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thesis entitled

Anomie-Social Class Linkage Among a Sample
of Adjudicated Persons in Izmir, Turkey

presented by

Nuran Erol

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ANOMIE-SOCIAL CLASS LINKAGE AMONG A SAMPLE
0F ADJUDICATED PERSONS IN IZMIR, TURKEY

BY

NUran Erol

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State university
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Sociology

1989

ABSTRACT

ANOMIE-SOCIAL CLASS LINKAGE AMONG A SAMPLE
OF ADJUDICATED PERSONS IN IZMIR, TURKEY
3.?

Nuran Erol

Discovering the linkage between socio-economic
status and the nature of deviant behavior in a changing
society and comparing it to the theoretical frames of
reference which guide the relevant v.5. studies
constitute the major objective of this study.

In other words, the purpose of this study is to
examine the links between social status and deviance as
equivalent in the 11.5. studies and a survey.

It was observed that the differences between social
control mechanisms, especially legal systems, entail new
formulations for analyzing any crime-rela ted phenomenon.

The findings of the survey disclosed a linear
correlation between the nature of deviancy and the social
status of respondents. While the survey on social class-
crime linkage is an attempt to analyze the linkage in a
changing society, the 0.5. studies shaped by different
theoretical approaches tend to use various kinds of
indicators of the social class and crime types. The study
aims at looking at ' these separate theoretical

orientations in a descriptive way.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank my advisor Christopher K.
vanderpool for'his patient guidance and assistance which
maintained my enthusiasm for the pursuit of sociological
research. I also thank the assistance of my committee
members, Peter Manning and Thomas Conner.

Special thanks are also due to Ayse Yfirfik for her
suggestions on the Turkish law system, and Surendar
Yadava for his guidence for re-analyzing the quantitative

data of the study and careful typing of the thesis.

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction

Chapter 1: The Characteristics of Relevant
U.S. Studies on Anomie/Crime-Social
Class/SES Linkage

Chapter 2: Some Assessments of Turkish Law
System and Turkish Criminology

Transition and Tension

Developments in the Political Sector
Criminology: Its Nature and

Activities

Review of Selected Areas of Research
Functioning of Criminal Justice

Chapter 3: The Survey
A) Objective and Hypotheses

B) Descriptive Characteristics of
the Respondents

1) Social Environment

2) Characteristics of Familial
Background

3) Socio-Economic Status (553)

4) Characteristics of Respondents'
Families

C) The Descriptive Characteristics
of Crime, Offense, and the
Relevant variables

D) The Results of Some Statistical
Measures

1) The Level of Integration and
the Types of Crimes
2) The Relationship Between SES
and the Level of Integration
Chapter 4: Conclusion

Bibliography

iii

18

18
22
23
26
29
31

31

37

37

43
47

50

52

65

67

69

78

88

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 . Studies on the relationship between
crime/anomie and SES/social class

in the U.S. 17
Table 2 . The age distribution of Turkish

population 38
Table 3 . The age distribution among respondents 39

Table 4 . The birthplace distribution among
respondents 39

Table 5 . The general distribution of urban-rural
population in Turkey 40

Table 6 . The level of education among respondents 40

Table 7 . The unemployment status among respondents 42

Table 8 . Father's occupation 43
Table 9 . The level of education among respondents'
fathers 45
Table 10. The types of families 46
Table 11. Current occupation of respondents 49
Table 12. Income distribution among respondents 49

Table 13. The characteristics of respondents
regarding their marriage status 51

Table 14. The types of families the respondents
lived in 52

Table 15. The distribution of respondents who
have friends/relatives prosecuted 52

Table 16. The distribution of offenders included
in the study 56

Table 17. The causes of action in dispute
according to respondents 59

Table 18. The distribution of decisions
(execution-deference) 60

Table 19. The pre-status of conviction of
respondents 61

iv

Table
Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

Table

20.
21.

22.

23.

24.

The distribution of convictions
Attitudes of respondents about decisions

Attitudes of respondents about the
legal system

The significance levels of F for each
variable in Chi-square analysis

The correlation of occupations of the
respondents and levels of integration

The distribution of norm groups according
to types of crimes

The distributiOn of the types of crimes
according to the level of education

63

63

64

73

74

77

Figure 1.

LIST OF FIGURES

The scale of Nbrms

vi

70

INTRODUCTION

Deviant behavior embraces all sorts of conduct
outside the limits of 'normality' and is embedded in the
social and moral fabric of each society. Crime, as the
end-point of a continuum of disorder, is determined by
proscriptions of criminal law of macro centexts. i.e.,
contexts of wider social structures. 'Deviancy' provides
a way of discovering the regularities and patterns of
continuum of disorder.

Sociological explanations are concerned with how
the structure of a society or institutional practices or
its persisting cultural themes affect the conduct of its
members. Therefore, any social analysis of crime-related
problems cannot be based entirely upon informational
bases of institutional framework of criminal justice.
Instead, a sociological analysis of deviant behavior
should use conceptions revealing the patterns of social
arrangements that is considered to be both 'outside' the
actor and fprior' to him/her. Since crime is a symbol for
a greater problem stemming from social structure and
their ability to normatively repress antagonistic world

views, it is worthy topic for sociological investigation.

2
Viewing crime as a form of anomie enables us to
understand the process through which subjects employ
"deviant premises" concerning the nature of social
institutions and individual conduct in constructing the
reality of everyday life.

Considering deviant behavior in a macro-con text
necessitates relating offender, victim, and criminal,
their definitions of crime to changes in the wider world
of income differentials, employment, family structures;
in short, material factors. The major premise.behind this
argument is that social changes have predictable effects
on patterns and forms of crime. Socio-economic status
(SES) or class , for example, is one of the ways for the
operationalization of these material factors. Material
factors in a social structure function as variables that
motivate individualS'to 'drift' away from using hegemonic
principles as "a priori" presuppositions in constructing
social reality. MOreover, analyzing the effects of $55
in a different macro-context provides an opportunity to
explore how the patterns of crime are 'constructed' or
'mediated' by one of the relevant dimensions of deviant
behavior.

Therefore, the purpose of this study is to
compare and investigate the links between social status
and deviance as equivalent in studies in the U.S. and a

survey which was done in a developing society, Turkey.

3

The .major questions will focus on the relationship
between socioeconomic status (SE3) and types of crimes.
Also, the level of social integration is considered to
be an indicator of deviancy because of its nature as a
noneconomic consequence of social status. Comparison of
approaches in the U.S. studies and the study described
provides a key to understanding what kinds of 'deviant
behaviors’ are taken as units of analysis in studies done
in different cultures.

In order to enlighten the problematic of this
study, first, the recent U.S. studies on anomie / crime-
SES'/,social class relationship will be reviewed to,point
out the nature of variables which stem from different
perspectives. A comparison between theoretical frame of
interpretations and research procedures will be made by
describing the characteristics of data explored.

The survey can be interpreted as one attempt to

display empirical groundings of anomie theory.

NOTE:

1. Social status ($35) is used interchangeably with
social class in this study. Although 'class' is a concept
that has cultural implications, it is accepted that the
indicators of SES for the operationalization of social
class is an efficient way of linking class with deviancy.

CHAPTER 1

THE CHARACTERISTICS OF RELEVANT U.S. STUDIES ON
ANOMIE/CRIME—SOCIAL CLASS/SE3 LINKAGE

In order to understand the nature of the
linkage between deviancy, anomie and socioeconomic
status, studies analyzing the association between
deviancy and variables 'external' to deviants will be
reviewed in this chapter. Rather than looking only at the
criminological studies, studies on anomie and deviancy
will be explored because of the central importance of the
concept of 'deviant' in a sociological perspective. A
short history of deviance sheds light on how different
perspectives resolve the problem of discovering
epistemological tools for the etiological character of
crime related issues.

Sociologists in the U.S. have developed at
least three major perspectives on the problem in
question: 1) social pathology,' 2) functionalism; .3)
conflict perspective. The earliest one, popular till
about the forties, is that of social pathologists (Thio,
1973). They were interested in studying a variety of
social deviants such as criminals, juvenile delinquents,
prostitutes, drug addicts, the physically defective, and

the poor. Deviant acts were all subsumed under the rubric

of social disorganization or social pathology fipractical
problems”, "disorganization", "abnormality", and
“maladjustment" are some of the key concepts in the
framework of social pathologists. They adopted a
fragmentary, individualistic perspective.

The dominant criminological perspective in the
post-war period was that of functionalism which
succinctly brought about a value-free behavioral
perspective. Crime and delinquency were seen as a result
of ‘poor‘ social conditions. Social reform would reduce
the crime rate. Functionalism focused on absolute
deprivation. Yet relative inequality persisted and even
increased within a wealthy society that gave rise to
deviancy (Young, 1987). Within this theoretical
perspective, two major theories of anomie were those of
R. Merton and of Leo Srole. They shared common
theoretical bases and their works have been the
foundation for much of the anomie research. .

In the 1960‘s, the labeling perspective
emerged. Labeling theorists considered deviant behavior
not as intrinsic to the act but merely a conservence of
labeling by superordinate parties of behavior of
subordinates in a power structure (Becker, 1967).
Deviance was equated with powerlessness.

The three perspectives on deviancy are

interrelated with the specific theories of anomie/crime-

6

social class relationship. Merton's anomie theory
attempted to provide a rationale for a negative anomie-
status hypothesis. His functional theory [of deviance
postulates that behavior is a function of the
relationship between culturally defined goals and the
culturally prescribed means to achieve those goals within
a given social system. Individuals are said to be under
strain when the relationship between goals and means is
discrepant (Merton, 1968). If the goals and means are
both absent, such discrepancy can exist. These strains
motivate individuals to cope by adopting one of several
modes deviant behavior. The.most significant form'of mode
of -adaptation for the class / crime linkage is
"innovation". According to Merton, the strain toward
innovation is strongest among those of lower socio-
economic status because their means to achieve success
goals are so limited that they often tend to employ
culturally proscribed means (such as crime) to realize
success goals.

However, Merton does not accept the strain of
a goal / means discrepancy as a sufficient cause of
innovation. He emphasizes that individuals in all social
strata experience such strains, although all of them are
not equally likely to innovate. The key factors that
explain differences in innovation is really' moral

commitment to the law. To illustrate this point, Merton

7
discusses the lower middle class individual who faces a
severe strain between goals and means because he/she also
internalizes unattainable goals (Merton, 1968).

Merton's theory moves away . from the
transcendental moral philosophy of Durkheim and situates
itself in the mainstream of a scientifically-oriented
inquiry. This instrumental revision of anomie is based
on two.major'assumptions: (1) that a.society's population
collectively embraced in the same cultural values, and
(2) that culturally prescribed means for obtaining these
values were differentially distributed throughout the
population by a class mechanism (Harvey, 1982).

An important point which should be emphasized
is that the Mertonian approach of deviance bears some
~barren arguments. Consensus on ends is not an analytic
given, as Merton would claim, but an ideological
condition which is shaped by.micro and macro contexts of
each society. Further, it is questionable to accept the
assumption of consensus on ends or the homogeneity of
groups in a heterogeneous and ethnically diversified
society such as the one analyzed in this study. Although
it assumes differentially distributed means to obtain
values. it neglects the diversity in each society in
terms of the operation of social control mechanisms such
as the legal system. Starr, in her ethnographic study of

law in,a Turkish village, observes the way disputes are

8
settled and the perception of the legal system by
individuals in a rural area. There seems to be some
certain informal mechanisms between individuals to settle
the disputes (Starr, 1978).

Srole's theory, which aims at identifying of
specific traits of anomie at the individual level,
distinguishes between the social and psychological
dimensions. He coins the term 'anomia' to describe, at
the very general level, a psychological condition of
"self-to-others alienation“ (Srole, 1956). The background
assumption of his scale is that the desirable condition
of social systems is characterized at the macrosocial
level by the "integratedness" of different systems or
subsystems, and at the microsocial level by the
functional integration of individuals in relation to the
social normative situation. When Srole's psychological
dimensions are combined with Merton's theory of anomie,
a structural analysis of anomie is provided. In sum, the
apparent notion in Merton and Srole's works is that
anomie is a "structural condition " of modern social life.

There are various studies analyzing anomie-
status relationship which also provides formulations to
study crime-class hypothesis in the functionalist
perspective. Since deviancy is an outcome of a process
of judgement and evaluation that distinguishes certain

forms of behavior as rule-breaking and attaches penal ties

9

to them, any sociological investigation of criminals
should focus on the 'social act' rather than the
definition of deviancy written in law. Studies on anomie
do take into account relevant variables of ’social act'
by accepting it as though it is a social construct. For
example, Phillibes and Fox (1982) analyze_the effects of
affluence perception of anomia and the importance of
affluence ,perception as an intervening' variable
interpreting the effects of race, education, and income
on anomia.

Rushing (1971),, in his study' on the
relationship .between aspiration-perceived’ opportunity
disjunction and normlessness refers to ’cultural
interpretation' as a crucial factor in normlessness. In
another study that attempts to measure the linkages
between numerous factors (e.g., occupation, education,
income, age, class identification, etc.) of SES and
anomia, a significant relationship was found (Meier and
Bell, 1959). Agnew (1980), on the other hand, examines
the effect of variations in the goal of success on
anomie. His central question appears to be the
associations between different amounts of emphasis on the
goal of success and different levels of anomie. Other
studies on anomie are summarized in the table . As it
can be observed, they' tend to comprehend’ different

dimensions of the relevant variables. The studies either

10
use self-reported data or U.S. survey results, or
official records of criminals. Various indicators of SES
are used including especially race (Green, 1970; Eliot
and Ageton, 1980).

In contrast to the functionalist propositions,
other studies generate a hypothesis of an inverse
relationship between $53 and crime. One of these
theories, for example, postulates that individual of
lower SES have distinct cultural characteristics
encouraging deviant behavior. In this context, Miller
suggests that criminal behavior is motivated by positive
efforts "to achieve status, conditions, or qualities
valued within the actor's .most significant cultural
milieu" (Miller, 1958). Cohen's theory differs from the
others of this school of thought in that he attempts to
explain the presence of a presumed distinct lower class
subculture which encourages law'violation. Helargues that
deficiencies in childbearing as well as the presence of
considerable elements in the lower class culture make it
difficult to meet the expectation of a middle class
dominated society (Cohen, 1955).

A closely related theoretical formulation that
one could assume to generate a negative class / crime
hypothesis is Sutherland's differential association
theory. (It does not attempt to explain why some

individuals associate with primary interaction groups

11
which lead sufficient conditions in which individuals
learn criminal norms. The fact that people who have high
exposure to the criminalistic influences will have the
highest probability of criminal behavior is accepted as
given (Sutherland and Cressey, 1978).

The Chicago ecological tradition also held that
criminal behavior is inversely related to social class.
The major theme in this theory emphasizes that social and
environmental characteristics of low income inner city
areas combine to produce higher than normal rates of
crime. For example, when he examines status-delinquent
behavior, Johnstone (1978) employees two types of status
(area status and family status). Shaw and Mekay (1969),
too, focus on two.significant features of the areas where
low income urban people reside. Although they avoid the
usual preconception concerning inherent negative trait
of lower status people by providing a plausible
theoretical account of how crime rates in lower status,
inner city areas come to exceed, assuming that all or
most lower class individuals in the U.S. seems to be an
overgeneralization.

Another approach that is used to explain crime
is reflected in a body of ideas identified as conflict
theory. Conflict analysts postulate that deprivation of
material goods and of access to the means of production

will lead to criminal behavior. However, some

12
formulations of conflict perspective go beyond the idea
of deprivation and crime. For example, Bonger (1969)
maintains that a capitalist economic system is
necessarily based on competition and exploitative
exchange. Capitalist economic organization creates
disproportionate amounts of crime among the proletariat
because desperate economic circumstances provide strong
incentives for committing criminal acts. Harvey, who
considers Mertonian theory of anomia as an attempt to
reconcile the structural-functional problematic with a
form of Marxist theory, suggests a way to reconstitute
the concept of anomia in order to more fully take into
account the class antagonisms which generate anomia in
contemporary capitalist settings (Harvey, 1982). Williams
and Drake (1980) attempt to examine the relationship
between economic inequality, the relative size of
historically subordinate groups, and criminalization by
using a Marxist perspective.

The utilitarian / deterrence approach is
another perspective using a negative class / crime
hypothesis. It posits that humans rationally weigh the
potential costs and benefits of behaviors and act
promises more reward than cost. zimring and Hawkins,
Tittle have all suggested that the cost / benefit ratio
varies directly with class. Although they differ in some

certain points, the basic idea is that higher status

13

people benefit more from their positions in the social
structure than do lower status,people (Tittle, 1969). The
study of zimring and Hawkins (1973) implies that even if
actual costs of criminal behavior were equal for all
classes, the socioeconomic groups would nevertheless
differ in the extent to which cost is translated into
inhibitions, with the lower class ending up deterred.

The scope of studies on‘ anomie/crime and
status/class relationship go beyond the limits of a short
summary. The common denominator of all studies seems to,
be employing external assumptions, most of which are
themselves embodiments'of preconceived notions that lower
class people are plagued with undesirable characteristics
which cause or imply criminal or deviant behavior.

Among these studies, there are some attempts
to analyze the problem by reviewing the relevant review.
For example, Tittle and Villemez (1977) examined
associations between social class andhsocial mobility'and
some.indicators of criminality under'a variety of control
conditions. They extracted data from a large survey
conducted in 1972 of the populations aged 15 and over.
They' concluded that SES may be important only in
interaction with other variables.

In another study, done by Tittle, Villemez, and
Smith (1978), thirty five studies examining the

relationship between social class and crime delinquency

14

were reduced to comparable statistics using instances
where the relationship was studied fer specific
categories of age, sex, place of residence, race, data
type, or offense as units of analysis. The overall
results revealed only a slight negative relationship
between class and criminality, with self-report studies
reflecting lower associations than official statistics
studies. They assumed that official statistics used in
studies on class/crime relationship tended to verify the
inverse relationship between two variables. As
contemporary data do not support the conclusion of a
negative relationship between social class and crime /
delinquency, some shift in theoretical forms is called
for.

Braithwaite, in his review of the relevant
studies, argues that 53 studies of official records
consistently' show notable class differences in
criminality. It has been demonstrated, with a degree of
consistency that lower class people, and people living
lower class areas, have higher official crime rates than
other groups (Braithwaite, 1981).

In another study Eliot and Ageton (1980) state
that the relationship between class and selfereported
delinquency is totally a consequence of the difference
in delinquency between the lower class group and the test

of the sample. They conclude that there is no difference

15
between the working and middle class groups.

Williams and Drake (1980) examined the
empirical validity of arguments maintained by conflict
theorists about the. interrelations among economic
inequality, the incidence of crime, and the official
criminalization of .people through arrest when an
alternative unofficial measure of criminal activity
(i.e., the victimization rate) is used. No evidence was
found that the arrest rate is merely a function of the
incidence of criminal behavior. The relationship between
economic inequality and the arrest rate for aggravated
assault held when the victimization rate was controlled.

Another important study was done by Thornberry
and Farnworth (1982) whoattempted to verify a strong
relationship between status and adult criminality. In
order to assess more adequately the status /' crime
linkage,'they proposed a measurement approach in which
a number of central dimensions of the concept of social
status in included. Both self-reported and official data
produced the same overall conclusions about the
relationship between criminality and status for white
adults: (1) the relationship is inverse; (2) it is
stronger than the relationship found for juveniles; and
(3) it is not as strong as the relationship found for

black adults.

16

The range of U.S. studies on deviancy, anomie
and crime seems so wide that categorizing into one
category, or understanding what theoretical framework
they use is difficult. Although they employ
qualitatively and quantitatively different research
formats, it can be argued that 'scientific' studies of
crime generally reflect the organizing'principles of one
of three major perspectives summarized above. Of the
three major perspectives for studying devi ancy and crime,
the functionalist framework emphasizes the orderliness
of social life. The interactionist perspective which
gives shape to approaches such as labeling theory tend
to focus on the social-psychological complexity of human
life. The last one, conflict perspective, pinpoints the
capitalist economic system as the source of' social
conflict, and suggests that conflict is not a necessary
condition of human social life.

The theoretical scope in which the problem of
deviancy' and anomie seems to be stemming from the
polymorphous characters of deviancy (Sagarin and Kelly,
1987). If deviance is integral to social structure, if
it is an aspect of.social organization, then as.societies
change, as social values and .structures evolve and .
adjust, deviance will manifest itself accordingly: it
will take on different forms and characteristics. Though

the perspectives in question are helpful to formulate

17
these theoretical problems of deviancy, grasping its
essential character conceptually and definitionally in

a manner that transcends historical and realities at a

time may be too optimistic.

18

TABLE 1: STUDIES OR THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CRIME/ANOMIE
AND SES/SOCIAL CLASS IN THE U.S.

AUTHORfS) VARIABLES IS THERE ANY
SIGNIFICANT
RELATIONSHIP
DEPENDENT-INDEPENDENT
Agnew (1980) Status variables -
anomie Yes
Braithwaite Crime-Social Class Yes
(1981)
Dodder and Dimensions of anomie Yes

Astle (1980)

Bdiot and
Ageton (1980) Crime - race, class Yes

Erickson (1973) Official delinquency-

SES No
Frease (1973) Juvenile delinquency-

social class No
Green (1970) Crime - $53 Yes
Harvey (1982) Degree of anomie- class Yes

Johnstone (1978) Delinquent behavior -

area/family status - Yes
Meier and Anomie - 553 Yes
Bell (1959)
Robins, Gynand Deviance - Class Yes
& O'neal (1962)
Rushing (1971) Deviant behavior - Yes

malintegration of cultural
goals and social norms

Thornberry and

Farnworth (1982) Crime - $35 Yes
Tittle and Criminality - No

Villemez (1977) Social class

Voss (1966) Crime - SES No

Williams and Delinquent behavior No

Gold (1973)

CHAPTER 2

SOME ASSESSMENTS ON TURKISH LAW SYSTEM
AND TURKISH CRIMINOLOGY

As a combination of the old and new, Turkey is
a worthy subject of sociological investigation. Turkish
society“ is ancient, but the Turkish Republic was
established’ only' in 1923. As a developing' society;
contemporary Turkey' is experiencing the effects of
modernization. Yet traditional values are deeply rooted
in its people, with the consequence that crimes
associated with industrialization and urbanization have
not been as evident in Turkey as in other developing
societies. Criminology and sociological investigation of
crime are relatively'new, but as is discussed below, the
combination of the old and the new already has stimulated
the creation of a body of sociological and criminological
'research on crime.

TRANSITION AND TENSION:

Founded in 1923, the Republic gained its
constitution in 1924 under the guidance of the military
bureaucrats, founders of the new Turkish state.

Continuous cultural change has had impact on

Turkish society, beginning in the 19th century, through

19

the effects of many changes that may be summarized under
the terms of "Westernization". New schools, new state
organizations, and institutions were modeled mostly after
French institutions.

The rate of change was intensified throughout
‘ the nineteenth century when the 'Sul tan ', the head of the
state, was not only an absolute Secular authority but
also the caliph, supreme chief of the religion. His
double role must be taken into account in assessing every
attempt to adapt western institution, based on a
Christian culture, to Turkish traditions. Formidable
obstacles had to be overcome to adjust these institutions
to the centuries-old Turkish traditions, customs, and
mores deeply rooted in Islamic values.

In an effort to create a rule of law, the
French Penal Code of 1810 was accepted almost in its
entirety, but even in the first article it was specified
that the preservation of the rights of citizens emanates
from "Sharia", that is, rules of Islam. This duality of
criminal law was clarified during the foundation of the
new Republic; the constitution expressed the principle
that secularization would be one of the most significant
characteristics of the state. The Criminal Code Article

163 supports the same principle by prohibiting all sorts

20

21
of propaganda against the principle.

After the proclamation of the Republic in 1923,
radical reforms were introduced in the legal matters as
in other spheres of'life. The adoption of the Swiss Civil
Code of Obligations which contain the law of persons,
family law, succession, property, contracts, torts and
unjust enrichment, both of which were adopted in 1926
with some minor alterations, represented a profound
change in society.

The main source of the Turkish Criminal Code
is the Italian Code of 1889 (Code Zanardelli) which is
based on the ideas of liberalism and individualism. Codes
of administrative law were mainly adopted from France as
a result of the strong influence on the administrative
system of Thrkey which began just after the reform of
1839.

The individualistic character of the Italian
Code does not correspond to the dominant attitude of the
Turkish people, but the Italian Penal Code was evaluated
at the end of the nineteenth century as a progressive
judicial creation, well grounded in logic and technique
and consistent with the democratic traditions of the
century. The Italian Code was not oriented to the

principles of scientific criminology and is not

22
consistent with the requirements of today's criminal
policy. Even today the purposes and concepts of the
Italian Code are an uncertain platform for conducting
research in light of the complexities of accommodating
the diverse theories of our era (Pinatel, 1980).

The Thrkish Penal Code also has had no such
particularity, and it departs from the Code Zanardelli
in the general severity in the style of applying
sanctions. Penalties, especially prison sentences, are
much heavier than provided for by the Italian code and
codes of other European countries. The Turkish Code
grants only a minimum level of discretion to judges, The
courts‘ imposition of harsh penalties is usually not
enforced, since laws of amnesty are periodically passed.
under these conditions, reliable evaluation of deterrent
sentencing is almost impossible (anmezer, 1983).

Since .1965, ,progress'.has .been .made toward
mitigating the severity of the sanctioning system and
providing an improved setting for criminological research
as a resource for criminal policy. The new Act on the
Enforcement of Penalties, NUmber 647 (anmezer, 1967),
published in 1967 by the parliament, modified almost all
the,prescriptions'concerning'sanctions of the Penal Code.

This act gave rather large discretionary power to the

23

courts for“ substituting' fines for' prison sentences,
employing security measures, ‘and using probation and
parole.
DEVELOPMENTS IN THE POLITICAL SECTOR :

A system of onefparty politics was practiced
from the early days of the Republic until 1946.
“Westernization” implied political and social changes
producing clashes between traditional and emergent
values, culture conflicts, and antagonisms between groups
supporting new ideas and groups loyal to traditional
values. Those processes contributed to the appearance of
deviant behavior among members of the new society. From
the early' days of the republic until 1950, those
processes were operating, but, within the framework and
under the pressure of a disciplined one-party system and
limitations on freedoms, formal control mechanisms were
rather strong and effective. In 1950, a new era of
political liberties emerged, culminatingr in the
constitution of 1961. The formal control mechanisms have
become less effective in maintaining compliance, and the
processes of normative dissensus have increased the
visibility of deviant behavior.

Beginning particularly with the 19505, rapid

industrialization and urbanization took place in Turkey.

24

The many effects on a traditional society undergoing
profound changes began to appear. The migration from
rural areas to the cities continues at an explosive pace.
Transition from a rural village economy to a market
economy .has accelerated this ,process. The unplanned
growth of certain cities exceeds their capacity to absorb
new residents and aggravates the inefficiency of public
utilities and other public services;

Criminal areas in big cities, in the form of
shanty towns erected by newcomers from villages, may be
considered important sources of crime. Exessive
unemployment and decreased management of children must
also be considered.

CRIMINOLOGY: ITS NATURE AND ACTIVITIES:

Criminology' is a ,young' science in Turkey,
compared to its development in western Europe and the
united States. In the last sixty or seventy years, this
sphere of scientific activity has been a part of the
curricula of Western universities, but its teaching in
Turkey as a university discipline only began in 1953 in
the Law School of the university of Istanbul.
criminology and Instruction in Law:

Previous to 1953, a well-rooted tradition was

established to give considerable attention to the

25

problems of theoretical criminology in the teaching of
criminal law. In the course of studying different notions
and institutions of law, criminological matters and
problems also are explained. The tradition was consistent
with the proposal expounded by Gabriel Tarde at the First
International Congress of Anthropology that the teaching
of criminal law be completed by dealing with criminology.
The tradition is still followed in various law schools
of Turkey.

In 1943, an institute of criminology was
founded first in the law school of Istanbul University
and another later in the law school of Ankara University.
Since then, the institute of criminology of Istanbul has
been particularly active in research within the limits
nof its budget and the capacity of its staff and
resources. Conferences and symposia are sponsored at the
national and international levels. A rather satisfactory
library of criminological literature has been assembled.
The institute may be considered the center of the science
of criminology in Turkey.

A Conception of Criminology:

Since 1953 the only textbook of criminology

used in the higher education institutions of Turkey was

written by Donmezer. Criminology is defined as a science

26

of synthesis: its subject matter is directed toward
explanation of deviant behavior. It has to be an applied
science - a science of "social defense" - that studies
criminal behavior and responses to crime in action. The
police, courts, prisons, and other institutions reacting
to crime are investigated in action as facets of social
control.

Textbook materials are oriented primarily to
students of criminal law; hence, a single theoretical
approach is not likely to be followed. The functional
approach to criminal behavior in the Mertonian sense is
the most desirable one. Crime is considerd unavoidable-
in any ideological and social system, and, strangely, it
is an aspect of system maintenance and survival.
Publications in Criminologz:

Scientific articles on criminological matters
are published in the "Review of the School of Istanbul",
in the journals of the bar associations of Istanbul and
Ankara, and in the "Review of the Mfinistry of Justice"
which is concerned with law but also publishes articles
on criminological topics. The "Review of the Institute
of Criminal Law and Criminology" specializes in reports
of research undertaken by that institute. "Annals of the

School of'Law'of the University of Istanbul", gives space

27
to criminological articles.

Publications in theoretical criminology - pure
theory, methodology, and model building - are quite rare.
The tendency is to be concerned only with empirical data,
with readers left largely free to draw their own
interpretations from the data. There are publications
concerning the volume of crime, crime statistics, prison
populations, specific types of crimes, especially traffic
accidents, recidivism, and the functioning of criminal
justice as a control system. Legal scholars have been
predominant among the authors, but since 1970
sociologists have shown greater interest in crime
problems, particularly juvenile delinquency.

REVIEW OF SELECTED AREAS OF RESEARCH:

In reviewing the criminological literature of
Turkey, the discussion is limited to works issued since
1950. Furthermore, the review concentrates on the areas
of juvenile delinquency, the criminality of Turkish
"guest workers " who migrated temporarily for jobs in
foreign countries, traffic offenses, and murders and
vendettas. Because of the diverse topics relevant in
Turkey, it may be said that the chief characteristics of
Turkish research is that the authors are chiefly from

academia and the reports are mostly descriptive and

28
comparative..Research of Western countries, particularly
that of the U.S., is usually the basis for comparison
with the situation in Turkey.
Juvenile Delinquencz:

Studies of juvenile delinquency have always
been a favorite subject of scholars in Turkey. Even
though the rate of juvenile delinquency is not high, any
upsurge in the rate excites concern in a country where
the family institution is particularly strong. But some
research follows the psychological and cultural points
of view.

For example, in 1977, Yavuzer studied 214 young
male convicts in the treatment schools of Ankara, Izmir,
and Elazig to determine their level of intelligence and
factors concerning the environment and personality
traits. They'measured the effects of psycho-pedagogical,
socioeconomic, and cultural factors in developing deviant
behavior (Yavuzer, 1977).

In another study, Saran dealt with the
sociocultural particularities of the children under
eighteen years of age who involved with the police of
Istanbul in the years 1958-1963 (Saran, 1968). Theft,
violence, sexual crimes, smuggling, and pickpoketing were

the most prevalent crimes. According to the author, the

29
delinquency of.members of the sample was associated with
crowded families, poor housing, unemployment, and culture
conflict.
Criminalitz of Turkish Migrant WOrkers in Foreign
Countries:

The criminality of "guest workers " has been the
subject of research in the last twenty years. Emigration
from Mediterranean and Eastern Europe raises problems
that differ from those of Canada and the U.S. in earlier
decades.

Research published by Tuna is an example of the
investigations carried out in TUrkey (Tuna, 1966). He
deals with the problem of criminality of the Turkish
migrant workers in West Germany; In evaluating the
offenses of Turkish migrants, one has to take into
account the severe and discriminatory attitude of local
authorities against the "guest workers". Anomie appears
to be an apt theoretical explanation because the Turkish
migrant workers constitute the "new Negroes" of Europe.
MUrders and Vendettas:

Upon its establishment id 1944, the Institute
of Criminology and Criminal Law of Istanbul took up
investigations of .murder as the first item on its

research agenda. The study, published in 1948 in Turkish

30
and French, covered 6386 persons convicted of murder, and
it is still considered a main source in that subject.

In his study, Tezcan deals with the problem of
the vendetta (TEann, 1972) and tries to explain it in
terms of sociological factors present in some parts of
Turkey.

Traffic Offenses:

Turkey has a very high rate of casualties
resulting' from .road accidents. Among' the .many
publications on this topic is the paper of Yarsuvat
(1973). His research covers 2260 judgements of the
district court, traffic court, and justices of the peace
of Istanbul for 1968.

FUNCTIONING OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE:

Public opinion in Turkey has expressed
increasing dissatisfaction with the criminal justice
system in the last 20 years. Several scholars have
applied themselves to the assessment of and proposing
solutions for the shortcomings of the system.

In a study of the criminal justice system,
among the facets of the crisis of justice in Turkey,
attention was given to the delay in justice
administration (Donmezer, 1972). Nine major causes of

delay were summarized, and twelve policy measures were

31
proposed to correct the problem.

Concentrating on the criminal justice system
of Istanbul, the largest city' in Turkey, Yarsuvat
presented’the hypothesis that urbanization in Turkey has
not yet a noticeable effect on the functioning of the
criminal justice system, although it is not as efficient
as one would desire from social control institutions
(Yarsuvat, 1973).

Until the 19605, criminality was not considered
a serious nuisance in Turkey. Thereafter and especially
in 1968, due to rapid social change reflected by
industrialization, migration, and social mobility, the
situation began to deteriorate. There is increased
awareness of the crucial role criminological research can
play in lending substance and direction to the framing
of criminal justice policy. It is important to tie those
aspectS' of"policymaking' activities with the .broader
efforts toward economic development that are dedicated

to meeting the needs of Turkish society.

CHAPTER 3

THE SURVEY

A) OBJECTIVE AND HYPOTHESES

The data of a TUrkish study titled "Changing
meaning of the concept of crime and social status of the
offenders and criminals in relation to the new rules of
the changing society“ provides an opportunity to compare
U.S. studies described above and an empirical study of
anomie theory. In order to make the comparison, first of
all, examining the research design of the survey is
necessary.

The purpose of the study was to question how
the definitions of crimes by social institutions tend to
change because of a new emergency, complex and
heterogeneous social structure in the process of social
change. The relationship between the types of crimes and
$53 of criminals and offenders were explored through the
following hypotheses:

1) The more individuals internalize the way contemporary
society, its institutions, the sets of rules operate in
urban life; the less they tend to become 'deviants'. In
other words, there'is an inverse relationship between the

internalization, or, understanding, being consciousness

32

33
of the internal logic of the operation of the whole
social system, and becoming a criminal.
2) There is a correlation between the degree of
internalization, or being consciousness of the system and
committing certain types of crimes.
THE TYPES OF CRIMES INCLUDED IN THE SURVEY:
1) Crimes against persons (drunkenness, assault, etc.)
2) Crimes against property (burglary, vandalism, larceny,
etc.)
3) Traffic violations.
4) Misdemeanors (e.g., rejection of police regulations,
disobedience against rules, etc.)
5).Embezellement and corruption
6) Illegal service crimes (bribery, forgery, disobedience
against the regulations of business law)

Since it is doubtful that legal categories
provide an adequate base on which to develop typologies
of offenders, a typology of behaviors seemed to have a
good deal of utility. Yet, rather than attempting to
employ certain type of classifications such as "organized
crimes ", "violent crimes ", the classification of offenses
was considered to be functional in terms of being a
heuristic device for organizing forms of illegality into

groupings.

34

The deviant behavior, which was interpreted as
punishable action in the eyes of.law, would be considered
as the core characteristics of the individuals to be
analyzed in this study. In order to obtain the data on
"deviants", three civil courts in the city of Izmir were
selected as infOrmation sources. Before reviewing the
procedure of sampling it is necessary to briefly describe
the court structures in the Turkish law system.

Criminal acts, in the terminology of Turkish
law system, are separated into two categories such as
felonies against the state and felonies against public
decency and family order.

The courts are divided into civil, criminal,
and administrative courts. The civil court of First
.Lnstance is the .basic trial court with general and
residual jurisdiction covering' everything' .not
specifically assigned to other tribunals. Civil courts
are established to hear certain cases including those
where the amount of controversy does not exceed’a certain
amount of money, eviction cases, claims of support, and
request for permission to marry.

Criminal courts are divided into three
categories: peace courts, courts of Criminal jurisdiction

and Aggravated Felony Courts.

35

The~ official records of .Peace Courts, and
Courts of Criminal Jurisdiction provided necessary
infOrmation from which the data were obtained. Due to the
difficulties in the procedures to gain access to the
records of the Aggravated Felony Courts, the sample size
was limited to the population of two types of criminal
courts in a sub-province (Bornova) which is the most
crowded province of the city of Izmir. Since these were
one peace courts and two criminal jurisdiction courts in'
the province; the sample was planned to be drawn between
offenders who were judged at these courts. Also, the
nature of the suits in each court provided a reason for
selecting these courts. After a preliminary research, it
was observed that the official records of the peace
court, and two criminal jurisdiction courts included the
information about offenders who were judged due to
committing the types of crimes which were planned to be
included in the study.

The major difference between three courts in
question was the nature of crimes subjected to suits of
each court. For example, it was observed that offenses,
which were grouped as crimes against persons, disorderly
conduct of traffic regulations, constituted the suits

judged at the trials of the peace court. Offenses such

36

as .burglary; larceny; auto theft, and some illegal
service crimes were subjected to the trials of its
criminal jurisdiction court. 2nd criminal jurisdiction
court were happened to be dealing with aggravated
assault, rape, and other illegal service crimes which
required punishment of'imprisonment and.heavy fines. The
degree offipunishment in each court was tended’to increase
between the peace court and 2nd criminal jurisdiction
court..Also, the>degree of violence was another criterion
determining the position of offense among three courts.

The process of sample selection followed those
steps: Firstly, in order to increase the
representativeness of the sample, 2000 trials or cases,
the relevant information about the offenders and
criminals were recorded or reclassified. The number of
the suits in three courts were as follows: 1240 suits in
the peace court; 370 suits in the lst criminal
jurisdiction court; and 390 suits in the 2nd criminal
jurisdiction court. These suits consisted of the trials
which have been judged between March 1985 and May 1986.
The proportion of the numbers of suits among 2000 cases
was determined by the proportion or the number of suits

within a certain period of time.

37

In each of the official files of the three
courts, it was possible to find some kind of detailed
information that included the number of victims in the
'criminal' action, the age, occupation, addresses of
offenders, the place of action, and related information
about the legal procedure and prosecution. The conceptual
gap between the terminology of law and the operational
definition of the units of analysis in the research
necessitated the reclassification of the source of the
data. The data had to be reclassified on.the basis of six
types of crimes to draw a sample from the population of
the offenders and criminals. For the next step, among 36
types of crimes, those provided a proportion over 2%
(among the total number of crimes) were selected and the
list of the respondents in each group were completed. The
crimes that provided a proportion less than 2% among
others were grouped as the other types of crimes. Since
the ratio of the units of analysis in each crime group
was different, the sample could be drawn by a weighting
procedure. After the new list of criminals was prepared,
the sample was drawn among‘these different types of
criminal groups by using simple random sampling. The
offenders who were in a jail during the survey research

whose suits were dismissed were excluded from the sample.

38

Since it was ‘planned to make interviews with 100
offenders and criminals, the selection of the numbers of
the respondents in each group was made on the basis of
the proportion of each crime group among the total
numbers of crimes. In sum, both stratified random
sampling and simple random sampling were used together
in the sampling procedure.

After the lists of .respondents were .made,
interviews were started. The geographical area of the
survey research consisted of different neighborhoods of
the city of Izmir. Before the interviews were started,
the introductory letters about the survey research were
sent to the respondents. A total of 73 criminals and
offenders had been asked questions related to their SES
and criminal status, as well as their level of social
integration. The interviews were completed at the end of
October 1986.

Although the criminal population in the city
of Izmir can be seen as a representative aggregation of
all TurkiSh population, the sample used in this study is
narrow in the sense that it does not represent a sample
offldeviant population in Turkeyu Furthermore, the factors
which may be influential on the rate of arrests were not

considered in the analysis.

39
B) DESCRIPTIVE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RESPONDENTS :
1) SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT:

The indicators displaying the degree of
internalization of social order by individuals also
function as the characteristics‘of the respondents in the
survey research. The descriptive characteristics such as
age distribution, the birthplace (urban/rural), the
occupation of father, the frequency of unemployment, the
type of family individuals lived in, the level of
education of respondents, provide a picture by which we
can understand the variables that could be influential
in internalizing the sets of values characterizing the
urban life style. In other words, certain descriptive
characteristics have an important role in the sense that
they help us to infer the way individuals internalize
some sets of values emerging in urban life.

The individuals in the sample can be accepted
as a representative aggregation of Turkish population as
it is documented in the age distribution of the whole
population (see Table 2). Those whose ages range between
15-64 constitute 60.3% of the general population.
Although the sample cannot be interpreted as the
representative of the whole female-male population, it

is a representative sample of the general offenders and

40
criminal population (Table 3).

Table 2: The age distribution of TUrkish population (8)

 

 

 

Age groups 1986
Tetal 35.4
0-14 Male 17.9
Female 17.5
Total 60.3
15-64 Male 30.5
Female 29.8
_ Total 4.3
65+ Male 2.0
Female 23
Tbtal 100

 

 

 

 

Source: State Statistics Institute (1986)

Table 3: The age distribution among respondents.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Age NUmber 8

Less than 7 9.5
20

21-25 8 11.0
26-30 9 12.3
31—40 23 31.5
41-50 17 23.3
51+ 9 12.4
Total 73 100

 

 

 

 

 

41

Table 4: The.birthplace distribution among'respondents.

 

 

 

 

 

Birthplace Number *
URBAN 35 4 7 . 9
RURAL 33 4 5 . 3
OTHER 5 6 . 8

TOTAL 73 1 00

 

 

 

 

 

It is well known fact that migration characterizes the
structure of population in urban areas in developing
societies. The percentage of individuals born in rural
areas seems to be a verification of this fact. Also, if
we compare the birthplace distribution among respondents
to the general distribution of urban-rural population in
Turkey, the representativeness of the sample units could
be clarified.

Table 5: The general distribution of urban-rural
population in Turkey (8).

 

 

Years urban Rural
1975 41.8 58.2
1980 49.2 50.8
1985 53.0 47.0

 

 

 

 

 

Source: State Statistics Institute (1986)

42

Table 6: The level of education among respondents.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The level of # $
education
Illiterate 4 5.5
Literate 7 9.6
Elementary 37 50.6
school grad.
High school 13 17.8
drop-out
High school 4 5.5
graduate
Others 2 2.7
College Grads 6 8.2
Total 73 99.9

 

 

 

 

 

The data on another important characteristic
of the respondents revealed that their.level of education
is relatively'higher than the level of education of their
parents, although 5.5% of them consist of illiterate
respondents which is not the general characteristic of
Turkish population. The majority of respondents are drop-
outs as it can be seen from the figures in question.
College graduates are observed to be those who own their
own business (petty bourgeoisie). The category of others
consists of the respondents who attended different type

of schools rather than the categories written above.

,43

It is possible to relate the level of education
to the starting age of working life such that almost 50%
of respondents who are elementary school graduates is a
consistent figure with the proportion of those (34.1%)
who started working at the age of 11-12. Also, the
percentage of university graduates (8.2%) seems
consistent with the proportion of respondents who started
working after the age of 22. 35% of respondents started
working at the ages of 13-15.

If we describe the frequency of unemployment
among respondents, the data reveals that the majority of
respondents (61.6%) never been unemployed. HOwever, if
the percentage of people working in informal sectors is
considered, this figure should not lead to conclude that
the majority of respondents had stable occupations. It
was inferred from the interviews that respondents tended
to forget the frequency’ of unemployment since they
started to work; or, they tended to avoid give clear
answers related to their unemployment periods. However,
it was observed that 21.4% of the respondents certainly
had unemployment experiences. Those who had never worked

(5.5%) consist of housewives in the sample.

44

Table 7: The unemployment status among respondents.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

# %

No 1 1.4
answer
.Never 4 5.5
WOrked
Always 2 2.7
unemployed
Has been 10 13.6
unemployed (1)
Has been 4 5.5
unemployed (2)
unemployed 7 9.6
more than 2 times

Total 73 99.9

 

 

 

 

 

2) CHARACTERISTICS OF FAMILIAL BACKGROUND
The familial background of the respondents
could be analyzed in terms of delineating certain

characteristics of the individuals in the sample.

45

Table 8: Father's occupation.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Father's
occupation NUmber %
Agriculture 19 26.0
Craftsmen 5 6.8
Tradesman 18 24.6
Blue collar 14 19.2
worker
White collar 8 11
worker
MErchant 4 5.5
(owns business)
Other 5 6.8
Total 73 100

 

 

 

 

 

The respondents whose fathers working had_
worked in agriculture sectors constituted 26% of the
whole sample. This proportion is consistent with the
percentage of the respondents born in rural areas. 24.6%
of the respondents is a group whose fathers had small
scale trade jobs. Tradesman is a typical occupation of
rural communities. The difference between tradesman and
craftsmen stems from whether someone owns a production
unit no matter what kind of prodUct they market.

Merchants constitute 5.5% of the sample size. They can

46

also be called petty bourgeoisie. 19.2% of respondents
had fathers working in a factory, in short, selling
labour. White collar jobs, those who used to work in a
government office, are in the 4th place.

The characteristics about the level of
education among the respondents' fathers are as follows:

The proportion of the respondents whose fathers
graduated from an elementary school is 31.5%. A group who
had little or no education, coming from rural families
constituted 23.3% of the respondents' fathers. In the
third place, there is a group (21.9%) who did not any
institute of education, who know how to read and write.
The proportion of high school and college graduates are
too low because of the birthplace of fathers of
respondents. The level of education among respondents'
mothers seems lower than 'the level of education of

fathers. The percentage of illiterate mothers is 43.8%.

47

Table 9: The level of education among respondents'

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

fathers.
The level of Number %
education

Illiterate 17 23.2
Literate 16 21.9
Elementary 23 31.5
school gr.

High school - 7 9.6
drop-out

High school 4 5.5
gr.

College 2 2.7
grad.

No ‘4 5.5
answer

Total 73 100

 

 

 

 

 

Another'important familial background variable
is the type of family the in which the respondents lived.
As it can be observed from the table, majority of the
respondents (79.4%) lived in nuclear families which can
be interpreted as the most important characteristic of

urban social environment.

48

Table 10: The types of families.

 

 

 

 

 

 

The type of Number %

the family

Extended 11 15

family

Nuclear 58 79.4

family

Separated 2 2.8

family

Others 2 ‘ 2.8
Total 73 100

 

 

 

 

 

In general, if we interpret the data above the
general picture regarding the hypotheses happens to be
as follows: If individuals interact with the sets of
institutions which were characterized by urban life
style, or if they experience the operation of formal
organizations resulting from institutional patterns; it
can be expected that individuals may internalize and
understand this special features of institutional
mechanisms so as to act in an urban environment. Through
the internalization of this special sets of values,
patterns, individuals can evaluate their actions such

that they' could fit into the necessities of urban

 

49
society. Therefore, we should look for some parameters
which stem from the structUre of contemporary society;
in this case, special characteristics of an urban society
in transformation.

First of all, there seems little difference
between the respondents who come from urban areas and
those who were born in rural areas. The general trend
about the nature of ‘places displays' a geographical
mobility towards cities. In other words, the proportion
of individuals who were born in urban dwellings explains
the fact that respondents did experience an urban
culture.

3) SOCIO-ECONOMICJSTATUS (SES)

Studies on SES-crime relationship tend to
employ'three kinds of.indicators: the level of education,
income, and the occupation which were also used as
indicators of SES in this study.

The proportion of the respondents who had never
had any training of specialization, or expertise
knowledge was 23.3%. Those who started working to invest
some kind of small scale business constituted 16.4% of
the respondents. Another category of the occupations,
technical jobs, consisted of individuals whose proportion

was 15% in the whole sample. These individuals had a

50

special period‘ of training' before starting the job
career. A small percentage (12.3%) of the respondents
started working, or they were trained to become
tradesmen. The least crowded group of occupations (10.9%)
were those who had a training period to have jobs related
to handicrafts. The rest of respondents had different
education backgrounds that cannot be classified under the
categories written above.

However, there seems some differences between
jobs of respondents and their current occupations. The
individuals whose occupations are small scale tradesman
and handicraft constitute 26% of the sample. This reveals
a discrepancy .between jobs and occupations of the
respondents. For example, approximately 6% of the
respondents who have been attended high school have
occupations such as small scale merchandise which
generally do not require special training. In other
words, the level of education among respondents appears
not to correspond to the requirements of their current
occupations. The individuals who own their own businesses
(petty’ bourgeoisie) comprise a group of" merchants,

jewelry store owner, bankers, etc.

51

Table 11: Current occupation of respondents.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

OCCUPATION Number %
Not working 12 16 . 4
Technical jobs 6 8.2
Agriculture 1 1.4
Handicraft 19 26.0
Werkers (blue collar) 5 6.8
White collar 1 1.4
Owns business 22 30.1
Others 7 9.6

Total 73 99.9

 

Table 12: Income Distribution Among Respondents

(Per Mbnth)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

No answer 8 10.9
unemployed 6 8.2
Less than 40000 6 8.2
41-60000 8 10.9
61-100000 13 17.8
101-150000 ‘ 9 12.3
151-350000 14 19.2
351000+ 9 12.3

Total 73 99.8

 

 

 

52

In October 1986, when the survey research was
done, the exchange rate of U.S. dollar was equal to 900
Turkish lira. Hence, the income levels of respondents do
not seem high. However, if we consider the fact that
someone earning above $100 can be considered as a middle
class person, 31.5% of respondents have moderate incomes.
Almost half of the individuals (45.1%) have low level
incomes. An important proportion of the respondents
(10.9%) did not answer the questions related to their
monthly incomes. The other important point is that 5.5%
of the respondents are individuals whose incomes are
above 1 million Turkish liras per.month that corresponds
to a living standard of someone who earns at least
$50,000-60,000 a year. In sum, it can be argued that a
group which constitutes 12.3% of the sample size can be
interpreted as upper level of the sample size.
4) CHARACTERISTICS OF RESPONDENTS' FAMILIES

The majority of the respondents (93%) were

male, while only 6.8% of them turned out to be female.

53

Table 13: The characteristics of respondents regarding
their marriage status.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Marital status Number %
Single 17 23.3
Married 52 71.2
Divorced 3 4.1
Other 1 1.4
Total 73 100

 

 

 

 

 

Besides their marriage status, the respondents
were asked«questions on the way they got married, because
as it happens in other developing societies marriages
through arrangements are quite common even among urban
dwellings. It was observed that 39.7% of the respondents
got married through arrangements inspite of the nature

of social environment (urban) in which they were born.

54

Table 14: The types of families the respondents lived in.

 

 

 

 

 

Type of family # %
No answer 2 2.7
Extended family 9 12.4
Separated family 3 4.1
Living alone 2 2.7
Nuclear family 57 .78
Total 73 99.9

 

 

 

The data on the most important characteristic

of the families relevant the criminality status of other

family members revealed that 68.5% of the respondents

consist of offenders and criminals who had never have any

relative or friend who had been prosecuted and judged.

Table 15: The distribution of respondents who have i
friends/relatives(prosecuted.

 

 

 

 

NUmber %

No answer 4 5.5

Yes 19 26
No 50 68.5

Tetal 73 100

 

 

 

55

C) THE DESCRIPTIVE CHARACTERISTICS OF CRIME, OFFENSE,
AND THE RELEVANT VARIABLES

The general classification in the literature
of criminology seems to be changing according to the type
of theory researchers employ; Although the general trend
in criminological studies emerges as emphasizing the gap
between the terminology of law and criminology. the
studies on offenders and criminals are dispense with the
attempts to find out a general, universal typification
about the act of 'deviance', or 'crime'. The conception
of crime determines how crime is analyzed and
categorized. The etiology of crime is realized through
analysis of the rules criminologists employ to
characterize .behavior as criminal, not the
characteristics of the behavior they describe (Hartjen,
1981). The terminology of law cannot be a reference
source to classify the type of offenses, because the
apprehension, prosecution, or judgement of a person as
a "criminal" requires that the actors involved have some
knowledge of understanding of what it is they are doing.
Describing an action, the reason of action is not the
only question relevant to criminology. An equally
relevant question should focus on a different mode of

analysis.

56

Thus, any typification about offenders and
criminals necessitates neglecting to assume that there
are certain universal rules to analyze the act of
'deviance'. Rules do not determine the way we
characterize a criminal act. Instead, the characteristics
of behavior is the most significant factor in classifying
criminal acts. Labeling'activities'ofjpolice and.judicial
personnel could be informative as to who is likely to be
labeled and 'why“ people are or are not formally
criminalized. But it does not help us to explain 'how'
labeling could be done as a sensible act of conduct.
Through determining the characteristics of behavior on
a continuum, it is possible categorize criminal behavior
into types which are different forms of deviance. These
types, in this study, were classified as though they
constitute a continuum that oscillates between violent
crimes and property crimes. As the study was limited to
the data of 3 civil courts, some types of crimes were
excluded from the survey research.

Five types of crimes on this continuum were
determined according to the criterion of the level of
organization or sophistication of the action, which is
related to the level of integration of the contemporary

urban life and its operation. Those who are integrated

57
with the operation of the social system tend to deviate
by utilizing their consciousness about the system itself.
Whereas individuals whose integration is low are not
capable of using the knowledge or consciousness of the
system so as to find ways of deviance which would provide
some means to realize their ends. In order to analyze the
relationship between levels of integration resulting from
SES of the respondents and the types of crimes, the
following forms of crimes were selected:
I. CRIMES AGAINST PERSONS (drunkenness, assault, etc.):
The majority of respondents (35.6%) have been prosecuted
Lbecause of violence offenses.
II. CRIMES AGAINST PROPERTY (Burglary, vandalism,
larceny, auto theft): Those who committed this type of
crimes constitute 19.2% of the respondents.
III. TRAFFIC VIOLATIONS: One of the typical form of
crimes in developing societies turned out to have a high
rate in this study (8.2%).
IV. MISDEMEANORS: These are various crimes that could not
be classified into the rest of the categories. They
consist of a group who committed crimes such as rejection
of police regulations, disobedience against rules, etc.
V. EMBEZZLEMENT AND CORRUPTION: Disobedience against

rules include crimes, relevant to the regulations of

58

small scale business owners. The proportion of
individuals in this group is 27.3% and the offenses in
question stem from the regulations of law to protect the
efficiency of social organizations. During the process
of economic production, there is always a necessity to
impose criteria by which the Operation of social and
economic organizations can be regulated.

VI. Illegal service crimes

Table 16: The distribution of offenses included in

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

the study.

CRIME TYPES Number 58
Crime Against Persons 26 35.6
Crime Against Property 14 19.2
Traffic Violations 6 8.2
Misdemeanors 1 1.4
Embezzlement and Corruption 20 27.3
Illegal Service Crimes 6 8.2
Total ' 73 99.9

 

 

 

 

 

As it is emphasized above, the forms of crime
in developing societies necessitate analyzing them by
employing a different perspective than the approaches
used in examining class-related problems in developing

societies. However, this assumption must not lead us to

59

conclude that the degree of sophistication in criminal
acts is parallel with modernization. The emergence of new
types of crimes and changing meaning of crime in the law
system should be explained through considering specific
structural features of each society, because processes
behind the criminal acts do not basically emerge as
outcomes of the attempts to realize 'ends' by using
certain 'means'. While 'deviant' acts in a traditional
society are resolved through within the community itself,
the complexity and the nature of social organization do
not allow a self-regulatory system to function as a
control mechanism in urban society.

The types of crimes in developing societies,
which are determined to constitute a continuum of
deviance, should not be analyzed as though they have the
same characteristics of crimes that occurred in 19th
century. The 'deviant' acts are attached to a meaning
such as crimes, because in a changing society there is
a certain period of time between the emergence of new
regulations in the legal system and the internalization
process of this new meaning of 'deviance' by the members
of society. Individuals who internalize and understand
the way the system operates also have the opportunities,

for example, to utilize the loopholes in the legal system

60
for their own benefits. The more individuals have
opportunities to utilize the loopholes in the legal
system; the more new types of crimes (e.g., V and VI
types of crimes) would occur.

The reason of combining different forms of
crimes into the same categories stems from the fact that
the criterion employed to create such typifications
should be sociological variables instead of legal
sanctions defined by the institution of law.

An important point that should be emphasized
is that new forms of crimes might be occurring in rural
areas exposed to.social change~due to their vulnerability'
to rapid development and change. Furthermore, it seems
simplistic to classify types of crimes according to the
nature of geographical place which could lead to
ecological fallacy. Instead, starting analyzing 'actions'
which relatively constitute specific groups that may both
occur in rural and urban areas. The differentiation
between forms of crimes in urban and rural life styles
is determined by the nature of sanctions, and the level
of’ rationality' in legal sanctions. Namely, if the
rationality level which is functional in legal systems
is high, the differentiation in the emergence of new

forms of crimes can be expected to be high.

61

The impact of the increasing rationality in legal
systems on crime is often to increase the consciousness
of citizens of crime which leads in turn to an increase
in crime. That is, since more crimes are noted, mOre
criminals are followed.

Modernization theorists, by emphasizing the same
process, attempt to analyze impacts of social and
economic development on value systems of individuals in
societies. For Lerner, for example, modernity comes about
through changes not only in institutions but also in
persons (Lerner, 1958). Values are embodied in culture
and culture frequently' blocks development; it then
follows that if barriers to development could be removed,
growth would occur. If societies are to develop, the main
focus of .remedial attention would .be internal
characteristics, somehow they would be adjusted to bring
about a greater 'fit' with industrialization and
modernity (Inkeles, 1983; Banfield, 1958).

The respondents in the survey research have
been asked questions about the causes of action in
dispute. As it can be seen in table 17, answers range
between different answers among which misjudgment of the
defendant turned out to be the highest rate (27.3%).

Some respondents (21.9) accepted that the action emerged

62
because of their own faults. Innocent misinterpretation
of rules were accepted as excuses by 15.6% of the
respondents. The individuals who gave answers so as to
accuse their social environment in general constitute
10.9% of the sample size.

Table 17: The causes of action in dispute according to

 

 

 

respondents.

Number %
No answer 4 5.5
Personal fault . 16 21.9
Innocent misinterpretation 10 13.6
of rules
Biased attitudes of 4 5.5
officials
Misjudgment of a relative 3 4.1
Mdsjudgment of a friend 4 5.5
Misjudgment of defendant 20 27.3
Fault of society 8 10.9
Others 4 5.5
Total 73 99.0

 

 

 

 

 

It has been observed that the offenders and
criminals who accused the defendant in the case tended
to be those who committed the crimes in the first
category. The respondents who have been prosecuted due

to crimes in the 5 and 6th categories (illegal service

63

crimes) told that the reason of the prosecution was the
fact that they did not know well the regulations in the
business law. Ironically, they also mentioned about how
fast the legal regulations change, and conclusively it
was their excuse not to be able to follow the changes in
the legal regulations. They tended to accuse the
unpredictability of legal system, the gaps between the
socio-economic change and 'protectionist' policies of the
state, and so on.

The offenders and criminals with whom the
interviews were made consisted of the individuals who
have been acquitted (30.1%), punished (49.3%) and the
offenders and criminals whose trials have been deferred
(8.2%). (see Table 18)

Table 18: The Distribution of Decisions (execution
-deference).

 

 

 

DECISIONS Number %
No answers 3 4.1
Acquittal 22 30.1
Deference 6 8.2
Punishment 36 49.3
Others 6 8.2
Total 73 99.9

 

 

 

 

 

64

Table 19: The Conviction Status of Respondents.

 

 

 

Number %

No answer 3 4.1

Has not been 58 79.4
convicted

Has been punished 12 16.4

Total 73 99.9

 

 

 

 

 

Those who could not describe the type of
decision made after their trials constituted 4.1% of the
sample. Their lawsuits were still in procedurelduring'the
survey research. In general, if we assume that only the
decision of acquittal is interpreted as non-criminal,
then the rest of individuals who constitute the sample
are 'criminal' (57.5%). For in the terminology of law an
individual whose trial is ‘postponed is (accepted’ as
‘criminal'. In other words, offenders are conceived as
having a 'potential' to commit crime.

The questions about the types of convictions
made in trials revealed that 79.4% of the respondents
have not been sentenced before (see Table 19). Only 9.6%
of them convicted by punishments of fine. 6.8% of the

offenders and criminals have been sentenced before the

65
survey research was started.

The data on the pre-status of offenders and
criminalS'do.not seem contradictory (see Table 19). 62.9%
of the respondents have not been prosecuted before. Total
percentage of the respondents who have been prosecuted
due to different types of offenses is 35.5%. It was
observed that 9.6% of the respondents consisted of the
individuals who have been prosecuted once. The members
of petty bourgeoisie are among this group, and they were
prosecuted by disorderly conduct of traffic regulations
and illegal service crimes.

The distribution of the convictions revealed
that (see Table 20) 46.5% of the .respondents were
convicted by fines in different sums. Only 4.1% of the
offenders were sentenced; 8.2% of the trials were
deferred and the last decision of the trials turned out
to be punishment of fines. It was observed from the
interviews with the judges of three civil courts that
they tend to use their discretion in changing the

decisions of sentence into punishments by fine.

66

Table 20: The distribution of convictions.

 

 

# %
No answer 3 4.1
Acquittal 22 30.1
Punishment by fine 34 46.5
Sentence 3 4.1
Sentence and 1 1.4
punishment of fine
Deference of sentence 6 8.2
punishment of fine
Others (appeal, 4 5.5
preemptory nonsuit)
Total 73 99.9

 

 

 

 

 

Table 21: Attitudes of Respondents about Decisions.

(Were the decisions fair enough?)

 

 

 

 

 

 

# %
No answer 3 4.1
Do not know 5 6.8
No ' 35 48
Yes 30 41
Total 41 99.9

 

 

 

 

 

67

Table 22: The Attitudes of Respondents About the Legal
System.

(Is there anything wrong with the law system?)

 

 

 

Categories Number %

No answer 4 5.5
Do not know 7 9.6
No 32 43.8
Yes 30 41

Total 73 99.9

 

 

 

 

 

The respondents were also asked questions about
the way they perceive the legal system (see: Table 21).
About 50% of offenders and criminals told that the
decisions to which they were exposed were not fair or
reasonable, and 41% of them agreed with the fairness of
the decisions. If we’ consider the percentage of
acquittals (30.1%) these figures do not seem.surprising.

Some respondents (41%) thought that there were
some loopholes in the legal system. On the other hand,
43.8% of the respondents told that they did not have any
negative experience with the legal system (Table 22).

If two types of answers on the fairness of the
decisions and’the legal system are to.be.interpreted, the

conclusion would be respondents tended to criticize the

68

legal system only on the matters related to their own
problems. The proportion of the respondents who
criticized the legal system in general did not turn out
to be as high as those complained about their own
experience with the legal system..Hence,.most respondents
viewed the legal system concretely rather than in general
abstract terms.
D) THE RESULTS OF SOME STATISTICAL MEASURES

In order to analyze the nature of the
relationShip between SES and crime types, a Chi-Square
test was used by employing'3 indicators of SES: the level
of occupation, education, and income.

Table 23: The Significance Levels of'F for each Variable
in Chi-Square Analysis:

variables Ad

X2 .0971

X3 .2473

X4 .4047

where X1 = Crime Types

X2 = Occupational Level
X3 = Education Level
X4 = Income Level

As it can be observed from the F values of each
variable, since significance levels of F for all
indicators exceed .05, it can be concluded that there is
no significant statistical relationship between crime

types and other independent variables. However, if alpha

69

is accepted as .10, we can conclude that there is a
significant correlation between the level of occupation
and crime types (X2 = .09 which is less than 0.10). The
only conclusion from F values of occupation and crimes
could be assuming a tendency of those who were unemployed
towards committing violent crimes. The reason of the
insignificant relationships found at the end of Chi-
square statistics measures stems from the nature of
categories combined for each variable. In other words,
the categories of each indicator were combined and
reduced into two or three classes in order to meet the
assumptions of Chi-square. Conclusively, different groups
of SES (occupation, education, and income) were obtained
and this would lead to different consequences than
interpretations of basic correlation tables. Therefore,
the results of statistical measures do not constitute
contradictory interpretations of data.
1) THE LEVEL OF INTEGRATION AND THE TYPES OF CRIMES:
wags OF 430C914: INTEGRATION

The scale of integration basically displays the
level of integration on a scale which consists of two
poles: eunomia and anomia(Srole, 1969). Eunomia refers
to a well ordered condition in a society or state. Anomia

is the opposite of eunomia. The continuum of 'eunomia'

70

and ‘anomia' is on analytical reference scale by which
the 'integratedness' of different social systems or sub-
systems can be explained. These sub-systems can also be
applied to the parallel continuum of variations seen from
the 'microscopic' or molecular view of individuals as
they are integrated in the total action fields of their
interpersonal relationships and reference groups.

The molecular approach has the advantage of
being fitted to the established operational apparatus of
the sample survey. With the molecular approach, the
immediate analytical objective would be to place
individuals on a eunomia-anomia continuum representing
variations in interpersonal integration with. their
particular fields as 'global' entities. Mere concretely,
this variable is conceived as referring to the
individuals generalized, pervasive sense of 'self-to-
other belongingness' at one extreme compared with 'self-
to-others distance' and 'self-to-others alienation' at
the other pole of the continuum. The terms eunomia-anomia
are used to refer to this socio-psychological continuum.
Individual eunomia-anomia is viewed as 4a variable
contemporary condition having its origin in the complex
interaction of social and personality factors, present

and past.

71

Social malintegration (anomia) in individuals
is associated with a rejective orientation toward out-
groups. To test this hypothesis, it is necessary to
devise a measure of interpersonal alienation or 'anomia '.
This could be constructed in opinion-poll format to
represent the respondent‘s definition or perception of
his own interpersonal situation. To this end, there is
a need to set down the ideational states or components
that on theoretical grounds representing internalized
counterparts or reflections in the individual's life

situation, of conditions of social dysfunction.

2) THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN (SES) AND THE LEVEL OF
INTEGRATION

The way individuals perceive the social world,
his/her perception of the what is concrete and abstract,
also gives an analytical key to understand his social and
economic status. By analyzing his position of material
conditions (SES), we can discover whether there is a
consistency between his status and his/her abstract
thinking, or ideational system which is normally a
consequence of his (SES). It is also helpful to
understand the ways in which individuals internalize some
certain parts of belief system. These arguments are based
'on the idea that normative system and social

consciousness of individuals emerge as a result of a

72
process in which each individual learns how to perceive
the world.

The perception of individuals is related to
their SES. As their SES rises, their perception or
consciousness about the social world, the way' they
explain the operation of the social system, tends to be
differentiated so as to have an ability to eliminate any
hindrance between their objective being and the social
world they live in. Therefore, if there is no
relationship between his position of material conditions
and his abstract thinking, we can argue that his
internaliZation of'normative system, at least some part
of it, is not supported by the material conditions he/she
lives in.

In order to understand the nature of" the
relationship between the normative system of individuals
which is used in understanding the social world and his
(SES, the respondents have been asked statement type
questions to obtain a scale of integration which would
display the composition of (SES) groups. Opinion-poll
format could represent the respondents’ definition of
perception of his own interpersonal situation. The scale,
for lexample, would ,reflect whether the) individuals

perceive that community leaders are detached from the

73
indifferent to his needs, whether individuals perceive
the social order as fickle and unpredictable.

FIGURE 1: SCALE OF NORMS

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

4o
30
c
20
c E F
10
A B D
o
10 , 20 30 40

The scale was created through evaluating the
answers of questions on both concrete and abstract level.
The respondents were asked 20 statement type of questions
to which they' gave answers such as ”I agree", ”I
disagree", and “No answer". While 10 of the total
questions or statements represented concrete thinking
which emphasize the importance of material conditions,
10 Questions reflected ideal situations. An example for
the statements reflecting the abstract level of thinking
would be: "Newadays a person has to live pretty much for

today and let tomorrow take care of itself". By

74

calculating' average ‘point of' each individual, their
positions on the scale were determined so as to discover
their level of integration with the normative.system. The
highest consistency'between concrete and abstract levels
was discovered to be the group G. The individuals who are
in group A can be interpreted as individuals whose level
of integration with the dominant value system is the
lowest, because as it can be seen from the figure 1 their
answers for concrete and abstract level of statements are .
the most contradictory in the sense that they display an
inconsistency in using abstract and concrete level of
consciousness. Therefore, the groups between A and G
constitute a continuum which ranges between eunomia and
anomia in Sroel's scale. The individuals in the group G
tended to internalize a type of value system which
contradicts with the dominant normative system because
of the material conditions they experienced.

If we consider the fact that the variables
which constitute SES have a certain amount of influence
over the characteristics of normative systems individuals
have; it is expectable that position of individuals
against the dominant normative system is tended to be
determined by these variables. For example, individuals

who have higher education would have a different level

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77

Table 25: The distribution of nor-(groups according to

types of crimes (3)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Nor. Types 0! Crimes
_§roups
1 z 3 4 5 6 r
A 7.7 7.2 16.6 - 1o - 3.3___
B 19.2 21.4 - 100 15 - 16.4
c 11.5 14.4 - - 10 16.6 10.9
n 23 28.5 50 - 40 16.6 30.1
E 15.3 21.4 16.7 - 20 16.7 13
r 7.7 7.14 16.7 - 5 16.7 6.2
o 15.4 - - - - 33.4 ”3:;*__-
1 ‘MI 100 100 100 .100 100 100 100

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

As it can be seen from the correlation Table
24 above, our expectation on the relationship between the

level of' occupation and’ social integration was .not

verified. There is no clear correlation between the low

level ofWoccupation groups (blue collar worker, technical

jobs) and the level of integration. For example, those

who are in the groups B, C, D among blue collar workers

constitute 76.3% of the whole category. On the other

hand, 23.3% of blue collar workers position in the groups

E-F-G. In other words, there was no correlation that

indicates a relationship between the low level of

integration and the occupation groups.

 

78

The second variable related to the level of
social integration was the types of crimes. As it was
revealed in the correlation Table 25, 61% of those who
were prosecuted due to the offenses in the Ist group of
crimes position in the groups between A through D. We can
roughly infer that the respondents in the Ist group of
crimes tended to internalize sets of norms so as to
conform the dominant normative system in society. If
being a member of groups A-B-C-D is considered as a
criterion which implies internalization with the
normative system, it can be argued that the members of
IInd type of crimes (71.2%) have higher level of
internalization compared to offenders of Ist type of
crimes. The percentage of the respondents who constitute
the first four groups of the internalization scale in the
IIIrd type of crimes is 66.6%, whereas the proportion of
the same groups in IVth type of crimes goes up to 75%.
Almost half of the respondents (49.9%) in VIth type of
crimes are also the members of the groups 7 and 6, which
were considered as categories whose members tend to have
sets of norms which are consistent in terms of
correspondence between the SES of members and the level
of integration. Therefore, the conclusion would be

arguing that although there is a relative increase

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79

between Ist and Vth type of crimes in terms the groups
of norms corresponding to them, it seems very clear that
the respondents of VIth type of crimes internalize the
highest degree of norms contradicting with the dominant
normative system.

If the relationship.between the level of'education
and the level of integration can be analyzed, the whole

picture of SES-integration problem would be completed.

80

The majority of those who were judged due to
offenses in the first category of crimes constitute
illiterate individuals (11.5%), and primary school
graduates (46.1%). Individuals who committed crimes
against property are observed to have low level of
education such that 71.4% or them only completed an
elementary school. The level of education of those who
judged because of traffic violations seems relatively
higher compared to the individuals in Ist and IInd types
of crimes. In this group, 33.3% of the individuals are
high school graduates. The respondents who constitute the
VIth crime group.have.higher level of education such that
33.3% of them consists of college graduates.

In sum, there is a clear correlation between
the level of education and the types of crimes

individuals committed.

CHAPTER 4

CONCLUSION

Crime, a symbolic action of anomie, is socially
built in each society. Etiological studies have a
tendency to explore the dimensions through which criminal
action is constructed. Especially variables 'external'
to individuals are always on the agenda of studies on
class-crime relationship.

As is noted above, the method of the U.S.
studies is based upon two propositions uncri tically taken
from Durkheimian empiricism (Beirne, 1983). One of them
is that the aim of comparative research is the cross-
cultural generalizations about social behavior. The
second one is that generalizations about social behavior
can and must be constructed without reference to the
values, motives and intentions of those agents, or groups
of agents, whose behavior is the raw material of a study.
In other words, studies aim to make comparative analyses
of statistical data belong to the second kind of
approaches. The unit of analysis, in the first type or

generalizations is accepted as 'deviant' behavior of

individuals. In their attempt to study the problem or

81

82

anomie-status relationship, U.S. studies consist of two
major'frames of interpretation: 1) Natural, and 2) Social
frame of interpretation (Hulsman, 1986). In a natural
frame of interpretation, explanations are attributed to
biological features of individuals. For example, social
pathologists conceive crime as though it stems from
biological nature of individuals. Also, ecological
tradition, using the same frame of interpretation,
consider environmental factors directly related to
deviant behavior. There is always a tendency towards
perceiving the status of a dependent variable as
pathological when it comes to discovering factors
'external' to it. Approaches using the natural frame of
interpretation accept crime as a form of ontological
reality.

Studies employing a social frame of
interpretation attribute 'causes' of deviancy to
variables connected to organizational settings of social
structure as well as personal characteristics of
individuals. A structural explanation of anomie, for
instance, considers interpretive acts which are always
'socially mediated'.

One can place U.S. studies on a continuum

ranges between consensus and conflict traditions (Scott

83

and Zatz, 1981). While comparative research within the
first tradition requires a comparison of nations,
cultures, or societies in an attempt to identify
universals or- to test the generality of certain
theoretical propositions across units of analysis,
studies within the second tradition focus attention on
possible differences between the units by investigating
the historical and cultural relativity of certain
theoretical propositions. Conflict theorists shift the
focus from assessing the generalizability of consensus-
based theories to specifying their temporal and spatial
coordinates. They argue that reporting and sanctioning
practices associated with certain acts vary within and
between societies (e.g., labeling perspective).

Given the conflict tradition's assumption that
deviance and crime are subjected to variation both within
and across cultures, a different approach and procedure
was used in the study described above. The major premise
was that definitions of deviant acts tend to differ in
a changing society. Therefore, the differences in the
nature of crimes require new formulations. The types of
crimes, for example, were not limited to certain
typifications in the literature. Instead, the

classification of crimes were made according to the

84

nature of' deviant behavior. Qualitative differences
between crimes were thought to be key elements to create
the categories. Rather than relying on) measuring the
complex distribution of the data, the interpretations
were limited to descriptive characteristics of dependent
and independent variables. Fer example, measuring the
psychological dimension of anomie - "the level of
internalization of hegemonic principles in the normative
system necessitates a control group who are not
'offenders' or 'criminals'. There was no control group
in the study to measure the reliability of the sample.
However, as it can be observed from the tables, social
integration levels of individuals and the indicators of
SES support a linear correlation between the nature of
deviancy and social status of the respondents. It was
argued in the second hypothesis that, as the level of
integration increases, types of crimes tend to be violent
crimes. In sum, although there is no linear relationship
between "the level of integration" and "deviant
behavior", the data verify' a clear .linkage .between
violent crimes and the level of integration.

Though the data revealed a positive linkage
between the SES of offenders and the nature of criminal

behaviors, it should be noted that this does not lead to

85

an argument that assumes an identification between
criminals and rebellions as Marxists would claim. The
frame of reference that follows the vantage point of
class-related phenomena in analyzing criminal behaviour
is not used although it was indirectly assumed that
'value content' is stratified in a manner similar to the
stratification of means in society. It was not expected
that all classes, or SES groups, to a major extent, to
embrace the ruling class perspective as 'the' "natural"'
paradigm for constituting what is ”real ". These arguments
can be supported by some of the data mentioned in the
previous pages. For example, as it can be observed from
the Tables 21 and 22, the perceptions of the respondents
regarding the legal system and the case they got involved
seems to differ. In other words, although the majority
(48%) of the respondents do not accept the fairness of
the decisions regarding their cases, they do not reveal
an outstanding rebellion against the legal system. Almost
half of them (43.8%) did not think that there were major
problems in the operation of the legal system.

The.major'cleavage between the U.S. studieS'and
the particular study mentioned above is the nature of

variables used. The U.S. studies which are shaped by

certain perspectives tend to use different indicators of

86

social class. Mest of them employ a scale to measure SES
comparing them to dimensions of anomie. Depending on the
perspective used in each study, they tend to emphasize
the need for operationalizing relevant dimensions of
crime. Whereas, in the ‘particular study’ done in a
developing society, major focus is on discovering the
nature of the relationship between a situation of
material deprivation and committing a crime. The level
of integration is used to mitigate analyzing the dual
linkage between dependent and independent variables.

The Durkhemian paradigm followed in this study
should not allow one to argue that the study bears
implications of a naive American way of looking at
Turkish life. This study can be accepted as an attempt
at illuminating the impact of development on the nature
of deviant behavior in a developing society. Although the
empirical grounding of the study was based on Srole's
scale, the typifications in the literature were not used
as frames of reference.

In short, no variable is subjected to more
controversy'concerning its relation to crime. Much of the
confusion stems from the apparent simplicity of the
theoretical proposition that social status and crime are

inversely related. Assumptions underlying this

87
proposition are more complex than often realized, and
that proper assessment of the relationship between crime
and class requires moving beyond the assumption of a
linear relationship between social class and criminality.
In order to realize this objective, adoption of a
structural approach (seems .necessary' including' a
methodological and epistemological relativism. Though the
objective of social science is to make generalizations
about criminal behavior, it must refer to the cultural
and subjective values of those who engage in it.
Mereover, the necessity for an equivalency between the
actions or behavior within its scope is an important
criterion for an intelligible generalization. Instead of
employing an excuse such as different belief systems as
barriers to comparative research, these normative
structures should be understood as an additional
dimension of research. Therefore, a criminologist or
sociologist should ask: within the scope of other
cultures, how and why is deviant behavior defined as it
is? This study is an attempt at solving the arduous
puzzle with which contemporary discourse of criminology

and sociology confront.

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