‘ A > l...» '4‘ “' :‘ x.II.V“ ‘ ...:-"".3.‘, _‘~ ‘1 ‘ j ,' ' ",1" J - -'-.' m‘; :{5 ”*SWyw , ' ‘ ~ ‘ -- ‘ .' j. ° ‘E- .- ._ ;’ ‘-' .‘11‘1 “Hum . _‘ .I.. ‘ 7A ‘ ;, , ‘ KM .m-zg‘.‘ u-,.~‘-- y \ ~ . - v‘( n 9.7:- .l 5h r - z. ’. c4» " “my. . . 3 . . .. . 1 . x ‘ 4‘ ‘ _ . ' . . um" ‘ ‘ g .. . )Li"; . I ‘ '- -' ‘ ~‘Z"‘“”’i7“=.~ .a.";\"[ . ~ .~, M' "‘:.‘:V: '. ‘,~ ‘ --- _ ‘ l .. ‘; .g?¢’§tiai.&'1;zx‘.;1““ M’b- ~: , - . 9.,” ” ‘i‘fiflsfi ‘ '47;ng Jay-Q." - w ,-v — .- - ”L,” L-.. 40 .av ”v" — c mrv .r ‘7‘ 9.... ““h I‘- u.' n .\ §;_‘ 1 W.) t; '3‘ ‘1 i}? ’43“, 514K“. 4. t: ’1!" ::"'ivl§r;g£ ‘ QT-lgiz' :13" ' t'c'w Vfiihk saw; ‘ v—v . _ A V a!» r w- ' a:/ I «4 4. u “a "y‘r‘tzfi; ‘\-T':‘-'itr§'i:és" _ “hutaskm 2‘. -_ 1w ' J .. :I‘TI ' V ‘ s. “in“ ,1» m ; . . km: ‘ “Q: ‘ ' gil $ng t . H A - . N Ffifih? . ‘Effi‘fi The HP» 122%“ & ,.. ‘.,- ~45- .-.. . Y .1.” no '1: .s:~ ' . "I‘- ,.,.. - {VFW ' . fi’lf 1...... ”a a #4 u . J‘Hflj’ W 70'?" ‘1 CV? . I t v,” ‘ ,1. 4 .’ ‘ . an iv -| .- L " :4_t§L 1' l, ' M! in “1?" 3.} p.0- 0?“ . a." fi,,:z"-.- a.-. - r'u' -_‘! fr.“ ' ’Z.- A . v”- .r' J ‘ . m _,..,.. x ’i?’ - ‘ ! "Jr-r "p-w vuy A r-o- -u- _ .r: a... :;n~uv' .. on par -« _ '.. ~—, ‘, - . 7' ix . :h‘th Q‘ . - i: ‘ T2 1) 3 h‘. ' {b' x . .‘- . ._\ "'3" " F» ' FRI ‘ " ' ' ~ 2|. Rial?“ l {U‘ W” H" ' ; fl ’, I ' ‘ ' i ‘ ) 5,» ‘ v 'z. 'u.~ I knuimm - Ea. , w .. it?! $39134- .rggm L 5 .- l ~ ' s v, ‘ _ - ’ ‘1'“. . .‘¥-. "1‘ -‘ ‘-'L.-.xH’-.-‘ ..‘ 2.," -'~__v \?|.‘-.;ug- ! . ‘ . t; - \ ‘yu . ‘ A. ‘ .'=" ',14-!,. 3-,. z ' ‘ 4 Sn ,.-;;4;a.~ugu , I 5' D ,» loi‘ ‘ r ,i § 3 H' . .l ' ; 11.53 1». €25 ..y« . .. .f’t .!Sf.";*rf“" '; _ .. k __.v-,.~. .- ,..' , ,.... .,. ' . I,r. ._, .N‘ via. {a _ r . Lu 9’- D’; AA. .' ‘3 Eb“; \ I ‘ 4‘ A y ,uyu 37¢: ‘ . t ‘ x .-...A . " ’3- wp...’ rp_. .‘b‘ “rm-‘fi'fl‘ 5 K l.‘ ML??? - on- 1:: -c ~.- m ..-—o Y‘Fr 0&1? s 'iiafifeéi Wasfisve IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIlIIl III III III I III 293 00692 4579 LIBRARY Michigan State University This is to certify that the thesis entitled The Chinese Concept of Ch'i in Somatization presented by Linfeng Pan has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for M.A. degree in Anthropology mm 043A Magor professor Date 340/41/98? 0-7639 MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before due due. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE MSU Is An Afflrmdive Action/Equal Opportunity Inetitmlon «Wm: THECHINESECDNCEPI'OFQ-I'I IN SCNATIZATION LinFengPan A THESIS submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTEROFARI'S Department of Anthropology 1989 “W "-¢ ii 5:) Q) ABSTRACT THE CHINESE mNCEPI‘ OF CH'I IN SWIZATION By LinFengPan Affective disorders are not only universal psychophysiological processesbutalsoascomponerrtsof irdigermssysteusofmerrtal illnesswhichhavetheirowninternalstructurearflcoherence. The indigenous urrierstanding of somatization in Chinese culture can be fully grasped through the study of important native concepts. Based on foundational Chinese medical texts (especially the m Ti Nei gm Su Wen, or The Yellow Mrs Classic of Internal Medicine), and the worksof contemporary eyqaertsindiinese medicine (such as Liu Yanchi, Unschuld, Porkert and others), the thesis introduces the critical concept of Ch'i, and analyses its role in contributing to the underlying mechanism of the sanatized pattern of mental illness construction in Chinese society. ‘Ihe analysis is accomplished by treatingtheconceprtofCh'iasacoresymbolwhichactstoweave cosmological, medical, psychowltural and social dimensions into a symbolic network. 'Ihis symbolic network functions to channel dysphoric affects into physical disorders; hence emotional and cognitive orientations response together to organize beliefs, feelings, values, expectations that lead to scmatized illness experience . To my professor L‘R.JUDYHJGH iii AW It is my pleasure to affirm my gratitmde to the professors whose instructions and influence played an important role in shaping this paper. Dr. Judy Pugh, being my major professor, guided me along a special path in medical anthropology and cross-cultural studies, no words of thanks can suffice. IamnostindebtedtoDr. AnnMillard for her efforts in helping me with organizational issues, which resulted in the emergence of the conceptual framework in this paper. Special thanks goes to Dr. Barbara Rylko—Bauer as she provided critical commentaries in large portions of the manuscripts which pushedmetoprdoeissuesIcmldnothaveotherwise. Inparticular, I wishto acknowledgemydebt to Dr. Arthur Kleirunanwhosepertinent opinionshelpedtoerhancethequalityofthefinalcopyofthe manuscripts. More personal debts are owed to Dr. Randolph Wadsworthand Mrs. Sallie Wadsworth, my studies and research work would have been inpossible without their friendship and encwragement as well as their generous sponsorship. Finally, I wish to express my warm appreciation to the two successive Chairpersons, Dr. Bernard Gallin and Dr. Joseph Chartkoff, fortheconstantsupportandguidancelgained fromthemthroughout theyearsduringmystuiyintheDepartmentofAnthropologyat Michigan State University. iv TABLEOFCDNI’EN'I‘S 1. Introduction 2. The concept of Ch'i Section 1. Ch'i in Chinese cosmology Section 2. Ch'i in Chinese medicine Section 3. Ch'i in the construction of the Chinese personality Section 4 . Ch ' i in value orientations and behavioral norms 3. Conclusion Notes Bibliography 11 19 31 45 54 57 59 IN'IKDIIJCI'ION Sanatization is conceptualized as "the substitution of somatic preoccupation for dysphoric affect in the form of complaints of physical symptom and even illness" (Kleinman 1980: 40). Kleinman (1980, 1986; and Lin 1981) points out, as do others (Team 1975), that many Chinese are inclined to express their affective disorders in terms of physical disorders. The work of Kleinman and other scholars on the topic of somatization in Chinese society besides providing considerable insights into an interesting cultural pienomenon, has explored the underlying psychological mechanisms and pathological structure of this culturally sancticmed manifestation of affective disorders. Affective disorders are not only universal psychophysiological processes presenting as culturally specific symptons, they can also be described according to indigenous systens of mental illness which have theirownintenialcdierencewithreferencetopsydioculturalarfl social dynamics as well as pathological structure. Although much has already been learned about sanatization in Chinese society, a thorough exploration of the internal structure of satiatization among Chinese in ternsoftheirriigenousconceptualframeworkhasyettobecarried out. Hanover, the indigenous Imderstarding of sanatization among Chinesecarmotbefullygraspedmflesssanekeynativeconceptsare studied, and their meaning and synbolic structure explored. 1 2 'Ihepurposeofthispaperistoirrtroduceonesuchimportant indigerms concept, "Ch'i", and to analyze its role in shaping and channeling somatically constructed illness experience. This is accatplished by treating Ch'i as a core symbol which acts to weave cosmological, medical, psychomltural and social domains of Chinese society into a symbolic "final common pathway" (Carr 1978). It is intended that this analysis will contribute to the identification of the relationship between the concept of Ch'i and psychoscmatic terriencyindiinesecmlture,andsuggestdirectionsforfirbare research work. ‘IHE (INCEPI‘OF (Ii'I If one looks up the word "mun ) in the (‘ninese-D'lglish dictionary, one will find that it can mean breath, vapor, vital fluid, energy, anger, health, steam, air, weather and the unseen life force, etc.. 'Ihecorneptofcr'ihaspervadedthechineselanguageand mlmreandbecateatthesanetinethenostenigmaticardthenost inportant word in all aspects of daily life. In her work "W Master' the Unseen Life Foroe", Siou (1973: 9-10) provides us with various meanings that are associated with the concept of Ch'i. For example, Ch'i is an essential concqat in Taoism where the doctrine holds that by cultivating the Ch'i in one's own body, one can achieve longevity. When the character Ch'i is carbined with other characters toformanavmrdMas"Erd1'i"( ),thenitmeansthedouble original foroe of YinandYang. Apersonisbelievedtobecarposed of three (11 ' is: the principal corstitnrtion, the original constitution and the spiritual constitution. In the social danain, "Ch'i" means manner, style, disposition, taperament and it has wide implications in every sphere of human endeavor. Thus, the ability to write good articles is associated with "Wen ch'i" ( ), the "sdiolarly disposition" . A distinctive quality of "brush control" which is supposed to be possessed by a good calligrapher is called "Bi ch'i" ( ). Moralcourageor integrity iscalled "9.1 ch'i" ( ). Eyen for the average person, a proper understanding of his natural capacity 4 Whid'l resilts in tolerance, "Ch'i liang" ( ), is needed for him to be able to deal with people (Siou 1973: 9-10) . In the classics of Chirese medical literature, Ch'i is not a metaphorbutapiysical reality. 'Ihereareat leastthirtytwotypes of Ch'i (Porkert 1974: 168) whichmove inandoutofthermmanbodyin acorstantflux. Itsstrengtharrinotimcanbedetectedby diagnosticmethodsandits regular flowcanbemaintainedandrestored by specific treatment (Kaptchuk 1983: 37) . IQeinman has drawn attentiontodi'iasaninportantnedicalconceptinfliem'derstarding of one major form of mental illness among Chinese — neurasthenia. He points out that "weakness and loss of energy (exhaustion), which are usuallythoughtofastheessenceofneurasthenia, arekeysymptansin traditional Chinese medicine, where they relate to lack or blockage in the flow of qi (Ch'i) and inbalance between Yin and Yang" (Kleinman 1986: 54). Nevertheless, although this concept has frequently been encountered in medical and philosophical literature and has occasimally appeared in articles and papers on the subject of sanatization among Chinese, its role as a core synbol in relation to theneaningarricauseofthesanatizedpattemofmentaldisordershas never been systematically studied in an anthropological context. An investigation needs to be carried out, not only of the role of Ch'i in Chinesemedicine, butalsoofthefunctionofdi'iasacore synbol in Chinese culture. Beforeenbarkinguponastudyofthestatusofm'iasacore synbol , it is helpful to review sane anthropological literature 5 concerning core synbols in general. Ortner (1973: 1338-1339) has publishedapaperonkey (core) symbolswhereshetracesthehistory ofthewayinwhichcertainkeyelements intheculturalsystemhave caught the attention of anthropologists and how this has developed into the notion of the key symbol in anthropological analysis. She hasraisedthequestionofhowtorecognizethekey (core) synflool, and provides methodological approaches for this. According to her, the key status of core synbols is indicated primarily by their recurrence "in many different contacts" and "many different symbolic danains" (1973: 1939). Good (1977: 38-39) sets out the criterion for the recognition of acoresymbol. Hestetes thatcore syubol "gathertheirpowerand meaning"bycmbiningasetofdiversesynbolsorphermenaarrl camdensingtlmintoasingleconcept. Suchaconceptcaninvokea syubolic network which "niobilizes in social interaction and is deeply integratedintothemltmralardsocialstrucmreofthesociety" (1977: 54). Good (1977: 38) also argues that a core symbol attains its status through its quality of polysemy, which is, by Fox's definition, "the property of a synbol to relate to a nultiple range of other synbols" (Fox 1975: 119). ItisarguedherethattheChineseconceptofCh'i fitsverymll into the methodological framework set out by Ortner, and its core synbol status can be signaled by its appearances in different linguistic situations and symbolic systems, as has been described in theprecedingparagraph. Moreover, theoonceptofoi'ialsomeetsthe criterion suggested by Fox and Good (the attainment of the polysanic 6 quality. It brings together various aspects of Chinese society and condenses all the different realities into a single concept, thus fornulating a synbolic network. 'Ihis symbolic network accounts for variaismlturalphencxnenaofwhidrthecmlturalterdencyof sanatization in Chinese culture is one. Evidence in support of the recognition of the core symbol status of Ch'i will be presented in later sectiors. Regarding the classification of core symbols, Ortner (1973) suggeststhattherearetwokirdsofcoresymbols—twoextranes, in fact, of the Continuum of synbols. ‘Ihe "smmarizing symbol" is used to represent or "stand for" an idea or a state of affairs, which already pre-exists, while the "elaborating synbol" has the capacity to act as a framework for analysis and developmnt of those ideas. If this classificatory system is applied to the concept of Ch'i, then it is davious that the concept of Ch'i is an elaborating core symbol with great analytical power, which provides "a set of categories for conceptualizing other aspects of experience, or, ...formulate(s) the unity of cultural orientation underlying many aspects of experience, byvirtue ofthefactthatthosemanyaspectsofexperiencecanbe likened to it" (Ortner 1973: 1339-1340). On a different level, the functioning of the concept of Ch'i also has to be analyzed. ‘Ihe question that should be dealt with is not mlywhethertheconceptofdi'ihasbeenadoptedasacoresymbolin Chirneseculturebutifso, why. 'Ihatistosay, interestinthe concept of Ch'i lies not only in the recognition and classification of itasacoresynbol,butalsointhewayinwhichthose1mique 7 characteristics of the concept of Ch'i sustain the possibility of its acting as a core symbol. The first of such characteristics is concreteness. For the Chinese, Ch'i is not a metaphor that "stands at one renove frcm 'the real world'" (Rosaldo 1980: 21) only to give rise to interpretive reflections without substantial content. It is a physical reality thatcanbetested, diagnosedandmanipulated inspecificways andhas beendoctmentedintheclassicnedicaltextsaswellasincorporated intothelaymedical belief systan. 'Iheclinesehaveatendencyto express ideasardtoconceptualizeabmtthemrldthroughconcrete imagesandconcepts. Forexanple, evenforanabstractnotionsuchas "brightness", the Chinese character expressing this notion is composed ofa'Mirdow"( )arda'hm'l"( )initsancientform( ),ard consistsofa"sun"( )anda"moon"( )initsmodernform( ) (Liu, 1962: 15). The reason forthis canbe tracedbackto thenature oftheChinesediaracterbecause "... a script ofthiskindcanmore readily represent concrete objects than it can abstractions" (Bodde 1957: 12). The etymological form of the Chinese written language not only has limited the possibility of recording and passing down abstract ideastothenextgeneration, brtalsoencouragedtheChimse todevelopahabitofusingconcreteimagesardconceptstoorganize their cognitive activities, which has eventually resulted in the lack of vocabulary for the expression of more abstract intrapsydlic feelings. 'Ihus, theconcreteconceptof Ch'i suitstheconcreteway ofthinkingarrielmressinginoiinesewlture, andisanexcellent candidate for the status of core symbol . 8 Second, the concept of Ch'i is a very flexible concept. One author writes, "...it (Cn'i) is capable of producing all that is claimed for it by the Chinese" (Smith 1894: 218). It is well knovm that the Chinese place much stress on classification; in fact, the Chinese word for science (ke xue: ) means literally "classification of knowledge" (Needham and In 1970) . 'Ihe Chinese are particularly keen on numerical categorizing systens (Bodde 1981b: 142): in some of these systars the number of the categories takes priority over the content. Forexample, anextraseason—latesummerwasadded (See 'I‘ablel inp. 58)totheexistingfa.1rseasonstomatd1thefive categories in Chinese medicine which were derived from the Five Elements theory in Chinese cosmology (See section 1). Moreover, it hasbeenpointedoutthattheYin-Yangsysternconsistingoftwo categories had been in severe conflicts with the Five Elements theory encanpassing five categories. However, not until the twentieth century did the two schools stand side by side (Unschuld 1986: 251), resulting in an "and/or" state of affairs. mrthermore, it becanes quite widerstardable why an all-purpose concept is favored as a core synbol to accortmodate all the numerical categories in Chinese philoscphy, cosmology and medicine without running into any difficulties. In this way, the flexibility of the concept of Ch'i enables it to bracket together any categories, even categories embracingdiverse ideasarripherwmena, tocater fortheChinese preference for numerical categorizing systems. Third, according to Chinese philosophy, all things arbraced within the universe form an inseparable unity and stand nutual 9 relation through the never-ending process of change and transformation. In particular, Ch'i is known as the flux of life foroe roving back and forth within the universe. This dynamic quality of Ch'i further legitimizes and justifies its adoption as a core synbol inthat Ch'ican flowbetweentheuniverseandmenaswellas betweenthemiiversearrleveryotherformofexistence, linkingthem coherently together. In the preceding paragraphs, I have surveyed sane specific characteristics of Ch'i and suggested that there is an intrinsic terflercyfortheconceptofdl'itobeadoptedasacoresynbol, because the concrete, flexible and dynamic qualities of Ch'i can serve tocater forthedifferentneedsofclineseculmre, suchasthe preference for concrete expression and concrete thinking, the enrhasis on the numerical categorizing systau, and the needs to legitimize and justify Chinese milosophical principles. Indeed, it is further suggested that the ability to cater for specific needs of a culture is anessentialprerequisite forpossessionbyasymbol oftheproperty of polysauy, and hence is an essential qualification for that synbol to be corsidered a core synbol. Inordertoconductasystematicinquirysuchastheroleofd'i'i in sanatization in Chinese culture, a sizable body of information is newssary. Myattarpttorelateasnuchmaterialaspossibletomy researchinteresthasresultedinawiderargeofsouroesthatwillbe citedinthispaper. 'lbanalyzethefm'ctionofai'iindlinese medicine, materials will be drawn fran foundational Chinese medical texts, especially the 33am Ti Nei gm Su fig; or The Yellow 10 ape—revs Classic of Internal Medicine (206 B.C.-A.D. 220), one of theearliestmedicaltextsinChinawhichhave establishedthemain branches of the Chinese medical tradition, and the works of carterporaryeiqaectsinChinesenedicinesudiasLiuYandii, Utschuld, PDrkertandothers. 'Iherangeofsouroesexpandstoincludelock's stlxiymEastAsiannedicinebecausethecentraldoctrineofChinese medicine preserves mnh of its essence in spite of the fact that it has been adapted to the Japanese setting for over 1,300 years. With a sizable body of information fran a wide range of sources available, one can now analyze how the polysanic quality of the concept of Ch'i enables it to relate to different aspects in Chinese culture and to form a symbolic network which leads us Wlogically to the shaping and molding of the unique coping strategy, tlmsgivingtestimonytothefull recognitionofsuchacore synbol as Ch'i and to identify the relationship between this core synbol arrl sanatization in Chinese Gilture. For the sake of corlvenieice, this will be treated in four sections: (1) Ch'i in Chinese mlqy: (2) Ch'i in Chinese medicine: (3) Ch'i in Chinese personality construction: (4) Ch'i in Chinese value orientations and behavioral norms. In this way, the four aspects of Ch'i and their corrections with the corresponlingly different realities can be revealed, the core synbol status of Ch'i can be recognized, and the tie between the concept of Ch'i (with its synbolic network) and sanatization in Chinese society, can be identified. SECTION 1. CH'I INCHINIESE CDSIVDILEY 11 Since Ch'i is a corneprt that originated fran cosmological literature, Chinese cosmology is an excellent vehicle by means of whichtoprdaeintotheculturalneaningoftheconceptofm'i. 'Ihis provides an entree to the analysis of the cause of sanatization in the minese culture. Attheoutset, however, itshouldbeurxierstoodthatas elsewhere, theorthodoxthinkingofmineseelitesismtthesaneas the popular opinions held by the majority of the masses. In particular Bodde (1981a: 132-138) points out that the existence of a CreatorGodandapersonal imrortalityhasbeendeniedintheorthodox tradition but ackrmledged in the popular tradition. What will be dismssedinthissectimisprinarilybasedmorthodoocthinkirgata philosophical level, rather than on manifestations in popular tradition. This atheistic tradition of the orthodox thinking, and the concentration of attention by Chinese intellectuals on the concrete, atflleexperseofflieremoteissmunarizedbyconfilciuswhenhesays: "'Not yet widerstanding life, how can you understand death?” (Analects, xr, 11, quoted from Ware 1938). Theimportameattadledbyciinesetotheirinmediate surmrndims, andtheirfeelingstcmardsNatureissarethingwhidi mstbethoroughlyappreciatedinordertomrierstarfidflnese cosmology. For than, the neutral world is not a backdrop for man to performin frontof. Onthecontrary, therelationshipbetweenman ardNatureisoneofnutuality, andthelifeofnan, inall its phases, isinseparablylinkedwithandapartofNature, onalevel with every other form of existence, whether animal or plant, sky or 12 maintain. Manisnotthecreaturethathasthepotentialtoconquer theworldofNature, asheseemstobeintheWesternworld:heis adyaaepartinexistentialdependerneuponthemiverseasawhole. This general feeling towards Nature has beccme the foundation of Chinesecosnology,uponwhichtheagrariannatureof(hinese civilization has been built (Bodde 1981a: 132-3) . Most materials on cosnnlogy cited here are derived from the orthodoxphilosophical literatureandaremainlybasedmtwoofthe major cosmological schools. The first set of materials taken fran the works of Iao Tzu and other Taoist authors obviously belongs to the school of Taoism. According to Bodde (1981c: 239), the Taoist school believes thattheuniverse "is operating inaconstant fluxbutthis flux follows a fixed pattern consisting of eternal oscillation between twopoles." 'IheothermaterialisquotedfrunChangTsai,whoisa Nee-Confucian philosqiher. This school has a viav similar to that of Taoism, though it departs fran Taoism in that Neo- Oonfucianists hold that the pattern of universal movement is not eternal oscillation between two poles, but within a cycle. With this orientation, one can now start to appreciate the origin of Ch'i in the Chinese cosmological literature. Since in the orthodox tradition, a personal creator outside of theuniversedoesnotexist, andtheChinesecosmoshadbeenconceived asaself-contained systan, (asapposedtotheWesterncosmological systanashavingbeencreatedbyasuperiorGod), itispostulated that there mast exist a basic material agent fran which all animate ardinaninatebeingshaveevolved. Therearefourtextsinexistence 13 concerning this, which have been handed down from generation to generation, namely, the Book of Mes, the Book of Histog, the Book 9_f___;Poe_try,_ andTao'Iem’ . 'Ihelastbookwaswrittenbythegreat Chinese Taoist philosopher Iao Tzu (prob. 4th - 3rd centuries B.C.) and in it he has developed some cosmological ideas to their fullest extent: In the Beginning there was chaos, Absolute Void. Out of it, as time took place, there evolved the Great Absolute. Therein is carbined the double basis of metaphysical and of material being. In its creative aspect, the Great Absolute is a metaphysical principle, the Way of Life, the Tao, fran which all ideas within the universe were fashioned. Gradually, Prime Matter evolved and divided into two parts.‘Iherearethetwocosmicforms,YinYi( )andYangYi ( ) the negative and the positive principles of the universe. The gross and heaviest part, Yin, was precipitated and became earth. The finer, lighter part, Yang, became sublimed and formed heaven. These two, Yin and Yang, are the regulative forces that form, by their union and interaction, both the soul ard material basis of the universe" (time 1940: 17, s1mmarizing the Tao Te m‘ ). The preceding citation describes very concisely the cosmogony of theuniverseasperoeivedbythedlinese, accordingtothisview, after the original state of chaos (Absolute Void), the metaphysical principle (Great Absolute), the abstract rule governing the universe ameared, followed by Prime Matter (the material principle) . It seats thatPrimemtteristhatveryprineagentwhidiisbeingswgnt. Mile insufficient information exists to give a very clear pictmre of itsnature, onecanspeculateonthequalityofsucha firstmaterial agent, basedontheinformationfranseveralsouroes. Accordingto Wins, "a Taoist priest denied that creation was God's act and maintainedthat itwasthatact ofthematerialagentwhidiiscalled Ch'i, awordmeaningaverypureformofmatter, andwhichwasthe creator of things" (Edkins 1984: 110). The same kind of understanding 14 has been famd in the work of Zhuang Tzu (ca. 369 - ca.286 B.C.), a disciple of Iao Tzu, as he states that "all thraigh the universe, there is one Ch'i and therefore the sages prized that unity" (quoted fran Needham 1956: 76). Ch'i, then, was the basic material agent— the so called "prime matter", art of the evolution of which there came the manifestation of Ch'i - Yin-Yang principles, which, taken together, are all inclusive. Yang is in the form of ascending Ch'i, represerting light, heat, health, strelg‘th, activity and masculinity: Yin is in the form of descending Ch'i, represerting darkness, coldness, disease, death, passivity and femininity. 'Ihraigh the interplay and interaction of these two principles, the five primary elements cane into being: fire, water, earth, woodandmetal. Amongthem, fireistheessenceof Yang, wateristheesse'rceonin, andtherenainingthreeelenents arecarbinations invaryingdegreeonanganinn. Theseelenents in theirturntmiteanirelmitetoproduceeverythinginthelmiverse (Veith 1949: 13-18) . This subdivision systen of Yin-Yang systen, which is referred as the Five Elenents theory, further explains the myriad of things in the universe. Itisinportanttomfierstarflthatthenatureofdl'iis certainly more than being the basic material agent. Schiffeler (1979: 286) points out that in the state of primal, spiritual quintesserne (Tao or the "Way"), the celestial justice (Ti'e'i-li: ) blends with the spiritual aspect of Ch'i, "an animate, ethereal principle conceptualized as a vapor". Mahdihassan (1982: 272) further argues abartthespiritualaspectofCh'i. HeanalyzestheChineseconcept 15 of blood soul and traces art its relation with Ch'i. It is considered that this magical substance, the blood sail, is originated from Ch'i. He concludes that "As I-Ch'i, the One-Sail, the cosmic—sail, it finally became IK-Si—R, Iksir or Elixir, an agency capable of tramforminganoldperson intoayarthandabasemetal intogold." Thus, m'irerainedtheesseiceofl'mmanbeingsarricosrtos, "bynature refined matter, and by function, creative energy" (lhhdihassan 1982: 272) . Johnson (1928: 45) also informs us that "the general term Lien- Ch'i (the art of proper breathing) signifies transrmting the breath, indicating that the breath (Ch'i) was being tranemlted into soul substance (of the individual whose life was prolonged thereby) ". Thus, this Ch'i, "wt1en assimilated, waild add years and increase the lifespan. It is like a patient receiving a blood transfusion and therefore having his life prolonged. At a certain age, the greatest concern of human beings is to have life prolonged and certain people haveconcentratedalltheirenergytotrapCh'i, thersmicSoul. TheirattetptsarebasedonthehypothesisthatCh'iexistsinthe atmosphere and that Ch'i is the Creative Energy" (Mahdihassan 1982: 273). The conviction that is expressed here is that the Prime Matter, which is Ch'i, consists of both the basic material agent and spiritual context. In this interpretation of the cosmogeiic sdleme, the difficulty can be surmarized in the form of a question: haw can the PrimeMatterconsist ofthespiritual content? Inordertoanswer this question, an irdigeaais understanding of the terms "spiritual content"or"sall" isnecessary. ForanativeChinese, sail isnotan 16 abstractthingasaWesternpersonperceives,ardtheterm"Prine Matter" (Ch'i) usedinTaoTeflg’ doesnothavetoexcludethe possibility of its consisting of spiritual contert. This has already beenshambythefactthattheairapersminhalescanbetransmrted intosailsubstance. Inthiscase,"air"ard"sarlsubstance"are different forms of (h'i at different stages, and can both be considered matter. In the sane manner, both material aspect and spiritnialaspectcanbedenonstratedintheformofemergy. Regarding thispoint, itisproposedthat Mahdihassan's explanationabartCh'i canbeusedasanaccesstothemrierstandingofthetwofmrianental interchangeable forms of Ch'i. Hearguesthat Ch'iismatter-am- erergy,andonlywhenwemrierstarri(h'iasbothmatteranieergy, canweattrihrtethesairceofallmacrocosmandmicrocosmtom'i. Inthiswaydl'icanbereasonablyconsideredthesairoeofall creationswhetheritbeintheformofrrattersuchaswater,plantor man, orintheformoferergysuchasheatandlight (Mahdihassan 1982: 272-273). BeforewebegintointroduceanotheraspectofCh'i,itshalld benotedthatsarenaterialsdisaissedbelavregardingthedeathof IaoTzuandthecreatimoftheworldbasedmhis"cosmoge1icbody", certainly do not represent the atheistic tradition of the orthodox thinking. I-kmever, these mterials are still cited because such mythological legends serve as an allegory for the cosmogony etbodied intreformofammanbeing,ardthestoryreflectssaueelerentsof the orthodox tradition which have permeated into the popular tradition, partiailarly regarding the function and nature of Ch'i. 17 Withtheperspsctivewhichhasbseidevelopsdabalttheconcept of Ch'i, it can be further argued that the differentiation of Ch'i is not only the origin of birth, but the origin of death, because only after the death of the physical body can the Ch'i that originally was cartainsdwithintleirflividual'sbodybereleassdanishapsdintoa new being. The differertiation of Ch'i is also the origin of creation, which is inplied in the myth of Iao Tzu (Schippsr 1977: 359) . It is recorded that after his death, the creation of the world cane art of the trareformation of his body. "Iao Tzu transformed his body. Hislefteyebscartethesun, hisrightsysthemoon,hishead the Kun-lun mountain, his beards the plants and the heavenly mansions, his bone dragons, his flesh quadrupsds, his bowels snake..." A parallel case is the death of another mythological figure, Pan-kn, as " the creation thraigh the transformation of the world" also took place after he had died (Schipper 1977: 359, citing fran Hiao Tao LL13)- It is also worth nentioning that Chang T‘sai (1020-770), a neo- Oonfucian philosopher, says that "the ertirs universe consists only of Ch'i, which, however, undergoes alternating phases of dispersion and condensation. In its state of dispersion it is invisible and intangible and is then knam as the Great Void. At that time, therefore, there is only the Ch'i as such, but no organized world of discrete objects. But, with the condensation of the Ch'i, such a world canes into being, only to suffer dissolution, however, at which timstheCh'i againdispersesandrevertstoits fornerstate" (Ring 1953: 497). 18 WecanconcludethatinTaoism, theconceptofCh'iismany— faceted and includes the following different aspects: (1) its original neaning as the all-beaming and all-performing Cosmic Sail: (2) its role as the basic material agert as well as spiritual agent: (3) its function as an agency for transformation and creation; (4) its possession of two fundanental interchangeable forms: matter and energy. With such an all-inclusive cosmogsnic concept the central contradiction between the polarity of a Yin-Yang systen and the Chirese idea of the ordering and harmonizing of the world are smoothly resolved, and the cosmological eiviroment is made sense of for the Chinese people. In Neo-Oonfucianism, not only has the coroept of Ch'i retaired all its inherited properties fran the Taoist cosmology, but it has also gained a new dimension. For example, its origin and extinction has been theoretically related to the Great Void, thus the charging cycle has been described as: Great Void -> condensed Ch'i -> all beings (through the five phases of the five elements) -> dispersed Ch'i -> Great Void. With this cyclical formla, use of the corrosptofcl'iwasabletonediatethecmflictbemesnanever- changing universe and a world of equilibrium, thus legitimizirg the rationality of the new ee-elogical school. As far as the nature of thisconcsptisconcerred, thecyclical fornulanaybsregardedasa fifth aspect of Ch'i, to carplete the description of the many-faceted nature of Ch'i. WhatnakesthestudyoftheoriginofCh'isoessentialisthat this origin provides the cosmological baclcgramd for us to understand itsrolsasacoresynbolinotherdinensionsofChinesearlturesmh 19 as the nedical dimension, psychoailtural dimension, and social dimension. It is the role that Ch'i plays in these different dinensions of the synbolic network associated with (11' i that gives rise to the cultural caistruction of affective disorder- sanatization. Since, according to the Chinese, all riaemena of maocoenicdinensionsareintercom'ectsdwiththossofthe microcosmic, then cmi, which is the agent erbodying both material and spiritual elerents in the scenes, shalld also operate within the individual organism. Because of its dynamic and all-pervading nature, the contributia': of Ch' i to the fomllatia'i of social values and behavioral norms, tothestructureoftheChireseconsciarsnessand demiresemtimofthecoretitlentsofpersaihood, andtoits manifestation in the nedical danain as a tendeicy of sanatization, is considerable and profarnd. SEXII'ICN 2. (3'1 IN CHINEE MEDICINE Given the cosmological origin of (11' i and illustrations of its nauirepresentedintheprscsdingdisaissim, itisproposedherethat the Chinese corcsptualization of the role that Ch'i plays in the medical spereisaninportantvariableinmiderstarrlingthealltural tendency of sanatization. Particularly, if we consider that for most native Chinese, Ch'i is a real phenansnml whose physical reality is an unquestioned part of the world view. Oarntless generations of hen andwome'lwereborn, grewupanddisdinthefoldofChiressculture whosediverserealitieshavebsenwoveiintoacatplexwholebystxha medical concept as Ch'i. 20 Unschuld (1985: 72) informs us that "the concept of Ch'i was used extensively in the third and second centuries (B.C.)... its meaning included related ideas and phenrena such as 'that fills the body,‘ 'that means life,‘ 'breath,‘ and 'vapor,' in general, such as claids inthesky, oreven 'wind'. Asearlyasthelateciouorbeginningof Han periodz, substance of tangible matter was believed by at least one author to consist of dispersible finest vapor, designated with the term Ch'i". Asaconsequsncs, Chinesenedicine,whichhasadoamented history of abart 2000 years, has transferred cosmological Wide toitsavnsphereardhasdevelopsdintoanedicineofeergeties these theoretical principles are based on the coricept of Ch'i and its related theory of the Yin and Yang doctrine (Unschuld 1985: 69, Fisch 1973: 99). Chinese medicine maintaire that: (1) Ch'i is the biological substance as well as the dynamic force manifestedinvariarseergeticrhaseswithinttemnnanbody (Yinand Chang 1983: 55-57) . (2) Ch'i performs various important functions in the body, such as (a) the dynamic function of activating physicochemical and mental processes: (b) thewarmingfmctiarofmaintainingthemrmal terpsrature in the body; (c) the protective function of resisting entry of pathological agents into the body; (d) the retaining function of maintaining the circulation of the blood within the veins and of preventing excessive discharge of bodily fluids: and (e) the transformative function of maintaining netabol ical activities within 21 the body (Yin and charg 1983: 55). (3)01'1 is the ultimate paraneter in the diagnostic process. (4) Manipulation of Ch'i is the major mode of access for therapeutic intervention to achieve a healing effect. Thethirdardfarrthpointsintheprecsdingparagraphare extremely importantinunderstandingtherelatiambstweemthemedical concept of Ch'i and the samatic orientation among the Chinese, and these aspects are illustrated belav. Chinese medicine maintains that a disease manifests itself in the imbalance of Yin and Yang in the body, or, alternatively, the improper circulation": of Ch'i (Yin and Chang 1983: 102). Means exist for assessing these criteria on the basis of physical observations, giving rise to two diagnostic paradigms. Referringtothefirstofttesetmdiagnosticparadigms—ths imbalance of Yin and Yang in the body, Porkert (1974: 167-174) amarizes that there are "more than a dozen basic forms" of Ch'i and that "well over two dozens accessory forms" have beer mentioned in the Chinese medical literature. These different types of Ch'i can be viewed as different parts of Ch'i which carry art different functions or act at difth stages. They are geerally classified into two categories: the "constructive and configurational" form of Ch'i and the "active and erergetic" form of Ch'i, the former being assigned the quality of Yin and the latter the quality of Yang, in accordance with the Yin-Yang theory. AstrareformatimoninandYangintoeadiotheristhebasic motimoftIeYin-Yangsystem,thewaxingardwaningonindi'iand 22 Yangdl'irepresertthequantitativsdiangeintheYinardYang aspects of the body (Liu 1988:I: 36), therefore, the Yin-Yang system can be understood in terms of the oscillating quality of Ch'i, and the imbalanceof YinandYangcanbeboileddamtoaproblenof improper distributia'r of different parts of Ch'i. The second diagnostic paradigm - the improper circulation of Ch'i -- is based on the follaving conceptual framework. In classical tertsdr'iissaidtomovsaramrithebodyinaprescribedrarts thralgh twelve Ch'i channels called meridians, each of them being related with one of twelve primary organs. For example, the Yang eergy starts fram the kidneys, after arriving at the liver, it procesdstotheeyesinordertoreachtheYangareabeforefinally emerging at the surface in the so-callsd Tai Yang area3. The Yin eergy originates fram digestion and is absorbed by the spleen; "it flowstothelungswhereitjoiretheCh'ifrancosmos (air). Fran thelungstthinenergyheadstowardsthefirstpointofths meridianic cycle" (Fisch 1973: 100). It is postulated in Chinese medical literature that normal physiological activity in the body requires that (h'i move hanmoniaisly in variais directions4 to carry art variais physiological functiore. Nevertheless, imbalance walld arise due to (1) stagnation of Ch'i (Ch'i is blocked in a particular location); (2) rebellion of Ch'i (Ch'i moves upwards excessively); (3) sinking of Ch'i (Ch'i moves dowrmard excessively); (4) leakage of Ch'i (Ch'i cannot be properly retained irside the body); (5) depression of Ch'i (Ch'i stays inside thebodywithouttheproper accesstavardstheexterior). (Yinand 23 Charo 1983: 56) . All the above forms of improper simulation of Ch'i can result in an insufficient input of one type of Ch'i and excessive input of the opposite type, thus developing improper distribution of Ch'i in the body. The two diagnostic paradigms that have been discussed so far, the imbalance of Yin and Yang and the improper movetent of Ch'i would both affect the distribution of Ch'i, and would thus be expected to affect the normal biochemical and physiological patterns of the body (the balance of Yin and Yang in the body). Inharmoniais distribution of Ch'i would in turn influence the natural circulation of Q'l'i. Therefore, the ultimate parameter underlying both the two paradigms is thsconcsptofCh'i. Ifanyabnormalchangeoccursinanyofthe aspects of Ch'i within the body, whether it be a problem regarding the distribution of Ch'i or the circulation of Ch'i, the person in question waild be considered as a patient. As a result, the diagnostic plane in Chinese medicine has became a very important link between its pathological theories and its therapeutic theories. Once again, Ch'i, as the core medical concept in the diagnostic process, plays the key role in unifying the working of Chinese medicine in terms of its transference of psychological pathology onto its physical plane, so that it may be treated with the same methods that are used to combat physical disorders. According to The Simoneis of the Golden Chamber, written by the famous physician Zhang Zhongjing in the third century (A.D.), pathological theory in Chinese medicine proposes that disease etiology shalld be divided into three categories: (1). the exogenals 24 pathogeetic factors, (2) the e'dogenous pathogeetic factors, and (3) the reittrerecogenars—ror—erriogerars factors. The first category includes the six excesses (wind, cold, heat, dampress, dryness, fire) whidrareusedwithrefererestoseasonaldiseass. Thesecond category contains seven emotions (joy, anger, sadness, pensiveness, grief, fear, fight) which are considered to be the sarros of internal disorders. The third category refers to the pathogeetic factors arch as pestilence, injury and life style. (Liu 1988:I: 143-159, summarizing fram 1m Wis of the Golgg Chamber). Navadays, Chinese practitioners tend to classify pestilence and injury into the first category, and irregular diet or excessive sexual practice into the second (Liu 1988:I: 160). It is important to note that tle min-categorized pathological classification (epidemic and ssasanal disease versus emotional disorders) in the theoretical framework does not run in parallel with the tterapertic classification in which all types of treatment are carried art on the physical plane, whether it be medicinal tterapy, acuprmcture, moxibustion, massage, respiratory therapy or remedial exercises. However, this didntomy between the pathological classification and the therapeutic classification, partiarlarly between psychological disorder and physical treatment, can be managed and mediated by the following medical treories as well as belief systems. First, theimportance attachsdtothebodydemonstratsdinthe psyd'oculturaldamain (whichwillbsdisarssedintrenextssction), isalsoabasiccon'oeptimintremedicalsphers. TheChinesebelieve 25 thatmerelytalking (asthepsychoanalystdoes) willnotremovethe symptans and cure the affective disorder. It is trkmght that only wtenthebodyiswellnourishedandallthebodily functiorsarewell mairrtairedcanthemindperformits functionswell, sothatthearre of psychological disorder should take place on the physical plare. Second, accordingto atable (see Table 1 inp. 58) mm Nei gm Su Wen (Veith 1949: 21), the body organs and the psychological pathogens such as anger, joy, grief, etc., are classified into the same system (the physical system), and closely relatedtosadrother. Forearmpleangerisconsideredas associating with the liver, joy with the heart and grief with the lungs, etc.. Therefore, it is thought that if treatment can be applied to the corresponding organs, tte psychological disorder caused by those seven erotions can be cured. Third, sirosalinesemedicireisamedicine'whidmemdeavorsto resolveproblsms oflmmmanlealthanddiseaseonttebasisofcr'i (Fisch 1973: 99), thus, in the diagnostic process, all the pathological , physiological , biod'remical and psychological conditions should be interpreted in terms of Ch'i and its related categories Yin and Yang. For example, in the case of neurosis, the disease (illness) entity is interpreted as (1) insufficiency of Ch'i and blood caused bymental strain, (2) disharmrmyoftleheartandkidreyscaussdby protracted illness that leads to consumption of kidney Yin, (3) deficiency of heart Ch'i and gallbladder Ch'i causing agitation of the mind, and (4) upward flaring of liver firs (associated with excessive Yang Ch'i in the liver) because of mental depression, etc. (Liu 26 1988:II: 330-331). This isbecausethepathologicaltheoryinciinesemedicineis built on a conviction that the pathological factor affects the body through the medium function of am'i. For example, it is believed that the exogenous factor of dampess is a Yin pathogeretic factor, and is therefore apt to act on Yang Ch'i before it affects tl'e functicm of spleen. Referring to endogenous factors, "Treatise on Abrupt Pain" in HL_Jang Ti Nei Chm Su Wen states that "...rage causes Ch'i to flow upward; joy allows Ch'i to be relaxed; grief produces dejected Ch'i: terror causes Ch'i to descend; fight drives Ch'i to disorder: and pensivmess makes Ch'i stagnant", thus leading to the impairment of the liver, heart, lungs, kidneys and spleen respectively (Liu 1988:I: 150—159) . ‘Ihus, the important medium role of on in the pathological theories sets a firm theoretical ground for the establishment of the interpretiveftmctionofCh'iintrediagnosticardtherapeutic interventim. IIlewayinwhicflisuchaninterpretiveprocedurelinksthe etiological and tier-apartic poles of the theoretical framework can alsobem'rierstoodbyooreideringtlecontrastbetweenfleholistic amroadmofdfinesemedicireincmparisonwiththatofWestern medicire. Western medicine, with its technological bias, particularly the antiseptic method derived from modern bacteriology, stresses the elimination of the pathogeretic invader or the removal of specific symptoms by "direct" therapeutic interventions (Croizier 1968: 234) . Ontheotterhand, inChiresemedicire, thechangestakingplaceinan individual's body are ccmsidered to be influenced by the erergetic 27 preoess of the cosmos with the regulation of Ch'i, and the emphasis becamesaeofmaintainingtealthardbalareeratterthanof attacking particular pathological factors . Hence, identification of a specific disease entity is not considered sufficient. "A search is made for a patternofeventsthatcouldhaveallowedthepatienttobeccme vulrerable to the specific cause of disease" (Lock 1980: 9). Indeed, holistic therapeutic intervention can be possible only when the diagnostic interpretation is acoatplished and the symptams and causes ofadiseaseareinterpretedintermsofCh'i. In Chinese medicire, psychological pathogenetic factors (abnormal (irrational states) are not treated directly on the physical plaxe. 'Iheyarefirst interpretedintermsofCh'i, ardthenspecificmethods of treatment are adopted to supplement the deficiency of Ch'i, drain tte excess of Ch'i, stimulate or arrest the flow of Ch'i. In this way, tremcvamentofCh'icanberegulatedandbalancecanberestored inthebody. (hoeagain, Qi'ibecamesthemajormodebywhichthe trerapeutic interventim achieves an effective result. 'Ihe following case (quoted fram Liu 1988:II: 341) will illustrate well the traditional therapeutic intervention. gag Female, age 32, first visit on November 4, 1972. History: Because of rage, the patient had suddenly lost consciousress for a few minutes and developed cold limbs and pallor. After the incident, ste camplained of dizziness, feeling of oppression in the chest and hypochcmdria, frequent signing, anorexia, restlessress, insannia, and excessive dreaming during sleep. Diagnosis and treatment: On examination, a thin slimy tongue and tautpulsewereobserved. Itetmiblemstlnxgiittobecausedby adverse flow of vital exergy (Ch'i) due to a depressed liver. It was tlms considered advisable to remove stagnancy of vital etergy (Ch'i) toeasethemind. 'Iteherbadministeredwereasfollcws (thestyleof using capitals is retaired fram the original source): 28 was; Elizoma ggperi Mi s figelicae Sirensis Edix Pagogi ae Alba Egria rm Eu; lariae Resinatum Fructus Aurantii Radix Polmalae m Zizigm' gpinosae Caulis Polygoni Multiflori Herba Menthae (deoocted later) “9000) p.» OSUIOO‘Qw Afterfourdosesweretaken, thefeelingofoppressionintte destandhypodiordriahadalmestdisappeared, urtexoessivedreaming during sleep still remaired. Then 24 grams Condia mitifera Usta were addedto theprescription, whichwas taken fora fewmore days. Upon follow-up four months later, there had no relapse and the patient ' 8 condition had improved markedly. -- From Luo Guojun, Practical 'ti ' c (Shanxi People's mblishing House 1981) , p.328. Asitisslmninthiscasethattl'esematicallyoriented therapeutic principle discussed here is not merely a coping system which managed the situation before psychiatrists existed in China. Indeed, this principle has proved to be effective for curing mental illnessanditisbasedonapmfomdmrierstardingofbody-minitmity as well as psychosomatic medicire. Nowadays, China has its own psychiatrists and mental hospitals, but traditional Chinese medicire and aemeture are extensively used other than Western psychiatric methods (Wang 1983: 299). Meanwhile, such a mique therapeutic principle itself shapes and molds psychoscmatic experience in the way in which it influences the camunicative framework (Kleinman 1981) between the patient and tie doctor. Such a communicative framework, in turn, influences the 29 medical belief systems and explanatory models (Kleinmen 1980) describing psychological disorders among Chinese. In order to establish an explanatory model for the therapeutic interventiontobetakenmttephysicalplareforapatientwho suffers from an affective disorder, the regotiating process has to be carried out within a communicative framework which encourages tle patient to agree upon the explanatory model derived from tre fundamental theory of (hirese medicire and thus accept the samatically oriented treatment. 'Itere are four standard diagnostic methods, namely, observation, listening, pulse-taking and questioning, which a doctor can utilize to achievethisgoal. 'Ihefirsttwodiagnosticmethodsaredesigredto detect tle patient's constitution, geeral state of health, and the related pathogeretic factors with reference to the correspondence systems. For example, the green color, the eyes, tte internal organ liver, tie erdogenous pathogenetic factor "anger", and the exogenous pathogenetic factor "wind" are all classified in the same category (ttewoodcategory) intlecor'reqaondeoesystemttmsifadoctor detects dry eyes, or other eye problem, particularly if there is also ablue-greentingetotletongue, tewouldsuspectthattheliveris affected by eitler 'anger' or 'wind'(Iock 1980: 38). 'Itethirdmethodistl'epalpatimofttepulse. Acoordingtothe W, (The Difficult Issues), a text of the mature medical classic written during the first century A.D., specific data regarding the circulation of Ch'i can be acquired by feeling the pressure of the "influetee-opening" positions located at the wrists (Unschuld 1985: 3O 86). This is the most important method of the four diagnostic techniques, as various qualities of the pulse pressure reveal detailed information of Ch'i as well as the related condition of the internal organs (Wong and Wu 1953: 43-44) the gereral feeling among Chinese is that a good traditionalist physician should be able to reach the diagnosis alote by assessing the diagnostic data obtaired from pulse examination. Basedonthesediagnostictechniquesandhismiderstaroingoftre body-mind relatiorehip and psychosomatic pathology, the doctor then asksquestionscoroerningsensationsanibodyprocessessmzhas perspiration, sleep, appetite and taste, feelings of hot and cold, etc.. This method may help reach a diagnosis, but rarely plays a determining role in the diagrostic intervention (Kaptchuk 1983: 152). It is obvious that altl'nigh on the doctor's part, the specific medicire or therapy is prescribed before the implicit explanatory model has been referred to the psychological condition of the patient, thepatienthasnoacoesstowhatisgoingoninsidethedoctor's mird,anihastreimpressionthattrephysicaldimereionistle primarydimereiminwhidittedisorderseemstohavetakenplace, framwhichthediagrosis isbeingdrawn, andinwhidithetherapeutic intervention is going to take place. Under such circmmstanoes, the negotiatim carried out within a samatically oriented cannmicative framework virtually becares a learning process in which the patient is eroouragedtolearnhowtomonitorthecorrelatesbetweentte ftmcticnaldiangeinthemysicalplareardtleemotionaldmange causedbyintrapsychicoonflicts. Inaddition,helearnshowtousea 31 set of physical symptcns to indicate psychological problems, and how tousetlecorrespamdingintenxalorgareassataticsymbolstoexpress a specific affective disorder (Kleirmman and Lin 1981: 9). In summary, the principle of the samatically oriented intervention based on the medical content of Ch'i has significant impact on the culturally specific ccping response, not only with regards to its interpretive function in the diagrostic interventim, but also by establishing a samatically oriented cotmunicative framework to cultivate the somatic pattern of the psychological disorder. SECTION 3. CrI'I IN'IHECDNS‘IHJCI'ICN OF THECHINESEW Methodologically, inordertostudyttecarporentsoftheChinese construction ofpersonhoodandits relationtotheconoeptof C‘h'i, it isadvantagemstostartwithacatparisambetmeentleChineseani Western perscnality constructs. Although Freudian psychology, which isusedheretoillustratetheWesternpersonalityccnstruct, isnota tteoryacoeptedbyeveryoteintheWest, atleastitcan(1) provide heightsintotrem'derstaniingoftteWesternconoeptofpersaelity inspiteofthefactthatagapbetweenttetleoryarorealityexists, and (2) serveasareferenoepointoryardstickforustoatterptto obtain an objective view of Chinese psychophysiological processes, as tte Chirese tradition is lack of the analytic framework in de psydroomltural domain. IntheWest, destrucmreofmindwasinitiallyca‘oepuxalized 32 by Freld (1900, 1915) as entailing three systems: the unconscious, tie preconscious and tie conscious. The consciousness is the agent of the mildwhic'hisindaargeofimerardouterstimuli.‘ne moonsciousress contains elements that require special efforts to became conscious while the precareciousness contains elements that can easilyreachthelevelofcoreciousness. Thisisknownasthe topographical hypothesis (quoted from Giovacchini 1977: 21). Later on, Freud (1923) postulated another tripartite system lcnown as the structuralhypothesisinwhidmmirdisdividedintoid, egoand superego. Giovacchini (1977) points out that in this Freudian model, the mind is viewed as a hierarchically ordered entity. The "biologically based instincts" (id) at the lower end of the mental spectrum strives to reach tie "internalized moral standard" (superego) atthehighererdofthespectrmmthroughego—"irdividual expression against the more structured reality". He also argued that although Western psychology has developed different personality theories such as "psychoanalysis, rational emotive theory, reality theory, Gestalt theory, Rogerian theory and existential psychology", trese theories are all more or less influenced by psychoanalytic psydlologywhidmisbasedonthef‘reudiantripartitesysten (Giovacd‘lini 1977: 15) . Inontract, "mird"hasbeenconoepmalizedbyttemireseas differing in content from the Freudian model, and their personality construct is closelyconrectedwithChinesetheories ofoosmogonyas wellaswithtteciinesecoroeptoftrebody. Aooordingtom Nei leng' Su Wen, there are five categories in the Chinese personality 33 constructinconosponderoetotteFiveElementsinthecosmological system; theyare fiveoomponentsofthe "mind": shen( ), hun( ), po( ), yi( ), zhi( ) (Veith 1949: 25). Offlefivecatponentsmakinguptheclinesecoroeptof'nird", shenisthemostimportant, yetthenostdiffiallttomderstard, particularly for the Western people. Here it is convenient to use the term "spirit" adopted by Veith, the translator of W Su Wen2 However, there are sate cormotations in "shen" which cannot be caweyed by the English trarelation "spirit" . First, "stern" has same relation to the mental component of the individual, because shen implies "the spirit and the erergy that can be thoroughly understood by lowledge and wisdom" (Veith 1949: 222). Second, "shen" is a concrete "spirit", it may be considered as a type of Ch'i that contributestottetotalstructureoftleindividualpersorality (Porkert 1982: 99). The W states that: "Shen, the configurative foroe, manifests itself as Ch'i -- 'active configurational etergy' in the Heaven (at the active pole of the Cosmos); it constitutes hsing (form: ), 'structive substrates, albstantial bodies' on Earth (at the structive pole of the Cosmos) (Veith 1949: 175). "Shen here exists both as the active and the structiveaspectsoftheOosmos, andoorsequentlymaybesaidto rearesent both aspects (the mind and the body) implicitly" (Porkert 1974: 181). Therefore, it can be inferred that "shen" is indeed tte Chinese version of "spirit", which manifests itself in the form of a specific type of Ch'i possessing the mental functions. HtmistleYang-raturedascerdingm'iwithinapersonofwhich 34 thehigterorderoftteindividualiscomposed. PoistheYin- natureddescerdimCh'iwithinapersmofwhidltrelowerorderof theindividual iscalposed, linkingwithtleanimalkingdom. Yiis intelligence and moerstarding. Zhi is will or volition. To summarize the relationship between these categories, The germ and W explain: "In man's life the first transformations are calledtheearthlyaspectofthesoulmo). Afterpohasbeen produced, that which is strong and positive is called the heavenly aspectofsoul (huh). Ifhehasanablmdanoeintheuseofmaterial thirgsanisubtleessentials, hishunandpowillbeocmestrong. Fran thisaredevelopedessenceardmflerstandingtmtiltlerearespirit and intelligence" (quoted from (Iran 1963: 12) . InfigaggTiNeiChm’ SuWen,itisstatedthattlefive outpalents of the "mird" is each controlled by the liver, heart, spleen, lungs or kidreys, and associated with are of tre Five Elements, namely, wood, fire, earth, metal and water respectively. By flesametoken, tleFiveElementsinteractwitheadiotherinacycle, sodotlefivecatporentsoftle'fimird"inacorrespordingmarmer. For example, in the mutual productive cycle, the relation between the fiveccmponentsis: l'mnproduoesshen, shenproducesyi, yiproduces po, poproduoeszhi, andzhiproduceshun, correspondingtotheorder of their controlling organs in the same mutual productive cycle, namely, liver (wood) --> heart (fire) -> spleen (earth) -> lungs (metal) -> kidreys (water) -> liver (wood). Applying tte Yin-Yang systemtotteclinesestruculreof'mird", aswoodandfireareYang elements, mmardslenareassigredtreYangqualities; poandzhiare 35 assigned the Yin qualities as they are associated with the Yin elements, metalandwater. Yihereissupposedtobeinastateof equilibrimm (Loewe 1982: 74-75). However, the nature of one's mind, like all other things in the universe, is ore of homeostasis, that is, themental systemisaself—regulatingorewithanatural teldelcyto revert to equilibrium (lock 1980: 36) . In the Chirese personality construct, "mind" consists of five outpeents. However, since hun and po are different stages of shen (spirit), this shen together with the remaining two comporents yi and zhi (intelligence and will power), could constitute a sort of Chinese tripartite system. In comparing the two triparite systers (Freudian andChinese), itcanbeseenthattheChinesetripartitemodel is defired by the three mental functiore, that is, spirit, intelligence and will power, and these functiome are closely related to each other within a cycle. Tte Freudian tripatite model, on the other hand, is defired by the different level at which the mental functions are performed sud": as tle conscious level, the unconscious level and preconscious level, and these different levels form a vertical layered order. The conclusion that might be drawn rere is that the Chinese "mind" is a functionally defined cyclical system while the Western "mind" is a structurally defired hierarchical system. Withantmderstardingoftrediffereoebetweentlediinese "mind" are Western "mind", a series of psydlocultural dichotamies in tie two personality constructs may be revealed, including: (1) tte alienation of man from the universe versus the dissolution of man in tte universe; (2) tie body-mind separation versus the body-mind unity 36 andthestressofmentalityinthewesterntteoriesversustle physical dimension enphasized in the Chinese theories; arnd (3) the individuated person versus the person in society and culture. The existence of the dichotamies implies that the psydnological process may be organized and applied very differently in the contemporary West arnd in China to produce correspondingly different patterns of culturally constituted experience of affective disorders . With regard to the first mentioned didnotamy (alienation versus dissolution), it is obvious that the two constructs lead to different conceptualizations of "mini" and thus lead to tie formation of different relationships between a person and his environment. For example, in canparison with the Western personality construct, the Chinese counterpart is characterized by a relative lack of individuality, which reflects a different mode of interaction with his surmmdirgs. In tte Western personality construction, because of its inclusion of the individually-centered ego which is derived from the Freudianpsychology, persenalityintheWestisregardedasaself— contail'ed entity, separated from the universe. Hence, the separation betweenmanandhisnatural environmentinWesternttnlghthasoame 'Dedninesepersealitycenstructdoesnotireludesudnaclearly definedegoorpernanentirdividual soul, asdenonstratedinthe philosophy of the reo-Confucian philosopher Gnu Hsi (A.D. 1130—1200) . Heargnedthattlemirdisfinysicalardcmcrete,thusitis trareitional and delusive, subject to the changes of the physical beingwhidnpossessestlemind.1notherwords,tlemirdwithinany 37 individual cannot develops itself into a permanent entity ( Mu mil, quoted from Fung 1942: 48-49) such as a clearly defined ego. misphilosognyparallelsuneargmentthathasheendevelopedsofar, that is, the major canponent of the Chinese personality construct, shen, leads the individual identity to its dissolution into a large cosmic identitythrcnghtreceaselessendnangeofm'ibetweentte person and the cosmos. Intheseconiofthedichctaniesconcernedwiththebody-mird relationship, which is the nucleus of an individual's identity, the cultural variants of this relatieship and its related value orientations are also derived from divergent conceptions of personmood. IntheWest, thebodyandmindareconoeptualizedas "ontologically distinct" (Kakar 1983: 240) and should be dealt with on different levels. Physical disorders should be handled by the physician; psychological disorders are to be handled by the psychiatrist. Furthermore, in the more narrowly defined Freudian tripartite system only mentality is highlighted, whereas the physical dimension is oanpletely absent. Thebody ismerelyviewedasatool fordistinguishingtheinmerworldframtleouter,protectingand safeguardin'gthedevelopnent ofnnnentality. The image of thebodyis portrayed as a "this worldly" corporate form, as opposed to the mind, whichisttecompeentcapableoftteachievementofanimmortal ‘individual soul. Thisresultsinanapparentseparationofthebody and mind and even in the rejection of body. As Knbie (1937: 391) describes, tiereisatedencytodevaluethehumanbodyas'akindof animated, mcbile dirt factory, exuding filth at every apertmre and 38 thatall thatisneoessarytoturnscnethingintodirtisthatit shouldevenmanentarilyerterthebodythroughoneofthese apertures." Intteoninesepersonalityconstruct, thestructureof"mind" is gmdedinatraditioninwhidnthepsydlological aspectandphysical aspect have not rent asunder, thus it constitutes what Kakar (1983: 240) describes as a "psychopl'nysical monisnm", and has beoane locus of identity of both mind and body. This is derived fronm the facts that (1) shen (Ch'i) in the Chinese tripartite system represents both psychological and physical dimensions, and (2) all the mental canporents are controlled by physical organs. Therefore, the Chinese maintainthatthereisnorealdistinctionnbetweentlebodyandmind, orratherthedistinctionbetweenthemisoneofdegree, notofkind. Not only does the body-mind relationship in the Chinese personality theories differ fram its counnterpart in Western theories, butalsothevalueorientationsregardingthebodyandmindare reversed. This is innplied by the different ways put forward for gaining immortality. The inclusion of Ch'i in the Chinese personality cestructeoalragestlecninesetoplrsnelegevitythmlghphysical means. OnemethodofChinesephysical exercises, theartofproper breathing (see p. 15) indicates that the breath can be transmuted innto soulsubstanoe. Inthisway, thespiritualpartofthehnmmanorganisnm andtteOoemicSwlpervadingttecosmoscanbephysicallyexchanged through the circulation of Ch'i from the air, as a result of enploying physical means -- inhalation (Hume 1940: 169). ThetheprimacyofbodycanbealsotracedfromtheT’aoist 39 creation myths (see p. 17). Indeed, Schipper (1977: 357) states that the "priority of the human body in relationn to the rest of the universe" istheoldxtthemeindnineseculture. MW W (The QR of the Transformation of Iao Tzu) , a text composed in about 165 A.D., we are told that, after Lao T'zu's death, his body became the "cosmogenic body" in which de whole world, the sun, tte moon, the sky, the earth, etc. came into being (Schipper 1977: 358-359). Schipperfurtherpointsoutthatforthedninese,the oorrespondenoeofthehumanbodywith its environmentis farbeyonda metaphor, as Iao Tzu's body was not only tte image for the creation of the world, but also the focus for a great number of transformative processes to be carried out during tle creationn. This very "special relationship of sympathy" gives rise to the Chinese belief that by nurturingtheenergywithin one'sbody, theoutside foroescanbe manipulatedandgoverned; peaceandharmonyinthebodycanresultin peace and harmony in the natural environment (Schipper 1977: 357). aloe the implicit notion of the primacy of the human body in Taoist mythology is made clear, tte relation between the high value orientation towards the body and tie causes of psychosomatic illness canbeunderstood. Ifmental'illnessisviewedasacondition resulting frumtheconflictbetweenapersonandhisenvironmment, then it naturally follows that sudn connflicts should be dealt with at the physical level where mental activities are carried out , and where the principle of tte "special relationship of sympathy" between the body and the environment can be applied. 40 Linguistic evidence can also be fond to illustrate the importanoeofthebodyintheChinesepersonalityconstruct. For example, one way of expressing "I" or "nnne" could be "this body of mine" (ben shen: ). Instead of saying "personal" or "in person", the Chinese would say "by one's own body" or "on one's own body" (ch'in shen: ). The literal translation of one word for "life" (zhongshen: )intheChineselanguageis"thecolrseofthebody". In a simnilar manner, the Chinese equivalent for "devotion" (shan shen: ) is "to give one's body for"; and for "conduct oneself properly" is "hold one"s body" (ch'i shen: ). Perhaps the most interesting ecampleistlecninesephrase"raisethebody"(jingshen: ),which has its English translation as "improve one's social status". In general, if the Westerner identifies his individuality as derived from mentality, then probably for the Chinese person it is the physical body which should be regarded as idenrtical to the individual. The implication of body-mind unity and tie stress of tte physical planeintleChinesepersonalityconstrnlct, aswellastheconnection betweentteinternalorgansandthementalconponents, particularly between heart and "shen", all provide a link between affects and mentality, and tie in the physical dimension with the psychological. This alone may be expected to give rise to a pattern of somatization of affective disorders among Chinese, that is, a tedency towards using the body to mediate tl'e individual's perception, experience and interpretation of dysphoric affects, and bringing variols types of sonatized symptoms and behaviors into coping strategies. In contrast, "mind" occupies the most importannt position in in the Western 41 constructofpersonality, thus, itisexpectedthatatedencytowards psychologization, towards expressing affective disorders throgh culturally sanctioed psychological terms and organizing illness experience in the psychological dimension, sholld be the pattern of mental illness construction in contemporary Western society. The third psychocultural dichotomy mentioned earlier relates to the social implications of the difference between Chinese and Western personality constructs. The importannoe attadnedto mentality and its assumedoonntrol overtlebodyresultedinthe"traditionalWestern definition of personality moving from a central core of the unconsciolsness, through preconsciolsness and unexpressed conscious to the expressible consciols behavior" (Pedersen 1977: 374). Therefore, anindividualisseenontonlyasaself—centeredentityapartfrom society, butalsoasaconsciols beingttatcand'nangeandcreatehis immediate surroundings as well as society. Hcmever, inChineseview, itisthesocialaspectwhichis centraltothetheoryofpersonality. Thisisbecaused'n'iisthe essenceofttesocial environmmentaswellasthatofthenatural ewiroment. Harmonyinthesocietydepedsontheproperbehaviorof itsmembers,whichcanonlyconefromacalmtenperamentanda balanced mental state. This state, being a state of "quiet awareness" rather than of "moosciols relaxation", cannot be attained by any other means but tie "controlled inhalation and exhalation" (Sim, 1975: 49), in other words, only the proper regulation of Ch'i would bringharmonytotteindividualaswellastottesociety. Hence, the Chinese concept of personhood goes beyod those vertical structural 42 layersofFreudiantripartitesystansmhastteid, egoandsuperego, into the diffuse-oriented relatioships between the person annd his social context. The relatioship between the psychocultural and social dimensions is abodied in the Chinese word "ren", which means "humanity". 'Ite character of "ren" ( ) cosists of two distinct segments; a pictogram indicating "person" is placed on the left side of a pictogram "tm" . 'Ihis linguistic evidence indicates that in Chinese societypersonhcodcanonlybeachievedintnepresenceoftwopeople. Inanalyzingtheworkostu, whocostitutestheterm"psychosocial horeostasis" (Hsu 1971) to describe Chinese personality, Pedersen (1977: 374-375) argues that this term "ennptnasizes interpersonal transactios annd evaluates the central value of an inndividual accordirgtotmwellheservestoentemeinterpersonaladjustment"; anndasaresult, theloons ofpersonalityisnetintheindividual, but in the "circle of mnnanity, ideas, and things that define goodness in the person's transactions with fellow human beings". 'Ihis brings ustothediffereneebetweenanineseindividualityaniitsWestern counterpart. Itisarguedherethatevenforthoseaninesemare actively seeking inndividuality and interior experience, the socially- defined annd other-oriented individuality they might achieve is not the same as the individuality assumed in Western psychology. Another important contrast between Western and Chinese constructs of personality is the position of emotion in the conceptual framework. According to Chinese medicine, the mental capacities can control neither the physical organs nor emotios. Instead, it works the other 43 way around, onotios are viewed as pathogens, which can adversely affect the circulation of Ch'i as well as physical organs (see p. 26) , these physical organs in turn control the mental capacities. 'Ihis lack of regulation mechanism for emotios and their expression in the Chinesepersonalitycostructcontrastsmarkedlywiththestrog emotional control which the Chinese are known to display. Being a practical and pragmatic people, tte Chinese have eased the tension between personality theory and reality by producing ethical and moral speculatios derived fron Confocian and other philosophies on the natmre of ideal society. 'Ihe tight conntrol over expression of arotion is a direct cause of sonetizationamongcninese. 'Iheyaresaidtoguardtheirpersonal feelings, particularly intrapsychic conflicts against all enacept family members and close friends (Kleinmnan 1980) , as they believe that revealingofsudnfeelingswouldendangertheirinterpersonal relationships and thus endanger their achievanennt of personhood. 'merefore, when the expression of intrapsychic feelings is closely monitored and almost blocked, sonatic manifestation proves to be the possible and acceptable expression. Control of expression of auction (for a more detailed discussion, see Solonon 1971, Chapter VI), being the basic characteristic of communications among Chinese, is certainly one important variable in shaping psychological disorders into sonatic experiencel. Furthermore, an accwtable way of hiding away those personalorinntrapsychic feelingsfronthepublicisooexpressthou through highly standardized and categorized patterns according to concrete situational contexts. Since subjective intrapsychic I...“ o, 1 44 experience are difficult to standardize and categorize to fit into these communicative patterns, objective patterns such as sonatic organs are thus utilized subcosciously as cultmral patterns to convey the psychological meaning in various situatios. In snmnnary, the concept of Ch'i, which is the manifestation of themostinrportantmentalconpoent"shen" inthecninesepersonality costruct, serves as an all-pervading agent to dissolve the individual soul in the cosmos, as well as to costitute the "psydnqnhysical monism" (Kakar 1982: 240) and the thene of the harmonious relatioship betweenmanandhisnatural environment. 'nneattainmentofdn'i through innhalation results in the Chinese onploying physical means to gain innortality, which relates to the explanation for the notion of the primacy of the body. Moreover, because the proper circulation of Ch'iissunposedtoennbodyitselfintresocial dominastocreatea harmonious society, thus, the socially defined Chinese individuality canbeunderstoodasthereflectionofthesocial dinnersionof Ch'i in the Chinese personality costruct. Frontheperspectiveadvancedinthissection, itisshownwhata key role the concept of dn'i plays in the psychocultural dimension of the symbolic network. Ch'i underlines the contrast between Chinese andWesternpersonalitycostnnctsbythewayinwhich itgivesrise to three pairs of opposing principles: (1) man in harmony with Nature versus man aliennated fron Nature; (2) body-mind unnity and primacy of body versus body-mind separation and rejection of body; (3) socially- defined personhood versus self-centered individuality. 'Ihese different concepts lead to the divergences in personality constructs, 45 midnprovetobeoeinnportantaspectofcognitivesystemthat influences the predoninnat pattern of nenntal illness construction. Thus, while psychologization is the appropriate response in the contemporary West, souatization seems to be the logical coping strategy in Chinese society. SECI'ICN 4. C'H'I IN VALUE (RIEN'IWI‘IG‘IS AND BEHAVIORAL NOH‘B In the previous sectios, an exploration has been coducted of the way in which the core syrrbol Ch'i affects and modifies the experience of menntal illness through the cootologicnl, nedical and psychoonlturaldonains. Yettheconceprtofdn'i, asacoresymbol, is notonlydeeplyintegratedinthethreedifferentdonainsofdninese societyMnidnhavebeendisonssedintheprevions sectios, hutalso mdnilized in social interactios and helps to determine value orienntatios and behavioral norms, with an possible cosequence for sonetizing patterns of managing affective disorders. Since the social context of sonatization in Chinese society has been well treated in anthrqnological literature (Kleinman 1980, 1981, 1986: Wang 1983) , only those features that are closely related to'the key role of Ch'i and its synbolic network will be discussed. One of the significant features of Chinese society is familism. The social ethiccentersarounddependencyandreciprocity withinthefamilyard one's kinship framework instead of independence and individuality. TIeOnineseascribetleirsucesssfifladnievonenntstoflestrengthard stern discipline of the family, and by the same token, any failure in 46 their education, careers or moral constitution would adversely affect the family's reputation. Affective disorder is viewed by the Chinese society as moral degeneration on the part of the patient, for the patient is held resposible for not controlling his emotions properly: suchbehaviorcanbringseverestigmatotnefamilyasmanystudies have shown (See Lin et al. 1978, Kleinnman 1980) . As family members have a tendency of responding strogly against the patient or may even blame the patiennt for being mentally ill, dysphoric affects are preferentially expressed in the form of physical disorders. Tmns, sonatization has becone a family solution not only sanctioned by cosmological and psychocultural idioms but also approved bythevaluesysteminasocietyinwhidn familismisdeeplyrootedin the fabric of social life. In order to illuminate the key role that Ch'i plays in Chinese socialstnnctureintermsofmoldingthesocialvaluesanddisease— related behavioral norms, the qnestion which shonld be raised here is: what is the symbolic meaning of Ch'i in the operation of the family institution? There are three ways for an individual to obtain Ch'i, orwemaysay, therearethreesouroesofcn'icontributingtothe total Ch'i in the hnmnan body. "The first of these is Original Ch'i, also called Prenatal Ch'i, which is inherited from the parents at the conceptionofachild. ThesecodsouroeisGrainCh'i,whichis derived from the digestion of food. The third is Natural Air Ch'i, whichisextractedbythelungs fromtheairwebreathe" (Kaptchuk 1983: 36). The first two sources are relevant to the psychologionl tendencybeingdescribedhere, becausetheybcthcanberelatedto 47 specific social interactions. The first source of Ch'i (Prenatal Ch'i) underlines the significance of the family institution in Chinese culture. The influence of (11' i in family relationships ranging from filial piety to anoestorworshipcanbeseentostemfronabeliefininnheritanceand transmission of Ch'i at the time of cooeption, which is taken for grantedbyanativecninese. Thetraditional fatler-sonandanoeetor- descendant relatioships are rationalized, and have become the basic socialization model in the Chinese society as the superior and inferior in these relatioships can be identified with the giver of Ch'i and receiver of Ch'i respectively. Therefore, it can be argued that the core symbol Cn'i has created the socially costitnnted mechanism for coping with affective disorders through the family T1nesecodsonroeofdn'i(GrainCh'i) oanberelatedtoanother feature of dninnese culture, which has been termed the "oral calculus" by Solonon. Solomon (1971: 42) says: "The cosiderable (oral) indulgence accorded with a (male) child in infancy and early childhood, affection expressed above all through the giving of food, seemstobethebasis ofan"ora1"calollusinthewaythatthe Chinese approach interpersonal relatios throughout life. The reckoning of their family or population size in terms of "month" (ren- k'cu) rather than "lneads", and the onphasis on eating which has produced oe of the world's great culinary traditios, are only part of the view of life in which oral forms of pleasure and pain predominate". 48 The cultural theme of eating in Chinese interpersonal relatios also has a signnificant impact on the pattern of socialization at an earlyage,whichintuminfluenncestheprocessofleamingofthe attiudetowardsthebodyandthepattemofillnesscostruction. As ,has beenn pointed out, early childhood is associated with oral indulgence because parennts believe that the more food a child eats, t11emorevitalenergy(Ch'i)hehasaccesstofromtrefood,andthe healthierhewill becone. Whenachild reaches school age, hewillbe givenmorefoodorbetterfoodndnenhegetsagoodgradeardwillnot beallovedtoeatgoodfoodortoeatwithotherfamilymembersifthe parenntsthinkthegradeisnotgoodenough. InChineeechildrearing practice,whetheritbetheparenntalloveandconcernadnild enoonnntersatanearlyage,ortherewardsandpmislmnentsthatre receivesatalaterage,allareexpressedintermsoffoodinsteadof byverbalinnteractios. Ranards,p.mishmentsandlcvearereceived throughttebodyofthednildinsteadoftholghthemind,andthe childwillusethebodyratherthanthemindtoexpresshisfeelings andneeds. Aparallel liking for tonic foodortonic medicines, which arsonpposedtocontainmorenutritionthanordinnaryfoodandto providemoreCh'i, might alsobedeveloped, which mayencouragethe somatizirg process in psychological disorders, as these disorders have to be somatized before they can be treated with tonic medicine or medicine from "mouth" (T‘seng 1972, Wang 1983: 301). From the moral, social and intellectual point of view, affective disorder expressed in the form of psychologization is seen in Chinese society as a signn of disharmony and lack of orotional control, which é 49 is associated with negative value orientatios such as shame, stigma anddisappointment. Incontrast, owingtotheaestheticaspectofthe pnemenon of somatization, smotized illness is related with positive value orientations which not only arouses sympathy and aspiratios, but also help to secure other beefits, including: material gains, supportfromthefamilyandthekinshipframework,shared mderstanding from the menbers of the same society, temporary relief from pressure or responsibility, desired changes in interpersonal transactios or power structures etc.. Thus, the negative value embodiedinttestrongstigmaattad'edtotrepsychologicaldisorder actsasa forcetopnshthepatientintothesomatizingprocess, while the positive value amplified by aesthetic power of somatization acts asa foroetopullthepatientintoit. Thevaluesystemconprises not merely elements in the symbolic content of sonatization, but actual "forces" in social innteractios (Turner 1967: 28-9), whidn determine the disease-related behavioral norms in dninese society. Sincethenegativevaluesembodiedinthestigmaofmental disorderhavealreadybeendiscussed, whathastobecarriedontisan investigation of the positive value orientations derived from the aesthetic aspect of somatization, which requires us to look beyod the finencmenon itself to description, reflectios, explanations and expectations in people's accounts of the sonnatized experience, particularly, to stories in which the somatization phenomenon is described, totheimageswhicharecreatedinthesestoriesandtothe general feelings such stories arose. In Wang Jen-Yi's study on psydnosomatic illness in the Chinese 50 cul‘blral context, he states: "A study of Chinese classics explicitly demostrates the belief that strong emotios can lead people to sicken or to die...lcvers are always sick because they miss each other: once theyareheartbroken, theydieverysoon... IntheChingdynasty, the greatnovelistT'soSheh-chirgcreatedafemale figurewho, inhiswork W has influenced general’cicmS of 011m" (Wang 1983: 299). The girl in the novel is very intelligent, sensitive, beautiful and delicate. She is, of colrse, always sick because ofhersuppressedpassion forherlover. Ashappensinmany otherlove stories, shediesthemonentshelearnsthatherloverhas tocbeyhisparennts' ordertomarryanothergirl. "ManyChineseview her with great admiration; for over two centuries, the girl's name is a symbol for all smart, beautiful andweakwomen. Sicknesshere is notashortconing: onthecontrary, itisavirtnnepossessedby diameters of traditional Chinese beauty" (Wang 1983: 299) . In Chinese classical literature, sickness caused by psychosomatic disordersalmostalwaysarpearswithaseriesofotlerthenessndnas beauty, love, death, sesitivity and intelligence. It is important to notethat inorderforthesonatized illnesstoachievethepositive attribute of social efficacy, that is, to enable the patient to gain respect and sympathy for their moral costitution, it is essential thatitbeapparenttoallthatalthoghthedisorderisexpressedin physical terms, it has an emotional cause (as above). Thus, in Chinese society, the object of somatization is not to disguise the root cause, but to make it socially acceptable. Tnelinkbetneenaonlmralphenmenonanditsacconpanying 51 times is a tcpic that has been thorolghly treatedbyGeertz (1973). In his book T_he_; mmtim of Q.n_l_turesI he offers an example of a Balinese cockfigint as a cultural event which "catch(es) up these timnes -death, masollinity, rage, pride, loss, beneficence, dnance— andorderingthenminntoanenconpassingstructure,presentsthemin suchawayastothrowinntoreliefapartiollarviewoftheir essential nature... (The) disquietfulness of (the cockfight) arises ont of conjunction of immediate dramatic shape, metaphoric content and social context... and its aesthetic power derives from its capacity to foroe together these diverse realities" (Geertz 1973: 443-4) . Inthecaseof somatization, asdisonssedhere, whennmany comectedthemeshadbeencanghtupbytiesomatizationphemermand passed down together from geeration to generation, they were allowed tobedisplayedinanorderedarray, overandoveragain, untilthe reality of the inner affiliation between somatization and all the other themes had been repeatedly emphasized and clearly felt. Thns, the sonnatization phenomenon and all tie times gradually became internally bond to each other, and an "enconpassing structure" (Geertz, 1973) had been established. The structure enables a wide rangeofpienonenarepresentedbytheacconpanyingtimestobeimoned with sense because they can be intrinsically related with the central phenomenon - somatization. In turn, the essential nature of somatized ecperienceandbehaviorscanbebetterunderstoodbecanse the underlying mechanisms of somatization are highlighted in a concentrated way within such a powerful structure. then all the times are virtually brought together, with the 52 aesthetic aspect of each theme maximally enhanced, the overall aesthetic effect of the central pinecmennon -- somatization can be utilized to "serve its cognitive end" (Geertz 1973) - the interaction, integration and mutual transferable relationship of body and mind. In this way, the cultural meaning of somatization centered aroud Ch'i can be more powerfully articulated and more exactly perceived through the aesthetic value of the many-themed structure. As Rosaldo (1980) reminds us that "meanings and feelings are intimately linnked." These accompanying themes invoke "sensory lonowledge and emotionally laden thonghts" among Chinese. The symbolism underlying and the positive value orientatios related to somatizationiseasyforthedninesetograsp, astheyareimpressed and toched by the accounts of lovers' somatized experiece. Sympathy or even admiration is "a sign of social import", because the affects prodnced by the stories "guarantee the costraining force" of the social sanctioed idiom upon psychological disorders . As it turned out, "participation in such sentimennts of mutual cocern are necessary fortieperpetuationofsudncllturaltedecyandtiereproonctionof an orderly social world" (Rosaldo 1980: 35) . To coclnde, in this section, two features of Chinese onlture— familismandtheimportanceattadedtoeatingaredescribed, and theirrelatioshipstothecoceptof cn'iareanalyzed. Astothe aesthetic aspect of somatization, the conviction is expressed here thatalthonghthismany—thenedaestheticstnncturedoesncthave direct relation with the core symbol "Ch'i", nevertheless, its function as sub-symbolic structure is significant. The aesthetic 53 power of this sub-symbolic structure contributes to the establishment of the positive value orientations towards sonatization and to the formation of a dnarp contrast between the two different attitudes associated with two patterns of mental illness constructions, thus serving to artionlate and amplify the function of the main symbolic network organized around the concept of Ch'i. I 1"".‘w-1" .- (DNCHJSION Inthispaper, anattemprthasbeenmadetoreveal andunfoldthe plenmem of somatization in Chinese culture not merely at the level of surface formandfunctions, butinawayinwhichtheinner stnnctureandinnteractionsofthisonlturalte'dencycanbemderstood in indigenous terms. An analysis of the native term "Ch'i" is emloyed as a powerful and effective means to achieve this end. 'Itecoeeptofcnn'i isnotonlyanativekeytermwhichbrings tremderlyingsocialstructuresandonlturalmeaningstotte foregmmdtoexplainvarionsonlturalphenorena,butalsoacore symbol whose polysemic nature enables it to weave different symbolic systene into a symbolic network, which "shape(s) the perception, experience and behavioral correlates of affective disorder into culturally—specific 'final common pattmvay' (Carr 1978)" (kleinman 1981: 9). Sines the concept of dn'i contains a multiplicity of connotations and symbolic meanings, an analysis of how each of ttese underlying elements of Ch'i functions in different symbolic domins facilitates tie cotprehension of the symbolic structure of Ch'i and its relation to the somatization tendency in Chinese cultmre. ‘Ihe cosmological origin of Qn'i as both tre basic material agent and spiritual agent provides the symbolic context for understanding the all-pervading role thatsuchacosmogeniccoeeptcanplayinthemedicnl, psychocultural 54 55 and social domain to shape psychosomatic illness. The concrete nnature of Ch'i in Chinese medicine is tie underlying reason for its interpretive function in the diagnostic intervention and for the establishment of a somatically-oriented conmmicative framework in the clinic content. ‘Ihe interpretive process in the diagnostic intervention and somat ical ly-oriented communicative framework contribute to the major characteristic of traditional Chinese medicine in which both physical and psychological disorders are treated physically, and thus accounting for the tendency of somatization. In tne psydnoolltural domain, it is argued somatization is the logical cosequeneeoftnecninesepersonalitycostructmderpimedbydn'i because the cognitive distinction of Ch' i rationalizes and legitimizes apersonalitycostructwhichenphasestteinteractionwiththe coemos, theprimacyofthebodyandthesocialdimensionintl'e conceptofpersonhood. Inthesocialdomain,ttevaluesystem implied in the concept of Ch'i is reflected in tre significance of the family institution and tne legitimization of the onltural thene "eating", both features leading to tte somatization tendency. In addition, the presence of accanpanying themes, such as beauty, delicacy, sensitivity, love and death in tl'e somatization phenonenon servestoenhancettefunctionoftheooresymbol"(lh'i"inthe sonatization experience, reinforcing the social norms and perpetuating tl‘e culturally sannctioed costruction of mental illness. After investigation of tie role of Ch'i in each of the four symbolic domains, it is clear that Ch'i acts as a core symbol to linnk different realities to form its unique configuration of a symbolic 56 network. Inthispowerfulnetwork, notonlytherole ofCh'iineach of the symbolic domains claims to aoconnnt for the social and cultural construction of mental illnness, but the interrelatioships between the for functions of Ch'i also account for the tendency of somatization, whichhasgreatlyenhancedtlepotentialandinfluenceofsucha symbolc structure. In addition, an associated cluster of symbols, meaningsanddenomenawhicharerelatedtottecoceptofdn'iwithin any of the single symbolic domain or the sub-symbolic domain can contribute to the shaping and molding of psydcsoratic disorders, and somatizationamcngcnineseappearstobebroghtabontthroghthe systematic channeling of the eon-logical ideology, medical discourse, personality structure and social interactios by formulating a symbolicneubrkbasedontleconcrete, flexibleanddynanmiccocept of Ch'i. Such a symbolic network funnctios to dnannel dysphoric affects into physical disorders, hence emotional and cognitive orientations respose together to organize beliefs, feelings, values and expectatios that lead to the somatized illness experience. 'Ihe tteoretical framework for understanding this symbolic netmrk aswellastherelatioshipbetweentlecoceptofcn'iand somatization in Chinese onlture has significant implications for cross-cultural studies and clinic practice, as it provides an emic annalysisofmentalillnessamogcninese, andalsoadvancesonr knofledge of the way ideological , psychoonltural and sociocultural factors affect illness costruction throngh the symbolic network woven by the core symbol. NOTES SECTION I“) 1. Recently, a host of scientists such as Kholodov (1967), Wheeler (1969 1970), Freidenberg (quoted from Galton 1973: 56), Brighton (quoted from Galton 1973: 56), and Barnnothy (1964 1969) has contributed much to onr knowledge of the electrical, electromagnetic and magnetic makeup of the human body (McGarey 1974: 16-21). It is possible that the very existence of Cn'i colld be proved and demonstrated by modern science in the near future. 2. Chon dynasty (1122 -- 256 B.C.); Han dynasty (206 B.C.--A.D. 220). 3. Tai Yang area is "at the 'Yu' point of the bladder meridian next to the spine" (Fisch 1973: 100). 4. dn'i is in costant motion and has for primary directions: asceding, descending, entering and leaving. The Huang Ti Nei ChinqSu Keg states: "Without entering and leaving there is no development, withont ascending and desceding nno transfornmation, absorption, and storing." (Quoted from Kaptchuk 1983: 37) . 5. BasedontheFiveElementstteory, thecorrespodencesystem (see Table 1 in p. 58) provides a framework in which the relationship of thebodyorgansoetoanother, andtotheseasons, climate, emotional states, etc., are divided into five categories (lock 1980: 31-32). SECTION THREE 1. Tie lack of regulation mechanism for emotios not only causes a tension between the social orders and the individual needs, but also creates a dynamic and dialectical relation between oversensitivity and emotional control. In other words, emotional control is masked as a social mm for Chinese socialization, but its function is beyond the social domain. It is a built-in mechanism which has arisen to balance the overwhelming emotional functions in the Chinese personnality construct. only at this level can we understand some seemingly paradoxical cultural themes and expressions such as the interdependence of personal relationships and the lack of exchange of interpersonal feelings, and moreover, the lack of expression of intrapsychic feelings and the apparently low incidence of mental illness in China which has been mentioned in the work of Sidel and Sidel (1973). 57 MEI Table of Correspondences Yang Yang Yin Yin SEASON Spring Summer Iate summer Fall Winter long snmnmer DIRECI'ION East Solth Center West ' North CLIMA‘I'E Wind Heat Humidity Dryness Cold VISCERA Liver Heart Spleen lungs Kidneys ELEMENT Wood Fire Earth Metal Water (IDIDR Green Red Yellow White Black MUSICAL chic chih 1% m yu NOTE ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) NUMBER 8 7 5 9 6 FLAVOR Solr Bitter Sweet Pungent Salt ODOR Rancid Scorched Fragrant Rotten Putrid SCIJND Short laugh Sing Weep Groan MOMS Anger Joy Sympathy Grief Fear ORIFICE Eyes Ears Nose Mouth "lower orifice" ANIMAL Fowl Sheep Ox Horse Pig * GRAINS Wheat Glutinous Millet Rice Beans millet (peas) PLANET Jupiter Mars Saturn Venus Mercury Bowms Gall Small Stomach large Triple bladder intestine intestine burner TISSUES Ligaments Arteries Muscles Skin and hair Bones Source: m Ti Nei Chm Su Wen, translated by Veith (1949: 21) . 58 BIBIICXERAHiY Barnnothy, M.F. ed. 1964. Biclgigg Effects of mtic Fields. New York: Plenmmmm Press. Barnnothy, M.F. ed. 1969. Biclgigl Effects of Magnetic FieldsI Vol. 2. Nev York: Plenum Press. Bodde, D. 1957. (Lam '8 Cultural Edition: What and Whither? New York: Rinehart. Bodde, D. 1981a. "Dominnant Ideas in the Formation of Chinese Culture." C. Ie Blannk, and Borei, eds., Essays on QM Civilization, Princeton University Press. Pp. 132-140. Boddde, D. 1981b. "Types of Chinese Categorical Thinking." C. Le Blanc, and D. Borei, eds., m on Chinese civilization, Princeton: Princeton University Press. Pp. 141-160. Bodde, D. 1981c. 'Tiarmony and Conflict in Chinese Philosophy." C. Ie Blanc, and D. Borei, eds., Essays m Chinese Civilizatim, Princeton: Princeton University Press. Pp. 237-298. Carr, J. 1978. "Ethno—behavicrism and Culture Bound Syndromes: The Case of Amok." Qlture, Medicine and Mi am, 22: 269-293. Chan, Wing-T‘sit. trans. 1963. A Some Bock Phil Princeton: Princeton University Press. Croizier, R. C. 1968. Traditional cine ' Modern ina: Science WWW Gonbridge: Harvard University Press. Edkins, J. 1884. Religion in M, Fang, T.H. 1957. The V' f ' ' W Hong Kong: Union Proso- Fisch, G. 1973. "Be Triple-Burner and Its Signnificance in Energy PaflnoqeniosJ' WW 1 no 1 pp. 99-104. Fox, J.J. 1975. "an Binnary Categories and Primary W15: Some Rontines Perspective." In International mum. R. Willis, ed. New York: Halstead. Pp. 99-132. Freud, S. 1953 (originally published in 1900) . m Interpretation of Dreams. Standard edition (Vol. 4 and 5). London: Hogarth Press. Freud, S. 1957 (originally publisned in 1915) . 1mg Unconsciolsfl Standard edition (Vol. 14, Pp. 159-217). London: Hogarth Press. Freud, S. 1961 (criginnally Publisl'ed in 1923). Tne mg and the Id. Standard edition (Vol. 19). London: Hogarth Press. Fang, Y.L. 1953. A History of Chinese Philm. D. Bodde, trans. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Fog Y.L. 1942. "The Phylcscphy of Can Hsi." D. Bodde, trans. Ha_r_v__ard m of filatic studies. VII, pp. 1-51. Galton, L. 1973. "The Amazing Promise of Electrical Medicine. Family Circle, Feb. pp. 56. Geertz, C. 1973. The W'on 9f Cultures. New York: Basic 59 n" 60 Books, Inc., Publishers. Giovacchini, P.L. 1977. "Psychoanalysis." In R. J. Ccrsini, ed., m Personality Theories. Ithaca: F.E. Feaccck Publishers, Inc.. Pp. 15-45. Good, B. 1977. "Tie Heart What's the Matter: The Semantics of Illness in Iran." Onlture, Medicine and mum. 1:25-58. Hsu, P.L.K. 1971. "Psydncsccial Honecstasis and Jen: Coceprtual Tools for Advancing Psychological Annthrcpclcgy. " Anmerican ist 73. 23-44. Hume, E..H 1940. SE Wav in Medi__c_ine. Baltimore: Johns Hcpkirg Press. Johnson, 0.8. 1928. A M g: Chinese AIM. Shanghai. Kakar, S. 1982. Shaman, Mice and Doctors. Boston: Beacon Press. Kaptchuk, T.J. 1983. The Web That Has No Weaver: Urderstandgg’ 9%' Medicine. Nev York: Congdcn and Weed. Kleinnman, A. 1973. "Medicine's Symbolic Reality: On a Cenntral Problem in the Philosophy of Medicine." m 16:206-213. Kleinmrm, A. 1980. Patients and Healers in the Context of Culture: Ann Mlcraticn cf the Borderland Between Mlm, Medicinel and gaydniatry. Berkerly: University of California Press._ Kleinmen, A., and Tsung-Yin Lin, eds. 1981. Normal and Abnormal W Dordmndnt: D- Reidel mblishinn Conpany. IQeinmman, A. 1986. W and Disease W New Haven and Iodon: Yale University Press. Knclcdov, Y.A. 1967. The Effect of Fields on the m1 Nervgg m. Clearinghouse for Federal Scientific and Technical Information. U.S. Dept. of Comerce Pub. nno, N67-3l733. Kubie, L. 1937, "The Fanntasy cf Dirt." W 6: 388-425. Iowa 14. 1982-WMIWE1QM Winthe @Pericdflozm- AQZZOWdon GeorgeAllen Lin, T.Y., K. Ummmff' G. Doetz, andW. Gcresky.1978. "Ethnnicityand Pattems of Help-Seekim" WW 2 3- Liu, J..JY. 1962. The Art of w my. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press. Liu, Yanchi. 1988 The Essential m of TraditigngJ= Chinese @‘cinell 2 Volumes. Fang Tingyu and Chen Iaidi, trans. Nev York: Columbia University Press. lock, M.M. 1980. East Asian Medigyn_e° in m lamp. Berkerly: University of California Press. Mahdihassan, S. 1982. "Be Term of Chii: Its Past and Present Significance." W 6. m- 4. pp. 272-276. MoGarey. WA 1974. W Hnoenix: Gabriel Press. Nakanmra. H. 1964. MW P-P. Wiener trans. Honolulu: East-west Center Bib. Needhamn, J., and Wang Lin. 1956. flier—nee and Civilization in gm , 61 Vol. 2, Cambridge University Press. Needhanm, J., and In Gwei-djen. 1970. "Medicine and Chinese Culture." gerksardCraftsmeninOninaandtheWestIeconresardw on the Histcg cf Scim and Technclegy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ortrer, S.B. 1973. "On Key Symbol." American Ann—figmlgist, 75:1338- 1346. Pedersen, P.B. 1977. "Asian Porsonality Theory." In R. J. Ccrsini, ed., m Personally Theories. Itasca: F.E. Feacock Rnblishers, Inc.. Pp. 367-399. Pcrkert, M. 1974. The Theoretical Foundations of Chinese Medicine: of Co ndenees. Cambridge: MIT Press. Rosaldc, M.Z. 1980. Knowlege and Passion: Illgot Notions of Self and Socig Life. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Schiffeler, J .W. 1979. "An Essay on Sore cf the Fundamerntal Philosophical Tenets Ford in Traditional ChineseMedicine." American Journal of Chinese Medicine 3, no. 3, pp. 285-294. Schipper, K. 1978. "Its Taoist Body." Histcgy of Religions. 17: 355-388. Sidel, V.W. , and R. Sidel.1973. Serve the kPecple: Observations on lzzuLeura_im_i2ri_Eeop_e!§.ltaarflirl_of_£zruzl. New Sande: Josiah Nancy, Jr., Folndaticn. Siol, L. 1973. Ch'i m: {me 53 e: Masterm’ she m Life Fog. Rutlard: Charles E. T'uttle Conpany. Snmith, A.H. 1894. glinese Wistics. Nev York: Fleming H. Revell Conpany. Sclonon, R. 1971. Mac's Revolution and the Chinese mlitical Outing. Berkerly: University of Californnia Press. Tseng, W.S. 1972. "(an Chinese National Character from the Viev Poinnt cf Pesonality Development." Y.Y. Li and K.S. Yang, eds., mien on fine Character of the Chinese: An Interdiscipllm Amroa .Taipei: Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinmica. Tseng, W. S. 1975. "Tne Nature of Somatic Conplaints Among Psychiatric Patients: Thatchinese case~" SZEiasifiififlAELliafliflEflaaLr 16:237-245. Turner, V. 1967. W Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Ursclnuld, P.U. 1985. 'c' ' ' ' of Ideas. Conparative sundies of Health Systens and Medical Care 14. Berkerly: University of California Press. Unschuld, P.U. 1986. "The Role of Traditional Chinese Medicine in Contemporary Health Care." In W Symposium 9, 17th International Congress of Internal Medicine, Kyoto, October, Pp. 251—253. Veith, I. trans. 1949. m Ti Lei m’ Su Wen: The Yellow Mrs Classic of Internal Medicine. Berkerly and Los Angeles: University of Galifcrnia Press. Wang, Jen-Yi. 1983. "Psychosomatic Illnness in the Chinese olltural Content." L. Romanucci-Ross, D.E. Mcerman, and L.R. Tanndredi, eds.,The Mlegycfflcire: FromQQturethetlnchev York: Praeger Publishers. Pp. 299-318. Ware, J .R. trans. 1955. "Annalects" in Sayl_n_nge' cf margins. New York 62 and Toronto: Mentor. Weeler, P.C., L.E. Woloott, J.J. Morris, and M.R. Spangler. 1960. "Nertral Considerations in the Healing of Ulcerated Tissues by Clinic Electrother'apeutic Application of Weak Direct Qirrent: Findings and Theory. " W. of Neuroelectric Conference. San Francisco. Sprinfield: Charles C. Thomas. Weeler, P.C., L.E. Woloott, and J.J. Morris. 1970. "Theory of Electronic Determinism in Biologic Homeostasis. "MES—9: Second International Symposium on Electrosleep and Electroanesthesia. Amsterdam: Experta Medica Foundation. Yin, Hui He, and Bo Na Chang. eds. 1983. The Foundation of Chinese M Science and Technclogy Publisher: Shanghai. 'V'nn .... ~-.v....-.,A.v.v.....r. ,..,.. . 'F'“