MFfiley“ forest, that is, f 133 We were told that when people out and clear trees near stream areas they should leave a wide margin of trees next to the streams in order to shade the water for, when sunlight reaches the water, the water dries up. This exposure (or i rt ugo l) could be a reason for the migration of sources, some believe: When there's no shade over the riverbed the sun rays dry the water and the proportion of mud to water increases. When trees next to the river are cut, this contributes to the accumulation of small debris (t ippe) in the water, making the water more shallow, and allowing the sunlight to penetrate all the way to the water surface and dry it up. Burning the bushland is seen to contribute to drying out large trees. Moreover, in cutting trees for farming next to the river, the leaves and the trees themselves fall into the water. The leaves decompose, become mud, and plug up the source. To verify this, a person can lift up the dead leaves in the water and see the mud beneath. For streams that are clogged with debris (fiogu fiaga), one can clear out the wood that falls into the river or don't out next to the river for firewood but go further away to find and retrieve wood. People who cut the trees next to rivers are those who need to cultivate to set even though, one man noted, water is more important than grain for survival. Some farmers are perplexed because the Taybatawol stream runs through a forest gallery but has little water and there are streams with no trees at all but plenty of water. So, stream drying with respect to trees is an unclear issue: We do have confidence in what the Forey136 says and much of what they say we believe to be true. But, some places in the rivers that dry up have trees right there. Nevertheless, at the Taybatawol, we can see how people have cut the trees out. Before, this watercourse was so covered with trees that, next to the stream, it was extremely dark. 136"Forey" means an agent of the Waters and Forests Service (taken from the French word for forest, that is, foréo. ln any case, w longer cut and bu the streams follov than they did bell people need to la trees. Even so, I lime to clear gra: regard, a commc are planted, the If we leave t 80“. but peo would inten every year, planting tre month. Evr because the the trees so the dry seas The person °wnbbhhloru Resoondel Valuabte. PM that's one leg m\ In fact, in Ta 1‘" “aiming the Draw” arid lsc of water from ti oncogh Water to rains. 00me ear 134 In any case, with few exceptions, trees that grow next to the streams are no longer cut and burned. Consequently, because rice was once cultivated next to the streams following the clearing of trees from these areas, people eat less rice than they did before. Just the same, a number of farmers admitted that when people need to farm in order to eat, or to earn money from the lumber, they cut trees. Even so, large trees are generally left to grow, and some farmers take the time to clear grasses away from their bases to reduce competition. To this regard, a common perception is that if trees are left to grow tall, or if more trees are planted, then the land where trees remain abundant will be more valuable: If we leave the forest intact or plant more trees it will strengthen the soil, but pe0ples' negligence doesn't favor tree planting. If the Forey would intervene, prescribe tree planting, and set planting goals for every year, people would work in order to respect the law. But, planting trees is not something that can be done in two weeks or a month. Even then, it's not always sure that tree planting will work because there are problems with animals, termites, and rocks. But, if the trees survive, and there's good will, people can water the trees in the dry season137. The person who (theoretically) would plant a tree on the boowal will share ownership of the tree and its fruit with everyone else. Similarly, ultimate ownership of planted trees anywhere would reside with Alla and the government, according to most peoples' perceptions. Respondents told us that the planting of fruit trees makes the land more valuable. Fruit trees are also perceived as useful to society (j amaa) as food for avoiding hunger. in the past, there weren't as many fruit trees planted and that's one reason why people would then experience more hunger than they do 137th fact, in Tahira and Bussura, once a year, deep into the dry season, a day or two is selected for watering the orange trees that are located around household compounds. This is a traditional practice and is generally the responsibility of children in the village, who bring pails and containers of water from the sources and streams to water the trees. The idea is to provide the trees with enough water to survive the final month or so of the dry season. In years when so-callsd "mango rains" come early and are bountiful, this practice of watering may be supplanted, as in 1989. today. Some res and parents plan lethal, in the pa With fruit free marketed. What necessities for t marketed orang forayear. It is The fruit tre as needed. Or planted as sma dwellings wher ngeaa land. P ngeaa land. C the soils are st one resides on trees for dama One respo to dry up, althl had this expel in our sar no water a the water bananas l have the l of trees. from benl Any big tr 135 today. Some respondents contradicted this opinion, saying their grandparents and parents planted more trees than people today. The middle ground opinion is that, in the past, people planted fruit trees but today even more are planted. With fruit trees, people therefore have more to eat and the fruit can also be marketed. What people don't eat they sell and, with the revenue, they buy necessities for their families. Oranges bring a good price at the market but marketed oranges alone don't provide enough money for a family to buy food for a year. It is usually women who sell the fruit at the market. The fruit trees are planted by men but women or children usually water them as needed. Oranges, mangoes, avocadoes, guavas, and bananas are usually planted as small orchards (t at atesr i) near watercourses or near family dwellings where they can be more easily watered than if planted on distant, dry ngesa land. Plus, there is also the danger of fire damage to trees growing on ngesa land. Other reasons for not planting fruit trees on ngssa land are that the soils are stony and not particularly suited for good tree growth, and that no one resides on these lands and, thus, no one is able to keep watch over the trees for damage from monkeys and birds. One respondent suggested that planting trees could even provoke streams to dry up, although this opinion is in the minority. A young farmer from Bussura had this experience with banana trees to relate: In our sard in, we planted some bananas at a time when there was no water at the site. Now, however, the bananas have grown up and the water has come back, thanks to the shade afforded by the bananas leaves. But, except for fruit trees next to the river, we don't have the habit of planting trees and, anyway, there's less burning now of trees. However, banana trees do seem to be able to pull up water from beneath the soil to make areas that were once dry, wet again. Any big trees can do this, in fact, for they keep the ground shaded. More people see if the trees bani P r nooko (flops grasses. ll peo owners becaus readily consum making silage Grasses, tr forming on the of plants left b Runoff can no grass 9 During the beginning of n grasses are 9 land is poor al land. Should indicates poo are clumps o 138The word a: 139The word I September, anl 14‘3Ths term u Baal l refers 1 1“The term courageous al The respon 136 More people than at present would plant non-fruit trees but would first like to see if the trees are beneficial to cows. Tree leaveslike l enge (_Af_ze_l1a afrigana), ban i (Pierggarpus rin , c imms (thgrgphgraLegjaorQ excelsa), and nonk 0 (flags gapensis or E_. poms) are reputedly better for cows than are grasses. If people could plant grasses, as well, it would be helpful to livestock owners because today there are not enough grasses for cattle. Fofis is also readily consumed by cattle, especially younger plants. Local farmers once tried making silage but that attempt did not succeed. Grasses, trees, and other plants are perceived to prevent gullies from forming on the landscape. Where severe erosion occurs, one can see the roots of plants left behind. Runoff can carry away leaves but it won't carry away grasses. Where no grass grows at all is precisely where the water runs off the most. During the early part of the rainy season, near the end of set t 0133 and beginning of ndunngu139, is the time to go to the fields and observe where grasses are growing. Where grasses have grown and reddened140 (uoj j i) the land is poor and won't do well. if the grass is green (Saw I i141), that's good land. Should the land ”lack courage'142, the grass will yellow and dry. This indicates poor land, whether on dant car i land or on rocky land. Where there are clumps of grass every 75 cm or $0143 the land will be good. 1”The word set to refers to the rainy period that occurs in May and June, primarily. 139The word ndunngu refers to the period of heavier rains that occur in July , August, and September, and also into October some years. 14°The term used in this context is aoj j i, from the verb uoj j aade, t fact, co 1 j l refers to a dried or yellowed condition- _ 141 The term used in this context is Baal i, from the verb Baa lude, to darken. For plants, In fact, Saul l refers to a green, as opposed to yellowed, condition. 1“The term used in this context, aakki la, is derived from the verb a courageous and/or to persevere. . . 143The respondent indicated this distance with his hands and we estimated the dlstance. o redden. For plants, in akki loads, to be Different grass infomed. As note the crop will be sh lhisistrue. Tanba indicators of poor I (Acetate n eliminate k i lkal put into or left in l col l i149 on rich 0n ngeaa Ian indicators of goo considered to be grows tall with st addition to f ugu timeii5i, ksrks grasses“, indicatr is good for rice. 0n the dantaal fungus. lf press 14"Scientific name ‘“Also Pgnnl§§jy ”ski lka l apura flower of this plant 147t“ final apurt leave it in fallow ul ‘“Scientific nam 14$’latertariasuul n if! 15".lblso, anghrg ‘51 Scientific narr 152$clentiflc nan ’53Scientific narr 154Scientific; nan 137 Different grass species are indicators of the variation in soil fertility, we were informed. As noted above, the crop will mimic the grass. If the grass is short, the crop will be short. If the grass is tall, the crop will be tall. Even on stony land this is true. Tambaganga for)144 and puk i (Pennisetum pglistachign)145 are indicators of poor land for the suntuure. Where farmers find k i i ka l apurel (Ageratum conygides)146, they normally do not cultivate147. Mulch and fire will eliminate k i i kal apurel. Other grasses which indicate that land should be put into or left in fallow are pompa lsgst ere148 on the dantaar i, and fofie col l i149 on dont aari or dunk i ire lands. On ngesa land, j anja l I i mm and kebe(§1g_e_n$_§p_.)15° are indicators of good land. Land where f ugu l u (Walla) grows is considered to be good land. Even land where puki (WW) grows tall with strong heads is considered good, especially dant aar i land. In addition to f ugu lu (flypgggegia Lute), other grasses that indicate good land are t imel15‘, ksrke (Paniggm §2-). and j oban152. These grasses, known as ”bush grasses“, indicate that land is ready to be taken from fallow. Kud‘i j i ga153 land is good for rice. Tunn i154 land is good for rice but also for sorghum and f ofie. On the dantaar i, one may find pot s, a white material that appears to be a fungus. If present, grasses or a crop will sprout but not develop well. 1""‘Scientific name not available. 145Also Pennisetum sgbanggstatum. 146K i lka l apure l means "old man's small hairs", which are generally white. ThlS refers to the flower of this plant which is white. . nd 147l