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. thesis entitled

American Professors in West Pakistan:

A Study of Cross-Cultural Relations

presented by

David Kenneth Winter

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

Ph.D. degree in _§oc_iglogy 8: Anthr0pology

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Date May 18, 1968

0-169

ABSTRACT

AMERICAN PRUFESSORS IN WEST PAKISTAN:
A STUDY OF CROSS-CULTURAL RELATIONS

by David Kenneth Winter

Americans are increasingly involved in the social structures
of other societies, and yet these roles are not well understood. The
patterns which characterize the interaction of men from two or more
societies who work together have been called the "third culture." In
many locations the colonial third culture is being replaced by a
modern third culture. American professors today work in higher edu-
cational institutions of West Pakistan as administrators, advisors,
and colleague-teachers. There are stresses involved in each of these
roles.

This study was designed to investigate the patterns of
interaction between American and Pakistani professors, in both social
and working relationships. The role of EurOpeans in the history of
higher education in India and Pakistan is traced, with particular
attention to the missionary colleges. The character of public and
private higher educational institutions in Pakistan today are des-
cribed in some detail. The Pakistani professors in several types of
institutions are compared in terms of their world-view, and their
response to the presence of foreign educators in their midst.

The influence upon the American professors of a number of
social structural variables is explored, including the American

organization sponsoring the professors, the size of the American

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David K. Winter

group within the institution, the local American community, as well
as the type of Pakistani institution, and the existence of patterns
for cross-cultural interaction. Two major categories of American
professors are delineated: the missionary educators, and the pro-
fessors with the United States Government and private foundations.

The research involved participation as a temporary faculty
member of a Pakistani college for a period of sixteen months, and
depth interviews averaging three hours each with forty American and
forty-three Pakistani professors. The forty Americans comprised all
of the American educators working in higher educational institutions
in the northern half of West Pakistan. The Pakistani professors
were selected on the basis of their close working relations with the
Americans. In many cases they were the counterparts of the American
advisors.

The third culture in Pakistan today is no longer colonial,
yet the modern third culture lacks the support of bi-national com-
munities and social structures. The role of administrator is
essentially closed to Americans in Pakistani educational institu-
tions, and it is difficult to gain acceptance in the role of
colleague or teacher. The advisor is the most common role of Amer-
ican professors in Pakistan; this represents a transitional third
culture, between the colonial and the modern, in which the American
is eXpected to lead without holding a superior status. Few of the
professors find the advisor to be a satisfactory role.

This dissertation is intended to be a contribution within
the combined traditions of anthrOpology and soci010gy, for the study

of modern social structures in cross-cultural contexts.

AMERICAN PROFESSORS IN WEST PAKISTAN:

A STUDY OF CROSS-CULTURAL RELATIONS

BY

David Kenneth Winter

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Sociology and AnthrOpology

1968

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ACKNOWLEDGMLNTS

I would like to express my appreciation to a number of
people for their assistance to me at various stages of the research.

Dr. John Useem was chairman of my guidance committee and he
provided continuous encouragement and insight, and devoted far more
time to this project than his position required.

The initial doctoral committee also included Dr. John
Donoghue, Dr. Charles P. Loomis and Dr. Glen L. Taggart. At the time
of the oral examination Dr. Loomis and Dr. Donoghue were away from
campus on academic projects; Dr. Ralph Nicholas and Dr. William T.
Ross replaced them as members of the final guidance committee. Each
of these professors was very helpful to me.

A grant from the Midwest Universities Consortium for Inter-
national Activities, Inc. made the field research possible. Dr. Glen
L. Taggart, Dean of International Programs and Dr. William T. Ross,
Director of the Asian Studies Center, were responsible for the admin-
istration of the grant.

Dr. Ruth Hill Useem contributed many suggestions and ideas
during the fieldwork as well as in the process of writing the disser-
tation. She also assisted in reading the manuscript.

In South Asia encouragement and suggestions were offered by
Dr. Charles P. Loomis and Mrs. Loomis, Dr. Glynn McBride and Mrs.
McBride, Mrs. Ann Baker Cottrell and Dr. Saghir Ahmad.

The Pakistani and American professors whom I interviewed in

Pakistan gave generously of their time to discuss their roles in their

institutions.

ii

in

SEVI

assi

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...e

Jiam

as He

Special appreciation is due the staff of Forman Christian
College in Lahore for their hospitality in allowing us to participate
in their institution.

The Ford Foundation (Pakistan) was very helpful to us in
several important instances.

Officers of the United States Information Agency in Lahore
assisted me in the reconnaissance stage of the research.

The staff of the American Consulate in Lahore arranged for
the safety of my family during the hostilities of 1965, which allowed
me to remain and complete the research.

I would also like to express deep appreciation to my wife,
Diane, for typing the interviews and all stages of the dissertation,

as well as for her assistance in the field research.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS-coco...ooooeo

CHAPTER

I. CROSS-CULTURAL RELATIONS AND

ETHNOGRAPHER

. . . . . .
The Context of Theory .
The Research Design .,.
The Schedules

The Field Techniques . .

II. EDUCATION IN PAKISTAN AND THE PAKISTANI PROFESSORS

The History of Education in India

Higher Education in PaRIStan o o o o o o o

Norms and Values Among Pakistani Professors

III.
COLLEGES

The Christian Community in South Asia

The History of Missionary Colleges . . . .

Characteristics of the Christian Colleges

The Struggle for Power 0 o o o o o o o o 0

THE PAKISTANI CHRISTIAN COMMUNITY AND MISSIONARY

IV. THE AMERICAN PROFESSORS IN PAKISTAN WITH PRIVATE

FOUNDATIONS AND THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT

The American Organization

AID Professors . . . . . .

Ford Foundation Professors .

FUlbrighters o o o o o

The Pakistani/American Ecology

iv

Page

ii

16
32
32
43

58

63
63
71
77

83

93
93
94
101
104

109

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CHAPTER

Lahore...........

Lyallpur..........

Peshawar . . . . . .

A Typology of Personal Values

V. THE AMERICAN MISSIONARY PROFESSORS

Missionary Vrs. Non-Missionary
Theological Orientation
Length of Service

The Missionary Role

VI.

CROSS-CULTURAL WORKING RELATIONS

CULTU RE I O O O O O I O O O O O

The Dual Social System . . .

The American Organization
The Pakistani Institution
American Work Roles
The Colleague
The Administrator
The Advisor

The Third Culture

BIBLIOGRAPHY

APPENDIX A.

APPENDIX B.

APPENDIX C.

THE SCHEDULE FOR

THE SCHEDULE FOR

AMERICAN PROFESSORS

PAKISTANI PROFESSORS

Professors

IN PAKISTAN

CATEGORIES OF INTERVIEWEES . . . . .

Page
109
113
121
124
132
132
137
143

152

157
157
157
159
162
163
172
177
187
191
196
205

211

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tures.

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CHAPTER I

CROSS-CULTURAL RELATIONS AND THE ROLE OF THE ETHNOGRAPHER

The Context of Theory

In the last fifty years there has been a great increase
in the amount of contact and mixing between people of different cul-
tures. This process takes many forms, but one of the most common
today is the individual who lives for a time within a society that is
not his own. Thousands of students, Peace Corps Volunteers, mission-
aries, businessmen, educators, diplomats, and technical assistance
personnel have roles within foreign societies. This is a trend which
is likely to be maintained as the interdependency between societies
continues to grow.

But the process by which men take on roles within other
societies is not well understood. Its cross-cultural dimension
introduces new variables which are exceedingly complex. Both the
individual and those with whom he interacts are required to inter-
pret strange patterns of behavior, and respond to situations which
are not structured by their own culture. Out of this interaction
new patterns and values may emerge which then characterize those
engaged in the cross-cultural relationships; or the interaction may
break down and finally cease.

In his discussion of cultural diffusion, Anthony F. C.
Wallace (1961) has suggested that culture traits will not diffuse
from one culture to another unless they (1) can pass through the

existing "cultural screen," that is, make sense to the people in

tens of
or deriv
groups.
tun in
tion is

position

be adequ‘
is mitt.
through 4
0“! mitt
Culture;
”Future
Continue

entire en

"New”
tim. Ci
this in t
Whereby t
New,“C
(1939“53
“Pendenc
inst”Ices
disaster :
(1960), m

scion of

terms of their culture, (2) appear to meet their "needs," primary

or derived, and (3) are tied to indigenous organizations or reference
groups. This third factor emphasizes the importance of social struc-
ture in the process of diffusion. The acceptance of cultural innova-
tion is partly dependent upon the role of the innovator and the
position of the innovator's group in the society.

As Edward Spicer warns, "no instance of acculturation can
be adequately described so long as the social structure of contacts
is omitted" (1958:433). One form of acculturation takes place
through an intersection of social structure in which individuals from
one culture have roles in another culture. Cultures affect other
cultures in part as these cross-cultural roles modify the social
structures into which they are introduced. The new social patterns
continue to affect other patterns, and by this means aspects of the
entire culture are changed.

but we must have conceptual tools to study the social
structures which allow men to be related to two societies at the same
time. Charles Loomis has contributed a useful conceptualization of
this in his term “systemic linkage.” By this he means "the process
whereby the elements of at least two social systems come to be ar-
ticulated so that in some ways they function as a unitary system"
(1959a355), or "the organizational arrangements for group inter-
dependence" (1960:32-3). Using this concept Loomis has analyzed
instances of social change (1959b), the social organization of
disaster relief (1960), religious sub-cultures in the United States
(1960), and a Mexican community in New Mexico (1959a). The appli-

cation of this term is appropriate both within single cultures

and mos

noted [ha
systemic
try comi
said to ':
originate

(1960:331

refers tc
at the 5a
“011 and

Third CUi
Ion “Mon
M'NEIOn
cultural

times i

and across several cultures.

In regard to its cross-cultural application, Loomis has
noted that "whole organizations sometimes have the sole function of
systemic linkage" (1960:303). He gives as examples a national bound-
ary commission and boards of international trade. These groups are
said to have "dual-natured status-roles the eXpectancies of which
originate in the linking social systems as well as those so linked"
(1960333).

The term "third culture" introduced by John and Ruth Useem
refers to the culture of those who operate within more than one society
at the same time. The emphasis here is upon the patterns of interac-
tion and the cultural contexts rather than the social structure.
Third culture is defined as "the patterns generic to a community of
men which spans two or more societies" (1963:484). Their research on
bi-nationai and international communities has isolated a number of
cultural characteristics which emerge as people from several so-
cieties interact over a period of time.

One hypothesis suggests there is great similarity in these
communities and cultures, wherever they are found; that it is pos-
sible to move from a diplomatic or educational position in Nigeria
to a comparable position in Pakistan without leaving the modern third
culture. Some of the characteristic values include equality, toler-
ance, science, technological change, and a broad geographical and
historical perspective. Others concern the way men behave in pro-
longed roles of cross-cultural interaction.

These same values also appear to be central in the civilized

world which Kroeber (1946), Hewes (1961) and McNeill (1964) refer to

as the ”
tics of

to other
light pr
nocessar
in}, it

culturo

the use
cultures
57 Rains
‘CUIOns 1

1' inter;

Cultunl
(I) I0 "I
cultural

“min“

as the ”ecumene.” According to Hewes, one of the major characteris-
tics of the ecumene is a consciousness of being a part of and related
to other communities or peoples. A role within the third culture
might provide a model of relatedness, and supply the perspective
necessary for participation in the ecumene. Or, putting it the other
way, it is difficult to conceive of ecumene existing where no third
culture is present. In a sense, then, these two phenomena may be

the same thing, at two levels of abstraction. Perhaps the third
cultures, where they exist, are the result of diffusion of the ecumene
by means of international organizations and representatives; or
ecu-ens may be the result of many common situations in which there

is interaction between two or more societies.

Research Design

The original purpose of this study was to observe the
cultural patterns of people from two societies who work together.
(I) To what extent do new patterns of behavior emerge from the cross-
cultural interaction and relationships? (2) What variables are most
significant in the behavior of men in cross-cultural roles?

This was an ethnographic study in which the patterns of
culture of a predetermined community were observed and described.
The field techniques involved participant observation and depth
interviews conducted over a period of sixteen months in the field.
In view of the limited knowledge we have of cross-cultural relations
and because of the preparation and interest of the researcher it
seemed most appropriate to conduct this kind of study. Hopefully

other research can follow up some of the tentative generalizations

inciu:

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included in this report.

The choice of location for the study was not determined
solely by the nature of the study. There are bi-national organiza-
tions in most parts of the world, and it seemed certain that a
satisfactory population could be found in a number of places. How-
ever, I had a long-standing interest in the Muslims of Asia which
began some twelve years ago when my brother served with an educational
assistance program in Afghanistan. Since that time I had become
acquainted with a number of people from Afghanistan and an Afghan
student had lived in our home for a year while attending the Univer-
sity of Southern California. There seemed to be a large and interest-
ing international community in Kabul and I felt that my acquaintances
could provide me access for a study there.

But it proved impossible to secure adequate financial sup-
port to conduct field research in Afghanistan and so I applied for a
grant from The Midwest Universities Consortium of International
Activities, Inc. (financed by the Ford Foundation) to go to West
Pakistan. My knowledge of Afghanistan was helpful in preparing for
a study in Pakistan, and I spent much of the last six months reading
about Pakistan and taking courses in South Asia. Michigan State
University has an educational assistance contract with the Ford

Foundation for the support of institutions in Pakistan.1

L

1An opportunity to study United States military personnel
111 Korea, and their relationships with village people complicated
my preparation, and for a time I was diverted from my study of South
ASia to learning about the international community in Seoul, Korea.
Wi.th just eight weeks left before time of departure we were awarded
tire fellowship to study in Pakistan, and accepted the opportunity
to' perform the research in a cultural area in which we felt better
Prepared.

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d
of
as
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After settling on West Pakistan it was necessary to decide
on the particular segment of the American community whose cross-
cultural relations would be studied. From talking with professors
who had recently returned from Pakistan, and Pakistani students
studying at Michigan State University it was learned that in West
Pakistan there were large numbers of educators, diplomatic personnel,
missionaries, businessmen, technical aid advisors, engineers with
private American firms, and military personnel. Educators were
chosen because (1) many educational institutions have a long history
of bi-national participation, (2) a variety of Americans and American
agencies are represented in these institutions, and (3) educators are
most apt to appreciate the reasons for research and provide the
necessary access for the study.

After arrival in West Pakistan the first few months were
used in reconnaissance of the area in order to determine if there
were sufficient educators in the northern half of West Pakistan for
the study. It appeared that there were about fifty American pro-
fessors in the colleges and universities in Lahore, Lyallpur, Rawal-
pindi and Peshawar, and no others were working in this half of the
province. The decision was made to settle in Lahore, interview all
fifty Americans and fifty Pakistanis with whom they worked, for a
total of one hundred interviews. As it turned out there were just
forty-eight American professors. Two departed for home before the
schedule was prepared, and six others in Lyallpur were not inter-
viewed because the outbreak of the war made it difficult to return
to their area as I had originally planned. The final schedules were

Iseed with forty American professors; there was no sampling involved

HE

th

th.

or

PIC

the

the

Par

fistl

EXpe

ltti

cond

since all American professors in Pakistani educational institutions
were interviewed, except for the eight mentioned above.

Sampling was required for the Pakistani professors, since
there were far more than fifty Pakistani faculty in the institutions
that were studied. The attempt was made to identify counterparts,
or those who were working with (or being advised by) the American
professors. This worked well in institutions with AID teams, but in
the missionary colleges the Americans were primarily teachers, and
there was no particular Pakistani that could be considered a counter-
part. In these instances I waited until I had interviewed the Ameri-
cans, and then asked one of the Americans whom I felt understood the
nature of the research to help me choose Pakistanis with considerable
eXperience working with Americans, and who represented a variety of
attitudes toward the presence of the American professors.

Three months after our arrival in Lahore a pilot study was
conducted in which ten.American professors were interviewed. These
interviews were brief, averaging one hour each, and were based on a
topical outline rather than a detailed schedule. During this study
it became apparent that the Americans and Pakistanis working together
did not consider themselves a bi-national community, or a group of
men with common values or patterns of behavior. It was difficult for
me to recognize third cultural patterns without the presence of a
‘bi-national community. Much later, after our return to the United
:States, I was able to identify some of the cross-cultural working
Patterns which comprised the existing third culture.

However, the focus of the field research was modified from

the: original design stated earlier. The subjects which became

tea
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most important were these: (1) the character of Pakistani higher
educational institutions, (2) the cultural patterns of Pakistani pro-
fessors, (3) the roles American professors hold in Pakistani higher
educational institutions, (A) the reactions of Pakistani professors
to the roles of Americans, and (5) certain ecological and structural
variables involved in the behavior of the American professors.

Data were also gathered on the adjustment of the families
of American professors, and the readjustment of Pakistanis as they
returned from study in the United States. This information was later
considered marginal to the focus of the research and was not used in

the present dissertation.

The Schedules

It was not possible to organize the schedules on the basis
of the research outline; in fact the questions could not be written
directly in terms of the information that was being sought. A cri-
tical stage in the research involved the construction of a schedule
which would encourage the respondents to express the needed informa-
tion and attitudes. This task is complex; no other single part of
the research was as difficult, or as important.

As a first step I developed a three page outline of the
information I proposed to gather. Then I composed questions to get
let all of the points on the outline. The final step involved re-
arranging these questions in a sequence appropriate for the inter-
View sessions, for the final schedules had to be written with the
interviewee in mind. The wording and sequence were designed to bring

out: the significant data without dwelling on irrelevant facts, to

allc

proc

very

fort

nan

fro:
ques
freq
Vent

first

allow the individual to express himself thoroughly on a subject by
proceeding in a logical order. Questions had to be straightforward
and simple but not petty and detailed. The sequence of items was
very important, to avoid forcing the respondent to jump back and
forth, or repeat himself.

One of the problems that emerged during the construction
of the schedules was the difficulty in communicating with the chair-
man of my guidance committee in East Lansing, Michigan. Mail took
from five to seven days each way, which meant that an answer to a
question could not be received in less time than two weeks, and
frequently the round trip consumed a month or more. The schedules
went through two major revisions and these took place during a frus-
trating period of approximately ten weeks.

In the schedule used for Pakistani professors the first
section focussed on the individual's background and experience, and
included eight questions designed to indicate the professor's general
attitude toward culture change and modernization. The particular
issues used for this purpose were the place of Islam (or Christian-
ity, depending upon the religion of the interviewee) in higher
education, the desirability and probability of Urdu replacing English
as the medium of instruction, and a discussion of cultural changes in
Pakistan considered desirable and undesirable. Data from this sec-
tion are discussed in Chapters II and III.

The second section of the schedule was introduced as ques-
tions about the respondent's job and organisation, but the bulk of
the questions had to do with cross-cultural relations and the roles

of.Americans within the institution. A few questions tapped the

Psi
ed:
sou
wit
for
res

tic

I Is
soci
Pare
qua;
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or .i
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0! ti
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10

Pakistani's attitude toward certain characteristics of American
education, as further data on personal values. The other questions
sought to determine the role Pakistanis eXpected Americans to hold
within the organization, and the actual roles Americans were per-
forming. The questions posed specific work situations and asked the
respondents to describe common patterns of behavior in those situa-
tions. Chapter VI includes a typology of cross-cultural work roles.

The final section was labeled social life, and in most cases
it had to do with interpersonal relations across cultures. There were
a few questions at first regarding the frequency and importance of
social activities with students, colleagues, and old friends as com-
pared with interaction with family and relatives. But otherwise the
questions dealt with what was done socially between the American and
Pakistani professors. A particularly productive pair of questions
was: "Would you say your social contact with Americans has been less
or more than.what the other Pakistani staff have had?" and "What are
some of the reasons that might account for this?" By requiring one
of the two responses, "less” or "more," the interviewee could not
reply ”about the same as the others." Then it was possible to probe
into the reasons for the difference between the individual and his
perception of the others. The social interaction of the Americans
and the Pakistanis is discussed in Chapters IV, V and VI.

The wording of some of the questions was designed to com-
municate a sensitivity to their circumstances. For example, I asked:
”What education has your wife been able to have?" since the wives of
many of the professors were raised in homes where girls were not sent

to school for more than a few years, and there was some embarrassment

sbou

shoui

Isis:

press

ceivs
ins t
and a
“tad
lnstr
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11

about this. I assumed they believed that Islam (for the Muslims)
should receive more attention in Pakistan and so I asked: "How can
Islamic traditions be given greater importance in Pakistan, than at
present?” and "What specific kinds of Islamic traditions should re-
ceive greater attention?” Because there was great controversy regard-
ing the language to be used as a medium of instruction in Pakistan
and since Americans consistently favored the English language, I
asked: ”How long is it going to take to adapt the Urdu language for
instruction in the universities and colleges of Pakistan?” and ”How
is this going to work out?" and ”In ten years what place will English
have in this institution?” These questions allowed me to ask about
relevant issues but in the process communicate my understanding of
their situations and my respect for their positions. A discussion

of the world-view of Pakistani professors, including specific re-
ference to some of these questions, appears in Chapter II.

Pakistanis are not accustomed to making critical remarks
about Americans while in the presense of an American. Therefore ques-
tions such as this, "What are some of the traits or characteristics
of the Americans in this institution that tend to annoy you?” did not
elicit many specific answers. The same problem was expressed when
the professors were asked how they would handle disagreements with
American staff. Most said they did not have any specific disagree-
ments that required a resolution, and so they could not answer the
question.

One question used only in the early stages of the inter-
viewing was: "To what extent should students have a part in planning

or administering the program of this institution?” This amount of

involve
the que
questio
cult to
do you

Both th
albiguo

observ.

tVics .

ldjugtn

dGuile

12

involvement by students is not an option in Pakistan today, and so

the question seemed irrelevant to the Pakistani professors. Other
questions were not productive because the respondents found it diffi-
cult to generalize about the information, such as: "What specifically
do you talk about with Americans, when you are together socially?"
Both the Pakistanis and the Americans responded to this question in
ambiguous terms. Information on this point was finally obtained by
observation, rather than through the interviews.

The schedule prepared for American professors is almost
twice as long as the one used for the Pakistanis. A section on family
adjustment was added and the section on the working role is much more
detailed. Otherwise the general categories remain the same, even
though it was possible to probe somewhat deeper with the Americans.
The schedule begins with twenty-nine questions about the individual;
these include reasons for coming to Pakistan, and some details of
background and eXperience which might have a bearing on their be-
havior in Pakistan. Responses to these questions are used in the
description of American professors in Chapters IV and V. The second
section of twenty-nine questions asks about the living situation, the
adjustment of the family, and the characteristics of the American
community in the area. For purposes of the dissertation the data
regarding the American family adjustment were not analyzed. The
American community is an aspect of the ecological variable presented
in Chapter IV.

The third section is the largest, and comprises sixty-four
questions. Here the focus is upon the job and the context of the

institution. The early questions ask for a description of duties,

and
of
ble
col
cep‘
refc

and

disc
sect
ter

Chap

Visit
Otaez
thit

In,

tlln
°Vers
In ed
is Co
' P05
qued
'°tiv‘

.“Qh1

13

and typical work day. Probing questions are directed toward the role
of the Americans in their relationships with Pakistanis, and the pro-
blems involved in being an administrator, advisor, counterpart or
colleague. Many of the questions inquire about the American's per-
ception of the roles and behavior of the Pakistanis. Six questions
refer to the Pakistanis who have been educated in the United States
and the impressions Americans have regarding their adjustment and
contribution now that they have returned. These six items are not
discussed directly in the dissertation, but the remainder of this
section is used as the basis for the typology of work roles in Chap-
ter VI, and contributes to the discussion of American professors in
Chapters IV and V.

The fourth and final section is concerned with the Ameri-
cans' social activities with Pakistanis. This includes American
visits to Pakistani homes, Pakistani visits to American homes, and
other social activities in which both participate. The social ac-
tivities of Americans are referred to in several parts of Chapters
IV and V.

In asking questions of the Americans I was aware of cer-
tain social norms that are frequently present among American groups
overseas. Thus, even though in the United States it is preper for
an educator to change jobs in order to receive a higher salary, it
is contrary to the norms for him to indicate that he would accept
a position overseas for that reason. Service to humanity or
added breadth in one's professional discipline are the "correct"
motivations to express. For this reason I did not eXpect to learn

much from the question: "What are some of the reasons you decided

to
ses

tai

Pak
ind:
live
not
ints
dire

test

thus

felt
ISCQ;
111101

you |

{St I
'Qr‘
‘Qr.

C011!

14

to take this present job in Pakistan?" However, by encouraging
several responses rather than just one, some information was ob-
tained.

An expression of this same attitude was observed in the
answers to a question about other groups of Americans present in
Pakistan. The professors were asked to describe the varied groups
individually--how they differed from their own group, the way they
lived, and their general attitude. Commonly the other groups were
not as "hard working" or "sincere," and they were said to be more
interested in making money. These responses were not useful as a
direct indication of motivation, but they comprised a projective
test of the professors' norms. By combining these responses with
the participant-observation certain generalizations emerged and
these are discussed in Chapter IV.

It was very difficult to find out whether the Americans
felt they were doing anything imprOper in their relations with Pak-
istanis. But the following question appeared to get at this
infonmation in a manner that did not threaten the professors: “Can
you think of anything in the behavior or attitude of the Americans
in this group that could annoy or offend the Pakistani staff?”

At several points I found it appropriate and productive to
ask how the professors‘fglg about something. Many times attitudes
were expressed directly in response to such questions that otherwise
were difficult to recognize. For example, I asked: ”Have Pakistani
colleagues often discussed their personal life or problems with you?"
and "What sort of question or matter is discussed?" This question

was followed with "How do you feel about this sort of relationship?”

us"

hi.
ye:
If
las
But
trxu
fan:
Amer
Var
d"!!!

“m:

“min,
“mm“
th. 01590:

tel. “he

15

My frequent surprise by their answer to this last question indicates
that I was not getting their attitude from the responses to the two
prior questions.

The American professors knew that I was interested in the
amount of social contact with Pakistanis that was initiated by the
Americans. For this reason I found that they tended to give a rather
high estimate in response to the following: "How often, this past
year, have you had Pakistanis into your home, say in an average month?”
If I followed up the question with a probe such as:‘ "What about the
last four weeks?" the response was almost always lower in frequency.
But it appeared that I was testing to see if they were telling the
truth, and so where possible I began by asking about "the last
four weeks" instead of "an average month.” However, many of the
Americans were interviewed during the three month period after the
war, and the social relations with Pakistanis were so infrequent
during this period that it was necessary to ask about the typical or
average month.

The last two questions in the schedule rarely added new
data or information, but it gave the interviewees an opportunity to
summarise any feelings they wanted to express to me, and it seemed
to bring the interview to a close in a very positive manner. I
asked: ”In.what ways do you feel you have changed personally as the
result of your time over here in.Pakistan?” and "Can you think of
anything I have not asked about, which might help me to better
understand your experience over here?" The professors appreciated
the opportunity to consider the effect of the total experience,

after sharing it with me as they had. Then the final question gave

in
thc
sex
of
sin

Pat

tic!
cuss

the

16

them the chance to clear up any misunderstanding they felt might have

been produced by an earlier response.

The Field Techniques

It is particularly appropriate to discuss field techniques
in this dissertation because the role of researcher required many of
the same adjustments as those of the professors being studied. The
general living situation and adjustments were identical; the process
of taking on a role that would make sense to Pakistanis was very
similar. I was one of the American educators seeking to relate to
Pakistani faculty; the American professors accepted me as another
American faculty member in Pakistan, and the Pakistani faculty
thought of me as an American educator. In this sense I was a par-
ticipant-observer: l was studying people such as myself. A dis-
cussion of the field experience is at the same time a commentary on
the adjustment of American professors in Pakistani institutions.

But in the more limited sense participant-observation was
used as a technique when we began living and teaching at Forman
Christian College in Lahore. Since we were not affiliated with any
organisation in Pakistan it was necessary for us to locate a place
to live on our own. By agreeing to teach two English sections for
one three-month term we were allowed to rent a faculty home for the
period of our stay in Pakistan. Our immediate neighbors were both
American and Pakistani faculty of the college; we borrowed Presby-
terian and Methodist furniture, and in some ways were accepted as
part of the missionary staff. Our church membership and background

made this possible. I participated in the weekly faculty meetings,

yet
the
ins
and
int‘
star

and

tha:

a5P8:
that

of th
later
Pakisg
did no
Cue Pa
h“! ti

‘1°3ar1
the ~

17

and my wife and I attended the regular meetings of the Christian
staff which included American and Pakistani faculty and wives. Be-
cause it was the centenary year of the College there were numerous
social and official functions throughout the year and we attended as
many of these as possible. My wife worked in the office of the Vice
Principal and became an active assistant to me in observing the life
of the College.

The subject of the research was never hidden in any way,
yet it became a relatively insignificant aspect of my role within
the College. For the first four months I was busy in my role of
instructor, making general contacts, getting settled in our home,
and constructing the schedule. The next four months were spent
interviewing professors at other institutions. So by the time I got
around to Forman Christian College the faculty knew me rather well,
and had accepted me as a part-time faculty member and neighbor.

But I was not Pakistani; I was American, and this meant
that the Pakistanis could not speak freely with me about certain
aspects of their relations with the American staff because they knew
that these Americans were friends of mine. This was a disadvantage
of the participant role only partly offset by unusually long and frank
interviews with the American professors. However, the interviews with
Pakistani faculty in institutions where I was in no way a participant
did not show much difference in terms of their perception of my role.
One Pakistani told me that a saying of theirs was, "all missionaries
have the same great-grandmother," which he said meant that all mis-
sionaries know whatever any one of them knows. My feeling was that

the Pakistanis in the other colleges thought of me as an American who

e1
1:

OE

to
wit
evq

int

the
the
tin

and

Obs,

Pan
1 ..,.
“in

tifj

re CE

18

was hearing their complaints on behalf of the American missionary
board. I was not a neutral observer, neither American nor Pakistani;
there were just two categories, and I was an American.

A comparable situation prevailed in the case of the gov-
ernment institutions: in one case I was able to achieve limited
identification and participation with the American team, and in the
other two cases I tried to prevent such an identification. Through
a variety of social activities and time spent in their offices I came
to know one AID team rather well. But I was therefore identified
with the American staff in the minds of the Pakistani faculty. How-
ever, my experience in the other institutions where I conducted
interviews leads me to believe that I could not avoid being iden-
tified as a representative of the American organization, one to whom
they could communicate their general gripes and frustrations about
their relations with Americans. And it gave me virtually unlimited
time for discussions and private interviews with these Americans,
and greater depth responses than with any other AID team.

When one is a participant he is not considered a neutral
observer; however the role of researcher is a form of participation
in itself. Thus in one sense the research required a degree of
participant-observation, and the only question was the role in which
I was to participate. I found it impossible to escape being linked
with the Americans, and so in two major institutions I actively iden-
tified with the American group. This increased the quantity of data
received from the Americans, and did not significantly decrease the
amount of data received from the Pakistanis.

My brother is a Presbyterian missionary and I am sympathetic

tot
in t
unli
I do
PUFF
role
me I(

their

Snini
frien
that 1
03tgb1
access
of 11v

Pic: t

19

to the work of missions. I was very conscious of this personal value
in the course of the study. Here it not for this background it is
unlikely that we could have participated in Forman Christian College.
I do not feel it interfered with the study because it was not my
purpose to judge the effectiveness of missions, but to describe the
role of missionary professors. The fact of being a Christian made

me more sympathetic to the Pakistani Christians, but I was describing
their social and not their spiritual condition.

Participation in Forman Christian College was important in
gaining access to other Christian colleges. Those on the staff with
friends on the other staffs provided introductions, though the fact
that I taught some classes at Forman would have been sufficient to
establish my identity. I had not anticipated any problem gaining
access to any group. At the time I did not realise the importance
of living on the campus of Forman Christian College, but I now sus-
pect that if we had not done so it would have been extremely difficult
to gain access to the Pakistani staff of any Christian college. In
Chapter II there is a discussion of the importance of the principal
in Pakistani institutions. It was necessary to receive the clear-
ance of the principal in order for any interviews to be conducted,
and I doubt if an American not identified with missionaries would
have been permitted to conduct such a study. The Pakistani faculty
of Christian colleges rarely know any American other than missionaries.
The Pakistani principal probably would refer any American.wishing
entrance to the senior missionary, and the missionaries would have
race-ended against allowing an unknown American to interview the

Pakistanis, and would have been very guarded in their own interviews.

As
and

Liv

sis
this

PIN

acce
to I
Stat
fro.
in P
feel
Stan

th. :

20

As it was all of the missionaries cooperated fully with the study,
and because of this the Pakistanis responded very positively as well.
Living on the campus of Forman College allowed the staff there to
know me, and gave them confidence that I supported the work of
missions and had empathy for Pakistani Christians. They knew that
this was a serious academic study and that I would not reveal the
particular source of the information I received.

My role in Forman Christian College was no help in gaining
access to the AID related institutions. In some cases it was helpful
to mention that my research fellowship was administered by Michigan
State University. At other times I stated that the total grant came
from the Ford Foundation. We were not "Ford Foundation staff members”
in Pakistan, and so in most respects were not permitted to use their
facilities. But it was proper to identify the ultimate source of our
grant, and it frequently proved helpful to do so since in Pakistan
the Ford Foundation is very well known and highly respected. Michigan
State University is also known because of its Ford contract in which
the Academies for Rural DeveIOpment were established and supported.
But the identification which seemed to help the most was the fact
that I was a doctoral candidate doing research for my dissertation.
They were very tolerant of me and probably felt that nothing said in
a Ph.D. dissertation could hurt them very much.

For a time it seemed that there would be a greater problem
of access with the United States Government than with the educational
institutions. A large survey had been conducted several years pre-
vious to our arrival in which the total American population had been

sampled and interviewed regarding their attitude toward Pakistanis,

CFC

21

their salaries, etc. At the time a number of Americans objected
to the Consul General, and he finally requested that Americans not
c00perate with the study.

Early in our stay the head of the United States Information
Service for Lahore heard that we were doing a study of Americans and
their relations with Pakistanis and assumed that it would take a
similar form. However, I had called on the Consul General and ex-
plained the nature of the study to his satisfaction, and after learn-
ing of this the U.S.I.S. official was satisfied. The experience
frightened me, and when speaking of my research publically I began
emphasizing the educational institutions invOlved rather than the
cross-cultural relations.

In conducting the interviews I felt that many of the Ameri-
cans and Pakistanis tended to oversimplify my research and think of
it as a study of the "problem" of Pakistani-American social relations.
The Americans assumed I was out to study the "ugly American," and the
Pakistanis thought I was investigating the reasons for the anti-
Americanism said to exist within Pakistan. I tried to explain that
my purpose was to understand what an "advisor" does in an educational
institution, and how the Pakistani educational system Operates. In
the Christian colleges I spoke of my interest in the history of
Christian colleges, and the position missionaries have today.

There was some hesitation among some in agreeing to the
interview, but in almost all cases as the interview proceeded the
respondents relaxed and appeared to enjoy the sessions. Almost all
of the professors either were trained in the United States, or had

worked long enough with Americans to feel comfortable talking to an

fem
thf!

Our

case

but L
We w‘
Opera
intex
and E
those
Vite

and r
h°nes
about

to sh

It "a:
tit“,
gird 1
“Wall
'iven,
infer‘

Platec

22

American, and in most cases interviewing as a research technique was
familiar to them. With the Americans the interviews averaged over
three hours each, and this meant at least two separate appointments.
Our meeting was normally held in the home of the interviewee, since
the offices were seldom private. The Pakistani interviews averaged
two hours and were completed most often in one session. In some
cases they were held in Pakistani homes, occasionally in offices,
but most frequently in our home. I would invite them for a meal and
we would then have the interview. The Pakistanis were genuinely co-
operative, but in some cases they were reluctant to be seen being
interviewed in their offices. Their homes provided little privacy,
and Pakistanis did not often invite Americans into their homes, even
those they knew well. The best solution seemed to be for me to in-
vite them for a meal, which defined the situation publically as social
and reduced their anxiety. They enjoy being entertained in American
homes, and our family appreciated this Opportunity too; we learned
about aspects of life not covered in the schedule, and it allowed us
to show our appreciation for their c00peration.

The Americans were sensitive to the ugly-American image.
It was necessary to convince them that I was understanding of their
situations and shared some of their frustrations and feelings in re-
gard to living in Pakistan. Once they were convinced of this they
usually accepted probing of their responses with very little defen-
siveness. But even while probing I tried very hard to avoid any
inference of judgment or evaluation. After the interviews were com-
pleted, the Americans almost invariably made some remark to the effect

that it had been helpful to them to think through their relations and

roles

as a '
to ins
and th
ti on:

a sis:
investi

and ice

Itsardi
institu
r“Give.
I hid f:
The up,
that it
p.83gd ‘
ic‘“ Ch:
'chlf 1

indium

23

roles while answering the questions.

In most institutions the Pakistanis tended to think of me
as a "trouble shooter" sent out by the parent American organisation
to investigate the problems that existed between the American staff
and the Pakistanis. This reflects the fact that in these institu-
tions the cross-cultural relations were sufficiently strained so that
a mission of this kind was conceivable. It is also true that field
investigators had visited many of these institutions in the past,
and some of the questions I asked had been asked before.

An additional factor which further misled the Pakistanis
regarding my role was the normal access route by which I entered the
institutions. As explained earlier, I do not believe I could have
received permission to conduct the study on any of the campuses if
I had first contacted the Pakistani principal or Vice-Chancellor.
The separate roles of Pakistanis and Americans in Pakistan are such
that it would have appeared unusual and suspicious if I had by-
passed the American group. But by gaining access through the Amer-
ican chiefs-of-party it became difficult for me to disassociate
myself from the particular American organisation when I interviewed
individual Pakistanis. Probably in some cases they never accepted
my explanation that I was doing a study wholly unrelated to the
parent American organisation. Often the Pakistanis think of all
non-missionary Americans as employees of the United States Govern-
ment, whether Ford, AID or Michigan State University. Certainly in
the context of their economy it is difficult to believe that I came
all the way to Pakistan to conduct an academic study unrelated to

the operation of the American group.

te
woz
fie

did

IVOI
In I
cert
13:.

the}

2A

However, their conception of my identity did not prevent
them from speaking frankly about the stress that existed between
themselves and the Americans; it may have encouraged such a response.
This was their opportunity to get it off their chest. Now they could
tell one of the Americans how they felt without having to continue
working with him after the interview. Apparently they were satis-
fied that I would not reveal the sources of my information since they
did say some things that were not generally known by the Americans.

My greatest concern while interviewing Pakistanis was to
avoid revealing any defensive attitude on my part toward the Americans.
In.some cases Pakistani Christian faculty were strongly critical of
certain short-term missionaries, stating that they had come to Pak-
istan in order to enjoy an easier life, meke more money, etc. I knew
the missionaries well and was aware of the financial sacrifice in-
volved for them in coming to Pakistan, but it would have terminated
the interview had I argued the point. In one case I probed the
particular response, and asked what the Pakistani thought the mis-
sionary's salary in the United States might be compared with his
present salary. This was particularly difficult to do without re-
vealing my attitude, but I believe it was done successfully.

At first a tape recorder was used during the interviews.
But I found that before they were typed they had to be condensed,
and this amounted to spending twice as much time as would be consumed
hy'taking notes during the original interviews. Thus I recorded the

interviews in hand-written form during the sessions and then had them
typed later by my wife. This became a problem when my wife and

“ughter were evacuated by the United States Air Force during the

1e

di.

bot

Prc
a1

rec
Soul
Was
of I
lens
what
want
and 1
Port,

quest

25

war between India and Pakistan in September, 1965. For the next
three months my notes were not typed, and they remained untyped un-
til the following summer. I did go over them and try to make sure
they were in readable form, but there were problems of translation
later because of this considerable lapse of time.

A more serious problem in taking written notes was the
difficulty of maintaining rapport and a conversational level while
both recording what was said and thinking ahead to future questions.
Probing was received in a less defensive manner when the conversation-
al style was maintained, and yet such a style allowed little time for
recording information. The answers of the respondents depended to
some extent upon my response of interest but not surprise; and this
was measured by nods of understanding, the matter-of-fact expression
of my face, and'ggigg written notes. If I stopped to record some
lengthy comment word-for-word it was a signal to the respondent that
what he had just said was significant. In most instances I did not
want the respondent to know which of his responses were significant
and in some cases I had to move on to another question of less im-
portance and use the time there to write the response to an earlier
question.

It is a fine line to maintain the distinction between
understanding or empathy toward the individual, and approval of his
point of view. Their responses were more open and free when they
could see that I respected and appreciated them as persons, and could
understand their attitudes. But for me to communicate approval of a
particular position encouraged a consistent line of response and hid

any ambivalence or inconsistency that might have been present.

8‘

no
isI
tic
ins
Par:

nifi

cruc

26

The interviews were complimentary to the participant-
observation role. The schedules were essential to the study: they
focussed and accelerated the observation I was making informally.
They allowed a systematic comparison of attitudes held by the sample
on specific points. But it is hard to imagine constructing the
schedules without the opportunity for participation first. I do not
believe the schedules would have included the same questions if I had
not spent some six months living and working as an American in a Pak-
istani institution before the schedules were written. Without par-
ticipating the access to the individuals as well as the access to the
institutions would have been difficult if not impossible. And by
participating I was able to evaluate and check the meaning and sig-
nificance of the responses which were received.

The war between India and Pakistan was an unexpected but
crucial variable in the study. Lahore is located about fifteen miles
fro-Lthe border, and the guns woke us up the morning hostilities broke
out. All educational institutions in Pakistan were immediately closed
down, and they remained inoperative for approximately six weeks.
After the actual fighting had terminated I was able to resume inter-
viewing American faculty. In fact there was so much free time that
appointments were easily arranged and the professors did not object
to a more leisurely pace in going through the schedule. But there
was a different tone or attitude represented regarding their role in
Pakistan: they were more skeptical of what had been accomplished and
pessimistic toward the future. The professors used the past tense
to describe their roles. Several times I felt the professor looked

upon.my study as no longer relevanto-the era had passed. Their

fa

a]
to

we

be!
sti

lea

gen.
Var

her:
for

Amer
H1th
thei
Paki

fare

the

ti°n
15C;

chlt

Stlt

27

families had been evacuated and they were concerned about them and
burdened with various decisions and worries. At that time virtually
all Americans felt that it was doubtful whether they would be allowed
to continue their work; this was true of the missionary professors as
well as the others, though some missionaries were not as pessimistic.
During the war there was almost no social contact whatsoever
between American and Pakistani professors. When the educational in-
stitutions started up again relations were minimal and strained, at

least for the first six weeks.2

There were a few sharp exchanges
between the Pakistanis and Americans in one of the universities, but
generally the interaction was cool and correct. Pelitics and the
war were discussed constantly within each group but not between mem-
bers of the two groups. The American professors came to the campus
for their classes and then returned home. Some Pakistanis stopped by
American homes but these were those few who had identified themselves
with the American professors prior to the war. Several went out of
their way to be pleasant to the Americans and assured them that the
Pakistanis realised that they were not personally responsible for the
foreign policy of the United States.

But there was considerable suspicion and mistrust. When
I began interviewing Pakistanis again I found that they thought of
the Americans as a clique, a group that was foreign to their institu-
tion. The missionaries were uneasy and insecure, but with the Pak-

istanis they pretended that things had not changed, and consciously

cultivated friendships. Their Pakistani colleagues responded

 

2At this point, in December 1965, I returned to the United
States.

f:

28

courteously but with little warmth. The presence of American mis-
sionaries in their institutions was an embarrassment to the Pakistani
Christians who were seeking to disassociate Christian institutions in
Pakistan from a foreign image.

The institutional affiliations of those interviewed are as

follows:
American Pakistani
Professors Professors
Sample Popu- Sample Popu-
lation lation
Forman Christian College, 7 7 12 55
Lahore
Kinnaird College, Lahore 4 a 4 21
Gordon College, Rawalpindi a 4 6 70
Institute of Education and 11 12 13 25
Research, University of
PanJab, Lahore
West Pakistan.Agricultura1 6 12 5 200
University, Lyallpur
Miscellaneous smaller groups 8 9 3 NA

Some specific characteristics of these institutions are dis-
cussed in the body of the dissertation but it may be useful to describe
them briefly at this point.

Forman Christian College of Lahore held its centenary cele-
bration during the year of our study, 1960-65. It is said to have
made a major contribution in scientific education in South Asia, and
it retains an image of catering to the elite. The percentage of
Christian staff and students has always been low. Its campus is one
of the most spacious and well furnished of any in Pakistan, and it is

located in a wealthy suburb of Lahore. For most of its history Forman

CO

Stl
Is]
in;
nai
thc
Go:

hac

29

has been supported by the Presbyterian and Methodist churches of the
United States. The student body numbers something over 1100.

Kinnaird College is the counterpart of Forman, for women
students. Its location is about two miles from Forman, and it too
has well kept grounds though they are not as spacious. The foreign
staff members are supported by a group of missionary boards from the
United States and Great Britain. Of the 462 students in 1965, 80 were
Christian; the majority of the faculty are Christian, but most of
these are British or American. The college has been in existence for
fifty years and is generally considered to be the finest women's
college in Pakistan.

Gordon College in Rawalpindi is a larger college, with 1845
students; 219 of these are women. The new capital of Pakistan,
Islamabad, is now a suburb of Rawalpindi and this suggests increas-
ing growth and importance for this area. The College is the only
major higher educational institution in the city at the present time,
though there are plans for a government institution to be built.
Gordon has a new campus under construction. While Gordon has never
had an elite image it has always maintained a very respectable posi-
tion in higher education. Almost half of the faculty are Pakistani
Christians, which represents a higher percentage than that of Forman
Christian College. The affiliated mission board is the United
Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A.

The Institute of Education and Research is formally part
of the University of the Panjab in Lahore. It is the result of an
AID contract with Indiana University which has sent faculty and

administrators to Pakistan, as well as provided graduate education

4

f:
St

St.

fag

Yea

30

in Indians for about forty Pakistani faculty. Primarily it is a
teacher training institution, modeled after the College of Education
in Indiana University. Classes began in 1960 and twenty-five dif-
ferent American faculty have been.members of the staff at various
times. The number of Americans on the faculty have numbered from
six to twelve for most of these years, while the Pakistani staff has
grown from around twelve to twenty-five.

The West Pakistan Agricultural University in Lyallpur
began as a university in 1961 though it was built on to an agricul-
tural college which was founded about fifty years ago. The present
enrollment is 1200 students, and there are 200 faculty members on
the staff. A few Americans participated in the earlier institution
from 1954 on, but in 1961 a major AID contract was awarded Washington
State University to support agricultural education in Pakistan. In-
stead of starting a new institution it was decided to develop the
existing college in Lyallpur. Approximately twelve American pro-
fessors have been present each year since 1961, and in the early
years the Americans occupied high level administrative positions.
Though Americans no longer hold policy positions this university has
retained many of the patterns of American higher education, including
the emphasis upon research, and the internal examination system.

The miscellaneous smaller groups included three Fulbright
professors who were on one year post-doctoral teaching fellowships.
One of these was assigned to the Psychology Department and another
to the History Department of the University of Panjab in Lahore. The
third was teaching economics in The Civil Service Academy, Lahore,

where junior civil service officers are trained. Pakistani colleagues

O”

St

mi

81'

Pat

0f

the

31

of two of these three professors were interviewed.

Two other American professors were teaching in the Depart-
ment of Public Administration in the University under an AID contract
with the University of Southern California. No Pakistani professor
from this department was interviewed.

The remaining three Americans were serving under the Ford
Foundation. One was a woman advisor to the principal of the College
of Home and Social Sciences in Lahore, on a contract with the Univer-
sity of Oklahoma. The second was a consultant on student affairs
who worked with the University of Dacca and Panjab in setting up
student centers and other student facilities. His contract was ad-
ministered by the University of Chicago. The third was on a contract
with Michigan State University and served as an advisor in the West
Pakistan Academy for Rural DeveIOpment in Peshawar. The principal
of a women's college in Lahore and a Pakistani faculty member from

the Academy were interviewed as well.

ur

hu:

CHAPTER II

EDUCATION IN PAKISTAN AND THE PAKISTANI PROFESSORS

This chapter and the next will be devoted to the Pakistani
colleges and universities in which American professors are working.
In this chapter the focus is on the educational system itself and
the cultural patterns of Pakistani professors who teach in the public
universities. Chapter III describes the history of missionary edu-
cation in South Asia, and the characteristics of both Christian and

Muslim faculty in Pakistani Christian colleges.

The History of Education in India

The Pakistani educational institutions cannot be traced
to a specifically Muslim tradition of education. There have been
Muslim schools in South Asia since the Muslim conquest, and there
are isolated examples of Muslim libraries, museums and colleges.
But these did not produce any characteristic pattern of education
which has been passed down to the schools of today. (see Chamber-
lain 1899815) In both Hindu and Muslim schools the content of
teaching was different, but in most respects the schools were very
similar: teachers had small groups of students, the subjects were
learned through oral recitation and memorization, and the teacher's
role included discipline and moral training. It is instructive to
note some of the features of education in South Asia prior to the
arrival of the British.

The ancient system of education in India required students

32

stu
who
of t
this

1nd11

by theSe
to adjust

Ll'pha51s

33

to board in the home of a Guru, or priest-teacher. The students
would move into a Gurukula at about 14 or 15 years of age and remain
for a number of years. These Gurus were highly respected, almost
deified by the students, and the relations between students and
Gurus were intimate and loyal. The sacred scriptures or Vedas were
the basic content of this early education, and they were transmitted
orally with great emphasis placed upon memorization and correct pro-
nunciation. There were spiritual rewards for learning these scrip-
tures and religious truths, and by 500 B.C. it was commonly believed
that one's spiritual salvation depended almost entirely upon guidance
from a Guru (Altekar 1965:50).

The authority of the Guru was unquestioned by either
students or their parents. There is a record of one student in India
who publically challenged his former teacher to a debate and because
of this was stoned to death by his village (Altekar 1965364). Yet
this authority and respect did not necessarily bring wealth to the
individual teacher, and this conforms to the pattern found within
the early pre-industrial societies examined by Sjoberg.

Though the teacher's prestige is high and his power in

the schoolroom considerable, his economic rewards are rare-
ly lucrative...Students are expected to lend him absolute
obedience and not to contradict him in any way...0ne be-
comes a disciple of his mentor. This master-student
relationship continues long after one completes his for-
mal schooling. Throughout the history of India, devotion
to one's Guru has been a highly valued norm (Sjoberg 1960:
306).

In his discussion of the nature of knowledge as understood
by these societies, Sjoberg points out that the educated elite attempt

to adjust themselves to the divine will, or the forces of nature.

”Emphasis is on what ought to be, not on what is" (Sjoberg 1960:308).

c]

wia

tin

Cat

34

As a result, knowledge in the physical and natural sciences is often
more common among the lower classes than among the educated or upper

classes.

...the abstract thinking, or theoretical framework, of the
intellectuals or learned men has not been related to the
technical knowledge amassed over time by the commOn man;
the two have been almost completely disjunct...Practical
knowledge, being obtainable largely through work with the
hands, has been devalued, often most strongly by highly
literate, educated men (Sjoberg 1960:309).

These patterns, then, suggest the traditional value system
within the education of South Asia prior to the arrival of EurOpeans
on the continent. In a summary of the status of education at this
time in India, Chamberlain emphasizes the difference between the edu-
cation of the Brahman class and that of the lower classes:

On the average, about one boy in ten of the preper age was
receiving some kind of indigenous education. The lower
orders were entirely uninstructed. The classes of middle
rank received a scanty and strictly commercial training.

On the other hand, every Brahman was able to read and
write, and a considerable body of this class had partaken
of what may be stated a liberal education, while not a few
had, further, obtained some eminence in such studies as
grammar, rhetoric, mathematics and metaphysics. In phys-
ical science their knowledge was infinitely inferior to
that current in Europe at the corresponding date. In these
more practical branches, real progress had ceased for cen-
turies. But the attainments of the Hindus were not inferior
to those of any ancient nation, nor, indeed, to those of
Europe, prior to the Renaissance (Chamberlain 1899:23).

EurOpean or western education in India began with the
arrival of Danish missionaries in 1706. The first English mission
was established in 1727. During these early days the chief emphasis
of the missionary societies was the use of the vernacular languages:
the publication of dictionaries and school books and the translation
of the Bible. English was used only in seminaries and teacher train-

\

ing institutions.

Cat
50:11
Ch a1
f0:-

vhe:
Sta:
“so

me p

35

For most of this century the government itself did not
become actively involved in education, particularly primary or ele-
mentary education. A few colleges were begun but they were carefully
established as oriental (that is Indian, or indigenous) in content.
”The promotion of Orientalism was, thenceforth, until the famous
Minute of Macaulay in 1835, the settled policy of Government"
(Chamberlain 1899:29).

Actually no stated educational policy existed at this time
since the Royal Charter included no mention of responsibility for
the education of the natives of India. The Royal Charter, under
which the East India Company administered India, was renewable every
twenty years, and in 1793 Wilberforce attempted to introduce an edu-
cational clause but failed. In 1813 Parliament was persuaded that
something should be done and a new regulation was included in the
Charter providing for one lakh (100,000 Rupees) each year to be used
for education. The wording was ambiguous, and did not indicate
whether this education should be oriental or occidental; it merely
stated: "for the encouragement of the learned natives of India"
(Ashby 1966:48). But the arguments at the time make it clear that
the proponents of this measure had in mind the learning and achieve-
ments of the West.

...by planting our language, our knowledge, our opinions,
and our religion in our Asiatic territories we shall put
a great work beyond the reach of contingencies. We shall,
probably, have wedded the inhabitants of these territories
to this country; but, at any rate, we shall have done an
act of strict duty to them, and a lasting service to man-
kind (quoted without reference in Chamberlain 1899:30).

This provision of 1813 was not implemented in India until

1823, when the Committee of Public Instruction was formed for the

C0

it]
be;
Opt
cie

sch

serx
the

See:
View

fmC

arr;
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fact

In 1

36

specific task of expending the funds already voted by Parliament.
This money was used during the next ten years chiefly to support
indigenous education and the publication of oriental books, though
English classes were established in all of the government supported
colleges.

In the year 1815 the ban on privately sponsored (and non-
indigenous) education was removed, and western higher education was
begun in earnest. Between 1817 and 1835 a number of colleges had
opened their doors, most of which were sponsored by missionary so-
cieties. Dr. Alexander Duff, a Scottish Protestant, established a
school in Calcutta which not only used English as the medium of in-
struction but also chose "the science and literature of Europe as the
subject" of the curriculum (Chamberlain 1899:32). By 1835 many ob-
servers felt that this was the most successful college in India, in
the excellence of teaching and in the number of Indian nationals
seeking admission. The school was widely known and Dr. Duff's strong
views on the importance of western education prepared the way for the
famous Minute of Macaulay of 1835.

Lord Macaulay was a member of the Supreme Council and he
arrived in India in 1834 with the specific purpose of ending the
controversy regarding the introduction of western education. Both
factions presented their arguments and he responded with his Minute.
In its most frequently quoted passage Macaulay states:

I am quite ready to take the Oriental learning at the
valuation of the Orientalists themselves. I have never
found any one of them who could deny that a single shelf
of a good European library was worth the whole native

literature of India and Arabia (Chamberlain 1899:36).

Soon afterwards the Governor-General, Lord Bentinck, issued

 

31

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Is
as
phi

V85

as
1st;
use
and
use
Sair

18::

Vhol

37

a proclamation which established the triumph of the English language
and of European studies in India. The effect of this proclamation on
subsequent education in India was conclusive.

It is significant that at this time those who opposed the
use of English as the medium of instruction, and European studies as
the subject of study, were not defenders of the use of vernacular
languages and the knowledge of practical subjects such as medicine,
agriculture and science. It was Sanscrit and Arabic, and the ancient
philosOphies of Asia that were placed in opposition to modern or
western learning, in the form of English education.

Today those who argue for the use of Urdu instead of English
as the medium of instruction in the educational institutions of Pak-
istan do not question the goals of western education. They see the
use of vernacular languages as the best means to communicate modern
and practical education. But the basis of the early debate was the
use of English as against the use of Sanscrit as the best means of
gaining knowledge about the world. And on this basis the Oriental-
ists had little chance of winning. The government attempted a
compromise by remaining neutral in religious matters but gave its
wholehearted support to western education.

The task of implementing the new commitment to western
education dominated the years 1835 to 1850. New programs included
primary and secondary education as well as higher education, but at
this time missionary societies were more active in establishing pri-
mary schools than was the government.

In the year 1852-53 there were in Government schools about

28,000 children receiving instruction, while at the same
time the Protestant missionaries were teaching nearly

PU!

tro

Profc

FIE

38

100,000...The State schools were almost entirely secondary,
while the private schools were to a large extent primary...
While in Government schools there was no trace of female
education, the missionaries were teaching over 13,000 girls
(Chamberlain 1899:40-41).

Throughout the preceding century the assumption was made
that England's responsibilities in India did not include educating
the natives. It became an issue only as England recognized that she
was in effect the ruling power in most spheres of life. At this
point some argued that the indigenous culture was worthy of support,
and would not be helped by the imposition of English culture. How-
ever, the majority of those who apposed the introduction of western
learning were convinced of the superiority of English culture, but
believed that Indians receiving western education would be trouble-
makers, and eventually threaten the peaceful use of India for British
purposes. In 1854 Sir Charles Wood, president of the Board of Con-
trol, wrote:

I do not see the advantage of rearing up a number of highly
educated gentlemen at the expense of the State, whom you
cannot employ, and who will naturally become depositories
of discontent...If they choose to educate themselves, well
and good, but I am against providing our own future detrac-
tors and Opponents and grumblers (quoted in Ashby 1966:59).

Universities in Great Britain at this time were undergoing
profound changes and were far from uniform in their curriculum and
administration. The University of London, which was finally chosen
as the model for export to India, was itself only established in 1836
"solely to conduct examinations for students of two rival independent
colleges" (Ashby 1966:24). In 1850 the University of London offered

degrees in arts, law and medicine. Only two years' study was required

for the B.A. degree and this was awarded on the basis of a single

as
its

the

Etudem
fob“ in

candida!

39

examination. Two additional years of study were required for the
M.A. degree.

In contrast to the other British universities at the time,
the University of London was non-sectarian and hence excluded all
subjects having to do with Christianity and the Bible. Its curriculum
was broader and more concerned with the use of the English language,
history and natural science, as Opposed to the heavy emphasis given
to the classics in the other universities. For the B.A. examination
competence was required in animal physiology, logic and moral philos-
0phy, mathematics and natural phi1030phy, and classics. Even the
section on classics was interpreted liberally to include French or
German, and English history.

But the most attractive feature of the University of London,
as a model for higher education in India, was not its curriculum but
its administrative structure which required the colleges to perform
the great bulk of the educational functions. The university simply
maintained conformity of curriculum within the colleges, and certi-
fied standards of achievement by administering the examinations for
degrees. The colleges performed the teaching.

The need, for example, to unite in one system of higher
education the scattered colleges of Bengal; the need to
save money by avoiding a salary-bill for academic staff;
and the opportunity to by-pass the problems of religious
education by having non-residential universities: these
were the considerations, more than curriculum, which come
mended London as a model (Ashby 1966:28).

The University of Calcutta was established in 1854. Indian
students flocked to its classes and crowded its facilities, but its

form and function were in most respects alien to South Asian culture.

Candidates for admission grew in number from 280 in 1857 to 800 in

of

Sci.-

as.

f:-

40

186l--a much larger number than in the University of London itself.
”The growth was unquestionably luxuriant; yet from the outset there
was an element of distortion and deficiency about it" (Ashby 1966364).
Even as late as 1917 a principal of an affiliated college and fellow
of the University of Calcutta spoke of the University with misgivings:

The University of Calcutta is altOgether a foreign plant im-
ported into this country, belonging to a type that flourished
in foreign soil. The importation was an urgent necessity of
the time, suddenly created by the abrupt introduction of new
conditions of life with a new order of political situation;
the founders of the new educational system had not the time
to study the ideals and methods that were indigenous: the
new system was introduced in entire ignorance and almost in
complete defiance of the existing social order regulating the
everyday life of an ancient people (quoted in Ashby 1966:47).

Sir Eric Ashby concludes that the failure of the University
of Calcutta to successfully transmit western learning to Indian
scholars must be traced to the nature of the Indian students as well
as the English university.

But if in some respects the system was at fault, there were
Special features in the Indian environment to accentuate its
defects and confirm the trend to shallow scholarship. With

its broad spread and prescribed epitomes, the curriculum was
inherently vulnerable to learning by rote; and as a result of
centuries of learning by this method, the capacity and in-
stinct of the Indian for memorization was unusually strong.

The traditional system of education had also endowed him with
other intellectual qualities to hinder his progress in western
scholarship: a reverence for authority which sapped his cri-
tical powers, and a speculative bias which weakened his ability
to observe and appreciate facts, whether historical or scien-
tific. The Indian, moreover, was abnormally precocious, and
this, too, impeded the development of higher education for it
produced a dangerous pressure to draw the level between student
and schoolboy too low (Ashby 1966:67-68).

Muslims did not share equally with Hindus in gaining western
education from the colonial system. Since the sixteenth century rule
of Akbar, Muslim interest in education had generally declined along

with their social position, relative to the Hindus. In the early days

0f t.
“98::

than

41

the British were not at all hostile to the Muslims. "The British
found more common ground with the Muslim than the Hindu aristocrat"
(Spear in Mason 1967:37). But the anglicizing policy of Cornwallis
removed the Muslim elite from their positions Of subordinate officers
and agents, and later, in the 1830's, when posts began again to be
Opened to them the English language was established as the primary
qualification. Muslims held back from learning English and the Hindu
Brahmans did not. The Mutiny of 1857 further alienated the Muslims
and the British since the rebellion was identified with Islam, in
the eyes Of the British.1
The Hindu elite dominated Indian intellectual pursuits

during the colonial period. The Hindus were in the majority and held
the upper positions in society, and thus had greater access to the
British colonial educational system. Conservative Hindus as well as
Muslims resisted the implications of western education but segments
of the upper class Hindus quickly recognized the advantages of a
western education and the orthodox Hindus were not able to discourage
them from participating. But the Muslims were slow to become in-
volved.

From the earliest days Of government education great diffi-

culty had been encountered in prevailing upon the Muhammadan

pOpulation in India, which is in the proportion of one in

five to the whole, to avail themselves of the means of school

instruction. This reluctance is partly to be accounted for

by the character Of their own instruction, which is exclu-

sively religious, with the Koran as the only text-book, and

partly by their poverty and their love of the military pro-

fession. In 1871 special measures for their education began
to be taken. Schools and scholarships were provided for

 

1For a sympathetic account of the Muslims and Muslim educa-
tion in South Asia see Huq 1965, pages 22-43.

thou
this

level

.....-
-
_

sures as

9u30n

 

In our (

 

42

Muhammadans, and Arabic and Persian were encouraged in the
universities. To these special schools teachers and in-
spectors of the same creed were appointed. Everything
reasonable, including a fee which was only one-half of that
usually demanded of pupils, was done to attract Muhammadans
into the schools. But, in 1882, the prOportion, while in-
creased, was found tO be practically confined to primary
schools (Chamberlain 1899:62-62).

In 1896 only fifteen percent of the students were Muslim
though they represented twenty-two percent of the population. By

this time there were few religious schools left even at the primary

level.

The exclusively religious oriental schools for Hindus or
Muslims suffered most in the general changes in primary
education. They could no longer receive grants from pub-
lic funds; and they could no longer compete with the new
[government] schools which were considered a straight
route to lucrative employment. They therefore disappear-
ed Or receded to an inconspicuous place in the educational
landscape (Siqueira 1960:64).

There were isolated instances Of Muslim elements promoting
ties with the West and developing modern educational institutions.
The Aligarh Muslim College founded by Sayyid Ahmad Khan in 1875 be-
came a center of Muslim modernist thought.

It poured out a stream Of young men who took their places

in the government services and the public life of the
country. Western education ceased to be regarded as a
gateway to infidelity; the example of Aligarh was followed
by degrees all over India. In this way the Muslim West-
ernized class grew up which, small though it was, contained
men of great ability who carried the main burden of Pakistan
in its early years (Spear in.Mason 1967:40-41).

But institutions such as Aligarh were under the same pres-
sures as all other colleges to prepare students for the standard
university examination and so had little chance to integrate the edu-

cation with any unique point of view. This will become more apparent

in our discussion Of missionary colleges in Chapter 111. Thus the

43

main stream of education during the colonial period was secular,
with little Opportunity for distinctive Hindu, Muslim or Christian
traditions.

At the time of partition almost all higher educational
institutions in South Asia followed similar patterns of education
and curriculum. The great majority of faculty and students were
Hindu. There have been no fundamental changes since Muslims have
administered the Pakistani institutions. In most instances these
Pakistanis were not products of the vigorous intellectual tradition
of Aligarh Muslim College, and Sayyid Ahmad Khan. They were the
remnants of the pre-partition Muslim minorities in these same insti-
tutions that had been dominated by Hindu faculty. As such they
could not be expected to have any distinctive Muslim approach to
their teaching. Apart from the new departments of Islamic studies
the overall educational patterns remain much the same as those in
India today. And because of the relatively liberal values of most
Pakistani professors it is unlikely that Pakistani colleges or

universities will soon incorporate a religious character.

Higher Education in Pakistan

Today in Pakistan students enter the colleges after ten
years of education at an age of about sixteen. An intermediate de-
gree is granted after two years and the B.A. or 8.5. two years later.
Usually each college has several fields or disciplines in which the
university with which they are affiliated allows them to teach courses
leading to an M.A. or M.S. degree. The Masters degree normally re-

quires two years and is thus received after a total of sixteen years

of scho
United 1
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44

of~school, equivalent in time to the Bachelor's degree program in the
United States. Since most college and university training is given
in the English language this means that higher education is in the
students' second (or third) language. In Lahore students usually
speak both Punjabi and Urdu better than English.

Colleges perform undergraduate teaching and the univer-
sities give the yearly examinations, award degrees, and provide most
of the graduate teaching. Thus the important examinations are not
administered by the individual teacher, but are prepared by univer-
sity professors and given uniformly to all students at the same level
within the university. This is the "external examination" system,
and it encourages learning set syllabi rather than the knowledge of
individual professors.2 A Commission of the Government of Pakistan
has described the system in negative terms:

For most students the examination has come to be more impor-
tant than the acquisition of knowledge...Students have been
quick to rebuke any teacher who wandered from the set sylla-
bus...Examinations have come to dominate higher education,
and the examining function of universities has dangerously
overshadowed those of teaching and research. Moreover, as
internal examinations have at present no value, the external
examination is the exclusive pre-occupation of the student
and he does not feel under strong immediate pressure to at-

tend lectures or to secure his teacher's guidance personally
or in the tutorial group (Government of Pakistan, Ministry of

Education, Report of the Commission on National Education,
January-August 1959, Karachi, 1960, p. 23).
An exception to the usual pattern of university teaching

is the Agricultural University at Lyallpur. This is a new insti-

tution established with the assistance of an AID contract team from

 

2For a discussion of the phiIOSOphy of education in Pakistan

today see Planning for Education in Pakistan by Adam Curie, Harvard
University Press, 1966.

 

hash
facu

indi

this

being

Pakis
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Studen
lated ‘

C0116;

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45

Washington State University. All teaching is done by the university
faculty, and the examinations are prepared and administered by the
individual faculty members. There is some resistance to the system
by both Pakistani faculty and students, but there is no immediate
prospect of returning to the external examination system. However,
this does not indicate that internal examinations have much chance of
being adopted by the other universities in Pakistan.

With the exception of Lyallpur, the universities in West
Pakistan are engaged in supervising the affiliated colleges and
teaching selected graduate programs. There are four of these univer-
sities, Peshawar, Panjab, Sind and Karachi, and together they account
for just 5,000 students; over one hundred colleges enroll 84,000
students (Curie 1966:104). Virtually all of the colleges are affil-
iated with one of the universities, but many are only intermediate
colleges, and do not offer the last two years leading to the Bachelor's
degree. Only a few offer graduate programs, leading to an M.A. degree.

In a pepulation of forty-six million, the 89,000 students
enrolled in colleges and universities represent a small elite element
in the society. Of this number only about one-third (34.3%) actually
pass the examinations and receive degrees (Ministry of Education,
1961:36). Thus even among the few students in higher educational in-
stitutions there are many who are not prepared for the discipline or
relative saphistication of the education provided. Since the impor-
tant examinations are held infrequently the students have a great
deal of free time. Homework is rarely assigned and students commonly
wait until near the date of the examinations, then set about memor-

izing as much information as possible.

ities
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46

In 1963 almost half of the students chose one of the human-
ities as a major, one-sixth were in social science and one-sixth in
natural science.3 The remaining one-sixth were studying law, medi-
cine, engineering, agriculture and education (UNESCO 1966:284-285).
Many of the humanities students enter business or take civil service
examinations for government employment.

Only thirteen percent of the students are women, and these
are largely confined to all-female colleges. However, there are in-
creasing numbers enrolled in graduate programs in coeducational
institutions, and it is a common sight to see girls on campuses to-
day. This does not mean that the patterns of interaction are routine;
the role of women in modern sectors of Pakistani society is still
being defined, and many awkward if not unpleasant social situations
arise for the women students in the course of attending coeducational
classes and walking about on campus.

There are very few foreign professors serving as faculty
members in the universities. Those that are present are better
termed visiting professors for they are not usually part of the
regular staff, hired by the universities. In almost all cases their
salaries are paid by some foreign agency, and most of these professors
are American. Other than the AID, Ford and Fulbright professors
included in our sample there were a few British and Canadian pro-
fessors sponsored by their governments.

0f the several hundred faculty members at Panjab University,

 

3Scientific education and the role of scientists in Pak-
istan are discussed in the Report of the Scientific Commission of
Pakistan, printed in Shah 1967, pages 361-374.

have

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Lahore, a dozen or so had done their graduate work in Lebanon or
England. Forty or fifty had participated in AID programs which sent
them to the United States for graduate education. Almost all of the
other professors received their education in India or Pakistan, and
have now settled down to permanent positions. Promotions are based
on seniority and though some move from one university to another, most
have remained in the same institution.

The campus of the University of Panjab is new and only a
few faculty homes have been built. Most faculty are required to
come out from their homes in town, a half-hour bus ride, and this
physical distance emphasizes the separation of their work from their
lives at home. Students are discouraged from visiting faculty mem-
bers at home, and even colleagues frequently live some distance
apart.

Extended family relations provide most social activities
for the professors and their families. Even those who have lived
abroad find themselves immersed in a large active social system when
they return. Relatives frequently come to spend a week or so at a
time, and entertaining relatives is costly and time-consuming. Wives
are most commonly uneducated and thus unable to participate in so-
phisticated cultural activities; their traditional roles emphasise
religious piety and family obligations. When professors leave the
university to return home they enter another world.

Perhaps the family activities and the network of responu
sibilities toward relatives absorbs some of the energy they might
otherwise invest in their role of professor. There is the impression

that most Pakistani professors are preoccupied with other concerns.

 

St

flec1

arriy

or a:

ariti;
fQSSOI
eXcept
there 4
these I
“31 de
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fatter

m. m

48

Shils described professors in India, and our research tends to
support the description as a fair representation of Pakistan:

...the vast majority, thoroughly decent and honest men,

carry on in a listless way, as if by rote. They are far

too satisfied to reproduce what has been done in England

and, more recently, America. They are too willing, not

to carry on from where their professors left off, but to

reproduce what they learned from their professors. Even

when they do go on working with much energy, it seems as

if they do so from a sense of obligation to do a job

rather than enjoying the pleasure of discovery which is

the result of doing the job. They do not exert themselves,

and when they do they aSpire to attain standards which

call forth very little that is really personal. This is

by no means a function of intelligence; it is a matter

of attachment to the tasks, the subject matter, the tra-

ditions of intellectual achievement (Shils 1961:25).

Norms and Values AmonggPakistani Professors
The cultural patterns of Pakistani faculty today still re-

flect many of the traditional South Asian values present before the
arrival of the British. But now of course they must be seen beneath,
or at least mixed in with, the bureaucratic system and curriculum of
British colonial education. One cultural feature of Pakistani pro-
fessors is the use of personal influence as the basis for making
exceptions to rules. Within Pakistani higher educational institutions
there are rules and regulations to cover most circumstances. However,
these regulations merely provide a context or background for individ-
ual decisions since it is selectively possible and appropriate to
make "exceptions" to the rules. Modernization and the growth of
bureaucracy have not reduced the primary importance of the personal
factor in decision making.

A Pakistani professor trained in the United States compared

the attitude toward rules and exceptions between the two countries:

"P.
pea

3?}

whi
to

not

int:
and

Leno
iStax
for 1
if ti
”1 e:
thin,

or gen
°f th
ru1es

P°°p1

49

"Pakistanis want very detailed rules but then apply them or not de-
pending upon the individual. In Pakistan we have very rigid laws
applied with exceptions. In America they have flexible laws applied
impersonally" (101-6).“ Even though there may be a rule in existence
which indicates what should be done, responsible officials are free
to choose another alternative on the basis of "exceptions." They do
not perceive this action as a violation of the rules; they still obtain
except when in their judgment personal factors are more significant.

Sponsorship by letters of reference or "chits" and personal
introductions are an accepted and important part of the world of work,
and without them one is at a disadvantage. American professors in
Lahore are asked by Pakistani colleagues to write chits for the Pak-
istanis to take with them when they see an American missionary doctor
for treatment. The Pakistanis believe they will receive better care
if they are sponsored by an American. when a Pakistani wishes to see
an educator, he will want some sort of personal introduction, some-
thing that will provide a personal relationship, regardless of how
tenuous or irrelevant it may be to the nature of his business.

The detailed regulations over all aSpects of formally
organized life in Pakistan may be an attempt to reduce the importance
of the personal factor in decision making, but the existence of these
rules generates a system of personalized transactions and places more
people into subjection to the personal decisions of officials. For
example, admission to college is based on such strict academic stan-

dards that a large number of students are accepted only by special

 

4The first number in parenthesis refers to the interviewee
as described in Appendix C; the second number indicates the page of
the typed interview on which this remark appears.

50

(personal) permission. Pakistanis responsible for the assigning of
grades and granting of degrees are under great pressure from friends
and relatives to make "exceptions" in this area as well. The external
examination may be a response to this problem, since it allocates
these decisions to a remote individual who thus presents less Oppor-
tunity for attempted personal influence.

Because of the importance of personal relationships in the
decision making process it is usually necessary to see someone in
order to transact business. The desks of educational officials and
college principals are surrounded by people waiting to exert their
influence and accomplish their goals. This custom is only partly the
expression of the value we are discussing; it also expresses the pub-
lic nature of business dealings and disdain for standing in line, two
other norms in Pakistani culture.

A second aspect of the culture of Pakistani professors is
their constant struggle for "personal dignity." Professors in Pak-
istan do not have the status they say professors once enjoyed. They
talk about the high prestige of their own teachers:

He used to be scared of teachers. We felt there were halos
around the teachers. Now things have changed; there is
less discipline in the classes...Now people are judged by
the things they own and their possessions. The economics
have changed. In the past the intrinsic inner qualities
were valued and so teachers were important and envied...
The teacher was economically well-to-do in the old days
too. Now the parents of students make much more than the
teachers. In those days the intellectuals and the bright
people became lecturers; now they no longer do...In those
days it was not respectable to do business...Today M.A.‘s
drive taxis because now how much money we make is the im-
portant thing (l38-2,3).

It is not easy for them to accept their lower status in

rEIationship to students. They complain that their students make

51

higher salaries driving taxi-cabs than the professors in the uni-
versities. The ritualized respect still awarded the position of
professor barely satisfies them and they struggle to maintain their
status in a society which is increasingly disenchanted with the
authoritative and detached role of the intellectual. The students
are eXpected to stand when the professor enters the room and when
they recite in class. But they eXpress their disrespect in class
vocally as well as through various practical jokes, much to the con-
sternation of the insecure professors.

One of my staff said that in his classroom someone made

a catcall, so he locked the door and did not allow any-

one to leave until he found out who did it (40-6).

The Pakistani professors get mad when they are asked a

question by the students. Some of the professors told

us that they do not have time to be prepared to answer

any questions (41-6).

The lack of discussion and interchange between professors
and students is a characteristic of Pakistani education and a number
of factors are probably responsible for it: neither the students
nor the faculty are fluent in English, the language normally used
in class, thus it is difficult to carry on discussions. Also, the
memorization of syllabi necessary for passing examinations makes
discussion less relevant and unimportant. But possibly of greater
significance is the fact that neither students nor faculty know how
to handle a situation in which a professor admits error or lack of
knowledge; it is an unfamiliar role and an embarrassment to both.
The Guru role may be inapprOpriate today, but aspects of this role

are still conscious in the minds of both faculty and students.

This is true in India as well as Pakistan. Robert Gaudino describes

52

the attitude of Indian professors, as he found it in 1962.
The teacher's rudeness is of a different sort: the refusal
to respond sympathetically to questions, the posture of
superiority, the pompous assumption that he is in control
of both the subject matter and the mind of the student, the
compulsion to maintain authority in everything, the reluc-
tance to admit errors or misjudgments, the lack of serious
effort...There is not a place, nor an occasion, nor a real
desire for the teacher and student to meet together for the
sympathetic exchange of ideas (Gaudino 1965:210).

A discussion of this gradual loss of status felt by pro-
fessors in modern India is offered by Edward Shils in his study,‘Ihg
Intellectual between Tradition and Modernity: The Indian Situation.
As we have noted earlier, the great bulk of the educated people in
India came from the Brahman caste; this is particularly true of the
teachers and professors. The general status of Brahmans in the so-
ciety added even further prestige to the role of teacher, a role
which had high prestige in pre-modern societies regardless of caste
association. The Brahman professors lived leisurely and intellectual
lives. But today's value system in both Pakistan and India calls
into question both the arbitrary rank of professors and also the
worth of traditional or classic education in which the majority of
the present professors were trained.

The new intellectual tradition in South Asia is coming
from the West. Though it has not yet taken root it has had the neg-
ative effect of undermining the position of professors whose claim to
“3°18 1'93“ Upon the old position of intellectuals.

The Indian ixitellectuals have been endowed with this many-
aided and Still living tradition of the Brahmins. No other
country canquite match this picture of a continuing in-
tellectual tradition carried so long by a single section of
the POPI-llation...Yet the modern intellectual tradition is

different frcun the tradition of intellectual life which In-
dia has received from its own past (Shils 1961:21-22).

53

The great tradition of Brahmin intellectuality has not yet
been able to transform itself into the standards of modern
intellectual activity; it has not been successful in infus-
ing itself into the attitudes which Operate in earthly work
and creation. It has not yet been able to overcome its re-
legation of the concrete and the immediate to an inferior
plane which is not so much to be ordered by intelligence as
it is to be overcome and transcended (Shils 1961:26).

Shils states that "modern Indian intellectual life has not
yet become a self-generating power" (Shils 1961:22). It is most apt
to be found in institutions where there has been a large number of
American or British advisers or faculty, and where the curriculum is
dominated by applied science. Here again the Agricultural University
at Lyallpur provides us with an exception to the prevailing patterns
in Pakistani colleges and universities.

The faculty of the Agricultural University are generally
content with their position in society, and are treated with greater
respect by their students. This prestige is not based upon sahib
behavior or the maintenance of social distance. Both professors and
students appear comfortable in discussions and relaxed conversation.
Neither group hesitates to get their hands dirty in agricultural ex-
perimentation. The characteristics of this university support Shils'
thesis, for it is a new university established by and modeled after
an American land-grant university. It has had and still has many
American faculty or advisors, and dozens of the 200 Pakistani faculty
possess American graduate degrees. Furthermore, the subject of the
curriculum is applied science; within the university there is no
opportunity to choose one of the more traditional or classical majors.

But the preoccupation of most Pakistani professors with their

position or status is eXpressed far beyond the classroom. Because

54

maintaining status is so important it is also necessary to avoid an
Open threat to another's status. This means that in a committee meet-
ing no one is apt to eXpress sharp disagreement with a colleague.
There is a tendency within the society for opposing factions tO be
formed regarding almost any issue. Hence it is a constant struggle
to maintain good relations with one's colleagues and to avoid being
placed within opposing groups.5 A Pakistani social psychologist was
asked how he would handle a difference Of Opinion with another Pak-
istani:

With those Pakistanis with whom I am close I would handle

it the same way I would with an American. That is, I

would talk very Openly about it and argue if necessary.

But with most of the Pakistanis I could not express my

viewpoint. I would have to be more circuitous. I would

be reluctant to eXpress my disagreement. In a Pakistani

organization, disagreement indicates disloyalty (102-6).
The norms Of the "loyal Opposition" or a "friendly argument" do not
exist. The eXpression of One's true feelings is frequently less
important than a statement which will have the proper effect of
support. It may be better to indicate agreement and then simply
fail to act upon it than to argue the point and produce hard feelings
or threaten another's status.

This norm is expressed when professors ask colleagues to

evaluate a paper they have written, or when they ask their principal
about the arrival of new equipment or supplies. The response will be

based upon what the respondent believes the inquirer wishes to hear.

Usually the best thing to say is that which will produce the happiest

 

5Factionalism as a characteristic of Pakistani educators
will be discussed below.

55

effect, at that time. In the long run it may produce greater un-
happiness, but this consequence is not relevant at the time of the
question.

Gaudino describes the attitude Of contemporary Indian pro-
fessors which closely resembles that of Pakistani faculty members;
this is a further expression Of an old Indian culture pattern in one
segment of the society.

Literal honesty is not considered a virtue...Things are
never said Openly and sharply which can be suggested or
implied. Unpleasant scenes are avoided...Each person
tries to avoid the head-on encounter, the straight-for-
ward engagement, the full confrontation...ln the end, the
compromise is made, and all parties say it is what they
wanted (Gaudino 1965:24-25).

Thus group decisions ideally are made on the basis of ”con-
sensus,” not by voting. One does not wish to be put on record as
simply favoring or Opposing any measure for this involves committing
Oneself, and thus risking the loss Of status. Likewise, one does not
wish to publically Oppose colleagues, unless absolutely necessary.
Long complicated discussions take place with support for a given
position slowly gathering momentum until the chairman chooses to
announce what he states is the consensus of the group.

But this is a very time consuming process and not all de-
cisions can wait for the consensus Of groups. Another pervasive
pattern in Pakistani culture is the concentration Of power and author-
ity in the hands of a very few. Thus it is possible for the chairman
Of a committee to announce a decision that is contrary to the actual
consensus expressed by the group. Even then he will normally state

the decision as if it were the consensus: "I believe we have reached

a consensus that..." though this may not be the case at all. Such an

56

action avoids Open or direct disagreement which might threaten status;
it allows everyone to express themselves, maintains the symbols of
uniformity, and preserves the ultimate authority of the chairman.

Virtually all decisions in higher educational institutions
are made by the top administrator within an organization. Even if
recommendations are made by other officials the final decision
carries the signature of the chief. Thus the principal of a college
(the senior administrator) signs all grade certificates for all stu-
dents each session, a chore which adds up to 6,000 signatures each
year for even a small college of 400 students (143-2). A leaky faucet
in a faculty home on campus requires an order from the principal to
the chief custodian.

When the students objected to the principal about an exam-
ination he announced to them that the teacher would give another
examination, even before he had talked with the professor. The
principal can decide who is admitted to the college, the conduct of
the classes and the assignment of term grades. If he so desires he
can overrule and make any decision of any official in the college.6

Within this authority system there is little reward for
initiative by the subordinates. Their expected role is to follow the
leader and express support for whatever plan they believe is favored
by him. A Pakistani professor described the changes taking place as
a Pakistani replaced an American as the top administrator in his

institution:

 

6For a discussion of the comparable role of principals of
colleges in India see Gaudino, The Indian University, Bombay:
Popular Prakashan, 1965.

 

an

of

and

deal
Subt
1Star

Of ”f

57

We are moving more toward centralized and authoritarian
administration, or less democratic. What I mean by this

is that Lthe administrator] makes many more decisions him-
self without consulting anyone else. For example, we used
to have an administrative council that directly advised [the
administrator]. Now this council has been abolished. This
is true not only of Lthe administrator's] position, but also
of the departmental heads. They have less freedom in the
way they manage their own Operations. And yet I think they
are reacting to this and thus running their own departments
in a more authoritarian manner. There are less departmental
meetings and they are not as democratic as they have been.
So the end result is that the individual faculty member has
less say in the way things are done. The departmental head
has less say in the things that are done regarding the in-
stitution. And so the whole organization has become more
centralized and authoritatian. In most cases we continue to
have the same meetings, but the way the meetings are conduct-
ed has changed. Everyone seems to follow the lead of the
administration if they can find out what the administration
wants. Then they either suggest those things or at least
agree with them when they are presented (102-4,5).

Besides the effect of this upon the subordinates, there is
an effect upon the administrator as well. He must devote the majority
of his time to relatively small daily decisions and therefore he has
little time left to consider educational goals and develop new pro-
grams. Neither the subordinates nor the leader are in a position to
innovate.

The final Pakistani pattern to be discussed is related to
the point just made. There is no outward Opposition to the leader
and this gives the impression of unity; but commonly there is a great
deal of in-fighting among the subordinates. It is expressed with more
subtlety than in the United States but it is present in most Pak-
istani educational institutions, because of the cultural definition
of ”friend" and the resulting formation of Opposing factions. As a
Pakistani eXplained it:

We Pakistanis are oriented by the Indo-Pakistani phili-
sophical attitude in which everyone takes sides, makes

58

groups, and puts people into one group or another. But

the don't think it is wrong; we don't even realize that

we do 1:] (117-2).
Another added: "Muslims think a person is either a friend or an
enemy. A friend will do anything for you. And if a person is not
of that type, then he is an enemy" (136-3). This definition of
friendship is very foreign to the American culture, and it clearly
affects social and working relationships.

I think one big difference in the Pakistani is that he

cannot understand that we can be friends of several

people. In other words, I can be a friend of his, but

I'm also a friend of someone else who may not be a

friend of the first Pakistani. This is a real part of

their culture (36-6).
In one sense friends are those with common enemies.

Once friendship has been pledged, then there are heavy re-
sponsibilities for each party. ”They will do anything for a friend,
even something that is wrong" (18-3). Friends have mutual obligations.
A common theme of Pakistani motion pictures is the triangle involv-
ing two friends who inadvertently fall in love with the same girl.
The "good and prOper" ending is for them both to give up the girl.

This is a cultural pattern here. It is not something
they do just with foreigners. They have a term for it--
safarish--which means that if I do something for you I am
storing up your favor and therefore expect you to return
the favor in some way (15-6).

There is an enormous difference between the educated and
non-educated Pakistani. Relative to the majority of the society pro-
fessors are leaders in change and very non-conformist in their view
of Islam and society. For example, the professors consistently be-

lieve in greater education for the masses, further break down of

socio-economic barriers, more freedom for women to participate in

59

society, less power for the Mullahs or Islamic priests, and greater
use of the democratic process. However, the professors who have
received all of their education in the Indian sub-continent express
a strong belief in the fundamental importance of Islam, and are con-
cerned about the weakening of Pakistani society because of the effect
of the West. "We should go slow in accepting influences of the West...
our peeple are not ready for this" (108-l,2).

The sensate culture is having an effect on today's youth...

Today's youth cannot apply religious principles to their

lives. The whole teaching of Islam is very rational. It

is good and required in a welfare society. Islam is a

whole comprehensive force covering the whole community, at

least this is what I believe...But we need to bring it into

our curriculum and into our 1ectures...We need to see the

relation between the Koran and social relations and our

attitude toward our country, etc. (127-1).

These professors see themselves as progressive and in favor
of change, even in their religion. But they believe American advi-
sors and most foreign educated Pakistanis are promoting changes that
will destroy or break down the fundamental values of their society.
Movies are commonly mentioned as an example of foreign (American)
influence which is producing disintegration of morality and religion
for the young people, and juvenile delinquency.

The world-view of Pakistanis who have studied abroad is
generally more favorable to influences from the West, and rapid social
change.

I'm in favor of most all of the changes now...The traits
of industrialization which are supposedly shattering our
value system and beliefs I do not think are bad changes.

I do not agree with the peOple who try to avoid these
changes (102-2).

Personally I am in favor of almost any change, at least as

far as Pakistani society goes. I don't see the problems
with change. Changes are not good or bad in themselves;

60

it depends on how we respond or react to them and the
attitudes we have toward the particular thing. All the
influences of the West are good as far as I'm concerned
(101-2).

The returnee professors eXpress a very liberal approach to
religion. Though the younger generation in higher educational insti-
tutions are generally liberal in their beliefs, the professors who
have returned from overseas far exceed the norm.

I think my generation has lost most of its contact with
religion. Certainly in my case religion has grown much
weaker as a result of living abroad for four or five
years. I do believe in universal values, but these are
not unique to any particular religion. I am not opposed
to being a Muslim or believing in Islam as long as these
represent traditions that are useful for our sake and are
nothing supernatural (102-1).

A number of these professors in Lahore are active in the
Unitarian Fellowship, a religious organization which emphasizes a
non-supernatural approach and the universality of basic beliefs found
in all religions. ”Now my position is that religions are merely dif-
ferent ways of achieving the same ends" (118-1).

Yet the Pakistani nation is founded upon Islam and is said
to be necessary because of the incompatability of Hinduism and Islam.
The pronouncements from the government Offices of education emphasize
the Islamic approach to all learning, including science. Education
is to be built upon Islam, but the professors wonder about the unique-
ness of Islam as a basis for education:

In our faculty meetings recently we have been working on
trying to decide what is unique in Islam that other re-
ligions do not have, and we could not come up with any-
thing. We even invited the Chairman of the Islamic Studies
Department to speak to us and...we asked him point-blank
and he said that it wasn't so much that Islam had anything
unique in it that other religions did not, but that it was

more comprehensive and included more things than the other
religions did (101-2).

 

bore!
tell.

Islan

 

 

61

A few of the foreign educated professors attempt an ela-
borate reinterpretation of Islam which holds that the priests and
religious bureaucracy in Pakistan today are not a true expression of
Islam, but a badly corrupted form. They seek a reformation of the
"permanent values" of the Koran which they claim can provide the
basis for a modern, essentially secular state. But most professors
are content to be "nominally" religious; for them this means honesty,
integrity, etc., much in the manner of the "nominal Christian" in
this country. Thus it is possible for them to say, "I feel that some
EurOpeans are truly more Islamic and Muslim than we are here. They
have more honesty; they are more straightforward" (115-2). "It is
that kind of Islam. Not prayers and beads and a few acts of charity;
they have no truck with piety" (114-1).

Pakistanis increasingly emphasize their Muslim heritage and
de-emphasize the strictly religious doctrines of Islam as found in
the Koran. This difference between "Islamic” and "Muslim" is not
well understood in the West, yet the distinction is very important
in describing the world-view of the educated elite in Pakistan today,
particularly those who have studied overseas. ”Islam" is embodied
in the Koran and refers more to the traditional religious doctrines
regarding man's relationship to God; "Muslim" (literally "a follower
of Islam") includes Islam but is much broader, and signifies the
whole cultural tradition of the Islamic peOple, emphasizing social
relations and moral principles. Thus the majority of educated people
in Pakistan are truly Muslim but are no longer orthodox believers in
Islam. Islam is a system of religious beliefs; Muslim is a way of

life.

62

History and political science can be taught from this
Muslim point of view, but notice this is not the Islamic
point of view. Islamic means the strictly religious part
and I don't think history and political science can be
taught from a religious point of view. But our whole
cultural background, the Muslim way of life, enters in
very much in our teaching of both history and political
science (121-l).

CHAPTER III

THE PAKISTANI CHRISTIAN COMMUNITY AND MISSIONARY COLLEGES

The Christian Community
The Christian community here began because of the West-
erners who were over here. Now that the Westerners have
gone the Christian community here feels uprooted. The
country is now free, and so the Christian community is
in the state of psychological crisis. This is their coun-
try but they feel persecuted. They have that minority
complex which is inevitable. They unleash it within our
institution (123-1).

The professor who made these comments was a Muslim graduate
of a Christian college who has now returned to serve on the faculty
of his alma mater. His remarks suggest the problems facing both the
Christian community and their colleges today in Pakistan: Christians
form one segment of the communal system of South Asia; they are a
foreign based, low status community. Their colleges have an insecure
position today and a questionable role in the future of Pakistan.

The history of Christian missions in India has been recorded
in numerous works, chief among them the set of volumes by Kenneth
Scott Latourette, é History 2f the Expansion‘gf Christianity (New York,
Harper and Brothers, 1945). But certain features of this history
should be noted here in order to understand the mentality or character
of this community. Throughout the one hundred and fifty years' exis-
tence of Christians in South Asia, they have retained their low caste
world-view.

It must never be forgotten that the hundreds of thousands
of the depressed classes that have entered the Christian

Church and form now the bulk of the Christian pOpulation
can only very slowly apprOpriate the new visions and think

63

 

the
drag
and
Indi

is not ii
iigion is
nent toda;
for a groL

must have
0911 societ
were “tom.
it was imp:
or ranked p
h

C‘Ste hindu
that a good
the belief ‘
s°°131 rank
‘OCiety tree
before their
the new (and
lttain thrOu
If
their former

The chur
captaRCe
Castenur
Church uh

64

the new thoughts. The wheels of the Christian Church
drag heavily in the sand of their age-long inferiorities
and disabilities (Commission on Higher Education in
India, 1931:55-56).

Social ranking is fundamental in South Asian society. It
is not limited to adherents of Hinduism, but certainly the Hindu re-
ligion is the primary source of its expression throughout the conti-
nent today. Within the traditional Hindu culture there is no place
for a group of peOple to live outside the caste system. Everyone
must have a caste identity, just as everyone must have a name in our
own society. As one example, when Muslims moved into South Asia they
were automatically assigned to a caste position. They had no choice--
it was impossible to exist in the society without assuming a caste,
or ranked position.

Most Christians today in South Asia are descended from low
caste Hindus who converted to Christianity. The assumption exists
that a good deal of the motivation for this conversion was based on
the belief that this conversion would produce a higher economic or
social rank in the society. Yet there is little evidence that the
society treated them differently or accorded them a higher rank than
before their conversion. Another motivation of equal importance was
the new (and higher) spiritual position they believed they would
attain through conversion to Christianity.

If one person or an individual family converted they lost
their former caste identity but took on the identity of the Christian
community which became a very low caste itself:

The churches themselves tended to become castes. The ac-
ceptance of baptism cut the Indian off from his former

caste--unless others of his caste came with him. The
church which he joined therefore seemed to him and to his

65

fellows, both Christian and non-Christian, to be another
caste (Latourette 1944, Vol VI:205).

However, the great majority of Christians did not convert as individ-
uals, but as part of a large group within a particular caste. A
comprehensive study of the Christian community conducted in 1933 found
that at least 80% of the Christians in South Asia converted through
what are known as "mass movements" (Pickett 1933:314). These were
sometimes spectacular group actions in which missionaries or Indian
pastors would baptize large numbers of people from a single caste.
The best known example is Rev. John Clough who with his assistants
baptized 3,536 members of the Madiga caste in three days. The Madiga
caste represented the lowest social level in the Telegu speaking area
of South India (Latourette 1944, Vol VI:66-67).

Mass conversions to Christianity and to other religions
have taken place in various parts of the world, but in no other area
have they played such an important role in the formation of the Chris-
tian Church. Considering the nature of Indian society this is not
difficult to understand for the caste of an individual is his most
significant group identification. The concept of identity in India
is related to a group more than to an individual, and the most signi-
ficant actions are generally group actions, not individual actions.
An individual rarely makes an important decision apart from his family
or caste. To the extent that social mobility existed in India it was
the entire caste that moved, not an individual that moved from one
caste to another.

But though conversion no doubt brought about a new spiritual

role and position in the minds of the new Christians, it did very

66

little for their social and economic position in society. Most Often
these mass movements brought the social aspects of the caste along
with them.

Thus among the Telegus the Wesleyans, quite against the

original plan of the missionaries, came to be the church

of the Malas, and the American Baptists the church of the

Madigas (Latourette, 1944, Vol VI:205).

There are instances of churches with segregated congrega-
tions, on the basis of caste. Most converts continued to perform
the same vocational function and adhere to the social roles they held
before their conversion.

The acceptance of one's relative position in society--as a
member of a caste-~is such a fundamental principle in the world-view
of South Asian culture that it would be surprising indeed if the
Christians had lost their basic dependent, inferior outlook and self-
image. In regard to financial support of the church, and the emergence
of leadership, Pickett makes this conclusion:

It should be recognized that these classes have been
trained by centuries of eXploitation and servility to
avoid the acceptance of responsibilities that may prove
burdensome, and to get all they can out of every situa-
tion, while obligating themselves as little as possible
(Pickett 1933:217-218).

The authority and financial position of missionaries did
little to change the dependent role of the Indian Christians. The
converts saw the missionaries as their new sahibs, and the missionaries
found it very difficult--even when they tried--to break out of the
StereOtype e

That's the trouble with the Christian community here.
They have never been allowed to struggle for themselves.
They have been helped by the foreign missionaries. Who-

ever went and begged received help. This played up the
sahib role for the missionary (137-1).

67

It is interesting to note that most of the missionaries did
nothing to encourage mass movements, particularly in the early stages
of their history:

Before these movements began, the missionaries in prac-
tically every area were working primarily for the higher
castes, hOping that they might first be won and might
then take over the winning of the lower castes. They
sought individual converts and tried to destroy their
connection with castes. They saw castes only as obstruc-
tions to the spread of the gospel, never as channels along
which it would spread (Pickett 1933:56).

At this time missionaries did not understand that their con-
verts could not escape the caste system, no matter what their spiritual
beliefs; if they lost their old caste position they would be assigned
a new and probably lower caste position, that of "Christian." Most
missionaries eventually decided that rather than giving up the posi-
tive social support of their caste it was better for the whole caste
to convert, even if this meant retaining their social and economic
status. Caste conversions were more compatable with Indian culture
than individual conversions.

One result of this is that the Christian Church in Pakistan
today is known as the "sweeper community," and Gordon College, the
largest Christian college in Pakistan, is known as the "sweeper col-
lege.” A highly placed Christian Pakistani faculty member exclaimed,
"I have said to some missionaries, 'Why could you not, in 100 years,
take the community out of the role of the sweeper?'" (137-2). But a
Christian caste cannot raise its relative rank in the South Asian
culture based upon Hinduism.

The only possibility for both the Christians and Muslims

was to set up separate social systems, in which they could escape the

68

particular ranking criteria of the Hindu philosophy. The South Asian
communal system represents such an attempt. In the last half century
the communal system has competed with the caste system in South Asia
as the major determinant of identity. Today, particularly in Pakistan,
it is more significant and descriptive to speak of the society in
communal rather than caste terminology.

Castes are interdependent: members of a caste have roles
to perform in connection with other castes; castes have privileges and
responsibilities in relation to other castes. There is something of
a division of labor present, whether it involves actual vocational
differentiation, or more commonly social and spiritual prerogatives.
They are all part of a single society. However communities in the
communal system of South Asia are defined without reference to the
other communities. They have no commonly accepted responsibilities
or prerogatives toward the other communities; they are not part of a
single social system which dictates separate styles of life and forms
of interaction.

The existence of Pakistan today is evidence of the fact
that Muslims consider themselves not a caste within a single system,
but a separate system, even society, that is incompatable with the
Hindu culture. And in general the Christians have the same communal
view of their role in society.

The communal principle, adopted in the emerging political
framework of India, made of the Christians a distinct poli-
tical entity and brought with it the danger of the Church
becoming a political party, segregated from the rest of
Indian society and used by ambitious men to promote their
own ends. The communal trend, too, made conversion more
difficult, for the latter would be interpreted as a poli-
tical tool to strengthen the Christians at the expense of

their rivals for the control of the state (Latourette 1944,
Vol VII:311).

69

Christians in Pakistan suffer from their low caste origin

and world-view. But they are best understood not as a caste; they
are a community, alongside, and lower than, the Muslims. It is a
separate and unequal world. This position is closer to the Negro in
America one hundred years ago than it is to a low caste in old India.
The great majority of Pakistani Christians live in segregated areas
and perform the lowest form of occupations, such as sweeping. Ap-
proximately forty-five percent of the total Christian community in
West Pakistan are sweepers living in cities (Gittings 1964:16). Those
who live in the villages have a comparable social position even though
their occupation may be farming.

Ask in the village where the Christians live, and, like

as not, you will be told that the Christian tutti, a term

that sometimes means "dung heap" is over here or over

there...Approaching...you will see low houses, often at

some distance from the rest of the village. These will

be the homes of Christians, usually gathered around the

separate well that custom imposes upon them (Gittings

1964:13)e
Gittings estimates that thirty-five percent of the Christian community
in the Punjab live in this manner. Together with the forty-five per-
cent that are urban sweepers this totals eighty percent of the total
Christian community. We have already noted that eighty percent of
the conversions to Christianity came from low castes through mass
movements. Apparently there has been little social mobility of the
Christians in the past 100 years.

Because of this communal outlook Christians come to Ameri-

can employers, whom they assume are Christian, and ask for employment

because of their common religion. They are bewildered to find that

American Christians do not particularly favor Christians in their

70

employment. They think of America as a wonderland where the Chris-
tian community runs things, as they feel Muslims do in Pakistan.

Finally, in addition to having a low caste origin, and now
constituting a community in the communal system, the modern Pakistani
Christian church has not escaped the burden of being foreign, the
leftovers of colonial domination. In one sense Christians in South
Asia are a foreign-based community.

The war has been difficult for us as Christians. The
Muslim public has the idea that we national Christians

are behind the foreigners. Because the foreigners start-
ed our religion here, they think that we are spies. We
are very disheartened about this, but we are loyal to our
nation. That is why we want the foreigners to go, to show
our country that we will die for our country. We want to
show the Muslims (113-2).

During the war of 1965, Christians in Pakistan were treated
in a manner reminiscent of the American treatment of Japanese in
California during World War II. They were not commonly accused, but
they were not trusted either. There were some incidents in Pakistani
villages along the border in which Christians were said to have been
arrested and persecuted.

Whether this is true for India or not, for Pakistan the
Partition of 1947 established two nations on the basis of religious
community. This national sentiment supported Islam, and many thou-
sands were killed ostensibly for their religion. Since nationalism
in Pakistan is expressed in religious terms, what effect does this
have upon the Christian community?

There are thousands of Christians in the army of Pakistan,

but there are just as many in the army of India. Both nations are

more conscious of the Christians in their Opponent's army than they

71

are of them in their own. Many of the Pakistani Christians in the
sample studied have close relatives in India. In spite of some
notable exceptions and heroic incidents, the Christian community in
Pakistan today finds it almost impossible to be accepted as a

patriotic element in the society.

The History of Missionagy Colleges

Christian colleges in Pakistan today are not simply the
expression of the Christian community. Up to the present time the
Christian community has had little to say about the affairs of the
Christian colleges. As we shall see this is now in the process of
change, but throughout most of their century of existence these
colleges were essentially missionary colleges. The history of higher
education in India has been summarized in Chapter II and so it is our
purpose here merely to comment upon the effect of government policy
toward the missionary colleges as they developed. With reference to
these colleges the government passed through four stages of disposi-
tion or official policy: Opposition, recognition, subsidy and control.

Until 1813 Christian missionaries were not allowed in India.
This policy should be seen in the context of the general British pol-
icy toward India which held that the life of the natives should be
disturbed as little as possible by the activities of the East India
Company and western institutions. At that time the British did not
recognize the comprehensive effect of their presence in India, and
that their role in India required some attention to the social wel-
fare of the population. It should be remembered that Britain did not
become involved in the financial support of education until 1833,

twenty years later.

72

Thus the real issue of the debate surrounding Christian
missions was whether the British government was in fact deeply in-
volved in the Indian social structure, and whether the inattention
of the government to the welfare of the natives would eventually
threaten the economic and colonial purposes of the British in India.

The main fear was not, as it afterwards was, that the
preaching of the missionaries might offend the religious
feelings of the people, but rather of the political ef-
fect education and the Christian religion might have on
a subject race...Another speaker commented that while he
did not regret the recent events in America, they should
at least serve as a warning of the results that could be
eXpected from the Spread of education (quoted in Neill,
1966:91).

The Charter of 1813 recorded the decision of the British,
that it was inevitable and expedient for them to be involved in an
increasingly large sphere of Indian society.

It is the Opinion of this Committee that it is the duty
of this country to promote the interests and happiness
of the native inhabitants of the British dominions in
India, and that such measures ought to be adopted as may
tend to the introduction among them of useful knowledge,
and of religious and moral improvement (Neill, 1966:92).

This Charter signaled the beginning of the second period,
that of recognition by the government of the legitmacy of missionary
work, including education. In contrast to the prevailing Opinion of
English educators in India at that time, the missionaries frankly at-
tempted to teach aspects of western culture, via the medium of vernac-
ular languages. This position did not conform to either of the polar
phiIOSOphies which were then emerging in the debate over western
education, discussed in Chapter II. The Orientalists believed England

should encourage education in India that was non-western or Hindu in

character, based on the use of Sanscrit and Arabic languages. The

73

Occidentalists believed in teaching western culture by means of the
English language. The latter position finally won the debate in
1835, and by that time missionaries had established higher education-
al institutions in which English was the medium of instruction. But
missionary schools remained the chief EurOpean institutions involved
in western education at the primary level, using vernacular languages.

As the government increasingly favored western education
the missionary colleges gained additional stature, since in 1850 most
of the higher educational institutions promoting western education
were missionary colleges. There was still no direct financial support
to the colleges from the government, but full recognition of their
function and accomplishments was accorded them.

The next stage in the relations of the government and the
colleges began in 1854 with the introduction of the grant-in-aid sys-
tem. Every educational institution, whether religious or not, re-
ceived financial aid for the secular education it provided. During
this period there was a minimum of interference in the affairs of
the missionary colleges, and the relations were very cordial between
the colleges and the government universities to which they were affil-
iated. Missionary educators were influential in the administration
of the universities and in the formation of governmental policies.

For a time the principal of Forman Christian College in Lahore, Dr.
James Ewing, served as Vice-Chancellor of Panjab University.
This period, from 1859 to 1904 and later still, was the
great period of the Christian colleges. Great opportuni-
ties were seized by great men, and Christian influence in
higher education was at its height. But already influences

were at work which could only in the long run create diffi-
culty for the Christian colleges (Commission 1931:65).

74

For the time being the new policy strengthened the individual
colleges, but the long range effect was the reverse. The new policy
encouraged not only missionary colleges, but a large number of other
private colleges as well. The standards that were required in order
to receive financial support were so minimal that educational achieve-
ment deteriorated as colleges without adequate staff and facilities
became affiliated. From 1880 on it became increasingly clear that
greater control over both high schools and colleges would be necessary
if the universities were to certify quality education.

The fourth and final stage can be marked by the Acts of
1904 which increased the power of the universities over the colleges
so that they were now required to meet much stricter conditions of
staff and equipment in order to qualify for affiliation with the
university. The Acts also introduced the innovation of the univer-
sities themselves performing some of the teaching function, though
this was limited to graduate courses. All undergraduate teaching was
still performed by the colleges.

Fifty years of dependence upon financial support from the
government had committed the colleges to this kind of relationship,
and there was now no choice but to meet the new requirements. The
Acts of 1904 were followed by more detailed provisions in 1913 and
finally the Sadler Commission in 1915 which recommended fundamental
changes in the university structure. These had the overall effect of
increasing the strength of the universities at the expense of the
colleges.

Opportunities for the missionary colleges to provide in-

novative education were now severely limited. "If the license of

75

the bad colleges was curbed, the liberty of the good colleges was
curbed too" (Commission 1931:67). It was no longer possible to be
unique or different in any significant manner, including the presen-
tation of Christianity. As has been discussed in Chapter II, this
general period, which extends to the present time, is characterized
by tremendous pressure from both students and government for the
colleges to limit their functions and concentrate on preparing students
for the university examinations. University education was the neces-
sary step toward civil service or comparable vocations, as a means
of gaining wealth and high social status. Government employment
required: facility in the English language, and university degrees.
These were the facts of life for the continued existence of colleges,
and they were forced to compete on the basis of accomplishing these
two 80818e

[The colleges] were compelled to concentrate their main

energies upon fulfilling the conditions which would sat-

isfy the requirements of the University and provide what

the majority of the students, whose fees became an in-

creasingly important consideration, demanded (Commission

1931:67).

The students find it difficult in these circumstances to

give their minds seriously to anything that lies outside

of the examination programme, to which they are bound,

like Prometheus to his rock, by the bonds of economic

necessity. This enslavement of the student on the one

hand and of the teacher on the other is what more than

anything else, prevents the Christian college from being

effectively Christian (Commission 1931:108).

Students and parents begrudged any activity of the college,

including religious education, which would not directly prepare the
student for the examinations. Several decades later, in the 1930's,

Christian colleges were required by some of the provincial govern-

ments to permit students the option of not attending religious

76

instruction. Parents signed "conscience clauses" which then required
the colleges to excuse the students from attending these classes. At
the time many of the missionaries welcomed this step, believing that
it was proper to eliminate any coercion for non-Christians to attend
religious instruction. Eventually the formality of the conscience
clause was drOpped, and attendance was left up to the individual stu-
dents. On that basis the "religious period" which had been a central
part of the Christian character of missionary colleges since their
founding came to an end. Today its form is the daily chapel period
which attracts only a small percentage of even the Christian students.
It is not at all clear that the earlier objection to the religious
period was based entirely upon religious Opposition. Equally signi-
ficant may have been the concern to exclude any activity or teaching
that would not directly contribute to the students' success in passing
the university examinations. During the period of our study in Pak-
istan in 1965 a student objected to a chemistry lecture on the periodic
table since he maintained that this information was not part of the
University syllabus. A check was made and it was found that the stu-
dent was correct, and so the professor went on to something else.
Today there is an Islamic mosque and a Christian chapel on
the campus of Forman Christian College in Lahore. Neither building
plays a significant role for students or faculty. The daily chapel
service is attended by less than twenty of the eighty Christian stu-
dents. The daily prayers at the mosque are attended by a few servants
but virtually no students. There is no formal discussion on campus
of either Islam or Christianity or even religion in general, at any

other time or place. None of the Christian faculty recall a Muslim

77

student converting to Christianity, and some maintain that no student
conversions have occurred in the century of the college's existence.
This does not mean that no difference exists between the Christian
college and the other colleges in the area; these will be discussed
below. Nor does it imply that these colleges have not exerted a
"Christian influence" upon South Asian society, however this may be
defined. But it does indicate that the colleges provide little oppor-
tunity on campus for the discussion of traditional Christian faith.
The government and the university examination system have increasingly
limited the opportunity of Christian colleges to provide education

that is distinctively religious in character.

Characteristics of Christian Colleges

Forman Christian College celebrated its one hundredth year
in 1964. Historically it has been one of a dozen or so elite colleges
in South Asia. Lahore is a very large city but seemingly everyone
knows of "F.C. College" even though it is now located five miles from
the center of the city in the wealthy suburb of Gulberg. The campus
spreads over 130 acres and includes two large classroom and office
buildings, two science buildings with laboratory facilities, an audi-
torium, a library, a large chapel and a student center. In addition
there are five residential halls for students, forty residences for
faculty members, a large swimming pool, and sports fields that alone
cover more than a city block.

The buildings are constructed in the British colonial style
of thick mud-brick walls covered with a plaster that is whitewashed.

The rooms are large with big fans extending down from the high

78

ceilings. Classrooms are furnished with a blackboard, and simple
benches and desks. The accoustics are bad. In the central office

one old typewriter is used by the clerk who types all official corres-
pondence. Four of the offices are connected by a simple wire intercom
system. One telephone with two extensions serves the entire college.
The dirt walkways and parking areas around the central buildings are
sprinkled daily to hold down the dust but it is a losing battle.

Most higher education in Pakistan is taught in English, but
parents who send their children to missionary schools assume that they
learn better English while studying under British or American teachers.
Since the missionary colleges have been the only colleges with sub-
stantial numbers of foreign faculty members this has contributed to
their prestige. Though the basic curriculum is established by the
universities and is therefore the same in all affiliated colleges,
only certain colleges are certified to teach particular subjects.
Because of the Americans present on their staffs, Christian colleges
have consistently lead in the teaching of natural science and social
science. Forman Christian College is known throughout South Asia for
its contribution in physics and chemistry; sociology was first intro-
duced within the system of the Panjab University in Forman College.
Today they are one of the few colleges offering Masters degree pro-
grams in economics and political science.

The image of the missionary colleges includes an intangible
sense of mission and community of effort as well. Mission is not
defined in religious terms but is traced to the long terms of key
professors who were committed to their tasks. Many of the earlier

Inissionary professors made deep impressions on the students because

79

of their "sincerity" and warm personal relations with students. The
belief is still present that professors in Christian colleges are
more dedicated and concerned about the moral and intellectual devel-
Opment of students than the professors in other colleges.

Several informants stated that Forman Christian College
has never regained the stature it held prior to the partition of 1947.
At that time the largest group of faculty were Hindu and all of the
Hindu professors (about twenty) fled to India. Except for one pro-
fessor, all of the fifteen or so Indian Christian faculty migrated to
India as well. Therefore when the college reopened, all that was
left was the large, well furnished campus, the missionary staff, the
Muslim faculty of about ten, and one Pakistani Christian professor.
The student body changed from more than 1,000 students, mostly Hindu,
to several hundred Muslims and a handful of Christians. Today the
student enrollment has grown to about the same number: 1100 total
including approximately 100 Christians. Because of nearby Kinnaird
College for women there are only a dozen or so women enrolled in
Forman College.

Students at Forman Christian College participate in a very
active social life. Almost half of them live in one of the four
hostels, and these residence halls form the basis for the sports pro-
gram, student government, and the many informal groupings and activi-
ties. Much of the day is spent wandering about the campus, often hand
in hand with other men students, or sitting in the student center
having tea. Conversation is in Urdu or Punjabi and is dominated by
national politics and women. Dating is infrequent and so particular

girls are not commonly discussed.

80

Books are not a conspicuous part of their education, and
are not usually carried to class. The 58,000 volume library is
rarely visited; it serves a function similar to a museum. Even the
storage of books within the library is something like a museum be-
cause so many are kept under lock and key.

The great majority of students come from wealthy, educated
Muslim homes in the northern half of West Pakistan. Educated Pak-
istanis are most often relatively modern in orientation and they
believe the Christian colleges present an essentially modern, western,
secular education. The students may lose some fervancy in their
devotion to Islam, but there is little chance of them accepting
Christianity: conversions of students on campus are unheard of. And
most parents (at least fathers) who send their sons to Christian
colleges are quite willing for them to become essentially modern and
secular in their values and world-view. Also involved in the parents'
decision is the fact that here their sons will associate socially
with other wealthy students, learn English, and be subject to the
discipline and moral influence for which the college is known.

The sOphistication of these students sets them apart from
the Christians who almost always come from much lower social classes.
Christian students are usually granted a scholarship ("concession");
Ivithout this they could not afford a college education. Their family
imackground does not prepare them for the social life of this college,

lund they are generally regarded as simple and unsOphisticated. Dis-
crimination against them exists in the hostels, but it is said to be
blased on the difference in social background more than on their re-

l18ious affiliation. A few upper-class Christians with sports or

81

other skills have social ties and friendships with Muslim students.
In terms of academic grades, the bottom ten percent of the class are
predominantly Christian.

Faculty in Christian colleges teach about twenty hours a
week. However, there is little variation in the courses offered, and
the professors do not revise their courses extensively from year to
year. They have enough free time to spend several hours a day in
the faculty room over cups of tea. Here the talk is animated and
light--like party conversation. The tOpics move back and forth with
more emphasis given to wit and delivery than to the content. A ser-
ious discussion of educational philOSOphy and techniques, intellectual
issues or civic affairs would be inapprOpriate.

The missionaries do not find the faculty room as attractive
as the Pakistanis, and prefer to spend relatively more time with the
students and with their families. Since most of the faculty have
homes on campus it is possible for the students to stop by to see a
professor at his home. The usual Pakistani does not encourage stu-
dents to visit him, but the missionaries frequently receive students
who stOp by ostensibly to ask advice about vocations or a question
about their courses, and remain to talk about a variety of subjects
including life in America.

Gordon College in Rawalpindi was founded in 1893 and shares
many of the characteristics of Forman Christian College in Lahore.

It is a larger college, with 1845 students in 1965. Intermediate
students total 929, Degree students 650, and M.A. students 269. This
includes 219 girls. Their old campus is small and crowded, and is

located in the midst of the city. A new campus for the Degree college

82

is being constructed a mile away, and it has modern facilities and
considerable space for sports activities.

There are more Christian faculty and students in Gordon
College, and there appears to be a heightened awareness of communal
affiliation, and factionalism expressed between Christians and Muslims.
The Christians in this part of Pakistan come from a segment of the
Christian community that converted in mass movements, and the college
is sometimes referred to as the "sweeper college." Only ten percent
of the students live in the hostels; the majority of students pay
just the tuition fees and live at home. Many students from poor
families attend, and the general economic level of the student body
is lower than at Forman.

Kinnaird College for women in Lahore was Opened in 1913,
and has a number of unique characteristics. The enrollment is much
smaller, about 400, but almost one-fourth of these are Christian.
Middle class Christian parents are more apt to encourage their daugh-
ters to get an education than.Muslim parents. Most of the 300 Muslim
students represent very wealthy or highly educated families with
liberal attitudes regarding the role of women in society. Several
informants stated that Kinnaird is recognized as the finest college
for women in Pakistan.

The campus is well furnished but much smaller than Forman
Christian College, which is located only about two miles away. Kin-
naird appears to be the most westernized Christian college in West
Pakistan. The girls commonly use English in their conversation
whereas in the other colleges it is used only in class. There is an

abundance of extracurricular activities such as debate, dramatics,

83

social service and literary clubs. Even a swimming pool has now been
constructed on campus, which for a women's college in a Muslim country
is rare indeed.

The resident staff is composed of sixteen British, four
American and three Pakistani women faculty. These are all Christian.
The "day staff," who do not live on campus, number about fifteen and
only five of them are Christian. In general the foreign staff runs
the college, and the Pakistani staff (both Muslim and Christian) are
thought of more as "employees." An important exception to this pat-
tern is the principal who is a Pakistani Christian.

Kinnaird students do extremely well in the university
examinations; the classes appear to be more sophisticated, and the
students more competent than in the men's colleges. A required
course in "religion and life" provides an Opportunity, missing in
the other colleges, for serious discussion of the student's own re-
ligion, and other values in life. Sections of the course are taught
by Christian faculty to Christian students, and Muslim faculty teach
sections on Islam for the Muslim students. In addition there are
other sections offered each semester on various topics related to
religion, such as ethics and morality. The students appear to be
particularly well informed and anxious to be involved in their so-
ciety. A voluntary organization composed of students is engaged in

social service work in the community.

The Strugglg for Power
In Chapter II we referred to the importance of factionalism

as a trait of South Asian culture. Throughout the history of

84

missionary colleges there have been several groups of faculty that
have competed for power: the American (or British) missionaries, the
Indian Christians, the Indian Hindus and the Indian Muslims.

Up until very recent times, perhaps the time of the parti-
tion, there has been no question about the location of power: the
missionaries have assumed a dominant role in the policy and adminis-
tration of the colleges. The basis for this position rests upon
their control of financial resources, their superior foreign educa-
tion, and the context of a colonial culture which has ascribed to all
EurOpeans the highest social status.

Most of the Christian colleges in Pakistan were founded by
American organizations, and the boards of directors were until very
recently dominated by American missionaries. Therefore the selection
of department heads as well as administrative personnel was made by
the missionaries. Secondly, the salaries of missionaries have not
been paid by the colleges but by the mission boards directly; in one
sense the missionaries are not employees of the colleges but of the
foreign missionary boards. Hence they are in part outside the system,
and not answerable to the colleges. Pakistanis refer to the "inside
track" missionaries have to the boards because of this arrangement.

As far as educational rank and experience are concerned,
even when missionaries did not have higher academic degrees than the
Indians they still had greater educational prestige because their edu-
cation had been received in England or America. Even today "foreign
qualified" (or foreign educated) is a most significant qualification
when applying for an educational position. Prestige has always been

given to EurOpean education in comparison with Indian or Pakistani.

85

More important is the fact that missionaries were members
of the highest social category (if not caste) in the colonial Indian
social system: they were EurOpean, and for this reason they con-
trolled the colleges. A veteran missionary who arrived in India in
1923 with only a B.A. degree describes the status of missionaries:

When I first came here it was taken for granted an American
would always be the head of the department. As soon as I
arrived I was made head of the department. There was no
bitterness at that time, as far as I know...It was the fact
that we were white Americans that gave us the power and
position that we held and we didn't deserve this (19:2,3).

In 1930 there were 833 teachers in the missionary colleges
of South Asia: 245 were Indian Christian, 411 were Indian non-
Christian (both Hindu and Muslim), and 177 were missionary (Commission
1931:15). From other information regarding the ratio of Hindus and
Muslims we estimate that in the area that is now West Pakistan the
faculty of missionary colleges throughout most of their history was
roughly three missionaries to: five Indian Christians, three Muslims
and six Hindus.

Some Indian Christians held high positions for temporary
periods: Dr. S.K. Dutta served as principal of Forman Christian
College from 1932 to 1942. But these were exceptions to the general
rule, and usually neither the Indians nor the missionaries felt
comfortable with the arrangement. Referring to Dutta, another Pak-
istani commented: ”For awhile we had an Indian principal, but he
was so authoritarian the missionaries felt, that they turned him
out" (136-1). At Gordon College in about 1940 the American principal

created the Principal's Council. Missionaries were automatically

members, and Indian Christians became members after five years of

86

service on the faculty. Non-Christians were excluded (19-2).

Until recently none of the Christian colleges have taken
seriously the need for Indian Christian leadership. There have been
special scholarships and foreign grants for Christian faculty to
obtain additional education, but Indians were not usually encouraged
to participate in the administration. The missionaries assumed they
would be able to control the colleges indefinitely. in which case a
large number of Indian Christians were unnecessary.

The American administration of our college here never
felt the need for encouraging our Christian staff. For
one reason they didn't look into the future and realize
that eventually Pakistani or Indian Christians would be
running the college. Secondly, they had a good Hindu
and Muslim staff and they felt as long as they were run-
ning the college the non-Christian staff would not inter-
fere with it being Christian (136-2).

Part of the problem resulted from the need to meet the re-
quirements of the universities in order to be affiliated. If a
vacancy in the faculty occurred the colleges could not wait for a
Christian to appear; it was necessary to fill the position with a
qualified person immediately and so the faculty gradually became
more and more non-Christian. But this in itself illustrates an
emerging definition of a Christian college: a college was Christian
if missionaries remained in administration; it was not imperative to
have a Christian faculty.

Apparently Gordon College in Rawalpindi placed somewhat
greater emphasis upon retaining a large number of Christian faculty,
though they showed less inclination to use them in administration

than Forman College in Lahore. This was partly due to the lower

level of academic competition faced by Gordon. It accepted students

87

with lower marks ("third division"), and did not feel the pressure
of training the elite. Gordon could afford to appoint Christian
faculty of somewhat less competence or eXperience, and encourage them
over a period of time. Forman, on the other hand, was surrounded by
other colleges in Lahore, and felt that it must hire the very best
faculty available, almost without regard to religion.

Here in Lahore we were in the middle of competition;

there were five tOp colleges here. We couldn't afford

to have third class peOple on our staff. Therefore we

became very selective and choosey. Whereas Gordon would

take third division peOple, we wouldn't (136-1).

In any case, throughout this period missionaries were in
complete control. Indian Christians were encouraged to some extent,
but as faculty members, not as administrators or even potential ad-
ministrators. Whenever a missionary was present he was automatically
appointed department head. The non-Christian faculty were generally
considered hired help; they were essential in order to meet the
standards for affiliation, but it was understood that they should
have the smallest posSible role in administration. A veteran mis-
sionary stated the policy: "I avoid talking about administrative
problems with non-Christians" (19-2).

But since the partition in 1947 a new situation has develOp-
ed within the colleges. There are now three factions competing for
power: the missionaries, the Pakistani Christians and the Pakistani
Muslims. The strong nationalistic sentiment makes it very difficult
for an American missionary to occupy the position of principal, or
to even control the college from behind the scenes. For all intents

and purposes the colleges are no longer "missionary" colleges. The

prOperty is now owned by Pakistani boards, less financial aid comes

88

to the colleges from United States or British organizations, there
are fewer missionaries on the staff, and these are more commonly
short-term missionaries, such as visiting professors rather than ad-
ministrators.

The missionaries (perhaps belatedly) recognize that they
can no longer hold key positions, and ideally would like Pakistani
Christians to relieve them. But for reasons that we have already
discussed, the Christian community has not provided many likely
candidates, and the colleges have not encouraged those that are
qualified. Most of the Christians who have done graduate study over-
seas have never returned; the communal system in Pakistan is not very
attractive to educated Christians.

There is another problem more fundamental than just the
shortage of senior Christian faculty. Even the few that do exist,
and who in some cases have actually taken the office of principal, are
unacceptable because their goals and purposes for the colleges are so
divergent from what is desired by both missionaries and Pakistani
Muslims. This problem is related to the communal system and the
minority role it has given the Christians in Pakistan.

In the Opinion of Pakistani Christians the primary purpose
of Christian institutions is to serve the Christian community. .But
throughout their history the missionary colleges have been far more
involved with Hindus and Muslims than with Christians. Hindus and
Muslims have shown more interest in higher education than the Chris-
tians, and the missionaries have viewed their Christian responsibil-
ities in terms of the whole society, not just the Christian community.

For most of their century of existence the missionary

89

educators have presented a tolerant, non-sectarian, modern, western
world-view, and they have not had much in common with the Indian or
Pakistani Christian community. "This is the reason the Pakistani
Christians resent the Americans so much. We do not have this commu-
nity feeling toward them" (19-3). This comment was made by one of

the oldest missionaries on the field, and it represents the majority
attitude of missionary educators during at least the last half century.

It is the liberal Hindu and now liberal Muslim with whom the
missionary educator can most easily identify. And in the present in-
ternal struggle for power both the missionaries and Muslims fear that
the Pakistani Christians would turn the colleges into a sanctuary from
the Muslim society, where Christians would receive the privileges and
make the decisions.

The Pakistani Christians like the prestige the college
gives them, but many of them would like to run it them-
selves. If they did, it would be run strictly for the
Christian community (40-7).

Some very capable and creative Muslim professors are serving
in Christian colleges today, not because they are attracted by the
traditional Christian faith; traditional Christianity has never been
an obvious characteristic of the Christian colleges, as we have shown.
The liberal Muslims see the Christian colleges as the most progressive
educational institutions in the country.

I would like to see my society rid of the medieval prac-
tices, but because of these Christians from low elements
of society we cannot do it here when they are in charge...
[I wish] the Americans could educate the Christians here
in real modernity and convince them that their future
lies in working with the Muslims. We don't want to cap-
ture these institutions; what we want is to encourage

private institutions where forward and modern ideas can
be presented in Pakistan (123-2).

90

Secularism is the crying need of Pakistan. If these
institutions can be beacons of secularism then I wish
to [remain] a part of it (118-3).

Other Muslim faculty believe very strongly in Islam, but
regard the organizational expression of Islam today as a heresy. They
feel the professional clergy have warped true Islam into something
evil, and that a reformation is needed to return to the permanent
values stated in the Koran. In this approach ”Christian" secularism
can be a helpful corrective, to assist in breaking down the influence
of the priests so that the Muslims can return to "pure" Islam (ilk-l).

The three factions competing for control each have a dif-
ferent view of the goals or purposes of the Christian college. For
the missionary the purpose is to serve Pakistanis, of all religions,
and in Christian love provide the education needed by a developing
pe0p1e. The motto of Forman Christian College is "by love serve one
another." The Christian Pakistani sees the colleges as prestige
institutions of the Christian community, whose primary function
should be to provide a place for Christians to receive advantages
not available to them in a Muslim society. For the liberal Muslim
the college provides secular education free from the prejudices of the
conservative Islamic traditions which they feel are a burden to the
non-Christian educational institutions of Pakistan.

With all three factions actively teaching in the Christian
colleges, what is the message or world-view that is communicated to
the students and to the society at large? Most of the students are
Muslim, and it is difficult to know what value system they receive
from Pakistani Christian faculty members. And the examination sys-

tem, with its pressures to limit discussion to the details of the

91

syllabi, muffle the transmission of any world-view, regardless of
the faculty member. But from both the missionaries and the Muslim
faculty the world-view has been relatively consistent and clear,
when classroom opportunities arise for its discussion. Few conser-
vative Muslims join Christian colleges, and so the majority of Muslim
professors support the major values of their missionary colleagues
which include the secular, scientific approach to knowledge, democracy,
brotherhood of man, personal integrity and social responsibility, and
the primary importance of the English language. Missionaries are im-
patient with traditional Christianity but are equally disdainful of
traditional Islam. Modern liberalism is no longer an appreciation
for all religions, but a uniformly critical view of anything "sacred"
regardless of its particular heritage.l

This world-view is acceptable to the majority of Muslim
students, and to their parents. While the uneducated people in Pak-
istan apparently believe the Christian colleges proselyte and convert
Muslims into members of the Christian community, the educated elite
in Pakistan appreciate the role of Christian colleges as a source of
modern secular culture. The Muslim faculty enthusiastically compare
the free and democratic atmosphere of the Christian colleges with
other colleges in which they have worked. Students and faculty are
said to have closer relations, and there is less bickering and in-
trique among the faculty (140-2, 144-2, 16-5, 15-5).

But of course all of this refers to the world-view and the

image of the colleges when they were controlled by missionaries. We

 

1For a more complete discussion of this point see Chapter V.

92

have indicated that the Pakistani Christian faculty do not share the
world-view of the Muslims or that of the missionaries, and their
purposes for the colleges will bring them closer to the communal
system and thus remove the atmosphere that has been so attractive to
the liberal Muslims.

The future of the colleges is uncertain. Today the mis-
sionaries are either leaving, or accepting lower level positions.
The Pakistani Muslims do not expect to hold the top administrative
posts; they recognize that these positions should be held by Chris-
tians because the colleges are Christian. Pakistani Christians are
gaining control of the colleges, but it is doubtful whether the Mus-
lim faculty will c00perate with them. Some of the senior Muslims
believe the government will have to assume control:

The Christian institutions have not been able to enlist
the help of liberal Muslims who would fight their battles
for them...If the policy goes on the way it is now the
government will take over and do away with private col-
leges (118-3).

The other possibility is for the appointment of Pakistani
Christians who have a broader perspective than the communal system.
Even if such men exist there is the question of whether the governing

boards of the colleges, which are virtually controlled by the Chris-

tian community, would be willing to appoint them.

CHAPTER IV

AMERICAN PROFESSORS IN PAKISTAN WITH PRIVATE FOUNDATIONS
AND THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT

In this chapter we shall examine a number of variables and
their effect upon the behavior of the American professors. These
include the American organization sponsoring the professor, the
size and character of the particular American team, the nature of
the local Pakistani society, and the personal value orientations of
the professors.

The Americans who come to Pakistan as their first overseas
experience expect to live within the Pakistani society. They anti-
cipate adjusting to Pakistani culture as individuals and as family
units, with perhaps some advice from other Americans who have pre-
ceded them. The real "culture shock" for most of them is not the
Pakistani culture they encounter, but the large active American com-
munity in Pakistan. They are first socialized not into Pakistani
society, but into an American subculture. If they later participate
in the Pakistani society they enter into segments of this social

structure through the American groups to which they belong.

The American Organization
In Pakistan it is the welcoming party at the airport that
first indicates to the arriving family that they are to be a part of
an American group. This ritual of welcoming new members is a serious
obligation for those present in Pakistan, and there are few absentees.

From this time onward the new arrivals know that they can cope with

93

94

Pakistan through the American organization of which they are a part.
This relieves a great deal of anxiety, and the wives grasp this sym-
bol of belongingness with enthusiasm.

When she first arrived in Pakistan she didn't like it at

all. She had a real culture shock in Karachi...But after

being in Lahore a few weeks she got over that and has en-

joyed it ever since. The whole LBLANK (an American Uni-

versity)] group met us at the airport and I think that was

the beginning of the change. We have really liked it here

in Lahore (5-3).

It is only later, if at all, that they realize the extent
to which this American reference group limits and controls their social
interaction--with other American groups as well as with Pakistanis.
They are not just Americans, they are under "AID,” "Ford" or ”on a
Fulbright." Each American organization has its own role within the
larger American community and with the Pakistani groups which asso-

ciate with Americans. And each American group has its own set of

activities, interests and values.

1. AID Professors

Most of the professors studied were in Pakistan under
United States universities having contracts with the Agency for In-
ternational Development of the United States Government. We will
speak of these men as "AID professors," even though they are employed
by the universities, not by AID. This is an important distinction,
since there are many Americans (not professors) in Pakistan who are
employed directly by AID. The latter are referred to as "direct-hire,"
as opposed to the "contract" peOple, employed by universities with AID
contracts.

AID professors are ambivalent about their U.S. Government

95

status. They have A.P.O. mail privileges, buy from the local "P.X."
and Commissary, and use other facilities reserved for United States
Government employees. These are tremendous advantages, particularly
in Pakistan where goods on the local market are so expensive, and non-
official postal service to and from the United States is so slow,
costly and unreliable. Yet this status carries with it certain dis-
advantages. Within the American academic community there are those
who resent the involvement of professors in essentially "political"
programs overseas.

An official with AID in West Pakistan stated:

As far as we are concerned the professors are out here

for one purpose--to promote the interests of the United

States. But we can't get them to see this. They feel

no allegiance to the U.S. Government, and yet we are

paying their whole salary.
The professors react negatively to this attitude. One professor felt
some pressure to defend U.S. foreign policy because of his official
status, but refused to accept it:

I talk to [Pakistanis] as an educator, not as a repre-

sentative of the U.S. Government. I tell them not to

take out their foreign policy attitude on us (24-4).
Another stated, "AID is just interested in us as political pawns"
(9-8). A Chief of Party commented that: "Our overall strategy is to
divorce ourselves from AID" (24-4).

The Agency for International Development has little direct
contact with the professors until they arrive in Pakistan. The hiring
is done by the universities concerned. In Pakistan many of the offi-
cial 0.8. Government services are performed not by the AID office but

by the local U.S. Consulate. Therefore, the major contact that most

professors have with AID is the burden of regulations it brings to

96

bear upon their team in the conduct of its work. Sometimes this is
viewed as distrust of their professional competence. They appreciate
the reason for large AID administrative staffs overseas for the super-
vision of ”direct-hire" AID employees, but as members of "contract"
groups, employed by U.S. universities, they feel no need for the large
AID staffs. Thus as individuals they become dependent upon U.S. Gov-
ernment privileges, yet they resent the "meddling" of AID in their
work.

In addition to the ambivalence created within the AID pro-
fessors as a result of their semi-official status, there are some
other less obvious effects as well. The United States Government
wishes to provide for its overseas employees living conditions com-
parable to those in the United States. It also seeks to minimize
the type of interaction between Americans and Pakistanis which might
hurt the image of the United States. To accomplish these two goals
a very large administrative system is maintained in foreign countries.
The AID professor in Pakistan does not have to rent a home, buy furni-
ture, pay utilities, or buy food, clothing, appliances on the local
market. The U.S. Government makes it possible for "official" Amer-
icans to avoid contacts with Pakistanis in the market place and in
the local governmental bureaucracies, unless required in the conduct
of their job.

The official U.S. Government community in Lahore is greatly
dependent upon American material culture and upon the large adminis-
trative staff and is therefore separated from most segments of Pak-
istani society. This isolation is similar in nature to that of U.S.

Air Force personnel living on a base outside of Peshawar. It is

97

true that the American professors in Lahore live in homes scattered
throughout one of the suburbs and are therefore not physically iso-
lated as the Air Force. But this limited involvement in Pakistani
society is not fundamentally different from the Air Force officers
who advise Pakistani officers at the Pakistani Air Force Station in
Peshawar. In both cases the Americans are immersed in an American
subculture and work with a very narrow segment of Pakistani society.
Partly because of this the Americans feel insecure about many aspects
of Pakistani culture. They do not live off of the local economy, and
they are frequently curious to know how other Americans are able to
exist without the support of the U.S. Government.

In addition to membership in the official United States
Government community, the AID professors are subject to the patterns
of behavior of their particular university team. Their style of life
is typical of other "official" Americans yet their cross-cultural be-
havior within their educational institution is partly the role defined
by the university administering the contract group.

Most of the AID contract teams in Pakistan are relatively
large groups, from large American universities. These universities
see the AID contracts as Opportunities for their professors to apply
their specialties overseas. This is similar to the work of extension
agents in helping farmers in the rural areas of their own state. It
may be significant that most of the AID teams in Pakistan are from
land-grant universities which have a long history of extension pro-
grams. Thus the project in Pakistan is viewed as an application of
professional knowledge to a new location, with the implication that the

university already has the knowledge required for such an application.

98

Two of the three AID teams studied came to Pakistan to es-
tablish new educational institutions. This involves designing and
administering these organizations, training Pakistanis for positions
within the institutions, and eventually withdrawing after the Pak-
istanis have learned the system. The projects are essentially modi-
fications of institutions in the United States, and the job of the
contract team is to bring over the "American know-how" and to train
the Pakistanis to follow their example. Often the AID professors do
not see themselves as part of the Pakistani educational system.
"Actually, our institute was designed in the United States. There-
fore it is not really a Pakistani institution and so American methods
should work here" (7-6).

This attitude is frequently found among those professors
having permanent positions in the American university administering
the contract. Even though they are physically separated, their re-
ference group remains the American university, and the Pakistani
institution is thought of as an extension station of the university,
to which they are temporarily assigned. In a sense these professors
have not left the university; they are merely working on a separate
campus. One motivation for accepting the assignment may be to gain
eXperience for promotion or mobility within the university, since
foreign experience is a valued attribute in today's academic world.
Speaking of his colleagues, one of the professors eXpressed this
attitude:

Most of them feel that this experience is helpful, almost
necessary, for their professional career and that they
must do this sometime in their career, but they don't look

forward to it very much. They want to get it over, have
it as part of their record, and then get back home (4-2).

99

Not many of the professors from the university administering
the contract seriously attempt to understand the Pakistani educational
phiIOSOphy or the role of the educational institution within the local
culture. The Pakistani cultural patterns are deemed significant only
as they interfere with the operation of the institution. Of the total
sample of American professors studied this category had the most pes-
simistic view of the local situation and what could be accomplished:
"I don't have any faith in the Pakistanis...they don't really give a
damn about what happens. They are only concerned with self advance-
ment" (9-8). "Here there is a feeling of futility. All we can do is
eXpress ourselves. No one listens to us with the view of actually
changing” (7-6). To them "success" would require the Pakistanis to
take on the values and behavior patterns of the Americans.

The professors on the AID teams hired from other American
universities tend to have a different attitude toward their work.
Because they are not originally part of the university administering
the contract they have been referred to as "mercenaries" by their
American colleagues. Universities attempt to fill their contract
teams with peOple from their own university, and only when necessary
do they hire from other universities. However, this is often neces-
sary, and in West Pakistan approximately half of the AID professors
are mercenaries. A Chief of Party of one of the AID teams stated,
"Mercenaries are no damn good. They come over either for the travel
or some other personal reason. They are not really loyal to the or-
ganization" (24-3). The careers of these professors are not tied to
the particular university; thus they are not as responsive to the

American university authorities (including the Chief of Party) and

100

may appear less conformist than those who expect to return to a per-
manent position with the university.
However, our study revealed no evidence of greater interest
in financial gain among the mercenaries, and their individuality may
produce behavior that is more sensitive to the context of Pakistani
culture. In one institution the American professors singled out by
the Pakistani professors for their contribution were without excep-
tion those from universities other than the one administering the
contract. A Pakistani professor spoke of the relative merit of the
two categories: "Of the [BLANK] group, the worst ones are from the
[BLANK] University. The ones that are hired from other universities...
have been generally better" (145-2).
Many of the "mercenaries" think of their jobs in broader
terms than their Chiefs of Party. One stated:
I am head of the [BLANK] department, but secondly my job
is to promote LBLANK] in Pakistan. I felt that this is
what I should do. No one here would have encouraged me
in this. In fact, our Chief of Party discouraged me
from doing an thing other than administering the depart-
ment here in this institution]. He has told all of us
that we should just put in our eight hours a day and not
make outside contacts (8-a,5).

Another spoke in similar terms:
My expected role has been.more like an undergraduate
teacher involving...a heavy teaching schedule...with lit-
tle...encouragement to do more than this. I have addition-
al interests...they are not even written up in the group
report here. The Chief of Party would actually just as
soon that I did not engage in it (1-8).

AID professors are thus part of an American social structure
involving both the official role of a United States Government employ-

ee, and the role of a team member. Some resist the pressures of these

organizations more than others, but for all they have a significant

101

effect upon the nature of their relations with Pakistani colleagues

and with the Pakistani society in general.

2. Ford Foundation Professors

There are many similarities between the social structure
surrounding professors with the Ford Foundation and those under AID.
The standard of living for both is about the same--large homes, three
or four air conditioners, and a shipping allowance to bring over ap-
pliances. Even American canned food is available through import
privileges which substitute for the local U.S. Government Commissary.
In most respects the facilities of Ford Foundation staff are com-
parable to those of the AID professors.

Ford Foundation also provides a large administrative staff
to perform business or legal negotiations with Pakistanis such as
landlords, and both the local and national government bureaucracies.
In comparison with the AID administrative organization, the Ford staff
makes up for any lack in quantity by its somewhat greater efficiency
in dealing with Pakistanis. This may result from Pakistanis holding
relatively high-level positions in the local organization in contrast
to AID in Pakistan where Pakistanis occupy only lower level jobs.

However, the Ford Foundation cannot provide all of the ser-
vices available to AID professors through the United States Government.
This fact requires at least somewhat greater contact between the Ford
Foundation families and segments of the Pakistani society. Fresh
meat and vegetables are purchased locally, mail is sent and received
through the Pakistani postal system, and some clothing, bedding and

cosmetics are purchased from the neighborhood shops. This interaction

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102

is limited to be sure, but it is more than that of AID professors.
It gives the Ford Foundation families greater confidence in inter-
action with Pakistanis without the feeling of dependence upon an
economic lifeline extending back to the United States. They basi-
cally know their way in the market place, and this sharing of daily
activities makes it easier to interact socially with Pakistanis.

The social structure of the Ford contract teams are similar
to that of the AID teams. The Ford Foundation contracts with Ameri-
can universities to supply professors for Pakistan projects. The
university then selects professors for these jobs, in a like manner
to the selection of AID teams. Contracts with individual professors
are for two years, as is true under AID.

The Ford Foundation teams are smaller than AID teams; often
there is just one professor in Pakistan from a particular U.S. uni-
versity. As a result the Ford professor does not have a large enough
group from his own university for this to form an important grouping
for him, in terms of his working role or his social life. On the job
he is often the only American in the institution, which prevents him
from joining an American "bloc" in dealing with the Pakistani staff.
The smaller team also encourages him to find more identification with
Ford Foundation than with his particular U.S. university, and he re-
fers to himself as "with the Ford Foundation" more frequently than
the AID professor will identify himself with AID.

AID projects in Pakistan are typically large, involving
perhaps a dozen American educators at one time. Often the educational
institution in Pakistan was founded or is being administered by Ameri-

cans, and in many cases the Pakistanis speak of these institutions as

103

"American." In contrast, Ford projects are smaller, and less visable;
usually they support basically Pakistani schools rather than create
new and American dominated institutions. This difference is also re-
flected in the fact that Pakistanis occupy high level positions in
the planning and develOpment of programs within the Ford Foundation
in Pakistan, whereas this is not true of the AID organization in
Pakistan.

One result of this for the Ford professors is that the con-
text of their working role is more apt to be the Pakistani culture:
the existing educational situation, and the particular Pakistani
bureaucracy. They accept the role of agents of change working within
Pakistani institutions. Though they are conscious of their U.S. back-
ground and that their salary is paid by the Ford Foundation, they are
essentially members of the Pakistani institution's staff.

It is not clear whether this working role is the result of
the particular approach of the Ford Foundation, or whether professors
who choose the Ford Foundation tend to be different from those hired
by AID. In both cases the selection is actually done by U.S. univer-
sities and not by the larger agencies referred to. However, the Ford
teams are small and the primary identity is with Ford rather than the
U.S. university. Therefore the individual attracted to an AID con-
tract because it allows him to retain his same job yet live overseas
may not be as attracted to a position with Ford. The Ford Foundation
professor may in fact hold tenure and even gain status because of his
contract overseas, but he is more likely to go overseas by himself
or with one or two others, and take a virtual leave-of-absence from

his home institution. Thus, in this respect at least, the Ford

 

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Foundation professor shows more similarity to the ”mercenary" hired

from another university for an AID contract.

3. Fulbright Professors

There are just three Fulbright professors in northern West
Pakistan, thus it is difficult to generalize. But these three Ful-
bright professors have a different kind of role. They are awarded a
fellowship by a non-governmental organization yet the organization
itself was established by the United States Government in the Ful-
bright-Hayes Act. In Lahore, Pakistan their position is similarly
mixed. They are allowed to use the APO mail system and up to $20 a
month in the food Commissary, yet the huge 0.3. Government adminis-
trative staff is not generally available to them and the small
Fulbright administrative staff is located in Karachi, some 800 miles
away. Thus they are forced to interact with Pakistanis in the daily
routine of life, yet they enjoy certain limited advantages of the
United States Government.

The Fulbrighter is acutely conscious of the traditional role
he occupies in representing America, even more so than the AID profes-
sor with his more official status. For some this traditional role is
an attraction: "Partly I was interested in the prestige of being a
Fulbrighter. I have a certain nationalistic motivation to represent
the United States abroad" (21-1). But this does not mean the Fulbright-
er wants to be thought of as an employee of the U.S. Government. He
represents the United States, not the United States Government. One
professor objected when the United States Information Service in Lahore

asked him to encourage his students to attend USIS functions.

105

However, the distinctiveness of the Fulbrighter is not just
his role as semi-official representative of America; his work role is
fundamentally different from the AID or Ford Foundation professor.
The three Fulbrighters in northern West Pakistan are under contracts
of approximately ten months to teach within a Pakistani institution.
The Fulbright program includes other roles besides teaching, but here
in Pakistan these three are essentially visiting professors. Thus
they see themselves as neither administrators of American programs
(AID) nor agents of change performing specialized service for the
Pakistanis (Ford Foundation). They are simply teaching classes and
interacting on a personal level with Pakistani students and staff.
This work role will be discussed further in Chapter VI, but it is
important to note that a visiting professor does not work wi£h_the
Pakistani staff of an institution to the extent of an administrator,
or a specialist. Thus the Fulbrighter's cross-cultural work role in
Pakistan is largely limited to the interaction with students within
the classroom.

Job satisfaction, for these Fulbrighters, results from
their teaching eXperience. For the three in West Pakistan this was
almost uniformly negative.1 One reported that:

The actual teaching assignment that I had under Fulbright
was very frustrating partly because I was assigned to
teach subjects that were not my particular field within
[BLANK] and so I could not make the contribution that I

had hoped (20-1).

Another stated:

 

1Goodwin's study of Fulbrighters in India, Pakistan and
Korea supports the statements of the three interviewed in this study
(1964:54-58).

106

The teaching experience has been bad. They are forever
having holidays and reasons for not attending class.
The academic schedule virtually does not exist. The
motivation of the students is very bad (21-2).

In one of the above cases the Fulbrighter's total teaching
load was four hours a week, on a subject that was not within his area
of competence. In the other case both the students and staff reacted
so strongly to his teaching that he was relieved of his class for a
period of several weeks. In both cases the work assigned required so
little time the Fulbrighters took up other activities to fill their
days. One of them traveled a great deal with his family and spoke
extensively over a large area for the United States Information
Service. The other professor voluntarily taught a course at the
Lahore American School and another at Forman Christian College, for
no pay. In neither case was their excess time used with the students
or staff of the institution to which they were affiliated. Both of
them said they did not really "work with" anyone on these staffs but
merely taught the courses assigned.

One reason for their lack of contact with students and staff
of the Pakistani institutions may lie in the fact that their homes
were a considerable distance from the institutions. Probably this
is uncommon for Fulbrighters in most locations. In any case, compar-
ing their work experience with that of the other American professors
studied in Pakistan, the three Fulbrighters reported the least satisfy-
ing roles of any that were interviewed, in terms of their relationship
with students and staff, and their teaching duties.

But this failure did not bother the Fulbrighters as we might

expect, for they did not think of their jobs as that of "change-agents,"

107

and so they were not disappointed. The emphasis in the motivation of
Fulbrighters is upon themselves and their families--the experience
they have more than the job they do or what they accomplish. The
motivations for all Americans abroad are of course mixed, but in the
case of the Fulbrighters the experience for themselves and their
families is primary:

I felt I could make a contribution. Also I thought it

would be a good experience...to see first hand the pro-

blems in an underdevelOped country. I wanted my family

to have the eXperience of living in a culture different

from our own and to be able to see the world by travel-

ing here and back...0ur motivation is partly service,

but it's mostly the experience that we gain from being

over here (20-l,4).

For the Fulbrighter this is a brief but once-in-a-lifetime
eXperience. For those assigned to Pakistan it allows them to make a
tour around the world and to live just long enough in a foreign cul-
ture to get a feeling for what it is like. One of the Fulbrighters
arrived in Lahore in October and was observed in the American Express
office in November making reservations for the continuation of their
trip around the world, when they completed their tour in June. He
stated: "I think since our time out here has been so short, our men-
tal set has been toward the United States, and we have only briefly,
if ever, felt that we were really residents in Pakistan" (20-3).

However, Fulbrighters throw themselves into the cross-
cultural experience with more vigor than the Ford or AID professors.
They put forth considerable effort to meet their neighbors, become
acquainted with their servants' families, greet the shop-keepers with

warmth and friendliness, travel to see the historical and scenic

landmarks, and in general are always ready for additional interaction

108

with Pakistanis. It is true that this interaction did not include
the work institution, but there is no reason to believe that this
would have been the case if the Fulbrighters' homes were located
closer to the Pakistani institutions, and if the atmosphere there
had encouraged greater social relationships.

Since Fulbrighters are almost always "first-timers" it is
logical that they should reflect the characteristics of those on
their first tour overseas. Useem finds that these individuals are
"usually rather zealously dedicated to the programmatic aims under
which they arrive, are 'plungers' into the traditional culture of
the host country...and are the most willing to subordinate other
personal concerns to programmatic goals" (Useem 1963:172). In
addition to this, the Fulbrighters in Lahore must negotiate and in-
teract with the local business and bureaucratic segments of the
Pakistani society more than the Ford or AID professors since in
general there is no administrative staff available to them for this
purpose. Thus they know how to get along by themselves with Pak-
istanis from a variety of occupations and backgrounds and feel
comfortable in these relationships. Possibly another reason for
their greater cross-cultural interaction lies with the dominant
motivation of those who come out under Fulbright. As mentioned
above, in West Pakistan they are not change-agents, administrators,
or professional specialists; they are American teachers, interested
in a cross-cultural eXperience. Their salary is lower than that of
Ford or AID, the housing and facilities are less comfortable, and
the work eXperience in Pakistan is unsatisfactory. But they have

the opportunity for a rich and varied association with Pakistanis,

 

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109

and this is sufficient to produce a basic satisfaction about their

total eXperience.

The Pakistani/American Ecology
In Pakistan the American walks into an established position
of foreigner and Westerner, but this role is not the same in Lahore
as it is in Lyallpur or Peshawar.2 The historical and cultural fac-
tors which have produced this status/role and the present American
community combine to define possible patterns of cross-cultural re-

lations for the American professor.

1. Lahore

Lahore is the center of education for all of Pakistan, and
prior to Partition it dominated the entire Punjab area as well. There
are a number of private and government colleges in the city and these
are affiliated with the University of Panjab, also located in Lahore.
This still reflects the British colonial system of education and La-
hore is one of the dozen or so cities in South Asia today where the
British imprint is the most visable. The Punjab Club, the golf courses,
the many restaurants and tailor sheps all reflect British colonial cul-
ture of a recent past. The colleges in Lahore are among the best in

Pakistan and in part this reflects the long history of foreign (mostly

 

2There was a fourth city in which American professors were
studied: Rawalpindi. But the American professors in Rawalpindi are
all missionaries, and so their relations with the community are dis-
cussed in Chapter V. In contrast to Lahore the missionaries in Rawal-
pindi are almost entirely isolated from the American community. In
this respect the situation most closely resembles that of the American
professor in Peshawar described below, except that there are four mem-
bers of the American missionary group in Rawalpindi, and only one
American professor in Peshawar.

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110

British) administration.

Thus people in Lahore are accustomed to foreigners, par-
ticularly foreign educators, missionaries and minor diplomatic
representatives. These foreigners in Lahore do not come for short
trips; they live here for an average of well over two years. How-
ever there is no institutionalized network of parties and receptions
for foreign representatives and distinguished visitors. Cross-
cultural entertaining in Lahore more commonly involves small groups
for dinner or tea rather than receptions or cocktail parties.

There are approximately 900 Americans in Lahore. In recent
years an elaborate social structure of service clubs, interest groups,
schools, churches and recreational activities has develOped which pro-
vides the Americans with a wide range of American organizations and
activities. It is true that some of these social organizations have
built into them certain requirements for hosting Pakistanis, but such
cross-cultural activities are seldom followed up later on a more
personal level.3

The one American professor with more social interaction
with Pakistanis than any other in the total sample (including mission-
aries) stated that, "The American community...provides many various
cross-cultural institutions and organizations and activities in
which some of our Pakistani staff participate, or at least are aware
of" (1-5). But when asked, specifically, "What are some of the local

groups or activities where Americans can meet and get to know

 

3This pattern does not conform to the findings of the
Useems (1967:135). Possible reasons for this pattern in Pakistan
are discussed in Chapter VI.

Ill

Pakistanis?" he responded: (1) "Christian Women's Society for
Service," a wholly American organization which merely visits and
hears lectures about missionary projects, (2) "International Women's
Club," which did not include more than six or seven American women,
(3) "United States Information Service,” whose activities were in
general limited to formal lectures and teas, (4) "The Punjab Club,"
which was a Pakistani organization and he was the only American in
the sample who had ever been invited to any of its functions, and
(5) "The Railway Golf Club," which a number of Americans mentioned
but usually went on to say that they personally had never become ac-
quainted with any Pakistanis at the Club (l-ll).

Most of the Americans responded to this question, "What
are some of the local groups or activities where Americans can meet
and get to know Pakistanis?" by saying they didn't‘kggg of any social
activities where Americans could meet Pakistanis. However, there are
two regular activities which bring Pakistanis and Americans together
in a setting which encourages considerable communication and friend-
ship. One is a discussion group which meets twice a month on Sunday
afternoons. It was started many years ago by a Presbyterian mission-
ary professor, and has continued more or less regularly through the
years. Most of those attending are Pakistani educators or upper class
Pakistanis, with a minority of American missionary educators. A
tOpic is announced in advance and one participant usually prepares a
paper which is read and discussed. Tapics are varied, but seldom
religious in character.

The second activity of this type was started recently by

Americans, and Americans still are the largest nationality in

112

attendance. This is the weekly Unitarian Fellowship--a liberal re-
ligious service held on Sunday mornings. Some British attend and a
number of Pakistanis come regularly. Almost all of the Pakistanis
have studied in the United States. They have lost interest in Islam,
have no desire to become Christians, and yet enjoy discussing religion
and its values with Westerners of liberal persuasion.

The Useems have described two categories of American group-
ings in India, the "locality-linked group," and the "functionally-
linked group" (1967:133). The locality-linked group is based upon
a common place of residence, and the functionally-linked group stems
from a common interest or work organization. In Lahore both types
were active and important. In addition to the activities of mission-
aries, Ford Foundation staff, and the AID contract teams, there were
other groupings which drew membership from all of these organizations.
The meetings of the American Women's Club were open to all American
women, and so were many of the Consulate social events, the American
church and the American school. The professors stated that they en-
tertained other Americans far more frequently than they did in the
United States, and many of these events were based upon common resi-
dence in Lahore. The bond was their sharing of the living experience
in Pakistan, not a vocational or functional "consciousness of kind.”

But during the period of our study the Pakistanis working
with Americans in Lahore did not participate in the locality-linked
bi-national groupings. There were frequent social activities which
brought together the Pakistani and American faculty members of the
various institutions, but most Pakistani professors do not even know

by name any Americans in Lahore except those who work in the same

113

institution. This is true for even the most westernized Pakistanis,
such as those with advanced degrees from American universities. The
American professor associates with Americans from a variety of organ-
izations through locality-linked groups, but his Pakistani colleagues

do not become acquainted with his American friends.

2. Lyallpur

Some eighty miles west of Lahore is a smaller city named
Lyallpur. Another large AID contract group is located here, yet
its role is significantly different from that of the AID team in
Lahore.

This is more of a rural area, and Lyallpur is something of
a "farm town" with the social characteristics commonly associated
with such a town. It is a base for conservative political and re-
ligious activities in Pakistan and is near the home of the aggressive
Islamic missionary sect, the Ahmadiahs. Lyallpur is not accustomed
to foreigners as is Lahore, and its conservatism is expressed in some
hostility toward foreign customs, such as the behavior of American
wives. There have been incidents of Pakistani men insulting the
American women--spitting, pushing lighted cigarettes against them,
etc.--and many of the wives do not venture downtown more than once
a month.

However, the Pakistani faculty members are quite westernized
and friendly to the Americans, more so than the Pakistani counterparts
of the AID professors in Lahore. In both cases a large percentage of
the Pakistani faculty have been educated in the United States but in

Lahore the institution has had a stressful American administration

114

until very recently and the Pakistani staff chafed under the system.
Also, the Panjab University in Lahore is more thoroughly British
colonial in orientation than the university in Lyallpur, and American
methods thus far have not been used with much success. In Lyallpur,
the university was founded with an American model, and the faculty
has generally supported a basically American approach. The Americans
have handed over the administration gracefully, in the early stages,
and are not generally suspected of wishing to dominate its affairs
today. Most of the Americans no longer speak of themselves as ad-
visors, but are now simply professors, or colleagues. This has not
happened in Lahore.

Only occasionally do the movie theaters in Lyallpur show
English speaking films, in contrast to Lahore which has at least six
theaters showing exclusively English language films. There are no
restaurants in town where the Americans feel they can eat without
hazard to their health, in contrast to Lahore where there are eight
or more. In Lyallpur there are no large stores at all and most
shopping is done in the bazaar by the Pakistani cooks, whereas Lahore
boasts its grand Mall Road with a mile or so of clean, large, rela-
tively modern stores.

Aside from the AID team there are virtually no other Ameri-
cans and few other Westerners in Lyallpur. Several Presbyterian
missionary families, three Catholic nuns, an engineer advising the
Pakistani Government, a manager of a small plant and an.American
Negro woman married to a Pakistani Ahmadiah missionary comprise the
total American population. A dozen or so British families and an

equal number of single British men live in the area, employed mostly

115

by the Sui Northern Gas Company.

All twelve AID professors live in a small area on the campus
of the Agricultural University which is on the outskirts of town.
Walking along the short little street it is hard to believe one is
outside the United States. It resembles housing for U.S. military
dependents overseas. The houses are American designed--California
ranch style--and are considerably different from the Pakistani faculty
homes in the area. Fully air conditioned, they have modern kitchens
with American appliances, two baths, and are completely furnished by
AID.

American visitors are impressed with the modern homes and
conveniences, but the members of the AID team observe that though
they may appear attractive to the visitor, the "compound" situation
is not wholly desirable. With so few Americans in Lyallpur the mem-
bers of the AID team would see a great deal of each other in any case,
but bunching their homes together serves to emphasize their inter-
dependence and togetherness to the point of discomfort. Normal likes
and dislikes, disputes and factions become magnified out of prOpor-
tion. The wives have few occasions or opportunities to leave the com-
pound. The children have no adequate schools and thus either suffer
in the local system, attend a residential school such as Woodstock
in India, or attempt to keep up by correspondence courses. One pro-
fessor in Lyallpur summed up the feelings of the AID team by saying:
"Our group feels very sorry for themselves" (34-3). It was clear
that the professors and their families in Lyallpur have greater
problems of adjustment than those in Lahore.

There appears to be more of a problem with servants in

116

Lyallpur than in Lahore, and this may be due to the American style
homes in which they live. Pakistani houses have a large and separate
kitchen area involving several rooms in which the house servants do
most of their work. In the smaller AID homes the kitchen is a cen-
trally located room with Open access to most of the house, which means
that the household servants are visable all day long, and the adjust-
ment problem that much more difficult. In fact, the American homes
are so unsuitable for the Pakistani style Of life that the Pakistani
university administrators have classified them as "category III,”
dwellings fit for only junior or low ranking faculty members.

In Lyallpur there are few cross-cultural social activities,
less than for the comparable AID team in Lahore. This is true in
spite of several characteristics of the Lyallpur situation which
appear to encourage more cross-cultural interaction than in Lahore.
The AID group in Lahore lives some distance from the Pakistani in-
stitution and the Pakistani faculty homes, and the Pakistani professors
are dissatisfied with the American administration of the institution.
The Americans in Lahore are surrounded by a very large and active
American community which provides many Opportunities for social ac-
tivities. In Lyallpur the AID team lives on campus, in many cases
very close to the Pakistani faculty who are generally favorable toward
the presence of Americans on their staff. The Americans in Lyallpur
have few Opportunities to mix with other Westerners, and appear
bored with social activities within the AID compound. Yet, in Lyall-
pur there are less home visits and entertainment with Pakistani faculty--
in either direction--than in Lahore.

Some of the other ecological features may eXplain to some

117

extent the limited cross-cultural social activities in Lyallpur. The
Pakistani culture here is more alien and forbidding than in Lahore.
It is rural, conservative, and less accustomed to foreigners. There
are fewer stores and virtually no EurOpean restaurants or English
speaking cinemas. At the present time this area of Pakistan is par-
ticularly vocal in its anti-American sentiment.

There is considerable disagreement as to the extent and
meaning of this sentiment, but no one doubts its existence. Those
who have been members of the contract group for a number of years
speak of how the social atmosphere has changed:

Before this anti-American feeling came up, the younger

group both of the university and in the town invited us

to most of their parties. They spoke in English most of

the time. These young business people all had some ex-

perience overseas. They didn't take religion very serious-

ly. When there were only one or two American families here

we were invited to everything. The District Commissioner

always asked us to everything here, and through him we got

acquainted with many...Every week there was something going

on--lunches, dinners and coffees. Almost all the people

present were Pakistani; very few Americans...Now with the

anti-American feeling even our Pakistani friends have start-

ed avoiding us (34-5,1).
There is a stronger feeling here against the Americans than in Lahore.
With its greater sophistication and cross-cultural eXperience, Lahore
produces few public eXpreSSions of hostility toward foreigners. But
Lyallpur lacks the tradition of cross-cultural relations and the
broader international perspective held by the more educated Pakistanis
in Lahore.

Of equal importance in limiting the amount of cross-cultural
relations in Lyallpur is the compound in which the Americans live.

It is referred to on campus as "Little America" and it is so out of

place that the Americans may be embarrassed by it, and hesitate to

118

invite Pakistanis into their homes for this reason.

By American standards the homes are not at all luxurious,
whereas the more traditional Pakistani "mansions" occupied by Ameri-
cans in Lahore are lavish. But Pakistanis feel more comfortable in
the huge Lahore homes than they do in the smaller but joltingly west-
ern homes of the Americans in Lyallpur. The Americans must sense this.
They frequently remark that Pakistanis hesitate to invite Americans
into their poor, simple dwellings; this is the reason, they explain,
for the lack of social interaction with Pakistanis. Americans in
Lahore seldom offer this as the explanation.

The compound is stuck Off by itself, on a dead-end street.
Thus the Pakistanis cannot stOp to see an American on the pretense of
dropping by on the way to someplace--a Pakistani custom--for it is
not on the way to anything. They cannot visit one American without
walking through the whole compound, being visable to all the Americans.
The Pakistanis feel they are intruding because of this.

Another variable is the size of the American contract group.
This is a large team--twelve professors and their families-~even though
the total American pOpulation in Lyallpur is small. Some of the older
American professors said that when there were only two or three Ameri-
cans present they were invited to far more Pakistani social activities.

When we first came out there was a limited number of us
and so we were something special. We were also very
willing to take part in the community activities and
invite them to our home as well. I think they felt we
had sacrificed to come over here and they appreciated
it. My wife entertained more than most of the Americans
do these days and when we entertained they always re-

ciprocated. I think in those days it was a novelty for
us to be present at their gatherings (34-6).

119

When there are only one or two Americans present in a
community they are novel to the Pakistanis, and may even give status
when present at their functions. And when there are only a few Amer-
icans it is difficult for them to base their social existence on just
one or two others; they are encouraged to form friendships and par-
ticipate in social activities with the Pakistanis.

It is also true that the early members of the AID group had
no compound in which to live. They were given regular Pakistani
faculty homes. The prevailing political climate was strongly pro-
American in those early days as well. Furthermore, it is possible
that the first members of a contract team tend to expend greater
effort in friendliness than the Americans who follow them.

Among the AID team at Lyallpur there are two professors who
showed considerable interest and success in establishing friendships
with Pakistanis. These two exceptions to the overall pattern in
Lyallpur reveal that even the social ecological context as described
above does not prevent cross-cultural relations; it merely discourages
them.

One of these men has been in West Pakistan for most of the
past ten years. He admits that bi-national social relations have
slowed down from what they were when he first came over, but he is
still very active socially and the majority of his time is spent with
Pakistanis. But most of his Pakistani friends are businessmen in
the community, not professors in the University.

We invite a lot more Pakistanis into our home than the
other Americans...l have been very active in community
affairs; I like it. I'm always invited to the District

Commissioner's parties and to the Sui Northern Gas Com-
pany parties. I know the local mill owners and they

120

have lots of parties and I enjoy the contact with them.
1 know a lot of the businessmen in the area. I pro-
bably know more of them than I do professors. I know
every man in Lyallpur who has horses. Some Of the
village peOple invite me out, too (31-4).

These friendships were formed in earlier days when Pakistan
had better political relations with the United States. This professor
is the advisor to one of the tap officials of the University where he
meets many highly placed Pakistanis. His specialized knowledge of
dairy husbandry and horses gives him access to many wealthy Pakistanis
as well. But he rarely invites other Americans to go with him when
he meets with Pakistanis.

The other professor with considerable Pakistani interaction
is a recent member of the team on a two year contract. He is active
in a city group of Pakistanis, about fifty or sixty people whom he
met through the local Rotary Club. He became a member of the Rotary
for the specific purpose of meeting Pakistanis off campus, and his
efforts have been very successful. He was elected to the time-consum-
ing position of Secretary which requires frequent interaction with the
largely Pakistani membership. Now he is Often invited for tea to the
homes of young but successful Pakistani businessmen.

In this case the professor is a social scientist and part
of his motivation is a professional one, the investigation of the
local society and culture. But overriding his professional interest
is the fact that he finds these activities more attractive than re-
maining in the compound. For this professor as well the Pakistani
interaction is largely Off campus, with businessmen rather than pro-

fessors.

But in contrast to the other professor described above

121

this second professor has interested some of the other Americans in
these opportunities to meet Pakistanis, and a new norm may be emer-
ging. This points to another variable that affects the cross-cultural
relations of the entire team: the tradition and the example of the
senior American professors. If newcomers are invited along and in-
troduced to Pakistanis then the patterns of interaction that have
been established can be continued and even broadened. In Lyallpur
the younger team members had to develop relationships of their own.
The AID professors and their families at Lyallpur complain
about their compound and the small social world in which they live.
In actual fact they are free to enjoy a much wider social circle, as
demonstrated by two out of the twelve families. But bi-national
social relations are most apt to occur when there are traditional
patterns and norms within the group for this interaction, and when
some of the initiated invite the newcomers to share in their social

relationships.

3. Peshawar

There is just one American educator living in Peshawar,
a Ford Foundation professor with his family. There are a thousand
or more Americans located in Peshawar, but they are United States Air
Force personnel. They live on a base and are isolated from the local
society, and so for most purposes of our study they are irrelevant.
In addition there are a few Consulate and USIS officers, perhaps a
half dozen missionaries, and presumably some AID technicians and Peace
Corps Volunteers, although they are known by the professor only

through hearsay.

122

This is an interesting point in itself. All Of the Ameri-
cans in Peshawar are connected with the United States Government ex-
cept for the few missionaries and the Ford Foundation professor. The
"Official" Americans tend to make the Air Force base the center of
their social activities. With the large store and market, movie
theater, swimming pool, clubs, organizations and recreational facil-
ities it is difficult for these Americans to become deeply involved
in Pakistani society. As a result, the non-official Americans are
effectively isolated from those enjoying base privileges and live in
a separate social world--so much so that the Ford professor does not
know who or how many AID people live in the area even though the AID
staff house is two blocks from his home.

Peshawar is located close to the Afghan border in the
northwest corner of Pakistan, some 300 miles from Lahore. The peOple
are very different in language and culture from the Pakistanis of
Lahore and Lyallpur. They are even more conservative in dress, re-
ligion and social customs, but not as politically organized. They
resist the customs of foreigners but are not as anti-American in
sentiment as in Lyallpur. The city is larger than Lyallpur but much
smaller than Lahore. As the Indian and now Pakistani border town it
has long held strategic military importance and was the center of
British military and civilian activities in the old North-West Frontier
Province. The role of foreigner is well established though there are
few present today, with the exception of the United States Air Force
base.

The Ford Foundation professor in Peshawar is not particu-

larly unique in his background and values when compared to the

123

Americans in Lahore or Lyallpur. His family has more than average
concern for health and sanitary conditions, and they have experienced
difficulty in adjusting to their servants. Yet the amount of their
social relations with Pakistanis exceeds the average in either Lahore
or Lyallpur.

This has been an excellent eXperience for my family. They

have been accepted completely by the Pakistanis here. We

have never felt we were foreigners (27-1).

There have been a lot of social functions with the Pak-

istani Government and University officials, usually at

their places. We have also had a policeman and a poet

into our home and have been in their homes. Usually

their invitations to us are not for any particular rea-

son other than just friendship and social. They invite

us usually for meals. It often involves group singing

and poetry recitations. These were frequent while we

were here except for the war and except for the summer-

time. Most of these Pakistanis had been to the States

(27-8)e

Several variables are no doubt involved in producing this
amount of social interaction with the Pakistanis. Where there is a
large group of Americans the American professors frequently identify
more with the American group than with the Pakistani institution. In
this case, as the only American in the institution, it may have been
easier for him to accept the Pakistani faculty as a reference group
for his behavior and role. In addition to this it appeared that the
absence of an American community to which his family could retreat
may have provided some incentive to interact more with Pakistanis,
both on and off the job.
But of equal importance were the ready-made patterns for

his cross-cultural work role, which had been established by a series

of earlier advisors, and into which he could move upon arrival in

Peshawar. The position of advisor in this institution had existed

124

since the beginning. The Pakistani faculty had develOped a manner
of working with the American advisor which effectively limited his
authority in decision-making, and yet acknowledged his presence and

encouraged cordial and friendly social relationships.

A Typology of Personal Values

As a result of the interviews and participant Observation
there was an increasing awareness of the effect personal values have
upon the behavior of the professors. Regardless of all other var-
iables certain value orientations greatly influenced the roles they
adOpted. It is certainly not possible to distinguish these absolutely,
or to place professors into simple categories; but it is possible to
isolate some basic motivations which are present in mixed proportions
in the individual professors, and to suggest their relationship to
some other variables and behavior patterns.

First, there is the category of Americans whose purposes for
coming overseas are dominated by financial and material gain. For
several reasons it is unlikely that many professors (if any) in our
sample can be placed within this category. However, because it is
one of the motivations of the professors it is apprOpriate to list
it as a category, and it does appear to be primary for a few. Ameri-
cans overseas mpralize regarding motives for foreign service, and it
is difficult to separate the myth from the fact. Typically the
Americans ascribe high salaries as the primary motive for other Amer-
ican groups, but something else for themselves. Salary is accepted
as an important reason for taking a job in the United States yet it

has a small place in the motives of the professors in Pakistan if we

125

are to accept the statements received in the interviews.

This problem further underscores the need for caution in
discussing motives. The motivations of the professors in coming to
Pakistan are certainly complex, and the professors consistently say
that their reasons are mixed and profound. But they are prone to
assume that the Americans under other organizations are motivated
more simply, usually for goals that limit their effectiveness and
harm the American image. In the interviews only a few stated that
salary was very important in their decision to come to Pakistan, and
these were AID or Ford Foundation professors.

Secondly, some Of the professors have a major interest in
the total experience for themselves and their families. This in-
volves the travel, which in most cases allows them to come over one
way and go home the other, thus traveling around the world. But it
also provides the experience of living in an exotic culture, and
gives their family the Opportunity of sharing this unique experience
as a family unit. Often associated with this is the prestige re-
sulting from the world tour and exotic life. This type of overall
purpose was found most commonly among the Fulbrighters, but is an
interest of virtually all of the professors studied.

A third category of values is defined in terms of career
advancement. These professors see their overseas experience as a
necessary requirement for promotion back home. They think of them-
selves as extension agents representing their home institution and
applying their specialized knowledge in a remote outpost in order to
be "foreign qualified." Upon return to their home campus they ex-

pect to speak with more authority, command greater respect, and

126

attain higher rank. This category of motivation usually is found in
combination with one of the above, and is typical of AID professors

from the university administering the AID contract. However, it is

present in the values of many of the professors from all categories,
including Fulbright.

There is a fourth type of value and interest similar to
career advancement, but which is better termed professional. In this
case the educator wants to practice his specialty, usually by con-
ducting research, and believes he can do this better overseas than
he can in the United States. These professors often renew their
contracts and spend more time overseas than career advancement would
justify; in fact they say they are losing their places in their home
universities. However, they are motivated by the increased knowledge
they are gaining from their research and activities in Pakistan.
These individuals do not express such interest in progress or culture
change, and they do not evidence any particular interest in friend-
ships with individual Pakistanis. Theirs is a professional interest,
primarily. This type was found within the AID teams, particularly
the "mercenaries."

Some professors see themselves as agents of culture change,
concerned with progress and modernization; this comprises a fifth
category. The purpose of those in this category does not require
personal friendships and social relationships with Pakistanis, though
this is usually involved. The individual's orientation here is Pak-
istan's relative position in the world and what actions can produce
positive change with the least expenditure of time and cost. This

can be a very cold and professional interest, but it is an applied

127

interest, the end being action rather than simply knowledge. Pro-
fessors of this type are found in teams of the Ford Foundation and
AID.

The final category of values and interest is found to some
extent within all groups of professors; it dominates missionaries and
is occasionally primary among non-missionaries as well. The emphasis
in this category is upon acts of befriending the Pakistanis, the ex-
pression of kindness and understanding, an Openness to the Pakistanis
as persons. This is clearly not the same relationship as the meaning
of "friend" in the Pakistani culture, as discussed in Chapter II. Nor
is it the same thing as "friend" in our own culture, which often des-
cribes a limited, even ritualized relationship.

The professors who express this category receive their
greatest satisfaction from getting to know individual Pakistanis, not
for the sake of knowing about them--their culture--or using them to
produce culture change, but just befriending them and becoming im-
portant to them. These professors are in favor of culture change,
but do not see themselves primarily as agents of change. They are
qualified in particular specialties but do not consider their primary
role as either pure or applied scholars. The interest in experience
(category number two) is not incompatible with this category, but the
experience desired is not so much travel and novelty as depth involve-
ment with a select few who can be influenced by the eXperience of
their friendship and concern.

Those with short term interests such as financial or career
gain, or cultural experience, typically do not become involved suf-

ficiently in Pakistani culture to develOp many friendships, observe

128

any important culture change or have the opportunity for much re-
search in their specialty. They find "busy work," accept a narrow
definition of their reSponsibilities and tend to blame the Pakistani
"system" (culture) for preventing them from accomplishing more. Their
interaction with Pakistani colleagues is very limited and with some
they "frankly do not get along." Their attention and interest is
focused more on their family, the travel Opportunities and the Ameri-
can community. Failure of their project or contract to achieve culture
change does not necessarily disappoint them. In fact, they may grasp
at indications that the situation is hopeless; this supports their
preconceptions and allows them to devote more of their time to per-
sonal concerns with less qualms Of conscience. They return home
after two years with the comment that they tried hard but it was im-
possible to change these peOple; however, they had a "great eXperience"
in Pakistan.

My eXperience reinforced the beliefs that I already held

regarding their organizational techniques and abilities

here (21-2).

I am convinced that we can't change their attitudes and

values, so I personally feel my job is to train them...I

am just a teacher here with a department head that won't

listen to my ideas and with a Chief of Party who discourages

me from getting acquainted with the important people (6-7).

I like everything about the place over here except my job
(42.2) 0

Here there is a feeling of futility. All we can do is
express ourselves. No one listens to us with the view of
actually changing (7-6).
Those with service motivation, interest in personal relations

or professional research are the ones who renew their overseas con-

tracts. They are not necessarily intrigued by Pakistani culture

129

pgg‘gg, for they are open to working in other areas of the world.
But the emphasis is upon understanding another culture, and partici-
pating in it.

Two professors under AID may be used to illustrate this.
Neither was motivated primarily by salary, and the cultural experience
was not mentioned by either as having any importance in the decision
to come over or to extend. For one the chief interest was the Oppor-
tunity to do research in his professional specialty as applied to an
underdevelOped nation and culture. The other found his greatest sat-
isfaction from human relationships by working with Pakistani students,
educators and governmental officials. The wives and families of each
were active in the American community but were selective in their
participation. The professors and their wives tended to participate
in service-type activities, and in these as leaders.

This pattern of life was present in the United States before
they came to Pakistan. One had worked full time for four years in an
association for Mexican laborers. The other had spent a great deal
of time with a juvenile court and in community development work.

They both had always been independent, and self-reliant in their de-
cisions and use of time.

We have never looked for security or stability in work,

and we intend now to shift our career goals away from

the United States and universities there to overseas

programs (10-1).

I think there are a lot of professional advantages in

working in a situation like this. You are really put to

the task of application. Programs are well established

in the United States. Here you have to figure them out.

This is a professional challenge. Of course many see
this as a disadvantage (lO-l).

130

We don't like having servants. When we first came
everyone told us it was a necessity and so we tried for
a month having the usual number of servants doing the
usual number of things but we just couldn't take it. We
like to live our own lives and it got so that we were
conforming to their schedule and so we got rid of all

Of them except one inside...and one outside (IO-2).

The other professor reveals his independence in life pattern
and his primary motivation in coming overseas by having a full com-
plement of servants (the Opposite pattern from the professor just
discussed).

Our view has changed on this. At first we were very much
against having servants; we felt this was one area we would
not conform to the typical American pattern, and did not
expect to have servants. But now we realize that this is a
very natural part of this culture and that we can make a
very positive contribution to Pakistan through the way in
which we interact with our servants. We provide for their
education, we take a personal interest in all that they do
and in their aspirations, and now believe that this is one
of the greatest areas of potential service that Americans
can perform while in their overseas assignment (1-2).

This professor never entertained exclusively American groups;
invitations were always given to mixed Pakistani-American groups, or
to Pakistanis only. Some seventy-five Pakistanis were present in his
home for dinner parties in an average month. This is considerably more
than that of any other American in any category. He enjoyed it, but
it was more than entertainment for its own sake: "This is an ex-
tremely important part of my work" (1-12).

His attitude toward his job is significant in that regard:

My eXpected role has been more like an undergraduate teacher
involving...a heavy teaching schedule...with little...en-
couragement to do more than this...I have added additional
interests...it is not even written up in the report of the
work of the American members of the group here. The Chief
of Party...would actually just as soon that I did not en-
gage in it. These...interests involve cultivating the

friendships of highly placed individuals in the Education
Department and seeking to influence them. I have also

131

tried to get to know as many educators in the rural school
districts as possible. And I have worked very closely with
75-100 students on their projects (1-8).

This professor was the only non-missionary who studied the
language seriously for more than six months. He studied the language
with a tutor for an hour and a half daily for the four years he was
in Pakistan. This professor's goals are more than strictly pro-
fessional; his broad service motivation is very close to that of the
modern missionary who attempts to live a life of personal influence:

"My objectives are social or cultural--communication with people,

more than job related" (1-12).

CHAPTER V
THE AMERICAN MISSIONARY PROFESSORS IN PAKISTAN
Missionagy Vrs. Non-Missionary Professors

Our sample comprised fifteen missionary educators in
Pakistani higher educational institutions. Their role in Pakistan
is fundamentally different from that of the AID, Ford and Ful-
bright professors, and yet it is not easy to describe that differ-
ence. None of the missionary professors refer to themselves as
educators hired by a church group, or professors out under missionary
auspices; they are quick to call themselves (simply) “missionaries."
They identify more with the missionary role than with the professor.
role, even though in the United States they were professors, not
clergy; and in Pakistan their role is similar to the other (non-
missionary) American professors.

One point of difference is the living standard. Mission-
aries receive salaries, allowances and benefits which average about
one third of the AID or Ford professors. APO, Commissary and PK
privileges are not available to the missionaries, and this has an
obvious effect on the diet as well as home furnishings and appli-
ances. It may discourage lavish entertainment of Americans and make
it somewhat more comfortable for Pakistanis to visit in their homes.

But the missionary's role does not result primarily from
the difference in salary and facilities. In Lahore some of the

American missionary professors and their families are very active

132

133

and fully accepted in the larger American community life. Their
children attend the American school, the wives are active on the
school board, the American Women's Club, even some of the informal
Bridge clubs. This pattern is not typical of missionaries in
Pakistan, but it suggests that even with unequal salaries and facil-
ities it is possible to participate in the same general groupings
and activities as the other American professors.

More basic in producing the culture of missionary pro-
fessors is their organizational affiliation: they are members of
Pakistani institutions. In the last few years the Christian colleges
in Pakistan have become registered in Pakistan as fully Pakistani
institutions. The governing boards meet in Pakistan, not New York,
and the influence of the United States mission boards is now infor-
mal and indirect.

The American missionary professors and their families have
considerably more ties and relationships with the Pakistani faculty
than AID professors have with their Pakistani counterparts. The
Ford Foundation professors identify themselves to some extent with
the Pakistani institution (for reasons discussed in Chapter IV), but
AID professors are more apt to think of themselves as "attached to" or
"working in" the Pakistani institution because of their advisory role.

In comparison to this the missionaries are essentially regu-
lar faculty members. As one expression of this fact, the missionaries
live on campus with the Pakistani faculty whereas the AID (and Ford)
professors usually live away from campus, in housing more expensive
than Pakistani faculty can afford. Even though American missionaries

generally resist the practice, their homes are grouped together in

134

one area of campus and not mixed in with those of the Pakistani
faculty. And it is true that they are unique among the faculty be-
cause their salaries are about twice that of equally experienced
Pakistani professors, their salaries come from United States church
mission boards, and they are not usually recruited by the Pakistani
institution. But they do live on campus, and have the same general
facilities as Pakistani faculty.

Their identification with Pakistan and its institutions is
one important bond they have with the other American missionaries.
As one missionary said, "As far as the Americans who are here now
(AID, etc.), they are not of the country; they are foreigners” (39-2).
The missionary is a foreigner too, but he feels he is sufficiently
native to call the non-missionaries "foreigners."

Another bond results from the common selection process and
orientation program they receive while still in the United States,
the language training which at least all long-term or career mission-
aries undergo, and the frequent meetings, committees and social
gatherings which bring them together in Pakistan. They are part of
the missionary "team,” and the composition of that team in today's
world is such that their role is no longer suspect or questioned by
the more traditional missionaries.

Actually, in Pakistan there are very few evangelists or
preachers left within the denominations that support missionary pro-
fessors. The old distinction between "village" (pastor--evangelist)
and "institutional" (teacher--doctor) missionary is no longer mean-

ingful since virtually all pastors and evangelists are Pakistani,

not American. Hence the other Americans serving as missionaries

135

have roles comparable to the professors: they serve in Pakistani
institutions.

In regard to personal goals and satisfactions there are
differences between the missionary and the AID, Ford or Fulbright
professor. In the last chapter we mentioned that seldom do the other
Americans have the interest that dominates the missionaries: friend-
ships as ends in themselves. As we discussed in Chapter II, the
"friendship" desired by Americans is not the deep and solid bond of
personal commitment and mutual assistance that is involved in Pak-
istani friendship. But the missionaries appear to gain their greatest
satisfaction from getting to know select Pakistanis, not for the sake
of knowing about them--their culture--or using them to produce culture
change, but just befriending them and becoming important to them. In
most cases these Pakistanis are either Christian, or modern and west-
ern in orientation. The professors are in favor of culture change,
but do not see themselves primarily as agents of change. They are
qualified in particular specialties but do not consider their primary
role as either pure or applied scholars.

The presence of this general interest in people and
friendships may be related to the fact that the missionaries are
usually from colleges rather than universities. In the United States
colleges emphasize smaller classes and a more personal relation-
ship between professor and student. The missionaries are not neces-
sarily from Christian colleges in the United States, but they are from
colleges. The AID and Ford professors are in most cases from large
universities where their positions are apt to involve research and

the administration of programs of education. It is possible that

136

when the professors come to Pakistan they bring along their pre-
ferences for develOping programs in one case, and influencing
students in the other.

This interest in people may be spoken of as a religious
mission, such as "the expression Of Christian love.“ Most of the
missionary professors have little interest in more traditional re-
ligious activities, such as preaching or teaching Bible study groups.
They speak of the essence of Christianity as loving concern--a kind
of human relationship--rather than a belief in a spiritual entity.
They do not admire Islam, or claim to see good in it and all reli-
gions, as did the liberals Of past generations. The majority of
them are essentially "secular" in their philosOphy, and are as im-
patient with traditional Christianity as they are with traditional
Islam.

This is the reason liberal Muslim professors are attracted
to the Christian colleges of Pakistan. They are more secular than
the remaining colleges in Pakistan, which are Operated by the govern-
ment and therefore formally bound to traditional Islam and the Koran.
They equate Christianity with secularism because it opposes the con-
servative eXpression of Islam, and because most Christian professors
express an essentially secular approach to the world.

But of course not all American missionary professors share
this value orientation. This, then, raises the first of several
distinctions or differences within the missionary group: some are

”liberal" and some are "conservative.”

137

Theological Orientation

This is not so much a difference in denomination. Most of
the missionaries in the sample are Presbyterian or Methodist, and
the liberal/conservative categories do not correspond to the denom-
inations. It is more the particular congregations or local churches
from which they come, and their personal religious beliefs. By
"conservative" we mean those who emphasize orthodox theology or doc-
trine and who seek to have others share the same beliefs. The "liber-
als" emphasize service and the expression of Christian love to all,
with minimal attention to the traditional system of belief. There
is of course far more involved than these simple definitions imply,
but in Pakistan even these elementary characteristics have profound
effects upon the total orientation of missionary professors.

For the conservatives the most significant categories of
peOple are the Christian and the non-Christian. Their goal is to
produce Christians: those who accept Christian theology. Yet in
Pakistan it is not legal to proselyte or preach to non-Christians
(Muslims). Therefore their actual role in the college appears very
similar to that of the liberal missionary. In both cases they are
almost exclusively involved in rather normal faculty chores, with
great interest in forming friendships with students and staff. But
for the liberals this is an end in itself--the eXpression of ”Chris-
tian love.” For the conservatives this is worthwhile, but secondary
(if not a means) to the more primary goal of reaching non-Christians
with the Christian message. With so little Opportunity for anything
more in Pakistan, the conservatives are bound to feel some dissatis-

faction with this aspect of their role.

138

The conservative feels so separate and distinct from all
non-Christians that his non-work, or social relations with Muslims
are not very satisfactory. He turns to the Pakistani Christians in
hopes of encouraging them to do the job of "witnessing" and in order
to receive Christian "fellowship," social and spiritual response and
support. But again the relations do not turn out to be satisfactory.
For reasons discussed in Chapter III, the Pakistani Christian com-
munity does not share the conservative missionary's concern for
evangelism. Regardless of personal religious beliefs, Pakistanis
are Christian if they are born Christian. They look with suspicion
upon "converts," and are not interested in their recruitment. In
fact the attitude and atmosphere of the Pakistani protestant Chris-
tian Church is so foreign to the background of the conservative (or
liberal) American missionary that the kindred spirit and fellowship
sought by the missionary is seldom achieved. A conservative mission-
ary stated the attitude of most:

It is very frustrating to work with Christians in this
land. They do not have the same idea of the goal or
responsibility of Christians...they have inferiority
feelings. They don't want to see anyone get ahead.
They seem to want to feel that they are martyrs. And
so they gossip and talk about other staff members and
try to keep everyone down. Thus I have found it diffi-
cult to talk freely with them (18-1).

Conservative missionaries do not enjoy the Pakistani Muslims
because they are non-Christian and they have little opportunity to
speak to them about Christianity. They do not enjoy the Pakistani
Christians because their definitions of "Christian" behavior as well

as theology are fundamentally different. And they do not enjoy the

American community because it too is non-Christian. The same

139

missionary that spoke of the frustrations in working with the
Pakistani Christians said this about the American community: ”The
fashions of modern dress are quite a scandal here and the American
standard of living is way too high" (18-3). When asked what is the
difference between the missionaries and non-missionary Americans he
replied,

Well, mainly that this group is Christian and the rest

of the Americans are non-Christian. The group here is a

group of committed people and this shows up in our activ-

ities and in our living standard...We live in entirely

different realms (18-3).
Or, as another said, "There is no contact. We live in a different
world" (12-4).

With no social or spiritual support from any element in
Pakistan except the other conservative missionaries, and with so few
Opportunities to perform what he feels is the primary mission, it is
understandable that this same missionary observed, "If it were not
for the feeling that we have been called by God to do this work
here, the frustrations would be unbearable" (18-2).

But the liberals are equally frustrated, though in a
different way. The Pakistani Christian community is even less at-
tractive to the liberals than it is to the conservative missionaries.
The Pakistani Christians are a minority people, with a dependent,
inferior and defensive mentality. Even though their theology and
goals may differ sharply from the conservative missionary's, their
subservient position and separation from the (Muslim) secular world
is more in keeping with the conservatives than it is with the

liberals. This effectively blocks social relations between liberal

missionaries and Pakistani Christians. They have virtually nothing

140

in common; in fact, the Pakistani Christians are an embarassment and
burden to the liberal missionary and to what he is trying to accom-
plish. In most cases they would prefer not to have a Christian
“community,” as such.

The liberal is far more interested in educating and "be-
friending" (in the American sense as discussed earlier) the Pakistani
leaders. Of course these leaders are Muslim and his lack of interest
in the Pakistani Christians is noted and resented by them. But he
chooses to devote his time to what he feels is the more important
and more attractive element in Pakistani society: liberal, educated,
English speaking, modern-oriented, Muslims. At times he is even
Openly critical of the conservative missionary who devotes so much
of his time to the (lower class) Christian community.

The group here...have tried to get too far down and live
like the average Pakistani. They become very careless
about their dress and about their homes. It's all very
sloppy. Our [conservative] missionaries have the attitude
of working with the sweepers, yet here at BLANK we are
working with educated, cultural people. I think we have
to decide which group we are going to try to influence
(17-4) 0

However, in the present anti-American mood of Pakistan the
liberal is thwarted in his effort to become closely associated with
any Pakistani--even the educated Muslim. It is a serious disadvantage
to be an American in Pakistan today. To make matters worse (from
the perspective of the Pakistani), the liberal is an American.mis-
siona , which means he is that kind of American which the uneducated
majority of Pakistanis resent most. To be sure, the educated liberal

Muslim knows that most missionary educators are a force for secular-

ism, but it is an unpOpular act today to show friendship to Americans,

especially the missionaries.

141

Most of the liberals--particularly the career missionaries--
are as separate from the American community as are the conservatives,
though for different reasons. To the conservatives the American com-
munity contaminates the Christian witness and example of the mission-
aries. Their patterns of behavior are a "scandal." But the liberal
objects to the recent American community because it is foreign to Pak-
istan, and emphasizes the separation and gap between the two cultures.
The air conditioners, number of servants, and PX privileges of the
other Americans are an embarrassment to the missionary. To Pakistanis
these material comforts symbolize the dealre of Americans to live
above Pakistanis and imply feelings of national or racial superiority
by the Americans. While the missionaries try to bridge the gap and
emphasize their pleasure in living virtually as the Pakistani profes-
sors, they believe that the style of life of the non-missionary Amer-
icans calls attention to the great distinction between the two ways
of life. This was the burden Of a veteran liberal missionary:

Most Americans came in here after 1958 which is after we
had retired. Therefore, we have not had much contact
with them. Now the church here on campus is not for the
Pakistanis; it is for the Americans. I think it is a
curse. It emphasizes the distinction between the Amer-
icans and the Pakistanis. Of course the mosque on campus
is not very helpful either in that regard. I have a big
question mark in my mind about the swimming pool here.
The people who use it are mainly Americans. I think the
Pakistanis feel that we have taken it over. The softball
on the campus would be good if the Pakistanis played with
the Americans, but they don't. Anything that divides the
group and emphasizes these two different worlds is essen-
tially evil. With a large American community it is pos-
sible to get so wound up with only American activities
that we have no time for the Pakistanis (39-4).

The colonial pattern was for non-Asians to move to the

cooler hill stations during the hot summer months. The liberal

142

missionaries consistently express their dislike and disapproval of
this practice, and move there only when their language instruction
requires them to be in attendance at the Murree Hills language
school. But some of the conservative missionaries look forward to
their annual move to the hills as the high point of the year. There
they have the "fellowship"--social and spiritual support from like-
minded peOple--that they lack during the rest of the year.

Another expression of this fact is the nine-menth school
Operated in Murree Hills for missionary children, dominated by chil-
dren of conservative missionaries. The more liberal missionaries
prefer to have their children in mixed Pakistani-American schools,
or at least in schools open to a wider range of people.

Liberals enjoy other liberal missionaries, but feel guilty
if they do many things exclusively with other Americans, even mission-
aries. They attempt to identify with Pakistan and live at the same
level as the educated Pakistanis they seek to know. Regarding most
aspects of culture, including much of religion, they are quite "rela-
tivistic” and prefer not to think of the American way as the superior
way. Conservatives, on the other hand, believe that orthodox Chris-
tianity is the only correct religion, and are apt to feel that
particular patterns of behavior (American) are the true expression
of Christianity. Hence they do not identify with Pakistani culture
or see any particular value in constant association with Pakistanis,
simply because they are Pakistani. They are more interested in
opportunities to be with other Christians "of their own kind." In
their minds this does not indicate any discrimination against Pak-

istani Christians, but as it turns our ”their own kind" is defined

143

in terms of religious customs and style of life. Therefore few
Pakistanis are included in the category, and conservatives tend to
enjoy most the fellowship of other American missionaries, plus a

very few and select Pakistanis.

Length of Service

In addition to the differences resulting from theological
positions--conservative or liberal--there are a number of other
distinctions between missionary professors, some of which result from
the length of time the professors expect to serve in Pakistan. There
are the temporary, short-term missionaries, the "old-hands," or
veteran career missionaries, and the recently arrived career mission-
aries.

The temporary or short-term missionary is a relatively new
concept. In one sense it was born of necessity: there were not
enough career missionaries to fill the positions. But of more impor-
tance was the desire of the major denominations to minimize the
difference between the layman and the clergy by encouraging laymen
into "vocational" church work, even for relatively short periods of
time. Many organizations now recruit carpenters, accountants, ag-
ricultural specialists, etc., to serve overseas for even a few months,
in order to give both individuals and local congregations a sense
of participation in the work of missions.

This appeals to those who have no desire to change voca-
tional roles but who would like to more actively support missions as
well as have an experience of living in a foreign culture. As such

the motivations as well as background overlap those of the other

144

non-missionary American professors overseas for a limited tour of
duty, even though they are not attracted to comparable positions with
non-religious organizations.
I wanted to get out of the country to see how other people
lived. This was a chance to teach in a different setting.
I thought maybe I could do something in an underdevelOped
country to help. I wanted the whole effect of living in a
different culture. I never considered working for the
government. We have always been active in church work; I
heard of this opportunity there (42-1).
The Board of Missions told me that they needed someone.
I was glad to be of help. Then there were the selfish rea-
sons that it would be beneficial to us. It would be help-
ful to me professionally and it would be an advantage to

the family to give them the experience. The family was
enthusiastic (41-1).

CorreSponding to this similarity in motivation is a simi-
larity in their interaction with Pakistanis. Useem describes "first-
time-outers" as "plungers" into the traditional culture of the host
country (1963:172). In this the missionaries have an advantage over
other American professors since the missionaries live on the campuses
where they teach. The short-term missionary professors entertain
Pakistanis a great deal. "We have Pakistanis into our home as much
as we possibly can. It would be a physical impossibility to have
any more in our home than we do" (l7-8).

As with first-timers generally, Pakistani culture is still
novel and exotic. New places and experiences are an adventure. Even
poverty has an element of charm.

The city of Lahore is marvelous; I‘m still fascinated by
it; the little things, the shops and the way people do
things. The few visits I've had to villages have been
outstanding. We don't have a car and going by public
transportation is really exciting. You always find

people who are willing to talk to you. I think life in
villages is really wonderful. They make you feel so

145

welcome. It doesn't seem a sacrifice to me for peOple
who have to live in the villages (42-1).

Missionary professors come to Pakistan expecting to teach.
This is true of Fulbrighters as well but not true of AID or Ford
Foundation professors who are typically hired as advisors, directors,
etc. In contrast to AID and Ford professors, the missionaries look
forward to teaching assignments. They come expecting to find the
same kind of personal satisfactions they receive in the United
States, perhaps in even greater measure. Instead they discover a
level of instruction comparable to an inferior high school in the
United States, lack of motivation by the students for independent
study, and problems in communication because of the students' limited
knowledge of English. It is an educational system that removes the
reward system that is believed to motivate United States students
to study regularly and independently: the "internal" exam and
grading system.

Both Pakistani and American faculty agree that the first
year an American teaches in Pakistan is usually very difficult, and
of questionable value to the students. The short-term missionary
eXpects to return to a college in the United States and thus resists
any major modification of his teaching methods. By the second or
third year of teaching compromises have been made, communication is
easier and the professors find more satisfaction from their work.
But the short-termer returns to the United States before this ad-
justment is complete, after two or three years of generally unsatis-
factory teaching experience.

The total teaching situation is terrible. We are supposed
to get the students to regurgitate facts, not to learn to

146

think. We don't deal with any real situations or applied
science. The students themselves are some of the friend-
liest I have known but also the most disinterested I have
ever known. We are forced to teach material that we know
is obsolete. The real problem is that you can't do any-
thing about it; you're caught in the system all the time.
What do they want us here for? Certainly not our ideas
or our help. They just want us to become like Pakistanis
and go along with the system (42-2).

It takes an American quite a while to learn how to teach
at the right level here. It also takes a while to focus
your teaching on getting students to pass exams and in
accepting the memory system they use and work with it
(38.2) o

The short-term missionaries are of course less deeply in-
volved in Pakistan than the career missionaries. They are "plungers"
and spend considerable time with Pakistanis, but they have not had
time to understand or appreciate the more subtle characteristics of
Pakistani culture. There is no requirement to learn the language for
short-term missionaries and thus they do not have access to the Urdu
speaking segments of the pOpulation. Also they have not had suffi-
cient time to develOp cross-cultural friendships with those who can
speak English because in Pakistan friendships require a long period
of develOpment. Therefore their frequent efforts to get to know
peOple do not produce the deeper relationships veteran career mis-
sionaries have with Pakistanis. This characteristic the short-termers
have in common with most of the non-missionary professors.

In addition, their short-term perspective further separates
them from career missionaries. Their cultural world and reference
group is the United States to a degree that contrasts with the mis-
sionary who settles rather permanently in Pakistan. Thus it is hard

for the short-term missionary to identify with Pakistan or even the

missionary community as distinct from the American community.

147

As a result, the short-term missionary family interacts
frequently with those segments of the American community which share
much of their orientation and style of life, such as educators and
government technicians.1 Some of these missionary professors even
take the position that their efforts should be integrated with the
work of the foundations and the United States government.

We have more contact with Europeans and Americans too
[than the career missionaries]. We don't want to drOp
out of our culture. We feel the American effort here
should be integrated with what the other Americans are
doing. The roup here on the campus [conservative career
missionaries feels that the other Americans drink and
everything and so they don't want to be with them. We
don't feel that way (17-9).

The bacon, coffee and air conditioners available to AID
professors are more a tOpic of conversation with the short-term
missionaries than with the career missionaries, who have adjusted
to the lack of these provisions. When only short-term missionaries
are present the PX and Commissary are frequently discussed, and the
wish is expressed that these goods were available to all Americans,
regardless of their affiliation.

Some of the "old hands" or veteran career missionaries
came over initially as short-termers, but their decision to remain
represents a fundamental choice in which Pakistan (actually India,
in earlier years) becomes their cultural world; their positions in

the local educational system, church, and society are their most

important roles.

 

1Engineers and construction workers out under private firms
form a rather distinct segment of the American community, and are
less likely to interact socially with missionaries or non-missionary
educators.

148

If American culture is relevant to them it is the culture
of the twenties--or whenever they first left the United States. Air
conditioners are important to them only to the degree they are im-
portant to educated Pakistanis, since the America they know does not
have air conditioners and they identify more with Pakistanis. They
have long ago made their adjustment to Pakistan and are unconcerned
about, if not scornful toward, the "necessities" of the recent Amer-
ican community. In addition they have made peace with the colonial
educational system, and find little conflict in their role as Pak-
istani educators.

Over the years it is increasingly the United States that
presents culture shock, not Pakistan. "In recent years I have felt
more at home here than I have in the U.S." (38-3). And this discom-
fort with recent American culture produces a feeling of estrangement
from the modern generation of American missionaries.

I think the Americans had more Pakistanis into their

homes in the 1920's than we have now. One reason...is

that the American families that come over now insist on

eating with their children about 5:30 in the evening and

this doesn't work out well with the schedules of the

Pakistanis. In the old days the American missionaries

had the ayahs feed their children and put them to bed

and then the Americans were free to enjoy their evenings

with both Pakistanis and American friends (38-5).
Part of this is simply difference in age--the older missionaries are
no longer involved in the raising of children, and there is some
indication that the older missionaries had fewer children than the
present generation. In part this is simply the expression of the
birth rates of the two generations; but it also reflects the role of

missionary wives in the earlier generation when they were more active

in the missionary enterprise at the expense of raising large families.

149

of equal importance is the difference in background
missionaries bring with them to Pakistan. Modern American culture
has emphasized relations between racial groups and the extension of
opportunity and equal status to all. American missionaries today
arrive with strong convictions about minority racial groups. The
typical American missionaries of the 1920's may have had idealistic
feelings about racial groups, but they were not sophisticated or
eXperienced enough to fight the colonial system in India, with its
caste differences. In most cases they tacitly accepted the existing
system, though with some misgivings. The orientation by the mission
boards in the United States encouraged them to accept the colonial
system and to adapt to it. They now look back and express strong
disapproval, but not many of them fought the tradition twenty years
ago.

We have always shown and assumed a superiority. The old
American principal used to say that if you tried to be
democratic nothing is ever done. I always said, ”Yes, it
may not be efficient, but it is the only way they will
learn." Our attitude was always, "We know what should be
done; they [the Indians] have to learn what needs to be
done. Therefore we tell them.” Actually I'm not wholly
free of this yet. When I see one of my staff not doing
his job I'm annoyed. I assume that I know best (39-6).

when we first came to [India] there were...five to ten
thousand British here. Those were the days when a sahib
was a sahib. Very healthy changes have taken place since
that time. The principal then just ran the place. He
was the real boss. He rarely consulted anyone...He would
call us missionaries in, but he would not call in the
Indian Christians to talk about the school. I accepted
the pattern. I just thought it was part of life over
here (19-1 ,2)e

In the early days peOple would say things just to please
us...It was the fact that we were white Americans that
gave us the power and position that we held and we didn't
deserve this. I don't think we abused this power. I

150

went out of my way to be fair, but they probably did not
think so of me (19.3).

The rapid changes in Pakistani society and the increasingly
difficult role of American professors in the mission-related educa-
tional system has made life very difficult for the old hands. They
may not have approved the ascribed status and authority of their old
roles, but the old roles are the only ones they know. And with their
age and experiencec-which are still significant indicators of status
in Pakistan--it has been doubly hard for them to find comfortable
roles in the new social system. They tend to spend their time with
old Pakistani friends, and worry about the future of Pakistan.

The recent career missionaries have a different problem.
They arrive with role expectations arising from modern American
society and yet because of their career missionary status are expected
to assume roles defined back in the colonial era. The short-term
missionaries are acceptable in the Christian colleges as visiting
professors and are no permanent competition or threat. The old
hands are on their way out and because of their age and experience
are treated with deference, but kept at a distance where they can
no longer interfere with the real operations of the institution.

But the recent career missionaries are neither temporary nor on
their way out. Their education and experience equip them for leader-
ship, but their race, nationality and religious affiliation block
this potential. In a reverse discrimination all foreigners are
suSpected of colonial ambitions, particularly those who plan to

stay. They see great need in the colleges, yet their help and ad-

vice is unwelcome or received with suspicion by their colleagues.

151

I'm not wholly comfortable in the organization because

it is another world. One problem is that they feel I am
striking for Principal. They joke about it. They say

in a couple more years I will be Vice-Principal and then
Principal. I felt very free as just a teacher, but I

don't like the present job...I think my job would be far
better accepted if a Pakistani had it rather than an Amer-
ican. They like to use Americans as people to blame (37-4).

During the period of this study in Pakistan one professor
arrived to begin a career as a missionary professor. The educational
system and the anti-missionary, anti-American, anti-white attitude
disturbed him so much that he returned to the United States in six
months. The recent career missionary lacks the language and the ex-
perience to understand or appreciate the Pakistani culture. His
work role is ambiguous. And under the present circumstances he finds
it undesirable to have friendships with Americans and difficult to
cultivate them with Pakistanis.

The dilemma of the recent career missionary leads to the
more basic question, which troubles all missionaries regardless of
their length of stay in Pakistan. What is a missionary professor,
as distinct from an AID professor, in Pakistan today? In many ways
their function is very similar to that of the other American pro-
fessors yet they believe there is a fundamental difference. Whether
the missionaries speak of their goal in religious terms or not they
feel that they have some kind of mission or purpose which distin-
guishes them from the AID professors.

A problem arises in defining and expressing that purpose.
During the academic year of 1964-65 one Christian college devoted

bi-monthly meetings to a discussion of the characteristics of a

Christian college, and the responsibilities of Christian faculty

152

members. There was no agreement beyond the statement that Christian
faculty should love their students, and be more conscientious in the
performance of their duties. But if this is their only distinguish-
ing quality, they ask themselves why it is necessary to make such a
financial sacrifice and come to Pakistan as "missionaries?" One can
love students and do a conscientious job as an AID professor. In-
deed, the role of professor includes serious attention to teaching
students; this is not a special "mission."

One recent career missionary stated: "The missionary role
is very ambiguous and I feel a little uncomfortable in it" (13-1).
Missionaries commonly eXpect to live in Pakistani society and by the
example of their lives exert profound witness to the non-Christian
world. "I thought my job would mainly be giving a Christian example
to a Muslim world. Actually, it has not been that. It has been'jggg
a teaching eXperience" (lo-5; italics are mine).

A conclusion of this study is that missionaries believe
their primary purpose in coming to Pakistan should be to represent
Christianity or Christ, and this produces an additional stress. In
the United States most of them were simply educators; now they feel
the requirement to be something more than good educators. They
have little Opportunity to speak about their own religious faith
because the laws of Pakistan prohibit proselyting; this puts even
more pressure upon the "silent witness" of their personal patterns
of behavior. The missionaries are thus burdened with the responsi-
bility for a very high standard of morality and service. They feel
that they must be "better"--more devoted, sacrificial, skillful,

spiritual, conscientious, loving, or something--than a non-missionary.

153

The result of this extra burden can be seen in several
patterns of behavior. First, the missionaries feel guilt over many
aspects of their lives.

I expected our living accomodations to be more simple and
crude than this. Our homes are far grander than what we
had visualized before coming (18-5).

I think I have been a little disappointed that life here
is so comfortable and easy. There is not much challenge
in this area of life and it makes it harder to feel that
I am a missionary (12-2).

Many feel their homes are too large, when in comparison
with those of the other Americans in Lahore they are very simple, even
plain. In any case they are virtually the same as those of their
Pakistani colleagues. They claim their salaries are too high, even
though they took a considerable cut in salary to come overseas, and
their American colleagues in Pakistan are making three or four times
as much. And the Pakistanis with whom they work if similarly qual-
ified would make salaries in the same general range as those of the
missionaries.

Even the most active and hardest working of the missionaries
feel they are not spending enough time with Pakistanis. "I have felt
we entertained less than other missionaries, although maybe that's
not true. I have felt guilty about it. In the States I expected to
have more contact with them over here" (Al-10). Before they leave
the United States they have a stereotype of a missionary which in.
volves sacrifice and includes a very high standard of behavior. Pak-
istani Christians reinforce this image by claiming that "the old

missionaries were more sacrificial and dedicated," and they are

quick to criticize the more recent missionaries (137-5, 120-3).

154

The second effect of bearing the ”burden" of being mission-
aries is an aura of seriousness in their cross-cultural relations.

It appears that they are attempting to convince the Pakistanis of
their dedication and serious purpose. They are not there to make
money or have a good time; they are in Pakistan as a (religious)
service. Missionaries cannot shake the conviction that the cause

of Christianity in Pakistan rests upon them. They must at all times
display exemplary lives, as a witness and testimony to the superi-
ority of Christianity.

Pakistanis who know both American missionaries and American
AID professors speak of the sobriety and seriousness of the missionp
aries. "The missionaries are much more formal. They are not ready
to be so informal or to discuss irrelevant things for fun. They have
a specific purpose here" (104-4). Most of the AID professors do not
mind serving beer to the Pakistanis--something forbidden in the
Islamic culture--or telling shady jokes in their presence. They are
not trying to be perfectionists or moral examples. Thus the rela-
tionships are easy and casual.

This burden of representing Christianity discourages the
missionaries from informal, easy-going interaction with Pakistanis,
and in some cases the result is a distrust of missionaries by the
Pakistanis, a suspicion of insincerity and false pretense. The
missionaries rarely let down and eXpose themselves to Pakistanis,
presumably for fear of harming the image of Christianity. The
effect appears to be the Opposite of their intention, for some Pak-
istanis respect missionaries but claim to enjoy and even trust

non-missionaries more.

155

The other Americans are more vocal, more frank and more
dependable. Whereas the missionaries are clever, not as
free as the others. Of course I am not antagonistic a-
gainst the missionaries at all (137-5).

The current anti-missionary, anti-American atmosphere is a
matter of concern to all categories of missionaries in Pakistan. They
are not sure of their goals and are generally dissatisfied with their
role. Commissions and committees from the United States are making
trips to Pakistan, investigating the situation. Many new ideas are
being discussed.

I feel the time has come in many places in the world that
missionaries will no longer be able to work in the way we
used to work. I think missionaries have handicapped their
efforts by requiring the tag "Christian" on everything
(38-5).

I feel we should get more Christian teachers from South-
east Asia. As it is now, we just have Americans and
Pakistanis. Southeast Asian Christians would not be

under the same burden of being American and yet they would
not be part of the Pakistani culture (36-5).

The role of missionary professors in Pakistan today is a
difficult one. Classroom teaching does not involve the lively dis-
cussions common in the United States. The direct and Open proclama-
tion of an evangelical religious faith is against the law. The "si-
lent witness" of a superior life is a great burden, and appears to
produce the unintended image of hypocrisy and insincerity in the
minds of these they seek to influence. The colonial legacy and his-
tory of missions in India/Pakistan defines roles of leadership for
the missionaries yet the current nationalism prevents them from
being fully accepted by their Pakistani colleagues.

But the missionary professors still have unique Oppor-

tunities to establish friendships with students. As we saw earlier

156

in the chapter, this interest in people and in influencing people is
particularly associated with missionary professors. For them it is
an end in itself, in contrast to the other professors who are more
concerned with some sort Of culture change, the administration Of
educational programs, or research. They are committed to college
teaching and its basic activity, involvement in the lives of stu-
dents. The typical AID professor from a United States university
would be dissatisfied in the role Of missionary professor in Pakistan.
But the missionaries--from United States colleges--find their deep-
est gratifications from knowing students, and this they can do in
Pakistan.

In fact, no other American professors in Pakistan have as
much Opportunity to become well acquainted with Pakistani students
and faculty as the missionaries. They take on long established roles
as faculty members in Pakistani educational institutions and live in
faculty homes set in the midst of student dormitories. This sort of
role has its own satisfactions, and the frustrations that have been
discussed are not sufficient to persuade the present missionaries to
return home, or to prevent a steady stream of new missionary pro-

fessors from coming to Pakistan.

CHAPTER VI

CROSS-CULTURAL WORKING RELATIONS AND THE THIRD CULTURE

The Dual Social System

This chapter examines the nature of the working relation-
ships between American and Pakistani professors, and the roles
Americans hold simultaneously in American organizations and Pak-
istani institutions. The cultural patterns which characterize this
bi-national interaction are termed the American-Pakistani third
culture. There is evidence that in Pakistan this is in the process
of change, from the colonial third culture to a more modern third
culture typical Of cross-cultural relations in many parts of the

world today.

The American Ogganization

We have noted earlier (in Chapter IV) the important dif-
ferences in behavior which result from membership in the various
American organizations: AID, The Ford Foundation, Fulbright and the
mission boards. The American finds that he is not simply working in
a Pakistani institution, for at the same time he is part of an Ameri-
can organization. He is Operating within a dual social structure
which therefore involves two reference groups. In terms Of the other
Americans he develops his role in the context of a number of variables
including the parent organization, the number of Americans, the pol-
icies Of the Chief-of—Party and the behavior of the individuals that

have served within the group or team. The patterns Of the particular

157

158

group influence the American in his view of the choices Open to him,
as well as the response of the Pakistanis to his behavior.

The existence of a precedent allows the American to gain
access into the Pakistani institution more quickly, but at the same
time it limits the potential for new and modified definitions of his
role. The Chief-Of-Party of the American team is crucial in defining
the acceptable roles Of team members. In one institution the Chief-
of-Party discouraged the Americans from interacting with Officials Of
the Pakistan Department of Education. The effect of this decision
was significant in the attitudes of the Americans toward their total
mission in Pakistan, as well as in reducing social and professional
contacts with Pakistani educators. Another Chief-of-Party partici-
pated himself in a large number of social activities of the Pakistani
community, yet he made little effort to bring other members of the
American team into these social gatherings. In their interviews these
Americans stated that they lacked access to the Pakistani community,
and as a team they had fewer bi-national social activities than any
other group.

The Americans in large American teams remain very conscious
of their roles in the American social system. The Americans meet to-
gether frequently both formally and informally, and this is functional
since the Americans feel their membership in the American social sys-
tem as keenly as they are aware of their positions in the Pakistani
institution. Most Of the Americans find these sessions valuable Oppor-
tunities for the expression of frustrations and the sharing of ideas
about their living adjustment and work situation.

When there is only one American attached to a Pakistani

159

institution it is common for him to regret the lack of Opportunity
for discussion of his working role with other Americans. But if
there is precedent for the American to have close working relation-
ships with the Pakistani faculty, Or if his status gives him a
positive function in the institution. then the Pakistani social
system becomes more significant to him than the American organization
of which he is a part, and he looks to the Pakistanis for some of the

social support he might Otherwise receive from American colleagues.

The Pakistani Institution

In addition to the American social system, the Americans'
work role also depends upon the Pakistani social system, and the
existence of a third culture as a pattern for the bi-national inter-
action. The present study of Pakistani higher educational institu-
tions has identified three types of Pakistani social systems, des-
cribed in Chapters II and III. First there are the Christian colleges,
which through most of their history are better termed missionary
colleges because of the extent to which missionaries dominated their
administration. Up until the 1940's these institutions fit the
British colonial pattern, in which foreigners (in this case mainly
Americans) Operated the colleges in a rather authoritarian manner.
Today the missionaries are conspicuously absent from the administra-
tive positions and are trying very hard to win acceptance as colleagues,
and yet the colonial pattern lingers on in the minds of the Pakistanis,
particularly among the Pakistani Christians, and any exercise of
administration by the Americans is interpreted as a resurgence of

the colonial cultural pattern.

160

Within these institutions the Pakistani Christians have
leadership roles, and they think of the institutions as properly
serving the needs of the Christian community, as their primary func-
tion. They expect American missionaries to share this view and are
offended by the missionaries' lack of identification with the Chris-
tian community, and their attention to the Muslim students and faculty.

The Muslim faculty within Christian colleges are generally
liberal in their religious beliefs and are attracted to the colleges
because Of their relatively secular and western world-view, in con-
trast to the other institutions which are more conservative in their
value system. These Muslim professors are often more modern and less
communal in their world-view than the Pakistani Christians, and in
this respect prefer having Americans in administrative positions
rather than Pakistani Christians, and are generally pessimistic about
the future of Christian colleges in Pakistan.

The second type of Pakistani institution in which Americans
participate is the more traditional public university. Islam and
nationalism are emphasized in these institutions and the Americans
find it difficult to appreciate the basic value system. Relatively
few of the Pakistani professors have been educated abroad and there
is not much common experience present as a basis for close interaction
with the Americans. Several AID advisors and Fulbrighters with teach-
ing positions are attached to these institutions. The roles of
Americans are carefully delineated and they have little opportunity
for deeper involvement in the social system.

If the Pakistanis in these institutions are reacting against

the colonial third culture it is a very generalized reaction since

161

there are no foreign administrators present today to threaten them,
and in fact foreigners have not held administrative posts in these
institutions since long before the Partition of 1947. But the strong
feeling of nationalism has created a negative attitude toward the
presence Of foreigners, and in particular toward Americans, and the
American professors do not feel they can exert an influence or es-
tablish intimate personal relationships.

The third type of social system eXpresses the modern third
culture, and is found within those institutions having a large per-
centage Of westernpeducated staff. In most instances Americans
played key roles in the develOpment and early administration of the
institutions themselves. These include an agricultural university,
two academies, an institute affiliated with a university, and a
single department within a university. Not all of these institutions
equally express the characteristics of this type of social system, and
within them there is a wide divergence of cultural orientations among
the Pakistani faculty.

A growing number of young Pakistani faculty are western-
educated and highly critical of many aspects Of Pakistani society.
They are not the liberal Muslims referred to above who teach in
Christian colleges; the Pakistanis who return from study abroad
question the need for any form of religion and are not just liberal
in their adherance to Islam. They are also less nationalistic in
their world-view: it is not that they have transferred their loyal-
ties to another nation, but that they cannot identify with any
strongly nationalistic sentiment. These Pakistanis share much of

their value system with the American professors, and they work well

162

together. Successful cooperative projects have been achieved in
team teaching, co-authoring books, and conducting research. But
because the Pakistanis have received degrees comparable to those of
the Americans they resent it when the Americans assume superior or
patronizing attitudes in roles such as administrators or advisors.
Yet these are the institutions in which the Americans serve as ad-
visors.

The older Pakistani faculty in these institutions, most of
whom have not been overseas, correspond in their value orientations
to the faculty in traditional Pakistani institutions discussed above.
However, the social system in which they belong is very different.
In these institutions they feel threatened by the young Pakistanis
with advanced degrees from the United States, as well as from the
group of Americans within the institution. Generally the older faculty
retain their status by virtue of their seniority, but it is clear that
the younger faculty are dissatisfied with the existing system, and
they do not express the degree of patience and respect that the senior
professors feel is prOper. All of this is seen by the older pro-
fessors as the effect Of the Americans. Thus in these institutions
the Americans receive at the same time their greatest satisfactions
from working with the western-educated professors, and their greatest
frustrations from their attempts to work with the more traditional

professors.

American Work Roles
Within the social systems described above the American pro-

fessors seek to delineate roles that are acceptable to the Pakistani

163

staff and satisfying to themselves. In our discussion of the Ameri-
can professors' work roles we shall use "colleague" to refer to the
position of teacher, in which the American attempts to perform a
function in the institution that is similar to that of Pakistani
faculty members. "Administrator" will denote the status of those
Americans who hold administrative responsibilities in universities
or colleges and supervise Pakistani faculty. The more common posi-
tion of "advisor" involves neither teaching nor administration as
primary functions; typically the American spends a portion of his
time developing academic programs or research, and may on occasion
even teach courses, but he considers it most appropriate to guide
and assist Pakistani educators in the performance of their duties.
The work roles held by Americans in Pakistani institutions

are as follows:

 

 

Pakistani Institutions Administrators Advisors Colleagues

Christian Colleges 5 O 10

Traditional Public 0 2 3
Universities

Modern, Western Public 9/1 13/21 0
Institutionsl

The Colleague
As noted in Chapter II, before leaving the United States

Americans eXpect a greater degree of immersion in Pakistani society

 

1Half way through the study eight administrators gave up
their positions to Pakistani counterparts and became advisors to the
Pakistanis who assumed their positions. Thus at the beginning of the
study there were nine American administrators in modern, western pub-
lic institutions but this number drOpped to one, raising the number
of advisors from thirteen to twenty-one.

164

than they find upon arrival. Likewise, American professors commonly
expect their teaching positions in Pakistani institutions to be
essentially the same as those held by Pakistani professors. But few
if any Americans succeed in avoiding a special "guest" status, some-
thing like a "visiting" professor, for they are a special kind Of
faculty member simply because they are "foreigners," and more speci-
fically American.

The three Fulbrighters and the fifteen missionaries in
Pakistani institutions holding colleague positions receive higher
salaries than the Pakistani faculty of the same rank, though the com-
pensation Of these Americans is less than that of American advisors
discussed below. But equally important is the fact that the Ameri-
can professors do not receive their salaries from the institution in
which they work, as do the Pakistanis, but from an American organiza-
tion. In this respect at least the Americans are not employees of
the same organization as the faculty with whom they claim to be
colleagues.

The Americans return at night to a home and a style of life
that is very different from that of the Pakistanis. In the case of
the Fulbrighter this contrast is easier for the Pakistanis to accept
since he is attached to the institution for such a short period of
time; he is a visiting specialist on temporary loan. But even the
short-term missionary has a three year term of service in the mission-
ary institutions, and the visability Of his contrasting style of life
is more apparent because he lives on campus near the Pakistani staff.
Furthermore, the eXpressed motive of the missionary in coming to

Pakistan leads the Pakistani faculty to believe the American wants

165

to live as the Pakistanis. Pakistani Christian faculty eXpress
greater resentment toward the living standard of American missionaries
than the Pakistani university staff do toward the AID advisors, even
though the advisors have salaries that are more than double those of
the missionaries.2

But some of the difficulties Americans find in being accept-
ed by the Pakistani faculty are not simply the result of the amount
and source of their salary, or the cost of their furniture and appli-
ances. Numerous differences exist in the patterns Of interaction
and the definition of appropriate personal behavior, such as the norms
of being a neighbor, child-rearing patterns, health and cleanliness,
and the Obligations of friendship. The close proximity of dwellings
may produce some appreciation and commonality of cultural features,
but it also emphasizes and makes more visible the dissimilarity that
exists in the two styles of life.

For example, even after the long history of close associa-
tion with missionaries there is little evidence that Pakistani Chris-
tians understand what seems to them the obsession Americans have about
clean food and dishes. Pakistanis are offended by the reluctance of
Americans to eat food that has not been prepared by cooks trained by
Americans. This is still a major impediment to entertaining between
the Americans and Pakistanis: Americans hesitate to invite Pakistanis
for a meal when they are unwilling to reciprocate by eating a meal
in the Pakistani home. The custom of drinking only boiled water by

Americans is difficult to accept even for educated Pakistanis. In

 

2There are additional reasons for this resentment, and these
are discussed in Chapter V.

166

one institution the Americans brought thermos bottles to work rather
than drink water from the refrigerated drinking fountains at the
institution. The rumor was wideSpread that the Americans were carry-
ing liquor in their thermoses. In terms Of Pakistani culture the
avoidance of water that is not boiled is evidence that the Americans
either practice a superstition or do not wish to have close contact
with Pakistanis. The former is difficult to believe about Americans
who in most ways appear so modern and scientific, and the latter is
a serious insult. The Americans understand that their avoidance of
eating and drinking water with Pakistanis is Offensive to the Pak-
istanis, but they are unwilling to take what they believe is a risk
to their health.

Americans refuse to participate in the Pakistani cultural
patterns of mutual obligation involved in friendship. After re-
ceiving a gift or being entertained by a Pakistani, Americans are
dismayed when the Pakistani asks a favor in return. This is a tra-
ditional norm of the society, and a Pakistani educator who engages in
the practice is conforming to the approved ethic of Pakistani culture.
Yet the Americans tend to evaluate this behavior in the context of
American culture, and not only refuse to conform themselves but they
judge harshly the Pakistanis who attempt to win favors from them by
this means. The Pakistanis show the same lack of acceptance for the
corresponding American norms: when as American will not return a
favor the Pakistani evaluates him in terms of Pakistani culture. In
both cases the educators generally understand the cultural patterns
of the other group, but they retain their own cultural norms when

evaluating the behavior of the other group, and refuse to participate

167

themselves in the patterns of the other culture.

An American missionary was publically reprimanded when he
went to Karachi without personally requesting the principal's per-
mission, and yet the American had done what would have been appro-
priate in the United States: he had gone through channels, receiving
permission from both the Pakistani department head and the American
Vice-Principal.

Americans often forget to Offer tea or soft drinks to Pak-
istanis who drop by their homes, and when the visit occurs near the
time of a meal Pakistanis are offended if they are not invited to eat.
But the customary time for meals is not well known by Americans about
the Pakistanis, or by Pakistanis about the Americans. Senior faculty
members from both groups frequently remark that they hesitate to visit
members of the other group because they are not sure when they eat
their meals.

In addition to cultural differences and misunderstandings
there exist certain discrepancies between the generalized image of
Americans held by the Pakistanis, and the particular Americans they
encounter. For example, "most Americans are not very deep, but the
Americans I know are very develOped and mature" (122-3). This was
typical of many responses. Students at Kinnaird College told an
American missionary, "I don't think you should be called an American"
(Al-4), because his behavior did not fit their image of Americans.
Another common stereotype is that American missionaries have lighter
teaching loads than Pakistanis, even though the present study com-
pared the teaching loads and found them to be the same. It is always

in ”other departments" that a different load is assigned.

168

The Americans on the staff here don't put in as much work
as the Pakistani staff. I mean they have a lighter load
and they teach fewer hours per week...But the Americans
are no longer heads Of departments and the heads of de-
partments set the number of hours each teacher teaches,
and in our department there is never a difference between
the number of hours they teach. So there is not much
specific today; it is just a general feeling of resent-
ment (138-5).

This remark is a further expression of the general point
under discussion. The American professor is not prevented from being
a full and regular member of the faculty because of specific aSpects
Of his status-role, but because of the innumerable cultural differ-
ences which exclude him from the normal relationships of Pakistani
faculty.

There is hardly any social contact. Oh yes, we invite
each other over in each direction, but it is not like
two Pakistanis meeting together. Very seldom do they
join us for informal talking over tea or coffee. In
the staff room and in the Offices the Americans keep
aloof. They probably feel we waste a lot of our time
that way, but [this sort of thing would] help create a
better feeling [between us]. Even the single, young
Americans have kept just as aloof (119-3).

The American missionaries are disillusioned to find that
the Pakistani Christians do not share the same basic values or world-
view.

I've found it very difficult to get to know Christians
on the faculty. It's impossible to communicate with
them as Christiane...I thought it would give us a bond
or a common sort of attitude toward life, but for them
Christianity isn't the same as it is for us. I don't
know exactly what the difference is (42-9).

These cultural blocks to communication and interaction are
a handicap for all Americans in the academic world seeking to work

with Pakistanis, but they are particularly important for those Ameri-

cans who wish to be colleagues in the Pakistani institutions. Much

169

of their work satisfaction is based upon their eXperience and rela-
tionships with the Pakistani students and faculty. They are not in
Pakistan to develop new programs or to advise on matters of adminis-
tration; they have come to teach and serve as faculty members. Yet
they feel they are not fully accepted by the Pakistanis, and teaching
in Pakistan is less satisfying to them than what they expected.

The total teaching situation is terrible...We are supposed

to teach science like history; we're supposed to get the

students to regurgitate facts, not to learn to think...

The students are...the most disinterested I have ever known.

But I think the syllabus is the worst frustration of all,

it is so outdated. We are forced to teach material that we

know is obsolete. In fact, we have to teach untruths about

the field...What do they want us here for? Certainly not

our ideas or our help. They just want us to become like

Pakistanis and go along with the system and not make any

trouble (42-2).

This remark was made by a short-term missionary, and is
typical of the attitude of those on their first overseas assignment,
both missionaries and Fulbrighters. But even by Pakistani standards
the Americans are successful as teachers, and frequently they are con-
sidered by the students to be the most popular teachers on campus.

The reasons for this include the informality of Americans in the class-
room. The Pakistani professors require students to stand when they
ask questions or recite, and when the professors enter the room. The
students are called upon by their student number rather than by their
name. The American professors ask the students to remain seated at

all times and (with varying success) try to call on students by name
instead of number. The students are annoyed when the Americans stray
from the syllabus in their lectures, and when they introduce new types

of examinations, but the Americans are more lively and entertaining

as lecturers. This is particularly true when the subject matter

170

allows the professor to speak about the culture of America, or some
other foreign land.

The Americans serving as colleagues in Pakistani institutions
have no choice in the content of the courses they offer. The insti-
tutions in which they teach are either traditional Pakistani univer-
sities or missionary colleges, and in both cases the curriculum and
syllabi are determined by the university, not the individual instruc-
tors. Americans in the more modern, western-oriented Pakistani in-
stitutions have a greater part in these decisions, and yet most of
these Americans are advisors and for reasons discussed below are not
active in teaching.

Discipline in class is a major problem for the Americans.
The professors are not prepared to act in an authoritarian manner and
maintain order among the undergraduate students. The acoustics are
bad and the Pakistani-British English linguistic code is sufficiently
different to produce considerable strain in an exchange between stu-
dents and teacher. This problem lends itself to the breakdown of
class decorum and once control is lost it becomes very difficult to
restore the order, and meanwhile the class has disrupted the neigh-
boring classes in the building.

American professors encourage students to stop by their
offices or their homes, and the students respond to this invitation
and talk with the American professors more frequently than they do
with the Pakistani staff. However, the focus of the discussion is
more often America and its culture or foreign policy than it is the
subject of the course taught by the American. Once these topics

have been exhausted the students find it difficult to discuss their

171

own problems or lives because of the cultural gap between them and
the foreign professor.

Americans are reluctant to participate in the Pakistani
patterns of personal influence in decision-making. They are unsym-
pathetic toward a Pakistani professor who is pressured by a relative
to grant his son admission to the college. Likewise, Americans be-
lieve the grades they assign are non-negotiable and unaffected by any
personal consideration. But even this pattern of the Americans is
useful to the Pakistanis at times: they can report to their rela-
tives that because an American supervized the grading, or was respon-
sible for admissions, there was no possibility of exerting personal
influence. "The Pakistanis find it a face-saving mechanism to have
the Americans to blame" (39-5).

Often [a Pakistani Dean] will come to me and say that he
had to sign a person's acceptance to the college, but that
he doesn't want him admitted and so he wants me to turn
him down. I say, "Well, that's up to you; you say so."

He answers, "But I can't, he's my friend" (38-4).

This position of the Americans outside the Pakistani cul-
tural system is useful in other ways besides being a scapegoat. The
Pakistanis accept the judgment of Americans because they believe it
is not influenced by personal or subjective considerations.

When I am in conferences and committees with the univer-
sity staff, they always settle on me to make decisions.
The reason is that they know I am a fair outsider and
not involved in their petty competition (AG-4).

Pakistani educators are ambivalent about the presence of
American colleagues on their staffs. American professors (particular-

ly those with Ph.D.'s) bestow prestige upon the institution. But

short-termers, those on appointments or contracts of three years or

172

less, barely become accustomed to the teaching patterns by the time
they must return to the United States. Those who come for longer
periods of time, such as career missionaries, take over department
head positions and this is resented by the Pakistani staff.

Pakistanis report that committee meetings are more orderly
when Americans are present, and decisions are more logical and effi-
cient. The Americans work very hard, and the Pakistanis are im-
pressed by their efforts. These qualities and the others which result
from cultural differences between the two groups are useful at times
in the third culture of colleagues in Pakistani educational insti-
tutions, but they do not produce close inter-personal relationships.
The Americans are colleagues, but they are a special kind of colleague:
visiting professors, or guests; their status-roles are not to be con-

fused with those Of the Pakistani staff.

The Administrator

The second type of position held by Americans within Pak-
istani institutions is that Of administrator. By this we mean the
status of those Americans who perform primarily administrative func-
tions in Pakistani institutions. In our sample this included a dean,
a burser, two vice-principals, a director, an assistant director, a
librarian, and eight department heads. Again there is the distinction
between career missionaries who consider such a position a permanent
appointment, and the AID professors who assume the position is tem-
porary, until a Pakistani "counterpart" learns the job. In either
case the Americans exercise line authority over Pakistanis within

Pakistani institutions, and because of the strong nationalistic

173

feelings and the availability of Pakistanis with administrative ex-
perience today this is a difficult role for the Americans to perform.

The Pakistanis know that positions held by AID administra-
tors are closed to them until the Americans decide that Pakistani
counterparts are ready for the jobs, or until the Americans feel it
is politically eXpedient to give up the positions.3 In missionary
institutions there are no positions today that have not been held by
Pakistanis in the past, and while missionaries may receive prefer-
ential treatment, the choice is made by the board of directors (mixed
Pakistani and American) from the Pakistani and American faculty mem-
bers. There are no positions that are closed to Pakistanis; the
highest position held by Americans today in Christian colleges is
vice-principal, and the two Americans in this position will not re-
main at this level. One is retiring and the other stated that he
does not believe Americans should occupy high level administrative
posts in Pakistani colleges, and will voluntarily return to teaching
after his next furlough. This expresses the desire of both the
Americans and Pakistanis to break away from the colonial third
culture.

An American finds it difficult to exercise authority ef-
fectively over the Pakistanis because, first, he is outside their
social system. He cannot bring to bear the informal sanctions and
social pressures which are available to a Pakistani through his

network of friendships and family. But in addition to this, the

 

3This was true in Pakistan where American AID professors
held administrative positions in Pakistani institutions. In other
countries nationals apparently have a larger role in this decision.
See the discussion of counterparts under The Advisors below.

174

American is not prepared to accept and conform to the Pakistani
norms and cultural patterns inherent in the administrative role.
Some of these have been discussed in Chapter II. They involve the
use of circuitous approaches to avoid a confrontation, verbal support
that does not indicate agreement, personal influence as a basis for .
decision-making, detailed rules but frequent exceptions to them, less
delegation of authority, the mutual obligation of friendship, etc.
The American today finds that simply being a foreigner no
longer legitimizes an administrative status in a Pakistani institu-
tion even though there is still prestige attached to the foreigner.
He can no longer jump echelons of authority in Pakistani bureaucracy
and seek assistance from higher level Pakistanis. One leverage still
available for some is the control they may exercise over the American
financial support to the institution, though this is uncommon today.
American mission boards have reduced their support considerably, and
the individual missionaries have little special influence in the
amount or use of the funds. In the case of at least one of the AID
groups the channeling of financial aid from the United States Govern-
ment was taken away from the AID team and granted directly to the
Pakistan Government, with funds simply earmarked for the particular
institution. This bypassed the AID professors from the allocation
of funds, and thereby reduced their effectiveness as administrators.
It is possible for an American to misinterpret his status
and over-estimate both his knowledge of the culture and his skill in
participating in it as an administrator. One AID professor felt that

he was successful in his attempt:

175

Usually [when faced with an important disagreement] I try
to out-maneuver or out-fox the Pakistani Official...We
have to play their game the way they play the game. We
can't continue Operating over here the way that we might
want to Operate in the States. Their game involves man-
euvering; their game involves patience. We have to learn
their rules before we can be a success over here (4-6).

However, the consistent response of both the Pakistanis and
Americans who commented on this same AID professor did not feel he
was successful in his negotiations and interaction with Pakistanis.

He thought he played the Pakistani's game as well as they
did, which involved not being free and open in what he was
trying to do. But I think every time he attempted to do
this with Pakistanis he got rooked in it (7-7).

He doesn't feel we can confront them. I think he has real-
ly been faked out. He thought he was in the game. He
thought he could work the way they did. I don't think any
American can (9-6).

The Pakistani professors generally feel that the Americans

prefer administrative roles, rather than teaching.

They have always enjoyed administration more than teach-
ing, The make a big show of administration...ln the U.S.
at LBLANK University they always said that there was high-
est prestige in teaching. But when they [the same people]
got over here they practiced something else: they become
agministrators (106-3).

But most Americans find it uncomfortable to have the status of admin-
istrator in a Pakistani institution today. A missionary commented on

the change in his relationship when he became an administrator, and

his insecurity in the role:

Formerly I was just another teacher; now I have some
authority. They have great respect for authority. Now
our relations are more formal than before; they are more
restrained; they are extremely polite. When I go to the
student center for tea it is impossible for me to pay for
it anymore. It is very embarrassing to them if I pay for
my tea...I am ill at ease here because of not knowing the
language very well. And I'm not wholly comfortable here
in the organization because it is another world. One pro-
blem is that they feel I am striking for principal. They

176

joke about it. They say in a couple more years I will be
vice-principal and then principal. I felt very free as
just a teacher, but I don't like the present job (37-3,4).

In the two institutions where the individual holding the
top administrative position has recently changed from American to
Pakistani the majority of the staff, both Pakistani and American,
have been pleased with the change in working relationships.

I think now there is better rapport among the Pakistani
faculty and between the Pakistani and American faculty.
We now realize that it is a Pakistani institution. For-
merly, in staff meetings if a Westerner brought up an
idea it was almost always adOpted. Pakistanis gracious-
ly, out of deference, would agree to it. Now the Pak-
istanis are more willing to talk back to both [the Pak-
istani principal] and to the Americans in staff meetings...
The Pakistani faculty feel more comfortable now. They
know what they can do and what they cannot do. Before
there was an uneasiness. They did not know how far they
could go (37-5).

While the Pakistani faculty generally favor having Pak-
istani administrators they also agree that Americans tend to be more
objective and fair in their decisions, and are easier to approach
with a problem. This is related to the advantage we noted earlier,
that by Operating outside of the Pakistani social system the Ameri-
cans can remain less affected by personal influence, and have greater
potential for relating to the whole staff without factional affiliation.

Everyone seems to follow the lead of the [Pakistani] ad-
ministration, if they can find out what the administra-
tion wants; then they either suggest those things or at
least agree with them when they are presented...l don't
like this sort of working relationship. I got used to
working with the American so very informally and now I

hate to Operate in the more customary Pakistani way
(102-4’5).

177

The Advisor

The majority of American professors in Pakistan today are
not colleagues or administrators; they are advisors. By the end of
the study eight of the fourteen administrators had become advisors;
the final distribution was: six administrators, twenty-one advisors,
and thirteen colleagues. Advisors do not hold line positions within
the organization, nor do they have staff positions, in the sense of
a budget or personnel director. The status of advisor is excess, or
in addition to, the positions that show up on an organization chart.
Usually an advisor's job is associated with a particular line posi-
tion held by a Pakistani "counterpart," and the role of the advisor
depends to some extent upon the counterpart's personal relationship
with the American.

There is an assumption that the advisor has special know-
ledge or eXperience beyond that of the Pakistani being advised, and
the Pakistani consults with the American when matters come up about
which the Pakistani feels unprepared. In contrast to the American
administrator, the American advisor's judgment as to the ability and
preparation of the Pakistani is irrelevant, since it is not the Amer-
ican who decides when advice is needed; the Pakistani makes that
judgment, and if the Pakistani feels there are no matters that require
consulting with the American then the role of advisor is very limited.
A Ford Foundation advisor to the principal of a Pakistani institution
was not invited to the weekly staff meetings for the first year of a
two year contract. The advisor had a marginal role in the institution
during that period.

Some have suggested that Americans overseas today suffer

178

more from "role shock"4 than culture shock. The point is made that
a crucial aspect of the culture shock today is the adjustment of the
American to his work role. Often the American professors expect to
find the Pakistanis eagerly awaiting their guidance and leadership.
They assume that Pakistanis will take advantage of their presence to
seek counsel and ask for assistance in directing new programs and
research.

I eXpected to be an educational consultant, something

like a graduate professor in an American university.

I would be a resource for both students and people out

in the field. As it turned out my role has been more

like an undergraduate teacher in America...with a heavy

teaching schedule, a set timetable for interaction with

students, Land]...little room or encouragement to do

more than that (1-8).

I eXpected to be a consultant or advisor in setting up

schools and a teacher in educational administration.

Instead I have become the handler of details for [the

chief administrator] (2-6).

During their first months in Pakistan the American advisors

on their first overseas assignments are "plungers" (see Useem 1963:
I72), and energetically involve themselves in many aspects of the
institution. They frequently make recommendations without a full
understanding of their implications. They develop new programs to
meet the needs they identify as most pressing. The Pakistanis charac-
teristically listen to all of the suggestions, and encourage the
Americans' participation in the institution's activities. At first
the Americans are not aware that the apparent receptiveness of the

Pakistanis does not necessarily indicate support for what they are

trying to accomplish.

 

4The term was first introduced in this context by Storm and
Finkle (1965), and has been discussed in Byrnes (1966).

179

But the Americans slowly realize that their prOposals are
not being implemented, their new programs have not been carried out,
and few professors are coming to them for advice. They receive no
open opposition, but it is now obvious that their manifest role is
largely irrelevant to the operation of the institution.

The shock of discovering the minor roles eXpected Of them
by the Pakistanis is a disillusionment, and it is common to find the
Americans reacting by a period of withdrawal during which they look
to the other Americans for support and direction, and spend some time
re-evaluating their own functions. The Chief-of-Party typically
Offers very little guidance during this stage, and the other advisors,
while sympathetic, can provide few practical suggestions. "Since my
arrival no one has told me anything. I have asked the Chief-Of-Party
a lot of questions, but no one seems to worry about what I do" (28-9).
There were a number of very similar remarks. This reaction period
usually takes place during the first six months on the job, thus
there are still eighteen months left in a normal two year contract.

At this point a variety of re-definitions take place depending upon
the aspirations of the American, and his analysis of the social con-
text Of his position.

Some never regain the intensity of involvement they expressed
in their initial role. They find little tasks with which they keep
busy, and essentially give up their previous hopes of making a sig-
nificant contribution. This approach was characteristic of one of
the American groups.

Most of the [group] I have known here have come in with

a superficial look first at the organization. Then they
make recommendations as to how they think it ought to be

180

changed. They are rebuffed on these recommendations.
They are unhappy that their recommendations are not taken
so they then withdraw from active participation in the
organization. Right now this whole group of Americans
has virtually withdrawn and are almost invisible in the
active work that is taking place...today (10-6).

The attitudes of Americans such as these are discouraged,
even cynical, about the possibility of making a contribution in Pak-
istan. A discussion of the professors most likely to accept this
negative evaluation is found in Chapter IV.

Another approach is to become a teacher. In contrast to
the missionaries and Fulbrighters, the Ford and AID professors do not
include this as part of their expected or desired role. "I do a
little teaching, but I try to hold classes to the minimum. I don't
believe this is our function" (33-5). As noted in Chapter II, the
role of teacher in Pakistan is not considered by the Americans as
challenging as it is in the United States, thus teaching is felt to
be an inapprOpriate use of a foreign advisor. The Americans expect
their greatest influence to be registered upon the Pakistani faculty,
not the students, and teaching a class provides few Opportunities for
working with Pakistani faculty. Eight of the advisors found some
degree of satisfaction from working with graduate students in semi-
nars or on an individual basis, but this represents less than half
Of the twenty-one American advisors interviewed.

Other Americans are encouraged to take on certain limited
line reSponsibilities, such as develOping a new course, administering
an in-service training seminar, directing a radio program, editing

the college prospectus, conducting a research project, etc. This

kind of activity was pursued by eleven of the advisors, and is one

181

of the more satisfying roles Open to the Americans. The tasks that
are delegated are usually within the American's competence, and they
make a contribution to the institution.

In the case of research, it is possible for the American to
assume the senior role without the Pakistani feeling dominated by the
American in his organizational status-role, since the research is a
limited Sphere of activity, separate from the line responsibilities
of the institution. Also the research joins the Pakistani and Amer-
ican in an activity that eXpresses a basic value they hold in common,
not shared with the more traditional Pakistani professor. An interest
in research generally indicates a modern intellectual approach, and
those few instances of Pakistanis and Americans conducting research
together were among the most satisfying eXperiences reported in the
interviews.

Even when Americans and Pakistanis are not working together
on a project the Americans often play a supporting role to the Pak-
istanis who have undergone changes in their value system. The pre-
sence of Americans in their institution symbolizes the modern
intellectual tradition, including science, research and objectivity.
They provide a continuity and association with the atmosphere and
value system Of the United States university. In some cases the
Americans even served as members of the Pakistanis' doctoral committees
back in the United States. The American advisors commonly are not
aware of the significance of this aspect Of their role. But many of
the Pakistanis were discouraged by the approaching departure of one
of the AID teams, and it was the loss of the American presence, their

link with the western intellectual tradition, that concerned them.

182

Thirteen of the American advisors eXpressed the belief that
their most important contribution was to work with Pakistani edu-
cators outside the institution. This indicates an interest in pro-
moting change in the educational system, in addition to the single
institution in which the advisor is assigned. "I am head of the
[BLANK] department, but secondly my job is to promote [BLANK] in Pak-
istan" (8-4). A number of Americans became acquainted with members
of the Government of Pakistan's Education Department, as well as with
educators in schools and colleges throughout the country. However,
the increasingly strained political relations between Pakistan and
the United States reduced this activity considerably, and even before
that there was a great deal of pressure from one Chief-Of-Party for
the Americans to confine their work to the institution itself, and
let him follow up on external contacts and relations.

The advisors are not part of the line organization, and yet
they bring with them the cultural patterns of the "chain of command"
and the requirement to go through channels. If they have a suggestion
to make they first attempt to influence their Pakistani counterpart
to act upon it or raise the issue himself within the organization.
But if the American cannot persuade his counterpart, or if the Ameri-
can feels his counterpart will not have sufficient influence, then the
American brings up the matter with his American colleagues, or di-
rectly to the American Chief-Of-Party.

When Lmy counterpart] kept me from doing something I felt
we should be doing, I would go to our Chief-of-Party or
other members of the American staff and talk about it. I
would never mention him by name to another Pakistani staff
member. I don't know what the Chief-of-Party did about it.

He may have talked to some people as [the Pakistani admin-
istrator]; I doubt it, actually. But if there was anything

he could do about it he would (28-8).

183

This sort of discussion has been noted earlier in the chap-
ter, and is common when large American teams are present. These
meetings perform important and necessary functions for the Americans,
as outlets for the eXpression of frustration and anxiety, as well as
the discussion of ideas and innovations. However, their effect upon
the Pakistanis who know about them is to emphasize the distinction
between the Americans and the Pakistanis, and to further differentiate
the Americans from the Pakistani staff and institution. The Ameri-
cans appear tO be a separate block or clique, and the Pakistanis
think and speak of them as a group with their own goals and purposes,
distinct from those of the institution.

In most cases the present Pakistani counterparts to American
advisors were chosen by Americans, even though the group making the
decisions may have included Pakistanis. A group of bright, young
teachers were selected who were thought to have potential as leaders,
in positions such as department heads. The first step usually in-
volved sending the Pakistanis to the United States for an advanced
degree, and during this period the American advisor assumed the
counterpart's future position in the Pakistani organization. When
the counterpart returned he was eXpected to share the position for a
time and then the American would become the advisor to the Pakistani.

In one of the institutions that was studied this stage had
been accomplished some years before, and none of the Americans re-
tained the positions of department head. In another institution the
change from department head to advisor took place during the study,
when all of the Americans turned over their positions to Pakistanis

at one time. This was somewhat ahead of schedule, and it occured

184

because the Americans sensed that the Pakistanis believed they were
holding these positions longer than necessary.

The counterparts have difficulty relating to the senior
Pakistani staff, as well as to the American advisors. The institu-
tions to which they return are imbedded in an educational system
which rewards the senior professors with the leadership positions.

An advanced degree from a foreign university or competence as a
professor does not compete with seniority. The older professors are
threatened by the growing number of young, aggressive, change-
oriented professors who are returning from the United States. Those
designated as counterparts become department heads, but there are far
more who return than can be given positions of authority, without
completely replacing the Older professors. The younger men tend to
form a clique with common experience and values, and are accused of
being pro-American. If they merely comprised a separate faction the
older professors would be able to cope with them, but their shared
experience promotes a distinctive style of life and a resulting social
separation and this the senior staff finds intolerable.

Yet the counterparts and other professors who have re-
turned from the United States do not fare much better in their rela-
tionships with the American professors. Most enjoy working with the
Americans on projects such as research or team teaching, as discussed
above, but these comprise a small part of their jobs, and the other
relationships they have with Americans are not as satisfactory. They
resent the advisory nature of the positions Americans hold and the
fact that Americans do not interact with them socially as they ex-

pected after their time in the United States. Those that decide to

185

remain in Pakistan recognize that the Americans will not be present
indefinitely, and that they must come to terms with the senior Pak-
istani faculty. When they make suggestions for change they are
accused of being pro-American, and thus the presence of the Americans

becomes an embarrassment to them.

The Third Culture

 

The three working roles Of American professors in Pakistan
roughly correspond to three stages or expressions of the third culture
in South Asia. The typical role of Westerners in the old British
colonial third culture in India was the administrator. The British
(and Americans) up until the 1930's and 1940's were automatically
placed in administrative positions by virtue of the fact they were
Westerners. The cultural patterns of the missionary colleges of
this time serve as examples of this era, and these are described in
Chapter V.

The new American-Pakistani third culture is much different
from the colonial third culture, and yet it is still emerging and its
patterns are not consistently shared by either Pakistanis or Ameri-
cans. The appropriate role for Americans in this third culture is
the colleague. As we have noted, this role is ambiguous in Pakistani
institutions today, and at times both Pakistanis and Americans for-
get the new norms and perceive the role as another form of the old
administrator status-role; but this is not desired by either group
today, and any attempts to revise the old role are soon abandoned.
An increasing number of career missionaries hold colleague positions

in the Christian colleges.

186

However, more than half of the American professors in
Pakistan today are members of what appears to be a transitional
American-Pakistani third culture. The typical work role of Ameri-
cans in this culture is the advisor, and much of the present study
has described Americans and Pakistanis who are attempting to express
and define this role. There is the assumption that advisors nat-
urally phase out as Pakistanis no longer require counsel and assist-
ance. Many of the American advisors find that the positions in
Pakistan they eXpected to hold have been phased out already, before
they arrive in the country. Yet these same American professors are
not prepared to accept colleague-teaching roles.

The traditional Pakistani institutions today will accept
Americans as colleague-teachers (in the Fulbright program) but the
academic roles and methods are so foreign that the Americans feel
they have little influence. The missionary or Christian colleges
are still too close to the British colonial third culture to accept
Americans easily as colleagues; however, the intellectual climate
makes this role increasingly possible within these institutions. The
modern-oriented Pakistani institutions appear to be better suited for
the participation of Americans as colleagues because of the high
percentage of Pakistani faculty with a modern third-cultural ex-
perience. However, today in Pakistan there are no Americans in the
role of colleague in these institutions; all of the Americans in the
modern-oriented Pakistani institutions are advisors.

Pakistani professors today do not want either foreign
administrators or American advisors. They accept advisors as part

of a transitional stage, yet they clearly prefer Americans to act as

187

colleagues. However, there is some question whether the social and
cultural basis exists as yet for Americans to be fully accepted as
colleagues. We have noted earlier in the chapter some of the cul-
tural differences which produce stress among those seeking to occupy
colleague positions. In addition to these there are social factors
which discourage cross-cultural entertaining and the development of
a bi-national community.

Kinship groupings and responsibilities are extremely im-
portant to the Pakistani educators, and when they go home at night
they enter another world. Less than half of the wives of Muslim
professors received any education past the primary level, so for
the professors to involve themselves in kinship social activities
requires a segmentation of roles from that of professor. This is
particularly true in the case of women professors who must prepare
their classwork during the day because when they reach home all of
their remaining time is devoted to the duties of Pakistani wife and
mother.

For the Americans social activities are conducted within
homes, involving married couples. Two thirds of the wives of Muslim
professors cannot speak English and about half of them are still in
purdah. Thus Pakistanis invited into American homes for mixed social
events are embarrassed to come alone, but even more embarrassed to
bring their wives. Pakistanis are reluctant to invite Americans
into their homes for the same reason. The Asian custom of enter-
taining lavishly is an additional factor discouraging the entertaining
of Americans, because the cost is prohibitive.

Christian Pakistani professors have wives who are better

188

educated and more apt to be fluent in English. This is a reflec-
tion of the role women have in the Christian community, and the
greater encouragement Christian girls receive to continue their ed-
ucation through high school and even college. But even with educated
Pakistani Christian couples there is very little entertaining of
American families--less than once every three months on an average
for those interviewed. Thus the wife's education is not the only
hindrance to bi-national social interaction.

A Muslim characteristic (shared by most Pakistani Christians)
which serves to limit interaction with Americans is their attitude
toward alcoholic beverages. Two thirds of the Pakistani faculty are
offended by Americans who serve liquor. They regard this as an in-
excusable expression Of American insensitivity to their values and
customs. Approximately six of the twenty-two professors who have
returned from the United States are known to drink and enjoy being
entertained in American homes for this specific reason. But the
importance of cocktails in American social life, and their negative
evaluation in Pakistani society generally have added another stress
to cross-cultural relations.

In addition to these aspects of Muslim culture there were
the particular political conditions of 1964-1965 that limited the
interaction of Americans and Pakistanis. Except for a few weeks
during the war between India and Pakistan in September 1965 there
was no breakdown of social interaction; but for the months prior to
this there was increasing estrangement, and for the remainder of
1965 after the war there was little or no entertaining in either

direction. Even during the period of greatest bi-national social

189

interaction, the winter Of 1964-1965, on the average Pakistanis were
in the homes of Americans less than once a month; Americans were in
Pakistani homes only once or twice a year.

But the "Old hands" see all of this as just a temporary
set-back. The new intellectual tradition has been planted in Pak-
istan and there is evidence that it has taken root. Throughout our
experience in Pakistan we met both Americans and Pakistanis who
expressed values of the modern third culture as it is emerging
world-wide: equality, tolerance, science, technological change,
and a broad historical perspective. We think of the able, mature
Muslim professor in a Christian college who had given his life to
serve in an institution that he felt was "a beacon of secularism,"
the young librarian in a university with whom we quickly felt a
common bond in our values and world-view, the Chief-Of-Party of one
of the American teams with his dozens of intimate Pakistani friend-
ships deveIOped over a period of ten years, the old missionary pro-
fessor who was a prOphet of the new third culture forty years ago in
the midst of British colonial India, and the hard-drinking AID ad-
visor who entertained an average of seventy-five Pakistanis a month
in his home, and was esteemed by conservative and liberal Pakistanis
alike.

The third culture is changing in Pakistan. In the midst
of a nationalistic reaction against the colonial third culture that
passed away more than twenty years ago, the new patterns are emerging
in the educational institutions of the nation. The half-way or
transitional third culture represented by the advisor is not well

received in Pakistan today. But Americans are increasingly

190

challenged and prepared to be colleagues with Pakistani professors
who themselves are now commonly educated in the West. It will be
some time yet before the social structures and cultural norms of
Pakistani educators will support bi-national communities, but the
modern third cultural roles held by a new generation Of Pakistanis
may be transferred into other areas of life and thus speed the
cultural changes that are taking place in many aspects of Pakistani

society, apart from the educational institutions and the American

professors.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Altekar, A. S.
1965 Education in India.
Maldahiya, Varanasi, India: Nand Kishore & Brothers.

Ashby, Eric
1966 Universities: British.fiIndianlgAfrican.
London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson.

Byrnes, Francis C.
1966 "Role Shock: An Occupational Hazard of American
Technical Assistants Abroad"
The Annals of the American Academy_of Political and
Social Science, November, 1966: 95-108.

Chamberlain, William I.
1899 Education in India.
New York: Columbia University.

Comfort, Richard O.
1957 The Village_Church in West Pakistan.
Lahore: West Pakistan Christian Council.

Commission on Christian Higher Education in India
1931 Report of the Commission on Christian Higher Education
in India.
London: Oxford University Press.

Curle, Adam
1966 Planning for Education in Pakistan.
Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press.

Eglar, Zekiye
1960 A Punjabi Village in Pakistan.
New York: Columbia University Press.

Eddy, Sherwood
1911 India Awakening.
New York: Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A.

Gittings, James A.
1964 "Pakistan, Islam and a Broom"
Crossroads, April-June 1964.
New York: The United Presbyterian Church.

Goodwin, Leonard
1964 American Professors in Asia.
Washington, D. C.: Conference Board of Associated
Research Councils.

191

192

Gaudino, Robert L.
1965 The Indian University.
Bombay: Popular Prakashan.

Glover, Robert H.
1960 The Progress of World-Wide Missions.
New York: Harper and Brothers.

Hasan, Malik Z.
1948 Educating Pakistan.
Lahore: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf.

Hewes, Gordon W.
1961 "The Ecumene as a Civilizational Multiplier System"
Kroeber Anthropological Societnyapers 25:73-110.

Huq, Muhammad Shamsul
1965 Education and Development Strategy in South and
Southeast Asia.
Honolulu: East-West Center Press.

Kroeber ’ Ae Le
1946 "The Ancient Oikoumene as a Historic Culture Aggregate?
Journal of the Royal Anthropolggical Institute 75:9-20;
(reprinted in Kroeber, A. L.. The Nature of Culture,
379-395, Chicago: University of Chicago, 1960).

Latourette, Kenneth S.
1944 A History of the EXpansion of Christianity, Volume VI,
The Great Century.
New York: Harper and Brothers.

1945 A Historyyof the Expansion of Christianity._Volume VII,
Advance Throggh Storm.
New York: Harper and Brothers.

Loomis, Charles P.
1959a "Systemic Linkage of El Cerrito"
Rural Sociology 24:54-57.

1959b "Tentative Types of Directed Social Change Involving
Systemic Linkage"
Rural Sociology 24:383-390.

1960 Social Systems.
New York: D. Van Nostrand Company.

Mason, Philip (Editor)
1967 India and Ceylon: Unity and Diversigy.
London: Oxford University Press.

193

McNeill, William H.
1963 The Rise of the West.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan
1961 Report of the Commission on National Education,
January-August 1959.
Karachi: Government of Pakistan Press.

Neill, Stephen
1966 Colonialism and Christian Missions.
New York: McCraw-Hill Book Company.

Pickett, Jarrell W.
1933 Christian Mass Movements in India.
New York: Abingdon Press.

Powdermaker, Hortense
1966 Stranger and Friend: The Way of an Anthropoligist.
New York: W. W. Norton and Company.

Shah, A. B. (Editor)
1967 Education. Scientific Policy and Developing Societies.
Bombay: Manaktalas.

Shils, Edward A.
1961 The Intellectual Between Tradition and Modernity.
The Hague: Mouton.

Siqueira, T. N.
1960 Modern Indian Education.
Calcutta: Oxford University Press.

Sjoberg, Gideon
1960 The Preindustrial City.
Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press.

Spear, Percival
1965 A History_of Igdia, Volume Two.
Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books Ltd.

Spicer, Edward H.
1958 "Social Structure and the Acculturation Process"

American AnthrOpologist 60: 433-441.

Storm, William B., and Jason L. Finkle
1965 American Professionals in Technical Assistance: A
Preliminary Report.
Los Angeles: School of Public Administration, University
of Southern California.

United

Useem,

Useem,

Useem,

194

States Department of State
1964 American Professors in Asia.
Washington, D. C.: Conference Board of Associated
Research Councils.

John
1966 "Work Patterns of Americans in India"
The Annals of the American Academy_of Political and
Social Science, November, 1966: 146-170.

John and Ruth
1967 "The Interfaces of a Binational Third Culture: A
Study of the American Community in India"
The Journal of Social Issues 23: 130-143.

John, Ruth Hill Useem and John Donoghue
1963 "Men in the Middle of the Third Culture"

Human Organization 22: 169-179.

Wallace, Ae Fe Ce

1961 Culture and Personality.

New York: Random House.

Wilcox, Wayne A.

1963 PakiStane
New York: Columbia University Press.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR AMERICAN PROFESSORS

First a Few Questions About Yourself

1.

2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.

15.

16.
17.

18.

19.

What is the title of your position here? (rank, specialty,
school)

What is your age?

Are you married?

Is your wife here with you?

(If so) Do you have any children?

What are their ages?

Are they here with you, or where?

What academic degrees do you hold? (degree, field, school)
What jobs have you held since your Master's degree?

What education has your wife had?

Have you lived in any other foreign country? (where, how long)
What were you doing there?

How did you feel about this experience?

Did it have any bearing on your decision to come out here?

Have you had any experience in the U.S. working with peOple
from other nations?

How did you feel about this experience?
Did it have any bearing on your decision to come out here?

What are some of the reasons you decided to take this present
job in Pakistan?

As you see it today, what are some Of the advantages of your
job and situation here?

196

20.

21.

22.

23.
24.
25.
26.
27.

28.

29.

197

As you see it today, what are some of the disadvantages of your
job and situation here?

Have you studied Urdu or Punjabi while here in Pakistan? (how
much time spent?) ’

Do you think a knowledge of Urdu or Punjabi is/would be help-
ful in your job?

When did you begin working here in Pakistan?

When does your present contract expire?

Have you considered extending your contract? Why?

What professional position will you be returning to next?

What job is your goal, or expected final position in your career?

Have you attended religious services or meetings while over here?
About how often?

Have you ever talked to any Pakistani colleagues about your own
religious views?

Now a Few Questions about Your Living Situation Here

30.
31.
32.
33.

34.

35.

36.

37.

38.

39.

How many servants do you have? (What are their jobs?)

How would you say it worked out for you, to have servants?
What nationality are most of your neighbors?

What interaction or contact do you have with your neighbors?

How do you feel about your house and the neighborhood in which
you live?

Where do your children attend school?

Is each of your children happy in his living and school situa-
tion? (If not, why not?)

How does your wife spend her time over here?

How does your wife feel about living over here in comparison
with the States? (favorable/unfavorable)

What effect has her attitude toward your job and organization
had upon your work?

40.

41.

42.

43.

45.

46.

47.

48.

49.
50.

51.

52.

53.

54.
55.

56.

57.

198

Has your wife been able to contribute to the work you are doing
here?

What are the various groups of Americans living here? (in
Lahore/other)

How do you feel about some of these other groups of Americans
over here--how do they differ from your group, in the way they
live, or in their general attitude? (take the groups, individ-
ually)

What are the mainly American groups or activities you belong to
or attend?

How Often do you attend these, in an average month?

How often does your wife attend these, in the same period of
time?

Is this participation less or more frequent than the average
American in your group?

From what group are some of the other Americans you enjoy being
with most?

How frequently do you get together with these friends? (in an
average month)

What do you do when you get together with these friends?
What do you talk about?

What is the common interest or reason for doing things with
these particular friends?

What other foreigners besides Americans live around here?

Do you have any friends from these groups? (what particular
nationality and groups are they from?)

Have you had these friends to your home?
What do you do socially with these friends? How often?

How do these peOple seem to differ from the Americans here, in
their relations with Pakistanis?

Do you think your group (the Americans in this institution) dif-
fers in behavior or attitude from the other Americans living
around here?

58.

59.

199

Do you see any connection between the work of your group here
and that of the other American groups?

Have any other Americans done anything that has either helped
or hindered the work of your group--(either personally or as
organizations)?

Now some Questions about Your Job and the Organization Here

60.

61.
62.

63.

64.

65.

66.

67.

68.

69.

70.

71.

72.

73.

What are your specific duties and responsibilities? (how much
time does each take?)

Describe briefly a typical working day (who, what, how long).
Who are the Pakistanis with whom you work most closely?

What exactly are their jobs and how are they related to yours?
(including whether superior/colleague/subordinate)

What actually do you do--and how do you act--in your job as
(advisor/counterpart/fellow colleague)?

Exactly how does each of them respond and react to what you do?

Is rank very important in your relationship with them? (what
titles or language of respect is used?)

Can you think of anything in the behavior or attitude of the
Americans in this group that could annoy or offend the Pakistani
staff?

What are some of the problems, as you see them, in being an ad-
visor or counterpart? (what are some of the things Pakistani
staff do, or don't do, which makes it difficult?)

Do you think you have had less or more problems along this line
than most of the other Americans here (in this institution)?

What have you done about this situation?

When you have a disagreement with a subordinate Pakistani staff
member how is it usually resolved?

When you have a disagreement with a superordinate Pakistani
staff member how is it usually resolved?

You may have to think a little about this one--What is the most
important service or contribution you hope to make while in
Pakistan?

 

III E

74.

75.

76.

77.

78.

79.

80.

81.

82.

83.

84.

85.

86.

87.

88.

89.

90.

200

Have Pakistani colleagues often discussed their personal life
or problems with you? What sort of question or matter is dis-
cussed?

How do you feel about this sort of relationship?

Have any Pakistani colleagues used a personal relationship with
you to ask favors, or to help reach personal goals? (give

example)

Have you worked out some sort of "line" or way of dealing with
these requests?

Do you think you are easier with the Pakistanis, in doing what
they ask, than the other Americans?

If": H: "minim

When talking casually with Pakistani staff members are there any
topics you try to avoid discussing?

What topics are most apt to be discussed in "small talk" or in
a casual situation?

What is the most important factor here in getting promoted or
receiving a raise in pay?

Do you think rank or position is very important to the Pakistani
staff?

What are some of the ways they show that they have high rank or
position (in their behavior)?

Are there some Pakistani staff with whom you feel more comfort-
able or at ease?

What about these particular individuals makes you feel this way?
Has there been any changeover in leadership positions here--from
Pakistani to American or American to Pakistani--since you have

been here?

(Ifso) What specific changes have you observed in the way things
are done? '

(If so) What changes have you noticed in the relationship of the
Pakistani and American staff?

What changes have you noticed in the relationship of the Pakis-
tani and American staff since the war began?

In what ways is it more difficult to get things done in this
organization than in a comparable organization in the U.S.?

91.

92.

93.

94.

95.

96.

97.

98.
99.

100.

101.

102.
103.

104.

105.

106.

107.

108.

109.

110.

201

In what ways is it easier to get things done here than in a
comparable organization in the U.S.?

In your department who makes most of the decisions and how are
they made?

How does your presence affect the decisions made by the depart-
ment head (or counterpart)?

Which decisions are made jointly in committee or staff meetings?

In what ways do committee meetings here differ from those in
the U.S.--in what is accomplished or in how it is done?

1"
How do the Pakistani staff seem to feel about having Americans §
here on the staff? i
Has there been a change in their attitudes about this in the 3

past few years?

,In what way?

For what possible reasons?

How does the Pakistani staff here feel about American educa-
tion--its goals and methods?

Has there been a change in their attitude about this in the
past few years?

In what way?
For what possible reasons?

In what ways have you found your role different from what you
eXpected it to be?

Who helped you to learn your job over here, or who did you ask
for advice or suggestions those early months?

How have you modified the job since taking over, or since being
in it for awhile?

How do you think you do your job differently from the way a
Pakistani faculty member would do it?

What has been the reaction to the way you perform your job?

What attitudes or actions of the Pakistani staff were difficult
to adjust to, or have tended to annoy you?

 

Are there any groups or factions in Pakistani society that
would Oppose what this institution is trying to do?

111.

112.

113.

114.

115.

116.

117.

118.

119.

120.

121.

122.

123.

124.

202

Has there been any actual Opposition to the institution?
(What?)

What organizations or factions in Pakistani society would be
apt to support or defend the work of the institution?

Has there been any act of support for the institution by some
element in Pakistani society? Please describe how it happened.

Have some of the Pakistani staff been educated in the United
States?

(If so) What are some of the ways these individuals show that
they have been to the U.S.? (habits, attitudes, possessions)

What sort of adjustment have they made to life here after re-
turning from the U.S.?

What problems have they had in fitting in, and working with
the organization here?

What would you say is the greatest contribution these people
are making to the institution because of their experience and/
or training in the U.S.?

Are they more responsive to American-proposed innovations?

Do you believe it is a wise plan to send these Pakistanis to
the U.S. for education? (Why?)

What is the relationship between this group (American) and the
parent organization (AID, Ford, etc.)?

How does the American group allocate their own roles?

How does the American group support one another in shared
functions?

How does the American group cope with differences among them-
selves?

Finally. some Questions about Your Social Activities with Pakistanis

 

125.

126.
127.

128.

How often, this past year, have you been in Pakistani homes,
say in an average month?

What was the purpose of these visits?
Who else was present (number, nationality, couples, etc.)?

What did you do?

. Q.“ kuim‘. “fl
. , l '

 

129.

130.

I31.

133.
134.

135.

136.

137.

138.

139.

140.

141.

142.

143.

144.

145.
146.

147.

148.

203

What did you talk about?

What are some of the reasons or Obstacles that might keep you
from being invited or from dropping into Pakistani homes more
often?

How often, this past year, have you had Pakistanis into your
home, say in an average month? (by invitation--"drop ins")

What was the purpose Of their visit?
What did you do during these times?
What did you talk about?

What are some of the reasons or obstacles that tend to keep you
from having Pakistanis into your home more often?

What are some of the reasons you have for entertaining Pakis-
tanis in your home?

How do your social activities differ from season to season?

What are some of the local groups or activities where Americans
can meet and get to know Pakistanis?

Which of these do you attend?

How often have you attended these functions the past year, say
in an average month?

How often has your wife attended (in an average month)?

Does your wife ever feel uncomfortable or annoyed in Pakistani-
American gatherings? (Why?)

What social contact do you have with students? (doing what,
how often)

How often have you had them into your home? (how many usually;
for what purpose)

How does this usually work out?

How do you feel about doing this?

Would you say your social contact with Pakistanis has been less
or more frequent than what other Americans in your group have

had?

What are some of the reasons that might account for this?

149.

150.

204

In what ways do you feel you have changed personally as the
result of your time over here in Pakistan?

Can you think of anything I have not asked about, which might
help me to better understand your OXperience over here?

1.1;...

APPENDIX B

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE FOR PAKISTANI PROFESSORS

First a Few Questions About Yourself

1.

2.
3.
4.

5.

6.
7.
8.

9.

10.

11.
12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

What is your position, what field do you teach, in what insti-
tution?

What is your age?
Are you married?
Do you have any children? What are their ages?

What academic degrees do you hold, from what institution, in
what fields?

What education has your wife been able to have?
What professional positions have you held?
Where have you lived most of your life? (city or a village)

Do you often speak English with other Pakistanis? In what
situations would you be apt to do this?

Do you feel comfortable in the use of the English language when
talking with Americans?

In what situations do your parents speak English?
In what situations does your wife speak English?

Do you think your parents' generation was more religious than
your generation? In what way? '

Are your own beliefs about the same as the rest of your genera-
tion?

How can Islamic traditions be given greater importance in Pak-
istan, than at present? What specific kinds of Islamic tradi-
tions?

In what educational subjects of the university curriculum should
Islamic/Christian values and approaches be presented?

205

.- ‘Ifa’ii‘h‘

 

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

Now

23.

24.

25.
26.
27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

32.

33.

34.

206

How long is it going to take to adOpt the Urdu language for
instruction in the universities and colleges of Pakistan? How
is this going to work out?

In ten years what place will English have in this institution?
Today the whole world is in the process of change. Certainly
Pakistan is changing very rapidly. What kind of changes are

most desirable for Pakistan, at this particular time?

What sort Of changes--in customs and values--should be avoided
by Pakistan? (Western culture?)

Have you ever lived in a foreign country? What country? How
long? What were you doing there?

H _ __ _._.. -....._____.
.-
4

Have you had any difficulty in this institution using or put-
ting into practice what you learned there? (In what way?)

some Questions about Your Job and the Organization Here

What are the specific duties and responsibilities of your job?

Describe a typical work day to me--who you see and talk with,
meetings you attend, etc. (Get details)

Who are the Americans with whom you work most closely?
How is your job related to theirs?
What is an "advisor?”

When you serve as a counterpart to (the American) what exactly
do you 22 in this role?

What should they do?

What are some of the advantages of your having an American as a
counterpart?

What are some of the disadvantages of your having an American
as a counterpart?

When did you start working here? (for this institution) How
many years now?

What are some of the reasons you decided to take this present
job?

What is the most important factor in getting promoted or re-
ceiving a raise in pay?

35.

36.

37.

38.

39.

40.

41.

42.

43.

44.

45.

46.

47.

48.

49.

50.

207

Do you think the staff members are very conscious of their rank
or position? How do they show this?

Which decisions about the institution are made in formal (com-
mittee) meetings?

Which decisions are made more casually, say over tea?

Does the presence of an American in the department influence
which kinds of decisions are made formally and informally?

What do you hOpe to accomplish in your job? What do you think
is the most important part of your job, influencing the values
and beliefs of students or teaching sociology (use interviewee's
field)?

,, my“!

How well does discussion work out as a classroom technique in
the courses you teach?

Are there any American educational methods that you feel can be
adopted here in your department? What are these?

If the leadership position in this institution has changed--
from Pakistani to American or from American to Pakistani--what
specific changes have you observed in the organization, and in
the relations of the Pakistanis and Americans?

How has this change affected you?
Do you discuss personal matters or problems with Americans on
the staff? (say your relation with other staff or problems with

your children?) How often have you done this?

Do they discuss their personal matters or problems with you?
What did you tell them?

Are there any tOpics you avoid discussing, or have found it best
not to talk about with the Americans on the staff?

What things are you most apt to talk about in casual conversa-
tion with Americans while at work?

Do Americans ever use Urdu in talking with you? Who? How often?
In what circumstances? How do you feel about it?

Have some Americans on the staff done special favors for you?
What? How often?

Have you done special favors for any of the Americans on the
staff? What kind of thing?

51.

52.

53.

54.

55.

56.

57.

58.

59.

60.

61.

62.

63.

64.

208

When there is a disagreement between yourself and an American
staff member, do you handle it the same way as if he were a
Pakistani? How does it work out?

Let's take an example of first an American as your boss, say
your department head, then we'll consider the situation where

an American is your colleague--same level as yourself--then we'll
take the case where an.American is your subordinate, your assis-
tant. How would each of these be apt to work out, and why?

(take each individually)

Are any of the problems you face in your work directly the re-
sult of an American or Americans with whom you work? Please
describe this situation. E

What have you done about this situation?

.... ..,-__..—.---
.‘ l
.

Are there any of the Americans (at work) with whom you feel more
comfortable and at ease?

What is it about these particular Americans that makes you feel
this way?

Do you talk over with other Pakistanis how to understand the
Americans with whom you work? Under what circumstances and what
sort of things do you discuss?

Do you talk over with other Pakistanis how to deal with the
Americans with whom you work? Under what circumstances and what
sort of things do you discuss?

Are the Americans in this institution typical of the Americans
who live in Pakistan? (If not, how do they differ?)

Do you think the Americans in Pakistan are fairly typical of
the peOple of the United States? (If not, how do they differ?)

What are some of the traits or characteristics of the Americans
in this institution that tend to annoy you?

Do you think the Americans here are more conscious of belonging
to the BLANK [American university administering the contract] or
the BLANK [local Pakistani institution]? Which is mot. im-
portant to them? How do they show this?

Has there been any change in the attitude of Pakistanis toward
individual Americans who live in Pakistan, in the last few
years? (What, and for what reasons?)

Do you work with any other foreigners besides Americans? If
so, how specifically does this affect the way you work with
each group?

65.

66.

67.

209

How much contact do you have with students on campus, outside
of the classroom?

Do you have students into your home? Do they drop by, some-
times? About how often; for what reason?

Is this contact with students about the same as what the other
Pakistani staff would have? (If different) What are some of the
reasons that might account for this?

Finally. some Questions about Your Social Activities

 

68.

69.
70.

71.

72.

73.

74.

75.
76.
77.

78.

79.

80.

81.

82.

83.

When you get together with other Pakistanis are these usually
relatives or just friends?

How often are you with relatives each month? What do you do?
How often are you with friends each month? What do you do?

Do you have any European friends here (in Lahore)? (German,
British, French, etc.) What organizations are they with?

What kind of activities do you have when you meet these friends?
How Often do you get tOgether?

How often are you invited into American homes (per month)?

Whose homes have you been in recently (not names, just what or-
ganization are they with)?

What was the purpose of these visits? What did you do?

Who else was present? (Pakistani/American)

How often have you had Americans into your home (per month)?

Who is it that you invite (not names, just what group are they
with)? By themselves, or in groups? Mixed (Pakistani-American)
groups?

Is this for tea, or a meal, or what?

Are there any organizations or activities in Lahore where you
meet and get to know Americans? What are these?

How often do you attend these functions? (Per month)

Are there any reasons that keep you from having Americans into
your home more often?

How much opportunity does your wife have to meet the American
wives of the American men you work with?

3'7 LWE Us“!

'5:-

Er:

84.

85.

86.
87.

88.

89.

90.

91.

210

Does your wife feel at all uncomfortable in mixed Pakistani-
American gatherings? What is it that makes her feel uncom-
fortable?

What sort of contribution does your wife make to your job and
your career?

How does she feel toward your work?
What effect does her happiness here have upon your work?

What specifically do you talk about with Americans, when you are
together socially?

Would you say your social contact with Americans has been less
or more than what the other Pakistani staff have had?

What are some of the reasons that might account for this?

Can you think of anything I have not asked, that you think might
help me to understand your position or activities better?

APPENDIX C

CATEGORIES 0F INTERVIEWEES

American Professors

1. Male AID advisor

2. Male AID advisor

3. Male AID advisor

4. Male AID advisor

5. Male AID advisor

6. Male AID advisor

7. Male AID advisor

8. Male AID advisor

9. Male AID advisor

10. Male AID advisor

11. Male AID advisor

12. Female missionary colleague
13. Female missionary colleague
14. Female missionary colleague
15.‘ Female missionary colleague
16. Male missionary colleague
17. Male missionary colleague
18. Male missionary administrator
19. Male missionary administrator
20. Male Fulbright colleague
21. Male Fulbright colleague

22. Male Fulbright colleague

211

new

212

23. Male Ford Foundation advisor

24. Male AID advisor

25. Male AID advisor

26. (number not used)

27. Male Ford Foundation advisor

28. Male AID advisor

29. (number not used)

30. Male AID advisor

31. Male AID advisor

32. (number not used)

33. Male AID advisor

34. Male AID advisor

35. Male AID advisor

36. Male missionary colleague

37. Male missionary administrator
38. Male missionary administrator
39. Male missionary colleague

40. Male missionary administrator
41. Male missionary colleague

42. Male missionary colleague

43. Female Ford Foundation advisor

Pakistani Professors

101. Male professor in institution with AID advisors
102. Male professor in institution with AID advisors
103. Male professor in institution with AID advisors

104. Male professor in institution with AID advisors

105.
106.
107.
108.
109.
110.
111.
112.
113.
114.
115.
116.
117.
118.
119.
120.
121.
122.
123.
124.
125.
126.
127.
128.
129.
130.

131.

213

Male professor in institution with AID advisors

Female professor in institution with AID advisors

Female professor in institution with AID advisors

Male

Male

Male

Male

Female administrator in Christian college

Female professor in Christian college

professor
professor
professor

professor

in

in

in

in

institution with AID advisors

institution with AID advisors

institution with AID advisors

institution with AID advisors

'V ‘3'. is. WA‘ m1
.. .

Female professor in Christian college

Female professor in Christian college

Male

Male

Male

Male

Male

Male

Male

Male

Male

professor
professor
professor
professor
professor
professor
professor
professor

professor

in

in

in

in

in

in

in

in

in

(number not used)

Male professor in

Male professor in

(number not used)

Male professor in

Male professor in

Male professor in

Christian college
Christian college
Christian college
Christian college
Christian college
department with Fulbright professors
department with Fulbright professors
Christian college

Christian college

institution with AID advisors

institution with Ford Foundation advisor

institution with AID advisors
institution with AID advisors

institution with AID advisors

132.
133.
134.
135.
136.
137.
138.
139.
140.
141.
142.
143.
144.
145.

146.

214

Male professor in institution with AID advisors
Male professor in institution with AID advisors
(number not used)

(number not used)

Male administrator in Christian college

Male administrator in Christian college

Male professor in Christian college

’5

Male professor in Christian college

A

Male professor in Christian college

Male professor in Christian college

Male administrator in Christian college

Female administrator in institution with Ford Foundation advisor
Male professor in Christian college

Male administrator in institution with AID advisors

Male professor in Christian college

"mummy