THE CHURCH AND FEUDALVSOCIETY IN TENTH-CENTURY FRANCE Thesis for the Defiree of Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY William Christopher Morgah, m 1966 -p- ~»-;..-u.r . .‘..~,-,-‘...n — . r», -3.» JA‘X‘- I. W H ‘ 111W WT WW LIB P. I"? :\ } Michigan} 'iltatc University H lllfli WW 3 1293 00696 8246 This is to certify that the thesis entitled THE CHURCH AND FEUDAL SOCIETY IN TENTH-CENTURY FRANCE presented by I William Christopher Morgan, III I has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for QM Zeém l Major professor Date VII/0*“? {£21,966 O-169 «NW 3% nae} ‘ . 1 - .._" -‘ ‘ ‘{.“af¥l } THE CHURCH AND FEUDAL SOCIETY IN mun-0mm FRANCE BY Hillier! Christopher lbrgan, III AN ABSTRACT OF A TBSIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of History 1955 ABSTRACT mmmmsocm'! II UTE-CENTURY FRANCE by William Mistopher )Iorgaa, III he breakup of the Carolinsian Expire betwnn 8143 and 887 reduced the western l'rankish kingdom to political and social anarchy. his condition con-- tinued during the tenth century (887-987), a period that witnessed the nJor dynastic struggle between the Carolingian and Robertian families. During this period the mission of the Church was seriously impeded and the morality of the clergy suffered badly under the depredations of the barbarian invaders and the feudal warriors . he Church sank to the nadir of corruption in France between 337 and 937. Imersed in the political chaos, the Church simultaneously at- tempted to reform itself tron within. Gradually, the murch emerged as a self— interested third party caught between the warring political factions of tenth- oentury name. As it struggled to achieve its own salvation throng: reform, the march exerted a reforming influence upon feudal society. it. progress of the reform aovement created a climate of opinion that influenced political affairs. 1'0 nintain. that the Revolution of 987 was a conscious attempt to 0291! the ideals of ecclesiastical reform to a vexing political problem would be misleading. no evidence will not support this conclusion. It would appear, hovever, that the Revolution of 987 was to some degree a natural re- William Christopher Korean, III sult, although perhaps not inspired by a deliberate policy of this reform spirit . breover, the reform spirit was the motivating force behind the peace movement, vhich instituted the Peace of God and the Truce of God in an effort to curb political amrchy. The peace movement originated in France toiard the end of the tenth century. The solution to the political disorder in tenth-century France, and particularly to the long dynastic struggle be- tween the carolingians and the Robertians, becoae meaningful when seen in their relationship to the Church reforn movement . m CHURCH AID 11:an socmr II THEE-CHM FRANCE BI Hilliaa Christopher Harman, III A MSIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR 0! moors! Department of History 1965 h: ACHWTS My thanks go out to Professor Richard D. Sullivan for having helped and tutored me in countless ways over several years. His ideas concerning the research and writing of this dissertation have been of enormous help. I have found that w course in medieval history is essentially what he taught as. his nn's inspired teaching, superior scholarship, and warm friendship are, indeed, a rare combination of virtues to be found in a single human be- ing. Be well deserves the devotion of his graduate students . Vassi Richardi 51m et fir-tati sunt . Professor Arnold Williams of the Department of English at Michigan State finiversity guided in research on a paper that I wrote in his seminar entitled, "An trample of Cultural Achievement in the Tenth Century: Benedic- tine Reform and Liturgical Drama". A part of that paper has found its way back into mm mm of this dissertation. I wish to acknowledge Professor Hillians ' help and to offer my thanks and appreciation. W wife, Barbara, deserves more credit than anyone else for the com- Pletion of this dissertation. fire has endured mch. My accomplishments are hers. “1°40, mic WALK. ii TABLE OF CON'ENTS nmwmmvrs . . . . . . . . . . . . . mm or comma ABBREVIATIONS . . .. . . . . . . . . . mower-m . . . . . . . . PART I. TE CHURCH TERRORIZED: THE NIGEI'HARE OF HORROR AND DESTRUCTION Chapter I. TRIBARBARIANBLITZKRIEG . . . II. In VIOIENT FEUDAL WARRIORS . . . PART II. m CHURCH GALVANIZED: THE REVIVAL AND OFFENSIVE THROUGH REFORM III- MOONSCENCEOFANOUTRAGED SOCIETY . . . IV. THEIMPACTOFmNASTICREFORM. . . . . . . PART III. TE CHURCH INSPIRED: THE VISION OF STABIIJTY AND PEACE V- THE SOIIJTION TO m POLITICAL CHAOS . COHCWSION . . BELIWRAPHI . . iii Page ii iii iv 13 56 91+ 133 187 2&1 2th 267 WTIORS be following abbreviations have been used in the footnotes of this dissertation to cite mJor printed collections of primary sources: gigs . . . . . . . . . . . .gg . . . . . . . . . . . . Ihnsi . . . . . . . .ygg, ss . . . . . . g5 . . . . . . iv Acta Sanctorum. Joannes Hollandus, et al. (ed.) 60 volumes. Paris: 1863-67. Recueil des Historians des Gaules et de la mace. thrtin Bouquet, et al. (ed.) 2h volumes. Paris : 1738-190h . Sacrorum Conciliorum et Decretorum Nova emlissim Collectio. Joannes Dominicus Lanai. red.) 53 volumes. Paris: 1901-27. Monuments Germaniae Historica, Scrip- tores. Geo Heinrich Parts, et al. (ed. 32 volumes in 3H. Hanover: 1826-1933. Patrologiae cursus eggpletus . Series Iatina. J. P. Mignea (ed!)" 221 volumes. Paris: IBM-6h. INTROWCTION 'lhe traditional view of feudal society during the tenth century was established by a nineteenth-century French historian named Henri thrtin. lbrtin, in a famous phrase, referred to that time as ". . . the era of fraud “4 9f 11“. , , ,"1 Before and after sex-tin a number of Clie's pupils have come forward periodically to render their Judgments. Admittedly, the task of studying the age and drawing a conclusion about it has proved a tempting, if not always fruitful, task. For the evidence is very often contradictory as well as being scarce. Nevertheless, this first feudal age continues to be reinterpreted by each succeeding generation of scholars. Over the years the _d_i£_t;a_ of some famous historians have created a body of opinion of which some notice ought to be taken at the outset of this dissertation. It is instruc- tive to note how the attitudes of past historians have changed. Parentheti- cally, one will perhaps observe from this that although men may aspire in theory to a scientific method of history writing, they seldom achieve this noble aim in fact. And so the views concerning the tenth century, like those of other times, have undergone gradual revision. The tenth century has not suffered either with the further passage of time since Martin's day. 'Ihat is not to say that the present generation, or those in between our own time and thrtin's, have viewed feudal society in tenth-century France as an age of 3.1- den days. Far from it. It was, no doubt, a century of incredible hardships. —. J’Henri Martin, Histeire de France des uis les t s les plus reculgs Jusfl'en 11§2 (17 volumes; Paris: 1355-355, II, 5%: ". . . l'ere de la fraude et du mensenge. . . . One of the famous nineteenth-century writers of French history was Jules Michelet. Michelet was a rosantic, whose sympathetic curiosity and feelings for the past inspired a majestic Histoire de France in sixteen vol- umes. ‘lhe work is as much literature as history. It was Michelet who popu— larized the idea that the Christian populace of Western Europe was terrorized at the approach of the year 1000.2 It was thought, according to Michelet, that the world would end in an apocalyptic reign of terror under the Antichrist. ms eschatological vision coincided neatly with the Christian teleological view of history: the and of the world would come, the Antichrist would be overthrown, and at the Last Judment God would make a grim reckoning of the deeds of His Christian people. Michelet was following the testimony of Raoul Glaber (the Bald-Pate), a wstical Burgundian monk, who may well have been the first French historian with that peculiar talent for understanding the popular mentality. As far as the tenth century is concerned, it was assumed by inche- let and later historians that only a century of terror, darkness, and violence could have produced such widespread popular fear. But these, in fact, were not the causes of the "Terrors of the year 1000". Michelet, like Raoul Glaber, probably sacrificed accuracy for artistry, at least from a "modern, scientific" point of view. However, both portrayals of that society, like two impression- ists' works of art, contain elements of truth dimly seen across the centuries. The monk Raoul was, after all, a contemporary. he view of Henri mrtin, quoted above, was elaborated upon in the brilliant and highly readable history of the French nation by Victor Danni. M wrote "wet" history, a term used here to embasize a distinction from “i ’ 2Jules Michelet, Histoire de France (Hdition Definitive, Revue et Corrigee; 16 volumes; Paris: 1393-99), II, 102-07. that other variety. For Duruy the tenth century was a period of despair, chaos, and confusion, unrelieved even in the eleventh century: "Outside (the monasteries) black darkness reigned; appalling misery, physical and moral, pestilence, and famine; it seemed that physical death was to take possession of the world, that intellectual death had almost conquered it; it believed it- self about to perish."3 Dimiy's sentiments were echoed by Jacques Bainville, who decided that the ". . . tenth century is probably the most atrocious in French history. It was worse than anything that had been seen in the time of the fall of Rome or during the dying years of the Merovingian.“ Frantz Funck-Brentano reached a similar conclusion.5 Francois Guizot viewed the ninth and tenth centuries with the bias of a nationalist historian who saw no unifying elements in the early feudal age.6 Even Ferdinand Lot thought that the tenth century in France was a period void of political ideas. Events seemed to fall upon one another only by chance. he result was confusion: a chaotic mass which Lot's incisive in- vestigations cut through, probed, examined fact by fact, and then restored to order with all of the consummate skill of an historical scholar in his role as 3Victor Durmr, A Short History of France (2 volumes; Everyman's Library; London: 1918), I, 200-01. llJacques Bainville, History of France, Translated by Alice Gauss and Christian Gauss (New York: 1926), p. 27. 5Frantz Funck-Brentano, The Middle Ages ('nie National Histolof France, II), Translated from the French by Elizabeth O'Neill (New York: 1925), pp. 1-3. 6Francois Guizot, A Popular History of France from the Earliest Times, Translated by Robert Black (6 volumes; Boston: n.d.7, I, 287-88. a surgeon of the past.7 wore recently Professor Regine Pernoud has seen the tenth century in a somewhat different .light: probably one of the most surprising and most fer- tile, as she says, in all the history of France.8 René 355111013 continued the theme of revival toward the end of the tenth century, but reflects the older emphasis on political history as somehow lying at the cause: "In the night of the barbarians at its densest it had fallen to the house of Capet to bring the sun into the sky."9 Here we have the traditional implication of a hundred years when the sun failed to shine. Sédillot's words are reminiscent of that worn-out, tired point of view which has for so long afflicted the popular im- agination as it looks at the Middle Ages: the "long Gothic night", the "dark ages", "a thousand years without a bath", et cetera ad nauseam. In the modern 5933 when someone or something is bad or antiquated, it is "medieval". Al- bert Guerard reflected the continuing change in tenth- century historiography when he wrote: "In the first decades of the tenth century the Ihrk Ages were at their darkest . . . . By the middle of the eleventh century Europe appears in a new light . . . ."10 Still another verdict comes from the pen of Georges Duby, a student of Bhrc Bloch, and a leading sociolOgist-historian in France 7Ferdinand Lot, Les Derniers Canolingiens. Lothaire, Louis V, Charles de Iorraine,§2h-291(Biblioth§que de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes, fasc.17; Paris: I l , pp. 1 9. Hereafter this work will be cited as Lot, Les Derniers Carolin-glans . agateire du Pegple Francais, publiée sous la direction de I..-H. Parias, Tm: I: has Ori ines au Moyen Age (131’ siecle avant J.-c. - 1380) par Régine Pernoud volumes; Paris: 1951—53), I, 139-“)- 9Ren€ Sédillot, An Outline of French History, Translated from the French by Gerard Hopkins TNew York: 19537, p. 10h. J”Albert. Guerard, France, A Modern Histog (The Universit of Hichi n 3131;. .f the liodern grid , ed. Allan Nevins and Howard l.jL—T__£W Int: 1959 : P° 57° today. For baby the tenth century witnessed the end of the "Dark Ages " , and is the best starting point for "French Civilization".ll In addition to the views concerning tenth-century France of those his- torians cited above, one ought to note particularly the conclusions of several others who may be regarded as specialists in that period. In the late nine- teenth and early years of the twentieth century a group of French scholars pub- lished a series of monographs in the Biblioth‘eque de l'école des Hautes itudes. Taken together these works provide a carefully documented record of the poli- tical history covered in the present study. They were indispensable for the research and writing of this dissertation. Auguste Eckel's contribution was a history entitled Charles le 3%. lckel was struck by the treacherous character of the feudal baronage in the tenth century, . not only in France, but in Germany and Italy as well.12 He won- dered if the difficulties between France and Germany over Lorraine couldn't be traced to the loss of that region by Charles the Simple.13 Hiilippe Lauer wrote two monographs which form a part of this series. The first, Robert I et Raoul de Bourgogne, rois de France (923-936), deals with the two reigns immediately following that of Charles the Simple. Like Eckel, Iauer saw in the character and activities of the feudal warrior class the source for much of the turmoil of the time. Specifically, he held the French feudality, on account of their perpetual intrigues, responsible before LI'Greorges Duby and Robert mndmu, A History of French Civilization, Translated by James Blakely Atkinson (New York: 19615, pp. 3-1;. 12Auguste Eckel, Charles le Simple (Bibliothiqge de l'ficole des Hautes £393.31, fase. 121+; Paris: 1899), p. 137. Hereafter this work will be cited as Eckel, glarles 1e 8%. l3Ibid. the tribuml of History for having made it impossible to secure a lasting French domination over Lorraine and Provence. According to Lauer, Herbert II, count of Vermandois, was the villain in the piece. By implication only, for Lauer does not state it in so many words, he seems to believe that Herbert was responsible originally for the troubles of the French nation later on. He describes Herbert as the evil genius who instigated much of the trouble.“ Herbert thus becomes something of an historical scapegoat. One can scarcely fail to agree with Lauer's conclusions concerning the character of Herbert of Vermandois . Whether that tenth- century baron can be held accountable for France's difficulties with Germany in the nineteenth century is a thesis which no sane historian would care to defend. Lauer's other work, Le Regne de Louis IV d'Outre-Mer, covers the next reign. Again, the author's nationalist bias is seen as it appeared in the work on Robert and Raoul, and in Eckel's Charles 1e 3%. ‘Ihe two main objectives of Louis d'Outre-Mer were to recover Lorraine and to gain a firm hold on Nor- sandy.ls The author repudiates the idea that Germnic influence was a measure of the success of the Carolingian restoration between 936 ad 987. Rather, Lauer affirmed, that success rested squarely upon the personal ability of Louis “.16 One is inclined to the opinion that Lauer's confidence in Louis IV thhilippe Lauer Robert I et Raoul de Bourgogne, rois de France (923- 9%) (Bibliotheque de l' cole des Hautes Etudes, fasc. 188, Paris: 1910), p. Hereafter this work will be cited as Lauer, Robert et Raoul. 151111111” finer, Le Rogue de Louis IV d' Outre-Lhr (Bibliotheque de 1' Ecole des Hautes es, fasc.127; Paris: 1900), p. 237 Hereafter this work will be cited as Lauer, Louis IV 16Ibid., pp. ens-us . is well-founded, for that king was indeed a scrapper. Be that as it may, per— haps Gemn influence counted for something. Ferdinand Lot was the most famous of this group of historians. His book, Les Derniers Carolingiens. Lothaire, Louis V,_Charles de Lorraine, 951;- E, is a masterpiece of historical scholarship. Lot's overall view concerning tenth-century France has been stated above. {there seemed to him little logic in the political events of the age, which seemed to tumble upon one another without revealing any dominant pattern. In his Introduction he referred to the period between 95h and 991 as ". . . the most obscure of the obscure tenth cen- tury. . . ."17 Christian Pfister, whose study, études sur 1a 3329 de Robert 1e Pies: 1996-1031), constitutes another part to this series, was most concerned with events after the year 1000 . His attitude reflects the traditional point of view toward the tenth century by implication concerning that he says about the beginning of the eleventh century: "The beginning of the eleventh century is a decisive period in history. Everywhere, men displayed a new activity."18 In sum, these historians agree on one or two points. Almost all of them wrote from the point of view of French nationalism. They belonged to a generation in which the force of nationalism was the dominant factor in European Political life. he generation of scholars writing between 1870 and 1911+ could scarcely fail to focus upon the theme of Franco-Germn, not to say Franco- 17Lot, Les Derniers arolgggm, p. xiii: "Cette e’poque passe pour la plus obscure de l'obscur xe schle. . . ." 18Christian ’Pfister , E’tudes gur le R; de Robert 1e Pieux 10 (Bibliotheque de l'Ecole dos Hautes Etudes, fasc. 35; Paris: 1385), p. 6387: "Le commencement du 11° siecle est une {poque decisive dans l'histoire. Rn tous lieux, les homes font preuve d'une nouvelle activite." Hereafter this work will be cited as Pfister, Robert 1e Pieux. n“ ‘1' VIN . ”to him a \Qv ‘ Prussian, antagonism. They were concerned with the origins of their nation state, which they concluded was born in the moribund Carolingian empire. For these men the political activities of the tenth-century feudal warriors were of crucial significance. The event of 987 was momentous. They also continued to see tenth-century France as an "obscure" setting, to use Lot's term, if not to «ya dark or evil age. From this point of view the tenth century was be- nighted to the extent that in it could be found the original causes for the trials of the French nation after 1870. It my be conJeotured as a concluding thought that this generation of historians faced what amounted to a paradoxical dilom: namely, that the French nation and the Question of Lorraine were both part of the same historical development which emerged out of the chaos of tenth- century France. Here were laid the foundations of both the glory and the shame of the French people . be older generation of political historians saw unity in the one hun- dred years which passed between 887 and 987. This periodization has been generally adopted by scholars as a convenient and meaningful chronology for the history of tenth— century France. In 887 the Carolingian empire came to an end with the deposition of Charles of Swabia. Thereafter, until 987 ensued a long and bitter war between the successive generations of two families, the Oflmhngians and the Robertians. The issue was settled in 987 by the substitu- tion of the Robertian candidate for the carelinsian heir 0n the “11‘0“ ‘f France ~19 l9'1he term "France", as it is used in this dissertation, like the term "tenth century", needs to be explained. By "France" is meant the whole of the western Frankish kingdom as it was possessed in the ninth century under marl“ the Bald. That would also include those parts south of the Loire River in the 1111. which owed their allegiance to the Carolingian rulers at Laon. Gem Blinking it is intended to designate the western half of the old Carolingian em- pire. In the tenth century the expression "France" would have indicated at most the region around Paris, known at the time as "Francia". But in order to avoid What would otherwise result in some rather awkward phrases and expressions, 1 have chosen this easy way out . Elsewhere I have attempted to refer to places It is this epic struggle that provides the background for the history of this period. Consequently, historians of an earlier generation have concentrated their attention on the political drama, but have neglected the really crucial role which was taken by the Church in these events. Nor is this surprising either, for the Church was largely in the grip of laymen, and was thus nearly indistinguishable from lay society. Some, therefore, migit have assuned that the Church was incapable of performing any serious role at this period in his- tory. Others say simply have passed over the influence of the Church. that- ever their reasons, earlier historians concerned with this problem have no- glected the vital influence of the Church . he development that ultimately shaped the course of future events was not political in nature, but religious. 'l’ne key to a proper understanding of the history of feudal society in tenth-century France is not political at all. The emergence of a clergy interested in reform, and the subsequent restoration of the Benedictine abbeys, proved to be the impetus for a great religious re- vival which eventually extended to all of feudal society. It was the Church, and the work of dedicated clergyman, which shaped the mental attitudes of all classes of feudal society, especially from the middle of the century on. 'Ihe religious and spiritual revival generated by the reform of the monasteries was the necessary pre-condition for the great achievements of eleventh and twelfth- century Europe. The monastic reform, for more than the political struggle, is the dramtic development which should engage the scholar's attention. It was -—__._ by region, e.g. Brittany, Vemndois, Anjou. "Burgundy" refers to ducal Bur- gundy. The kingdom of Burgundy is always identified as such, or as "Trans- Jurane Burgundy" . As noted above, the term "tenth century" frequently is in- tended to mean the one hundred years between 887 and 987, although I must re- serve ny norml right to sometimes include in that expression the years be- twoen 987 and 1000, also. 1.0 the great reform movement emanating from Cluny and Lorraine which emerged fimlly as the arbiter of dymstic political fortunes . ' This dissertation will attempt to show the mjor contribution nude by the Church toward reconstructing civilized life in the feudal society of tenth- century France . the Church appears here in its traditional role as the agency for the civilization of men's thoughts and actions in this life and as the guardian and protector of their souls for the next life. The task was great, indeed. Throughout the tenth century continuing efforts were ude, not always marked by success in this ennobling venture. However, gradually, progress was achieved. At the beginning of the century the Church, which is to say both the uterial and spiritual institution as well as the clergy, was caught up in the chaos of a society cruelly tortured by barbarian invasions and perpetual feudal warfare. In the midst of this nightmare the Church assumed the responsibility of leadership in an effort to bring about a higher degree of civilized life. Certain prominent members among the clergy labored strenuously to awaken men to the need for reform. {Huey made themselves the conscience of an outraged society. The reform movement thus generated centered in the Benedictine abbeys, long the showpieces used by the Church during the early Middle Ages to downstrate how the life of Christian perfection ought to be lived. It was a tragedy that these same monasteries had suffered so from the assaults of the barbarians and. the feudal warriors . Now, from early in the tenth century, the monasteries cane gradually to be reformd. As the reform movement gained mo- mentum in the third- quarter of the tenth century, the religious zeal flowed beyond the confines of the cloisters and inspired lav society to a vision of political stability and peace. Ultimately the reform spirit and the desire l]. for order found a practical application as the solution to the vexing problem of the long dymstic war between the Robertian and Carolingian families. the solution was the Revolution of 987 which removed the Carolingian family from the throne of the western Frankish kingdom and replaced it by the Robertian family in the person of Hugh Capet. In the minds of the leading clergymen of the age a new political order had been created with the firm reestablishment of the Roman emire in the West by Otto the Great in 962. It is to the garter-century between that event and 987 that one must look for the decisive developments that created Hugh Capet king of France. 1311s was the same quarter-century during which the tenth-century monastic reform flowered. Carolingian imperialism was discredited because it threatened by openly attacking the new empire of the Ottos. On the other hand, the interests of the Robertians were purely "French" . Without Otto the Great Blah mpet would have been inconceivable . 'me pages that follow will show how the monastic reform movement was born and under what circumstances it flourished. It will be argued that the reform movement exerted a powerful stimulus upon the minds of the men who shaped the political destinies of Western Europe in the tenth century. The Revolution 01‘ 987 was one of the natural results of the reform spirit that began in the monasteries and swept across Western Europe. ‘Ihe peace movement, culminating in the institutions of the Peace of God and the Truce of God, would form a logical final chapter to the great work of monastic reform. Lack of time, how- ever, prohibited the inclusion of a chapter on the peace movement in this dissertation . PARTI mmmsoslm:mnomuss ”HORRORAIDIIBSTWCTION he forty- four year period between the Treaty of Verdun and the depo- sition of Charles of Swabia. witnessed the sundering of the Carolingian empire. . he attonts use by various rulers after 887 to shore up the remains of tho mistim mire met with no success. A mmber of pretenders came forward prosonting their claims as the legitimate heirs in the carolingian line of succession, and a few even succeeded in taking the imperial title and wearing the crown. But the actions of these later Carolingians in no way erased the reality that the former empire had split into several kingdoms. Nor did the Splintering of authority and there . Within each of the new kingdoms, the pro- cess of decentralization penetrated deeply into the fabric of society. No- where was the disintegration of central authority more apparent and real than in the kingdom of the western Franks, and particularly in the region between the Loire and Rhine rivers. here, during the course of the tenth century, the actual power of the monarchy was practically eclipsed by the political amrchy of the age. What was the fate of the Church in this milieu of disorder? he answer must be sought by concentrating our attention upon two new forces : ’ the barber. ion raiders and the feudal warriors . Taken together, these two groups caused terrible depredations against the Church, and kept society in a state of al- most constant turmoil in tenth— century France . Such were their ravages that 0110 I” properly speak of a Church terrorized by the nightmare of horror and destruction into which it had been plunged. cf b1 ‘t-J CHAPTERI 'I'HEBARBARIANBLITZKRIEG he invasions of the llorthmen continued unabated in France during the last years of the ninth century. Very soon afterward new maraudors appeared in the West and subjected the badly weakened western Frankish kingdom to their lightning-like raids. 'mese new attackers were the Hungarians, or Ducal-s. While the North and West of France received the brunt of the Viking attacks, and the hat absorbed the impact of Hungarian incursions, the Judi, especially the regions of Provence and Burgundy, was periodically disrupted by small bands of Saracen adventurers . These three peoples-~the Vikings, the lhgyars, and the Saracens--sub3ected the churches and monasteries of western Prancia to nothing less than lightning-war, or what we of the twentieth cen- tury would be apt to think of as a barbarian blitzkrieg. One must ask several questions in order to understand the total im- pact mde upon the Church by the barbarians. First of all, what were the causes of the invasions in their places of origin? Secondly, what were the targets of their raids, and whom did they attack? ' Finally, what strategies and tactics wore mloyed by these foreim assailants? The answers to some of these questions may be found in the writings of contemoraries who, in W cases, were eye-witnesses of the destructive fury unleashed by the bar- barians. the backgrounds of the barbarian people who suddenly burst upon Europe in the ninth and tenth centuries were different in each case. In the three widely separated areas from which they came, certain internal pressures lh seen to lie back of their incursions against the West. it: weakness of the Carolingian Erin in the ninth century, when the invasions began in force, does not satisfactorily explain the instigation of the attacks . In the initial stages, the invaders were not drawn into the West by the deteriora- tion of imperial authority. Rather they were impelled, or otherwise med outward, froa their homes by circumstances in their places of origin. his fast is iaportant to keep in mind, for from the early tenth century on a grow- ing resistance to the barbarian inroads is discernable in the Vest. The aomstic writers of the time echo one another with the seemingly never-ending 1 To those religious forced to flee their lones- forlala: "lullo resistente". teries bearing the bones of their patron saints or fleeing with their psalters or meripts, it must indeed have seemd that there was "no one opposing". But, in fact, this was not true. Some historians still perpetuate the myth that the later Garelingians were either fools or cowards. lo Judgaent on these aen is further in error, with the possible exception, perhaps, of the perfomme of Charles of Swabia confronted at Paris by the great unish arm. Actually, the rulers were faced with the incredibly frustrating task of trying to fight fast-striking guerrilla forces. Poor connmnications, tine-consuming methods of assembling a counterattack force, and regional or local loyalties made the rulers' Job well-nigh impossible. who were these invaders, then, who compounded the difficulties of the strife-torn West? (the Vikings, or Northmen, caused the greatest destruction. hey cane in larger numbers and over a longer period of tine than either the Rungarians or the aracens. Iron Scotland to Spain, from the Baltic to the —- J-See, for maple, Annales Vedastini, ed. Georg Heinrich Perts, in 5!: §§, II, 205: "Dani were more suo Burgundiaa, liustriaa atque partem ‘Wume, nullo resistente, igne et ferro devastant." 15 Atlantic and beyond, these daring people rode their sea-steeds in search of plunder and new lands. For over 250 years, from the end of the eighth to the middle of the eleventh century, the hearty men of the North were in the van- gmrd of European internal colonization. At the beginning of the Viking Age, they were pagan barbarians, capable of little more than bloodthirsty pillage and destruction. By the middle of the eleventh century, they were the great- est fief-builders and governmental administrators of Western Europe. Historians have long been puzzled in their search for an explanation of the tremendous burst of activity which began the Viking Age. Inevitably, the answer to this problem must be found by observing certain developments in Scandinavian society. Some scholars have suggested that over-population was a cause for Viking expansion.2 It has also been shown that internal con- solidation by the Scandinavian kings caused a broadly-based middle class to seek new lands overseas . Jealous of their traditional political independence, the yeoun farmers and craftsmen emigrated in large numbers .3 Watever the cause, whether over—population or the consolidation of larger territories under a nonarchical administration and Jurisdiction, the search for new places of settlement seems to have been an important factor in the invasions. bat recently, the work of one scholar has shown that in the West, the Vikings were interested in accumulating treasure for the purpose of buying landf‘ 'me mnes were the Scandinavian people who attacked the western 2Johannes 0.3.11. Steenstrup, Romanerne (1|- volumes; Copenhagen: 1876-82), 1, 231-32. 3r. n. Kendrick, A History of the mgr-45 (new York: 1930), pp. 20-21. ”1’. K. Sawyer, “me Age‘of the Viking! (lew York: 1962), p. 202. l6 Prankish kingdom. Their invasions fall into several stages.5 'meir earliest raids began in Frisia about 800 and continued sporadically to harass the northern littoral of continental Europe until about the mid-830's . During this time the Vikings acquainted themselves with the wealth of the monastic houses in the regions they explored and familiarized themselves with the chaotic political situation in western Francia.6 In the second third of the ninth century they descended upon the West with a new boldness and fury. he Christians learned for the first time the terror of suddenly seeing a fleet of longboats round a bend in the Loire or Seine, the wild men of the lorth scrasiile ashore with their torches, axes, and ladders in hand, and a town or aomstery overrun and constmed in flames. From early spring to late fall, the Danes navigated the inland rivers and roamed the countryside, crisscross- 1ng northern France with death and destruction, fire and sword. men, with the approach of winter, the barbarians would retire to their hastily con- structed winter-quarter compounds.7 In the spring the Vikings would begin the cycle anew, "more solito": "in their usual manner", as the chroniclers "Port-8 Having learned to establish winter bases for themselves, the Danes were changing from savage interlopers to permanent residents . The last third 01’ the century brought some respite for the Franks. Between 866 and 896, the knee concentrated their main force at first in northern and eastern England, 59mm, 92. cit., pp. 6-9. 6Il':id., p. 6. 7m Annalee Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in fig, gs, II, 205, has several references to winter quarters in the entries for the years 890 and 891. In the latter year they wintered at Rayon, where they built a camp outside the Valle of the city. See I: Duraculis S. Bertini, in E, II, 1.18. 8Annales Vedastini, ed. Parts, in E, §§, II, 203~ 17 and after 870, in a long and futile struggle against Wessex. m Danish ef- fort in England during these decades strongly suggests their desire to wrest a territory from the Anglo- Saxons , within which they might settle pemnmtly . m1: defeat by Alfred the Great drove some of them back across the channel to northern France, and it was there in the early tenth century that Rollo succeeded in extorting a home from Charles the Simple at the price of peace.9 thus, in the course of the ninth century the Danish Vikings had progressed from free-booting buccaneers to a more numerous people apparently intent upon seeking a new home in the West. Just how savage were these Danes, these Vikings of the later sagas, who loved the clang of iron on buckler, rode their keel-birds on the swan's- way, and heard the scalds sing their praises in the ale hall? As H. P. Ker put it, the Viking was, like lhor, ". . . the typical Northman of the old sort--bluff, homely, reckless, and fearless--not specially intellectual, some- times outwitted by the cunning of his adversaries, but good at hard work, and instinctively (one may say) on the side of Reason."10 This is a favorable aPlh'eciation. Less so were the words which came from monastic quills. Un- doubtedly the monks were prejudiced against the wild blond-bearded pagans who ransacked their monasteries, and spilled the blood of innocent Christians like wine from broken casks. A recent effort has been made to minimize the atro- 9Albany F. LhJor, hrly Wars of Wessex (Cambridge, England: 1913), P. 127. Sir Frank M. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England (Second Edition; Oxford: 1950), P. 266, says that Mercia and Hesse: were still on the defensive at the time of Alfred's death. 1°w. P. Ker, the Dark 5555 (New York: 1958). p. 39- 0V! 18 cities committed'by the lorthmen.ll But can we doubt the nightmare of vio- lence left in the wake of their longboats? Listen to the words of the monk Abbe, who witnessed from the ramparts of Baris the siege of that city by the knee in the winter of 885-86: 'niese dogs killed everyone: babies, children, young men, old men, fathers, sons, and mothers . They murdered the husband before the eyes of his wife; they raped the wife before the eyes of her husband. And children were slaughtered in the presence of their parents . . . . they cast down, they despoil, they murder, they burn, they gage, cruel cohort, wicked phalanx, cruel multi- tude. these are the words of a man bitter, almost at the point of tears, over the crimes that he has seen committed. The Viking was one thing to his fellows 3 he was something else to his victims. lo less bloodthirsty, and even further removed from civilization than the barbarous Nortmanni, were the savage little men from the plains of the middle hnube. The Hungarians, or mgyars, as they called themselves, were reminiscent of the fifth- century Buns to the tenth-century Franks. The European victims of the Layers expressed horror at the sight of these squat, llSawyer, op. cit., pp. l-ll. The author believes the numbers of the Vikings and, therefore, the total destructiveness of the raids, have been flatly exaggerated. The book is both scholarly and readable. lglbbo, Le Siege de Paris par les normondo,_poémo du I]? siecle, edit; at traduit par Henri Waquet (Les Classiques de l'Histoire de France au lbyen £52) (Paris: 19h2), p. 30: "Infantes , pueros, Juvenes, canamque senectam, Atque patres natosque necant necnon genetrices . Conjugis ante oculos cedem tribuere marito; Conjugis ante oculos strages gustat mulierem, Ante patrum faciem soboles necnon genetricum . . . . Prosternunt, spoliant, perimunt, urunt, populantur, Dire cohors, funesta falanx, cetusque severus." Hereafter, this work will be cited as Abbo, Le Siégg de Paris par les lomnds. 5L. 7.1L~ \1 N l9 sallow, bow-legged horsemen. The fear which contemporary Christians felt toward these people was no doubt compounded by the sudden devastation of the lbgyar attacks and the military skill of the raiders . A ninth- century sup- plication to God reveals the mental state of Christians tormented by mgyars: ". . . against the arrows of the Hungarians, be Thou our protector."l3 Occasionally one reads mising comments or stories connected with their raids. Plodoard, for example, rejoiced when he heard that one of their hordes per- ished of haentery after a severe raid through Gothia in 921;.“ Two years later, a monk at Saint-Gall had a splendid time in the wine cellar with his hgyar guests.15 The majority of Christians, however, were not so fortunate. be early history of the lugyars is confused. Byzantine, Islamic, and latin sources all mention the Hungarians, but the reports are brief and contra- dictory . 1'6 The most accurate research on lbgyar pro-history has succeeded on the basis of linguistic evidence in establishing their place of origin in central Asia. Apparently they lived at an early date on the western side of the Ural mountains, and belonged to the Ugric division of the rinno-Ugric 13mm Bloch, Feudal Society, Translated by 1.. A. lanyon (2 volumes; Chicago: 1961+), I, #1. lh'Flodoard, Anna_____1___os, in PL, cxxxv, a. 921+: 'Hungari qui Gothiam vas- tabant, pestem quamdam perpessi, capitum inflatione ac dissinteria pene cuncti, paucis evadentibus, nuntiantur esse “consumptifl Hereafter, this work will be cited sinly as Flodoard, ,Annal____e__s . . . . , with the year-entry supplied in place of the ellipses. lsflflmhard IV, a. Casuum s. Galli continuatio I, ed. Parts, in mm, 83’ II, 105’07, and low; lébenis Sinor, HistorLof Hum (London: 1959), p. 16,A.w.1.1oop.r, A Histo of Medieval Austria, ed. R. V. Seton-Watson and c ..A heartney (Iondon: 1951;, pp 131-335 C A Keartney, 'me Ems in the llinth Centfl , (Cambridge, England: 1930), p. 1. mm A new or 20 branch of the Ural-Altaic language family.17 By the early ninth century, the lugyars had come under the overlordship of the Bulgars , who in turn were sub- ordinated to mazar rule. As the Khazars began to push west about this time, the lbgyars were in turn forced to seize new territories for themselves . his process of westward movement continued until the Betcheneg Turks toward the end of the ninth century impelled the layers into the region of the middle haube. It was there that they were to mke their home}-8 ne mgyars had some acquaintance with civilized life through their contacts with the Bulgars , who were a more advanced people . They learned scathing of the domestic ways of the Bulgars, and W in trade with Greek merchants in the ports of the Crimea. lbst of their trade was in furs and slaves. Agricultural opportunities were also afforded them by their occupation of the rich Danube basin, but the mgyars were slow to give up their nomadic way of life. {matey preferred horse raising to farming.19 Another civilizing influence came their way in the form of Christian mission- . arias, but it was to no avail. About the year 860, Saint Methodius tried to convert them, but the effort was a failure?0 In the last quarter of the ninth century, the Hungarians were drawn into the orbit of central European politics . me Germns and the Moravian Slavs had contacts with them, the former employing them on occasion as mer- cenaries. In 899 or 900, the layers burst upon Europe for the first time, l7Deeper, op. cit., p. 132. 13:31.. pp. 133-35. 19Ibid., p. 135; Sinor, g. cit., p. 20. C. A. heartney, m; LShort Hist 31;!" (Chicago: 1962), p. 7. 2%th niche, Limirope ogcidentale de 888 \a 1125 (Histoire da 2:233, II, in Histoire Wale, a. a. c1otz) (Paris: 19111), p. 17. 21 and so began a half-century of raids. Lombardy and Venetia were the areas which they stmck. first . Later, with the defeat of both the Moravians and Bavarians in 906, the Magyars extended their predatory activities to Saxony, Thuringia, and Swabia . An avenue of approach to western Europe now lay open to thermal It is generally agreed among historians that the Hungarians were mo- tivated to attack the West and elsewhere by the desire to enrich themselves with booty. Like the Vikings, the Magyars left their original home because pressures there forced them into movement. Only later, and gradually, did they discover the rich opportunities for plunder which awaited them. As the Vikings before them had done, the Magyars were quick to seize the initiative. Between 898 and 955, they conducted at least thirty-three major expeditions in search of plunder.22 There were very likely other lesser raids besides those emnnerated by historians, which resulted in robbery, misery, and loss of life for those whom they victimized. These have gone unnoticed because they were unrecorded. Concerning the free-booting activities of the Hungar. ians, one historian has observed: Most of these raids were simple, profit-making expe- ditions, in which cities and churches were ransacked and gold and treasure carried off, with captives for domestic use, re-export or re-sale in return for ransom. Alter- nately Danegeld was exacted.23 Elie third group of barbarians to attack the disintegrating Frankish empire during the ninth and tenth centuries were Saracen pirates from the alLeeper, op. cit., pp. 136-38. 220. A. IbCartney, m: A Short History, p. 10. 23Ibid. 22 Emirate of Kairouan in North Africa. The ninth century brought a steady advance of these Tunisian corsairs into the western Mediterranean. Sicily was invaded and Palermo captured in 831. From there the Saracens raided southern Italy, the western coast of the peninsula, and fanned out to the islands of the western Mediterranean. In the last decade of the ninth cen- tury, a 8‘1]. band of them succeeded in occupying a natural fortress in a mountainous wooded area on the coast at Fraxinetum. Before long the pirates had spread inland to the North, raiding as far away as Burgundy; to the east they infested the Alpine passes.2h the Saracens, like the Vikings, were able to secure themselves in strongholds from which they harrassed adjacent regions for many miles around. Unlike the Vikings, however, their numbers were comparatively few. We hear of no "ngnus exercitus sarracenorum". One reason my be that the fission world was suffering from divided loyalties by the early tenth century. he Fatimites had taken over the caliphate in Africa, and the Aghlabite Saracens from Kairouan found themselves isolated rebels. the rebel Lbslems in Europe were not, however, deprived of some reinforcements, yet it was only a matter ___* 21‘Rene/ Poupardin, ,Iae Royaume de Provence sous les Carolingiens (8 - 2333) (Bibliothéque de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes, fasc. 131; Pa” ris: 1901 , P- 350... {his work will be cited hereafter as Poupardin, Provence. fine author “YB that, the year 889 is generally given as the date of the establishment of the Saracens at Fraxinetum. A council held at Valence the following year Speaks of "the Saracens, who ravaged Provence and reduced the country to a desert." See Sacrorum Conciliorum et Decretorum Nova ct Amplissima Collectio, ed. J. D. lanai, XVIII A, 95 z ". . . Saraceni provinciam depopulantes terram in solitndinem redigeban ." Hereafter this collection will be cited simply as mnsi. Liutprand of Cremona, Historia Gestorum Wratom sive injapodosis, in 31., CXXXVI, 792, says that about twenty Saracens from Spain were tossed up on the coast of Provence by a atom. They wasted no time Setting started on their career of violence and crime: "mi pirate noctu egressi, villamque clam ingressi, christicolas, pro dolor! Jugulant . . . ." The dissensions among the warring Christians of the neighborhood made it easy $131. Saracens to strengthen their position, and secure reinforcements from .mv. t... «V 23 of time before they would be meted out of their mountain fortresses by the Christians.25 The aim of the Saracens was not only to acquire wealth by robbing travelers and plundering monasteries. They did these things, of course, and much that was worse. {L'ney ransomed Christian prisoners whenever they could. Indeed, it was the capture of Saint mieul, abbot of Cluny, which awakened the conscience of Europe and resulted in the expulsion of one group from the Alps, 26 In the treatment meted out to and the destruction of the den at Fraxinetmn. Christians by the Aghlabite lbslems, one may discern the pursuit of Holy War. he waging of the {1251 probably figured prominently in the motivations of the Saracen raids in the Midi, and elsewhere in the West. Thus, the Saracens were also influenced by forces active within their own civilization, and were not led to an offensive against the West simply by the divisions within Europe. he barbarian blitzkrieg was not directed specifically against the Church and the clergy. All of society came under attack. Scarcely a year went by between 887 and 972 when some part of Gaul was not assaulted by either the Vikings, the Hungarians, or the Saracens. Towns, monasteries, Open fields, and those luckless individuals who were suddenly caught without refuge: these were the targets of opportunity which fell prey to the invaders . How can one measure the chaos that resulted from the incursions? The evidence, fortunately for the historian, is plentiful. The sources provide some precise details with respect to the towns which were besieged and the churches and monasteries which * 25mm Fatimite successors of the Aghlabites at Kairouan in the tenth century continued the policy of raiding the southern coasts of western Europe, according to Philip K. Hitti, History of the Arabs (Sixth Edition; London: 1958), pp. 617-20. 268yrus, Vita Sancti union, in LL, cmvu, 763-65- 2+ were devastated. We note also the flight of the religious, the monks bearing the ruins of their patron saints and other moveables to places of security. Lastly, contemporary writers were not always so specific about the ravages, but what they wrote is useful in assessing the sum of destruction caused by the barbarians . The towns of Gaul were favorite targets of the Horsemen. {the author of the mm s. Prudentii, a monk named Theobald from the monastery at Beze in Burgundy, had heard stories of Viking activities in other parts of France. his is what he wrote: In the year 887 from the Incarnation of the Lord, the last of Charles, a boy, who was the son of the hiperor Louis, was reigiing in France. Eudes, the son of Count Robert of Anaou was, however, the tutor of the royalty. he savage race of Northmen came into Francis with an immense am of assembled troops. Presently the city of Paris was captured and ravaged, after a siege of seven years. Rouen, Evreux, Bayeux, and other cities of Neustria were barbarously pil- laged. Afterwards Beauvais, Chartres, Meaux, and Melun were demolished to their foundations . They roamed over the en- tirety of Gaul, the length and the breadth, destroying every- thing by plundering, with fire, and. by sword, with absolutely nobody standing in their way. And so, now Neustria, now Francia, was exhausted by hostile hands, but there was no trust in concerted countermeasures; neither in Burgundy, which also experienced the sword of their fierce cruelty.27 27Acta, translationes et miracula s. Prudentii mertgis, auctore Teo- baudo, Besuensi monacho, Libri IV, in M88, Octobris, III, 361: "Anne vero ab Incarnatione Domini octingentesimo octogesimo septimo, ultimo Karolo, puero, filio Ludovici imperatoris, regnante in Francis: Odone autem, filio Roberti Andegavorum comitis, tutore regni, Normannorum gens effera, immensis exerci- tuum collectis copiis, Franciam ingrediuntur. Jam enim prius Parisiacam urban, POSt septem annorum obsidionem captam et vastatam, Rothomagum, Ebroas, Beacons et caeteras Reustriae civitates atrociter depopulati fuerant . Tune vero Bel- vacum, Carnotum, Heldis , llilidunum solo tenus evertentes, totas longe lateque, nullo penitus obsistentes, pervagantur Gallias , rapinis, incendiis ferroque cuncta pessmndantes . Jam itaque Neustriam, Jam Franciam hostica manus exhau- serat, sed nihil omnino actm credidit, nisi etiam Burgundia suae crudelitatis feroces experiretur gladios ." Charles the Pat was deposed as emperor in 887, and died the following year. he Emperor Louis referred to above was Louis the Sta-aerer, who never took the imarial crown, but reigned briefly as king of France (877-79). His son, Charles III the Simple, was next in line to rule in 25 The towns located on or near rivers undoubtedly suffered more fre- quently than those situated inland, for they were more accessible to mrauding fleets . 'me dreaded longboats were a familiar sight to the lookouts on the bridge-towers at Paris. Between 8145 and 911 Paris alone was besieged seven times.28 Abbe, the monk of Saint-Germain-des-Prds who was an eyewitness to the great siege of 885-86, has left us an epic account of the bravery with which the inhabitants of the oité defended their walls. we read of those twelve stalwart heroes, who so tenaciously defended the south tower of the Petit-Pont, only to succumb in the end to Norman treachery. All Paris watched anxiously as the twelve struggled, isolated, against the repeated efforts of the'Vikings to dislodge them,29 In 887 the Norse pirates resumed their depredations and it was this period of their activities to which Theobald, the monk of Haze referred. They decided to steer clear of Paris, contrary to Theobald's story, for they had learned that Eudes was encamped nearby with an army prepared to defend the town.30 Instead of trying the Frankish defenses, ". . . after a few days had expired they remounted the Seine with their ships, and entering the lame river, the western Frankish kingdom, but was too young. Eudes, the son of Robert the Strong, was elected by the magnates instead of the boy, Charles the Simple. After Eudes' reign (888-98), Charles the Simple came to the throne (898-923). 'meobald is wrong when he states that Paris was besieged for seven years. Paris did not fall to the Normans either, as the monk of Btze would have us believe. 28hr“ was besieged seven times between 815 and 91.1: in 816, which was the first occasion, and. again in 856, 361: 865: 866: 885-36: and 889- 29Abbo, Le siggepde Paris par les Normands, pp. 52-60. 3°Edoua Favre, Eudes, comte de Paris at roi de France 1882-98) Bib- liothtgge de l' cole des Hautes Etudes, fasc. 99; Paris: 1893}, p. 10W me work will be cited hereafter as Favre, Eudes. 26 burned the town of Troyes."3l From Troyes they invaded Burgundy in the spring of 888, sacking the country as they went. Leaving Burgundy, the Viking army appeared in the Remois, where they threatened the great episc0pal see of Reims. The entire region around Verdun and Toul fell victim to their destructive fury-32 A few months later the Northmen suddenly appeared in their ships be- fore the walls of Menus. This was probably the occasion which the monk Theo- bald had heard about. We have a better source than Theobald, however, for what the Vikings did at Meaux. The fate of Mosul: and its inhabitants gives us a clear picture of what happened to a town when resistance to the invaders failed. 'me account comes to us from the annalist in the monastery of Saint-Vaast at Arras: Again the Northmen entrenched the city of Meaux with a siege, constructed siege-engines, and built a causeway to give them access to the walls of the town. Count Teutbert resisted courageously until he was killed along with nearly all of his men. The count being dead, Bishop Sigemund, who was overcome with terror, ordered the town gates to be strengthened by reinforcing them with stones . But an element of those who were closed up within the town grew weary of the siege, weakened as they were by hunger, and discouraged by the deaths in their ranks. Seeing that no help was at hand from any side, they began to treat with the Northmen through an exchange of notes, on such terms that by giving up the town, they would be allowed to depart with their lives. Why say more? The proposal was brought back to the crowd, and with the expectation of peace they gave hostages. The gates were opened, and a way made for the Christians so that they were able to come out. The inhabitants of the town were led out by the hostages, whom they had selected. When they had gone across the Lhrne river, and had proceeded some distance from the town, the Northmen followed them all and seized the bishop 3J'Regino, M, ed. Pertz, infill, g, I, 601: "Transactis pau- cis diebus iterum Sequanam cum classe ascendunt, et Intronam fluvium ingredi- entes Treeas civitatem incendio cremnt. " Regine assigns these events to 889. I 321bid. : ". . . et usque Virdunensem ac Tullensem urbes cuncta cir- cmquflque immatur." li'avre, Budes, p. 106. 27 with all the people; thereupon they returned, set fire to the town, and tore down as much of the walls as satisfied them; moreover they lingered in that place until the following November. 33 the following spring the Danes approached Auxerre and burned its fau- bourgg.3h This was the second time within two years that they had visited this town.35 Toe sumer of 889 saw a repetition in Brittany of what had earlier occurred at Meaux. In the region of Coutances they placed a siege before fiint-Lo. Led by their bishop, the inhabitants foudit hard, but the attackers found the source of water- supply for the town and cut it off. After a while the besieged town was forced to capitulate, and the Northmen agreed to spare the lives of the citizens . When the defenders opened the gates and came out, the Vikings fell upon the Christians and butchered them. men they leveled the fortress .36 33Annales Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in £11, §_s_, II, 20h: "Iterim Nort- mnni Heldis civitatem obsidione vallant, machines instruunt, aggerem eonpor- tant ad capiendam urbem. Quibus viriliter resistit Teutbertus comes, donec interiit cum omnibus prope bellatoribus . Lbrtuo itaque comite, episcopus Sigmundus, timore perculsus, iussit lapidibus obfirmari portas civitatis. Cmnque hii qui infra civitatem erant inclusi, obsidione pertaesi, fame atten- uati, mortibus etiam suorum afflicti, cernerent ex nulla parte sibi auxilium adfuturum, cum Nortmannis sibi notis agere coeperunt, ut, data civitate, vivi sinerentur abire. Quid plura? refertur ad multitudinem, et sub spetie, pacis obsides dant. Reserantur portae, fit via christianis ut egrediantur, delega- tis his, qui eos quo vellent ducerent. Cumque amnem mtemam transissent, et longius a civitate processissent, Nortmanni eos omnes insecuti, comprehende- runt ipsum episcopum cum omni populo; indeque reversi, civitatem igne combus- Berunt, marosque, quantum placuit, destruxerunt; atque ibi morati sunt usque mensem prope Novembrem." What happened to the captured citizens of Meaux is not clear. 31‘Annales lemovicenses, ed. Parts, in m: §_S, 11: 2518 "Anna incar- nationis Domini—$9 Hortmnni iterato Autissiodorm— repetentes , suburbana eius incenderunt." 351b1d.: ."Anno incarnationis Domini 887 monasterium Sancti Germni a Nortmannis ,incensum est. " This abbey of Saint-Germain is located at Auxerre. 36Begino, Chronieon, ed. Parts, in _!I_}_H, SS, 1, 601-02; Annalee Vedas- tini, ed. Parts, in £3, 88, II, 205 See, 7180, —Arthur 1e lbyne De la Bor- derie, Histoire de Brm (6 wellness Rennes: 1905-1“): 11: 333. RU 28 Dijon was threatened in 898 during a Danish tour of destruction throw Burgundy. The chronicler of B‘eze seems to suggest that within Dijon itself there was a feeling of security because of the strength of the town's forti:E'ications.37 Moreover, the duke of Burgundy, Richard the Justiciar, was nearby prepared to bring aid. Indeed, it was shortly after this that Richard inflicted a bloody defeat upon the Northmen at Argenteuil, near Tonnerre, and forced the survivors to flee . 38 Tours and its suburbs suffered a terrible devastation in late June, 903, when a Viking any surprised the town. Its count, a certain Robert, was with Charles the Simple in Alsace at the time, as we learn from a royal char- ter of the same week. Did the Northmen attack the town, knowing that it was helpless? It is not unlikely.” Charles, eight years later, was more fortunate. 'flle Viking leader Rollo moved his army south from Neustria, where it had been ravaging, and placed a siege before the city of Chartres. Fortunately, however, the bishop of Chartres, a man named Josselin, had been forewarned of their coming by 37h: Chronico Besuensi, in HE, IX, 20: ". . . ad Divionem tamen eos 88pirare, nec loci firmitas, nec Ducis nominatissimi permisit metuenda belli- cositas." 381b1d . 39Eckel, Charles le Simplg, pp. 67, n. 3, and 68. Eckel has repro- duced a note from a manuscript dating from the tenth century, which my be seen in the Bibliothbque de Tours. At the bottom of the first page of the mnuscript, entitled Bbcpositio Rabani presbiteri super Matthew, is inscribed the following message: "Anno incarnationis dominicae DCCCfIII°, 11" Helen- dfls Julii, missa videlicet sancti Pauli apostoli, regnante Karolo filio Hludovici Balbi, post obitum domni Odonis regis in anno VI° at Rotberti ab- batis anno XV", iterum succensa est venerabilis basilica Sancti martini m. 0111-8 can HVIII aliis ecclesiis ab Heric et Baret Nortmnnis, cum toto cas- tello et burgis . " The charter granted by Charles the Simle to the church of amt-myth at Tours 13 in g, 11, 196-99, no. m. Such wanton destruction to this is what caused monastic writers to adopt the attitude they did toward the Home. One can scarcely blame them. 29 divine revelation, and had had time to prepare the defense of the town. A fierce struggle followed on the 20th of July. The siege was broken up and the mnes were driven off with severe losses, thanks to the timely aid of hike Richard of Burgundy, Count Robert of Paris, and Ebles, count of Poitiers.1+0 The cession of Normandy to Rollo by Charles the Simple helped to les- sen the frequency of the raids after 911, but they did not end altogether. From about 923 to 926 the Normans, now only partially Christianized, returned to their old ways. In 925 Amiens and Arras were burned. At Noyon the Hor- aans seized and burned part of the faubourgs , but were driven off by a sortie of the town militia and the inhabitants of the suburban ‘me Northmen were not the only uninVited guests at the towns of Gaul. Others left their calling cards in the forms of butchery and pillaging and then departed as swiftly as they had come. Both the thyars and the Saracens were attracted to the urban centers, but to a considerably lesser degree. It appears that the layers were at least as savage as the Vikings. Moreover, their tactics seem to have been well-suited to rapid moving operations. The mgyar hordes struck with the fury of a tornado. The great French medievalist, lhrc Bloch, with his customary discernment succeeded in capturing the spirit and character of their attacks: hocartulaire de 1'abbaye de Saint-Pare de Chartres, ed. Benjamin Guer- ard (00 collection des Documents Inédits relatifs 3 1' Histoire de France) (2 vol- mes; Paris: 18%), I, #647 : Verumenimvero praefatus praesul [Gaucelinus], venturam obsidionem divine relatu praenoscens, Pictavensem comitem venire sibi in auxilia mandat ducemque Burgundiae atque duos potentissimos Franciae comites . ." The Chronicon s. maxentii Pictavensis, in.HF, 1x; 8, contains the following brief entry, which supplies some other particulars about this fight: "Md Gamotum anno DCCCCXI praeliatum est die Sabbati contra Paganos per Riclzardm et Robertun Duces, et perempti sunt fortissimi Paganorum series nille et septingenti. " hlilodoard, Annalee, a. 925. 30 . . . they preferred as a rule to glide rapidly across country: true savages, whom their chiefs drove to battle with blows of the whip, but redoubtable soldiers, skillful in flank attacks, relentless in pursuit and resourceful in extricating themselves from the most difficult situations . . . . Artful as savages, provided when necessary with intelligence by the ambassadors whom they sent on ahead, less to parley than to spy, they had very quickly penetrated the rather clumsy artifices of Western policy. They kept themselves informed about interregna, which were particularly favourable to their incursions . . . 3‘2 If the Christian population were fortunate enough to live near a walled town or a strongly fortified chateau, the chances were good that they might escape the arrows of the Hungarians. The great Magyar raid of 937 BPlred the larger towns- Flodoard tells us that villages and fields were laid waste, but mentions nothing of sieges.1+3 There seems to have been only a single exception to the fact that the cities escaped their ravages. The author of’the gistoria Translationis SS. Saviniani, Potentiani,fiet cetera in Senon- ense S. Petri CoenObium.states that the city of Sens was besieged because the inhabitants had provoked the barbarians in some way.hh At some data during the second-quarter of the tenth century the Saracens succeeded in destroying the episcopal town of Fre’Jus in Provence. A charter of Count William of Pro- ' I vence and his wife, Adelaide, in favor of Bishop Riculf of FreJus, mentions “Bloch, Feudal Society, Translated by L. A. Manyon, I, la. h3plodoard, Annales, a. 937: ". . . villae et agri depopulati . . . ." MEx Historia Translationis ss. Saviniani, Potentiani, et cetera in gnonense S. Petri Coenobium, in £13, IX, l3h—35. file author, a certain Odoran, who was a monk at Saint-Pierre-le-Vif in the eleventh century, states that Sens was besieged because the inhabitants of the town had provoked the barbarians in some way. Ellie raiders mnaged to destroy some churches. Clarius, a twelfth- century monk and the author of the Chronicon S. Petri Vivi Senonensis, in 31?, IX: 34, seems to suggest that the Ithgvars extended their ravages right up $75 the walls of Sens, but did not conduct a full-scale siege: "Pervenientes autem Senones civitatem, incenderunt Coenobium 8. Petri, vastantes amen provincial. " 31 the Saracen devastation of that town.“5 The Saracens, like the Hungarians, seem not to have caused so much damage to the larger towns. But the smaller places, villages and hamlets without the security provided by an encircling wall, seldom escaped their fury. If the walled towns sometimes escaped the barbarian‘blitzkrieg, the churches, and the monasteries especially, enjoyed no such immunity. The monasteries were favorite targets of all three invading tribes because they frequently stood isolated in the countryside with little or no protection. Those located in the suburbs of larger towns were also vulnerable to attack. The annals, chronicles, and charters of the late ninth and tenth centuries clearly indicate the destruction which the barbarians brought to the reli- gious houses. There is a mass of evidence which testifies to the wholesale devastation of these places. The evidence shows, moreover, the anxiety felt by the religious for the raids. The monks lived in a perpetual state of fear that their house would be next. Their terror was multiplied by the knowledge, sometimes learned from repeated experiences, of the suddenness and severity with which the pagans struck. The city of Apt in Provence was visited by barbarians, either Normans or Saracens, sometime before 896. We have a charter granted by King Louis of Provence I_c_a_. 885-928?) which made a gift to a church located there in com- pensation for losses which it received at a place called Monasteriolum. In the same region the abbey of Saint-Cesar of Aliscamps received a charter hsGa ia Christiana, ed. Denis de Saints-Marthe, et al. (16 volumes; Paris: 1715-1835,, I, Instrumenta, 82-83. This collection will be cited hereafter as Gallia Christiana. l‘é'lfhe charter has been reproduced in hi, IX, 676-77. s In pot. 32 in 897 from ArchbishOp Rostain of Aries. Some of the lands of the abbey had been deserted because of the depredations of the Saracens.“ In the fall of 887 the Danes were operating in Burgundy. They ravaged the monastery of the, north of Dijon, for three days. The monks had heard that they were coming, and some of them, fearing punishment and death, hid h8 themselves in the abbey; Others fled to safer monasteries. "No wonder," says the author of the Chronicon Besuensi, "since those who remained here were killed by the sword, of whom these are the names: the monk Ayrman, the monk Genesus, the monk Beraldus, the monk Sifardus, the monk Rodeo, the priest Ansuinus, and Adalricus, a little boy. All of these were murdered for devo- tion to Christ; their reward.was in returning to God. This sacrifice to God was made in the year 887 from the Incarnation of the Lord."h9 Another pas- sage in this chronicle, which refers to the incident Just cited, or perhaps even to another attack on the abbey, reveals the resignation, weariness, and disgust felt by the writer: Coming through Francis into Burgundy, the Normans caused the complete desolation of the monastery of Béze. And al- though we have found that place violated and demolished by faithless Christians or by pagans on seven occasions, this l”See Poupardin, Provence, p. 251, n. 1, who cites the periodical in which this charter has been printed. He has extracted the following perti- nent section of the text: "Oppresione tamen paganorum seviente, ipsius loci unde Deo sacrate sustentabantur, deserte facte sunt sicut et multe alie." l".8Chronicon Besuensi, in _I_i_l?_', Ix, 20: "Audientes hi, qui hic erant Monachi, Hartmannorum adventum, quidam timore poenae ac mortis se occulta- verunt: quidam ad alia Monasteria demigraverunt." The Annales Besuenses, ed. Pertz, in El, .S_S, II, 2R8, places these events in 888. l"9I'I:>id.: "Nee mirum; quoniam qui hic renanserunt, gladio interfecti aunt, quorum nomina haec sunt, Ayrmannus Monachus , Genesus Monachus, Beraldus Monachus, Sifardus Monachus , Rodeo Monachus , Ansuinus Presbyter, Adalricus puerulus. Hi omnes pro Christa pie Jugulati, talionem Deo reddentes, sacri- ficium Deo effecti sunt anno ab Incarn. Domini DCCCLXXXVIII. " 33 last destruction is emphatically not undeserving to be called by us ‘the desolation of desolations'.50 Shortly after the Danes had descended upon.D§ze, they left Burgundy and moved north toward Reims. They were in the vicinity of the archepisco- pal city for three days, but did not attack the monastery of Saint-Remi, _ which lay outside the walls of the town. The abbey escaped'because a fog concealed it from their view.51 A year later, in the spring of 889, the Vi- kings were back in Burgundy, where they fell upon Auxerre a second time and burned its faubourgs.52 The first time they had visited Aukerre, which was two years earlier, they had celebrated their arrival by putting the torch to the monastery of Saint-Germain.53 - Rumors had spread of the Viking activities, and at least three monas- teries took the trouble to erect fortifications as a measure of defense. Thus, I we see a charter granted by King Eudes to the abbey of Vezelay given at Paris on 10 July, 889.5h The next day be granted immunity to the abbey of Saint- 5OChroniquede l'abbaye de Saint-Benigne de Dijon, suivie de la chro- ni ue de Saint-Pierre de Béze, Ed. Bougaud et Garnier (Analecta Divionensia,- Ix; lDiJon: 18755, p. 273: "Venientibus per Franciam in Burgundia Normannis, monasterium istud Besuense penitus contigit desolatum iri. Et cum septies inveniamus locum istum a perfidis christianis seu a paganis violatum atque destructum, haec ultima destructio non immerito emphatice a ndbis dicitur desolatio desolationum." slhvre, Eudes, p. 106. 52Annales Lemovicenses, ed. Pertz, in MGH, §§, II, 251. See note 3h, supra, for text. 53Ibid., II, 251. See note 35; su ra, for text. Shfhvre, Eudes, pp. 127, n. h and 128. This charter is in A, M; Bgn. dini, (ed.), Catalo s codicum latinorum bibliothecae flediceae Laurentianae (5 volumes: Florence: 1773:735, I, 133. Fhvre has included the charter in his "Pieces Justificatives", II, pp. 236-38. The pertinent section of the charter is as follows: ”Castellum quoque quod.propter persecutionem.paggn. orum.inibi constructum.est . . . ." (p. 237). ‘5 {I .Iu Haw aw in: m... .mfiyfl. 3h Germain of Auxerre, which had been burned in 887, for a castle constructed on its property. The abbot of Saint-Germain and the bishOp of Paris were the same man: a certain Anskerick, whom Eudes referred to as "our very‘beloved". Although the Vikings had destroyed his abbey by fire, Anskerick.was perhaps more concerned with certain Frankish neblemen who would not respect the privi- 55 leges of'Saint-Germain. Eudes was still in Paris on 16 July, when he issued still another charter in favor of the monastery of Tournus, which had also constructed a chateau-fort in order to protect the abbey from the Northmen.56 Toward the end of the year 890 a band of Vikings attempted to seize the monastery of Saint-Vaast by a trick. The war-leader of this group was lasting, a barbarian well-known to the Franks of the time.57 As Easting be- gan his activities not far from.Amiens, he soon came up against the forces of Abbot Raoul of Saint-Veast and Saint-Bertin.58 Raoul had taken the precau- tions of fortifying Saint-Vaast and of keeping his garrison on alert against the possibility of a Norman attack. Easting was aware of Raoul's precautions, and he therefore made peace with the abbot, in order to have a free hand for 550don18 R3818 DiElomta, in El" IX, M7'h8: "e e 0 1101318 “Ida di" lectissimi . . . . Favre, Eudes, pp. 128-29- S60donis Regis Diplomats, in g3, IX, ##8. Favre, Eudes, p. 129. 57Regino, Chronicon, ed. Pertz, in w, §§, I, 578: "Erat autem in eadem villa basilica pergrandis ex lapide constructa, in qua maxima pars Nort- mannorum introivit cum duce eorum nomine Hastingo . . . . Ruotbertus . . . interfectus est in introitu ipsius ecclesiae . . . ." Thus it was Easting who led the Normans in the attack from the great stone church at Brissarthe. Rebert the Strong, the duke of Neustria, was killed in this famous fight, which occurred in 866. Regino places these events in 867. 58Both abbacies became vacant on the death of Raoul (5 January 892). Annales Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in MGH, fig, II: 2053 W, ed. Pertz, in MGR, §§, V, 12. Fblcuin, Chartularium Sithiense, in Cartulaire de l'abba de Saint-Bertin, 6d. Benjamin Gugrard (Collection des Documents Iagdits relatifs I l'Histoire de France) (Paris: 18555, p. 133. «an M. um». 16%?“ k whw 35 the conduct of his predatory activities in the neighborhood. The Viking was laying a trap. On the feast day of Saint John the Evangelist (27 December, 890), Easting and his band suddenly appeared before the walls of the monastery. Raoul and his monks were ready, but the abbot was afraid that a larger Viking army in winter quarters at Noyon was coming to Join Easting. Indeed, Easting my even have circulated this rumor as part of his plan to take the monastery. Raoul was also suspicious of a trap, says the annalist of Saint-Yeast, simply because Easting was in command. He decided that it would be safer to remin on the defensive, so he kept his men inside the stockade of the monastery. But some time after Easting had departed, Raoul learned the truth of the sat- tsr; namely, that the Vikings under Easting had in fact been unsupported by the Noyon am. Raoul was so furious at Easting for his trick that he set out after him, and struck his band with a series of harassing raids. After that Easting and his followers kept their distance.” The entire episode illus- trates the cunning of the barbarians in conducting their guerrilla warfare, and how difficult it must have been for the monasteries, which remained so vulnerable to surprise attacks. In the case of Saint-Vaast, the inmates of the abbey were fortunate in having so resourceful an abbot. Not all of the monks were as luclq. 59Annales Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in ms, §_s, II, 205: "Alstingus vex-o per dolum pacem fecit cum Rodulfo abbate, ut libere posset ire quo vellet. Praedictus vero Alstingus die sollempnitatis sancti Iohannis evangelistae venit adversus castrum sive monasterium sancti Vedasti. Roldulfus vero abba, timens ne multitude qui Noviomo erat cum eius adveniret, et insidias timens--quod etiam Alstingus mndaveratnpopulum retinuit: sed cognita veritate, multum Post eorum discessum doluit . Frequentibus vero incursionibus exterruit eos, nec ausi aunt postea its adversus praedictum venire castrum." The Chronicon Sithiense S. Bertini, in EF, 11:, 72, reports a surprise attack on the abbey of Saint-Bertin in April, 891. The Normans were hunted down and suffered great losses. this raid seems to have been by the same group as that reported in the Lanai“ Vedastini. 36 About this same time precautions were being taken elsewhere. The abbey of Saint—Loup of Troyes, formerly located outside the walls of the city, was transferred about 890 or 891 into the interior of the town by its abbot, Adelerin. his action was taken because of the Viking threat.6° In 893 King Dudes granted a charter to the monastery of Saint-Medard of Soissons confirm- ing a request for the fortification of this house. A fortress with a wall was to be built, in addition to a wall going around the monastery proper. More- 61 The same charter ordered repairs over, the monastery was to be garrisoned. to be made on the fortress called Vice, located on the Aisne river. his place belonged to the abbey of Saint-Medard from a date earlier than Eudes' charter, and had been constructed by order of Charlemagne.62 In 898 the Normans had again returned to Burgundy, this time under the leadership of Easting. The anonymous author of the Vita S. Viventii tells us that the savagery of the Normans drove off the population of the region, and before the predators had finished most of the province was in flames, including the recently founded monastery of Saint-Viventius.63 The Normans were still a 5°cuitheri Abbatis s. LupLTrecensis Memorialis Libellus, in HF, m, l1'91- H D'Arbois de Jubainville, Eistoire des Ducs et des Comtes de Chag%gn__e depuis 1e VIE sieclejusali‘ a la fin du XIQ (2 volumes; Paris and Troyes: 1 59- 50), I, 67. Hereafter this work will be cited as D 'Arbois de Jubainville, 6:I'Odonis Regis Diplomats, in ,EF IX, #60: "Munitionem quoque muratum 91: mm cinctam in circuitu ipsius Monasterii fieri decrevimus propter insur- gentium Danorum insolentiam, et infidelium inimicorum Christi insidias, ut abs- que excusatione Christi milites Deo semper in praefato lbnasterio valeant 11111.. tare. " 62Ib___:|._d., 11!, #60—61. Chronicon S Medardi Suessionensis, in ER, 121, 56. he obituary for Eudes (_a____nno 898) praises him for the things he did for the monastery: "Fecit etiam praedictus Rex Odo Castrum de Vice et de 8. hhdardo 1’ 1mm prepter insurgentium Danorum insolentiam; et multa alia bona . . . ." 63Vita s. Viventii, in _A_A___SS, Januarii, II, 95: "Contigit etenim post ‘liduot annorum curricula, repullulante paganorum saevitia, atque invadente “tinge Homnnorum Principe cum suis Burgundiomm fines, ut praedicta B. V1- 70111311 maper data possessio cum tota pene provineia ab eisdem Romania de ”matte. incendio crenretur." Qt .‘LI "ii ‘1. 37 cause of concern in the Rmis also. Eerve’, the newly elected archbishop of Reims (6 July, 900) immediately upon his consecration began to build up the walls of certain strong places and to reconstruct churches which had been burned by the Danes.6h Toward the end of June, 903, a Norman fleet commuded by two Viking chieftains, named Heric and Baret, sailed down the Loire and fell upon the city of Tours. In all, twenty-nine churches were burned, to- gether with all the places of refuge. Nothing escaped the Viking torches. The abbey of Saint-Lhrtin, built in the fifth century by Saint Perpetuus, was left a charred ruin.65 In 910 the Vikings were in Berry pillaging in the area around the monastery of Saint-Genou.66 Five years later the monastery of Saint- Colmnbe of Sens was fortified by its abbot, Bette, with the support in this undertaking of Richard, duke of Burgundy. This was done in order to protect the house against the Normans.67 Finally, about 925 the Normans succeeded in taking over the monastery of Fleury-sur-Loire for a brief period of time.68 The Scandinavians seem to have done more damage than the Saracens and figure. The quantity of evidence relating to their acts of brigandage seems to assure for them this distinction. Be that as it may, the other two bar- barian races contributed substantially to the terror of the Church and society. 61"Flodoard, Eistoriae Ecclesiae Remensis Libri matuor, in _I_’_I_.., CW, 292. Flodoard's History of the Church of Reims will be cited hereafter as Flodoard, in}. 65See Eckel, Charles le Simple, pp. 67, n. 3, and 68. The evidence cited by Eckel is a note inscribed in a tenth-century hand on a manuscript en- titled msitio Rabani presbiteri sugr lbtheum. See note 39 supra. A char. ter of Charles the Simple confirming certain possessions and imunities to the church of Saint-Lhrtin of Tours testifies to this devastation at the hands of the pagans. See Caroli Singicis Diplomats, in £13, 11:, #96-99. 66Miracuis s. Genu_lp£i ppigeopi, in AASS, Jannarii, II, #66. 67Poupardin, Provence, p. 337, n. 6. 68Aimoin, De Miraculis s. Benedicti, in LL, cm, 806-07. 38 'me aracens were especially active in Provence. At some undetermined date early in the tenth century these people ventured forth from their lair at Praxinetum on the coast of Provence, and devastated the abbey of Saint-Jean of Esparnon in the county of FrgJus.69 Somewhat later, probably in the second- quarter of the tenth century, they destroyed the monastery of flint-Victor at hrseillesjo A charter issued by Count Hugh of Provence, probabhr before 926, provided for the restoration of the abbey of Saint-Pierre at Vienna. when the Saracens sacked the Viennois, this house was destroyed.“ Finally, there exists from 91+O a letter from Rudolph of Saint-murice at Agaune to Louis IV of France, in which the abbot appealed to the king for aid. The Saracens had been in the Rhone valley shortly before this letter was written, and it was their visit, which made Rudolph's appeal necessary. The letter states that the monastery church and all of its buildings were reduced to ashes through the hands of the barbarians.72 “me Magyar raids of 935 and 937, especially, were very destructive of 69Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Victor de Dhrseille, 6d. Benjamin Guérard (Collection des Documents Inédits relatifs B l'Histoire de France) (2 volumes; Paris: 18577, I, 291, no. 269. The pirates of Fraxinetum spreadout to the east as well. In the Alps they destroyed the abbey of Novalaise some- time before 906. It had been evacuated by its monks, led by their abbot, a certain Donnivert.‘ They fled to Turin in Italy, where they found a refuge in the abbey of Saint Andrew-Outside-the-Walls . The monks took their treasure and their library, some 6000 volumes. Only two monks were left behind to guard the monastery. When the Saracens arrived, these two religious were put to death, the monastery pillaged, and the buildings were burned. See Poupardin, Provence, pp. 262-63. 70Gallia Christiana, I, 6A3. Poupardin, Provence, p. 260, n. 5. 71mm: Comitis Provinciae et ngis Italiae Diplomats, in 313, II, 689-90, no . I . 72F10doard, Annales, a. 91m. Callie Christiana, m, 793: . . ecclesia nostra quae forte tumulus sanctorum lartyrum est, cum universis aedi- ficiis ad eam pertinentibus per menus barbarorum its in cineres redacta est, ut etiam muri ex magna parte corruerint." 39 the monasteries in France. In 935 the Hungarians burned the abbey of Savigny, mking the place uninhabitable.73 The abbey of Ainay was also burned about this time.7ll The raid of 937 was far more disastrous. Ema invaders first struck Champagne, where they extended their ravages throughout the province of Reins. One of their depredations failed: the barbarians were unable to burn the church of Saint-mere. They tried by placing two haystacks against the walls and igniting them.75 The inmates of the monastery of flint-Basle fled to Reims with the relics of their patron. When the barbarians arrived, they found the monastery empty, and used it as their camp from which to pil- lage the area . Several rumors were current which said the thyars were pun- ished for their greed. One of the warriors had climbed a bell tower and fall when he tried to seize the brilliant metal bell. Flodoard says that ". . . he perished of his broken limbs."76 Another time a barbarian was attempting 73Cartu1a1re de l'abbaye de Savigny, suivi du petit cartulaire de 1', abbaye d'Ainay, 7ed. Aug. Bernard (Collection des Documents Inédits relatifs a L'Histoire de France) (2 volumes; Paris: 1853), I, LXXVII—LXXX; 35-38. A char- ter issued by Burchard I, archbishop of Iyons, to Abbot Badinus, confirmed cer- tain privileges to the abbey of Savigny, which had been granted by Burchard‘s predecessor, Guy. The date of this charter (no. 38) was 15 August, 919. It was granted at the city of Anse, which was at that moment the scene of a pro- vincial council. We read the following interesting words, which indicate that Savigny was not only plagued by the torches of the Layers, but also by the in- vasions of laymen: ". . . Badinus, numero narrans desolationem ipsius coenobii, qualiter videlicet et a tyrannis pervasum, et a regula desistens, et ab Ungris succensum . . . ." And further on: ". . . absque alicujus contradictione vel successorum nostrorum subtractione ac diminutione, vel iniquorum hominum in- vasione . . . ." 71‘Gllllia Christiana, IV, Tit-76 and 235. Ainay was restored by Arch- bishop Amblard of Lyons 6561-978?)- 75Flodoard, Annalee, a. 937: " . . . aecclesiam sanctae mcrae duabus etiam segetum metis, quae parietibus pene ipsius adhaerebant, exustis, accen~ dere nequiverun . " 76nodoard, pg, in in, cmv, 100-101: ". . . membrisque confractis interiit.“ YNJI‘ ad ”NV «an! cu. “Lt \x\ mm. )40 to climb over the altar of a church dedicated to Saint Lhrtin. When he placed his hand in the carving of the altar, it stuck in the marble, and he was un- able to remove it. His companions did not wish to leave him, so they took a double-edged axe and broke off the altar the piece of marble that encircled his hand. In this way, says Flodoard, they freed their energetic helper.77 'me monastery of aint-Elhierry was committed to the flames by the Hungarians, and all the villages round about were destroyed. this disaster had been predicted by a certain Otbert, who was a monk in that place.78 me Chronicon S. Columbae Senonensis states that the lhgyars were there on the twenty-fourth of lurch, 937. No details of their presence were recorded ex- cept that ". . . these savage barbarians, with their inborn ferocity, began to nasacre by the sword and to destroy by fire."79 0n the same day the mon- astery of Saint—Pierre-le-Vif, near Sens, was burned.80 The oft-ravaged abbey of Saint-Pierre of B‘eze probably went up in flames. we recall that the author of the Chronicon Besuense wrote that the monastery of B‘eze was burned on seven separate occasions.81 Each time the faithful monks returned to rebuild their 77Ibid., in 3;, cxxxv, 101. The same story is told by Flodoard in his Annalee, a. 937. 7331s., in 3;, cxxxv, 93-9t. 79Chronicon S. Columbae Senonensis, in Bibliothéque historians de l' Yonne, 6d. 1.. M. Duru (2 volumes; Auxerre and Paris: 1F50-637, I: 205: "11:16:11 1; Quoted by Iauer, Louis IV, p. 22: ". . . ces sauva es ,Harbares, avec leur ferocite innee, comenc rent h mssacrer par le fer et detruire par le fan." 366’ also, the Historia Francorum Senonensis, ed. Georg Waits, in E, E: IX, 3 . , 8°Clarius, Chronicon s. Petri Vivi Senonensis, in £13, Ix, 3h. 312m Annalee Besuenses, ed. Pertz, in an, §_S, II, 21+9, do not say that the abbey was burned in 937 3 however, the lawyers were in the region of the monastery of B‘eze, and one may recall that the author of the Chronicon Besuense referred to seven different destructions of that place . See note 50 53s:- #1 religious home--fitting acts to the steadfastness of their faith. he lagers also burned the abbey of Lure, which had been abandoned by its inhabitants, before the terrible wave of destruction. Only two of its oratories were left untouched. One of these had contained the tomb of Saint Deicolus, and the barbarians had not dared to go too near it. At first they had attempted to ignite it with a flaming torch, but were suddenly stricken with terror and fled.82 Imgine the scene of a peaceful Benedictine abbey quietly resting amid the gently rolling countryside of Burgundy. The monks are all busy, occupied with their diurnal tasks. Some are bending at their plows in the adjacent fields; others can be seen strolling at a meditating pace in the cloister. From the basilica can be heard the rising and falling voices of the choir in- toning a Gregorian anthem. What we see is a microcosm of society composed of men attempting to live the life of Christian perfection. Suddenly, from the watchtower, excited shouts are heard: "Nortmannil Nortmnni!" The sails of the dreaded longboats can be seen up the river in the distance. At once the calm order of work and prayer is broken. In the basilica the anthem for the office ends abruptly, as the chanters stream from the south door of the trans- cept. Some are clutching their psalters; others, reverently but with haste, are carrying the reliquary housing the mortal remins of their patron saint. Still others frantically dash back inside to secure the crucifix, chalices, and Patens- me cloister is a scurry of activity; the scriptorium, empty. From the nearby fields excited calls and anxious faces confirm the fearful ru- nor. the flight of the religious has begun . ‘ How mny times this scene, or something very similar, must have been 82V1ta 8. Deicoli Abbate Llrtrenai, in M88, Januarii, II, 570. ('9- Id r": '4. 1L2 reenacted in Burgundy and elsewhere in France during the late ninth and early tenth centuries . A great deal of our information from the sources suggests that this sort of interruption occurred frequently enough. In the confusion and turmoil which resulted from the barbarian raids, the civilizing work of the clerg was disrupted. Both the regular and secular clergy were affected. Compelled to abandon their monasteries and churches, they set out in search of refuge. the religious and the poor were truly the displaced persons of the invasion period. The monks of the abbey of Montier-en-Der near Troyes were forced to flee from the Northmen about the year 895 . Carrying the body of their patron, Saint Berchaire, they Journeyed into Provence, where Louis the Blind and his wife, Queen Emengarde, found a home for the-.83 About the same time some other refugees from the Normans arrived at Arles and were welcomed by Louis and Ermengarde. These were monks from the abbey of Tournus.8)+ John of filerno, the biographer of Saint Odo of Cluny, tells us in the abbot's fit: about two monks from Cluny who were mistreated after having fallen into the hands of the Normans.85 We read elsewhere of monks fleeing with the tree- sures of their abbey.86 In 908 the monks of the abbey of Charroux brought back to their monas- tery the wood of the True Cross and other precious ornaments belonging to their church. These articles had been removed to Angoulfime at the end of the ninth 83I.udovici Regis Provinciae seu Burgundiae, et wtoris Diploaata, in E: II, 679, no. VI. Poupardin, Provence, p. 161. 8I‘Imlovici Regis Provinciae seu Burgundiae, et Mtoris Liplomata, in .112: IX, 679, no. VI. Poupardin, JPrOZvence, p. 161. __ 85John of Salome, Vita Sancti Odonis, in _I_’__L, cxxxnI, 67-68. 36in Vita Sancti Geraldi Auriliacensis Comitis, in _P_I., cxxxIII, 665-66. The author—T'or is Life arid-lint Gerald, count of Aurillac was Saint Odo of Cluny mentioned above . #3 century, so that they would not fall into the hands of the Loire Vikings.87 Three years later the monks of saint-Mairent wanted to bring back from Brit- tany the body of their patron saint, but when their procession reached the Loire they learned that the Normans were ravaging Poitou. v Thus, the last leg of their Journey home was blocked. Brittany, from which they had Just come, was also threatened. The monks decided to move on, and wandering from one place to another, eventually reached the county of Auxerre in Burgundy, where Duke Richard received them.88 Such curious processions must have become a familiar sight by the beginning of the tenth century. At mrseilles in 923 the canons of the cathedral abandoned their residence due to attacks by the Saracens. From a charter of Archbishop Lhnasses of Arles, dated 13 June, 923, we learn that these canons received the monastery of Saint-Gemis at Foe in compensation for their losses and as a place of refuge.89 Nomn defeats in 925 brought a temporary respite from their pillaging in Francia, and the monks of Montier-en—Der and of Saint-Lhur-des-Fossgs re- turned with their treasures to their abandoned monasteries}o The following year, however, witnessed a savage incursion by the Hungarians. In the province of Reims the inmates of Saint-Remi hastened to safety within the walls of the archepiscopal see.9l Again, in 930, the Normans were severely defeated by 87Alfred Richard, Histoire des Comtes de Poitou, 178-120h (2 volumes 3 Paris: 1903), I, 56-57. Hereafter this work will be cited as Richard, Poitou. BBRichard, Poitou, I, 57. I 890artulaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Victor de )hrseille, ed. ouérsra, I, 3’ no. lo 9°Iauer, Robert et Raoul, 1). 1+0. 91nodoerd, w, a. 926. M4 King houl in the Linousin at a place called Ad Destricios. The monks of Charroux were thus enabled to return to their abbey. The regular clergy of the monasteries at Estrées and Fleury-sur-Loire also returned to their houses, bearing the relics of their patrons, Saints Canon and Benedict.92 The Hungarian invasion of 937 caused a mass exodus of the regular cler- gy. Ellie monks of Saint-Basle fled to Reims with the relics of their patron.93 When the barbarians reached Sens, the inhabitants of the abbey of Rebais es- caped to the border of Normandy near Evreux.9h From Saint-Pierre-le-Vif Abbot Samson and his flock carried the relics of Saints Savinianus, Potentianus, Altius, and Kodaldus to a church in Sens which belonged to their deserted monastery. they left behind the remains of Saint Sevotinus, which were safely buried in a crypt behind the s1tsr.95 The inmates of Saint-Genou found refuge at Inches when the lbgyars crossed the Loire into Aquitainefl6 In Burgundy the abbey of Lure was deserted and probably, also, Saint-Pierre of 332mg? The latter place was burned so many times that it is difficult to imagine the monks lingering there for long. The secular clergy were also displaced by the invasions. In 892 BishOp 92Adhemar of Chabannes, Historiarum Libri Tree, in E, 0102.1, 37. Lunar, Robert et Raoul, p. 59. 93Flodoard, £13, in pp, cxxxv, 100. 9hChronica Albrici Monachi Trium Fontium, ed. Paul Scheffer-Boichorst, in E, gs, m, 762. 95s: Historia Translationis ss. Saviniani, Poteniani, et cetera in Senonense 8.; Petri Coenobium, in HF, IX; 135 95mrscu1s s. sew, in AA___S__S, Januarii, II, 1:67. 97Vits s. Deicoli Abbate Lutrensi, in use, Januarii, II, 570. Chron. do l'abbayeAde aint-Béni de Di on, suivie de la Chronifle de Saint- §1erre de dee, 'ed. Bougaud et Garnier Analecta Divionensia, IX),p p. 278. LI||1 |Il||ru . x v 1+5 Heriland of 'lihgrouanne fled to Reims for asylum from the Northmen, who had pillaged his diocese and bishopric. lhe fugitive prelate was taken in by Amhbishop Fulk and was later appointed to another see.98 The devastation of the province of Nerbonne by the mgars in 924 was so great that scarcely any member of the secular clergr could be found for the service of the Church” Four years later Bishop Odalric of Aix-en-Provence was chased from his bishop- ric by the araeens.loo When these marauders laid waste the region of Embrun, Archbishop saint Liberal fled to the Limousin with the relics of saint unr- cell.l:l.mis.lc’:L A charter of King Lothaire, not dated but probably issued some- time between 959 and 968, bears witness to the flight of a bishop and an abbot from Brittany to Paris. These two prelates, carrying with them the relics of Saints Samson and mgloire, sought refuge and found it at the court of Hugh Capet.102 Irhe peregrinations of the clergy gave rise to many legendary stories. For example, in 937 during the great Magyar raid, a priest named Adalgar from Bouvancourt was led away in chains into the neighborhood of Bourges . Accord- ing to Flodoard, a vision appeared to this priest one night, telling him to 98Flodoard, HER, in _I_’__L, cxxxv, 27o. 9901aude Devic and. Joseph Vaiss‘ete, Histoire Ge’nérale de languedoc (16 volumes; Toulouse: 1872-19010, III, 100. This multi-volume work will be cited hereafter as Devic and Vaissdte, Laggedoc. 10°nodoerd, Annales, a. 928; gin, in 31,, cxxxv, 296. lolPoupardin, Provence, pp. 26h-6S. Shortly before Saint Liberal's flight the threat of a Saracen raid had caused the translation of the body of a aint lurius or Saint Lhry from the monastery of Valbodon to the castle of Forcalquier. One suspects that the arrival of a party of monks, bearing the body of their patron saint, must have caused a considerable degree of excite- ment mug the family and other lay occupants of the chateau. 1°2mtherii neg Diplomta, in g, n, alt-#5. no. xxm. Lot, Lea. gamers Carolggiens, p. 352. "‘- escape from the Jail where he was being kept. The apparition had loosened his shackles. Fearing to escape because the layers frequently had threatened to kill him, he decided to secure the chains and bolt the door of his Jail. Ithe next night the apparition reappeared, and once more he restrained himself from flight. At last the vision ordered him to flee. For some days this re- luctant priest concealed himself from the barbarians in a disguise, until at length he returned to his own Lani“,3 During his captivity, Adalgar experienced another unusual occurrence .10“ A monk named Hucbald, of the abbey of Orbais, had been captured and taken away by the Hungarians . They wanted to kill Hucbald, but the arrows they shot at him would not cut through his flesh. Adalgar had seen this invulnerable monk standing nude in the midst of the mgyars. The barbarians loosed their arrows at him from every side, but to no avail. His skin showed not the slightest sign of a wound. They even tried to cut through his flesh with their swords, but this also failed. After that the barbarians gave up persecuting Husbald. They began saying that he was God, and held him in great awe. later a bishop ransoned him, and the barbarians allowed him to depart“)5 A survey of the destruction left by the barbarian invasions shows be- yond the shadow of a doubt that the western Frankish Church and society suf- fered terribly from the raids. [the towns, monasteries, and churches were be- sieged, pillaged, and destroyed with a frequency which excited horror in the 1°3Flodoard, Annales, a. 937. 101L213” a. 937. Flodoard, says that Adalgar is important to us for what he saw concerning Hucbald, as if Adalgar' s own experience were not nir- aculous enough; "Is nobis retulit quod viderit in hac captivitate . . . he- baldum. . 1°5nid., a. 9373 _) in E: cm) 113’ 47 contemporary mentality. Furthermore, the clergy and the poor, defenseless Christians were rude homeless by these depredations. But, in addition to the specific instances of vandalism which have been cited above, there was even more suffering which has gone unrecorded in its particulars. For lack of a better expression, one might call the misery inferred from this evidence the sum of destruction. For what is indicated here is the total effect, the im- pression or impact, which the barbarian blitzkrieg had upon tenth-century France. The fury of the blitzkrieg struck practically every region of France as the barbarians roamed almost at will over the land. The annalist of Saint- Vaast informs us that in the winter and spring of 889 the Danes pillaged parts of Burgundy, Neustria, and Aquitaine in their usual manner. No one opposed them as they swept through the country with fire and sword.lO6 Again, in the Spring of 898, the Northmen returned to their ships and ravaged part of Aqui- taine and Neustria by destroying a great many strong places and killing the inhabitants whom they came across .107 'lhe same year they ravaged the Auvergne as far as Clermont, invaded the region of Sens, and laid waste the neighborhood 0f £13m)” .108 Between 923 and 926 the Normans, now settled and nominally Christianized, took advantage of the struggles among the magnates to satisfy 106Annalee Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in 35g, §_S_, II, 205: "Dani vero more suo Burgundiam, Niustriam atque partem Aquitaniae, nullo resistente, igne et ferro devastant." 107nm.) 11, 209: "Nortmanni vero verno tempore rediere ad naves, vastata Aquitaniae parte atque Neustria, insuper plurimis eversis castris, interfectisque habitatoribus . " 103mm of Saint-Quentin, De Ibribus et Actis Primorum Nomnniae m- Lug Libri Tres, in 11., CXLI, 61m. Eckel, Charles le 31mg, pp. 66-67. " #8 their appetite for raiding. 'L'ney returned to their old ways by pillaging Burgundy, Artois, and Porcien.lo9 In 926 the mgyars struck so hard and so fast in Burgundy and Champagne, that there was no time to assemble a force to 110 resist them. Again, in 951+, they conducted one of their whirlwind raids. Striking first in the Laonnais and the Remois, they slashed through Vemndois, and on to Ghalons in Burgundy.m leustria was the center of the Viking operations in the late ninth century. The entry for 892 in the Annales Vedastini records a famine for that year.ll2 It is possible that this disaster was made more serious by the V1- king devastation of the fields. The marauders left for nigland in that year, but were back again in 896 and 897 ravaging the borders of the Seine, with no one resisting.ll3 Even Normandy, which from 911 became the new home of the Scandinavian adventurers, was hard hit by devastation. We hear of an abortive peasant up- rising which occurred sometime between 903 and 911. The rustics were put down by Duke Rollo, but the protest, nevertheless, probably signified widespread discontent over the land.llb’ 1°9nodoerd, Annal______e_s, a. 923, 921+, 925, and 926. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, texte reproduit d' apres 1' edition originale donnee par G. H. Pertz avec traduction francaise, notice et commentaire, par J. Guadet (So- cié t de l' Histoire de France, no. hO-h3) (2 volumes in 1; Paris: 181+S),_11b. 1:08 __2 l$8—Sl.. Hereafter this work will be cited as Richer, Historiarum Libri tuor. Citations refer to the book and chapter of the original Latin source. noFlodoard, Annales, a. 926. Lauer, Robert et Raoul, p. N}. mnodoard, Annales, a. 951+. 112mm: Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in 1911, gs, II, 206. n31bid., II, 208. ”We of ‘ Saint-Quentin, De Moribus et Actis Primorum hermenne Pious: Libri Tres, in 3123, CXLI, 641F431- 1‘9 An instance concerning the inconvenience caused to a bishop will serve to illustrate the activities of the Vikings in Champagne. In February or lurch, 892, the Normans were pillaging the countryside between Reims and Cam- brai. 'llieir predatory activities prevented Dodilo, the bishop of Cambrai, from going to a provincial synod that had been convoked at Reims by Archbishop Fulk. The meeting had been called in order to decide upon the action to be taken against Baldwin, the count of Flanders, who was conducting terroristic operations against the Church. In a letter to Fulk, Dodilo wrote that he was unable to attend because the Northmen had cut off his route to Ileiills.l15 Another region repeatedly devastated was Burgundy. Toward the end of the year 887, to cite a single instance, the Northmen followed the lhrne into Burgundy, pillaging all the places along the way in their accustomed manner.116 The record of the Vikings in this duchy has been summed up well by a notable historian of that region: For Frankish Burgundy, the period of Norman invasions, extended, to speak properly, from the treaty of Paris (be- ginning of November, 886) to the battle of St. Florentine (December, 898). 'lhese twelve years numbered among the most terrible of our provincial history, to such a point that the Burgundian chroniclers of following ages, when 115Flodoard, Q, in _1_’_L, CXXXV, 281-82: "Item cum caeteris coepisco- p18, Didone scilicet Laudunensi, Hetilone Noviomense, Riculfo Suessorum, Heri- lando Marinensi, scribens: huic praesuli Dodiloni significat, nos praemissos in urban Remensem covenisse praesules, ad tractandum de pervasione Balduini, de quo scripserat eidem Dodillo, admonere illum, ut resipisceret a pravo temer- itatis suae fastu. Sed quoniam idem praesul rescripserat, occurrere eisdem praesulibus se nequivisse, quia suum iter Nortmannorum praeripuit gladius, ceu de comani compatitur exitio." ll5Anne1es Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in 1911, pg, II, 203: "Nortmanni vero omnia loca usque Mosam more solito et partem ‘Burgundiae devastant. " 50 they wished to depict the horror of it, thought of nothing better than to compare it to the sinister times of the Vandals and the Saracens-'1-l Brittany was also a target of the Northmen in the ninth and tenth centuries. here exists a charter of mike Alan the Great (888-907), issued about 897, granting the monastery of Saint Andrew and a church of the same name to Bishop Foucher of Nantes, in which Alan testifies to the hardships caused in that diocese by the fury of the Northmen: The venerable bishop Foucher presented himself before us; he has exposed to us, by deploring them, the losses suffered by his church, the ruin of the country and of nearly all his diocese as a result of the ravages of the Normans, to the point that he is not able to find sufficient resources either to restore the churches or to sustain his clergy.llge has beseeched us with tears to come to his aid he charter informs us that Bishop Foucher went on to request the monastery, and Alan, moved by his tears and pleas, granted the request.‘u9 For twenty years (919- 39) the Breton people found themselves engaged in a u7hhurice Chaume, Les origincs du duchg de Bourgoge (2 volumes; Bi- Jon: 1925), I, 329. This work will be cited hereafter as Ghaume, Bear 0 e. The Abbe Chamne ' 8 Judgment follows: "Pour In Bourgogne franque la periode des invasions normandes s'étend, d proprement parler,’ du traits de Paris (début de novembre 886) \a la bataille de Saint-Florentin (decembre 898). Gas dguze annees comptentparmi les plus terribles de notre histoire provinciale, a tel point que les chroniqueurs bourguignons des ages suivants, lorsqu' ils veulent en peindre l'horreur, ne croient pouvoir mieux faire que de les comparer aux temps sinistres des Vandales et des Sarrasins . . . ." 1.18m la Borderie, Histoire dejretage, II, 335,: "Le vc’nefrebie 6v?- que Foucher s 'est présenté Fev'ant nous; il nous a expose, en les déplorant, les pertes subies per son eglise, la ruine du pays et de presque tout son dio- c se par suite des ravages des Normands, au point qu'il n'y peut trouver de ressources suffisantes po restaurer les eglises ni pour sustener son clerge. Il nous a supplie avec larmes de lui venir an aide . . . ." M. de la Borderie has used as his source the Chronicle of_Nantes, which apparently con- tains this charter . 119 1a., II, 335-36. the revenues from the monastic and church pro- Pfirties ena led Foucher to assume the expenses necessarily involved in recon- structing his diocese. 51 life and death struggle with the Normans. They finally defeated the Northmen at the battle of Trans (1 August 939) under their great duke, Alan Twist-Beard, but this long war had brought misery to Brittany and had caused large numbers of Bretons to desert their province, seeking asylum in England.120 Aquitaine also suffered repeated invasions . In 910, for example, the mass were there. Among their other atrocities, they killed Archbishop ”Mai- 12]. bert of Bourges . We hear of them again in 930, when King Raoul defeated them at the place called Ad Destricios.122 The layers also cut through Aqui- taine. In 937, end again in 951, they crossed the Loire and devastated Berry.123 Provence was the center of the Saracen raids, but the Hungarians also visited this province .121’ About 906 the Moslems attacked the region of Va- lence and the Viennois . At Valence the inhabitants of the environment found safety with their bishop.125 The Alps dividing Provence from Italy were a favorite hideout for the Saracens. Ensconced in the high places above the J-2‘3It>id., II, 355-98, Essim. See the very numerous quotations in these pages on the ravages of the Normans in Brittany during this period. 'lhe Breton chroniclers wasted no love on the Normans: "Tune ipsi Normanni, viri diabolici, crudelissimique et perversi homines . . . totam Britanniam devas- tarunt . . . ." (p. 356, n. l). 1'ZlAnnales thciacenses, ed Pertz, in All—g, 88, III, 169: "Anno Do- minicae IncarnatTonis 910 Bhdalbertus, Bituricensis episcopus, a paganis occiditur. " 123Adhemar of Chabannes, Historiarum Libri Tres, in 2;, CXLI, 37. l23I'lodeerd Annales a 937 and 951 Miracula s Genul hi , : - . - J M in AASS, Januarii, II, 367. ’ let‘Flodoard, ,Anna_____l__es a. 921}. Ellis Chronicon Nemausense, ed. Pertz, in EH, 88, III, 219, carries this brief statement dated a year later: "Anne 925-7— Ungari vastaverunt terram istam. " Devic et Vaisséte, M, III, 99-100, give an account of the hgyars' defeat at the hands of Raymond-Pens III, count of Toulouse. According to Flodoard, their ranks had been decimted by a plague of dysentery. J'25Poupardin, Provence, p. 261. 52 passes, they prayed on Christian pilgrims crossing the mountains on their way to Rome. Either at the end of 920 or the beginning of 921 a group of English pilgrims were killed by rocks thrown down upon them by the Saracens.126 Two years later (923) a number of English pilgrims were cruelly slaughtered by these Alpine bandits.127 By 929 Christians were still hopeful that they might reach Rome in safety despite the known dangers which lurked in the passes. Flodoard tells us that a group of pilgrims set out on the Journey, but were forced to abandon their trip and return home when they found their path through the Alps blocked by the $racens.]'28 From the same source we learn that in 931 Archbishop Robert of Tours was murdered in the Alps by '"brigands".129 Still. more pilgrims met their deaths there at the hands of the Saracens in 936 and 939.130 By 951 the Moslems had taken to ransoming travelers whom they caught in the Alps.131 This seems to have become their favorite tactic against the Christians in the third-quarter of the century. The most famous instance of a Christian ransomed by the Saracens was, of course, the captivity of Saint lhieul of Cluny in 972. 126Flodoard, Annales, a. 921: "Anglorum Roman proficiscentium plurimi inter angustias Alpium lapidibus a Sarracenis sunt obruti." Flodoard's words seem to suggest that the Saracens buried these people under an avalanche. 127Ibid., a. 923: "Miltitudo Anglorum limina sancti Petri orationis gratis petentium inter Alpes a Sarracenis trucidatur." 1283916.» a. 929: "Viae Alpium a Sarracenis obsessae, a quibus mil-t1 Romm proficisci volentes, imaditi revertuntur." 1'29Ibid., a. 931: "Rotbertus, archiepiscopus 'l‘uronensis aecclesiae Rom reasons , sub Alpibus noctu infra tentoria cum comitantibus secum interim.- tur a latronibus . " It appears to have been impossible even to get through the passes under cover of darkness, and with an armed escort. 130314. , a. 936 and 939- 13133;“. , a. 951: "Sarraceni meatum Alpium obsidentes, a viatoribus Roman petentibus tributtm accipiunt, et sic eos transire permittun ." 53 What, then, was the total aspect of the barbarian invasions upon the Church and society in France? It must be admitted that not only the Church and clergy but laymen as well, rich and poor alike, the towns, the fields, all things that stood in the path of the invaders were eagerly regarded by their war-bands as likely targets for robbery, murder, or destruction. A climte of fear pervaded Christian society. A single illustration-- the ngyar raid of 937--will suffice to sake the point. The Layers first struck Franconia in Germany. Other hordes invaded Swabia and axony. Otto the Great pursued them as far as nets, driving them pell-mell toward the West. From Lorraine they moved into Champagne, where they devastated the Remois. finance to Sens, and crossing the Loire, they invaded Berry. Driven out of Aquitaine at Orleans, they went into Burgundy, and eventually to Italy, and finally home again.l32 Thus did these savages swoop down upon the West, riding and pillaging in a great circular swath around the Alps. Laden with booty and captive slaves, surfeited with the blood of innocent men, women, and children, they had caused untold miseries to Christian society.l33 mnasteries and 1321auer, Louis IV, pp. 19-26, has traced the path of destruction left by the mgyars from the moment when they appeared in Lorraine to their ultimate egress from Burgundy into Italy. I am indebted to his valuable monograph. J"3317’1odoard, Annales, a. 937: ". . . qua villae et agri depopulati, ' domus basilicaeque conflagratae, captivorum abducts multitudo." Richer, H13- tgriarum Libri Quatuor, II, 7: "Qua etiam mox prosequitur et Hungarorum p3? Gallias repentina persecutio. Qui nimium saevientes, municipia aliquot, vi].- lasque et agros depopulati aunt; basilicas quoque quamplures combusserunt; ac indemnes redire ob principum dissidentiam permissi aunt, cum magna captivorum multitudine. Rex enim copias non habcns, ignominiam pertulit, et utpote a suis desertus, sevientibus cessit." From Richer we learn that the mgyars went un- opposed and unpunished because of disagreements among the nagnates. The king (Louis IV) was helpless, for he had no troops at his disposal. Richer says he was deserted by his vassals. The internal feuds among the great warriors and the king are frequently cited by contemporaries as the primry reason for the success of the barbarian raids. No doubt this was a great factor; however, in many cases the barbarians were pursued. But the counterattacks were generally too late. The damge had been done, and the barbarians had already gone. 5h churches smouldered in charred ruins, crops lay broken or burned in the fields through which the ferocious pack had ridden. Everywhere the aftermath of their rage was visible. Like a tornado the horde had swept through France, and after it was gone whole regions lay prostrate in silent desolation. the collective mentality of the people, who lived in the regions which had suffered, experienced a profound shock . Flodoard wrote that the sly had foretold their coming: the heavens were seen to burn with a fiery light.13u At Sens on the morning of an February blood-stained armies appeared in the sky.135 The psychological state of the people was one of fear. The grisly spectre of Death lay across the land, and visions, apparitions, and miracles were comon. he Hlmgarians, like the horsemen of the Apocalypse, had left in their wake a nightmare of violence and destruction, suffering and despair. EL’ne loss of life and property, but, above all, the feelings of annety and uncertainty that arose from never knowing when or where the barbarians migit strike next, had the effect of loosening the moral fiber of society. lbnastic life was profoundly disturbed. The religious congregations were forced to seek refuge far off, and in the process of their Journeys and exile lost some of the discipline and exclusiveness of their manner of living. The Saracens produced chaos in Provence. Frejus was ". . . destroyed 131‘Flodoard, Annales, a. 937: "Caeli pars ardere visa, et Hungarorum persecutio ab eadem parts per Franciam insecuta est . . . ." Richer, Histori- _a_run Libri Qustuor, II, 7, follows Flodoard's account: "Et nocte did-m dente, eaeli pars prodigiose flamis erumpentibus in septentione ardere visa est . " 135mmnicon 8.001mbae Senonensis, in Bibliotheque historique de 1' _Y_____onne, 6d. L. M. Duru, I, 205, cited by Lauer, Louis Iv, p. 21, n. 7. The Chronicon Turonensi, in HF, 11:, 52, composed at a later date carries the same legend: Et eodem anno, ”XVI Kalendas urtii, a gallorum cantu usque ad lucen diei sanguineae acies per totem coeli faciem apparuerunt. Non multo post Hungari Austrasian, Alemnniam, Burgundian, Franciau at Aquitaniam vastave- mt fl 55 by the cruelty of the Saracens and reduced to the state of a desert, its in- habitants mssacred or forced by terror to flee far away."l36 One reads that for parts of Provence ". . . everything has been devastated, the churches and monasteries destroyed, the most fertile places transformed into desert . . .," and ". . . the country which had begun by being a habitation for men had be- come one of savage beasts . . . ."137 As this land was repossessed, it was done so by laymen, who, through their initiative in acting against the Sara- cens, became the chief members of the feudality in the region.138 The same was true in Francis proper, in the region between the Loire and the Reuse ri- vers. The Viking attacks had been especially severe in this area, and contri- buted substantially to the necessity for local defense on the part of the Christian population. Thus, the feudal system, with its disadvantages as well as its good points, was strengthened immeasurably by the barbarian blitzkrieg. 136Ren€ Poupardin, Le Royaume de Bourgggg4888~ 103,8) , E’tude sur les ori ines dn royaume d'Arles (Biblioth‘égue de l' cole des glautesfudes,7asc. 1533 Paris: 1 ), p. 10K: ". . . détruite par la cruauté des Sarrasins at r uite d l'etat de desert, ses habitants mssacre’s ou force’s par la terreur de fuir au loin." Hereafter this work will be cited as Poupardin, Bourggfl. , 137nm .l, p. 105. Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Victor de Marseille, ed. Benjamin Guerard, I, 19, no. 15: 1T. . . et omnipotens Deus flagenare vellet populum christianum per seviciam paganorum, gens barbarica in regno Provincie irruens, circumquaque diffuse, vehementer invaluit, ac mnitissima queque loca optinens et inhabitans cuncta vastavit, ecclesias ac monasteria plurima destruxuit ; et loca que prius desiderabilia videbantur, in solitudine redacta aunt, et que dudum habitatio fuerat hominum, habitatio postmodum cepit esse ferarum." This charter reflects a view which must have been wide- spread at the time; namely, that the barbarian raids were God's means of Punishing the sinful Christian people. 138Poupardin, W, pp. 108-10. CHAPTER II THE VIOLENT FEUDAL HARRIORS The trials of the Church and the clergy were not ended with the dis- appearance of the barbarian menace. An even greater danger threatened the Church than mere destruction of life and property by the barbarians. the penetration and dominance of the Church by the violent feudal warriors spread like a cancer through the institution. The explanation for this phenomenon is at once clear. Political disintegration within the old Carolingian empire and the pressure of attacks from without reduced governmental authority and military power into the hands of local strongmen. By the beginning of the tenth century these men were already attempting to increase or consolidate the power that they had seized. The period is characterized by incessant warfare among the feudal warriors . Everywhere the turbulent laymen sought to extend their Jurisdiction, one against the other. They did this in large part by appropriating Church property and allowing the functions of the clergy,“ whom they displaced, to lapse. In the process the Church became enmeshed in the fabric of feudal society. Before examining the attitude and behavior of the feudal warrior toward the Church and clergy, let us see how he conducted himself toward his fellows. In dealing with others like himself the feudal warrior was com- plately unencumbered by either the pangs of conscience or the strictures of the religious. His relationship with other men of his own class was governed by the bonds of blood and kinship and the formal tie of vassalage. In the ease of 57 kinship loyalty took precedence over all other considerations, including criminal acts. For instance, in 89h a certain Rama, who was guilty of having put out the eyes of one bishop and having deposed another, found a ready intercessor between himself and the Church in his kinsman Archbishop mm: of Reims.l Another incident similar to this, involving a bishop de- fending his nephew caught violating the rights of a monastery, occurred fully a century later during the reign of Hugh Capet. the nephew had suc- ceeded in extorting from the abbey of Fleury thirty hogsheads of wine at the time of the grape-harvest. His excuse was that the monastery owed him this by reason of certain feudal rights which he claimed. hen the abbot complained to the king, the latter responded by sending a force which leveled the castle belonging to the guilty party. Later the king ordered the abbot of Pleury to pay the wine in exchange for the nobleman ' s pretee- tion. It seems that Just at that moment King Hugh needed the help of the knight's uncle in a war against the count of Chartres, and the good bishop enacted as payment for his aid the guarantee of his nephew's right against the monastery? Both of these are cases in which a feudal warrior, clearly guilty of criminal action, found his support and defense in the bond of 1Annales Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in __M_}_H, 88, II, 207, does not mention Ram, but gives the names of his partners in crime: mnasses and Richard. For Rampo' s kinship to Pulk, see Plodoard, HER, IV, S. {the comlicity of the three is mentioned in m,IV,3 . Rampo was declared innocent by Pulk. the latter' a efforts in behalf of mmpo's friends withered before the blast from a papal anathema. See Pavre, Eud_____e_s, p. 171. 2Perdinand Lot, études Sur la REgne de signed Capet et la fin du :0 siecle (BibliothJue de l'fcole des mutesTtudes, fasc. 11F], Paris: 1903_Y pp. 233-31}. Hereafter this work will be cited as Lot, Hugues Capet. he uncle was Arnulf, bishop of Orleans. 'lhe abbot of Pleury was Abbe, a monk noted at the time for his learning. Both men were central figures in the running dispute between the regular and secular clergy in France in the early eleventh century. For a good discussion of issues dividing them, see Achille Luchaire, Les Premiers Ga ’tiens 8 -11 (Histoire de France illustree de- gs les origines flagLE la volution, .Ernest Lavisse, Tome II, Dannie-e rtie Paris: 1901), pp. 117-23. Hereafter this work will be cited as Luehaire, Les Premiers capétiens [987-1137) . 58 blood and kinship. It is perhps coincidental, but not particularly surpris- ing, that in both cases their misdeeds were directed against the Church, and that their kinsmen were important ecclesiastical figures. The crimes of Ramps and the extortion of wine from Fleury by the bishop's nephew are merely random illustrations of what happened to the Church and the clerg when it became enmeshed in feudal society. Lordship and vassalage also regulated the lives of the feudal barons, although in tenth- century France the feudal contract was as often honored in the breach as in the promise. Numerous examples of this state of affairs my be found in the records of the period. The bad blood between Hugh the Great, duke of France, and his lord, King Louis IV d'Outre-Mer, is a case in point. In 9115 Louis had fallen into the hands of his Norman enemies, and afterwards was turned over to his erstwhile vessel and benefactor, Hugh, who kept his: in captivity for slinost a year. {the historian Richer, writing toward the end of the century, portrays Hugh delivering a lecture to Louis on the responsibili- ties of a lord to his vassal. Richer's words were a product manufactured in: his own fertile imagination, not an exact report of what Hugh said; neverthe- less, it is a reasonable assumption that in a year's time the haughty duke said as much to his prisoner, and probably a whole lot more. Be that as it My, the words do reveal the contemorary attitude toward the matter of loyalty involved in the institution of lordship and vas salage: Some time ago, 0 King, when you were smll, the pursuit of your enemies drove you into lands across the sea. After that it was indeed by w ability and prudence that you were recalled and restored to the throne. Afterwards, as long as you mde use of my advice, good fortune prospered according to your wishes. Never, except for your mad stubbornness, have I abandoned you. liking use of the arrangements of tinomus and ignorant non, you have blundered away fro: the suggestions of the most sensible. Whence, unusml misfortunes have befittingly resulted. How, for instance, do you expect to become indispensable and fanous unless it be with no? In 59 this way, I say, you have been greatly diminished. Remember you are now a man. Consider also what is suitable in your Judgment. As the bond has been restored, so good-will has been renewed beWeen us; you to command, and me to fight, and to bring back the others to your service. And although you were created king by me, you have bestowed nothing on me. At least grant Iaon to the man who is generously about to perform knight's service for you. Furthermore, it will be the condition of keeping faith.3 aortly after this speech Hush and some of the other magnates com- mended themselves to the king and swore faith in flat must have been a humiliating ceremony for the Carolingian.“ A similar fate had befallen Louis' father, Charles the Simple, but with less happy results. In 923 Charles had agreed to meet his vassal and kinsman, Count Herbert of Vernon- dois. when Charles arrived at Chateau—Thierry, a fortress belonging to Herbert and the place fixed for the parley, he was treacherously seized by Herbert's men and cast into a dungeon. The following year when a fire de- stroyed Chateau-Thierry, Herbert had him shut up in the dungeon (erggstulo clausus) of Peronne, where he was either killed or died in 929.5 Such was 3Flodoard, Annales, a. 9%. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 51: "Parvum te, o rex, adversariorum insectatio in partes transmarinas slim compulit. Meo vero ingenio et consilio inde revocatus, regis restitutus es. Post, dum meis usus fuisti consiliis, rerum secundarum prosperis floruisti. Mmquam nisi tui furoris pertinatia a te defeci. Infimorum ac imprudentium hominum dispositione usus, a sapientium consiliis plurimum oberrasti. Inde et rerun oalamitas digne consecuta est. Quomodo enim praeter me necessaria tibi ac gloriosa provenire arbitrare? Multum, inquam, tibi in hoc derogatum est. Jam memineris te virum esse. Consideres quoque quid tuae rationi com- modum sit; sicque virtus redeat, ut in benivolentiam nos revocet, te iner- antem at me militantem, per me etiam reliquos militatum tibi reducat. Et @113 rex a me creatus nihil mihi largitus es, Laudunum saltem militaturo liberaliter accounnoda. Quod etiam cause erit fidei servandae." I'Tlodoard, Annales, a. 96. Snodoard, Anna___l_.__es, a. 923, 92h, and 929. Chroni_gu_e_ de l' abbaye dc flint-Deni e de Di“ on, suivie de la chronique de Saint? Pierre de Béze, 6d. BWanna et Garnier iAnalecta Divionensia, E, p. 1%:fif lit Carolus, orgas- tulo clausus, aninam non corpus custodia exeait . . . .' 60 the manner in which lord and vassal kept their sworn word during this period. What manner of men were those hardened knights, who found it so dif- ficult to live in peace with one another? The record of their deeds suggests that they possessed few endearing personal traits or qualities. That they were quarrelsome and bellicose there can be no question. last were probably religious men, if they did not always show it. As the tenth century wore on an undercurrent of pious acts is discernable, which helped to civilize the feudal warrior. Still and again, the swelling religious fervor did not touch everyone. We read, for example, about the year 958 of a certain knight, Burchard by nae, who lived with his wife Ildegarde in a little fortress called Braiacus. Burchard had erected a religious house there and had carried the bodies of two saints to the monastery to serve as relics and patrons. It was not long after this holy act of Burchard's that another knight, named Boso, began to disturb the neiaborhood. 3030, our source informs us, was a great robber and by a stratagem managed to invade Burchard's tower. Having suc- ceeded in overwhelming the fortress, Boso set himself up as master and began living with Ildegarde. The place became his headquarters from which he ravaged the entire region. What became of Burchard is not clear. Usually in such cases the victim was clapped into chains and thrown into a dungeon. As it turned out, Boso was himself besieged and captured midst the smoke and flames of the very tower he had usurped. Petty tyrants like Boss nearly al- ways outreached themselves, and were usually brought to Justice by an angry local count. that is possibly what happened to Boso.6 If the feudal warrior was bellicose and quarrelsome, he was above all 6Clarius, Chronicon S. Petri Vivi Senonensis, in HE, IX, 35. 61 else treacherous. Those who underestimted their enemies or dropped their gmrd, even for a moment, were apt to suffer fatal consequences. he assas- simtion of the Norman duke, William Long- Sword, in 9+2 is a good illustra- tion. He and Count Arnulf of Flanders were bitter enemies when the latter invited him to meet for a parley on a small island in the Somme. Apparently all went well during the interview. When it was over, William set out for the left bank of the river. Then, suddenly, excited shouts from Arnulf's men beckoned him to return. Scarcely had he again set foot on the island, when all at once four of Arnulf's henchmen fell upon the small Holman party, killing the duke with their swords.7 Sometimes those who gambled with treachery were repaid in kind. One shadowy figure emerges Just briefly enough to inform us of his fate. This obscure person, known to us only as the son of a certain Count Odelric, and a vassal of King Lothaire, was part of a garrison holding the royal fortress of Dijon. When the garrison was besieged by Count Robert of Troyes, this man freed the town to the enemy. Somewhat later he was turned over by Count Robert to the king as a hostage and his fate was sealed. As soon as Lothaire recognized him he had the man's head struck off for his faithless- “88.8 Another man, better known, and apparently more successful, was the Count of 131013 and of Chartres. This was ‘lhibaud the Trickster, Jailor of King Louis IV and enemy of the historian Flodoard. As his epithet indicates, —__._ 7Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 32 and 33. 'lhe chronicler says that Hugh the Great was also behind the plot to kill the Homn prince. .Iauer, Iouis IV, p. 88, n. 2, gives the names of the four thugs who com- mitted the mer. “hey were Henry, Bauce, Robert, and Rioul. 8'Flodoard, Annales, a. 960. Richer, Historians: Libri Quatuor, 111, ll and 12. Count Odelric looked on while the king's sentence wii carried out, according to Richer (III, 12): "mi mom prolata ab rege sententia, ante oppidi portam coram patre docolatur." 62 llhibaud became recognized as the personification of treachery.9 Perhaps even more crafty than 'lhibaud was Herbert II, count of Ver- andois. Like Thibaud, Herbert drew together in his person all of the char- acteristics and personality traits of the tenth-century baron. He is the feudal warrior par excellence. that of his life he was the sworn enew of the (hrolingian royalty. Precisely for the reason that he himself was de- scended from Charlemagne, nmch of his energy seems to have been directed toward securing the throne of the western Prankish kingdom for himself}Lo broughout his life Herbert's conduct was shaped by the stark setting of tenth-century France. He was treacherous and cruel in most of his under- takings.u He appears to us as a nan who was tough, practical, and skilled in achieving his sims.12 He repaid in full those who crossed him.13 He was 4‘ 9nodoerd, Annale____s_, a. 915 and 9&7. Richer, Historiarum Libri Qua- t__uor, II, 1&8. Raoul Glaber, Historiarum Libri V, ed. Georg Waltz, in EH, §_S, VII, 65, refers to 'Ihibau ". . . cui cognomen Tricator fuit." loFor Herbert's ancestry, see lauer, Louis IV, p. 8, n. 2. 1-]-See, for example, Flodoard, 1E3, IV, 29; Annales, a. 9h2. Herbert made short work of the bishops who threatened to defect from his side in the face of a papal excommication. ‘Ihe traitors were hunted down and put to death (a. 9H2): "Proditores quidam Remis reperti et interfecti sunt . . fl 12F10doard, Anna______l_.___es, a. 91m. The affair of Reims shows the tena— cious drive of Herbert. l3F'lodoard, Annales, a. 937. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 7- The case in point istha tof the unfortunate Halo, of Chateau-Thierry. Halo had charge of the royal.t garrison at Chateau- 'lhierry. Herbert persuaded him to betray the place by opening the gates of the fortress. This he did at the appointed time, and Herbert moved in with his troops. when he had got possession of the castle, Herbert repaid treachery with treachery. Staring at the deserter, Halo, Herbert sneered: "Did you think this for— tress was being reserved for your care?" "Putasne, inquit, tuae curae oppidum hoc reservandum?" (Richer, Historiarum Libri Qnatuor, II, 7). hen he ordered his men to seize Halo and throw him into prison. 63 ambitious for himself and his family alike.“ the details of his life demon- strate clearly enough that Herbert was a person of enormous pride and grasp- ing mture.15 He was a stubborn nan, easily aroused. As a fighter, he was relentless, frequently cunning, but always revengeful. Even in death, if we my believe Richer, Herbert struggled violently.]-6 l’uauer, Louis IV, p. 95, n. 2, says: "11 combattit Raoul afin d' obtenir 1e comt! de Leon pour son fils Eudes. 11 obtint pour ce mSme nudes le cohté de Vienna. 11 lutta centre Louis et Artaud pour prendre Reims et y installer son fils Hugues.“ 15Lauer, Louis IV, p. 8, n. 1 and 2; p. 9%, n. 3. Herbert, a dir— ect descendant omgne, had aspired to the throne during the rein of King Raoul. Herbert once reprimanded one of his sons for not bowing low enough before Charles the Simple. 1631a”, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 37, says that Herbert ms seated among his friends, dressed in his finery, and was relating to them a plot by means of which he would cause some mischief. As he stretched out his arm to emphasize a point, he was struck by apoplexy. Richer describes the awful. scene as though he had been there: the count's fingers shut tight, his nerves contracted [513), and his mouth twisted in distortion toward his ear. He died on the spot. hose gathered about him were aghast at the sight, and filled with fear. He was buried by his family at Saint- Quentin. "His its sese habentibus, cum Heribertus quaeque pernitiosa per- tractaret ac dc quorundam calamitate multa disponeret , cum inter sues in veste praeciosa sederet atque spud illos extensa nanu concionaretur, m- Joria apoplexia ob superfluitatem humorum captus, in ipsa rerun ordinatione, comtrictis mnibus nervisque contractis, ore etiam in aurem distorts, cum multo horrore et horripilatione coram suis inconsultus exspiravit, suscep- tusque a suis, apud sanctum Quintinum sepultus est." Flodoard, Annales, a. 9&3, gives only a brief mention of his death, with none of Richer's lurid details: "Heribertus comes obiit, quem sepelierunt spud sanctum Quintinum filii sui . . . ." See also Iauer, Louis IV, p. 9h, n. l; p. 95, n. h; Pp- 292-99. Herbert was over fifty years of age when he died. The legends which grew up after the deathm.of William Long- Sword (CL. 9&2) and Herbert of Vermndois (92. 91:3) stand in sharp contrast. no assassination of the duke of Homndy became a symbol of treachery. The stories circulated after Herbert's death depicted him hung as a canon crimiml. 'Ihere existed formerly, in the chapel of Hotre-mme la Bon at Saint—Quentin, a tomb stone on which Herbert was portrayed with a rope around his neck. Unfortunately, the chapel was destroyed in 1760. 6h Thibaud the Trickster and Herbert II of Vermandois were two of a kind. But there were others, no less treacherous and no less arrogant. When Hugh the Great held his superior in captivity, he received a threatening embassy fromflngEdmund ofEnglanddemndingthat the duke release Louisat once, or suffer the consequences of an invasion. Hugh boasted to the ambassadors that he would be ready for the uglish, and that the Anglo- Saxons would soon discover how the French would fight. Then he threw them out .17 A short time later Hugh traded insults with Otto the Great. Otto also ordered Hugh to release his royal captive, and like Edmund of England threatened to in- vade France if the duke failed to comply. The duke sent word to Otto that he would raise an army such as the latter had never seen. Otto returned the sneer, saying that he would show Hugh more blond heads (Saxon soldiers) than either Hugh or his father, Robert, had ever seen.18 Perhaps the best illustration of the feudal warrior's arrogance comes from a famous story told by Adhemr of Chabannes, a monk who wrote toward the beginning of the eleventh century. Hugh Capet was not immediately recognized as king by all the barons of Aquitaine. During a campaign Hugh and his son, Robert, con- fronted one of these rebellious noblemen, Aldebert of Perigord, with the question: "Who made you a count?" Aldebert snapped back: "Who made you kings?"19 On rare occasions the feudal warrior made a show of bravado by challenging his energy to single combat. Louis IV offered to settle his l7li'lodoard, Annales, a. 916, Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 1t9-so. 18Iauer, Louis IV, pp. lh5-h7. 19h Chronico Ademari Cabanens_i._s,, in g, X, lh6: "0.1.11 cum eam ob- sideret, nequaquam Rfirancomm ausus est eum provocare ad certamon; sed hoe ei nndavit: ‘Quis to Comitem constituit?’ Rt Aldebertus roundavit oi: 'Quis te Regen constituit? "' 65 differences with Hugh the Great in this fashion during the Council of Ingel- hein in 9&8. Louis, in effect, was offering to submit to Judicial duel.2° 'nle animosity idlich the king felt toward his most powerful vessel was ex- ceedingly strong at Just this moment and there seems little reason to doubt that Louis would not have been disappointed had Hugh accepted this challenge. ‘lhe chronicler of the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium wrote that during the invasion of France by Otto II in 978, the meror offered to Join battle against the Franks under Lothaire. To the victor would go the elpire, Otto taunted. During the negotiations, which were conducted by means of messengers sent back and forth across the Aisne river, Geoffrey Grisegonella, the count of Anjou, suggested that the two kings decide the fate of the em- pire by single combat. {the suggestion was indiglnntly refused by one of the Goran barons. The entire incident has a legendary quality about it, per- haps drawn from a chanson de geste. Whether the issue to be settled, namely the fate of the empire, was to be decided by the two armies or the two kings, it still involved the concept of Judicial duel. ihe story my be a fabrica- tion based on an incident which actually occurred shortly before, when Otto's am was besieging Paris. One of the emperor's knights had ridden up to the fortified bridge-tower leading to the Ile de la Cite’ and had begun to hurl insults at the sentries, challenging anyone who dared to single combat. ‘Ble nan kept up his abuse for some time until, finally, Hugh Capet permitted one of his vassals to take up the challenge. Richer's account describes a dra- matic fight to the death, with Hugh's man killing the Germn and stripping i 2°Flodoard, Annales, a. 9&8. 66 him of his armor?1 the personal qualities of the feudal warrior naturally influenced the way he behaved, and vice versa. Arrogant, quarrelsome, and treacherous, the knights spent a good part of their time engaged in petty warfare with their neiglbors and conducting predatory activities in every direction. The feudal warrior fought sometimes in large groups, and on other occasions with only a handful of men. Otto the Great led an army into France in the late summer of 916 which may have numbered anywhere from 30,000 to 60,000 men. By the time this force was augsented by the troops of King Conrad the Peacod’ul of Trans-Jurane Burgundy, the levies of 'two Gama archbishops, those of the abbot of Corvey, and the vassals of King Louis IV of France, Count Arnulf of Flanders, and the men of the church of Reims, it must have been a rather considerable force.22 Bless troops col- alGesta episcoporum Cameracensium, ed. Ludwig Conrad Bethmann, in g, §§, VI-f M1. or. Lot, Les Derniers Carolingiepg, pp. th-06. Pro- fessor Lot believes the testimony of the author of the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium is compromised by its inclusion of legendary elements borrowed from a chanson de geste. ihe incident took place in 978. he cleric who wrote the Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium composed his history between thl and 10h3. Tor the fight beneath the gates of Paris, see Richer, Historiarum _Libri Quatuor, III, 76. Geoffrey Grisegonella (Grey-lbntle) was Lothaire's standard-bearer. '22Flodoard, Annales, a. 916. Iauer, Louis Iv, pp. th-hé. Bati- mates on the size of armies in the tenth century are extremely hazardous, based, as they are, on contemporary usage of classical Roma military terms. For instance, Richer in his Historiarum Libri tuor uses the term "legion" five times (I, 28; I, 29; 1, 1:53 I, 57; IV, 35;, the term "cohort" twelve times (I. I7; I, 28; I, 57; n, 7; n, 8; n, 12; n, 38; n, 62; n, 83; II, 893 II, 903 III, 9), and the term "century" once (III, 71;). Richer was extremely interested in military affairs. His father was a vessel of Louis IV, and apparently a skillful soldier. It my be that his interest in war and fighting stemmed from a certain filial pride. In any case, the fre- quency with which he employs classical Romn military terms suggests that he had in mind definite uses for each. Thus, it my be tlmt Richer considered a force of 5,000-6,000 men, a legion; 500-600 men, 3 09110113; till 100 I911, C century. 67 lectively forced the capitulation of the usurper archbishop of Reims and caused Hugh the Great to flee Paris, but were unable to breach the old Bonn walls of Senlis.23 No attemt was nude on Iaon during this campaign. AP- parently this town was considered impregnableflh In contrast to the large army was the call band of pillagers. lot infrequently a handful of household vassals led by some petty lord would suddenly emerge from their tower dungeon and harry the surrounding country- side. One such hand operated for a brief period in 9147 from the castle of Chatillon. 'nley were finally lured from their stronghold and defeated in a bloody battle. mic body of the robber baron, a certain nervé, was carried back to Reims as a trophy.25 In another instance two brothers, Angelbert and Gozbert, constructed a chateau-fort at Brieuve, which they made as their headquarters for conducting raids in the neighborhood. Travellers returning from Burgundy reported their activities to the king, who sent a force to starve them into submission. Their chateau was destroyed."’-"6 Much of the fighting involved sieges, whether against a simply con- structed wooden tower, or a well-fortified town. The former were easily over- come; but the towns, places like Senlis, and Iaon, were always difficult to capture. Senlis was protected by its thick Roman walls; the town of Leon is k 1, 6 23Flodoard, Annales, a. 91:6. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 5 -5 ~ 1, abnodmrd, Annales, a. 96. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 5 . asnodoard, Annales, a. 9&7 and 951. Flodoard, m, Iv, 33. In 951 a Germn warrior named Frederick came into France with a group of his fol- lowers, erected a stronghold at Fania, and proceeded to prey upon the sur- rounding countryside . 25lal'lodoard, Annales, a. 951. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, 11, 100, reports that the lives of the two robbers were spared due to the inter- vention of Letold, ‘ count of Burgundy and lbcon. 68 situated on top of a high hill.27 Faced with obstacles of this nature, the military class invented some ingenious techniques, both strategic and tac- tical, in the field of siege-craft. Ennis method of warfare became a finely developed art. The historian Richer describes in detail the construction and use of a siege engine.28 A variety of means were employed in besieging a castle. Renaud, count of Roucy, seized the fortified place of Chatillon- sur-Dhrne by leading a scaling party over its walls at night.29 Raoul, the father of Richer, hit upon a scheme to gain the city of Leon. Since this place was impregnable to assault, he thought it might be taken by surprise. He sent out some spies to observe the town, and to report back to him how h muodoard, Annales, a. 916. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 5 . W 28Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 10, describes the type of siege engine which was used by Louis IV when he captured Iaon in 938. See also Flodoard, Anna____1_es, a. 938. buy such machines were necessary before the attackers succeeded in mining the walls. In 9&7 Hugh the Great placed a siege before the city of Reims. After he had accomplished nothing in eigit days the duke gave up and departed (Anna___l_.__es, a. 91W). Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 62, provides even more ”informtion about the art of war- fare in tenth-century France. He lays that the town was besieged on all sides, and that Hugh sent foraging parties out to get corn for the army. He goes on to say that the town was attacked as much as once or twice a day. In the same breath we learn that the citizens in the town defended them- selves Just as vigorously. One has the feeling after reading Richer that this number of assaults on a fortified place is unusual. The chronicler seems to imply that in a siege one or more days might go by without an attack. Also of interest is the fact that Hugh apparently erected an of- fensive camp, which was surrounded by ditches and a wooden palisade: ". . . castra fossis muniunt cratibusque circumdant." 29nodoard, Anna_____l_._es, a. 919: Ragenaldus comes castrum quondam Heri- vei, videlicet Castellionem, conscenso noctu muro cepit." This place was the old repair of Herve and his band of robbers. Just how Renaud nanaged to take this place is not known, other than the fact that he led a raiding party that scahd the walls at night. Flodoard uses a formula here similar to his entry (a. 919) on the capture of Iaon by Louis Iv and Raoul, Richer a father: . . . et noctu muro latenter a suis ascenso . . . ." Richer, who is usually eloquent on such military utters, is silent on Renaud's success . 69 best it might be seized. When the spies returned they told Raoul that each night it was customary for about fifty or sixty men to leave the town for a short time. {they took horses with them, and when they returned, the horses were carrying bundles of hay. Hearing this, Raoul selected about sixty young 'men who were to disguise themselves to look like provisioners. At the appro- priate time the imposters appeared before the town gate and were permitted to enter. A sharp fight with the town garrison followed after the identity of Raoul's men was discovered, but they succeeded in taking the town with the aid of a reserve force.30 Arnulf of Flanders used treachery to capture the fortified town of bntreuil, which belonged to Count Herluin. By means of a bribe, several of Armllf's men succeeded in persuading a guard to open the gates at night. ‘me guard, in Richer's well-chosen expression, was "seduced by avarice."3l His reward? According to the agreement which was fixed under sworn oaths, the guard's betrayal of Herluin raised him from a simple castle guard to the status of a petty baron. By becoming Arnulf's vassal, he received money, land, and knights.32 One man's fortune was another's misfortune; lbntreuil was captured with all of Herluin's treasure; his wife and children were ex- iled as hostages to the court of King Athelstan of England. Herluin himself escaped in a disguise.33 3oRicher, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 87-89. Flodoard, Annales, a. 949, does not mention Richer's father. 31Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, ll: "Ille cupiditate duc- tus . . . ." If 32Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, ll. 33Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 12. 70 Besides the siege, the ambush was a highly effective tactic. Louis IV escaped one such trap in the forest of Porcien in 9141. Four years later he barely avoided being captured in a snare laid by the Norman chief Hagrold. To his great misfortune he was immediately afterwards betrayed while in flight and this led to his captivity. Bernard of Senlis and Thibaud the Trickster, both vassals of Hugh the Great, ambushed a royal hunting party and captured a quantity of spears, horses, and other accoutrements.3l‘ In an age about which so little is presumed to be known, this charac- teristic quality among the contemporary fighting class literally shouts at the reader from the pages of the sources . For the tenth-century warrior treachery was a way of life. It was his trump card, which he frequently had to play if he expected to remain in the game. It appeared in many forms. Sometimes it erupted in the blood vendetta.” Or perhaps it would encompass the murder of another man on his sick-bed.36 It might even involve the 3h?lodoard, Annales, a. 91+l and 9&5; Flodoard, 3133, IV, 29, mention the ambushes prepared against Louis IV. Accounts of the trap set by Bernard of Senlis and Thibaud the Trickster are in Flodoard, Annales, a. 916, and Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 1+3. 35Regino, Chronicon, in $113, §_§, I, 5&3, in his entry for the year 818 mentions the ancestors of Herbert I, count of Vermandois, and then adds the following: ". . . Heribertus Rodulfum comitem filium Balduini inter- fecit nostris temporibus et non multum post occisus est a Balduino, satel- lite Balduini fratris Rodulfi . . . ." In effect, Herbert I, count of Ver- mndois murdered Count Raoul, the son of Baldwin I Iron-Arm, count of Plan- ders (862-79). Not long afterwards, Baldwin II the Bald, who was the brother of the slain Raoul, sent one of his henchmen, a vassal also named Baldwin, to kill Herbert I. He succeeded in doing so probably in 902. Regine does not give the date for this blood-feud, but says only that it occurred ". . . in our time . . . ." Herbert II of Vermandois succeeded his father in 902, which may indicate that is when these events took place. 35nodoard, Annales, a. 923: "Boso filius Richardi Ricuinum in lecto languentem occidit." This Boss was the brother of King moul. He killed Count Ricuin in order to seize Verdun. See Robert Parisot, Le royaume do Lorraine sous les Carol ions (Paris: 1899), pp. 663 and 667. 71 opposite sex.37 One may conclude that not only success, but simple survival, depended upon how well a man lived by his wits. There was no place for the naive in the feudal society. Cunning, treachery, suspicion, agility, inr genuity, and force: these were the traits and ingredients necessary to stay'alive. Such were the men against whom the Church struggled to defend her properties: the lands, buildings, and other forms of wealth which consti- tuted her material endowment. The neblemen, on the other hand, treacherous and violent by the circumstances of the age, regarded the Church as a thing to be pillaged. The feudal class were not noted for their lack of avarice. The actual wealth of the Church, and particularly of the monasteries, shone forth like a Jewel in a society surrounded by material poverty. In brief, the wealth and power, both actual and political, represented in the hold- ings of the Church excited the greed of the laymen, and they succumbed to the temptation to rdb and pillage her. The feudal warriors, like the barbarians, attacked the monasteries. The principal difference was this: where the barbarians came to steal, slay, and destroy, the Christian feudatories fought only to appropriate the wealth of the religious houses for their own use. The potential value of the monasteries, in the eyes of the nebles, lay in their continuing exis- tence as profitable income-producing fiefs. Hence, they did not consciously wish to destroy the material structures of the monasteries. Where the Vikings or’uhgyars remained momentarily, the Christians of the‘west expected to live out their days. 371st, Les Derniers Carolingiens, pp. 21, 24, and 329-30, cites the case of a nobleman, Count Robert of Dijon, who in 958 seized his lord' 8 wife, ran off with her, and forced her into a second and illegal marriage. He hoped in this way to extort a large fief as her dowry from.her father, who was the duke of Burgundy. 72 Certain abbots had taken the precaution to fortify their monasteries against the barbarian raids. This practice was either continued, or began about the same time, in order to defend the abbeys against the encroachments of the nobility. In 920 a certain Stephen was elected abbot of the monas- tery of Saint-hurtial at L1m0ges. There Stephen caused to be built two towers for the purpose of defending the monastery specifically against William, duke of Aquitaine. This was done by the comnd of the Carolingian monarch, Charles the Simple.38 Most monasteries, it would seem, were not protected by fortifica- tions. Otherwise, their defenses were inadequate and not effective. fliere are numerous cases of outright seizures of monasteries and monastic proper- ties by laymen. The duke of Lorraine, Renier the Long-flecked, usurped five different abbeys between 900 and 912.39 In a series of charters granted by Charles the Simple, Renier is mentioned in possession of two of these reli- gious houses.“o As we have Just observed, Charles the Simple later ordered Abbot Stephen of Saint-Martial in Limoges to fortify his monastery in order to prevent the duke of Aquitaine from doing precisely what the duke of Lor- raine had done. In point of fact this apparently paradoxical action of Charles the Simple clearly illustrates the readiness of the laymen to use 38Adhemar of Chabannes, Commemorato abbatum Lemovicensium basilicas S. lbrtialis apostoli, in P___I_., CXL,W81. 39scke1, Charles is Sigplg, pp. 56, 93, and 99. I l“)Becueil des Actes de Charles III le Siflle,m roi de France 1893-923), Public sous la direction de ll Ferdinand Lot par M. Philippe Iauer (2 vol- umes; Paris: 19ho-h9), II, 15h—57; 170-72; 229-31; 2h3-h5. These are the abbeys of Saint-Minn of Tréves, Saint-Hillibrord of Echternach, and Saint- Servais of mestricht. me other two were monasteries located at Stavelot and lulledy. They are not mentioned in the charters of Charles the Simple. Sea, instead, Bekel, Charles le Simple, p. 56, n. l. 73 the properties of the Church to suit their immediate aims. In 928 Bose, the brother of King haul of France (923-36), laid hold of some abbatial and episcopal lands, and obstinately refused to return them.l‘1 Four years later Raoul followed Boso's example and removed the abbey of Saint-Medard of Soissons from the control of his enew, the count of Vermandois .1‘2 The abbey of mint-Thierry at Reims was invaded by a certain Count Roger prior to 972. The religious life in that house deteriorated rapidly, and it was necessary to institute a reform.” Baldwin II the Bald, count of Flanders (878-918) was a notorious in- vader of the monasteries. In this respect, he contrasts sharply with his son, Armlf I'the Good (918-65), who supported the monastic reform movement toward the middle of the century. When Abbot Rudolph of Saint-Bertin and Saint-Vaast died in 892, Count Baldwin immediately asserted his claim as Jay abbot of Saint-Bertin. When the monks recognized Archbishop Bulk of Reims as their freely elected abbot, Baldwin seized the other house of Saint-Vaast hlrlodoard, Annales, a. 928. A perennial trouble-mker, Base is the same man who killed Count Ricouin on the latter's sick-bed. Boso finally consented to return the lands he had usurped, but not until Henry the Fowler had crossed the Rhine and laid a siege before his castle. hznodoard, LAI_n_a__les, a. 932. h3h Libro MS Miraculorum S Theoderici Abbatis, in HP, II, 129. Lothaire had granted this abbey an immunity in December, 962._ The reform was accomplished in 973 by the new archbishop of Reims, Adalbero. Roger apparently gained control of the place sometime within this ten year period. See Lothaire s charter (962) in HF, 11, 627, no. xv. The restoration was » confirmed by another charter of Lothaire' s given at Compiegne on 26 my 971+ (HF, IX, 6314-35, no. XXIV) The Annales msciacenses, ed. Pertz, in ma, S_§, III, 170, inform us of a group of Frankish warriors who secretly at night broke into the monastery of lbssai. 7h and openly fomented a rebellion against King Eudes and Bulk.“ A civil war followed, and in spite of the excommunications of Fulk and the hostility of the Hamish clergy, Baldwin was able for a time to make stick his possession of flint-Vast.“ When a nobleman got control of a monastery, he frequently made him- self or one of his vassals the lay abbot of the house, Just as Baldwin did in the case of Saint-Yeast. The lay abbot well-deserved his reputation for villainy in feudal society}6 Of the five abbeys taken over by Renier the Long-lacked between 900 and 91.2, all had the duke as their lay abbot-n"7 1mAnnales Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in yin, SS, II, 201+. Eudes took Saint-Vaast inT9S, but returned it to Baldwin's men almost immediately. hsAnnales Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in m__£_{, gs, II, 205. In 899 Charles the Simple besieged the castle which defended the —abbey of Saint-Vaast. Baldwin' s vassals inside, laboring under an excommunication and threatened by the royal army, sent word to the count of Flanders . Meanwhile they gave the king hostages until the affair could be settled. Shortly afterwards Baldwin appeared at a royal assembly where he made peace with Charles, and agreed to have his men vacate the chateau-fort of the abbey. Baldwin soon had his revenge, however, on the man who had caused him so much trouble, namely, Archbishop Fulk of Reims. He sent off a certain Winemar, along with some other vassals, to get Fulk. They soon found the archbishop and assas- sinated him on 16 June, 900. “51mm were exceptions. Ecclesiastical holdings which had been appropriated by the lay nobility were sometimes used for the welfare of the poor and suffering. In 9M4 a violent storm destroyed the vineyards and some buildings in Montmartre . The following year an epidemic broke out in Paris, and Hugh the Great turned the church of Retro-Dame into a hospital and nour- ished the sick to health. See Flodoard, Annales, a. 91th and 9W5; Lauer, Louis IV, p. 152, n. 1+. h7Eckel, Charles le Single, pp. 93 and 99. IThe charter of Charles the Simple, dated 13 June 919, in favor of the monastery of Saint- Servais at lbsstricht does not speak kindly of Renier' s tenure as lay abbot: " . . . sed violentia Raginheri Comitis et filii eJus Gisilberti a praedicta Traverensi Ecclesia Jam olim esset injuste ablata. " Arnulf of Germany had ordered that Saint-Semis be given to the church of Tréves. Somewhat later Renier and his son, Giselbert, forcibly removed it from the Jurisdiction of the arch- bishop of Tréves. The charter is in lg, n, ski-A2, no.1m1. 75 The counts of Vemndeis, Herbert I (2-902) and Herbert II (90243) were both in turn the lay abbot of the monastery of Saint-Medard of Soissons.“8 A starter of the Carolingian Louis IV d'Outre-Mer, dated 20 August 93?, con- firming certain privileges in favor of the monks of fiint-Amand, reveals the king's distrust of the lay abbot of that house.” In some cases the monks appealed in vain to the rulers for aid against an avaricious lay abbot. Such was the case $971145 when the inmates of Fleury-sur-Loire called upon both King Lothaire and Duke Hugh Capet for help against Herbert, lord of Sally, who steadfastly refused to return certain possessions which he had wrongfully appropriated.5o Two Lotharingian counts named Gerhard and Ibtfrid were guilty of seizing the monastery of Prum, and causing its abbot, the chroni- cler Begins, to be deposed. They then installed their brother, Richar, as the sbbot.51 fie low standards of discipline which obtained in nary monasteries in tenth- century France is partially explained by the collusive activities of laymen and ecclesiastics. For instance, Herbert II of Vermandois was the lay abbot of Saint-Crispin of Soissons. A monk named Bernoin from this monastery was made bishop of Senlis early in 937 after the old bishop, Alle- aume, had died. It is strongly possible that Bernoin received his episcopal office due to the influence of Count Herbert .52 Toward the end of the cen- LBGallia Christiana, IX, #1311. 1‘9Becueil des Actes de Louis IV , roi de France 6-5h, public sous la direction de Bhurice Prou par 11. Philippe Lauer (Paris: 191%), pp. 15-17, mo VIC “1181‘, M1113 N, p0 29, no he soAimoin, Dc Miraculis s. Benedicti, in _1_=_L, cm, 812-13. 513egine, Chronic______9_n, in ms, 35, I, 603. 52mins Christiana, Ix, 396 nsdosrd, Anna____l___es, a. 936 and 937. Iauer, Innis _______IV, p- 19, n. 7- 76 tury, during the reign of Hugh Capet, a petty baron named Arnulf of Iévre laid his hands on certain properties belonging to the monastery of Fleury. He was saved from excommunication by his kinsman, who happened to be the bishop of Orleans.53 The corrupting hand of the feudal warrior, meddling in monastic and episcopal affairs, could not fail to have a demoralizing effect upon the religious whom it touched . The invasion of the monasteries was only one way in which the Church in tenth- century France was weakened by the feudal warriors. The seizure of the bishoprics by the laymen presented an even more threatening spectre of decay. In the early part of the century, before the Cluniac reform had had time to generate a revival, or to establish many daughter houses, the epis- copal influence remained strong in the monasteries. Thus, if the episcopate were feudalized it almost inevitably followed that the monasteries within an infected diocese would be touched by the illnesses of a feudalized secular clergy. Unfortunately, the French episcopate of this time was very much en- meshed in the feudal system. At the same time it seems clear from the sources that certain important prelates were crucially aware of the dangers which thr‘atened the Church from a lay-dominated episcopate. The corruption was obvious everywhere. The seizure of the bishoprics continued to bring in its wake a full stream of abuses. 'flie sources frequently mention the seizure of episcopal properties. his. evil was widespread and refers to the illegal acquisition by the turbu- lent knights of land and movable possessions belonging to a bishopricfih Lay investiture and the attempts of laymen to place candidates in episcopal 531st, Mes Capet, pp- 233-311. 5I'Tlodoard, 333, IV, 3; nodoard, Annales, a. 922, 92%, 953. The examples could be multiplied indefinitely. 77 offices frequently had tragic outcomes. We have, for example, a case where a noblenn, Count Adelhelm of Artois, connived with a cleric to place the latter on the episcopal throne in the city of Noyon. The sec had become va- cant shortly before (932) through the death of its bishop. King Raoul put forth-Abbot Gaulbert of Corbie as his candidate, but Adelhelm and his cleri- cal accomplice plotted to seize the town at night. The count's men succeeded in entering the city and drove its citizens into the suburbs. There the townsmen armed themselves, consolidated their ranks, and counterattacked. Adelhelm and his men were hard pressed in the ensuing fight, and the count and his pawn, the unnamed cleric who aspired to the bishopric, refuged them- selves in the cathedral church. The townsmen burst in upon them and murdered Adelholm and the cleric, along with some others at the foot of the altar. Afterwards, Gualbert was installed as the bishop.55 A classic case of lay investiture was King Robert's appointment of Seulf to the archbishopric of Reims. Seulf was elected ". . . by order and consent of Robert . . . ", according to Flodoard, who probably witnessed and may have taken part in the ceremony.56 Ellis was a fortunate choice, for Seulf was ". . . a man as sufficiently learned in secular disciplines, as he was in ecclesiastical studies; he had dedicated himself to the study of the liberal arts at the feet of water Remy of Auxerre."57 55nsdoard, Annales, a. 932. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, I, 63. 56p1¢aogrd, HER, IV, 18: "01o [Seulfus] per consensus et Jussionem Roberti regis . . . 7'— Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, I, #1. 57F'lodoard, g, IV, 18: ". . . vir tam ecclesiasticis, quam saeou- laribus disciplinis sufficienter instructus: quique spud Remigium Antissio- dorensam I sic] magistrum in liberalibus stadium dederat artibus." 78 At the time of the struggle between Eudes (888-98) and Charles the Simple (898-923) the endemic warfare among the factious nobility of Burgundy had a disastrous effect upon episcopal affairs in that region. There in the year 89h two petty counts, Manasses of Vergy and a certain Ramps, put out the eyes of Bishop Tetbald of Langres . Tetbald had denounced to Route their can- didate for the vacant see of Autun, and had declared his nomination illegal.58 'me following year Bhnasses continued to prey upon the episcopate. With the support of Abbot Richard of Saint-Columbe of Sens, he captured Sens by treachery, and deposed and ilprisened Archbishop Walter. The archbishop had made a mistake similar to that committed by Tetbald of Langres: namely, he had opposed the count's own plans for the vacant see of Troyes by appointing a nun unknown to mnasses.” The troubles in Burgundy continued as we learn from the decision reached by a council of the Church held at Rome in August, 900- Benedict IV, immediately upon ascending the papal throne, ordered Bishop Argrin of Langres to be reinstalled in his see, since he had been un- lawfully and unjustly deposed.5° Occasionally a noble might interfere with a bishop by physically pre- venting him from occupying his episcopal city. Thibaud the Trickster did this to Rorico, bastard brother of Louis IV, who had been appointed bishop of Laon. Thibaud was in possession of the Carolingian capital at the time 58Annn1es Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in _tgg, _s_s_, II, 207; Flodoard, E13: IV, 3 and 5; Gallia Christiana, IV, sho. 59P1odoard, 2E3: IV, 3. Ex Chronico Senonensi Sanctae Columbae, in 2’ 11, no. 6Channsi, mm A, 209-1o. 79 (9&9), and he simply closed the gates of the city.61 In 986 the inhabitants of the city of Verdun refused to permit the newly appointed bishop of that see to enter upon his official duties until he recognized the sovereignty of the Emperor Otto 111.62 Taken together these various individual enmples illustrate what the Church was up against in its struggle to prevent the warrior class from com- pletely submerging the episcopal office in the anarchy of the time. we are fortunate in having an account of what happened when a group of noblemen ganged up on an episcopal see in order to use it to further their own ambi~ tions. The affair of the archbishopric of Reims was a contest between the Church and a group of unscrupulous noblemen to dominate the most important see in France. The origin of the troubles began during the time when Seulf was arch- bishop (922-25). This prelate, desiring to eliminate the influence of his predecessor's kinsmen in the affairs of the archdiocese, sought the aid of Count Herbert II of Vermandois. Herbert was only too willing to interfere, and quickly promised his support.63 He used the archbishop's appeal as a wedge to gain control of Reims. After Seulf and Herbert had finished with 61Flodoard, Annales, a. 919. Richer, Historiarum Libri metuor, n, 82. 'niibaud was an enemy of the Carolingian house, and a vessel of Hugh the Great. This explains his attitude toward Rorico. Thibaud was thrown out of Leon in 919, at which time Rorico entered his episcopal see. Before, Rorico had carried out his duties in absentia at the castle of Pierrcpont. 6231c Letters of Gerbert with his Papal Privileges as Syslvester II, Translated with an Introduction by Harriet Pratt Lattin filecords of Civili- zation. Sources and Studies, No. 1.!) (New York: 1961), p. 123, no. 86. a Hereafter this work will be cited as Lattin, letters or ’Mbert. 63mm entire affair of Reims is discussed at length in a letter which Archbishop Artaud read to the council of Ingelheim in June, 9h8. For the text of this letter, see Flodoard, Q, IV, 35. the kinsmen of Herve (who had held the see before Seulf), the count's ascen- dancy was assured. Seulf had made a fatal miscalculation in trusting to the good offices of the notorious count of‘Vermandois. After little more than three years as archbishop, Seulf died suddenly and mysteriously, probably a victil.of a poison concocted by Herbert's henchmen, .Although this alleged cause of Seulf's death was only a rumor, Herbert's later actions strongly suggest his complicity in,a plot to remove the archbishop.6h Before long Herbert is seen persuading King Raoul to entrust to him.the affairs of the archdiocese until a successor to Seulf could be feund. The successor turned out to be Herbert's infant son, who was elected in 925 scarcely five years of oge.65 For more than six years Herbert occupied the episcopal palace in Reims, arranging the affairs of the see to suit himself.66 The situation 6hFlodoard, HER, IV, 35: "Tertio demum.sui episcopatus anno, Seulfus episcopatus (ut plures ”asserunt) ab Heriberti familiaribus veneno potatus de- fungitur. Max itaque comes Heribertus urbem.Remensem.adiit . . . . ésplodoard, Annales, a. 925. "Episcopatus Remensis Heriberto comiti commissus est sub obtenu filii sui Hugonis, admodum.parvuli, necdum, ceu ferebatur, quinquennis." 661"lodoard, HER, IV, 35- .Artaud' s description of a feudal warrior administering an archdiocese is truly memorable. "The count, having returned to the same city'EReims], distributed among his friends the properties of the bishopric, according to his own liking. He took away from some the properties which belonged to them, and, without regard for any law or rule, rebbed or banished all those whom he wished. Finally, receiving Bishop Odalric of.Aix in Reims, he ordered him to fill the episcopal office there. Thus, for more than six years, he asserted his mastery over the bishopric, managing it for his own.pleasure and residing in the episcopal palace with his wife." The text reads as follows. "Qui comes ad eamdem urbem regressus, res episcopii (prout sibi placuit) fautoribus suis divisit, caeteris abstulit, et absque ullo Judicio vel lege quos voluit rebus exspoliavit, vel ab urbe propulit. 0dalricum.denique Aquensem episcopum in cadem.urbe suscipiens episcopale 1hr ibi ministeriwm celebrare praecepit. Sicque per annos sex, at so amplius idem episcopiun.suo dominio vindicavit, pro libitu.proprio illud.tractans et in sede praesulis residens, tam.ipse quam coJux sua . . . .' 81 eventually became so scandalous that the episcopal militia and the inhabi- tants of the city appealed to Raoul to consent to the election of a new archbishop. he man elected was Artaud. With his installation in 931 began a struggle for possession of the see which was to last off and on for eighteen years .67 Artaud exercised his functions without interference for nine years . Then, in 9150, the storm broke when Artaud refused to Join a coalition against King Louis IV, conosed of the duke of France, the count of Var-andois, and the Norman prince. Reins was captured by the rebel barons and Artaud was de- posed. In his place the son of Herbert, Hugh, was installed as archbishop.68 Hugh of Vemndois had by this time reached the age of twenty. Artaud con- tinued for the next six years to suffer as a party to the declining Carolin- gian fortunes. From his own testimony we learn in detail of his wanderings and the apparent hopelessness of his fate.69 The entire episode, however, was soon to have _a happy outcome. In 916 Otto the Great interfered in the dynastic war in France, and the unfaithful vassals of the Carolingian were scattered, their ambitions dashed.70 Artaud was finally reinstated, althoush 67li'lodoard, Annales, a. 931 and 9&9. Hugh of Vermandois was still causing trouble in the diocese of Reims in 9149. 6‘Bl‘lodoard, Annales, a. 9&0 and 9&1. Richer, Historiarum Libri Qua- tuor, II, 22 and 25. Hugh of Vermandois was elected archbishop in 9+1. The synod that chose him was held in the church of Saints Crispin and Crispinian at Soissons. This council was called together by Hugh the Great and Herbert II, both of whom dominated the proceedings through their vassals. Herbert of Vermandois was the lay abbot of the monastery of Saint-Crispin of Sois- sons. See Gallia Christiana, 1x, 396. 59nodoard, @, IV, 35. 7(’E‘lodoard, Annales, a. 916 and 953. After Otto's invasion of 956, the Gordon king held the balance of power between the duke of France and the king of France. Hugh continued to make trouble for Louis until 953, but the Carolingian was in scant danger as long as Otto appeared ready to influence affairs in France. Hugh and Louis made a lasting peace in 953. 82 Hugh of Vermndois continued to mks trouble in the archdiocese and persisted in his claims to the see of Reims. In a series of Church councils held at Houzon (9&8), Ingelheim (9&8), Traves (9&8), and Home (949), the enemies of the king and the Church were severely denounced and excommicated. no second canon of the council of Ingelheim declared Hugh of Vermandois a usur- per and struck him with the sword of anathema .71 Hugh the Crest was de- clared an enesw of King Louis, an invader and ravager of the kingdom, and was excommicated for his wicked acts against the Church.72 This long feudal war severely tried the strength of the Church and the Carolingian monarclw. It lasted through the better part of two reigns, those of Raoul (923-36) and Louis Iv (936-5h). In the end both the Church and the Carolingian won a great victory, but not before the usurpers had felt the blast of anathema from beyond the Alps, across the Rhine, and within Northern France itself. While the affair of Reims sheds much light on the struggle between the Robertian and Carolingian families, its real importance lies elsewhere. For the historian it is a case stuchr in the syndrome of evils brought about through lay control of the Church. All the misdeeds of the nobility are present: seizure of ecclesiastical property, 73 deposition 7llhnsi, XVIII A, #17-18; #21, h29-3o; #31-32: "Hugo autem, qui eiuzhsegem contra fas sibi usurpat, anathematis est mucrone mulctatus . . . ' 21 721ansi, XVIII A, L21 and h3o. ". . . Hugonem regis Ludovici regni invasorem et raptorem exconnuunicationis gladio feriendum . . . ." (#21). . . . excommunicatur Hugo comes, inimicus Ludovici regis, pro supra amor- atis malis ab ipso perpetratis . . . ." (M30). 73l‘lodoard, HER, IV, 35: ". . . res episcopi,(prout sibi placuit) fautoribus suis divisit . . . ." 83 and murder of legally constituted bishops,7h invasio and us tio,75 and the systematized persecution of the clergy through the use of threats and intimi- dation . 76 he affair of Reims is more important for another reason. Artaud had identified his fortune with the cause of the Carolingian house in its struggle against the great vassals. When the long war between the duke of France, the house of Vermandois , and the king ended in a victory for the Carolingian, the religious crisis of Reims was also solved. Out of the chaos of this feudal insurrection the idea was crystallized in the minds of the more perceptive French clery that the Church would find peace only when the political anarchy of feudal society was eliminated. This concept became even more clearly recognized as the tenth century wore on. It became the fundamental assumption of the reform clergy, both regular and secular, and especially of those men who made the dynastic revolution of 987 . It would inspire the Church to lead society to salvation through the whole complex movement for peace, and it would vindicate the Church, after a long period of corruption, as the true architect of stability, order, and civilized life in medieval society. ‘lhe seizures of monastic and episcopal properties were usually at- tended by some form of persecution directed against the clergy. As we have 7“nodosrd, Annales, a. 9142; Flodoard, 51g, Iv, 29. 75Ihe words invasio and usE_oatio represent the clerical attitude toward the confiscation of Church property by laymen. See bile Amann and Auguste Dumas, L'Eflglise au pouvoir des laiques (888-105]) (Histoire de 1' Egise degis les origines us u'd nos ours, publi€e sous la direction de AWtin Fliche et Victor mrtin, 7) (21 volumes; Paris: , 193h-), p. 311. Hereafter this work will be cited as Amann and Duns, L'Hgglgise (888-1257). 76nodoard, g, Iv, 35- seen, all kinds of excesses resulted from the lay occupation of Church of- fices. These excesses either teworarily limited the effectiveness of the clergy in the pursuit of its civilizing work, or prevented and in some cases destroyed this work altogether. Essentially, lay control hindered the opera- tions of the Church as an institution. Far more serious were the crimes, at times amounting to atrocities, committed against the human element of the march. The persecution of the clergy by the feudal warriors ranged from general mistreatment to mrder. Archbishop Artaud informs us of the treat- ment meted out to the clergr in the province of Reims by the wily count of Vemndois: "During that time, the clerics of our diocese, and even some laymen were mistreated by Herbert 3 some clerics were thrown in irons, their possessions were taken away from them or were given up to pillage: brigan- dage was authorized in every town."77 At the town 91’ Cambrai in 976 318110? ‘ Theudo was virtually the laughing-stock of the region. His lay vassals made a regular game of insulting and deceiving him. Intends was apparently naive to begin with, but he was not helped in his relations with his overbearing neighbors by his peculiar circumstances. A vessel of the Emperor Otto II, his bishopric was far from the source of imperial aid. Cambrai is located on what was then the border between Flanders, Vermandois, and Lower Lorraine. Theudo particularly feared the possibility of an attack by King Lothaire of France, who maintained an aggressive policy toward the emperor. Two bullies named Gautier and Heriward, who inhabited chateaux near Cambrai, prayed on Theudo's fear falsely reporting to him threatened attacks on all sides, and 77nodoard, g1}, IV, 35: "Interim clerici nostri loci sed et‘laici quidam pessime ab Heriberto tractantur, ct quidam clericorum in custodiis retruduntur, res eorum auferuntur atque diripiuntur, rapinae per totem ur- bem licite perpetrantur." 85 cxtorting money from him as protection.78 Another form of persecution associated with the seizure of bishoprics was the deposition and exile of the clergy. Bishop Ansegis of Troyes opposed the local count, a man named Robert, in 959, and was driven from his see.79 Artaud's description of an incident in his exile from Reims betrays the haunting fears of a bishop in exile: For myself, staying with the king, I have. shared with him all the difficulties which he had had to endure ; when Hugh and Herbert made war on him, I was with him, and Just barely nnaged to escape death. “monks to the aid and to the pro- tection of God, I was drawn out of the midst of w enemies 3 wandering and fleeing, I have gone through forestsaoinac- cessible places, without daring to dwell anywhere. Sometimes the deposition and exile of a prelate were not sufficient to advance the schemes of the predatory nobles. ‘mreats of violence were resorted to for the purpose of extracting further compliance. This is what Artaud discovered when he fell into the clutches of his enemies after having once escaped: 78Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium, in _LEH, fi, VII, 188-39; tui-1:2. Lot, Les Derniers Carolingiens, p. 85, n. 2. The diocese of Cambrai had to contend with fullscale brigandage. A note written on a gospel of the church at Cambrai states: "Haec sunt nomina mlefactorum qui ecclesias ms . . . re cum comite Rainero succenderunt: Albertus comes, . . . ." Including Count Albert there were ’43 other men who assisted Renier in the ravages against the churches in the Cambresis. The gospel note dates from the tenth or eleventh century . 79Hi.storia Francorum Senonensis, ed. Waitz, 111391;, §_S, II, 367. 8()F'lodoard, HER, IV, 35: "Ego vero cum rege manens, quas illi scitur augustias pertulisse-E’e'cum pcrtuli; et quando cum bello aggressi sunt Hugo et Heribertus, cum ipso cram, ct vix mortis cvasi periculum. Prolapsus itaque auxilio et protections Dei de medio inimicorum, profugus et vagabundus loca invia quaeque silvasque perlustro, non ausus certo consistere loco." As soon as they saw me in their power, they demanded of me to cede them the pallium, which has been con- ferred on me by the Holy Sec of Rome, and to abdicate entirely the sacerdotal offices. I protested that I would never do it and that even the danger of death was not able to mks me. By means of severity and bad treatment, they compelled me to renounce all the possessions of the bishopric.81 fie nobility frequently kept deposed clergyman in captivity. Artaud was put away in the abbey of Saint-Basle for safe-keeping.82 fie great scho— lar Gerbert referred to Budes I, count of Chartres, as a "ferocious beast" for his treatment of the clerg of Mslun. Eudes had seized this town in .991, and he treated the ". . . very reverend priests of God, as if they were vile slaves . . . ."83 fie historian Flodoard was persecuted because he silently protested the magnates' seizure of the archbishopric of Reims. He was dis- possessed of the land which he held in benefice from the Church, and was thrown into captivity for five months.81‘ In 9&7 Hugh of Vermandois and 1311- baud the Trickster rounded up a gang of their vassals and began to practice their thuggery in the diocese of Reims. They ran off with the wine-harvest and captured some men of the Church. fie latter were made to suffer torments designed to force them to ransom themselves.85 alnodoard, @, IV, 35: "Qui postquam me in potcstate sua conspi- ciunt, quacrere coeperunt ut eis pallium a sede Romans mihi collatum traderem, et sacerdotali me ministerio penitus abJurarem quod nullatenus me facturum neque pro amore huJus vitae praesentis attestor. Districtus igitur et coen- gustiatus ab eis, episcopii tandem rebus abrenuntiare compellor . . . . 82m0a06rd, m, IV) 35' 83Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, IV, 1014:". . . ille feralis bestia Odo . . . ." ". . . ut reverendissimos sacerdotes Dei, quasi vilia maneipia caperet . . . ." 81‘il'lsdohrd, g, IV, 28. 85Flodoard, Annales, a. 9&1; Flodoard, _, IV, 35. 37 Far more serious than deposition and captivity were the crimes of mutilation and assassination committed by laymen against churchmen. We learn of a certain Count Sinuarius who was excommunicated, along with his family and friends, for having put out the eyes of Bishop Hincmr of Leon.86 The same cruel act was committed by lianasses of Very against the bishop of mg .87 Count Baldwin the Bald of Flanders caused his henchmen, a vil- lain naned Winemar, to assassinate Archbishop Fulk of Reims in the year 900.88 In 933 Hugh the Great was involved in a war with Herbert II of Vemandois. When the latter was away from amt-Quentin, Hugh attacked the town and mu- tilated a number of people. Among those seized was a noble cleric named Treduin, a friend of Count Herbert's, .who was cruelly hung until ~dead.89 Like Baldwin and Hugh, Herbert also had the blood of the clergy on his hands. He my have been behind the death of Archbishop Seulf of Reims in 925.90 He permitted his henchmen to murder two clerics in the cloister of the canons at 39135.91 When Herbert and Hugh the Great had usurped the see of Reims in 9&0, a number of diocesan bishops were intimidated by these two noblemen, and forced to recognize the seizure as legal.92 Two years later Pope Ste- 86lhnsi, XVIII A, 26&; Gallia Christiana, II, 516. 87Gallic Christiana, IV, 5&0. 88Regino, Chronicon, in LBJ, _s_s, I, 610; Flodoard, ass, IV, 10, Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, I, 17; Annalee Elnonenses miores, ed. Pertz, in m__1_1, S__S_, V, 12, Annalee Blandinienses, ed. Bethmann, in—J m___H_, as, V, 2&5 Anmles Laubienses, ed. Pertz, in m___H_, 38, IV, 16. 89F'1odoard, Annales, a. 933. 9°F1odoard, Annales, a. 925; Flodoard, 3g, IV, 19 and 35. 91nodoard, g, IV, 20 and 35. 92nodoard, Annales, a. 91.0 and 9&1. 88 phen VIII (939-142) threatened the rebels with eaccomuunicationfi:3 The bishops then began to hedge under the seriousness of the papal threat. They urged Herbert to persuade the duke of France to make peace with the king and the deposed prelate, Artaud. Herbert responded in his new familiar fashion: he ferreted out the ringleaders among the defecting bishops and had them put to death. 'niose bishops suspected of complicity in the peace movement were chased from the town.9l‘ The political anarchy in France during the tenth century forced the clerg to take sides in the feudal struggles in order to survive. But there were mny ill effects which resulted from doing so. The personal risks for the dorm were great. By participating in political affairs the bishops and abbots tended to sink to the level of the lay nobility, thus compromising their effectiveness as spiritual leaders. The clery were also physically endangered. Cruel punishments were meted out by the warring feudatories ‘ without the slightest regard for the religious calling. The traditional ideal of immunity for the clergy was ignored, if not seemed. Similarly the properties of the Church were devastated. The feudal warrior, except in ma- ments of extreme contrition, saw only the material side of the Church. Eccle- siastical properties were a source of wealth, Just as was any land not per- taining to the Church. Consequently, Church property was looked upon by the laymen as a resource. It made no difference to an aggressive baron if such properties were held in fief by a clergyman, or by another layman. The value attached to land remained the sole consideratidn. If possible, Church pro- 93nodoard, Annales, a. 912. 91‘11uoard, Annales, a. 9&2; Flodoard, £33, IV, 293 Richer, Histori- am Libri guitar, II, 27. p 39 parties were to be seized and exploited; otherwise, they should be pillaged so as to have no value for a political enemy. The feudal warrior was con- cerned first, last, and always with his own self-interest. me destruction of Church properties was a fact of life in tenth- . century France. The writers of the time filled their annals with accounts of the predatory activities of the feudality. Scarcely a year went by when Flodoard, who is our best narrative source for the period, did not enter a brief notation concerning the devastation of Church properties by laymen.95 The chroniclers were not always specific about the particular kind of des- truction which they recorded. Devastation, rapine, wasting, and pillaging all appear, and they all meant about the same thing to those who suffered. Peasant huts, churches, and monasteries were broken into and looted.96 Fields were burned by marauding knigits, thus destroying the crops upon which life depended.97 We even hear of a group of "malefactors" who ran off 953cc, for examples, in noduard's Annal___§_s, a. 921+, 939, 9&3, 9&7, 9M9, 963, and 966. Flodoard died in 966. IRho last thing he wrote in the Annalee is eloquent testimony of the rapaciousness of the feudal warriors: "Ht ipse comes loca quaedam eJusdem episcopii cum suis pervadens, rapinis incendiisque devastat. " 96Flodoard, Anna_____l_.___es, a. 92m, 91m, and 915. In 92.1. the monastery of Saint-Crispin of Soissons was sacked by some members of the house of Vernon- dois. A certain Renaud got revenge by pillaging the abbey of Saint-Hedard of Soissons. To make matters worse, the knights of the church of Reims had started this feudal war by pillaging the diocese. These soldiers of the Church were loyal to the Carolingian king and were seeking to make trouble for Hugh of Vermndois, who had usurped the archbishopric (a. 9%). ‘me following year (a. 916) King Louis IV took an army of Normans across the county of Vermandois. His troops pillaged and burned in every direction, destroying crops, and breaking into and looting churches. Cf. Richer, Hi__s_- toriarum Libri guatuor, II, M, who discreetly ignores the vandalism done by the king' s arm. 97Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 58. 90 with the wine-harvest .98 Church and monastic buildings were apt to suffer badly from the ravages of private warfare . The canons of the church of Saint-Pierre in Soissons were made homeless by a fire which destroyed their dormitory and cloister in 933. Hades of Vermndois was responsible for this nisfortune.99 Ten years later Count Raoul of Cambrai destroyed the abbey of Origny by fire.100 The church in Soissons suffered again in 9&8. 'lhis time Hugh the Great was at war with the local bishop. Hugh beseiged the town and set fire to the cathedral, the cloister, and a good part of the adjacent 101 buildings . In 955 Renaud, count of Roucy, sulprised and captured the 98Flodoard, Annal_____e_s, a. 9117: ". . . Tetbaldum de Iauduno cum aliis nonmlllis mlefactoribus . . . . " It is none other than mibaud the Trick- ster and his friends to whom Flodoard is referring. Ifile place robbed was Cornicy, a benefice which the chronicler held from the church of Reims. See also nodoard, ER, IV, 28. 99F1odoard, Annal_____e_s, a. 933. A charter granted by King Raoul at Chateau-Thierry on 5 March, 93h, provided for the restoration of the cloister. See Rodulfi Regis Diplomata, 3113, 11, 579-80, no. :11. looFlodoard, Annales, a. 91+3: "Heribertus comes obiit, quem sepel- ierunt apud sanctum mintinum filii sui: et audientes Rodulfum, filium Ro- dulfi de Gangliaco, quasi ad invadendam terram patris eorum advenisse, ag- gressi eundem interemerunt." When Herbert II of Vermandois died, his terri- tory was divided among his four surviving sons. The land was soon invaded by a certain Raoul, son of Raoul de Gouy. This Raoul is probably the historical figure of the chanson de geste, Raoul de Cambrai. Imore had been a long bitter struggle between the houses of Vermandois and Cambresis. Raoul's en- croachment upon the territory of Vermandois may be viewed as a continuation of this feudal war. 14. Longnon says that in this instance Raoul invaded be- cause King Louis had granted him the lands of the deceased count of Vermon- dois. It may be that the abbey of Origny was burned at this time. The sons of Herbert II engaged Raoul in battle soon afterwards, and the latter was killed. See lauer, Louis IV, pp. 95- 97 and notes, Raoul de Cambrai, chanson de este, ed. 394. P. Meyer at A. Longnon (Société des Anciens Textes Fran- cais Paris: 1882), Introduction, pp. I-LV, Essim. 8 lmnodoard, Annales, a. 9L8. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 5. w 9]. momstery of Saints-Radegunde, and then put it to the torch.102 file count of Anaou, Fulk E9322: burned the monastery of Saint-homer to the ground.103 All of these burnings occurred in the course of private wars among the no- bility. The Bosos, Rampos, Eudes, and Renauds of the time were real criminals. Constantly involved in wars among themselves, they wrought havoc upon the Church when it stood in their way. Vicious in their dealings with one another, they played the role of petty tyrants toward the Church. If their powers amounted to those possessed by the count of Vermndois, they went be- yond being a mere nuisance to the Church. No single individual was powerful W to overwhelm the Church, but collectively the warrior class did much to limit its effectiveness. The invasion of the monasteries, the seizure of episcopal functions and lands, the persecution of the clergy, and the des- truction of ecclesiastical properties together sum up the abuses suffered by a lay-dominated Church. Terrified by the spectre of the feudal warrior in bishop's robes, the Church awakened to the need for reform. 102F'lodoard, Annales, a. 955. 1°3Richer, Historiarum Libri matuor, IV, 79. Fulk Berra (the Black) was capable on occasion of performing the most notorious acts of criminal brigandage. At other times he seems to have been a model of Christian be- havior. PART II THE CHURCH GALVANIZED: THE REVIVAL.AID OFFENSIVE THROUGH REFORM The failure of the Carolingian empire in the ninth century plunged western European civilization into an abyss which society had not known since the chaotic misrule of the Merovingians. Historians have referred with Jus- tification to the century from 850 to 950 as the Second Dark.Age. The area most affected by the breakdown of the old bonds of society was the western Prankish kingdom: Neustria, Flanders, Vermandois, the Reaois and Lotharingia, Burgundy, Provence, and Aquitaine. One should also include Brittany, a re- gion separate and Jealous of its independence, but terribly devastated to the point of near depopulation'by the Normans in the third decade of the tenth century. The Church in France was, as we have seen, terrorized by the sa- vagery of outside invaders and the new military class. Threatened with near extinction, or, at the very least, by a perver- sion of its historic civilizing mission, the Church was able through its own resources to begin the process of extricating itself from the grip of feudal society. This was neither easily nor quickly accomplished. The work of liberating the Church - the enactment of the great Madieval Revolution - would extend through a series of reforms down to the end of the Middle Ages in the last quarter of the thirteenth century. But what was eventually accomplished'began as a result of the near total submersion of the Church in the first feudal age of tenth~oentury France. 93 The wretched state of society in the West was obvious to all civil- ized men by the beginning of the tenth century. What might be done to re- pair the material and spiritual conditions of life was not so immediately apparent. A few churchmen - far too few it would seem.- possessed the courage to cry out against the evil practices that afflicted society. In the main these men were monks: holy men of God, as their'biographers were accustomed to speak of them, sainted individuals in some cases, who under- stood that before society could be restored, the Church itself must undergo a purification, which.would equip it to point the way to order and peace. Therefore prelates - men like Saint Odo, abbot of Cluny (926-&2) - led the way to a widespread reform of the monasteries. The impact of monastic re- form created a climate of piety permeating all of society by the end of the century. In truth these holy men of God richly merit their place as heroes of the Church, for they were the conscience of an outraged society. The men who began the great revolution started by galvanizing the Church to action. Within a relatively few decades, accordingtto all indi- cations, the Church awakened, having found a new source of strength. The revival that followed quickly became an offensive toward reestablishing a civilized Christian community in the West. It is not surprising that France, the land most devastated and abused, was the birthplace of the reform.move- ment. CHAPTER III THE CONSC IENCE OF AN OUTRAGED SOCIETY One cannot understand the historical significance of the tenth cen— tury in Western Europe without giving a central place in his perspective to the Benedictine monastic reform. The movement spread rapidly once the rule ing classes of society had awakened to the pressing need for reform. The task of instructing society was assumed primarily by certain highly placed members among the regular clergy, although clearly many of the bishops in the western Prankish kingdom also took an active part in the reform movement. When we speak of the tenth-century reform, we have in mind more than the re- ordering of life in the monasteries, although this was the first obJective of the reformers and the heart of the movement narrowly considered. The monastic reform, however, was actually the spearhead or vanguard of a much larger development which had the implicit aim of a general reform.of society. Toward the end of the century one may see more clearly evidence of a restless demand for order. The zeitgeist is one of a striving for peace and piety, a result of the forces generated in the reform of the abbeys. The ravages of the invasions, the abuses to which the Church was sub- Jected by the feudal warriors, and the consequent demoralization of the clergy by both of these factors prompted the reform movement by provoking the con- science of an.outraged society. From the early decades of the century the voice of protest was raised within the Church as the reformers lashed out at the abuses which they saw everywhere about them. 95 What were the practices which demanded remedies? One hesitates to cite lay investiture, for in the tenth century it was not generally regarded by the Church as an evil. not it was widespread in France, as elsewhere throughout Western Europe, there can be no doubt. Indeed, it was such a com- mon practice that the historian is scarcely conscious of it. So completely had it become an acceptable usage. This is the Judgment of one of the most brilliant medievalists of our time, mrc Bloch: Confirmed by Carolingian practice, the idea that it was* for the kings to "designate" the bishops ended by becoming a recognized principle. In the tenth century and the beginning git-he eleventh, popes and prelates unanimously concurred in Flodoard, who is always frank about the malpractices of laymen toward the. Church, shows not the slightest hint of indignation as he reports two cases which clearly involved the appointment of bishops by laymen. Under the year 928, he gives passing mention to the appointment of Odalric to the see of Reims by Count Herbert of Vermandois. This prelate, formerly bishop of Aix-en-Provence, had been driven from his see by the Saracens. He was ap- pointed to administer the diocese in place of Herbert's son, who was still a boy.2 Four years later Flodoard mentions with similar detachment that a cer- tain Bevo received the bishopric of Chglons through the Joint decision of King Raoul and Duke Hugh the Great .3 There were countless disputes over the right to occupy episcopal sees, but the disputes were generally between rival clergymen. An example was the liarc Bloch, Feudal Society, Translated by L. A. Lhayon, II, 3&9. 2P1odoard,Anna_____l___es, a. 928. Flodoard, nan, in pp, cmv, 296. Richer, Historiarum Libri matuor, I, 55. Callie Christiana, I, 303. 3P10doard, Annales, a. 932. 96 cause cEIEbre of Reims. In 9hl after the council of Soissons had confirmed the nomination of his rival Hugh of Vermandois, Artaud, the deposed prelate, became violently aroused toward the suffragans who had made the decision. When they stuck by their decision, he excommunicated them, Whatever the sub- sequent events may have been, the point is that both Artaud and Hugh of Ver- mandois had been installed by force and at the hands of laymen. Thus the controverry revolved around the simple right to possession of the see, not over the question of on whose authority the selection.was made.h Lay inves- titure was not really an issue until the eleventh century. Lay investiture was an accepted usage, but the actual selection of a prelate was generally made with an eye to the formalities of canonical pro- cedure. In the case of bishops and abbots the ". . . sole procedure conforms able to the canonical rule was unquestionably election: by the clergy and people of the city, in the case of the former; by the monks, in the case of the latter."5 This type of arrangement involved cooperation between the formal electors and the lay figure who influenced the election. A case may’. 1‘ I‘Ibid” a. 931 and 9&1. Flodoard, _s_s_s, in _s_s_,, cmv, 297, 306, and 307. Richer, Historiarum.Libri Quatuor, I, 59-61: According to Richer, Her- bert of Vermandois forced the citizens of Reims to accept his child, Hugh, as archbishop. 0n the other hand, Richer portrays King Raoul as persuading the citizens to elect Artaud. In either case the electors had little choice. Richer's interpretation of these events simply reflects his bias. Artaud's famous speech at Ingelheim in 9MB contains some very interesting words with respect to lay investiture. This prelate thought there was nothing unusual when a layman appointed an ecclesiastic to a bishopric. What Artaud did ob- Ject to, however, was the use made of the episcopal property by the laymen. On this sthect he devoted several blistering remarks concerning the behavior of the count of Vermandois. 51ers Bloch, Feudal Society, Translated by L. A. ianycn, II, 3&8-&9. Abbots of houses that were not immediately associated with the crown were often chosen'hy the founder of the abbey or by his descendants. The local lord de- termined who would fill the offices of parish priest in.his villages. 97 be cited to illustrate the point. When the death of Adalbero left the arch- bishopric of Reims vacant in 989, Hugh Capet demanded that the citizens swear their faith to him. In return he permitted them.to go ahead with the elec- tion. .But the electors were, nevertheless, bound not to betray Hugh by for- mally selecting anyone other than.his candidate.6 Thus, at the end of the tenth century lay investiture was still an accepted practice, working within its own.peculiar conventions. Laymen could still secure the election of their candidates, but they found it expedient to adhere to the formality of canoni- cal procedure. This in itself was a precedent of incalculable importance for the whole success of the Gregorian movement in the eleventh century. Another abuse was simony. This practice also had evil consequences for the Church, for the very clergymen.who obtained their places by means of simony compromised themselves ipso facto as leaders of the Christian community. At least this was true in theory, and probably so in a large number of actual cases. Simony, defined as the buying of Church offices, or the selling of ecclesiastical services, such as the sacraments for a fee, was a sin far more venal intrinsically than the practice of lay investiture. In the case of the latter, the Church was threatened with the danger of control from without; in the former, with the introduction of a sinister form of corruption which con- doned the diverting of ". . . holy things to profane ends."7 Not infrequently simony was linked with lay investiture, as when a cleric would pay a certain sum.of money in order to be invested with an office at the disposal of some lay figure. In fact, the practice of lay investiture seems to have encouraged simony: 6Amann and Demos, Léglise (888-1057), p. 207. 71bid., p. h73: ". . . ils comprenaient sous le nom de simonie divers abus qui detournaient les chases saintes a des fins profanes. " 98 In regions where, as in France--especially in the South and Centre-~many bishoprics fell under the control of the great barons and even of those of middle rank; the worst abuses found their favorite soil: from.the heredi- tary succession of the fgther by the son to the open sale of the episcopal office. The sources reveal some rather interesting proofs of this traffic in ecclesiastical properties and honors. A certain cleric named Hercheibold, one writer informs us, sold in 9&8 the bodies of Saint valery and Saint Riquier to Arnulf the Rich, count of Flanders.9 The date is significant, for it was about this time that Arnulf became very active in the monastic reform movement, as we shall see when dealing with that topic. No doubt his purchase of the saintly remains was prompted by religious zeal, and it may well be that Rer- chembold rationalized his part in the bargain on the same grounds. Another case of simony is a bit more surprising, coming as it does from.an unexpected quarter. In.July, 968, we find Bishop Ratherius of Verona purchasing the abbey of Saint-Amend from King Lothairc.1° Ratherius, who had a checkered career, was himself a reformer, and one of the outstanding thinkers of the tenth century. Therefore, it is with some amazement that we catch him.il.this awkward moment. One is inclined in the absence of further evidence to give Ratherius the benefit of the doubt by recalling an earlier incident elsewhere, oblique in its similarity: the English monk, Oswald, as a young man bought aflarc Bloch, Feudal Society, Translated by L..A. Manyon, II, 350. 9n: Historia relationis corporis s. Walarici abbatis in monasterium leuconaense auctore ano o saeculo X1, in HF, IX, lfi7ah9. Ex Historia re- lationis S. Richarii abbatis ex Sithiensi monasterio in CentulenseLgauctore genome Abbate Centulensi teste oculato, in HF, II, lit-F lorolcuin, Gesta abbatum mans ium, ed. Pertz, in ass, as, , 69. See f. de Horeau, La Fornntion de l' lisemed nadiévala (Histoire de l' ise on M) (6 volumes, smear: $15-52 , II, 257, for a scholarly appraisal of Batherius' character and personality. 99 the abbey of Winchester, was made a canon there, and later on a dean.‘u' But all this occurred before he became a noted reformer. It seems that men of good intention were sometimes a party to simony. 'nle two cases are actually quite dissimilar, and one is left puzzled over the action of Intherius . Less opaque was the motive behind the blunt attempt of a certain Robert to bribe his way into the bishopric of Cambrai. Ellis man was the prior at the abbey of Selene near Cambrai. He had obtained a number of relics of great value. He had the temerity to offer these items .to the electors in return for their support in securing his election as bishop. His naked bid for power was ex- posed and blocked.12 Still another disease infected the body of the Church. ihis was nico- laitism: marriage or sexual incontinence on the part of the clerg. The canonical tradition of the western Church was explicit in regard to clerical marriage: it was forbidden.l3 What were the causes of this abuse? be dis- orders of the ninth and tenth centuries had the effect of weakening the moral fibre of society. Consequently there “was a general deterioration in the strict obedience to canon law in this matter. No part of the West was ixmnune. harried prelates with children and the widespread practice of concubinage among the clergy meant that the Church in time would be in danger of falling even more completely under the control ufiistorians of the Church of York, ed. James Raise, in Rolls Series, no. 71, published under the direction of the’ihster of the Rolls (911+ volumes; London: 1858-96), I, hlo, et seq.: ". . . adjuvandoque munera perplurima con- cessit, cum quibus sibi monasterium quod est in Wintonia positum acquisivit, donando digno pretio. " Hereafter this work will be cited as Historians of the Church of Yarn. lzGesta episcoporum Cameracensium, ed. Bethmann, in £3, fi, VII, 1438. 13Amann and Dumas, L'église L888-1057), p. 1476. 100 of laymen. It would appear that the Italian clergy were especially prone to the sin of nicolaitism. Even as late as the eleventh century Peter Damian railed against the "thirsty tigresses" and "poisonous snakes" who enslaved with their charms the priests of God.“ But elsewhere the problem woo also serious. lleasures had to be taken by church councils in England, Germany, and France in the tenth century. Confining our attention to France, let us see how these various usages affected the moral state of the clerg. Two general developments may be dis- tinguished as results of lay investiture, simony, and nicolaitism. First, there was a departure in clerical ranks from the chosen work of God. To put it another way, a conflict emerged between the secular behavior of the clerg and their religious commitment . And, secondly, a decline in the standard of personal behavior resulted. Various forms and shades of moral degradation and debauchery became a serious problem. Worldly behavior was directly opposed to the ideals of both the secu- lar and regular clerg. And yet it'was a recurring problem for both branches of the clerg. The monastery of Corbie was torn by a revolt of the monks against their abbot, a man named Franco. The cause of this rising is not clear. One historian has hypothesized as a cause the involvement of the abbot in a feudal war which was raging in the region.15 Whatever the cause, the lthid” p. 1477 : ". . . telle aussi cette foule de pratres esclaves de 'tigresses assoiffées' et de 'vipéres venimeuses'." 15Favre, Eggs, p. 180, speculates that Franco could have followed the lead of his brother, Count Hermenfroi of Amiens, who had sided with Charles the Simple against Eudes in the civil war then raging. ibis might have brought the abbot into conflict with his monks, but, as Favre admits, there is no rea- son to believe that the members of the congregation supported nudes. It seems more likely that some internal difficulty caused the rupture, as was not in- frequently the case in similar disputes. 101 monks"behavior was scarcely in.accordance with the Rule. They seized Franco, deposed him, dragged him outside the monastery and closed him up in a very vile place. Franco was gravely ill at the time, and the monks, apparently believing him near death, declared him to be unworthy of a burial place.16 Franco did not die, however, for we hear of him again in.a diploma issued at \ his request in 901 by Charles the Simple in favor of the abbey of Corbie.l7 Nowhere can one Obtain a better idea of the state of the clergy in early tenth-century France, than from the fifteen capitula published by the members of the council of Trosly. This famous council was convened‘by Arch- bishop Hervé of Reims on 26 June, 909, in the diocese of Soissons. The bi- shops present had been called together to consider what might be done to cure the ills of Church and clergy. Their suggestions were drawn up in the capitula, and they tell us precisely what the major problems were. For example, we read that some of the monasteries had been burned or destroyed; others had been plundered of their properties, and reduced to nothing.18 In many monasteries 16Flodoard, g3, in LL, cmv, 287. 17Caroli Simplicis Diplomata, in g, II, 193-95, no. nvII. me date of this charter is 901. .At the time of the rebellion, or shortly afterward, Archbishop Fulk of Reims wrote to the monks of Corbie. Fulk was assassinated in 900. Therefore, the rebellion occurred prior to 900, which proves that Franco recovered from his grave illness, for the charter testifies to his presence before the king: ". . . venerabilis Abbas Franco, petivit cum omni humilitate . . . ." 1824anei, XVIII A, 263-308. Charles Joseph Hefele, Histoire des Con- ciles d'apres les documents originaux, nouvelle traduction francaise faite sur le deuxieme edition allemande, corrigee et augmentee de notes critiques et bibliographiques, par Dom H. Leclercq (11 volumes; Paris: 1907-52), Tome Iv, Deuxieme Partie, 722-25. Hereafter this work will be cited as Refele-Leclerq, Histoire des Conciles. It is a useful guide and shortcut to locating material in the source collections. It is also the standard history of the church councils. The state of the monasteries and of the regular clergy is bewailed at some length in the third capitula (Mansi, XVIII A, 270-72). 102 there were laymen ruling as abbots, having moved in with their wives, their sons, their daughters, their soldiers, and their dogs. And what had resulted from all this? The monks had become corrupted by association. may no longer kept their vow of stability: some had fled to the world, and had taken up “can” activities.19 Sacrileges had been committed against the Church to the detriment of both the institution and the men in it.20 Some dePrflVBd men had shown themselves disrespectful toward the priests of God, forgetting that the priests were like columns upon which the edifice of the Church rested. If they should fall, the Church would fall, and with it all of Christian so- ciety, bringing ruin to all men including the depraved.2l The clerg had been oppressed by laymen, who had demnded from them payments of various kinds .22 Some of the clergy had neglected their religious duties, and by this sin of omission might have caused other men to lose their souls.23 Finally, ill-91‘1“: as well as laymen, had fallen into the sin of usury)?“ Elsewhere, the author of the Vita Sancti Odonis tells of two men who travelled far and wide through France looking for a monastic house where they might follow the Rule of Saint Benedict. Nowhere could they find what they 19mm, XVIII A, 271: "Nunc autem in monasteriis Deo dicatis mona— chorum, canonicorum, et sanctimonialium, abbates laici, cum suis uxoribus, filiis, et filiabus, cum militibus morantur et canibus." For the flight of the religious to the world, and the forsaking of their vows, see ibid. , XVIII A, 270. 2°Ibid., XVIII A, 272-75. 211b1d., XVIII, A, 275. 221b1d., XVIII A,279-80. 23Ibid., XVIII A, 305. 21+.Ib1d., XVIII A, 306. 103 were seeking.25 Saint Odo was confronted by monks who lied about the harsh treatment meted out to them by their abbot.26 When their abbot died, some of the monks lost no time in throwing off their habits and returning to the world.27 Saint Odo himself spoke of some abbots, who ". . . sought ways to mks thmelves rich with material things and to please men."28 And 01’ the very bishop, Turpio of Limoges, who ordained Odo a priest, the saint used to say ". . . that no dog would risk eating food, that had been blessed by him; and if by accident it so happened, the dog soon died, Just as if it had taken some poison for food."29 John of Salerno, the author of Odo's Vita, once asked the saint if the monastic life had declined in other parts of Europe, as well as in Italy. If so, how, to what extent, and when this had happened.30 Odo answered him by describing the condition of the abbey of Saint Dartin at Tours, since he had seen the situation there at first hand some years earlier. The monks, he said, began to order their lives and profession to suit them- selves. They threw off their religious dress and began to wear " . . . colored and flowing cowls and tunics, and to adorn themselves with a cloak. The shoes which they wore were so colored and glittering, that they seemed to take on 25thn of Salerno, Vita Sancti Odonis, in gp, CXXXIII, 53. 26Ibid., CXXXIII, 55-56. 27Ib1d., CXXXIII, 58. 281bid. , chII, 59: "Nam caeteri abbates hoc student, qualiter re- bus possint abundare, et hominibus placere." 29Ibid., chII, 60: "De quo videlicet episcopo narrare solet pater Odo, quia benedictum ab eo cibum nullus canis audebat comedere; quod si casu contigisset," mox canis moriebatur, veluti pro cibo aliquid gustasset veneno- sum." On Turpio, see the notes to the Collationum of Saint Odo, in -1_’_I., CHIIII, 517-18. 3°Ib1d., CXXXIII, 75. 10h the brilliancy of glass. They arose in the light of day so as not to scuff their shoes going to the night Office. In these and many similar ways they broke their Rule."3l When Odo set out to reform the monastery of Fleury, about the year 931, some of the monks barricaded the door at his approach, and drawing arms-~swords, shields, and stones-~they positioned themselves on the roof of the abbey, prepared to defend their wayward discipline by armed cembgt.32 A few days later Odo was recognized by some of the inmates who 'were his friends, and he was permitted to enter. About the same time Pope Jahn 11 (931-35) authorized Odo, as abbot of Cluny, to receive in his monas- tery monks who wished to get away from those houses where the Rule was not be- ing observed. The pope knew well enough the condition of the monastic come munities, for he wrote that ". . . nearly all the monasteries have been falsely diverted from their purpose. . . . At the same time he was anxious to pro- vide for those who wished to migrate to houses adhering to the Rule of Saint Benedict.33 Sometime before this the papacy had intervened in favor of none astic life in France, and of Cluny in particular. A predecessor of Jehn XI, John Xi(9lh-28), sent a letter to King Raoul requesting.him.to see that cer- tain properties were restored to Cluny, which had been.usurped by a certain Guy, who was abbot at the monastery of Guigny.3h 31Ibid. : "Relinquentes namque native et assueta vestimenta, coeperunt fucatas, atque fluxes pallioque ornatas circumferre cucullas et tunicas. Gal- ceamenta itaque quibus utebantur adeo erant colorata ac nitida, ut vitreum colorem'viderentur assumere. Ad.1audes namque nocturnas ne aliquo pede offen- derent, cum.luce diei surgebant. Ista et harum similia multa contra regulae Jura faciebant." 321b___i_d. , cxxxnI, 80-81. 33Johannaes Papas XI. glstelae et Privelegia, in P__I_., cxxnII, 1057: Jan pene cuncta monasterio a suo proposito praevaricantur. . . .' 3hJohannis Papae X Qistolae, in g, II, 217, no. V. 105 The secular clergy found themselves perhaps even more torn between the secular life and their calling to do the work of the Church. At one time or another during their careers, many'bishOps must have found themselves in awkward positions, similar to that which once confronted Archbishop Seulf of Reims. Between 92h and 925 this good and learned prelate was busy fortifying the monastery of Saint-Rani, and at the same time was supervising the deco- ration of his cathedral church.35 This situation is symbolic of the personal and spiritual crisis that faced a good many of the Frankish prelates during the tenth century. The priest was forced to‘become a warrior in spite of any wishes that he might have held to the contrary. Of course, for some bishops such concerns were not so agonizing; perhaps this was even the case with the majority. In 932 one Milo, an unsuccessful candidate for the see of Chglons, shattered the peace of the diocese by starting a private war because his ri- val, Bovo, was made bish0p.36 Milo was subsequently excommunicated by'a pro- vincial synod. It is fair to assume, on the basis of his conduct, that Milo would not have made an ideal bishOp. We know of others, who did manage to obtain the episcOpal dignity, but who were not noticeably improved in their persons as a result of their good fortune. For example, in the second half of the tenth century Mainard Of’Mans was a sebular type and stupid to‘boot. The chronicler of the,ég§5 'gggtificum.0enomannis refers to him as an Tigigtgf. He was also the father of several children.37 His successor, Segenfrid, had an "episcopissa". A 35nodoerd, ass, in _P_L_, cxxxv, 29k. 35nodoerd, Annales, a. 931 and 932. 3713:: Actibus Pontificum Cenomnnis, in 113, X, 38h, note 1:: "minar— dus . . . . filios et filias multas habuit; et tam.idiota ab omnibus aesti- mabatur, ut non Glorious, sed laicus putaretur." 106 bishop and his "bishopress": In addition to his sin of nicloaitism, Segen- frid dispossessed an abbey in order to endow his sons.38 He in turn was followed‘by a man named Avesgaud, who cut a similar figure: he broke his nose while out hunting one day.39 ArchbishOp Robert of Rouen was married, and so was Gumbald, bishOp of Agen. Both men held their sees in the second half of the tenth century.“0 The bastard son of Hugh the Great and a concubine named Raingarde, Herbert, was consecrated bish0p of Auxerre in 971. as was the bosom friend of Counts Eudes of Chartres and Herbert of Troyes, both notori- ous thugs. As a bish0p Herbert was more interested in hunting and.building castles than in the performance of his religious duties. He wasted some of the prOperties of the church of Auxerre and granted others in fief to Eudes and his namesake of Troyes.“l These examples of clergymen, living more in the fashion of laymen-- hunting, warring, carousing -- reveal an almost animal-like ignorance, on the part of certainly not a few ecclesiastics, of the Church's historic mission to bring about peace and civilization in order to facilitate the salvation of 3?;ggg., X, 38h-85. Segenfrid was a ". . . vir infelicis vitae et per omnia vituperabilis." Whatever Mainard had created, Segenfrid destroyed: "men-a0q et quidquid Mainardus antecessor suus aedificavit, hic e contrario per omnia destruxit." The height of his folly was his association with Hilde- burga, who became the mother of his children. The chronicler does not men- tion marriage; rather he implies that Segenfrid and Hildeburga simply began to live together. Our author is prOperly shocked by all this: ". . . proh dolor! ad cumulum damnationis suae accepit mulierem, nomine Hildeburgam, in senectute, quae, ingresso 1110 ad se, concepit et peperit filias." Accounts of the bish0p's simoniacal activities, his pillaging of a church, sleeping with his bishopress, and finally, his death, complete the sordid tableau of the life of BishOp Segenfrid. 39mm. , x, 385. hoGallia Christiana, II, 9013 XI, 27. Iu‘lfix Historia _episcoporum Autissiodorensium, in §_F, X, 170. 107 souls . Vagueness, confusion, lack of comprehension, and open defiance were all degrees of the same characteristic mentality of the time, which failed to understand the Church, but rather assumed that it was a _t_hi_z_1_g to be exploited. The conflict between secular behavior and religious commitment stoned from ignorance and recalcitrance. There was a second problem, equally serious, that confronted the clerg. Moral degradation and debauchery of various kinds were rampant. Here, again, the causes may be found in the chaos of the period: llo doubt that the principal cause of this shamelessness had been the anarchy of the times, which provoked in every en- vironment a profound social decomposition. It was not with impunity that the feudality disorganized religious and civil society: the clerics, as the laymen, had lost the respect for authority and the sense of discipline; on all sides, in- dividuals intended to live without bothering themselves about rules of morality or of law. 2 Only a cataclysmic shock, such as a terrible war, an economic disaster, or a ravaging pestilence carrying off tens of thousands is capable of shatter- ing the morality of society in the manner quoted above. But society had been shocked repeatedly in the century between 850 and 950. The clergr was sinking into a foul pit. The assembled bishops at Trosly (909) spoke of ". . . evil priests rotted in the dunghill of luxury and by their conduct harmed the repu- tation of those who remained chaste, because laymen were only too ready to say: 'Such are all the priests of the Church‘ ."l‘3 The 93111113}; or thi‘ “in!“ strip “2m and Dumas, L Eglise (888-105]), p.1t76: "nul doute que la cause principals de ce devergondage ait été l'anarchie du temps qui provoqua dens tous les milieux une/profonde decomposition sociale. Ce n 'est pas impu- t que la feudalite desorganisait la societe civile et religieuse: les clercs, come les laiques, avaient perdu le respect de l'autorite et le sens de la discipline; de tous cotes, les individus pretendaient vivre leur vie, sans se soucier des regles de la morale ou du droit." h3lhnsi, XVIII A, 288: ". . . sacerdotes, qui ab aliis debuerant hu- Jus putredinem morbi resecare, computrescant in stercore luxuriae: nec sua solum ignominiosa contenti perditione, bonorum etiam sacerdotum vitam. sua lac- dant infami opinione, dum a saecularibus dicitur, tales aunt sacerdotes eccle- siae . . . ." 108 the guilty churchmen to the repulsive nakedness of their sins. Some are scarcely recognizable as religious, for they have adopted totally the ways of laymen by becoming ugly with greed, drunkenness, impiety, and caught up in a mm: of high living.“ One notes the necessity which the synod found for citing punishments for the crime of rape committed by the clergy.“5 The prac- tice of clerical cohabitation with women had become a problem serious enough to draw censure.h6 Indeed, it would appear that the cleric, as well as the layman, exposed himself to criticism for a whole list of sins, ranging from major crimes to peccadillos. Murder, hatred, lying, false oaths, gluttony, drunkenness, detraction, hostility, and violence were some of the evils which afflicted churchmen during the tenth centuryfl7 Saint Odo's biographer tells of two greedy monks who demanded that meat be roasted for their dinner after having refused the fish that had al- ready'been prepared for them. One might guess what happened: unable to spit out the meat, they both strangled to death.ha SUCh miraculous stories were buttressed by morals from the Scriptures, and were frankly didactic in tone. It is difficult to separate fact from fancy, but one is left with the certain conviction that necessity was, indeed, the mother of invention for the pious hagiographers of the tenth century. The nature of the evidence - for example, a Church council such as the one held at Trosly in 909, which dealt exclusively with the moral conduct of “411333., XVIII A, 272. “5333., XVIII A, 286. “5931., XVIII A, 288. “73333., XVIII A, 306-07. “John of Salerno, Vita Sancti Odonis, in 11., CXXXIII, 78. 109 the clergy - surely suggests that a fairly sizeable proportion of the clergy were guilty of this or that crime. Collectively they reduced the general level of their calling. On the other hand, one supposes that the number of real arch- villains within the Frankish Church was few. The evidence will simply not sup- port any ether conclusion. Suffice it to say, nevertheless, as the council of Trosly warned, that only a few were necessary to impune the entire clergy. One of these was the notorious Archembold, truly a wolf within the fold. Archenbold was consecrated archbishop of Sens in 958 on the advice of Count Renaud, brother- in-law of King Lothaire. His election was achieved not without resort to simorw.h9 In the course of his maladministration, which went on for some nine years, Archembold seized the monastery of Saint-I‘derreele-Vif.so The properties pertaining to the abbey he either sold or granted in fief to his friends . He stripped the abbey of its religious ornaments, and alienated them from the Church through gifts . Those revenue producing properties which he did not give away, he kept for his own use. The fifteen monks who inhabited the monastery got nothing for their livelihood. Worse was to follow. Relinquish- ing the episcopal palace - one wonders whether he had made it uninhabitable through his crimes - he set himself up in the abbey, turning the refectory into his bedchamber, and populating his new establishment with prostitutes. When the monks protested, he poisoned them, twelve dying in one night. The remain-7 h9D'Arbois de Jubainville, 933—“29.522, I, 1%. I have leaned heavily on M. D'Arbois dc Jubainville's sketch of Archbishop Archembold. This prelate was the son of Count Robert of Troyes, who was in turn the friend and - . father of another notorious bishop, Herbert of Auxerre (supra, note hlfi . 50(:larius, Ex Chronico S. Petri Vivi Senonensis, in 31;, IX, 35 . Toe dates of Archembold's pontificate are discussed in Gallia Christian, 111, 30-31, and Int, Les Derniers Caroliggifins, pp. 335-36. 110 ing three of the original fifteen survived that night of horror, but were dead before the year was out.51 Imus did this false shepherd devour his flock. Incredible as it may seem, Archembold's crimes did not end there. He continued his ludicrous charade as bishop. We find him presiding over the synod of luau: in 962, convoked to detemine whether Hugh of Vermndois was qualified to be reinstated as archbishop. One supposes that there was a certain amount of poetic Justice in the outcome of that meeting: a decision could not be reached.52 Undoubtedly Hugh was chagrined. Beyond that there is something grotesquely amusing, almcst obscene about Archembold of Sens sitting in Judg- ment on Hugh of Vermandois. The incident shows the depth of absurdity reached by a society in which the lawless and imoral were the most powerful. Archenbold was also a hunter and a warrior. He transformed the cloister of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif into a poultry yard, where he kept his dogs and hawks.53 On one occasion he and Count Renaud inflicted a defeat on a Saxon force that had been pillaging in the neighborhood of Sens.5u The unfortunate Christians who witnessed the wicked career of their archbishop could do nothing against him. Instead they endured his acts with greens and prayed that God would punish him in the hereafter. According to legend, miracles began to occur which revealed the anger of God and the saints toward Archembold. The legends, it ought to be remrked, are important because they tell us something of the popular attitude toward this man. One of the current beliefs circulated that soon after Archembold had installed his dogs 1,6 516a111a Christiana, III, 30-31. D'Arbois dc Jubainville, m, I, l . 52am: Christiana, XII, 30. Flodoard, Annales, a. 962. 53D'Arbois de Jubainville, m, I, 1&6. 5l'historia Prancorum Senonensis, ed. Vaitz, in g, _S_S, II, 367. Ill and hawks in the cloister, God's vengenance struck the animals dead. Archea- bold's own death was violent, or so people thought . In the popular mentality he was punished by a kind of holy retribution: Saint Savinianus, the first archbishop of Sens, appeared before Archembold on two successive occasions and warned him to change his ways. Rah time he replied to the saint by omitting even greater crimes. When the saint came the third time, he spoke to Archea- bold, saying: "We shall not suffer a place consecrated to the memory of our martyrdom to be profaned any longer." With these words Saint Savinianus struck Archembold an invisible blow. Some of the bishop's servants, having heard the voice; were astonished; they came running to see what had happened, and they found Archembold stretched on the ground, dead and stripped of his vestments.” The day would come when the Archembolds and the Segenfrids would be forced to reform. Already in the late tenth century the indignation of the re- form clergy and the growing surge of popular piety would demand better conduct from the warrior prelates. The miracle attributed to Saint Savinianus is one manifestation of the new religious zeal which becomes discernable in the third- quarter of the century. How did this happen? We shall probe this question fully in our discussion of the impact of monastic reform. For the moment, let us be content to observe the reaction of the Church to the rampant abuses threatening to submerge Christian society. mien in the darkest moments of the late ninth and early tenth centuries there were a few courageous spirits who raised their voices in protest against an outraged society. More than that, certain individuals were responsible for initiating action to repress the ene- mies of peace and civilization. It is noteworthy that the work of the reform SSD'Arbois de Jubainville, m, I, 116-157: "Nous ne souffrirons P“ «111' an lieu consacre 3 la memoire de notre martyrs soit plus longtemps pro- fane. " clery was positive and constructive. Using the weapons at their disposal - exhortations, the anathema, and even armed punitive expeditions - a small, but influential segment of the clerg stmck right at the heart of the two princi- pal sources of trouble: the barbarian invaders and the violent feudal warriors . All the while the Church sought to curb and restrict, even to punish the offen- ders, it did not neglect the teaching of Christian perfection. he work of the councils and of inspired saints served to instruct men in their obligations to Christ and to one another. The words of Archbishop nerve of Reims, spoken at the council of Trosly in 909, are enormously significant, for they revealed to the clergy present, and for the benefit of their successors, the diseases which ravaged the Chris- tian social body. This is part of what he said: The cities are depopulated, the monasteries ruined and burned, the land is reduced to a solitude. As the first men lived with- out law or restraint, abandoned to their passions, so now every man does what pleases him, despising the laws of God and man and the ordinances of the Church. the powerful oppress the weak, the land is full of violence against the poor and the plunder of the goods of the Church. Men devour one another like the fishes in the sea. In the case of the monasteries some have been de- stroyed by the heathen, others have been deprived of their pro- perty and reduced to nothing. In those that remain there is no longer any observance of the rule. They no longer have legiti- mate superiors, owing to the abuse of submitting to secular domination. We see in the monasteries lay abbots with their wives and their children, their soldiers and their dogs.56 Herve’ did, in fact, pronounce the keynote address for tenth-century France, by stating the problems which would demand all of the Church's resour- ces to solve. From the time of his address to the prelates assembled at Trosly, another seventeen years. would pass before Herbert of Vermndois moved into the 56The English translation is Christopher Dawson’s in his Religion and the Rise of western culture (New York: 1950), pp. Ila-Mt. ‘Bie Latin text is 113 episcopal palace at Reims; another fifty before that rascal Archembold would dress himself up in the robes of an archbishop. The barbarian blitzkrieg was the most pressing problem confronting Frankish society at the beginning of the century. he Christian response to this menace illustrates how the Church was able to offer her own leadership and to inspire the magnates of the western Frankish kingdom to renewed efforts of resistance. Ithis was the first great achievement of the Church in helping to rid feudal society of anarchy. The Christian response was at first weak or non-existent. One my cite evidence from well into the first half of the tenth century to prove this point. I1‘he Vikings had learned early to exploit divisions among the Frankish rulers.57 For example, in 900 Charles the Simple was disturbed at the prospect of the Vikings establishing themselves in northern France, so he called together some of his vassals. Dukes Robert of Neustria, Richard of Burgundy, and Counts Her- bert I of Vermandois and mnasses of DiJon appeared to proffer their advise. But before any course of action could be decided upon, a dispute broke out be- tween Robert and mnasses with the result that the conference broke up and everyone went home.58 Such a state of affairs inevitably favored the agressive operations of the invaders . An interregnum offered opportunities to the bar- barians, because of the temporary lack of leadership.59 On some occasions, 57Annales Fuldenses, ed. Pertz, in £93, _sg, I, hos. 58Annales Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in Q, §_s_, II, 209. 59In February, 888, Just after the death of Charles the Fat, the Normans threatened to begin their annual spring raids earlier than usual in order to take advantage of the absence of leadership. fume Frankish mgnates lost no time in electing Eudes to the throne, since he had already heroically demonstrated his fighting ability against the Normans during the great siege of Paris. Charles the Simple, the last remaining legitimate Carolingian heir of direct descent, was set aside because he was still a child -- only eight years old. Flodoard, Q, in g, cxxxv, 273: ". . . hic Karolus adhuc admodm oorpore simul .et scien- tia parvulus existebat, nee regni gubernaculis idoneus erat, et instente inanis- sima lortmannorum persecutione, periculosum erat tune eum eligere. " llh particularly during the last years of the ninth century,'when the Franks were able to.enter the field, the fighting was inconclusive and resort was had to negotiations and tribute payment (Danegeld).60 At other times the Vikinss were completely unopposed.6l Gradually, however, resistance consolidated in the western Frankiah realm, This was due in large measure to the support of a few active and far- sighted members of the French clergy. The archbishopric of Reims, especially, was blessed by a succession of able vicars throughout the century. Reins, the greatest and most influential see in Western Europe, save only the bishopric of Rome, provided the necessary leadership in the night of crisis. By counsel- ing, exhortations, and armed combat against the barbarians, the metropolitans of Reims stand out as exponents of resistance. As early as 886 Archbishop Fulk wrote to Charles the Fat, protesting the wretched state of Neustria and strongly implying that something should be done about it: Between Paris and Reims ". . . no place is safe, unless it is the habitation of perverse Christians, accomplices of the barbarians. The number is great of those who have abandoned the Christian religion in order to associate with the pagans and to place them- 6OAnnales Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in Egg, §§, II, 205. Ex Chronico de Gestis NOrmannorum.in Francis, in HF, VIII, 97 B. Abbo, Le Siege de Paris par les Normands,_pdéme du IKE siécle,_3dité et traduit par Henri Vaguet, pp. 100- 03, presents some interesting details on the defense of Paris in 889, but is silent on.the subject of the Banegeld paid by Eudes shortly afterward. In 921 Duke Robert of Neustria followed the precedent established by Charles the SIM? ple's cession of Normandy (911), and turned over the 22525 of Nantes to the Danes. See Flodoerd,.Annales, a. 921. 6lSee Annales Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in _ng, _jsg, II, 208, for the years 896m 897. when the angers struck in 937, Hugh the Great, Hugh the Black, duke of Burgundy, and King Louis IV made no resistance. The lands pertaining to all three were severely devastated. See Lauer, Louis IV, p. 27. 115 selves under their protection."62 In September, 893, Fulk was again searching for a solution to the ever- present Nonaan threat. “Ibis time he pressed for a truce to postpone the strug- gle then raging between Eudes and Charles the Simple. He was concerned that the weakening effect of civil war on the kingdom would permit the Vikings to resume their ravages unchecked. Statesman and peacemaker, despite the fact that he himself was interested in the outcome of the struggle, Fulk exhibited that farsighted and greater quality of intellect which seems to have been the exclusive characteristic of the responsible clergr at this time.63 It will be readily admitted that the laymen also were willing to oppose the barbarians, but the churchmen appear to have understood more profoundly the danger threat- ening Christian society from that quarter. Four years later, in 897,, Full: re- plied in devastating fashion to a novel scheme of Charles the Simle. the latter had proposed to secure the aid of Huncdeus, the Viking chief, against Eudes. Fulk had been and would continue to be firm in his support of Charles against Eudes. Nevertheless, he dashed off a scathing letter to Charles in which he threatened him with the anathem if the Carolingian attempted to go through with his plan.6l’ were the real enemies . 'Ihe Church was quite aware of the advantage of dealing There can hit no question that the heathen Northmen with Christians, even though they may not have been very good ones. . 0n the other hand, the Vikings were impossible for the Church to handle as long as 62Flodoard, Q, in in, cm, 273: ". . . nihil tutum remanserit: nulla nisi perversorum Christianorum barbarisque consentientium secura sit habitatio, quorum multi, Christianam deserentes religionem, paganorum se societati conJunxerant, ac tuitioni subdiderant ." 63Ibid., cmv, 270. 5“Ibid., cmv, 276-77~ 116 they remined pagan, for as heathens they owned not even a theoretical obedi- ence to the Church. Pulk's successor, Hervé, understood this fact, and sometime about the year 900 attempted to convert the Vikings . Again, it was the clearsighted and constructive intelligence emanating from Reims which sougit a means to end the chaos resulting from the Viking raids.65 Somewhat later, and in a different quarter the leadership against barbarisa came from the same metropolitan see. From 917 to 919 the savage Hungarians struck through Intharingia, Alsace, and Burgundy. Charles the Simle appealed to the naguates for aid, but was met with a flat refusal. They were angry at the king for the favoritism which he had unwisely showered upon an upstart Lotharingian named Hagano, and they used this as an excuse for withholding their support against the invaders. Only Archbishop Herve of Reims answered the cry for help by marching in pursuit of the thyars with 1500 men under his command.66 In 935 the Normans had invaded the region of the Loire, but were stopped by the inhabitants of Berry and Tour- aine. Artaud of Reims lost no time in convening a synod consisting of seven bishops. The council, which met in the church of Saint-mere at Fishes, took 65Ib_i_a., cmv, 292-93. Johannis Ix mmegpistohe, in HF, I1, 209.. 10, no. III— John' 8 letter to Herve is full of praise for the latter' s plans for the Normns. Bishop Guy of Rouen also seems to have had a part in the projected conversion of the Vikings. The details of the plan are a subJect for further investigation. For earlier correspondence between Archbishop Fulk and Pope Formosus on this question, see Flodoard, E, II, 1-7. 66Flodoard, m, in PL, cm, 293. "Hungarus quoque regnun Lothariense depraedantibus, dun Karolus proceres Francorum in auxilium sibi contra gentea ipsam convocaret, solus hic praesul [Heriveus] ex omnibus regni huJus primati- bus, cum suis tantum in defensionem Ecclesiae Dei regi occurrit, habens amtos secum (ceu fertur) mills quingentos." 117 up the question of. how to put an end, once and for all, to their predatory raids .67 'me church of Reims was instrumental in galvanizing the western Frank- ish kingdom against the raids of the invaders. One may perhaps be indulged at using the expression "anti-barbarian" to describe the policy of the leading see of France. Be that as it may, as the evidence indicates, elsewhere the Church heightened the defense against foreign attackers . The determined re- sistance of Abbot Raoul of Saint-Vaast against the troops of Easting has been set forth in some detail in the first chapter.68 mortly after that episode, the inhabitants of the abbey of Saint-Bertin nearly annihilated a force of some three hundred Vikings who had attempted to seize their monastery.69 At Auxerre in 910 the Normans were defeated by the townsmen under the leadership of their bishop, Gerannus . The anonymous author of the Vita Beati Gerannigiscopi tells us proudly that three Viking standards were captured, along with two of the enemy chiefs. One of the latter was pitched headlong to his death from 671mm, cmv, 298; Flodoard, Annales, a. 935. Mansi, mix A, 373-71,. mnsi's sources are Flodoard, Annales, a. 935, and g, IV, 26 (in Migne, PL, cmv, 298). Flodoard says that the predators were called upon to answer for their activities: "Synodus septem episcoporum apud sanctam Macram, domno Ar- toldo archiepiscopo praesidente, celebratur, in qua praedones et ecclesiasti- carum rerum pervasores ad correctionem venire vocantur." (a. 935 ). "Anne post istum secuto [i_._g. 935] synodus septem episcoporum spud sanctam lbcram, Artoldo episcopo vocante convenit: in qua praedones et ecclesiasticarum rerum pervaso- res ad satisfactionem venire vocantur." (Q, IV, 26 )s It must be remembered that by 935 the Normans were Christians, at least in theory. The summons of the council appears to have been a sanguinary attemt at best. No further de- tails are available. The Normans probably ignored the ammo, since Flodoard is silent on the outcome. 68Anne1es Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in _ng, _s_s, II, 205. 69m: Miraculis s. Bertini, in pg, 11, 118-19. Ex Chronico Sithiensi s. Bertini, ing, 1x, 72. 118 the walls of the town by the angry citizens.70 Even the legends, those miracu- lous tales which are so informative of the popular mentality, attest to the active part taken by the reform clergy in eradicating barbarian from the land. In the Vita Sancti Bobonis we learn that the Saracen leader of Frazinetum com- mitted the sinful folly of seducing his gate-keeper's wife. The enraged gate- keeper thereupon took his revenge by opening the gates to Saint Bobo. he Christians, whom the infidels had persecuted for decades,poured into the strong- hold, put the garrison to the sword, and forced the vile seducer to undergo the cleansing sacrament of Christian baptism.7l This instructive tale purports to recount the fall of the Saracen citadel which occurred in the third-quarter of the tenth century . Unfortunately, it is a fictional explanation of the event it relates, composed at a much later date.72 hiring the first three decades of the tenth century there occurred a noticeable acceleration of resistance to the barbarians by laymen. The Chris- tian counter-attack was mounted more frequently as the tide of invasions re- ceded. manks. to the efforts of the Church laymen were given a heightened awareness of their duty to defend against the raiders. The magnates of the kingdom had never been completely without success in carrying victories against the barbarians. As early as 888 King Eudes had won a stunning victory over an 7°v1ta Beati Geranni mscog, in use, Julii, v1, 598: "At ille [cer- annual cum suis tantum urbe egressus, speculatores praemittit, hostesque in- venit: initur bellum; potitur victoria 3 et opitulante divina gratis, profli- gatis adversariis, tria illorum revehuntur labara. Duo illic hostium mobiles capti sunt: quorum unus de muro civitatis praecipitatis periit . . . ." 71v1ta gncti Bobonis, in AASS, Lhii, v, 187-88. 72Pm1pardin, Provence, p. 2&8, n. 1. 119 entire Viking army at a place called Montfaucon in the Argonne.73 71+ At Paris, he took active measures for defense. Ten years later Charles the Simple surprised and defeated a small band of Normans, who were returning from a raid laden with booty.75 The same year, 898, a great battle was fought between the duke of Burgundy, Richard the Justiciar, and the Normans at Argenteuil. me Nomns were badly defeated.76 In Brittany 11+,000 Vikings were slaughtered.77 An "operations dispatch" of the year 911 provides some information on 73Anna1es Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in ms, gs, II, 20h. Abbo, De Siege de Paris gr les Normands, poeme du 11" sidcle, edite et traduit par Henri Va- quet, pp. 102-07. Favre, Eudes, pp. 106-08. Eckel, Charles 1e S3912, p. 61. 71‘Anna1es Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in gig, §s_, II, 20»: "Circa autumni vero tempora Odo rex, adunato exercitu, Parisius venit; ibique castra metatus est prope civitatem, ne iterum ipsa obsideretur." The Normans had been at haunt during this time. In November they left that place, which was in ruins, and came down the mrne into the Seine. They would have attacked Paris, probably, but for Eudes' preparations. Instead they sailed back up the Seine and split their force into two divisions. One group proceeded by land, and the other on the long-boats, along the Loing River. They set up their winter-quarters on the banks of this river: "Nortmanni vero per Maternam in Sequanam regressi, indeque navigantes, et iter per terram facientes Luviam fluvium ingressi, circa eius litora sedem sibi firmant." See also, Ex Chronico de Gostis Normannorum in Francis, in HF, VIII, 9'? The Parker Chronicle 1832-900), edited by A. H. Smith (Methuexfs— Old English 1.1me:; series, ed. A. H. Smith and 1?. Norman, Second Edition} (London: 1939), pp. 37- 38, states in the entry for the year 887 that the Danish am wintered on the banks of the Yonne. The testimony of .T‘§the Annales Vedastini is preferable, for the author may have heard of these “*events from Eudes himself, who spent Christmas at the monastery of Saint-Vaast: "Odo rex nativitatem Domini in monasterio sancti Vedasti celebrem egit. " (59" nales Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in ma, _s_s, II, 201.. ). 75Anna1es Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in _Mpg, _s_s, II, 209. 76Ibid. The news of this victory must have made a lively impression upon contemporaries, for several chronicles report it. They are cited in Eckel, Charles le Simlfi, p. 66, n. l. 771me version of the Annales Vedastini printed in the 1B3, 88, II, 208-09, does not mention the fight in Brittany. Cf. the version of _the same source quoted by Eckel, Charles le $15115, p. 65, n. 120 the way the great feudal lords proceeded against the Normans . the following letter from Counts Robert of Paris and mnasses of Dijon requests the aid of Richard. of Burgundy: "Count Robert and finance to Duke Richard, greetings. Know that we had mrched against the Normans, but not having found then returned to Paris ; we are sending word to you, inquiring whether or not you will come to "78 us. By the second-quarter of the century one senses a new confidence on the part of the Christians in their ability to deal with the raids. In 924 the count of Toulouse scattered and mapped up on the reminder of a band of Hungarians who had ravaged Gothia.79 The next year a large number of the lay nobility came together to conduct a punitive expedition against the Reruns. king Raoul captured the town of Eu, and killed a large number of its inhabi- tants .80 81 Five years later Raoul again defeated the Nor-mans in Aquitaine. It was on this last occasion that the count of Angoulemc, William Taillefer, earned his nickname "Iron-Cutter" for his treatment of the Norman leader, Storm. In single. combat Count William struck the Norman so hard in the chest with a 78Chaume, Bourgoge, I, 355-56, has reproduced the source. It takes the form of a note, copied down about this time (911) from the original letter or message sent to Duke Richard. The note, which appears in the margin of a manuscript at the cathedral of Chartres, was written by a tenth-century hand. The text is as follows: "Rotbertus comes at dux mnasse Richardo salutea. Scitote quoniam fuimus perrecti contra Normannos , sed non invo'nientes regressi sumus Parisius, mittentes ad vos, et requirimus utrum vos necne venietis ad nos." The same source is quoted by Rene Merlot, les Comtes de Chartres, de Chateaudun, et de Blois aux I!‘3 et Xe sidcles (Chartres: 1900), p. 80, n. l. 79Hodoard, Annales, a. 921+. Chronicon Nemusense, ed. Pertz, in g, i8. II, 219. Devic 'e“t 'v" "ai's"'séte, Iapgpedoc, III, 99-100. 80F’lodoard, Annales, a. 925. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, I, 50. Inner, Robert et Raoul, pp- 38-39. 8J-Adhemar of Chabannes, Historiarum Libri Tres, in £1}, CXLI, 37. Flo- doard, Annales, a. 930. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, I, 57. 121 short sword that the weapon cut through his adversary's breast-plate.82 Another episode, perhaps embellished in certain details, comes from the quill of Richer. It concerns the lay response to a renewed outburst of paganism in Normandy in 9H3. A relapsed Christian named Tumod succeeded in getting a large number of Nor-mus to renounce their religion.83 His influence was so great that he had begun to work on the young duke, Richard of Romn- dy.8h At this point, because the situation was desperate, King Louis was summed to Rouen by those who had sworn faith to him at the time of Richard's investiture. Turmod feared the ,king's intervention, and combined his forces with those of a Viking sea-king named Setric. Together they tried unsuccess- fully to ambush the royal force. In the battle that followed, Turmod and Setric were both killed.85 Richer's version of the encounter is surely an exaggeration.86 According to him, Setric came up the Seine with a large fleet, and Louis went against him with some eight hundred horsemen. he Vikings were put to flight, and Setric managed to hide himself in some bushes, but was soon 82E: Chronico Ademari Cabanensis, in 9, VIII, 235. Don Bouquet's edition of Adhemf's Chronicon places William Iron-Cutter's death in 951+. He earned his nickname in the following manner: "Willelmis quoque Sector-ferri (qui hoc cognomen indeptus est, quod commisso praelio cum Nortmannis, et neu- tra parte cedente, posters die pacti causa cum Rege eorum Storim singulari conflictu deluctans, ense curto, nomine Durissimo, quem Walander faber cuserat, per media pectoris secuit simul cum thorace una percussione) post clausit diam fl ~83Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 35. Flodoard, Annales, a. 9A3. 8h'li'lodoard, Annales, a. 9&3. 85%. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 35 . 86R.1.cher,Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 35, says that Louis had 800 non. Louis' men must havo fought. like demons, for Richer’s tally fixes the number of dead pagans at 9,000: i discovered and killed. During the combat Turned struck King Louis from'be- hind.with his lance. The wound.was serious, says Richer, but Louis turned around and cut off Turmod's head and left shoulder with an oblique swipe of his sword.87 The stories about Louis and Turned, Saint Bebo, and William ”Iron- Cutter" and the Norman, Storm, have a kind of grisly humor about them» which seems to suggest that the barbarians were at last getting paid back in full measure for all their crimes. The accounts and anecdotes of Christian victories were composed'by ecclesiastical writers. Their relish and enthusiasm for their work is scarcely concealed. Their pens reveal the unmistakeable signs of a longing for revenge. They take a delicious glee in relating such bloodthirsty accounts. In the tenth century violence shaped the temperament of the best of men. The angry attitude of the churchmen toward the barbarians is clearly manifested in the sources. The Church also lashed out at the abuses perpetra- ted.by'bad Christians. It made not the slightest difference whether a wrong- doer was a layman or an ecclesiastic: either one might feel the pain of exp communication, or the deadly sword of anathema. For the punishment of lesser crimes the Church would content itself with an exhortation addressed to the offender, or the assignment of some minor penance, in the h0pe that such as these would inspire a feeling of contrition for lawless acts. The effective- ness of the moral sanctions of the Church ought not to be underestimated as 87Ibid. It was necessary, however, for Louis to pause for a moment before despatching the unfortunate Turmod: "Rex, multa cede at ca impetu paulisper dimotus, sauciantem.respicit; ictuque in dextram.obliquato, provo- cantis caput cum.humero sinistro obtruncat." For the possibly legendary ear bellishments in Richer's account, and, in particular, its similarity with the tale of Isembart and Garment, see Lauer, Louis IV, Appendix II, pp. 272-75. 123 they applied to men in tenth-century France. The fear of death without the sacraments, the loss of intercession for having angered the saints, and even the concern, entirely worldly, of defections by one's vassals caused by ex- comnication--all of these nude the strictures of the , Church a potent deter- rant. 'l’aey helped to curb the savage acts of society's more brutal and vio- lent members. As the prelates of Reims became the heart and inspiration of resistance to the barbarians, so they also served as the leaders in striking down the Christian violators of the Church and society. Each of the great archbishops of Reims during this period struggled against the efforts of the feudal war- riors to swallow up the Church.88 Archbishop Fulk (883-900) threatened Count Baldwin II of Flanders with the anathema on more than one occasion for the latter's seizure of certain Church properties and for having flogged a priest.89 The count took a grim revenge: his hatred for Fulk was climaxed by the dis- patch of assassins to murder the archbishop. It was Fulk's successor, HerveI (900-22), who anathematized the killers.90 One may recall that it was this same Herve’ who convened the synod of Trosly in 909 , which enunciated the worst 881mg}: of Vermandois was a usurper, and a bad clergyman besides. Re most certainly cannot be called a "great" archbishop. Indeed, his claim to the title of metropolitan of Reims was invalid. According to Flodoard, who had good reason to know, Hugh was a "malefactor" . On the archbishops of Reims, see Auguste Dumas, "L' Eglise de Reims au temps des luttes entre Carolingiens et Robertiens (888-1027)", in Revue d'histoire de l' e§l_i5e de France, xxx, 5- 38, passim. 89modosra, _s_s_R, in 35., cm, 286. 90mns1, XVIII A, Isl-81+. The assassins were separated from the bosom of the Church and anathematized by a perpetual curse: " . . . ipsos sanctae ma- tris ecclesiae gremio segregamus, ac perpetuae maladictionis anathemate eos condemnamus." 'L’ne anathema was eternal demotion, more serious than excommuni- cation, pronounced against those guilty of mortal sin, and who, in spite of repeated warnings from the Church, persisted in their crimes. See Pfister, Robert le Pieux, pp. 56-57. 12h abuses of the age, and published fifteen chapters suggesting ways to restore the Churdh.9l ‘we hear of a Count Erlebald, whose excommunication was removed by Herve only after the count had died. Erlebald.had constructed a castle during his life-time, and had used this place as a stronghold from which he made frequent attacks upon properties belonging to the church of Reims.92 Seulf, who was metropolitan of Reims from 922 to 925, presided over a provincial synod that imposed a series of penances on the peacebreakers who had taken part in the battle of Soissons (15 June, 923).93 Seulf also convened a synod at Trosly in October, 92h. It was there that Count Isaac of Cambrai was ordered to amend his ways and to make a public penance for his lawless acts toward the episcopal see of Cambrai.9h After Seulf, the next legitimately constituted vicar of Reims was Ar- taud (931-MO; 9h6-6l). This prelate had a stormy career, for it was during his pontificate at Reims that the great struggle occurred between the Carolin- gian Louis IV and his rebellious vassals. Artaud's right to the see was one of the main issues in this war. Thus, he was one of the figures around when plots, depositions, murders, restorations, anathemas, and vicissitudes of every sort whirled during the entire second-quarter of the tenth century. Artaud's lengthy career as archbishop of Reims testifies to his support of reform and his opposition to criminals. Before he became archbishop, Artaud was a monk 9114ans1, XVIII A, 263-308. 921mm, 3h3-hu. Flodoard, Annales, a. 921. Flodoard, g, in 31., cmv, 293". 93am“, XVIII A, 3h5-h6, says the location is not loaown. 9;. Lauer, Robert et Raoul, pp. 12-13, who places the meeting at Reims after the 27th of August, 923. The death of Robert on the field of battle was thought‘by some to have signified God's Judgment on a usurper. 91")3nsi, XVIII A, 3h5-h8. Flodoard, Annales, a. get. 125 at the abbey of Saint-Remi in Reims. He was a zealous--indeed, intransigent-- defender of the rights of the Church. The long letter which he read as a speech before the council of Ingelheim may be cited as sufficient proof. It is a tirade against his enemies, the invaders of the Church and the persecu- tors of the clergy.95 Artaud's successor was Odalric (962-69 ), formerly a canon of flats, who received the archbishopric from Lothaire on the advice of the reformer, Bruno of C.l.gne.96 Richer tells us that Odalric was ideally suited for the position because of his background of wealth, nobility, and learning.97 During his brief pontificate Odalric proved to be a worthy successor in the distinguished tradition at Reims. When the Vermandois brothers and Thibaud the Trickster be- gan to harry the lands of the Church, Odalric responded by hurling the anathem at them, and they were forced to submit.98 In 965 that 01‘ troublemker Renaud of Roucy began new acts of brigandage. Odalric excommunicated him, but it did 95The letter may be read in Flodoard, HER, in PL, cxxxv, 30h-09. It also appears in mnsi, XVIII A, 1423-27. Lauer, *Louis IV, pp 176-82, has translated it into French. For additional details on the council of Ingelheim (9+8), see Hefele - Leclercq, Histoire des Conciles, IV-2, 761-73. 'nie letter is an extremely important document, for it sets forth in great detail the whole affair of Reims as seen through the eyes of one of the chief protagon- ists. {me events described cover much of Artaud's career. 96Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 18-19. 97Ibid., III, 18. 98Flodoard, Annales, a. 963. Gallia Christiana, II, 55- -56. On Oddly ric' s relations with the Vermandois faction and Count lThibaud, see Lot, Le___s_ Derniers CarolinLens, pp. hit-1&6. ‘ 126 no good. Renaud's answer was to continue his atrocities against the Church.99 Ecclesiastical sanctions did not always bring to bear pressure suffi- cient to coerce men like Renaud to stop their crimes. On other occasions, how- ever, such measures were very effective.loo Be that as it my, 11: is important 99nodoard, Annales, a. 966. we find Renaud guilty of earlier depreda- tions against the Church. In 953 he was summoned before a synod by Artaud. He began to squirm under the threat of excommmication, and appealed to the king to intercede in his behalf (ibid., a. 953). Two years later Renaud seized and burned a monastery (ibid., a. 955). In 958 he advised Lothaire to appoint Archembold as metropolitan Sf‘sens (m Chron. s. Petri Vivi Senon., in g, 11, 35). Arehembold of Sens, it may be recalled, was a treacherous homicide. In spite of all the harm he did the Church, Renaud was, according to his epitaph, "Adored by the pea- sants, a virtuous nobleman, a lover of piety . . . .": "Plebis amor, Procerumque deous, pietatis amator . . . ." (_rpitaphia Ragenoldi, in pg, 11, 10h). niis posthumous attempt to touch up Renaud‘s character for the benefit of posterity is not able to fool anyone . Renaud's actions during his lifetime reveal his true colors. looFor example, Hugh the Great found that his vassals began to desert him after he had been excommunicated by several councils in 9&8 and 9149. He was ty of having allowed his troops to pillage and murder in the diocese of Reims. filledoard, Annales, a. 9&8)- Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 85, says that more than 555 persons were burned to death in the churches of the diocese by Hugh's men. As a result of the anathema pronounced on the duke of France, a cer- tain Bernard, one of Hugh's men who held the castle of Chaum', swore homage to Albert of Vermandois: "Bernardus quidam partium Hugonis, habens castellum super Isaram fluvium nomine Colnacum, se cum ipso castello committit Adalberto comite." (Flodoard, Annales, . 9&9). Iauer, Louis IV, p. 205, n. 5, identifies Colnacum with Chauny in the department of the Oise, arrondisement of Leon, the county seat of the canton. M. Lauer would like to identify this Bernard with Bernard of Senlis, an important vessel of Hugh‘s, but as he suggests there is insufficient evidence. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 96, says that after the synod of Rome the bishops of Gaul took advantage of the excomunication of Hugh the Great to lecture him on the woes of the anathema and eternal demotion. 'fliey also pointed out that the (murch fathers and the holy canons both had decreed that all men ought to obey those set over them, including kings. lbreover, one should never plot against his lord. ‘mus, we have from the writings of Richer tenth-century political theory in action. According to him, the Gallic bishops went to see the duke of France: ". . . apud ducem colliguntur . . . ." One is tempted to see these bishops remonstrating with Hugh in the presence of his vas- sals at court, a scene that could easily have provoked a series of defections. To the tenth-century warrior "face" was extremely important. Getting told off by a group of bishops did not enhance a man's charismatic qualities, which were so necessary for mintaining the loyalty of his vassals. See, also, Flodoard, Annalee , a . 919, who says that the inhabitants of Amiens betrayed their Bishop Tetbald, whom the anathemtized Hugh of Vermndois had set over them, by giving up the city to Count Arnnlf of Flanders. 127 that the leading episcopal see in France never failed to protest against the outrages committed against society. The metropolitans of Reims, as the leaders of the French episcopate, set a good example for others to follow. One does not have to search long to find numerous cases in which provincial synods dealt severely with peace-breakers and criminal noblemen.lOl Excomunication, and its more severe form, the anathema, were potent weapons in the hands of the clerg.102 But individual churchmen, as well as the clergy seated collectively in synods, attempted to restrain the lawless, and to instill the teachings of Christian perfection. At times condemning, at times exhorting, a few of the clergy kept always before men’s eyes the vision of a peaceful and orderly society. One of these heroes of Christ was Saint Odo of Cluny. Without exag- geration this man was the conscience of the church of France during the second- quarter of the tenth century. His great work was the Collatiomm, a moral tract which lays bare all of the sins rampant among the clergy and laymen of the day. Odo minced no words when he spoke of a corrupted clergy: 'me ministers of the Church are satiated with the flesh; they are puffed up with pride, withered with avarice, made weak through pleasure, tormented by wickedness, inflamed lolSee Flodoard, E: in 1L, cmv, 290, and Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, I, 18, for the action taken by the bishops of France against the assassins of Fulk of Reims. See Lhnsi, XVIII A, 3&7-h8, for a provincial synod held at the abbey of Charlieu, near Lyons, in 926. 'lhis council concerned it- self with the question of how to deal with some depraved individuals, who were pillaging the churches and holy places in the area. It was decided that certain restitutions would be denuded. Other synods were held at Verdun in 91+? and muzen in 9&8 (mnsi, XVIII A, 1.17-18), Ingelheim and Iaon in 9&8 (Hanoi, XVIII A, lug-28), Travers in 9l+8 (mnei, XVIII A, h29-3o), and many others throughout the reminder of the century. See 101181, In. loePfister, Robert 1e Pieux, p. 56, explains the distinction between excomnication and the anathema . 128 with anger, divided by strife, made thirsty with desire, slain by lewdness .103 His worst tongue-lashings were saved especially for those rich and worldly men, who abused their power by making life miserable for the poor: How then are these robbers Christians, or what do they deserve who slay their brothers for whom they are com- mnded to lay down their lives? You have only to study the books of antiquity to see that the most powerful are always the worst . Worldly nobility is due not to nature but to pride and ambition. If we Judged by realities we should give honour not to the rich for the fine clothes they wear, but to the poor who are the takers of such things--for the banquets of the powerful are cooked in the sweet of the P0015101" 'lhe good abbot practiced what he preached. He always gave away to the poor whatever personal possessions he received}05 Once he was rebuked for being too generous to the poor.]-06 When he came across an old or feeble nan plodding along the wayside, Odo would dismount from his horse and walk in order that the poor man might ride.lo7 At one moment he was distributing alms; at the next, shedding his coat to clothe a half-naked pauper, whom he encountered high in the snowy Alps.108 103Sancti Odonis abbatis Cluniacensis II Collationum Libri Tres, in LL, chII, 553: TQuae omnia nunc implentur, cum ad imitationem carnalium minis- tri Ecclesiae devolvuntur, cum similiter eos superbia erigit, avaritia tabefa- cit, voluptas dilatat, malitia angustat, ira inflannnat, discordia separat, in- vidia exulcerat, luxuria inquinans necat . " 10hChristopher mwson, Religion and the Rise of Western Culture, p. 1A7, translated these passages from the Collationum, III, 26-30. 105John of Salerno, Vita Sancti Odonis, in 11., CXXXIII, 53. 1°6Ibid., cxmn, 62. 1°7Ibid., chII, 63. 1°8Ibid., chII, 65. 129 Saint Odo was not fighting alone. Occasionally, one reads of some simple act of human kindness, all too rare in this period. For example, a certain advocate (advocatus) or lay protector of the abbey of Saint-Benigne in.Burgundy refused to permit a local count to remove the children of some serfs, who worked the lands of the monastery.109 In 980 the abbot and monks of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif came before Archbishop Sevinus at Sens, beseeehing his help in providing the necessities of food and clothing. The prelate at once approved the request'by assigning four altars (gltggg) to the aonastery.llo These good works are the signs of a society struggling to overcome the effects of barbarism.and violence. Other indications of a desire for change may be seen in the instruc- tions and warnings of the Church councils. It was in these proceedings that those members of the clergy with a bent toward reform attempted to point the way to the ideal of Christian behavior. The council of Goblentz (922), sums honed Jointly by Charles the Simple and Henry the Fowler, dealt with problems common to both the eastern and western halves of the old Carolingian empire. The first and seventh chapters, respectively, of this council condemned inces- tuous marriages and qualified as being in the same class of men as homicides, lll those who st00ped to selling Christians as slaves. In 92? another council was held at Trosly, which enjoined an ecclesiastical.penance upon Count Herluin 1°9Lot, Les Derniers Carolingiens, p. 325. llOM'ansi, XIX, 75-76. The monks apparently received the money which was presented at these altars. Three of the altars were located in different towns. The other altar was located near the crypt of the abbey of Saint- Pierre-le-Vif. mIbid., XVIII A, 3&3-46. 130 of lentrenil for having comitted biganv.u‘2 'Ihe eighth canon of the council of Ingelhein (9&3) states that laymen have no right to help themselves to the offerings of the faithful presented at the altar.n3 Twenty important canons were drawn up in a provincial synod held in Normndy about the year 919 or 950. {me ecclesiastical legislation of this council was intended for both laymen and clergy. The subjects with which the canons treat, very elementary in their nature, reveal the effects of the periodic outcropping of paganism in that re- gion during the first half of the eentury.11‘* Finally, a Burgundian council whose exact location is uncertain, but which was held in 955, threatened a certain ". . . Isuardus and his friends . . . .“ with the anathema for having destroyed some fields pertaining to a church dedicated to Saint Symphorien. Unless the criminals made restitution for their wicked acts, they would be» out off from the society of christianum”5 In this case the Church amt ’00 protect the innocent Christians of the region from contamination, as it were, by association with these rascals. The deplorable state of a large segment of the Frankish clery in the important matters of religious commitment and moral behavior evoked an outraged cry of protest from an enlightened element within the Church. The first fal- tering steps were being taken in the direction of reform. Even as the Frankish Church still smarted from the whip-like blows of the barbarian incursions and 112Ibid., XVIII A, 319-50. 113Ibia., XVIII A, #21: "at oblationes fidelium, quatenus altari de- ferantur, nihil omnino ad laicalem pertineant potestatem, dicente. scriptura: 931 altario deserviunt, de altario participentur. " mid-bid” XVIII A, 1431-36. 115.159.” XVIII A: “$548: ". . . Isuardus et secii eJus . . . ." 131 the treacherous acts of the feudal warriors, a few courageous leaders lashed back.against the abuses of feudal society. Pro-eminent among these reformers in the first half of the tenth century were Saint Odo of Cluny and a succes— sion of intelligent and forceful archbishops of Reims. These men, fighting against enormous odds, were charismatic figures. They rallied the critics of the prevailing chaos, and galvanized the Church into action. Using every legitimate weapon at their disposal, the reformers set out to rescue the clergy from the abyss . To prevent the warring elements from devouring the Church, society, and even their own savage kind, was the aim, however vaguely defined at first, of the responsible members of the clergy. CEAPEER IV THE IMPACT OF MONASTIC RENEE! The first step taken by the reformers toward rallying the Church to save itself, and with it Christian society, was to recognize its own degraded state . Everywhere the ministerial descendants of Saint Peter had fallen into the mire of social disorder. Some, indeed, had ceased entirely to struggle. They no longer fought the good fight for Christ, but abandoned their vows, and returned to the world. The clergy was in a state of crisis. The great danger was that without the guidance and leadership which the Church tradi- tionally had provided, society would go under. Empires and kingdoms might come and go 3 the Church alone was capable of uniting men in a common spiritual bond. In place of the political solidity provided by secular rule, the Church had substituted a higher loyalty to God. This was the fundamental assumption in early medieval political thought. It had proved to be the foundation of civilized life in the Latin West. Fortunately there were men who saw clearly the desperate condition of society, and they worked unceasingly to improve the situation. It was to the monasteries that these reformers first looked. By tradition western monasti- cism had come to mean far more than simply a haven or refuge from the world; it was unique in its intention to demonstrate to laymen how the perfect Christian life audit to be followed. Rch Benedictine house existed as a sort of model commity for the benefit and edification of lay society. hch house also provided a convenient and suitable place for the monks to save their souls. None were more conscious of this tradition than the reform 133 clergy of the period. Consequently, none knew better the value for society of restoring the monasteries. It was with increasing concern in the early decades of the tenth century that the reformers viewed the life of the monas- tic clergy. Everywhere they turned the Benedictine Rule was being challenged, in many cases'by the very monks who had.sworn to Observe it. In some places the regular life had completely disappeared. The Benedictine monastic reform was a development of central impor- tance in most of Western Europe in the tenth century. It is the key to under- standing much of the history of the period. The turmoil of invasion and war- fare, which created the need for reform, was followed, as a consequence of the movement, by the emergence of a new piety and religious zeal. To put it another way: *the history of Western Europe, and particularly France, descends from the destruction of the Carolingian empire until the middle decades and thirdequarter of the tenth century. Then occurs the great period of reform within the religious houses, thus providing a reconstructed spiritual founda- tion for the events in the later decades of the century. The decades of the 960's, 970's, and 980's are intensely interesting, for a change was at workr- very noticeable in France--as difficult to define as it was profound and all- pervading. One aspect of this change was the subtle, almost unconscious in- fluence, which the revived interest in religion had upon politics. At every level of society there were indications of a quickening religious emotionalism. Excitement was beginning to grip men of all classes. A religious fervor that was once thought by historians to have been a universal anxiety for the terrors of the year 1000, was, in fact, the first shock waves of piety coming from the impact of monastic reform. Early in the century the desire to bring about a reform in the monas- teries began to be manifested. A noted historian of the Church,ll..Auguste 13h Dumas, suggests that already by 910, the date of the foundation of Cluny, men began to feel the first gentle breezes of that movement which was to revive and inspire Eur0pean society: A desire for reform was in the air: it was only a matter of resuming the work of Saint Benedict of Aniane, whose success had been upset by unfavorable circumstances. Between 910 and 930, these aspirations were made explicit. As often happens in the course of history, a few superior beings were enough to arouse an outburst which immediately stirred the entire West. These were saints who had the gift of involving souls: setting the example by a complete self-denial and endowed with uncommon energy, they made sure to accustom their followers to practice rigorously the Bene- dictine Rule. But the most zealous monks were able to do nothing without the co—Operation of the great secular lords: for the successful outcome of their efforts, the reformers found among the laity some pious men, who favo oied their undertakings and even at times supported them. The causes of monastic decadence have been discussed at sou length in earlier chapters. Numerous examples have been cited of the destructive fury of the barbarians, or the misuse of monastic property by the Christian warrior class. One abuse, not yet mentioned, was the practice in the abbeys of replacing monks with canons. A canon was a cleric attached to a cathedral church, whose primary function it was to chant the divine office at prescribed intervals throughout the day and night. The canons of a cathedral collectively formed the choir of the bishOp's church. The number of canons depended upon ;Amann and Dumas, L'Eglise (@88-1057), pp. 319.20: "Uh desir de re- forme etait dans l'air: ilfne s 'agissait que de reprendre l'oeuvre de saint Benoit d' Aniane, dont le succEs avait éte trouble par des circonstances de- favorables. Entre 910 et 930, ces aspirations se precisErent. Comme il arrive souvent au cours de l' histoire, quelques hommes d'elite suffirent a provoquer un elan qui remua bientfit tout l' Occadent. C'étaient des saints qui avaient 1e don d' entrainer les ames: montrant 1' example d' un complet re- noncement et doués d' une énergie peu commune, ils surent habituer leurs dis- ciples d pratiquer rigoureusement la nigle bénédictine. Isis les plus zeles des moines n 'auraient rien pu faire sans le co cours des grands du siecle: Pour l'heureux succes de leurs efforts, les reformateurs trouverent par-i les laiques des hommes pieux qui favoriserent leurs entreprises et parfois meme les susciterent.” 135 the resources of the church. For example, in the eleventh century Chartres had seventybtwo, while Auxerre had fifty, and both Rimes and Carcassone, less wealthy sees, each had about a score.2 Because of the nature of their respon- sibilities, it was convenient to have the canons live as a group according to a rule. It was easier to have them going to and from the church as a body to perform the canonical hours. The canons also formed the chapter of the cathedral. The term chapter originally applied to them collectively only when they gathered to perform the hours. Gradually, however, prior to the tenth century the canons had.be- come involved to some extent in various other functions about the cathedral, some in teaching the scholae cantorum, others in charge of the episcopal chancery. In time they became the core of the episcOpal schools. The im- portant point to note is that their functions were closely bound up with the affairs of the bish0p. Located in cathedral towns, owning a loyalty to the canonical rule, less rigorous than that under which the Benedictine monks lived, the canons were essentially members of the secular clergy. Increas- ingly their duties, traditions, and environment made them unsuitable for monastic life.3 During the ninth and tenth centuries there was a tendency on the part of both bishops and laymen, when they took over a monastery, to replace the monks with canons. The canons, living on their stipends, presented no drain upon the resources of the monastery. The monks, on the other hand, were com- pletely dependent upon their abbot for all expenses by reason of the vow of poverty, which they had sworn to Observe. In many cases a lay abbot or'bishOp, 21mm, p. 251. 31b1d., pp. 253-51:- 136 after having gained control of a monastery, sought to save himself income'by introducing canons and thereby relieving himself of the necessity of provid— ing for monks. At the same time, discipline faltered as the monastic rule disappeared and the laxeliving canons took up residence in a monastery. .A considerable proportion of the reforming energies were expended in an effort to correct this abuse. In many abbeys the canons were expelled, and the k Benedictine Rule of the monks was re-established. The tenth-century monastic reform.was a ubiquitous phenomenon in Western EurOpe. Certain regions became centers of reforming activity. .A few religious houses or episcOpal towns became famous --or at least well-known-- for their work in restoring Benedictine monasticism. Individual leaders also' appeared, providing the inspiration for reform. Paradoxically, the feudal warriors, who in France had done so much to harm the Church, began to come forward with occasional endowments, founding new houses here and there, or otherwise helping the monks to re-establish the regular life where it had been disrupted. The real inspiration and leadership, however, came from the reform clergy: the same men who had condemned the criminal ravages of the heathen barbarians and the Christian knights. Moreover, within a few decades the thid., p. 318. See, also, De la Borderie, Histoire de Bretagge, III, 156-57. The regular life‘broke down in Brittany toward the end of the tenth century. During the Norman occupation in the first-third of the century the monks fled the monasteries. Later on secular canons came to take their places, and it was this type of clergy over whom the bishops came to rule after the Bretons had driven out the Normans. In the last years of the tenth century and on into the eleventh the canons were expelled from the monasteries, and took up their residence near the bishOp. Thus, in.Brittany as elsewhere, only somewhat later, the episcopal-canonical association centering in the cities formed the nucleus for the cathedral chapter and school. The monastic reform reiterated the distinction between monks and canons --between the regular and secular clergy. The distinction was underlined still further by the assert tion of independence from the bishOp by the monastic communities in the eleventh century. 137 the reform.movement had sprung up everywhere. When it appeared simultaneously in several regions it was because conditions were similarly'bad in those areas about to be reformed. The evidence of monastic decadence was apparent in most of Western.Eur0pe at the beginning of the century. But the movement also spread from.place to place until by the end of the century the spirit of reform and revival had reinvigorated most of the Benedictine houses. Where were the centers of reform: 'Who were the leaders and what were their accomplishments? How did the Benedictine reform spread from one region to another? The answers to these questions may reveal some- thing of the reform movement seen as a constructive and vital force in the middle of the tenth century. Burgundy, Lorraine, Flanders, England, and Italy v-all of these were regions which experienced enthusiastic reform. Each had its nucleus, whether it were a monastery, a bishOpric, or a single, saintly individual, who pointed the way toward a more perfect Christian life. The monastery of Cluny was the greatest center of reform. ‘We may properly speak of the tenth and eleventh centuries as Cluniac centuries, so strong was the influence of this house. Cluny was founded in 910 in the Maui connais region of Burgundy by William the Pious, count of Auvergne and duke of Aquitaine. The immense success of Cluny was due to several factors. First of all, its foundation charter freed it from the Jurisdiction of‘both layman and.bishop. A second factor in Cluny's rapid growth in prestige and effective- ness was the excellence of the men who served as abbots of the house. Saints Odo (92642) and Kaieul (95h-9h) in the tenth century, and cam (995-10h8) and Hugh (thB-llo9) in the eleventh, were men of consummate ability as re- formers and peacemakers. Finally, the Cluniac concern for spirituality and 138 the outward manifestations of religious practice--devotional acts, a rich liturgy, and the Romanesque architecture--were perhaps most important for Cluny‘s success. Cluny became the tenth century's symbol for piety and re- ligious zeal. Although the Cluniac reform was restricted mterially to the regular clergy, its influence created an atmosphere of religiosity, which extended to the secular clergy as well as to lay society. Already by the third-quarter of the tenth century a climate of Opinion zealous for reform had been created. This was in large measure due to the work of the Cluniacs. Another important center of reform was Lorraine. At Brogne near Na- mur in the year 911+ a vassal of Count Berenger of Lomme built a monastery and filled it with canons.5 This knight was Gerard, who would later becom the abbot of Brogne. According to the story, Gerard had been sent by his lord to Paris on a mission to Count Robert of that town. During his sojourn in Paris, Gérard was struck by the holy life led by the monks at Saint-Denis, and immediately decided to take holy orders himself. The abbey of Brogne adopted the rule of Saint Benedict, and the canons whom Ge’rard had installed became monks. Gerard's reputation for sanctity became well-known, and before his death in 959 the reform had spread from Namur to Hainault and Flanders.6 In Upper Lorraine the monastic reform was begun by Adalbero I, bishOp of Metz (929-6h). Like many of his episcOpal and abbatical colleagues, Adal- bero was intelligent, energetic, and ". . . a curious mixture of religious 5E. de Moreau, La Formtion de l' Eglise medievale (Histoire de l' Eflse en Belgigue), II, lM-WS, et segg. 6Augustin Fliche, L'Eur occidentale de 888 d 1.12 (Eistoire do. 119?. n fie, II) (Histoire GZanale, ed. G. Clots}, p. 129. Amann and Dun-s, L EH“ 1 5:: 888-10 , pp. 332-33. 139 sentiments and political preoccupation."7 In Lorraine the secular and regu- lar clerg worked hand in hand to bring about monastic reform. Neither Gerard of Brogne nor John of Gorze, the other great Lotharingian reformer, had envi— saged widespread reform. It was due minly to the Lotharingian episcopate: men like Adalbero of Metz, Gozlin of Toul, and Richer of Liége, who popular- ized the saintliness of the monks at Gorze. It was in this way that the move- ment spread from the abbey at Gorze near Nets to other houses in the dioceses of fives, Toul, and Verdun.8 no work of the reform episcopate in Upper Lorraine in the tenth cen- tury was enormously significant not simply for its beneficial effect upon monastic life. For it was Upper Lorraine which gave to France in the third- , 7Robert Parisot, Histoire de Lorraine (Duché de Lorraine, duché de Bar, mic-mass) (2 volumes: Paris: 1919-g2), I, 283-311: ".' . un curieux mélange de sentiments religieux et de preoccupations politiques." (p. 281;). Hereafter this work will be cited as Parisot, Histoire de Lorraine. Adalbero's predecessor was Berno, a saintly monk who was elected archbishop of lets in 927. Shortly after his election, Berno had his eyes gauged out by a pack of scoun- drels. Berno was the second founder of the hermitage of Our Lady at Einsiedeln in the Swiss Alps. In 928 a council held at Duisberg excommunicated the vieious men who mutilated Demo, and substituted Adalbero in his place. The incident is mentioned in Flodoard, Annales, a. 928, and in the Life of John of Gorze (De Vita Joannis Abbatis Gorziensis, in _l_’_I._., 0113711, 262). There can be little _— doubt that such atrocities were a spur to those interested in peace and reform. see, also, mnsi, XVIII A, 3&9-50- 8Parisot, Histoire de Lorraine, I, 28%. For a good brief discussion of the reform movement in Upper Lorraine in the tenth century, see Amann and nuns, L'gglise (888-1051), pp. 333-36. It is significant that the same people who were interested in the reform of the Church and clergy were also anxious to bring peace to Christian society. John of Gorze was sent on a peace mission to Spain in 953 in an effort to arrange a lasting peace between the Christians of Burgundy and the Saracens of Fraxinetum. Otto the Great had asked Adelbero of lets to find someone who stood some chance of success in dealing with the loslems. John attempted to persuade the caliph of Cordova, Abd-er-Rahman III, to use his influence to call off the Saracens who were ravaging Burgundy, and to cause the evacuation of the fortress at Fraxinetum. The mission seems to have been a complete failure. For further details, and concerning Otto's appointment of a Lotharingian for this task, seo Poupardin, Bourgogpe, pp. 93-97~ 1140 quarter of the century the great archbishop of Reims, Adalbero, the agent of the Revolution of 987. films, the reform spirit, nurtured in Lorraine early in the century, was an important ingredient which went into the cauldron of French politics in the 980's. “me new spirit of piety and a commingling of two reform traditions: the Cluniac concern for the outward, manifest act of religious zeal and the Lotharingian reformers' obsession with statecraft, to- gether unconsciously exerted enormous pressure on French political affairs as they developed at the time of the Carolingian - Capetian dynastic revolu- tion. he events of 987 became the focal point for all the reforming energies and traditions broadly conceived. While Burgundy and Lorraine were the principal centers of monastic reform on the continent, Flanders, Nomndy, Italy and other regions were also effected to a greater or lesser degree.9 Across the channel the Anglo-Saxon religious houses underwent a major ref’ornnl0 Most of these regional reforms were connected directly with neighboring movements, at least to some extent. A number of men stand out in the tenth century as leaders of the mon- astic reform movement . ‘Iheir accomplishments were prodigious, often carried out under hazardous conditions . Among the greatest reformers of the century 9Cambrigge Medieval History, ed. J. B. Tanner, et al. (8 volumes; new York and Cambridge, England: 1929-36), III, 372-753 v, l-3 and 661-614;. Here- after this work will be cited as 9!} 10Don David Knowles, 'Ihe lbnastic Order in Mend, A Histoy of Its Develgpment from the Times of St. Dunstan to the Fourth Lateran Council, 9&0- 1216 (Second Edition; Cambridge: 1963), pp. 31-55, Essim. Hereafter this work will be cited as Knowles, {the Monastic Order in England. Dom Knowles' chapter is the best brief discussion of the tenth-century monastic reform movement in England from a narrative point of view. But also excellent are Chapters IV and VI (pp. 37-65 and 75-103, respectively) of hrgaret Deanesly's Sidelights on the Anglo-Saxon Church (London: 1962). Professor manesly has provided her readers with an interesting and informtive treatment of the cultural achievements of the reform movement. lhl were the abbots of Cluny. Berno (910-26) was~the first abbot of Cluny. As early as 917 when beo, lord of 135013 in Berry, called Berno in to take charge of the recently founded abbey of Deols, the precedent was established that Cluniacs would spread their rule to new and struggling congregations or to older houses in need of reformu Berno had succeeded in popularizing the new Cluniac congregation in the region south of the Loire. Pious donations began to come in to the monastery from laymen in both Burgundy and Aquitaine. Undoubtedly the strict observance of the rule at Cluny ude the house attrac- tive to its patrons.” But it was Berno's successor at Cluny, Saint Odo (926- 1‘2), who put Cluny on the map of Western Europe. Odo, it will be recalled, was the outspoken opponent of any anew of the march, regardless of whom it might be. As abbot, Saint Odo was a mm of action as well as of words. He began the practice followed by most of his successors of continually moving about, Journeying to this ocunt or that duke in the interests of peace, re- fom, and--Cluny. The first four or five abbots were, in effect, boosters of the whole reform movement . Often they encountered dangers in their travels . Odo's biographer informs us: "When his ardent zeal for peace between kings and princes, and for the reform of monasteries, caused him to travel much about the country, robbers often lay in ambush for him."13 At the request of bishops 1118mm and Dumas, Lilia (888-1057), p. 321. 121nm. 13John of Salerno, Vita Sancti Odonis, in LL, cxxnn, 71: ”Revers cum pro pace regum et principum, necnon et corrections monasteriorum impatienti amore arderet, et ob hoc huc illucque discurreret, saepe ei latrones insidias paravere. " Here we find in the words of a contemporary the ideas of peace and reform asso- ciated very closely. be men of the time assumed, without always having expressed the idea, that an obvious relationship existed betwaen peace and reform, and con- versely, war and degradation. We shall see, in the following chapter, how these “in goals inspired the reform clergy to seek a practical solution to the politi- cal chaos. In time their ideas would be universally acknowledged. By the end of the century the ideals of reform found their greatest popular expression in the peace movement . 1142 and laymen Saint Odo introduced the Cluniac reform into a whole series of houses that were crumbling in decay: Romainm8tier in Burgundy, Saint-lbrtin at Tulle, Aurillac, Sarlat, Lezat, Saint-Martial of Limoges, Saint-Jean of Angely, Saint-Allyre of Clermont, Saint-Chaffre du Dbnastier, and $int-Julien of Tours.“ Besides these Burgundian and Aquitanian abbeys, to the north of the Loire Odo undertook to restore Saint-Pierre-le-Vif at Sens and Fleury.ls He was called to Fleury by King Raoul, who had been petitioned by a certain Count Elia iardus to have something done about the deplorable state of affairs in the monastery.16 And we read that Saint Odo succeeded in reforming Fleury, but not without some initial armed opposition by certain recalcitrant bro- thers.l7 Shore is yet another side to this many-faceted m. Lest we be fooled by the harsh rebukes he levelled against the clery in the Collationum, it ought to be stated that Odo was no holy dervish. He was a learned man, cer- tainly mighty in his religious convictions, but with none of those qualities dominant that characterized the wild and hairy hermits. Odo got his education in the liberal arts at Tours where he received the tonsure at the age of eigh- teen. Sometime during his twenties he Journeyed to Paris to study dialectic A , l“Dom Philibert Schmitz, Histoire de l'Ordre dc Saint-Benoit, Deuxi‘eme fiition, Revue et Augmentée (7 volumes; Maredsous, Belgium: 19118-53), I, 1&3- lsIbid., I, 1M. In Italy this holy man caused Saint Paul's at Rome, Subiaco, and Parfa to be reformed. 3'6John of Salerno, Vita Sancti Odonis, in 31., CIIXIII, 80-81. Sea, also, Rodulfi Regis Diplomta in E, II, 578, no. XVII. It was after Odo had succeeded in introducing the reform at Fleury that King Raoul called upon his skills to be applied to the situation at Saint-lbrtin at Tulle. 17John of Salerno, Vita Sancti Odonis, in g, cm, 80-81. 12.3 and music at the feet of the great Remigius of Auxerre .18 His knowledge of music was useful in one phase of the monastic reform for which Cluny, espe- cially, was noted: namely, the development of an enriched liturgy. Odo composed four hymns and twolve antiphons to enhance the litury of the Rule, besides a lengthy treatise on nu.lsic.]'9 In addition to these writings, he wrote a biography of Saint Gerald, count of Aurillac, an epitome of Gregory the Great's llorals on Job, and five sermons.20 In sum, Odo was one of the great man of the first half of the tenth century. Although he was, in fact, the second abbot of Cluny, Odo deserves for his singular leadership to be ranked with his predecessor, Berna, as the co-founder of the abboy.2l If Saint Odo dominated the Frankish Church in the second-quarter of the century, Saint Maieul, the fourth abbot of Cluny (95h-9h), became a figure of mropeen stature in the second half of the century. laieul's rule as abbot raised Cluny to new heights of prestige. His predecessor, Aymard (9152-510, was unable to continue on account of ill-health, but during his brief tenure as abbot he succeeded in putting Cluny in a firm financial posi- tion.22 Still and again, a number of priories were established and other 18mm, in 51,, cm, as and 5h. 19See Opuscula de Musics, in 11., cxxxIII, 751-8114. The hymns and antiphons are in the same volume of Migne, columns 513-16. 29m are in Migne, _P_I_., chII, 105 et segg., 639 et segg., and 709 et segg. 21min is the Judgment of wetkin Williams, Monastic Studies (Histori- cal Series, No. LEVI, in the Publications of the Universgy of lbnchester, No. CCLXII) (hunchester: 1938), p. 25. Hereafter this work will be cited as Williams, Monastic Studies. ' / 226L13tave Schnh'rer, L' ise et la _givilization an Mo on e, Traduc- tion Francaise de G. Castella 3 volumes; Paris: 1935 , II, 9. 1% houses reformed by Cluniac monks under Aymrd's direction.23 hieul was a mu who at once commanded respect and was well-liked by his colleagues and contemporaries . Count William of Provence had an especial attachment to him, and, as a consequence, showered Cluny with donations.2l‘ Both Hugh Capet and Bouchard de Vendome, Hugh's favorite vessel and companion, felt exactly the same way toward iaieul, and they took pains to seek him out?5 hieul's relations with others of the great men of his time were cordial. He was, as we should say, a man with important connections. nieul was an advi- ser to aint Adelaide, the sister of Conrad the Pacific, king of TransJurane Burgundy (937-93). Adelaide was also the wife of the Meror Otto I the Great (936-73), and hieul played the role of her confidant and trusted friend. In this capacity he was in intimate contact with the imperial court.26 Both Otto II and his mother earnestly sought to persuade mieul to accept the papal tiara on the death of Benedict VI (92. 9710.27 Six years later he acted as intermediary between the two empresses , Adelaide and 'nleophano, who were at odds. mieul was also close to the reforming duke of Burgundy, Henry, brother of Hugh Capet .28 In like manner with all of the abbots of Cluny, mieul 23Schmitz, Histoire de l‘Ordre de Saint-Benoit, I, m. 2I'I’oupardin, BourgoE, p. 338, nn. 9-ll 250dilo, De Vita Beati Dhioli Abbatis Libellus, in 31., GILII, 957-58. Eudes of Saint-Maur—les-Fosses, Vita Domini Burchardi Venerabilis Comitis, in g, 1: 351-52 and 356. 26Chaumo, Bourgog, I, 1162. 27Syrus,v1te4_3ancti lbioli, in PL, cmVII, 769-70. _c_i;. Horace I. Lhnn, the Lives of the Poms in the Early __Hiddle Ages, Second Edition (17 volumes, Iondon: 1925- -32), IV, 315-16. 28mm, m I, #62. For mieul's may friends among the powerful people of his time, see his biography by Saint Odilo, De Vita Beati laioli Abbatis Libellus, in _P_I_., 011.11, 956- l‘+5 actively sought to encourage among the lay princes an attitude favorable toward reform, for with their support much good could be done for the murch. Indeed, mieul and his predecessors were right, and by the last quarter of the tenth century their labors were bearing rich fruit. Because Saint Lhieul was so mch sougit after, the influence of Cluny increased as a reforming house during his governance. laicul was responsible for several notable reforms. The old abbey of Saint-Bhrcel-les-G’mlon, which had been occupied by secular canons since the middle of the eighth; century was made a Cluniac priory about the year 960.29 Among the French abbeys re- formed by Lhieul, one may cite Ia Charité-cur-Ioire, Saint-neur-aee-rocaés, . Emutier, Plavigny, and Oomery.3o With the aid of the lay mgnates in the kingdom of Burgundy, mieul either founded or reformed the abbeys of Payerne, Fellines, Saint-Amnd, Trois-Chateaux, Saint-Honorat, and Arinc.31 In 972 Duke Henry of Burgundy called upon mieul to reform the monastery of Saint- Geranin of Auxerre.32 Years later the saint had finally agreed to the en- treaties of Hugh Capet to come to Saint-Denis at Paris, and was on his way there to introduce the reform, when death overtook him at Souvigny (ll my 99h).33 Elsewhere, beyond the walls of Cluny, the Benedictine reform movement was inspiring others--laymen, and secular and regular clergy, alike--to 29mins Christiana, IV, 958. Williams, Monastic Studies, 1). 108. A 3°Schmitz, Histoire de l'Ordre de Saint-Benoit, 1, 11th. In Italy mieul reformed the abbeys of the Holy Redeemer in Pavia and Saint Apollinsris- in-Classe at Bavenna . / Blmuprdin, Hour 0 e, p. 338. Amann and Dana, 1233138 (888-1057), P- 325. 32h Historia episcoporum Autissiodorensium, in Eb I, 170. 33mm, De Vita Beati lbioli Abbatis Libellus, in _13_I., can, 958. 11+6 actions worthy of Christian men. In 952 Archbishop Artaud of Reims, who had only Just emerged victorious over the scandalous activities of the Vermndois faction, instituted a thorough-going reform in the monastery of Saint-Baslejl‘ 'nlis abbey had been Artaud's prison for a brief period in 9&0, and doubtless the prelate had mde a vow to reform the way of life which obtained there. the secular canons who were living there were driven out and replaced by Benedictine monks . Two abbots , Hincmar and Rotmar, were then put in charge of the monastery}5 Another prelate who proved himself worthy of his profes- sion was Archbishop Amblard of Lyons (961-78). 'nlis pious man exerted a great moral influence in the Auvergne . An incident occurred during his pontificate which clearly indicates how the general spirit of reform was making itself felt. A certain nobleman named Guillaume had brutisth seized one of his neighbors and extorted some property from this unfortunate by threatening to murder him if he did not comply. In time, however, the protests of Amblard convinced the villain of his wickedness, and that he ought to give up the property which he had seized. Stricken with remorse Guillaume turned the land over to Amblard, who, adding some other properties to it, founded a monastery there and made a gift of it to Cluny. Between 961 and 967 Amblard also anc- ceeded in restoring the abbey of Ainay and rebuilding its church, which had been destroyed earlier by the barbarians.36 the same year that Amhlard was umde archbishop of Lyons, BishOp Rorico 3%1odoerd, Annales, a. 952. 351bid. , a. 91:0 and 952. "Artoldus archiepiscopus in monasterio sancti kaoli monachos mittit, expulsis clericis qui serviebant ibi, conittens illud Hincmro et Botsaro abbatibus." (a. 952 ). 36an Steyert, Houvelle Histoire de Iyon (1} volumes; Lyon: 1895- 1939). II, 217. . m of Leon accomplished the reform of the abbey of Saint-Vincent in his episco- pal town. Rorico chased out the canons, replacing them with twelve monks from Fleury, and appointed the Irish reformer Mac-Allan as the new abbot. 37 In 966 Geoffrey Greymntle, count of Anjou, sought the approval of King Lothaire for the reform of Saint-Aubin of Angers. Again, the secular canons were driven out and the abbey was filled with monks. This reform was under- taken for the health of the souls of Hugh Capet and Geoffrey's parents, Full: the Good and Gerberge.38 About the same time Duke Richard I of Hormndy caused the abbey of Mont-Saint-Michel to be reformed. 39 From 977 until well into the next century the see of Autun was occupied by BishOp Walter, a learned man, and one who deserves to be numbered among the ranks of the re- form clergy. In Burgundy the influence was, of course, felt particularly strongly among responsible lay and ecclesiastical mgnates. Thus, we find Bish0p Widric of Langres occupied in the year 980 with the reform of the monastery of Saint-Michel of Tonnerre. Associated with the bishOp in this pious work were Milo, count of Tonnerre, and Duke Henry.“ Shortly afterwards Widric was dead. He was succeeded in the bishOpric of Langres by Bruno of Roucy, 37Charta Roriconis hudmensisjpiSCOpi pro restitutione Monachorum giAbbatia S. Vincentii, in _IQ', IX, 730. 38Lot, Les Derniers Carolingiens, pp. 58 and 172. 39Lotharii Regis Diplomta, in g, 1x, 629, no. XVIII. “some Christiana, Iv, 376-79. M{Millie Christiana, IV, _Ipstrumenta, 137-38, no. XIII. Concerning the reform activities of Duke Henry of Burgundy, see, also, Chaume, Bourgggge, I: “55-57. Ex Historia episcgporum Autissiodorensium, in £13, X, 170. Loth- arii Regis Diplomats, in 31;, IX, 37, no. XXVI. lh8 one of the ablest reformers of the century, and an ideal churchmen.“-2 Almost everywhere by the third-quarter of the tenth century the mon- astic reform.movement was a vital force. In some areas, such as Brittany, it was a longer time before the movement began to be felt significantly. There, for example, the ravages of the Northmen had dep0pulated the country, and it took decades to repair the destruction. Surprisingly it was a church- men, Abbot John of Landevenec, who was largely responsible for the return of the exiled.Breton duke, Alan Twist-Beard, and for the ultimate triumph of the Bretons over the Normans. Abbot John was a truly heroic figure in Breton history. .Almost single-handedly he conceived and carried through the plan to drive the Normans from.Brittany and to restore Alan Twist-Beard as ruler of his people.“3 In other areas the reform.was gradually penetrating deep into the fabric of society, and was having a striking effect upon the popular mental- ity. The success of the movement was due in large measure to the great work of men like Odo, Maieul, and Bruno of Langres, and the dedicated support given by less well-known reformers--bish0ps like Amblard of Lyons and Walter of Autun, and laymen like Duke Henry of Burgundy. The nature of the reform movement was such that it spread in every direction: the monks of one monastery were called upon to introduce reform practices in another. Thus, within the space of a few decades from the foundr ing of Cluny, Brogne, and Gorze, the number of restored houses had multiplied haGallia Christiana, Iv, 5&7-52. 0n Bruno of Langres, see, also, Williams, Monastic Studies, pp. 99-120, passim. These pages deal with Wil- liam.of Dijon, but are especially valuable for Bruno's work.in assisting the spread of monastic reform. A.good.appraisal of Bruno's life and work.mey'be found in Chaume, Bourgogge, I, #66-68. “De la Borderie, Histoire de BREEQ, II, 385-87; III, 157. 1&9 rapidly. Contacts were made between Cluny and Fleury, Fleury and England, Lorraine and Flanders, and Flanders and England. The movement of monks in every direction from these centers, and back and forth between the leading houses themselves, created a network of reform alive with the activity of revitalized Benedictine practice. It is interesting to follow the spread of reform. Lay princes did much to encourage the movement. For example, we find in the charters of Louis IV d'Outre-Mer provision for the reform of Saint-Jean d'Angely. A clerk named Martin of the monastery of Saint-Hilaire was appointed by the king to carry out the task. This act is dated 7 January, 91:22, at Poitiers, and was granted at the request of Ebles, abbot of Saint-Hilaire and brother of William Tow-Head, count of Poitiers.1m Almost all of the fifty-three ex- tant charters of this reign concern grants of land, immities, or privileges to ecclesiastical houses. It is significant of the need for reform that in several charters Louis IV sought to protect the monks from their own abbots and bishOps, and from the pretensions of other monasteries.“5 The abbot of Saint-Martin of Autun, Humbert, was charged by Louis IV to reform his monas- 1mI-lecueil des Actes de Louis IV, roi de France!(936-§h), e’d. Philippe Lauer, pp. E719, no. XIX; 33. pp. 76-77, no. XXXII, dated 1 October, 919, at the abbey of Saint-Remi near Reims. This act concerns the little monas- ' tery of Hombiieres located in the heart of Vermandois. The wayward inmates were to be replaced by some who would follow the rule established in that place. #522331,” pp. 15-17, nO- VI; pp- 55-57, no. XXIII; pp. 72-7h, no. xxx; ma P0 1011', 110. Le 150 tery.b'6 Count Arnulf of Flanders requested that Louis confirm certain of his donations to the monks of Saint-Pierre of Ghent. The monastery had been reformed by its abbot, Gerard of Brogne. The request was granted on condi- tion that the monks would live according to the rule of Saint Benedict, and would pray for the king and the realm.“7 Here, then, we find a connection between Flanders and Lorraine on the one hand, and Flanders and the reform movement circulating in France, emanating from.Cluny, on the other. ‘Both the Cluniac reform and the movement in Lorraine exerted a power- ful influence on the monastic revival in England in the third-quarter of the century. One of the monasteries in France which contributed to the English reform was Saint-Benoit-sur—Loire, or Fleury-sur-Loire. Fleury itself had been reformed, we recall, about the year 930 by Saint Odo of Cluny. Although Fleury did not stay under the tutelage of Cluny, it remained faithful to the reform on into the eleventh century. Its customs came from the usages of Cluny, but its own fame rested upon the excellence of its schools and the strict Benedictine rule observed there. The greatest man produced by Fleury in the tenth century was Abbo, who was made abbot in 988. Abbo was given as h id., pp. 78-79, no. XXXIII. This charter was given at Autun on 10 November, 919, on the requests of Heudebaud, bishOp of ChGIons, the monks of Cluny, and Queen Gerberge. For the character of Gerberge, see Lauer, Louis IV, ssim. Karl Young, The Drama of the Medieval Church (2 volumes; Oxford: 1933 , II, 370-71, cites Adso's letter to Gerberge, the Libellus de Antichristo. Histoire Literaire de la France, ed. Paulin Paris (16fivolumes; Paris: i355-92), VI, #77-81. See, also, Sir Francis Oppenheimer, The Legend of the Ste. movie (London: 1953), pp. 2h6-h7. Gerberge was the sister of Otto the Great. Her career as the wife of Louis IV was distinguished by her diplomatic ability in dealing with the feudality. The evidence tends to in- dicate that Gerberge had a more than passing interest in the Church. h71bid., pp. 82-86, no. XXXVI. The charter was dated at Reims 20 August, 950. 93. F. ll. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon M, p. M7, who believes that the ”. . . one feature which distinguishes the figgplaris Concordia from all continental customs is the emphasis which it lays on the duty of praying for the king and his family." It would appear that this statement ought to be modified somewhat in the light of the charter cited above. 151 a child to be raised at Fleury, and it was there that he received his first literary and scientific education. He later studied at Paris, Reims, and 1+8 Orleans. As abbot of Fleury'Abbo became particularly influential in the continuing reform.movement through his close friendship with the Capetian kings, Hugh Capet and Rdbert the Pious. Abbo was one of that select group of churchmen who composed the reform circle, and which supported the Capetian in the turbulent events of 987. The English reform movement really begins with.Aelfeah the Bald, who was made bishop of‘winchester about 93h.u9 Aelfeah's kinsman.was Dunstan, and both men were related to the royal house. It was by'Aelfeah that Dunstan received the tonsure, probably about the year 935. Somewhat later, after‘be- ing disgraced and subsequently restored to the royal favor by King ladmund (9hO-h6), Dunstan was made abbot of Glastonbury where he remained until 955. His work at Glastonbury was the first revival of monastic life that had been witnessed in England in two generations.50 The connection between Fleury representing monastic reform.on the cone tinent, and the same movement across the Channel prdbably dates from the arch- episcopacy of Ode of Canterbury (9h0-58). Sometime during his career, Oda, who was himself a Dane, had visited Fleury and entered the order of Saint Benedict. The difficulty is that we do not know exactly when; therefore, we cannot with precision date the early influence of Fleury upon the English movement. l‘BAmIInn and Dumas, Lféglise (QBB-lQSI), p. 329. l’911'13 John, "me King and the Monks in the Tenth-Century Reforution", Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, (Manchester, England: 1959-60) 11.11, 63. 507. M. Stenton, Aggro-such angina, . 439 et se . 9;. J. A. Robin- son, The Times of Saint Dunstan (szbrd: 1923 , p. et seq. 152 The distinguished student of Anglo- Saxon England, Sir Frank Stenton, believes that the English and continental reformers had little effect upon each other before 956.51 One notes, however, that in the reign of King Aethelstan (921+- 39) there was a considerable amount of traffic back and forth across the Channel. Within the circle of the court alone four of Aethelstan's sisters found husbands on the continent .52 It should be noted that Aelfeah and Dunstan were at Aethelstan's court, and very probably knew several impor- tant political figures, who sought refuge from their enemies on the continent. ‘Iouis d'Outre-uer and his mother,’ Ethgiva, Aethelstan's sister, were present at court in Dunstan's time.53 Alan Twist-Beard, duke of Brittany, was also 5h there. In 939 after a treacherous attack on Montreuil by Arnulf of Flanders, the wife and children of the dispossessed Count Herluin were sent to Aethel- stan's court as Arnulf's hostages. For three generations the houses of Inland and Flanders had been linked by mrriage, and Arnulf, who was count from 918 4A 511?. M. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, p. M2. 52Sir James H. Ramsay, 'lhe Foundations of land (8.0. 55-A.D. 1151+) (London: 1898), I, 279 et seg. Ethgiva (Edgiru' 31% L_married Charles III the Simple in 919. _ After the imprisonment (923) of her husband and his subsequent death, Rthgiva married (951) Count Herbert of Troyes. 'mis man was the son of Herbert II of Vermandois, the captor of Ethgiva's first husband. Her flight from the court of Louis IV, her son, at Leon in 951, appears to have been either the cause or the result of some scandal. The whole affair is shrouded in watery. See Lauer, Louis IV, p. 220, n. l—h. Of Aethelstan's other sis- ters, Eadhild married Hugh the Great (926) ; Eadgyth, Otto I the Great (930); and another Ethgiva (Eadgifu II) to Louis the Blind (before 923). 53Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 2, assigns to Louis an im- portance which he did not possess: "Adelstanus rex in urban quae dicitur lurvich, regnorum negotia cum nepote Ludovico spud suos disponebat . " Sumner, Louis IV, p. 80. 153 to 965 was well-known for his interest in momstic reform.55 All of this points to what is at least a plausible assumption, that the monastic reformers on the continent and in England were already influencing one another to some extent by the middle of the century. The movement in Flanders, moreover, was connected with the Lotharin- gian reform. As early as 937 Arnulf had restored the monastery of meat. This was done at the request of Transmar, bishop of Rayon.S6 We know that by July, 9&2, the count of Flanders had been recently cured of an illness by Gerard of Brogne, a fact which points to his association with the famous Lotharingian reformer at a reasonably early date.57 About 9% Arnulf caused the monastery of Saint-Bertin to be reformed. Its former abbot, a certain Guy, had been guilty of misconduct and was replaced by Abbot Wonmr. M was then enclosed in the monastery of Saint-Devon of ('I'uhent.58 An incident which l 55l'lodoard, ,Annale______s a. 939. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, ll and 12. Richer relates __the ruse enmloyed by Arnulf to seize lbntreuil (ll). Afterwards (12) Arnulf exiled Herluin a family: "Arnulfus . . .Erluini ux- orem cum mtis Aedelstano regi Anglorum servandos trans mare deportat . . . ." See, also, Eleanor Shipley Duckett, Saint Dunstan of Canterbury, A Study of Momstic Reform in the Tenth Century (New York: 1955f, p. 71. 56Annales s. Bavonis Gandensis, ed. Pertz, in ms, 33, II, 187. Lotharii Regis Diplomats, in _S_P, II, 615 16, no. I. 57Folcuin, Gesta Abbatum S. Bertini Sithiensium, ed. Holder-Egger, in 33g, §_s, m1, 628. 581auer, Louis IV, p. 159, n. 3. J. A. Robinson, 'lhe Times of Saint Dunstan, p. 139. r. u. Stenton, Logic-Saxon angina, p. M1, maintains that the continental reform had little influence in England before mid- century. In 91th refugees from Ghent, who had opposed the reforms of Gérard of Brogne, were given the abbey of Bath by King mdmund. According to Professor Stenton, the Anglo- Saxon lay nobility had little sympathy for the European monastic revival. 15h occurred at the Council of Treves in September, 9148, War suggests that the reform movement in Flanders was progressing space. Bishop Transmsr was unable to attend the synod because he was ill. He sent from Rayon a priest named Sylvester to ask the indulgence of the assembled prelates . When the question was raised the French bishops supported Transmar's request to be excused. Transmar's good reputation apparently was based on his earlier contribution to the Flemish reform movement .59 Two years after the council of Treves, Louis IV in 950 granted the charter mentioned above at the request of Arnulf for the reform of Saint-Pierre of mentfio his evidence shows that the monastic revival in Flanders already had begun by 950. It appears to have received its first impulse from Gerard of Brogne and the reform movement in Lorraine. The revival was definitely encouraged by Count Amulf of Flanders . When one recalls the association between Flanders and England, it seems likely that the news of the continental movement must have reached England via Flanders . The work in Flanders was probably well-known to Dun- stan, and when he sailed for Ghent in 955, he was undoubtedly seeking out the most accessible center of religious reform. Turning again to the connection between Fleury and England, we shall see that the former became most influential after the middle of the tenth century. It was through Fleury that the English religious houses indirectly benefited from the Cluniac reform. The two Anglo- Saxon monks who nurtured the Fleury influence to fruition were Oswald and Aethelwold . Archbishop Oda, the Dane who had risen to the see of Canterbury, found a zealous pupil in his 59nodoard, Annales, a. 937 and 950. Richer, Historiarum Libri cuntuor, II, 820 “ner, 101118 N, PP- 192'930 ‘ ' 6oBecueil des Actes de Louis IV, 4d. Lauer, pp. 82-86, no. XXXVI. 155 nephew, Oswald. In his youth Oswald showed an eagerness for learning, doubt- less inspired by his uncle’s tutelage.6l While still a young nun Oswald was able to buy the monastery of Winchester.62 For a while he lived there as a canon, and then was made dean. The indulgent life at Winchester was incom- patible with Oswald's temperament, and he requested Ode to send him to Fleury, so that he might learn a stricter discipline. - One can only guess how Oswald had heard of Fleury, but it seems reasonable that Oda must have told him of the good work being done there. The archbishop had taken the cowl there some years before. He was delighted at his nephew's request, and quickly approved it. At Fleury Oswald applied himself eagerly to the holy and ascetic life. In time he was made a deacon and ordained a priest. In addition to his repu- tation for holiness, Oswald was known for his fine singing voice. Before long his fame reached England, and Oda ordered him to come home. Upon returning, he learned that his uncle had died (958). Not knowing where to turn next, he sougit out another kinsman, Oscetel, who was then the ‘0in of Dorchester. About this time Oscetel was consecrated archbishop of York, and when he set out for Rome to receive the pallium, he took Oswald with him. On their return Oswald revisited Fleury. There he left another Anglo- Saxon companion, a cer- tain Germnus, who entered the monastery and became a monk. Oswald reJoined Oscetel and they went back to England. It was through Oscetel that Oswald élmstorisns of the Church of York (Rolls Series), edited by James Raine, I, 310; II, 5 and 5E. Oswald's schoolmaster was a man named Frithegode. 621b1d., I, th et seq.: " . . . adjuvando‘que munera perplurima con- cessit, cum quibus sibi monasterium quod est in Hintonia positum acquisivit, donando digno pretio." 156 eventually met Dunstan, who had become the archbishop of Canterbury. Dunstan liked Oswald and persuaded King meager (959-75) to appoint him to the vacant see of Worcester.63 The bond with Fleury was made stronger after Oswald was consecrated. as called upon Germanus to leave Fleury in order to help him with the reform in England. Germanus returned with several other monks and was made abbot of ‘westbury,'which.Oswald had founded. About the year 970 Oswald built and en- dowed the monastery of Ramsey. ‘Winchelcombe was founded after Ramsey, and Ger-anus was installed as abbot there.61+ Oswald also founded houses at Pershore and Worcester, the see of his bishopric. Deerhurst may have been founded by'himt He is credited with having installed monks at Ripon. At 31y, Saint Albans, and Benfleet Oswald replaced the secular clergy with monks. Ramsey always remained closest to his heart, perhaps because it served as the model for his later foundations.65 Aethelwold was the other member of the Anglo-Saxon triumwirate, which included Dunstan and Oswald. He had been ordained on the same day as Dunstan ‘by.Aelfeah, and later Joined Dunstan at Glastonbury, where he received the tonsure. After a period of time had elapsed he arranged to go abroad to in- struct himself in holy books and monastic discipline. It is probably correct to assume that Fleury would.have been his destination, although the hypothesis has not been proved. He was prevented from.doing so'by the old queen, Esdgifu, mother of King Badred, and was instead made abbot of the monastery of Abingdon. 631bid., I, #20 et se 3 II, 7 et seq., 1h et segg., and 70 et saga. 6l‘Ibid. ., I, R23 et seq.: II, 16 et seg., and 73-77. Germanus apparently was well-sudted for establishing the new discipline in restored or newly-founded monasteries. Abbo remained at Ramsey for two years. 55now1es, The Monastic Order in gland, p. 51 et a g. 157 Eadgifu thought it inadvisable to allow such a worthy man to depart the kingdom.66 Later Aethelwold sent a certain Osgar on a mission to Fleury to study the customs, so that he might bring them back to Abingdon. In 963 Aethelwold became bishop of Winchester, and in the following year drove the secular canons from the cathedral of winchester. King Edgar was devoted to the reform movement, and he shares the responsibility with Aethelwold for the expulsion of the clerics.67 The Old and New Minsters at Winchester were cleansed of the secular clergy in 965, and the monasteries of (.‘hertsey and Hilton Abbas were filled with monks . The great surge of reform produced by Abingdon did not take place until Aethelwold became bishop of winchester. The foundations of tPeterborough, Ely, and honey are all credited to the work of Aethelwold . 68 The English monastic revival received its greatest stimlus from the continent during the quarter-century between 950 and 975. Dunstan, Oswald, and Aethelwold all borrowed heavily upon the reform practices which were being observed in Flanders, Lorraine, at Fleury, and indirectly through the latter, at Cluny. Ultimtely the leaders of the Mglish reform sought to preserve their labors by formilating a uniform rule. At either one or the other of two 66C‘hronicon Monasterii de AbLngdg, I and II, edited by Joseph Steven- son, (Rolls Series, no. 2, published under the direction of the Master of the Rolls) Tahh volumes; 1858-69), II, 257: ". . . sed praevenit venerabilis re- gina hdgiuu, mater regis Eadredi, eJus coamina, dans consilium regi ne talem virum sineret egredi de regno suo." 67It is interesting to note that Lothaire's reign in France (951k86) overlapped rsdgar's in England (959-75) on both ends. 'meir reigns coincide with the tremendous burst of reform in the third- quarter of the tenth century, which characterized both England and the continent. Iet Lothaire, while scarcely an enemy of the Frankish Church, was certainly not noted for his piety, as was hdgar. Indeed, Iothaire contrasts sharply in this respect with his own most powerful vassal, Hugh Oapet, duke of the Franks. 68Knowles, 'nle lbnastic Order in England, p. 50 et seg. 158 councils held at Winchester in 969 and 975, the Concordia Maris was writ- ten, probably by Aethelwold, for the purpose of providing a uniform and syste- mtic Benedictine observance.69 fie broad outlines, then, of the monastic reform movement in the tenth century are clear. Not only did the chief regions-~Burgundy, Lorraine, l'lan- ders, and Inglend--develop reform programs independently of one another to deal with conditions locally, but as the general reform movement progressed these areas tended to borrow from and assist each other in the accomplishment of this great work. What were the effects, so important, of the great tenth-century reform? fie question is the key to a proper understanding of nmch of the history of ' France during the last decades of the century. fie effects were any. An outstanding authority on the history of the Church during the tenth and eleventh centuries, Professor Augustin Fliche, would attribute a great deal of the artistic and intellectual activity of the eleventh century to the re- ligious awakening which occurred as a direct result of the monastic reform in the tenth century.70 fie literary renaissance, by contrast, according to Pro- fessor niche, was a flowering inspired by, and to some extent associated with, the resurrection of the imperial title in 962 by Otto the Great.71 Only inso- far as the monastic reform tended to reestablish order in the monasteries, and 59mnsi, m, 16 and 61-6!» Fredericku'l‘upper, Jr., "History and Texts of the Benedictine Reform of the Tenth Century , Modern W, VIII (1893), 336-67. fie evidence, internal and external, as presented by Frederick Tapper seems to leave little doubt that the Concordia Regan was the work of Aethelwold . 7°Augustin Fliche, L'suropg occidentale de 888 E 112; (Histoire do M, II, in the series Histoire rale, . G. Glotz , p. l . 711bid., pp. sui-so, Essie. 159 thus to create a quiet atmosphere harmonious to scholarship did the movement noticeably affect literary production.72 On the other hand, the emergence of the pre-Romanesque art, already making it‘s gébut in the Midi of trance toward the end of the tenth century, was a visual expression of the new religions spirit encouraged by the Cluniacs.73 In education, the schools in France rank among the finest in the Christian.West at the end of the tenth century and the beginning of the eleventh. Here, again, the strength of the reformers was felt. Fleury and Reims could boast two of the finest minds of the age with their respective masters, Abbo and Gerbert. Dom Schmitz calls them ". . . the two great masters of the Li- beral.Arts at the time of Capetian-Ottonian Renaissance."7h In the early decades of the eleventh century Bishop Fulbert of Chartres was unquestionably one of the ablest men of his time.75 It was rulhert who referred to Abbo of Fleury as "the most famous teacher in all of France".76 Another example of the cultural reawakening produced'by the Benedic— tine monastic reform was the development of the liturgical drama. One may trace the revival of the abbeys and the simultaneous evolution of liturgical 72Gustave Schn'urer, L'église et la Civilisation au Moyen #1155, Traduc- tion Franoaise de G. Castella, II, 298- 73Ibid., II, 298-303. A I 7h tz, Histoire de l'Ordre de Saint-Benoit, II, 119: '. . . les deux grands ma tres des arts liberaux lors de la renaissance capetienne - ottonienne." 75Schnarer, Lfiéglise et la Civilisation au Mden.Agg, II, 320-21. A 76Sdmmitz, Histoire de l'Ordre de Saint-Benoit, II, 119: . . . magister famosissimus totius Pranciae." 160 drama throughout the tenth century. 77 Both movements had received some imetus 78 under the early Carolingians. It was not, however, until the third-quarter of the tenth century that the two phenomena, paralleling each other in time, united in the Easter Quem quaeritis play of the Winchester Concordia Regu- 79 ‘ £133 . The liturgical movement was a handma iden to the reform movement . fie former was a natural means of enriching the emotional experience of Chris- tian worshippers. Here, again, we see the influence of Cluny, Just as we did in the appearance of the pre-Romanesque art in southern France. lbreover, with respect to the Benedictine liturgical movement, the dramtization of events taken from the Old Testament and the life of Christ was a convenient vehicle 77Gustave Reese, Music in the Middle Ages (New York: 19%), pp. l9it-95. s. K. chambers, fie Medieval Stage (2 volumes; London: 1903), II, 13-15. fie earliest dramatization of the Easter Quem guaeritis trope appears in the 9.91!" cordia Regularis. It is part of the third nocturn for the Easter htins. In the Concordia Aethelwold mentions that some of the customs of Fleury and fient were borrowed for English use. One recalls that both Fleury and Ghent were re- formed houses. See Monasticum Anglicanum, originally published by Sir William Dugdale, New Edition by John Caley, Henry Ellis, and the Reverend Bulkeley Ban- dinel (6 volumes in 8; London: 18%), I, xxvii. 783. Anglzs, "Gregorian Chant", Early Medieval lasic up to 1300, edited by Dom Anselm Hughes (The New Oxford History of Music, edited by J. A. Hestrup, et al., II) (London: 1951+), p. 99 et seg. A. Kleinclausz, Le Christianisme, Les Barbares, Merovingiens et Carolingiens (Histoire de France, H. E. Lavisse, 1'- II, Pt. 1) (Paris: 1911), p. 355. mrgaret Deanesly, A History of Early Medieval Europe, 1+76-9ll (London: 1956), pp. 291 and 5&2 et se . J. M. Clark, fie Abbey of St. Gall as a Centre of Literature and Art (Cambridge: 1926), p. 165. 79Arnold Williams, fie Drama of Medieval England (nest Lansing, mchi- gan: 1961), p. 10 et segg., has a good discussion of the problems involved in determining the chronology of medieval drama . Professor Williams points out that a number of scholars, of whom the most recent (1933) notable example was Karl Young, depended heavily upon the too facile assmnption that the simplest examples of medieval dram are, therefore, the earliest in composition; that the more complex were logically of a later date. The speciousness of this assumption is at once apparent. Simply because something is more complex, neither indicates that it is of later origin nor, necessarily, of better quality . 161 for instructing the faithful and for promoting religious zeal and piety. Finally, for the future of the Church itself the effect of the monas- tic reform was incalculable. fie reform of the monasteries excited a spirit of independence within the religious houses.80 fie end of the tenth century and the beginning of the eleventh is marked by a number of lively contests between the regular and secular clergy.81 fie monks, cleansed by reform and desiring the purity of a life of Christian perfection, looked with growing 82 indignation upon their governance by a diocesan bishop. fie first murmurs of serious criticism directed against the secular clergy were heard within the walls of the reformed abbeys in the later tenth century. what good to re- form the monasteries if they still remained under the corrupting hand of a feudalized episcopate! fiat was the real issue between the regular and secu- lar clergy, although the differences actually revolved around the question of monastic privileges and immunities.83 fie new condition of the monasteries, infused with the reform spirit, provided a startling contrast between the reg- ular and secular clergy. Attitudes and ideas were changing as to what right- fully constituted an acceptable clergyman. fie time was ripening for a general reform of the Church. fie tenth— century monastic reform paved the way for the Gregorian reform of the eleventh century. hbre immediately the impact of the monastic reform began to affect the 3°Amann and Dumas, L'gglise $884051), p. 359. 8lAchille Luchaire, Les Premiers Capetiens (987-1131) (Histoire de France, ed. 3.1.avisse, '1'. II, Pt. 5) (Pa ris: 1911), pp. 120-22. 821b__i_d., T. II, Pt. 2. p. 117. 83Ibid., '1‘. II, Pt. 2, p. 118. See, also, Anna and Duns, L'gglise L388-1057), pp 356-611 59335 162 laymen. Almost at once, in the third-quarter of the century, there was an intensifying of religious experience. In ever increasing numbers the lay nobility manifested a new concern for the Church. A new feeling of piety and a spirit of religious purpose becomes apparent at this time. All levels of the nobility become conscious of the monastic reform and the ideal which it represents. fie foundation of a religious house, or a donation of one sort or another, had always been a popular way for the wealthier laymen to express their religiosity. low with the encouragement of the nobility by the Cluniac monks the offering of gifts, which had once been only a trickle, became a tor- rent, pouring out the emotional contrition of the warrior class for a century's worth of war, violence, and hate. fie gifts to the Church were for the nobil- ity a way of expiating their sins against God and society at large.8h fie extent of a man's newly found piety was often the measure of his former guilt. 81‘F'or the increase in the number of donations during the course of the tenth century, see, for example, Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saviggy, suivi du petit cartulaire de l'abbgye d'Ainay, Ed. A. Bernard (Collection de Documents InEdits relatifs} l'Histoire de France), II, 707-33; 752-57. fie page mim- bers refer to the Index Chronologicus Chartarum. One notes the following in- teresting statistical data, showing the number of grants made by the mobility to the two houses, at ten-year increments, first for fivigny, then for Aim. (1) Savigny: A.D. 900, donations o; 910, o; 920, 1; 930, 2; 91m, 0; 950, 16; 960, 31+; 970, 67; 980, 68; 990, l; 1000, 11m. (2) Ainay: A.D. 900, donations 03 91°: 03 920) 05 930, 03 914-0, 03 950: 03 960, 03 970, 13 980: 1+3 990: 73 1000, 12. Some of the dates in the Index are approximate, i.e. indicated with the latin circa, or with a question mark. fiese have been included as repre- senting donations for the years so indicated. For an example of a donation by a family which had been involved in violence, see Gallia ChristianaJ X, In- strumenta, 16-17, no. III. In this case the abbey of Saint-Arnulf of ktz was given the village of Laye in the m of Chaumont by the Countess Eva, for the repose of the soul of her husband, Hugh, and her son, Arnulf, who had been murdered. we do not know how or why he was killed---only that he was cut down by enemies of the Church while he was still young: ". . . filiique nostri dulcissimi aeque strenui comitis Arnulfi, ab impiis et inimicis sanctae eccle- siae a primaevo Juventutis suae flora pro Justitia Dei, quam exequebatur, impie trucidati . . . ." Iva was the mother of Archbishop Odalric of Reims (952-69). Arnulf and Odalric were thus brothers. 163 In addition to the gifts of the laymen, one sees other mnifestations of this same heightened religious awareness. {me relics of saints and the miraculous occurrence associated with their shrines had always been sufficient to cause the early medieval miristianube he peasant or noblemnuto gape in open-mouthed wonder at such mysteries . Perhaps it was no different in the second half of the tenth century, except that now the popular imagination could scarcely help but be excited by the new currents of reform and the accelerating tempo of religious experience.85 he third-quarter of the century also witnessed the cessation of Norman and )hgyar raids . No longer were they a threat to pilpims, who plodded with dusty foot along the roads of France, seeking out the holy places . with greater safety, the number of pilgrims grew, until in the early eleventh century, one may prOperly speak of crowds Journeying to the shrines of saints . be last piece of Saracen treachery in Provence was the capture and reasoning of saint thieul in 972. be news of this outrage spurred a nmnber of warriors to re- taliate, notably Count William of Provence, a layman devoted to )hieul. The result was the complete extermination of the Saracen lair at Fraxinetum. the concept of holy war was implicit in this crusade—in-miniature. Thanks to Count William and his friends it would not be long before the Christian people would begin to pour onto the pilgrim roads, rediscovering an old outlet for their religious emotions . 85Folcuin, Gesta Abbatum s. Bertini Sithiensium, ed. Holder-Rgger, in $93, _§§, XIII, 631. Polcuin tells us that in 959 the sign of the cross sud- denly appeared on the clothing of certain men. People of the area around the abbey of Saint-Bertin feared a divine punishment for having neglected to visit the churches where the relics of Eint Omar and Saint Bertin were kept. he bishop of mémuanne, Wicfrid, in order to remedy the sligit organized a gen- eral celebration which included fasting, prayers, and the translation of the saints' relics from one place to another, so that the inhabitants of the district might show their veneration for the saints . 161+ The noblemn's new preoccupation with piety sometimes led to amusing situations. Count Full: II of AnJou (91t2-60) was once unexpectedly visited by a royal oavalcade, which found him in church dressed in cleric's robes, and chanting the office. The king and his friends began to mks wise-cracks about Fulk's singing, to which he retorted with a stinging allusion to the impover- ished state of the royal learning: "Know, Sire, that an illiterate king is a crowned ass!"86 We do not know whether the king in question was Louis IV or his son, liaothaire.87 'Ihe former seems to have favored monastic reform, as the charters of his reign testify. Louis had a good influence working upon him in the person of his wife, Gerberge. Gerberge belonged to a Lotharingian family, and was probably raised with an awareness of the reform going on in that re- gion. At any rate she appears to have been a wonnn of high intelligence, good sense, and no mean ability.88 She made numerous donations to the Church.89 Iothaire was also generally favorable to the (murch, but he in no way distin- guished himself as a paragon of religious zeal.9o One rather suspects, without 8‘6Qesta Consulum ‘Andegavorum, 6d. Paul Lhrchegay and André Salmon, in Chrflingies d'Anfl (SociEté de l'Histoire de France, no. 8h) (Paris: 1856) p. 71: lloveritis, domine, quia illitteratus rex est asinus coronatus." 87muer, Louis IV, p. 235, n. h. Fulk's rule as count of AnJou (9A2- 960) fell during the period when both Louis and Iothaire reigned. Lothaire succeeded his father in 95h. 88See footnote 1+6, supra. 39:01:, Les Derniers Carolingian, p. 62, nn. 3 and is. 901.cthaire may also be contrasted in this respect with King Raoul (923- 936), who seems to have been extremely generous to the Church. Before he died, Raoul instructed in his will that a treasure, consisting of a gold crown en- crusted with precious stones, as well as some other ornaments and manuscripts, be left to the monastery of Saint-Columbe of Sens. 'lhis crown was taken along on the Second Crusade by Abbot mibaud. &d to say 'mibaud died in Outre-mer and the crown was lost. In general, Raoul seems to have got on well with the Gmrch. he clergy tended to like him partly because he was literate. See Lauer, Robert et Raoul, pp. 79, n. 2, and 81, n. 2. 165 any proof, that Pulk's remark was intended as an admonition for the young Lothaire. Nevertheless, in 958 we find lothaire cooperating with the very pious King Conrad the Peaceful of TransJurane Burgundy by granting to the abbey of Cluny the monastery of Saint-Amend in Tricastin.91 ‘ Both Conrad and his wife, Bhtilda, were well-known in their own day for their pious acts toward the Church . The king showered the church of Lyon with benefices . In one of his charters he encouraged the monks to perform works of mercy, such as giving ". . . alms to the poor and needy, and to passers-by and pilgrims."92 And when he took pains to provide for the in- violability of his benefactions, he did so in words which bear the imprint of an almost saintly conviction and determination: "I swear in the name of God and of His saints, and in the certain dread of the Last Judgment . . ." that neither lay mgnate nor ecclesiastical prince dare to seize or misappropriate these benefices . me charter goes on in the most explicit terms of prohibi- tion against any potential invaders of Church property.93 when Conrad died in 9934, his wife mtilda retired to the cloister of Saint-)hurice and there passed her few remining days. Sic, also, was lavish in her gifts to the cloister church. They included a censer of gold, a cross of solid gold,’and a silver crown or ring from which depended several lamps before the altar of the sepulchre .9h 9110tharii Regis Diplomats, in g, It, 623, no. x. lot, has Derniers Carolingian, p. 25, n. l A 922. ClerJon, Histoire de lyon (Lyon: 1829), 11, 380-81: v' deg aumones a l' egard des pauvres et des necessiteux, des passans et des pelerins." (p 381) 93_Ip__id., II, 381-82: "Je Jure au nom de Dieu et de ses saints, par la crainte redoutable du Jugement dernier . . . ." (p. 381). 9th1¢1., II, 388. 166 Generosity may also be found among the lesser nobility. For example, Ibert de Ribemont, a vassal of Count Albert of Vermandois, and his wife, Her- sent, together founded six different religious house-3.95 his is all the more startling considering Ibert's tie of vassalage with the house of Vermandoisu unless, of course, we refrain from prejudging Ibert guilty through association. he family of the viscounts of Dijon, similarly a turbulent lot, were neverthe- less not unwilling to treat the Church decently on occasion. Thus, we find in 958 two members of this family-4. certain Robert, and his wife Ingeltrude-- coming forward with a gift to the abbey of Fleury of some properties in the A1:rtunois.96 One of the sons of Viscount Robert was named lambert. As count of abalon- sur- SaSne and bishop of Auxerre, Lambert was the second most power- ful figure in Burgundy after the duke. And like Me Henry, Lambert was also a pious nobleman .97 In 973 he founded the abbey of Paray- 1e-lbnial.98 Another of Robert's sons was Raoul, nicknamed "the White", who followed his father in possession of the fief in 958.99 Baoul's early career had been a stormy one: bitterly Jealous, apparently, over his younger brother Lambert's success, Raoul. had concocted a daring plot to gain his own portion. Re seized the town of Beaune, and with it Leudegarde, the wife of Duke Otto of Burgundy. Raoul then 95Raoul de CambraiL chanson de esedte, ’ . .P. lbyer at A Dongnon (sooiété des Anciens Textes Francois) Paris: 1882), p. xxvii. c__r_. Ferdinand Lot, Etudes sur les légeMesTpigues francaises (Paris: n. d. ), “Sh-59 96Lotharii Regis Diplomats, in _s_r, xx, 622, note e. 970di1o, De Vita Beati naioii Abbatis Libellus, in PL, cm, 956. R: Historia episcoporum Autissiodorensium, in BF, 1, 171. 98h Historia episcoporum Autissiodorensimn, in HI, I, 171. Lot, _Ie__s Derniers Carolingiens , p. 328— 99kt, Des Derniers Carolingiens, pp. 2% and 329-30. 167 forced Deudegarde to marry him in the vain hope that her father would shift her dowry from Otto to himself. It was a desperate scheme which ended in failure.loo After this unpromising start, Raoul completely reversed himself at the end of his career.101 At an advanced age he retired to the monastery of Saint-Benigne of DiJon, whence he was tonsured. CL’nere he worked closely with William of Volpiano, the great Cluniac reformer, who was made abbot there by Bishop Bruno of Langres in 990. Raoul soon earned a reputation as an effi- cient and respected administrator in his capacity of Grand Prior of Saint— Pierre of B‘eze..102 Typical of the French nobility generally in the second half of the tenth century were the counts of Poitiers, who were also dukes of Aquitaine. The increase in this family's piety is noticeable as the century advances, thus illustrating once again how the new religious spirit followed in the wake of the monastic refona movement. We may perhaps point to the beginning of this family's really significant support of the Church by citing an event that occurred in 962. In that year Countess Adzle founded the abbey of Sainte- Trinité at Poitiers .103 She was the widow of Ebles Lhnzer, dead nearly thirty looAnnalee Nivernenses, ed. Waitz, in ELK, _S_S, XIII, 88-89. E: Chroni- gg Odoranni Monachi S. Petri Vivi Senonensis, in g, VIII, 237. 1°1Ve know nothing of his middle years . See Lot, Les Derniers Carolin- 5125. p- 330- 1°2mronigue de l'abbaye de $1nt-Bénipe de piggy, suivie de la chroni- gue de Saint-Pierre de Bozo, 3d. Bougaud et Garnier (Tnaleeta Divionensia, If), pp. 139 and 288. 1°3Iotharii Re is Diplomats, in g, 11, 626-27, no. xIv. See, also, Richard, Poitou., I, 814- 5. Countess Addle was a pagan at the beginning of her life, but later became a zealous convert to Christianity. She exerted a strong religious influence over both her husband and her brother, William Long- Sword, prince of the Normns. She was partly responsible for the reconstruction of the abbey of Jumieges by William hong- Sword, as well as its reform in the year 91:0 by Abbot lurtin of Saint-Cyprian of Poitiers. his monk, Ibrtin, seems to have been close to the comptal house of Poitou. He had a reputation for great learn- ing and piety. Between 936 and 9M 1hrtin reformed a number of monasteries, among them Saint-Augustin of LimOges. _qg. footnote 101+, infra. 168 years .10“ The year of Ad‘ele's foundation of Sainte-Trinité, her son, William Tail-Head, retired to the monastery of Saint-mixent, where he became a monk. use following year (963) he died in the abbey of Saint-Cyprien of Poitiers.1°5 'me next count of Poitiers and duke of Aquitaine was Tow-Head's son, William Iron-Arm (963-93). Between 967 and 975 one finds donations and be- quests of various sorts distributed almost annually to religious houses. lbw of these gifts were made to the churches thanks to the good offices of Iron- Arm's uncle and advisor, Ebles, a man noted for his piety and wisdom.106 William Iron-Arm was not a clean-living man himself, even though he acted generously in behalf of the Church. Indeed, his private life with his wife, the Countess Dame, was replete with all of the stock characters and ac- tion of a comic opera. Iron-Arm was foolish enough to enter into adulterous relations with a beautiful daughter of the viscount of tumouars . He then had the Eucherie not only to fail to conceal his liaisons from Ema, but to shrug 1°“1eonoe Auzias, L'Aquitaine Carolingignne (118-981) (Toulouse and Paris: 1937), Appendice IV, pp. W50, and notes. Ebles mnzer was count be- tween 893 and 902, and again, between 928 and 93h. Professor Richard, Poit___9_u, I, 834-85, makes the Adele referred to in the text the wife, not the mother of Count William Tow-Head. his is an error according to Auzias, although it is understandable. Admittedly the geneOIOgy of this family is confusing For three generations the counts of Poitiers were married to Adeles, the fourth generation count had a sister named Adele, who married Hugh Capet about the year 970. 'me AdEle who founded the abbey of Saints-Trisha, according to Auzias, is marked with an asterisk below, according to Richard, with a cross. 9;. footnote 103, supra. Remulf II m. Adéle nbles ianzer m. Ad‘ele‘l‘ Rollo . l _I William Tow- Head T' Ad31e+ William Long- Sword If ‘1 William Iron-Arm m. m Adele m. Hugh Capet 105]: Chronic: S. Mentii Pictavensis, in E, II, 9. 1°5mchard, Poitou, I, 107-09. 169 it off as a matter of no concern. As he should have known, but soon discovered, In: turned out to be a spirited and formidable marriage-partner.l°7 Insanely Jealous, her reaction was at once swift and depraved. One evening while out riding the cOuntess and her escorts encountered the young lady of 'niouars. At once m spurred her horse forward, charging her rival and bowling her over, horse and all. She then permitted the men of her entourage to satisfy them- selves throughout the night at the expense of the miserable young vicountess.108 his enchanting scene was followed by Mum's flight to distant parts for fear of her husband's rage. For some ten years these two remained separated, dur- ing which time Iron-Arm did his best to disinherit his wife.]'09 then, suddenly from 987, amidst the protests of husbandly ardor, the couple were reunited until 990. After that they broke up for good, apparently incapable of stand- ing each other's presence. During this brief period of conjugal unity, Inn 1°7Auzias, L'Aquitaine CarolingienneJTTB-98D, p. 509, n. 20. mm was the daughter of none other than Thibaud the Trickster, count of Chartres, of Blois, and of Tours . Iron-Arm wed her about the year 968. The marriage appears to have been motivated by purely political considerations: evidently, it was no love-match. Thibaud the Trickster was Hugh Gapet's most powerful vassal. An alliance between the house of Blois, Chartres, and Tours and the count of Poitou presented a threat to the duke of the Pranks. This undoubtedly explains the marriage between Hugh Capet and AdEle of Poitou, which took place about two years later. lOBRichard, Poitou, I, ll3-lii. Emm's chance meeting with the viscoun- tess of Illdouars looks suspiciously made-to-order. Prom film's point of view, catching her rival at such a disadvantage seems too coincidental. One rather suspects-~and this hypothesis rests only on a guess at Em's character--that the violent moonlight revenge was the outcome of a womn scorned. What ap- pears to have been a fortuitous encounter may actually have been a deliberately and carefully laid scheme by a ruthless and dangerous woman-4 kind of tenth- century Predegunda. The incident, in any case, is a good example of the ven- detta or blood-feudufemle style . 1°91bid., I, 123. 170 was responsible for a number of benefactions to churches.110 Elsewhere we find less violent spirits actively at work nourishing churches and monastic communities in the newly emerging tradition of the aris- tocracy. It is clear that one of the effects of the Cluniac movement was to nuke piety and good works fashionable among the nobility . For example, the abbey of Saint-Michel of Cuxa, located in the Pyrenees, was founded by Count Sunifred of Barcelona, who assisted in its dedication (953). Four years later the same count distributed numerous of his domains to the monastery of Bipoll. When Sunifred died in 967 his will, which he had drawn up the previous year, provided for the reminder of his properties to be left to churches, since he had no children.111 Another aspect of the impact which the monastic reform had upon soci- ety was the intensification of popular piety. One my say generally that the heifltening of religious zeal worked for the good. From the point of view of the Church, however, the new spirit also presented problems . Superstition probably became more deeply imbedded in the popular imagination. 'Ihis, in turn, could produce quasi-emotional abberrations in religious thought and ex- pression which bordered on heresy. At the end of the tenth century there was an outcropping of Manichaeism, first appearing in the diocese of Chfilons in Champagne. 'me old theological dualism associating matter with evil and spirit with good began to plague the Church. 13113 particular heresy, one sus- pects, nearly always made a reappearance immediately following a great popular 112 renewal of religious fervor. Heresy and saintliness were sometimes sepa- uoI'bid., I, 127-31. 111101;, Les Derniers Carolingian, pp. 61-62. when and Dimes, L'iglise (888-1951), p. #59. 171 rated from each other by a fine line of distinction. Both were mnifesta- tions of acute religiosity, expressions of religious fanaticism. The importance attached by everyone at this time to saints' relics and miraculous occurrences is also very much in evidence. This, in fact, was nothing new. The relics of saints had always been, and would continue to be, venerated by men of the Middle Ages. The power of intercession was the peculiar prerogative of the saints. In an age when men feared deeply for their eternal salvation the bond between the individual sinner and a popular holy figure might be the farmer's only link with--or chance for--salvation. In the same spirit, miracles associated with the relics of saints were proof of celestial concern for the affairs of men. One my cite a few particular instances, which will suggest the spirit of the prevailing religious senti- ment. Since miracles were a matter of popular belief, they inevitably tell us something of currently held popular attitudes . These, in turn, are of especial interest when they concern known historical figures. A good example of the popular attitude toward such a powerful figure as Hugh the Great is reflected in certain miraculous occurrences associated with his career. In the late summer of 955 Hugh was besieging the city of Poitiers. In the course of these operations the monastery of Sainte-Radegonde had been seized and burned by some of Hugh's trOOps. Shortly after this a whirlwind came up, tore down Hugh's tent, and destroyed much of his camp. His soldiers were stricken with the fear of having angered Hilary, the patron saint of Poitiers.'u'3 nor was this the first time that the activities of the duke of France had caused hardship and suffering. In a single campaign in 113an Annale________s_, a. 955. Richer, Historiarum Librijiatuor, III, 3- h mronico Senonensi anotae Columbae, in as, IX, iiO-hl. Rx Chronico mus Floriacensis Monachi, in HP, VIII, 323 172 914-8 Hugh had led an any of Normans pillaging, robbing, and murdering through the diocese of Reims. 'lme historian Richer tells us that more than five hun- dred and sixty peasants were burned to death in the churches.llu When Hugh finally died in 956--less than a year after the incident at Poitiers--his memory was fixed for all time by the Judgment of the cannon people: the rumor ran that a headless dragon had been seen in the sky.u5 One does not require an sugar or a seer to know from this miraculous sign what the poor people thoudit of Hugh the Great. mey looked upon him as a fearful beast, who was at last safely dead. Significantly, Hugh's son, Hugh Capet, had a reputation Just the oppo- site of his father's. In the popular imagination Hugh Capet was a friend of the (Znurch. The Miracula S. Genulphi Episcopi contain an incident from about the year 960 which illustrates the point. At the time Hugh was campaigning to the south of the Loire. Some of his troops began to pillage lands belong- ing to the abbeyof Saint-Genou d'Estre’es. In addition some peasants were treated harshly and dispossessed of a part of their moveable properties. When Hugh was informed of his troops' behavior, he at once put a amp to it and 116 The contrast between the took the monastery under his special protection. campaign of 955 under Hugh the Great, and the one in 960 led by Hugh Capet, reveals a great deal about the two men in their attitude toward the Church. Though only a generation separated them in years, father and son were decades apart in their Weltanschauung. That difference was a measure of the impact of the monastic reform movement . uhRicher, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, .II, 85 . 115Anneles Floriacenses, ed. Pertz, in 1H, _s_s_, II, 255. 1161(1ch 3. W1 miscgpi, in AASS, Janmrii, II, #68-69. Lot, Les Derniers Oarolgiens, p. 32, n. l. 173 This same period saw the monks of Luxeuil dispossessed of two villages in Burgundy, both valuable for their rich vineyards . The culprits responsible were Robert, viscount of Dijon, his nephew Bérard, and another knight named Hubald. By seizing these properties the robbers only succeeded in inciting the anger of Saint Waldebert. But this was sufficient to bring about the restoration of the property to the monastery.ll7 In the year 978 a holy nan in Germazy predicted that all those who participated in the invasion of France by Otto II would be dead in seven years.118 are disastrous defeat and death of the emperor in Italy in 983 only served to strengthen and lend credence to such popular convictions.u9 Again, the point is clear that increasingly in the latter half of the tenth century the popular attitude suggests that war and brigandage were intolerable and would be punished. hose members of so- ciety who persisted in causing trouble and breaking the peace ran the risk, inoalculable in its consequences, of angering the saints and incurring the wrath of God. Only divine retribution awaited the evil-doers . The popular belief in the inevitable certainty of God's Justice was still another uni- festation of the growing religious zeal. It is no coincidence that the Last Judgnent was about to become the dominant theme in the new Romanesque sculpture. . 'Bde emotional fervor of the people caught up in the new wave of piety produced a tendency toward eschatological thought and expression, however confused or inarticulate either might have been. In the year 970 papular piety took the form of an outburst of superstitious credulity. In Lorraine the rumor circulated that the world would be swallowed up. It so happened 117Adso, vita S.EIdeberti, in sass, waii, I, 286. nanpertus, De Riscopis Hettensibus Libellus, ed. Pertz, in 5.1;, is, IV, 697. u9Ibid., in g, _s_s, Iv, 698. 171+ that Good Friday fell on the same day as the Feast of the Annunciation in that year 3 the poor and ignorant were suddenly confused and panic-stricken by the frightening thought of wrist ' a conception and death on the same day.120 he periodic fear of the end of the world, Just as in 970, was caused by temporary calamities or coincidences, usually wrongly interpreted by ignorant memm The religious climate of the period, created by the mon- astic reform movement, proved to be an invigorating atmosphere, which stimu- lated the growth and spread of such popular notions . But the terrors of the year 1000 were still not so universally feared as was once thought.122 The monastic reform movement generated a lively interest among intel- lectual circles in hagiography. The new abbeys , founded as a consequence of the spreading spirit of piety among the nobility, needed manuscripts of the lives of their patron saints, so that a tradition might be built up. The translation of relics further focused attention on the legends of the saints, and did catch to spread the reputation of a saint from one region to another. Similarly, old houses, which had fallen into decay and had lost their disci- pline, customs, and the remembrance of their traditions, also needed reeducat- ing once they had submitted to reform. be greatest of hagiographers of the second half of the tenth century was Adso of Montier-en-Der. Adso began his career as an oblate of Luxeuil, but was later called to Toul by Bishop Saint Gauzlin (922-62), one of the Lotharingian reform prelates . By 968 Adso had become abbot of Hontier-en—Der, 120Abe of Pleury, Apologet icus ad Mm et Rodbertum Rages Francor- E’ ing, cm, “71"”. lleloch, Feudal Sociejy, Translated by L. A. lanyard, I, 85. madness and nuns, Iégclise (888-1051), pp. 1:57-59. 175 which he had helped to reform. Gauzlin's successor at Toul, Saint Gerard (963-914) requested Adso to write the Life of Saint Mansuy. This was the be- ginningof a very productive career in hagiography for the scholarly abbot. In all he wrote four saints' lives, which are the best enamples of his day of this type of literature}?!3 Adso was also the author of the Miracula fincti Bsoli and the Miracula Sancti Waldeberti, as well as a short didactic trea- tise called the Libellus de Antichristo. 'nie latter was written in the form of a letter and dedicated to queen Gerberge of France, who had requested it for her own edification. In it Adso discusses the legend of Antichrist and the Christian eschatology of the last days.12h Emile Adso was abbot of lbntier-en-Der he became involved in events which reveal the religious quickening at this time . Sometime around the year 977 count Herbert II of Il‘royes (968-93) was stricken by a fever, and every cure attempted on him failed. In desperation the count was brought to al.]. the important shrines--Paris, lets, Troyes, Saint-Rem. at Reims, Saint-Henge at Ghalom-sur-lhrne- -but his pilgrimges and prayers, anxiously recited over the relics of the saints whose tombs he visited, were useless. Persevering, he had his friends take him to the shrine at Vitry-en-Perthois . Here was con- tained a reliquary which housed a nail from the True Cross. Again his efforts were futile. 'L'nen, learning of the relics of Saint-Berchaire kept at Montierg . en-Der, he sent a plea to the abbot, who was Adso, to have the monks pray for his recovery. Herbert explained that he was too ill to make the Journey. Adso understood that Herbert’s message was in the nature of a dying man's last 123_I_b__id. , pp. 517-18. J'2hAdso' 's writings may be found in mgne, PL, CI, and cm Bee, also, Histoire Literaire de la France, ed. Paulin Paris, VI, $71-92. 176 request. He ordered the monks to pray through the night and that the first mass in the morning would be said for Herbert's recovery. his done, Adso took from the monastery's treasure a chain reputed to have belonged to aint Peter, as well as some of the relics of Saint Berchaire. Over these he poured water into a vase, which he sent to Herbert, commanding him to drink it. Her-- bert did so, and afterwards fell fast asleep. When he awoke much later the fever had broken and his health was restored.125 men Herbert of Troyes did a strange thing, an act which indicated the profound depth of his gratitude and faith. He gave to the abbey some property in a nearby village, and going there with a monk of lontier-en-Der, a certain Albuin, he had the latter drive him physically from the land in full view of all who wished to observe. This was the nobleman's way of saying, in effect: Look here! I want everyone to know that I, Herbert, a sinle warrior and a sinner, have been guilty of any iniqui- ties. As a result, God and the saints inflicted me with an incurable fever. But after much suffering and true contri- tion, Just when I was on the point of giving up hope, the miraculous waters of Saint Peter and Saint Berchaire cooled my fever, and made me whole again. he least that I can do in repayment is to take a few raps from this good monk, and to turn over a new leaf by fiving some land to the monastery, instead of taking it away! Count Herbert's son and successor, Stephen I (993-1019) was so moved by a miracle connected with the relics of Saint Aigulf, that he gave a large share of the revenue from the fair of Provins to a monastery that had been built over the rennins of the saint's tomb. Saint Aigulf's bones had been 125D'Arbois de Jubainville, We: 1, 155-56. 126L0tharii Re is Diplomta, in E, II, Sin-#2, no. XXIII. 'lhe charter is dated in the year 9gb. See lot, has Derniers (hrolingiens, p. 11%, n. 3. B'Arbois de Jubainrville, w, I, 156. Th1? speech of Herbert's is not historic . It is my invention for the purpose of illustrating how the feudal warriors, and this man in particular, changed in their behavior toward the murch. As Justification for this departure from the canons of historical scholarship, I would cite the precedents of some famous historians of the past, cog. hucydides, Sallust, and Titus Livy. 177 lost at the time of the Viking invasions in the ninth century. when they were rediscovered in 996 a ceremony was held to transfer the remins from a temorary stone reliquary to one nde of silver. No sooner had this been accomplished than a man, paralyzed in his legs, stood and was made whole. ms was a local free man named Stephen Roundell. In gratitude Stephen Houn- dell renounced his liberty and made himself a serf to the monastery.1‘°-7 mistinges to the shrines of local saints and to the holy places in distant lands had always been a popular form of religious expression.]'28 In- til the middle of the tenth century the movement of pilgrims was severely re- stricted because the roads were unsafe for travel. hny pilgrims were nrtyred crossing the Alps.129 Indeed, conditions were such that a men might not even be allowed to go from Reims to Tours to visit the shrine of saint Martin. ms is what happened to Flodoard in 9%. But his disappointmnt was not due to Saracen-infested roads. In 9140 nodoard had hoped to relieve his troubled con- science by performing a pious act of pilgrimage. At the same time he planned to absent himself from participation in the forced election of Hugh of Verman- dois as archbishop of Reims. He in no wise wished to become an accessory to such a fraudulent usurpation of power. Some detractors of Flodoard thwarted his good intentions, however, by reporting his plans to the suspicious Herbert 1'27ch s. A auctore ano , in use, Septembris, I, 758. n 'Arbois de Jubainville, mg EH 'e', ‘1'," "181-83 - marlodoard, Annales, a. 9217. and 931. For example, King Raoul is seen on two separate occasions inking pilgrimages to pray at the tomb of a saint. In 92h he Journeyed to the shrine of Saint-Rm at Reims; in 931 we find him at fours seeking the aid of Saint hurtin. See, also, Rodulfi Regis Diplomata, in gr, II, 573-75, no. XIII. he charter confirms a grant of insanity made to the canons of Seint-lhrtin of Tours. ”Mode-rd. Annalee. a. 921. 923. 929, 931. 936. 939. and 951. 178 of Vernndois, who kept him under his thumb for five months}30 he effect of the monastic reform movement was to bring a change in the attitude of noblemen like the count of Vernndois. Caught up in the new wave of piety, a few at first, then gradually more and more of then began to take upon themselves the role of hmble and penitent pilgrims . A certain filie, count of Perigueaux, went on a pilgrimage to Bane seeking axpiation for a sin that he had consulted in 976. In that year he had cut out the eyes of a chorepiscopus in the diocese of Limoges, a man named Benedict. Hélie now wished to rid himself of his feelings of remorse, and he hoped also to re- 131 A few years later in 980 or 981, ceive a papal pardon. He died enroute. Count Helm of Corbeil, who was a vessel of Hugh Capet, died on a pilgrimge to Home.”2 Such was the case also with Raymond III, count of Bouergue, who died on the way to the Holy land about the year 1900.133 In many cases the pilgrimge was intended to be one's last pious act. lhny French knights who died about this time were understandably concerned about the future state of their souls, and the pilgrimge came to be regarded as a kind of celestial insurance . 13°nodoard, Annales, a. 9&0. Flodoard, g, in 11., cm, 299-300. Lauer, Louis IV, p. 3. Blenheim, Poitou, I, 110-11. A Catholic Dictionary, edited by William E. Addie and-”rn- _oma's Arnold, Sixteenth all" tion (Revised) (London: 1957), pp. l5h-55. he term chorepiscopgs generally implied a "rural" or "country" bishop, subordinate to the regular diocesan bishop. It is a question whether the chorepjscopus was really a bishop, or simply a priest invested with spe- cial authority. 132nm“ of Saint-neur-les-rossés, Vita nomini Burchardi Venerabilis conitis, in g, x, 350. 133pnster, Robert le Pieux, p. 315, n. 7. Godfrey, count of Verdun, also made a pilgrimage to the Holy land in the year 997." See Gesta gino- 1orum Virdunensium, ed. Waits, in_l\§_H, _S_S, IV, #9. 179 {more were son who probably did not need this saving grace . Borel, count of chelona , nude a pilgrimge to the shrine of Saint Gerald at the monastery of Aurillac about 967-68. He was accompanied by Bishop Hatto of Vich. In 970 both men went to Home, again on pilgrimage, and it was on this “0‘51” that they took the young scholar, Gerbert, with thug-31’ In 971 Saint Arnulf of Lorraine, a poor mn and a pilgrim, was attacked by brigands in a forest and wounded. He crawled to a nearby village where he was given help, but died soon after. Miracles began to occur on the spot after his death, and his relics were the object of nmch veneration by the people of the surrounding area}35 he countess of Toulouse, Arsinde, made a pilgrimage about 97 5 to the abbey of Conques in the Rouergue to pray before the relics of flint Boy. Arsinde and her husband, William Iron-Cutter, had been unable to conceive a child. With supplications and prayers to God and the martyred virgin, Saint Pay, the countess offered some richly carved bracelets of gold, encrusted with precious stones . Somewhat later she presented her husband with two boys in successive pregnancies.136 Ere clergy were also drawn by the lure of the holy places . In 972 the 131‘Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, #3 and 111;. lot, has Der- niers Caroli iens, pp. 76:77. Iattin, Letters of Gerbert, pp. 87-89, no. 147. In November of 9 Count Guy of Soissons was on his way to Home, perhaps on pilgrimage, for he would have been there in time for wristms. an 15 Novem- ber, 98‘}, Gerbert wrote from Reims to Stephen, a deacon of the Roman Church, that the latter was to return the manuscripts of Suetonius and Symohus through the same Count Guy. 13510t, _Igs Derniers Carolyiens, pp- 65-57- 1'36Bernlv.rdus Scholasticus, De Miraculis Sanotae ridge Liber, in :5, cm, 139-110. Davie and Vaissdte, Histoire de La edoc, III, W75. Robert Igtouche, Le film de l'Histoire aédiévale en Francel 9-1328 (1959), pp. lt9- 5 . ' . . 180 abbot of Aurillac went on pilgrimge to Jerusalen.l37 Abbot Gunterius of tint—Aubin of Angers thought to go on a pilgringe either to Bone, or better yet, to Jerusalem, because the latter was further away and a more arduous 138 To this end he secured the consent of the brothers in the nonse- Journey. tery, and that of Count Full: as well, and set out in the year 988. Gunterius had been mde abbot by Count Geoffrey Creynantle, dead in 987, and wished to make the pilgrimage to demonstrate his fidelity to the Lord and for the remedy of his soul.139 Adso, abbot of lbntier-en-Der died in 992 while on a pilgrim- age to the Holy Land. He was accoupanied by a certain Count Hilduin of Amy, in mm. This 111mm had been enjoined by Adso to suffer the long and difficult trip as part of his penance for various crises that he had committed J~37P.L’ister, Robert le Pieux, p- 315- 138libid. At the end of the tenth century one got to Jerusalen by sea. Chronicae Sancti Albini Andegavens}s in unum Co estae, 6d. Paul Marchegay and bile lemme, in Chronigues des ”flanges d'Angou Société de l'Histoire de France, no. 1116) (Paris: 1869), p. 21, n. 3. Note 3 gives an extract from a charter of Saint-Aubin of Angers. 'L'ne source cited is the Cartulaire de 3. Aubin, Chapter IV, charte 3. 1‘39Chronicae Sancti Albini Ande vensis in unum Co estae, 6d. lurche- my and Bhbllle, p. 21, n. 3. 5313 same edition 0 e c e of Saint- Aubin of Angers states under the year 966 (p. 20) that some canons were let into the monastery: "DCCCCLXVI. --De monasterio Sancti Albini praecepto Iotharii re is Francorum a Gaufrido comite Grisagonella canonici aunt intro- nissi, Kalendas Julii." Ellis is unquestionably an error, for we know that the abbey was reformed in 966 by Geoffrey Greymantle . For the charter testifying to this reform, see Lot, Les Derniers Carolingian, p. 58, nn. *4 and 5. at. E: Chronico Sancti Albini Andeggvensis, in £13, IX, 95 C: "De lbnasteri—o' s. Albini Canonici aunt eJecti praecepto Lotharii Regis Iranoorun a Oaufredo Comite cognomento Grisa-gonella: et lbnachi sunt intronissi n11 K31. Julii." This variation conforms more closely to what actually happened. The Chronicle of Mont- Saint-mchel states that the reform was carried out by Count Pull: the Good and Countess Adele. m: is also incorrect. (Rx Chroni- co 8. Michaelis in Periculo maria, in E, II, 950). It does, however, have the clerks thrown out and the monks replacing them. 181 as a war lordfu‘O 'lhe men and women of all classes, who had been alive in France during the early decades of the tenth century, who could remember such scenes as burning monasteries, or perhaps recalled first hearing such tales of treachery as the seizure of King Charles at Saint-Quentin, now in the 960's 970's, and 980 ' s could see everywhere about them the evidence of a change in both the appearance of the land and the behavior of men. lhny of the monasteries had been rebuilt, and the new ones had risen elsewhere to dot the countryside like little gems of learning and civilization. his was a new age of church build- ing. In only a few years that impressionable fellow, Raoul the Bald-Pate, would observe this striking phenomenon from his cell at the great Burgundian house of Cluny: Thus a little before the year 1003, now almast upon us, it happened that everywhere throughout the world ,~- but espe- cially in Italy and Gaul, Church basilicas were restored, even though the most beautiful places may have had the least need of it. nevertheless, every one of the races of Chris- tian people rivaled the others in having the more beautiful: It was, indeed, as though the world, shaking itself, had cast off its old tatters, and had everywhere robed itself in a white mantle of churches . Briefly, nearly all the cathe- dral churches, a great number of monastic churches, and even the village oratories were now restored by the faithfulJ-hl Imagine Christiana, 1x, 915. Eistoire Literaire de la France, éd. Paulin Paris, VI, MS- lthaoul Glaber, Historiarum Libri mangle, in g, x, 29: "Igitur in- fra supradictum millesimum tertio Jam fere imminente anno, contigit in universe pene terrarum Orbe, praecipue tamen in Italia et in Galliis, innovari Ecclesi- arum Basilicas, licet pleraeque decenter locatae minime indiguissent. Aemula- batur tamen quaeque gens Christicolarum adversus alteram decentiore frui: erat enim instar ac si mundus ipse excutiendo semet, rejects vetustate, passim can- didam Ecclesiarum vestem indueret. mac denique Bpiscopalium Sedium lcclesias pane universes, ac cetera quaeque diversorun Sanctorum Monasteria, seu minors villarum Oratoria, in meliors quique permutavere fideles. " 182 Perceptive individuals would have seen a change in the behavior and attitudes of men. 'Ehere were fewer men now of the old type, like mrbert of Vermandois, vho never really grasped anything beyond that which contributed to their own security. The older generation had, indeed, had it rough. They took what they could get and tried to stay alive, and that was that. Had they been able to read, the fathers of the men who formed the aristocracy in the 970's would have guffawed at the ranting Odo in his Collationum. Collec- tively, their sons were as different from themselves as Hugh Capet was from his father, the powerful Hugh the Great, duke of France. The next generation were still rugged barons, but when they murdered innocents or burned churches in their private wars, they were afterwards filled with remorse. They might even go on pilgrimage, like Hélie of Perigueaux, Eilduin of Arcy, and Pull: 52.12.13 of AnJou all did. What was it that had caused this transformation in men's ideas and their environment in the latter part of the century? here were a few men in France at the time who knew. Host of them were bishops and abbots, but cer- tainly there were some laymen who also understood what was happening. may all had one thing in common, however, and that was that by the 980's they had all been connected with monastic reform in one way or another. Some of the laymen had endowed new houses, or had put up the funds to restore old ones . the bishops and abbots, on their part, had actually supervised the introduc— tion into the abbeys of reform practices . But there was something else which began to unite the leaders of Frankish society in the 970's and 980's. In- creasingly they began to think to themselves and speak or write to one another in terms of stability, order, and peace. Along with the great wave of religi- ous zeal and popular piety which followed the monastic reform, another event 183 had taken.place at Just about the same time. The revival of the western Empire by Otto the Great of Germany in 962 was a decisive moment in the history of western Europe. This event and the monastic reform were of enor- mous significance as their combined effects began to play upon French poli- tical affairs in the decade of the 980's. PART III TB CHURCH INSPIRED: TEE VISION 0F STABILITIARDPIACE The appearance of the land in the early decades of the tenth century revealed the grim strokes of war. Desolate fields, sacked and lifeless hams lets: these were the tragic scenes which served to keep fresh the memory of terror and unrestrained violence. where the barbarians had come only the aftermath of destruction testified to their brief presence. In the midst of chaos and disorder men of all classes and conditions, both lay and ecclesias- tical, were made grotesque through their own.actions and the agonies which they caused others to suffer. The ties between men were weak. Law, the ancient bond of society, was practically non-existent. Such law as did pre- vail was the law of the fist. Because trust between men was elusive and tenu- ous, security was often a matter of chance. under these conditions life must have seemed to many an apocalyptic experience, a nightmare of unreali‘ty. In the popular mentality the invasions were a sign of divine chastisement. The frequency of natural portents and celestial visions demonstrates the unsettled state of the popular consciousness. Iet from.the midst of this feudal society, pulverized.and frightened, arose a Church galvanized against those who tormented and flailed the Christian.people. A few vigorous spirits within the Church braved abuse and ridicule by assuming the role of society‘s outraged spokesmen. Bitterly denouncing the corruption they saw everywhere about them, they struck back in righteous anger at its sources. The reformers quickly rallied about the cause of renewing the abbeys, 185 determined to begin the work of restoring the Church at its very soul. For the reformers clearly understood that the great hope for Christian society lay in the Benedictine monasteries, the source of inspiration for the living ideal of airistian perfection. By the second half of the tenth century the reformers were beginning to perceive even more clearly an opportunity to promote a stable and peaceful society. Everywhere in the West by the middle of the century the Church had set in motion certain forces, which served to lessen the violence by awakening the conscience of feudal society. The Church began to make enormous strides during the seventh, eighth, and ninth decades of the century in carrying out the work of Benedictine monastic reform. aha 960's, 970's, and 980's saw a renewed burst of popular piety and religious zeal sweep through Western lumpe. lowhere was this more evident than in mace. It was in the course of these decades that a new political situation began to emerge in the West, pregnant with implications for the reform circle within the Church. This new situation was created, developed, and would reach a crisis in an atmosphere charged with reform. It is against the background of reform and within the context of popular piety and religious seal that we must see the connection between the events of 962 and 987. Within the space of this twenty-five year period a new empire was born, an old one was laid to rest, and the future histories of both France and Germany were to some extent detenined. The reform spirit, within which these momentous events were accom- plished, was the catalyst--one may say, the Muse-"which inspired the revolu- tionaries of 987. What was the background of the Revolution of 9872 what connection was there between the restoration of the Western hire in Genny and Ba]; by Otto the Great in 962, and the accession of Hugh Gapet in France in 967? 186 what was the intent of the Church reformers, who carried out the Revolution of 987? bees are the main questions to be considered. For the moment, let us simply note a few general observations. he establishment of the new Ottonian empire occurred in 962. By 987 this new political orientation required that the old carolingian claimants be removed from the throne in the western Frankish kingdom. 'L'ne last Carolin- gians appeared determined in their policy to bring trouble to the new order in Germaw, even if they were unable to wreck it altogether. It was within this quarter-century that the reform circle withdrew its support from the Carolingian family. he result was the Revolution of 987, a movement long in preparation, inevitably the outcome of the combination of religious and poli- tical reform that produced it. Whether or not a conscious policy in the minds of the reformers of 987, the political revolution was a natural result--the denouement--to the great drama of horror and destruction, outrage and reform, which marked successively the stage of tenth-century France. Beyond the effort to answer a vexing dynastic question and to remedy the political chaos, the reform circle of laymen and prelates advanced a solu- tion for the larger problem of establishing general order throughout all of Christian society. 'me great movement for peace, which characterized the eleventh century, had its origins in the last quarter of the tenth. It was the final act of the tenth-century Church: galvanized in the great work of nomatic reform it became inspired through its own regenerated zeal to a vision of stability and peace. CHAPTERV THE SOLUTION TO THE POLITICAL CHAOS Two developments of major significance occurred during the decade of the 960's. First, the initial surge of religious zeal was Just beginning to rush forth from the cloisters of the reformed abbeys, spilling in every direc- tion, and spreading in a great wave of piety through all the regions of the feudalized West. The work of the reformers was everywhere in evidence. Dozens of new houses had been founded; donations and gifts to churches and abbeys from pious laymen testified by the score to the extent of the reform spirit. Everywhere men were caught up in the new religious enthusiasm. Secondly, in the year 962 Otto of Germany Journeyed to Italy and received the imperial title and crown from the hands of Pope John XII, thus reviving the old empire of the West. Significantly, not only the Western Empire was re- vived. So also were the hopes and aspirations of a clergr accustomed by the tradition of the Church to conceive of stability and peace within the purview of a single, hierarchical and universal political order. In the minds of the clergy who collectively made up the reform circle within the Church, the asso- ciation of the reform spirit with their desperate longing for peace and order was about to become apparent. {these two elements within their thought, only dimly seen and rarely articulated, began to play subtly upon their subcon- scious, influencing the way they sought answers to the problems of statecraft . The political issues which were suddenly raised in the mid-980's were comlicated by a century of conflict over the crown of the western Prankish kingdom. Anarchy, lawlessness, and endemic feudal warfare--in short, political 188 chaos in its most virulent forms-were encouraged and drawn out by the long and indecisive dynastic war between the Robertian and Carolingian families. In the 970's and 980's, that is to say, at that moment when the desires for religious reform, on the one hand, and an ending of political chaos, on the other, began to be associated together in the minds of the reform clerg, the Carolingian kings of France were beginning to show a hostile spirit toward the Ottonian empire. The potential threat to the imperial, Church-supported edifice of the Ottos shifted the support of the clergy away from the Carolin- gian family. By the same token the aggressive policy of the last Carolingian kept affairs at home in turmoil. Thus, when the opportunity presented itself in 987, the reform clergy took care to cause the election of one who seemed best to promise the fulfillment of their ideals of religious reform and poli- tical stability. Behind the Revolution of 987 lay a century of feudal conflict kept alive by the bitter rivalry for leadership in France between two families. The descendants of Charlemagne and those of Robert the Strongnthe Carolin- gians and the Robertians--fanned the flames of anarchy in what appears to have been a desperate struggle for power. This dynastic struggle is only the most prominent example of hundreds of similar rivalries, which collectively consti- tute the political history of tenth- century France. Between 887 and 987 most of the Frankish warrior class at one time or another were caught up in such wars. mch of the violence and anarchy of this period was caused by the vari- ous factions and alliances at war with each other in that greater struggle and in lesser rivalries . One ought not to attribute all of the political chaos to the Robertian-Carolingian feud. Dozens of lesser feudal wars raged at the same time, making the picture incredibly complex. It would not be difficult to cite a number of cases in which two individuals--for example, William Long- 189 Sword and Arnulf of Flandersubore unquenchable hatred for each other. The great men of the kingdom, as well as the petty robber—knights, were quite capable of treachery, murder, and the blood-feud.l What has given prominence to the arolingian—Robertian struggle is the dram of a kingdom at stake. The contest between these two families had its origin in a time of crisis, war, and want of leadership. Early in the year 888 the nmgnates of the western Prankish kingdom met to elect a successor to the Carolingian emperor, Charles the Fat. Charles, dead the 13th of January, had been de- posed the previous Hovemer for his inaction in the face of the Viking army before Paris in September of 886.2 no choice of a new king fell upon Eudes, mrquis of Reustria and the hero of Paris in the great siege of 885-86.3 Eudes was the son of Robert the Strong, and was not a Carolingian. His selec- tion as king was dictated by necessity. he Norman threat was still great, and the next legitimate candidate after Chorles the rat was an eight-year old boy.h As strong as the principle of legitimacy remained, in moments of extreme crisis the greats of the realm would exercise the Frankish right of election. Just as Eudes was raised to the throne by a crisis, so it would be with his grand-nephew, Hugh Capet, exactly a century later. _A 1.For an excellent discussion of the problem of hatred between indivi- duals and families, and the vendetta to which it gave rise, see mrc Bloch's Feudal Society, Translated by L. A. Lhnyon, I, 125-30. 2Annales Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in MR, §_S, II, 203. Charles was un- able to do anything against the Vikings after the death of his field commander, Duke Henry of Austrasia: ". . . sed quia dux periit, ipse nil utile gessit." For the details of Charles' deposition and death, see Ernst Dumler, Geschichte des ostfrankischen Reichs, III, 287-39 3mm Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in 53g, _s_s, II, 203. hvre, Eudes, pp. 78—80. “nodoard, m, in 21., cmv, 273. ram, Rude_____s_, p. 78, n. u. marina was born on 17 September 879. 190 At the start of his reign (888-98) Eudes gave promise of ruling effec- tively. He scored an immediate success in carrying an overwhelming victory against a sizeable Roman army at the battle of lbntfaucon in June, 888. His popularity was triumphant momentarily, but it was not long before he was beset with serious problems . For the remainder of his reign he was forced to con- tinue his struggle against the lormans, and in these campaigns he was only partially successful} His only partial success against the Normans encouraged a series of revolts . Count Baldwin of Flanders broke with the king over the right of succession as abbot of the monastery of Saint-Bertin. nudes favored the re- quest of the monks for a free election, which subsequently made Archbishop Fulk of Reims the abbot. barman, Baldwin openly raised the standard of re- volt.6 At the same time (892) the kinsmen of the count of Poitiers, who was a minor, revolted because 8 they were afraid Eudes was about to support a rival candidate for the fief. When Eudes _did interfere, he alienated all parties by backing his brother, Robert. This only made matters worse by putting Aqui- taine in a state of civil war.7 By this time Archbishop Bulk, who had favored Carolingian legitimacy 5Annales Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in ME, 38, II, 20h. Favre, Dudes, pp. 106-08, has pieced together from a variety of sources a clear picture of the fiat at biontfaucon. For Eudes' subsequent campaigns against the llormans, see Vedast., in ms, 88, II, 201+~06 and 208. These pages cover the years 383"92 and -97— 6Annales Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in 1911, g, II, 205-06. Rx Chronico Sithiensi, in HF, IX, 73. 7Adheur of Chabannes, Historiarum Libri Tree, in FL, cm, 37- 38. R! Chronico Richardi Pictavensis, in HP, 11, 21-22. Richer, Historiarum Libri _Q__u_a____tuor, I, 12, pretends that Eudes settled affairs in Aquitaine “with the matest equity". " . . . nobilium causes quae litibus agitabantur ibi acquis- sime ordinat. ." Pavre, nudes, pp. l’h6-h9. O 191 from the beginning, began to rally all of the dissident factions to the sw- port of the young Charles . (marles was the legitimte pretender to the throne, who had been only a child in 888. not only could Charles count on aid in France, but through the skillful diplomacy of Bulk, Pope Formosus and Arnulf of Gemny were persuaded to recognize his coronation, which occurred on 28 January, 893.8 There were at this point two kings in the realm. 'me rennin- der of ludes' reign crackled in the flames of civil war between the supporters of the Robertian and those of the Carolingian. In 897 the latter was forced to capitulate, having in four brief years lost all of his support. neverthe- less, ludes recognized Charles as his successor and even gave him a part of his kingdom before he died (1 January, 898).9 “me first Robertian experiment with the kingship was not a notable success. Rudes' auspicious beginning collapsed under a variety of pressures, not entirely of his own linking. Upon the death of M38, the mgnates of the realm honored the late king's wish to have the young Charles succeed to the throne of the western Ii'ranlcs.lo 'Ihe accession of Charles III, called the Simple, mrked the first Carolingian restoration. Charles' reign (898-923) accomplished two things of major import, one of which may be regarded as having 3Annsles Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in ms, _s_s, II, 207. Flodoard, HER,:Ln PL, cmv, 267-59. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, I, 1.2 Favre, ,Eudes PP 155, 157, and 158. 9Annales Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in ms, 88, II, 206-08. Regino, Chroni- c__o_n, in PL, cxxxn, 139-18. Richer, Historiarum —Libri Qaatuor, I, 12-13T Iavre, Me_____s_, p. 193. 1°Anna1es Vedastini, ed. Pertz, in 193, 33, II, 208. Regina, Chroni- c___on, in PL, CXXXII, T3. Richer, Historiarum TLibri Quatuor, I, lit, tells us that marles had a natural goodness and simplicity about him He was generous, good-natured, and learned, but cared little for the arts of war. His two greatest faults were that he enjoyed too much the excesses of pleasure and that he was neglectful. in administering Justice. 192 been a wise move; the other, a grave mistake. 'Bne former was the final peace- ful. solution of the Norman question. The latter was the inauguration of the Iotharingian policy of the last Carolingians. he settlement of the Roman problem was one which was very much on the minds of Charles and his contemporaries. Both laymen and ecclesiastics in France were seeking a variety of means to contain and civilize the Vikings.ll By the end of the first decade of the tenth century it was clear that the lor- 12 here was evi- 3 dance apparent even to their contmorary Christian enmies that they were nns were not benefiting from their raids as they once had. seeking a place to settle.]'3 Taking advantage of a bloody defeat suffered by the lornans before (martres in 911, Charles entered into negotiations with their chief, Rollo, and signed the treaty of Saint-Clair-sur-lpte. According to the essential provisions of this treaty, the Romans were ceded the terri- tory in northern France which came to be called Normandy. They were also per- mitted to work off their excess energy in raids upon Brittany. In addition, Rollo was to be baptized and allowed to marry Gisele, the daughter of Charles the Simple.“ thus, it would seem that the treaty of Saint-Clair-sur-Bpte was ”for example, besides fighting the Vikings, the French cler made plans for converting them. See Flodoard' 3 account of Archbishop Herve' s plans to baptize the lorthmen @, in PL, CJCKXV, 292-93).ll1e plans received the blessing of the pope (Johannis DcPapeLEEstolae, in HP, IX, 209-10, no. III). leckel, Charles is 81%, p. 71. l3Ibi____d_., p. 72-73. me Vikings were becoming increasingly involved in negotiations with the Christian princes during the first decade of the century. 1*mass of saint- Quentin, De Horihus et Actis Prinorum normanniae Bucum Libri lPres, in PB, CXLI, 8886g0-51, is the principal source. Augustin Pliche, 5.; Europe occidentale «38881122 (Histoire du Moyen Ag_, II, in the series Eis- toire Wale, 5d. G Glotz ), pp. 72-73. Professor niche points out that— Dudo' a account of the events leading up to and including the treaty is so shot full of errors and inconsistencies that it may be misleading even to an expert on the subject. He gives the min clauses of the treaty, which are generally agreed upon among scholars (p.73). 93. lckel, Charles le S_iflg, pp. 75-76. 193 a brilliant diplomtic stroke on the part of Charles. He gained more than he lost. One ought not to criticize him for having granted several counties in fief to the barbarian newcomers, when actually he merely confirmed legally a de facto situation. More important, he secured the peaceful settlement of the lorthmen. this was a far cry from simply bribing the Vikings into raiding somewhere else. They could now reasonably be expected to adapt themselves more nearly to the ways of the native western European (Inristians. If Charles' Norman policy was particularly farsiglted, his design on Lorraine was fraught with disastrous consequences. Charles, his son, his grandson, and his great-grandson all clutched desperately to Lorraine as the final source of their power. This was natural, for from the earliest times the race of Arnulf and Pepin had found their strength in the region between the Mouse and the Rhine. 'me Carolingians were well-liked there and generally could count on support from the Lotharingian nobility. But as the century wore on Lorraine became more of a dream, which held out an almost hypnotic fascination for the last Carolingians. It was in 911 that the Lotharingian nobility called Charles in and recognized his suzerainty as king.” Thereafter, the king spent a good deal of his time there. His charters testify to his presence at the old Carolin- gian residences of Thionville, Gondreville, Heristal, Aix-la-Chapelle, and lsRecueil des Actes de Charles III le Simple, roi de France , publi‘ sous la direction de M. Ferdinand Lot, par M. Philippe Iauer, Tome Premier (Tex-ta), pp. lSO—Sh, nos. LXVII and LXVIII. 'mese two charters were both given at Cruztiaco on 20 December, 911. The first grants certain privileges and innunity to the bishop of Cambrai; the second confirms the rights of the canons of the cathedral at Gambrai to properties which had been destroyed when the town was burned. me charters testify to the fact that marles was recogized as king at this date y the Lotharingian nobility. 1. Bauer refers to Cruztiaco as "Cruzy - le - Chatel", de’grtment of the lame, arrondisement of Auxerre. See, also, Eckel, Charles le 31.935, p. 91;. ' 194 Met-4.16 Charles ruled well in Lorraine: twice he repelled attempts on the country by the Franconian King, Conrad of Germany. Conrad's successor, Henry the Fowler, recognized Charles' annemtion of Lorraine.17 His real difficulty cane from the nobility of Neustria. Led by Robert, the brother and successor of Mes, these nobles resented the favor shown to the Lotharingians by max-les . Robert particularly despised a lowborn favorite of Charles, a certain Hagano, who became the king's bosom counsellor.]'8 Hagano was a true king's man, and was handsomely repaid by Charles for his loyalty with titles and gifts.19 Had Charles wished to concern himself, he midst have taken notice of the grumbling dissension coming out of Neustria. the attitude of the barons 20 toward Hagano was one of undisguised contempt . hiring the Hungarian raids of 917 and 919 the magnates of France had refused to aid Charles. Only Arch- l6lickel, Charles 1e Simple, p. 10h, believes that the twenty-some char- ters issued from royal residences in Lorraine after 911 are evidence of Charles' attachment to that region. One notes that a substantial number were given in France, also. Be that as it may, Charles does seem to have had a decided pre- ference for Lorraine as the events subsequent to 911 indicate. 17Annales Alamannici, ed. Pertz, in g, _s_s_, I, 55-56. Flodoard, Annales, a. 921. On the recognition of Charles' right to Lorraine by Henry the Fowler, see the arguments of Eckel, Charles 1e 8%, pp. 113-11}. 1831cher, Historiarum Libri Qaatuor, I, 15. 190aroli Sigglicis Diplomats, in g, IX, swim, no. Lxxn. nus charter, dated 26 my, 918, identifies Hagano as a count (p. 539). Flodoard, Annales, a. 922. Hagano received the abbey of Chelles from Charles in 922. 2°?lodoard, gag, in LL, cm, 293. l'lodoard, Annales, a. 920. m- cher, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, I, 16. At the beginning of the year 920 marles held an assembly at the city of Soissons. It was there that the Beu- strian magnates began to defect in nmnbers. Duke Robert, the brother of Dudes who reserved a special loathing for Hagano, was so incensed at the behavior of Charles and his favorite that he found it necessary to leave the court early in order to avoid an open and violent break with the king. Charles had alien- ated him and the rest of his French vassals by refusing to abandon the up- start Lotharingian; indeed, the king informed them all that he preferred Hagano to them. 195 bishop nerve of Reims brought aid to his king.2l Finally, when Charles re- moved the abbey of Chelles in benefice to one of the Robertian women, and be- stowed it upon Hagano, a revolt broke out.22 On 30 June, 922, Robert of leustria was crowned king of France by Archbishop Walter of Sens. Two days later Herve of Reims died. He had been Charles' sole support among the nobil- ity of the western kingdom.23 he rest was tragedy for the Carolingians. Within a year of Robert's revolt, Charles the Simple had raised an an of faithful. Iotharingian vassals and had urched into France. At Soissons on 15 June, 923, a great battle was fought: Robert was killed, and Charles seemed on the point of victory, when the tide of battle suddenly was reversed. me son of the dead Robert, Rugh, and Count Herbert II of Vermandois rallied the Reustrian force and completed the rout of the Intharingianmzb' ‘L'he slain usurper's son-in-law, Duke houl of Burgundy, was selected as the Robertian successor and was crowned on 13 July, 923, by that willing tool of the leus'brian faction, waiter of Sens .25 21s: Chronico s. Medardi Suessionensis, in pg, 11, 56. nodoard, g, ing, CXXXV, 293. Flodoard, Annales, a. 919. zaflodoard, Annales, a. 922. ". . . praedictum Raganonem, cui rex abbatiam Rothildis, amitae suae, socrus autem Eugenia, dederat, nomine Golan . . . ." Rothilda was thus the aunt of Charles, his father's sister, as well as the mother—in-law of Hugh, the son of Duke Robert. 'mis Hugh is, of course, the same person as Hugh the Great. 23nodosrd, g, in _s_L, cmv, 293-9h. Flodoard, Annales, a. 922. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, I, ‘41 . m Chronico 8. Petri Vivi Senonen- 2.12.: in 2.!) Ix: 31'" 2“Tlodoard, Annales, a. 923. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, I, #546. h Chronico Sithiensi s. Bertini, in g, n, 77. 25visitors, Annales, a. 923. s: Chronico Senonensi Banctae Columbae, in 31‘, II, to. Richer, Historiarum Libri matuor, 1, 1,7 . Archbishop Walter of Sens crowned Eudes in_BBF—, Robert in 922, and Raoul in 923. See Iavre, Dudes, p. 90, and Lauer, Robert et Raoul, pp. 9 and 12. I. Iauer refers to him as a "king-maker": "'faiseur de rois'" (p. 1.2). 196 In less than thirteen months two pretenders had come forward on separate occasions to be anointed as kings of the West Franks.26 If the election of Eudes in 888 had seemed a wise thing at the time, it had undoubtedly estab- lished a precedent dangerous for the kingdom. [thongs Charles could still find support in the form of lip-service, few men were ready to offer themselves for his cause. Charles had tried to gain aid from the German king by sending him some precious relics, but Henry’s only reaction was to utter a few baleful remrks about the mutability of human affairs .27 It is therefore not sur- prising that when Herbert of Vermandois sent messengers to Charles protesting his loyalty, Charles was eager to Join the count for the parley proposed by the latter. we know what happened: Herbert seized his king and kept him locked in a dungeon for the next six years, only bringing him out on occasion to use him as a pawn in his wild scramble for power.28 the reign of Raoul of Burgundy (923-36) was reminiscent of Eudes' reign in some ways . The new king belonged to the Robertian family by marriage only, and Joined the rebel Neustrian faction after the battle of Soissons had been fought.29 He appears to have been a compromise candidate, since the rug- nates wished to elect neither Hugh, Robert's son, nor the count of Vermandois. 268aoul was not actually a Robertian. He was the son of Duke Richard the Justiciar of Burgundy. or. Lauer, Robert et Raoul, p. 2, which shows a genealogical chart. Raoul' 3 connection with the Robertian faction was purely political 27Widukind, Res Gestae Saxonicae, ed. Waltz, in E, _s_s_, III, 430-31- "Heinricus autem rex audiens easum Karoli, dolebat , humnaeque mutabilitatis communem admiratus est fortunam. . . ." (p. #30). Eckel, Charles 1e sale, p. 126. 28F10d08rd, Annalee _, a. 923. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, I, #7, 53, and 56. Eckel, (:harles 1e sigp_e_, pp. 127-3h, passim. 2911mm, Amie—__s_, a. 923. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, I, #7. Lauer, Robert et Raoul, pp. 2 and 11. Raoul married—15a, the daughter of the late Kingl Robert, and the sister of Hugh the Great 197 Like Hades, Raoul was beset with troubles almost at once. Between 92k and 926 he was faced with a new outbreak of Homn raids, and was forced to cede new territories to them. 30 In 926 the Hungarians spread their familiar terror throng Lorraine and into Wale.31 Raoul also had trouble at home. As in the reign of Dudes, the election of Raoul was the signal for revolt in the South. he llidi refused to recomize him, and the duke of Aquitaine marched against Burgundy, Raoul's own duchv.32 In 925 Raoul lost the cushy of Lorraine to Henry of Germny when the Iptharingian nobility shifted their loyalty to the last.33 Finally, Herbert of Vemndois took advantage of Rsoul's troubles to aggrandize his family. First he seized Reims for his son, Hugh (925). hen he attempted to make another son, Eudes, the count of Leon (927). “When Raoul protested, Herbert brought Charles the Simple out of the dungeon of Peronne, and installed him at Saint-Quentin, inviting Rollo and the llamas to do homage and swear their fealty to the Carolingian instead of to Raoul.3h Hhen Charles died in 929, Herbert's days as a manipulator of kings were over. About the same time Raoul's fortunes also changed. His victory over the Romans at the place called Ad Destricios won him great popularity in 3°Flodoard, Annales, a. 921+, 925, and 926. Richer, Historiarum Libri 39213.93, I, 1&8, 1+9, 50, and 51. 3lnodoard, Annales, a. 926. 3231mm, Annales, a. 92h and 926. Lauer, Robert et Raoul, pp. 27, 28, and ML. 33nodoard, Annales, a. 925: "Heinrico cuncti se Lotharienses comit- tunt. . . ." 3%: Herbert's seizure of Reims, see Flodoard, E, in 21:, cm, 295. Flodoard, Annales, a. 925. Richer, Historiarum Libri Qiatuor, I, 5!: and 55. For his attempt on Iaon, as well as his deceitful restoration of Charles the Simple, see Flodoard, Annales, a. 927. Inner, Robert et haul, pp. 119-50. _ 198 the Midi, and the Aquitanians now began to recognize him as the only legiti- mate ruler.35 By 933 the Norman and Hungarian problems were no longer imme- diately pressing. Between 931 and 935 Raoul gradually reduced the power of Count Herbert with the help of Hugh the Great . A peace was arranged between the king and his rebellious vessel in June of 935.36 {the following January Raoul died at Auxerre after an illness contracted during the previous autumn.37 After Charles the Simple had fallen into the hands of Herbert in 923, his wife and infant son, Innis, had fled to England to the court of King Aethelstan. Now, in 936, the magnates of France again returned to the princi- ple of legitimacy by sending an embassy to Aethelstan recalling Inuis d'Outre- £633 back from overseas. Louis IV at once exhibited the qualities of a king. He was not slow to perceive the deceit in Hugh the Great's pose as a benevo- lent royal counsellor. He threw off the duke's tutelage and turned instinc- tively to Inrraine to bolster his position.38 35Richer, Historiarum Libri matuor, I, 61+. Lauer, Robert et haul, P- 59- 36Flodoard, A_n__na_____les, a. 931,932, 933, 934, and 935.1auer, Robert et Raoul, pp. 58—76,—'—— pas—Lin. 37Flodoard, m; 8- 935 and 936- Richer, Historiarum Libri matuor, I: 65. Lauer, Robert et Raoul, p. 78. 3’81"'lodoard,,Annales a. 923 and 936. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 1, h, 5, and 6. Lauer, Innis IV, pp. ll-l6. Innis was well received when he crossed the channel. {the Frankish nobles commended themselves to him, and bonds of loyalty were firmly fixed between them. Richer says that Louis won the hearts of the feudal warriors by an incident that occurred during his re- ception: Hugh the Great led forward a horse adorned with royal insignia. Just as the young prince was about to mount, the horse whinnied and shyed away. Quickly, Inuis sprang to the saddle, not bothering to use the stirrups. The action delighted the gathering and brought forth shouts of approval. One is tmted to believe that this was a test designed by Hugh the Great to embarrass Louis with the eyes of all the military aristocracy upon him. It cannot be proved , however. "Du: inde accelerans, equum insignibus regiis adornatum addu- cit. Quem cum ascensui aptare vellet, et ille impatiens in diverse sese toller- et, Indovicus agili exilitione prosiliens, equo strepenti neglecta stapha re- pentinus insedit . Quod etiam fuit omibus gratum, ac mnltae gratulationis pro- vocatio. " (Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 14). 199 A revolt had broken out there against the German king, Otto, a situa- tion which led the Intharingian duke, Gislebert, into an alliance with Inuis. he arrangement was mutually advantageous for a term. But when, in 939, aisle- bert was ambushed by a force of Saxons, and drowned in the Rhine while trying to escape, the fortunes of war immediately turned against Inuis.39 Otto of Gemny was free to crush the revolt, and invaded France after having burned and plundered his way through Inrraine. An alliance which had been sworn to between Hugh the Great and Otto of Germny now nude Inuis' position critical. brewer, he was faced with new enemies: Herbert of Vermandois, the Roma prince William lnng- Sword, and even Arnulf of Flanders Joined Hugh ' s rebellion against the king.“ Inuis' position vis-‘a-vis his great vassals slowly began to improve. He was able to nuke peace with Otto in 9142, since the latter wished to follow a policy of playing off Inuis and Hugh, one against the other.hl The formid- able coalition which had been stacked against him began to break up. Arnulf of Flanders encompassed the assassination of William long-Sword late in 39Flodoard, Annales, a. 939. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 17, 18, and 19. Lauer, Inuis Iv, pp. #048, passim. #OFlodoard, Annales, a. 939: "0tho rex, Rheno transmisso, regnum Inthariense perlustrat, et incendiis praedisque plura loos. devastat . . . . 0tho rex colloquium habuit cum Hugone et Heriberto, Arnulfo et Willelmo Hort- mannorum principe; et aceeptis ab eis pacti sacramentis, trans Rhenum regredi- tur." l‘ll'ledoard, Annales, a. 914.2. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 29. Family considerations made Otto's mediating policy all the easier to Justify. Hugh the Great had mrried Hathuide, a younger sister of Otto, as early as 937. See Lauer, lnuis IV, p. 27, n. h. Innis IV mrried the widow of Gislebert of Lorraine soon after the latter's death: "Indovicus re: in regnum Inthariense regressus, relictam Gitsleberti Gerberm duxit uxorem, ethonis scilicet regis sororen." Marrying Gerberge was one of the enrtest moves Louis d'Outre-ner ever made. She was an extremely able woman. 200 9h2.h2 hereafter Inuis could generally count upon Arnulf's friendship by favoring a weakened Normandy. Then early in 96 Herbert of Vermandois dropped , dead in the midst of his family, thus removing one of the most treacherous figures of the entire centurynh3 By the end of 9M2 Inuis also had had evi- dence of support from the dukes of Burgundy, Aquitaine, and Brittany. libre- over, Pope Stephen VIII had firmly sided with Inuis d'Outre-Mer in the struggle over the archbishopric of Reims Q“ Hugh the Great and Innis IV continued to vacillate in their relations with one another; they were never long at peace. In 915 the king was ambushed by the Romans, managed to escape for a few hours, but then was betrayed to them, and eventually wound up a prisoner in the clutches of his arch-enemy, Hugh. his was undoubtedly Hugh's greatest moment, as well as being the rock- botton of Inuis' fortunesf‘s Their interests were always sharply reversed, diametrically opposed. The careers of Hugh the Great and Innis d'Outre-lier show better than any others in this struggle the essentially antagonistic character of the rivalry between the Robertian and Carolingian families. he 1*21t‘1odosrd, Anna_____1__es, a. 9A3: "Arnulfus comes "Willelnmm, Hortmannorum principem, ad colloquium evocatum, dolo perimi fecit.' Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 33. Lauer, Inuis IV, pp. 87-88, has established the correct date of the murder as 17 December, 932. 43I"lodoard, Annales, a. 943. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 37, provides us, under the guise of his medical learning, with a complete pic- ture of what must have been a shocking scene for those who witnessed Herbert' s death. M"siodoamd, Annal______e_s, a. 91m and 9A2. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 26,27, and 28. In the late sumer or early fall of 9h24 Inuis was at Rouen, where he received homage and fealty from William Inng- Sword of Homndy, William Tow-Head of Poitou, and Alan Twist-Beard of Brittany. Hugh the Black of Bur- gundy generally remained loyal to Louis d'Outre-lhr. 1+ n35nmm’ Annales, a. 915. Richer, Historiarum Libri qnetnor, II, 7 and 201 relations between Eudes and Charles the Simple, and Inthaire and Hugh Capet do not reveal the same visceral, smouldering animosity. Hugh the Great and Inuis d'Outre-Mer hated each other passionately. Ema pressure from across the Rhine and, perhaps, from his own vassals ultimately forced Hugh to release his prisoner.u6 From this point on in 914-6, through the great council of Ingelheim in 948, and for the reminder of the reign, Inuis was able to hold his own against Hugh and even to achieve the (lake's submission.h7 line support of Otto the Great and the Church in regain- ing Inuis his freedom, and causing him to triumph in the affair of Reims, were important factors in the success of the Carolingian restoration. Inuis' reign was the climax of the struggle. 'I'ne dynastic problem would remain in the back- ground for another thirty years, but by 951+ the Carolingians were strong enough and sufficiently popular to compel adherence to the principle of legitimacy. Inuis' reign--indeed, his entire life--followed a fortuitous pattern of tragic defeats and brilliant successes. Exiled, he was restored. Amhushed, he escaped. Abandoned, he found new supporters . Captured, he was set in l*51riodonrd, HER, in g_L, cmv, 302. Flodoard, Annale_________s_, a. 9%. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 1+9. Both historians mention the embassy sent by King Edmund of England. r.lIhe threats of the Anglo-Saxons do not seem to have made as much of an impression on Hugh as did those from Otto of Germny. ”Flodoard, ,Annales a. 953. It was Hugh who finally sued for peace: "Anno BCCGCIIII incipiente, Hugo princeps legatos mittit ad regem Ludowicum Pro pace ac Concordia inter ipsos firmnda, petens ut regina Gerberga suum petat colloquium; quod et fecit, muneribusque ab eodem honorata Ramos rediit ; obtinuitque Hugo a rege, ut munitio, quae contra Victuriacum castrum constructs fuerat, solveretur. Placitum ergo concordiae ac pacis rent at Hugo mediante quadragesima iniere Suessionis." 'Hhus the duke despatched legates to the king, requesting that Queen Gerberge be sent to discuss the terms of peace. Inuis granted his wish, and Gerberge Journeyed toward Hugh, where she was received by him with gifts and honor. Probably as a result of Gerberge's negotiations With Hugh, Inuis decided to destroy the stronghold that he had built next to Vitry. On Sunday, 13 larch, 953, Inuis and Hugh met at Soissons and swore to keep the peace. _g. Lauer, Inuis IV, pp. 223-21}. 202 liberty. Again and again defeated, Inuis d'Outre-Ker held on with grit and determination for eighteen years against the most formidable odds and treacher- ous enemies, proving beyond question the tenacious die-hard strength of the Carolingian line. By defeating all his enemies, Inuis IV saved the throne for the descendants of Charlemagne. What Inuis had won was lost forever for the Carolingian family by his son, Inthaire. Inuis' death in September, 951+, was the result of an accident: he had fallen from his horse while in pursuit of a wolf.”8 Inthaire was only thirteen years old at the time, but everyone agreed that he was entitled to the throne. He was duly anointed and crowned at Reims by Archbishop Artaud on 12 November, 95h.” What were the mJor developments of Inthaire's reign? How were his later policies shaped by the tradition of his family and the ex-‘ perience of his minority? We shall see that the regencies of his early years made Inthaire eager to assert his independence as he reached his majority. LBFlodoard, Annales, a. 95h: "Ludowicns rex regressus Iaudnno, Reman- sem, velut ibi moraturus, repetit urbem. Antequam vero ad Axona'm fluvium per- veniret, apparuit ei quasi lupus praecedens; quem admisso insecutus equo, pro- labitur, graviterque attritus Remos defertur, et protracto langore decubans, elefantiasi peste perfunditur. mo morbo confectus, diem clausit extremm, sepultusque est spud sanctum Remigium." Inuis was on his way back to Reims from Iaon, where he had Just finished attending the funeral ceremonies of his son, Innis, when the fatal accident occurred. Enroute, before crossing the Aisne, he thought he saw a wolf dart across his path. He spurred his horse in pursuit, but the mount stumbled spilling the rider. Seriously injured, he was carried on to Reims by the other members of his party. Unfortunately it was too late. The Journey along the road aggravated his condition, and the king developed a fever. A general puffiness set in, and after lying in pain for some days, Innis died. He was buried in the basilica of mint-Rani at Reims. See, also, Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, II, 103, who‘gives a detailed medical report of Inuis' condition before death. {the "elephantiasifiste" to which both Flodoard and Richer refer was not what we think of as elephantiasis. It was probably a severe swelling caused by broken bones and fever. l‘9lll’lodosrd, ,Annales a. 95k. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 1 and 2. Cf. Int, Les Derniers CarolinLens, p. 10, who shows, contrary to the testimony of Richer, that Inthaire was thirteen years of age. 203 He tried to do this by adopting the old Carolingian policy of seizing Lorraine. His actions had fatal consequences. For the first two years of Inthaire's minority the figure of Hugh the Great cast its shadow over the royal household. Having failed to dominate the father, Hugh had no intention of losing control over the son. He quickly got the boy to agree to his claims to Burgundy and Aquitaine.5o He never took his eyes off Inthaire for long. Acting out the part of the solicitous elder advi- ser and trusted friend, Hugh the Great took what advantage he could by accom- panying the king in royal progresses, and by similar devious arrangements 51 causing Inthaire to accept his tutelage. Hugh had succeeded completely in bringing Inthaire under his authority, when death removed his sinister presence (16 or 17 June, 956). The duke had made a profound impression upon his con- temporaries during his life-time. Certainly his many intrigues had brought on wars and caused untold suffering. His death must have made some men breathe a prayer of relief. Others, we know, interpreted a celestial vision of a head- less dragon as a prediction of the passing of great evil.52 A dead monster was the sign of God's angry Judgment. soF'lodoerd, ,Annales a. 951+: "Burgundia quoqne et Aquitania Hugoni dantur ab ipso." Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatnor, III, 1 and 2. Ex Chronico Senonensi Sanctae Columbae, in g, IX, Fl. Ex Chronico Sithiensi S. Bertini, in E, II, 80, states that Inthaire made the count of Paris, Hugh the Great, duke of AnJou as well. "Tune Rex Intharius Hugonem Bhgnum Parisiensem Comitem Ducem fecit Andegavensem." isicher, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 2 and 3. 52mm brevity of Flodoard, ,Annal______e_s a. 956, strikes one as indicative of that historian's feelings for the man who caused the Church, and particularly Reims, so much trouble: "Hugo princeps obiit." Richer, Historiarum Libri Qua- tuor, III, 5, who is usually given to oratorical eulogies when he records the death of a good nan, is also simificantly brief Apparently what was not said was more important than what was said. 9_f. Annalee Floriacenses, ed. Pertz, in E, g, II, 255: "Anne Incarnationis Domini 956. hoe anno 5.. Hones Septembris lune. verse est in sanguinem. Hodem quoque anno mense Innio signum mirabile in 20h Inthaire, still only fifteen at Hugh's death, now began to be governed by his uncle, Archbishop Bruno of Cologne, duke of Inrraine. Bruno was the brother of Gerberge and Hathuide, who were, respectively, the widows of Louis IV and Hugh the Great, and the mothers of Inthaire and Hugh Capet. lbreover, Bruno was an intelligent, active, and well- educated man entirely devoted to the cause of monastic reform and the ideal of peace. All in all, he seems to have been perfectly suited as the one person to insure stable relations be- tween the Robertian, Carolingian, and Ottonian houses.53 One may wonder how it happened that Archbishop-Duke Bruno, who was a sort of viceroy in Inrraine for his brother, Otto the Great, came to hold such a comnding influence in the affairs of France. he answer is readily explained: from the start his willingness-~indeed, desire-~to intervene as mediator and controller of French politics was gratified by the requests of both the Robertian and Carolingian factions, each of which sought the advan- tages of his support. In these circumstances Bruno was able to pursue a policy designed to serve the interests of Germany by arbitrating the differences be- tween the two families. On the one hand, he favored the ambitions of the young Hugh Capet on Aquitaine, and arranged for Inthaire to invest Hugh with the county of Poitiers. Besides, Bruno saw to it that Hugh's brother, Otto, eaelo apparuit, draco magnus scilicet, et sine capite. Secuta est statim more HUGOHIS magni principis Francorum, Burgundionum, Brittonum, atque Hortmannorum. Helipsis solis factus est II. Hal. Ianuar. et stellae apparuerunt a prism hora usque terciam." A year of strange and sinister portents, according to the annalist of Fleury: streaks of blood on the moon, a headless dragon, an eclipse of the sun, and an unusual appearance of the stars--all of them grim and fear- ful omens surrounding, and apparently connected with, the death of Hugh the Great. 531st, Les Derniers Carolingiens, pp. 18.21. 205 received the duchy of Burgunflfih However, he also lent his support to Inth- aire by opposing the Robertian attempt to regain the see of Reins for its old pretender, Hugh of Vermandois .55 In fact, Bruno took steps to see that Reims was placed securely in the hands of the Lotharingian reform party. When Archbishop Artaud's death left the see vacant in 961, Bruno arranged for the election of a certain Odalric as Artaud's successor. {the new archbishop had been a canon at Nets, and was well-acquainted with the Lotharingian reform.56 ‘Ihe church of Reins was far too important in the affairs of France, and after 962 in those of the empire as well, for Bruno to have permitted the see to go wiJJy-niny to whichever faction, Robertian or Carolingian, might have been able to seize it. As it turned out, the Lotharingian reform prelates who served Reims after 962, Odalric and Adalbero, both continued to support Carolingian legitimacy and rule until this policy no longer served the interests of either Church or State. he years between the deaths of Bruno in 965 and Otto the Great in 973 make up a relatively obscure and quiet period in the reign of Inthaire.57 me German influence continued during this time due to the policies of the arch- bishops of Reims, Odalric (962-69), and Adalbero (969-89) especially. But in- ternally, within the royal court, it was a time of development and transforma- tion for the Carolingian king. In his physique, his mentality, his policies, 51“l"lodoard, Annales, a. 960. 55noaoerd, Annales, a. 962. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, m, 15, 16, and 17. Lot, Les Derniers Carolingians, pp. 3340. 5él'lodoard, Annales, a . 961 and 962. Richer, Historiarum Libri Qua- tuor, III, 18 and 19. 57101;, Les Derniers Carolingians, p. 5h. 206 Inthaire was filling out, growing up. In 965 Inthaire was twenty-four years old; by 973, he was thirty-two.58 During those eight years he matured, and in the process so did his conception of his place within his kingdom. At the time of Bruno's death, Inthaire was Just beginning to emerge into full nnhood. Until that time he could only remember his own reign as little more than a regency, first under his uncle, the duke of the Franks, and then under his other uncle, the archbishop of Cologne. With the passing of Bruno Inthaire bean to act more independently. At times it must have mde him feel a little chagrined to have accomplished so little . Surely he would have known that by the tin his father had died at the age of thirty-three in 95h, he had already fought for his crown through eighteen troubled years. If Inthaire thought in these tens, it must have gelled him to have found it necessary to hide his time. For he knew that as long as Otto the Great was alive it would be use- less to attempt to raise the standard of revolt in Lorraine. For the time being he could only hope to strengthen his position in France, and wait for the day when Otto would be no more. In the meantime, his efforts in France were meeting with success. By pursuing his goals with force and determination, he achieved good results. During Bruno’s regency Lothaire had supported Thibaud the Trickster successfully in a quarrel between the count and Duke Richard of Normandy.” He pressed vigorously his right to the 58140121131139 was born in 9+1. See Flodoard, Annal______e_s, a. 9&1. _c_:_f. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 2, who says Inthaire was twelve at the time of his succession to the throne on 12 November, 95%. If he was born after 12 lo- vember, 9H1, he would not quite have reached his thirteenth birthday when he was anointed and crowned. Lot, Les Derniers Carolingiens, p. 10, n. l, thinks that Richer has given Lothaire's age at the coronation dating from the latter's baptism in 9&2. See Dido of $int-Quentin, De floribus et Actis Primorua lor- manniae Ducum Libri Tree, in 35, cm, 673-714. 591m, Les Derniers Carolingians, pp. 33-35; Appendice VIII: PP- 3146-57- 207 county of Flanders upon the death of Arnulf I in 965 .60 From 966 his rela- tions with the Robertians were good. In 968 his suzerainty was recognized by Thierry, count of Ghent and Holland, as well as by the nobility of the Spanish larch .61 he upshot of all this is that between 965, when the last regency ended, and 973, when the Lotharingian policy began to reemerge at Iaon after Otto's death, Inthaire had learned what it took to be a king who ruled, as well as one who merely reigned. That he pursued a disastrous policy after 973 in no wise makes of him a "do-nothing" weakling, a roi fainéant. Indeed, it was his very power and effectiveness, the threat that he might well succeed, that turned old friends into enemies and brought treason and defeat into his camp. We individuals who may have encouraged Inthaire in his designs on Lorraine were Renier and Lambert, sons of the Lotharingian count of Hainalt, Renier III the Long-Necked. way back in 957 the father of these two had re- volted against Bruno. Renier III was forced to submit, and as punishment was exiled to the Slavic country of Bohemia, where he died soon after his arrival. be two sons at the same time were packed off to the Carolingian court where 62 they were then brought up. Thus from 957 or 958 until 973, not less than 60Flodoard, Annales, a. 965. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 21- Iothaire's invasion and occupation of Flanders, and the submission of the nobility occurred several months before the death of Bruno . 61101;, Les Derniers Carolingiens, pp. 56.58. Two charters from 968 testify to Lothaire's suzerainty in Holland and along the Spanish larch. See Lotharii Regis Diplomats, in g, IX, 632, nos. m and XXII- 62li'lodoard, Annales, a. 957. Sigebert, Chronogaphia, ed. Bethnann, in 11g, SS, VI, 350. Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium, ed. Bethmann, in MB, gs, VII,T39-ho. Thietmar, Chronicon, ed. Iappenherg, in _zgg, _s_s, III, 83". 208 fifteen years, these two would have grown up nourished upon this old wound, sympathizing instinctively with Lothaire's ambitions, and anxious for the day when they might return to work their revenge against the family of Otto. 'lhey got their chance when Otto I died in lay of 973. In no time Renier and Lambert were back in Hainalt harrying the countryside from one end to another. 'Ihey kept up their depredations for a season until they were again driven from their homeland, this time by Otto II, who permitted them to return to France.63 Returned to the court of Lothaire, who doubtless encour- aged and abetted their schemes, Renier and Lambert next sought new allies at Saint-Quentin among the family of Vermandois. This house was the ancient anew of the men of Cambrai, whose bishop was now a Lotharingian vassal of Otto II. TOgether with the lords of Vermandois, Renier and Lambert launched a new attack on Rainalt and Cambrai in the spring of 976.6); Lorraine was seriously threatened by this new coalition, but Otto's duchy was saved by the gradual disintegration of the alliance. Renier and Lambert were given back the properties which their father had once held from Otto 1.65 In France Lothaire had expelled his younger brother, Charles, from the kingdom for hav- ing spread the rumor that Queen Emma had committed adultery with Bishop 63(3'resta episcopgrum Cameracensium, ed. Bethmann, in _Igg, 13, VII, 1,39- ho. Sigebert, Chronographia, ed. Bethmann, in _ng, _s_s, VI, 351-52. 61LGesta episcoporum Cameracensium, ed. Bethmann, in 1415, 38, VII, tho, Sigebert, Chronographia, ed. Bethmann, in fig, _S_S, VI, 352. 6531gebert, ohrqnpgraphia, ed. Bethmann, in _ng, _§§, VI, 352. 209 Adalbero of Leon.66 Charles fled in haste toward Otto II to whom he subse- quently performed homage and swore faith in return for the duchy of Lower Lorraine.67 In effect, these circumstances dissolved the Frankish-Lotharin- gian alliance upon which Lothaire had begun to entertain some sanguine expectations. Lothaire now decided to take matters into his own hands. He called 66Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 66: "lodem tempore m re- gina et Adalbero Laudunensis episcopus infanes stupri criminabantur; id tamen latenter intendebatur, nullius manifesto intentionis teste." Charles admitted he was driven from the kingdom by Lothaire: " 'Licet enim a fratre de rego pulsus sin. . . .'" (Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, 1v, 9). See, also, Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, IV, 16. Lattin, Letters of Gerbert, pp. 76- 78, no. 39. The letter cited here is from Bishop Dietrich of Lists to Charles of Lorraine, written probably at Metz on 27 Day, 98h. In it, Dietrich tells Charles exactly what he thinks of him, qualifying him as a "fickle deserter" and "the most shameless violator of fidelity." The passages relevant to Loth- aire, inn, and Adalbero of Leon have been translated as follows: "What wonder if you pour forth the disease of your utterly wicked heart against your kinsmen since, with bloody hand always very ready for all crime, with a gang of robbers and a band of thiev a, you would steal the city of Leon from your brother, the noble king [Lothairj of the French-~his city, I repeat, his , never under any circumstances yours; since you would deprive him of his kingdom; since you would bring the imperial sister, sharer of his kingdom, in- to ill repute and would defile her with your lies? Have you ever had any scruples? "Swell up, grow stout, wax fat, you who, not following the footsteps of your fathers, have wholly forsaken God your Baker. Remember how often xv finger restrained your impudent month while you were spreading abroad shameful things about the archbishop of Reims, and more shameful insinuations against the queen by simulating a serpent's hiss. What you did against the bishop of Iaon, you yourself know well." Some allusions here are mde to events which occurred after Charles ' exile by Lothaire. It is evident that Charles was detested by the reform clergy of Lorraine. Charles' response to Dietrich (Letter no. #0, pp. 79-81) is so filled with slanderous insinuations against the bishop of let: that Ber- bert, to whom the letter was dictated by Charles, took it upon himself to write another letter apologizing for having had anything to do with the corres- pondence (Letter no. 1&1, p. 82). 67Oesta episcoporum Cameracensium, ed. Beth-ans, in 533, gs, VII, #43, Sigebert, Chronogphia, ed. Bethnnn, my, §_S, VI, 352. 210 together his great vessels at an assembly which was held at Laon in 978. There he announced his plans for an invasion of Lorraine. Ris proposal won 68 Before long the expedition got under way. Ac- the approval of everyone . cording to Richer, the whole operation was conducted with the utmost secrecy and discipline. The object was to surprise the emperor who was soJourning at the imperial villa at Aachen. Lothaire's campaign worked surprisingly well, but it fell short of its crucial objective. Probably Inthaire intended to lay hands on Otto and his wife, and extort the title to Lorraine from him as the price of their release.69 Aachen was seized, but the French am failed to capture the emperor. It came within a trice: Otto at first refused to be- lieve that Lothaire was upon him, dismissing the first reports as nonsense. One can picture the scene with the wild-eyed messengers seeking frantically to convince him, the moment of truth, and then the md scramble from the palace and the race for Cologne, leaving behind booty of all kinds, including the imperial insignia. Lothaire permitted his troops three days of pillage, and then the arm retreated into France.70 Otto, on his side, made immediate preparations for revenge. Issuing a call for troops throughout the entire empire, he succeeded in collecting an immense force which invaded France on 1 October, 978.71 The campaign that 68Richer, Historiarum Libri matuor, III, 67, 68, and 69. 6gllicher, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 69 and 70. Lot, Les Derniers M: PP- 93'95 - 7°Rleher, Historiarum Libri author, III, 70 and 71. Gesta episcopom Cameracensium, ed. Bethmann, in LILH, _S_S, VII, M0. Annalee Altahenses miores, ed. Giesebrecht and Oefele, in _Igg, §_S_, XX, 788. Historia Francorum Senonensis, ed. Waits, in Lag, _s_s, II, 367. 7LRicher, Historiarml Libri ngtuor, III, 72 and 73. Gesta gplscmm Cameracensium, ed. Bethnmnn, in E, _S_S, VII, MO 21.1 followed probably accomplished all that Otto intended: namely, the punishment of Lothaire for his audacious attemt on Lorraine. The German army proceeded to ravage France as far as the Seine. After seizing Leon, where he placed Charles of Lorraine on the throne, Otto moved his army through the Soissonais, the Remis, and up to the gates of Paris. Behind him, he left a desert. Only the monasteries and churches were spared. Unable to take Paris by siege, Otto decided to return his arm to Germny because of the approach of winter.72 Lothaire, who had meanwhile raised a force to hurry the Gems on their way, struck Otto's rear-guard as it was crossing the Aisne and cut the detachment to ribbons. The emperor's withdrawal had been facilitated with the aid of guides sent by Archbishop Adalbero of Reims. The latter action is significant. It is the first positive evidence of a break betwaen the Carolingians and the church of Reims. Later on Adalbero would be obliged to explain his treason. Christmas found Otto in Frankfort; the fighting had been concluded.73 Nego- tiations for a peace began in 979, and the following year in July, Lothaire and Otto were reconciled in an interview held at largut on the banks of the Chiers . 71‘ 72Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 73+, 75, 76, and 77. Ge__s__ta gpiscopormn Cameracensium, ed Bethmann, in ma, SS, VII, MILO—hi. 73Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 773 IV, 2. Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium, ed. Bethmann, in ma, SS, VII, Ml. Historia Francorum Senonen- L18: ed. Waits, in ran, 38, IX, 36'? Annales Altahenses miores, ed. Giese- brecht and Oefele, in ”.133, 88, XX, 788. Othlo, Vita S. Wolfkaggi episcopi, ed. Waits, in ”3H, 88, IV, 539- ‘Bishop Wolfgang of mtisbon was one of Otto's ad- visers, who insisted upon getting the imperial am across the flooding Aisne before dark. Lot, Les Derniers Carolingians, p. 106. 71"Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 78,79, 80, and 81 "It quia circa fluvium Mosam regna anborum conlimitabant, in locum qui mrgolius dicitur, eis sibi occurrere placuit " (Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 80). His- toria Francorum Senonensis, ed. Waits, in _I_qg, __E, 3, 367.518 chronicle gives Reims as the place where the peace was made. 1!. Lot, Les Derniers Caro- lingians, p..m118, suggests on the basis of this evidence that Archbishop Adal- bero helped to arrange the peace. By the terms of the agreement of Bhrgut-sur-(rniers Lothaire relin- quished all of his claims to Lorraine.75 For the time being he could concern himself with problems of a domestic nature. First of all, Lothaire was worried about the ambitions of his younger brother, Charles of Lorraine. During the recent war Charles had sided with Otto II and seems to have been proclaimed king. At least he say have received a promise of Otto's backing, if Lothaire were to have been dethroned. In either case, his posture vis-l-vis Lothaire and young Louis in 978-79 appeared threatening.76 As a consequence Lothaire had arranged for his son, Inuis, to be associated with himself on the throne. 'me boy was crowned at Compiegne on 8 June 979 by .the archbishop of Reims.77 A second problem confronting Lothaire was the growing mortance of his cousin, Hugh. Although at the time of young Louis' anointing, Hugh had loudly and repeatedly protested his loyalty, he was distrusted by Lothaire. At Oompidgne in June, 979, Hugh had gone so far as to suggest that now that there were two kings one kingdom was not enough. Another ought to be won.78 Perhaps Lothaire's suspicions now arose over the duke's very eagerness for the good fortune of the Carolingian family. Hugh had been a strong supporter of 7SSigebert, Chronographia, ed. Bethmann, in _LI_I_H, _s_s_, v1, 352: "Otto imperator et Lotharius rex convenientes, super Karum fluvium pacificantur, datis invicem sacramentis, et rex Lotharius Lotharingian abJurat. " The Hi___§- toria Francorum Senonensis, ed. Waits, in Km, 38, IX, 367, gives an altogether different interpretation to what happened, namely, that Lothaire gave Lorraine to Otto in benefice: "Dedit autem ELotarius rex Ottoni in beneficio Hlotarium regnum. . a . " 76See Lot, Le‘s Derniers Carolingians, p. 99, n. l. 77Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 91. Lot, Les Derniers Caro- listing: PD. 108-09- 73mchcr, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 91: "Id etiam aeditabatar, ut in diversis regnis positi, regiam dominationem exercerent, ne unius regni angastia, duorum regum misstati nimium derogaret. " 213 the plan to capture Otto at Aachen.” His zeal and well-wishing now may have seemed to Lothaire somewhat overplayed, as though he were pushing the king in- to the dangerous game of attacking the empire. In light of Otto‘s devastating retaliation, the Lotharingian policy had been anything but successful. After the coronation of young Louis, Lothaire went ahead with his negotiations to bring about peace with Otto. He secretly sent an embassy to the inerial court, since he wished to bind himself to Otto's friendship through a treaty of peace. 'l’ne agreement of Lhrgut, which followed these negotiations, in effect isolated the duke of the Franks . Hugh did not want Lothaire to nke peace with the emperor; most certainly not a separate peace. be relations between King Lothaire and Duke Hugh Capet were steadily worsening.8° Hugh was also offended by Lothaire's aéacrchc for another mason. hiring Otto's campaign in France in the autumn of 978, it was Hugh Oapet who had held the imperial army at Paris and blocked its passage of the Seine.81 791-‘(icher, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 69. Richer always portrays the duke of the Franks as preeminent among the nobility. One has the distinct inmression from this chronicle that nothing is supposed to happen without the knowledge, and apparently the approval also, of this powerful figure. 80Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 78. See, also, Historia Francorum Senonensis, edi—Waits, in E, SS, II, 367, which states that the peace of mrgut was arranged against the wishes of Duke Hugh, the latter's brother, Duke Henry of Burgundy, and even of the army. Moreover, Lothaire's surrender of Lorraine to Otto, "in benefice" or otherwise, was not pleasing to the duke of the Franks . It would seem that Lothaire's diplomatic moves toward peace with Otto II were a slap in the face to Hugh Capet. {the duke had openly and forcefully urged the kings at Compiégne to continue the war against Otto. It now appeared that Lothaire chose to ignore his advice, as much as to say that he could do without the (bike. Hugh Capet did not like this attitude: "In ipso anno pacificatus est Blotharius rex cm Ottone rege Remis civitate contra voluntatem Hugonis et Heinrici fratris sui contraque voluntatem exer- citus sui] . Dedit autem Hlotharius rex Ottoni re in beneficio motharim rem; quae cause magis contristavit cords principum Iranoorum. " 81Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 7h, 75, 76, and 77. 21h Why, then, should Lothaire exclude Hugh from the peace settlement! By what breach of feudal custom was a lord permitted to proceed in war and peace with- out calling upon the greatest of his vassals for advice? Hugh, after all, was the instrument of Lothaire's and of the French salvation. So runs the argument, at least, which Richer puts in the mouth of the duke.82 'me vassals of the duke, to whom these questions were put, were as aggrieved as their lord. 'mey replied by suggesting that Hugh Journey to Rome, where Otto was then staying, 83 Hugh needed little persuading: in lurch of 981 he arrived in Rome, and in an interview with Otto, secured the and seek to ally himself with the emperor. friendship and alliance of the emperor.& The result of the increasing rivalry between Hugh and Lothaire was that the combat between the Robertian and Care- lingian factions was reopened. Once again for a short duration the horrors of civil war were experienced in the Horth.85 There now appeared for Lothaire a brilliant opportunity: a chance to solve at one crack both of the problems confronting him. His son's position as well as his own might be greatly strengthened, thus thwarting any ambitions 82Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 82. 83llicher, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 83. 81'Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 84 and 85. 85Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 86, 87, 88, 89, and 90. These chapters detail the events between the departure of Hugh for Rome (larch, 981) and the marriage of Louis V to Adelaide (probably the spring, or later, of 982). hiring this period Lothaire and nuns tried to rally the support of King Conrad of Trans-Jurane Burgundy and the imperial court in Germany against Hugh Capet. Hugh, on his part, successfully evaded the snares which they had laid for him, and upon returning to his own regions broke out in open revolt against the Carolingian. After much damge had been done to the countryside and the land had again suffered the atrocities of feudal warfare, the hostili- ties were brought to an end and Hugh and Lothaire were reconciled. See Int, Les Derniers Carolingians, pp. 122-28. 215 which Charles of Lorraine was harboring. More important still, Lothaire was presently to be in a position not only to isolate Hugh Capet by diplomcy, but to surround him territorially. The situation presented itself when cer- tain ambitious individuals made their way to the royal court, seeking out Qieen h. They had come at the instigation of Geoffrey Greymntle, count of AnJou, who was looking to his own interests by inspiring this affair.86 'mese emissaries explained to Ema that tremendous advantages would accrue to the royal family, if Louis were to be married to Adelaide, the widow of Count Stephen of c-évenden. Stephen, recently dead, had been the richest lord in central Aquitaine.87 It was pointed out that Louis would be able to sub- mit all of Aquitaine and Gothia to his authority once he had acquired the strong places which Adelaide's dower would bring. Finally--and here we detect the self-interest of the count .of AnJou--by this match Lothaire and Louis would have surrounded the territory of the duke of France, as well as certain others of their enemies .88 Needless to say, Lothaire was delighted at the prospect; it must have seemed all too good to be true. 86Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 92 and 93. 9;. Lot, _L_e_s_ Derniers Carol ens, p. 126711. 3, who argues convincingly that Richer's 'fiozfredmn comitem is Geoffrey of AnJou, and not Guifred, duke of Roussillon. 87Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 92, says that Adelaide was the widow of Raymond, duke of the Goths . {this is a reference to Raymond I, count of Rouergue and duke of Gothia, who died in 961. 93'. Lot, Les Derniers W! PP- 127: n° 1) 367: and 368° 88Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 92: "Rnimvero possibile fieri, totem Aquitaniam simulque et Gothiam suo imperio asstringi posse, post- quan ex lure ductae uxoris eppida munitissima ad suum Jus retorqueret. mgnmn etiam quiddam in hac re, et utile comarari, si patre hinc posits, et illinc filio, dux ceterique hostes in medio conclusi, perpetuo urgeantur. " It should be noted that the power of the counts of AnJou increased in the tenth century in direct proportion to the restrictions placed upon the power of the dukes of co. 216 It was. The young Louis was about to exhibit the recklessness of youth. Lothaire arranged for the marriage without consulting Hugh Capet, who soon learned of it anyway. Nevertheless, Hugh did not attempt to oppose it.89 Amidst great preparations the royal family set out for Aquitaine early in 982. At a place called Vieux-Brioude in the Auvergne the groom met his bride for the first time. Neither party was smitten with the other. Louis was an ado- lescent; Adelaide was an old woman. So says Richer, who was not averse to exaggeration in order to make a story better. In either case, there was a considerable difference in their ages. the mrriage took place despite this incongruity, and Adelaide was crowned Queen of Aquitaine and associated with Louis on the throne of l."rance.9O 'me marriage was a hopeless mésalliance. Ihe newly-weds did not love each other. If their ages had not separated them, the runners to which each was accustomed would have. Adelaide was an Aquitanian; Louis, a Frank. they refused to sleep in the same bed, nor even under the same roof. When they had to converse with each other, they did so in the open air, and then they had little to say. After two years of this, the marriage disintegrated.9l Lothaire had no choice but to leave Louis on his own in Aquitaine. He could. scarcely have been expected to stay on himself, for matters were al- ways pressing in the North. Besides, the plan was to have the father and the son situated on opposite sides of the Robertian lands. It would have been far better had Lothaire provided his son with an older, wiser member of the royal __— 89liicher, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 93- 9°Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III,9 93 and 94 Aquitaine was still regarded as a kingdom at this time. See Lot, Les Derniers CarolggLens, Pp. 127 and 128, n 1 91mm”, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 91+. 217 court, but he did not. Louis was thus left without the benefit of a respon- sible adult to guide him. Now all the skitterishness of a green adolescent began to show up in his behavior. Louis had come into Aquitaine, Richer tells us, with a splendid reputation as a great and powerful king. In his father's entourage he was one thing, but left to his own devices, the boy was soon dis- covered to be something quite different. He frittered away his time by aping the mnners of the Aquitanians, and soon revealed himself too young, inexperi- enced, and lacking in constancy to rule effectively. He was incompetent. He squandered his resources to the point that he reduced his own establishment to penury, and could no longer afford to pay his soldiers.92 fie situation was so bad that within two years Lothaire had to go down and hail Louis out . Setting out , the king arrived at Vim-Brioude, where he found his prodigal son. It is not difficult to imagine a great scene between father and son, with Louis blaming everything on his marriage to Adelaide. Nor was this far from the truth. In sum, Lothaire had sent a boy to do a man's Job. fie boy failed, and together father and son sadly took the long road back to Laon--without Adelaide. It must have been a most un- happy time for the Carolingian family. fie deserted queen was given short shrift. Still smarting from the treatment that she had received, she set out to get herself a new husband in the person of Count William I of Arles . Richer moralizes that the divorce now became a public adultery.93 fie whole affair, in fact, had become a fiasco. It had gone from bad to worse, until finally an inmossible situation had been 92Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 95 . 93Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 95: "fit sic ex divortio, adulterium publicum operatum est .‘r 218 created. fie Carolingians began their adventure in Aquitaine with high en- thusiasm, with the expectation that they were at last about to put a term to Robertian ambitions. fiey had found a counter-poise to Hugh's alliance with the meror. fie marriage to Adelaide was to have been a diplomatic manhuvre brilliant in conception, unparalleled for its finesse. It turned out to be a ridiculous blunder which badly discredited the Carolingian house. While the nrriage farce in the Midi was going into its final act, in Italy the Emperor Otto II was about to pass from the stage. His death on 7 December, 983, ended the alliance with Hugh Capet, Just as the Carolingian- Aquitanian union reached its tragi-comic finale. fie Robertian and the Caro- lingian once again faced each other without a strong advantage in prospect for either.9h Now conditions in Gemany were about to create a situation that would bring to a climax the power struggle in France. fie successor to Otto II was Otto III, aged three years.95 He had been crowned on Christmas my, 983, at Aachen. fie ceremony had actually taken place after his father's death, but before the news of the emperor had reached Germany. Before Otto had departed for Italy he had arranged for Just such a contingency.96 When 91*Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 96, provides us with a clini- cal report of Otto's fatal sickness. It is habitual with Richer to do so when he describes the death of an important person. Richer had read the Aphorisms of Hippocrates and the work entitled On the Agreement of Hippocrates, Galen, and Sammie—(Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, IV, 50). One must assume that Richer is reporting, not as an eye-witness, but as one who heard second or third-hand, or even further removed, of the death-bed scenes he describes. His enthusiasm for the science of medicine renders his testimony Just a little sus- Pect. He seems anxious to display his skill at diagnosing illnesses. 0n the other hand, it is equally foolish to label him an outridzt liar and falsifier. See Bot, has Derniers Carolingiens, p. 130. 95kt, Les Derniers Carolingians, p 130. cf. Richer, Historiarum Libri @tuor, III, 97, who gives the age of Otto III as five years. fienew emperor was born in 980, and was thus three years old when his father died. 96kt, Les Derniers Carolingians, p. 130. 219 the German barons learned of the emperor‘s death, some came out openly against the child's succession, while others were reluctant to have the boy's mother, mress fieophanu, as a regent. She was a Greek princess with little synathy for Gemny.97 fie ring-leader of the baronial opposition to young Otto III was the duke of Bavaria, Henry or Hezilo. Duke Hezilo was a resourceful man, who knew how to rally powerful support to his cause.98 fiose who opposed him were also men to be reckoned with. I1‘wo of the latter were Adalbero of Reims and his secretary, the famous scholar, Gerbert. Adalbero was able to convince Lothaire of Hezilo's designs on Lorraine. This was sufficient to cause Loth- aire to accept the guardianship of Otto 111.99 fiis policy worked temporarily, but the submission of Hezilo at the Peace of Worms (October, 981;), left both the Bavarian duke and Lothaire dissatisfied with the gains of the imperial partyloo By the end of 98k Lothaire had concluded a new alliance with Hezilo, and was ready to resume his old Lotharingian policy. According to their agreemnt Lothaire would support Hezilo’s claims to the inperial throne, and would receive- Lorraine in return. At the beginning of February, 985, Loth- aire invaded Alsace where he was to be met by the duke of Bavaria.101 When 97kt, Les Derniers Carolingigns, pp. 130-31. 98Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 97. Lot, Les Derniers Caro- li_ngiens, pp. 131, nn. 1Tana 5, and 132. Hezilo was the diminutive form for Henry. fie Hezilo mentioned here was the son of Me Henry the Quarrelsome of Bavaria, the brother of Otto I. Hezilo was born in 955 and died in 995. 99Lot, Les Derniers Carolingians, pp. l32-3h. lo"Lot, Les Derniers camlingiens, pp. lhO-ha. 1°1Richer, Historiarum Libri matuor. III. 97 and 98. Gesta episco- Erum Cameracensium, ed. Bethmnn, in gig, _S_S, VII, Milt—1&5. Lot, Les Derniers Carolingians, pp. 1&2 and lit-h. 220 Hezilo failed to appear, Lothaire had to lead his own army back across the Vosges mountains in the dead of winter. Along the way his column was ha- rassed by the native montagnards. fiat the French am was able to extricate itself from a very difficult position was due to the toughness of its troops and to Lothaire's ability as a tacticiamloe His success, in spite of Hezi- lo's treachery and the bitter Vosges campaign, encouraged Lothaire to pro- ceed with his assault on Lorraine.l03 He decided to move against Verdun because of that town's strategic importance.loa In a series of see-saw ac- tions the French besieged the city, captured it, were driven out, and then recaptured it again (March, 985).“)5 ‘ fie second siege of Verdun seemed to Justify Lothaire's efforts. It appeared that the aggressive Lotharingian policy of the Carolingians night, after all, prove rewarding. Such was not the case. From this point on the reform clergy, centering about Adalbero and Gerbert at Reims, and their friends in Lorraine, would conspire against the Carolingian house and eventu- ally encomass its fall in the Revolution of 987. fie brief lapse of time between Lothaire ' s recapture of Verdun in 985 and the election of Hugh Capet in 987 saw events move forward at an alarming pace. fie last year of Loth- aire's reign and the single year of Louis V's belong to that momentous period. —-— 102Mcher, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 98. 1°3Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 99. Jfll'Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 100. Lothaire was able to secure the powerful support of his vassals, Eudes I, count of Chartres, and Herbert III the Young, count of Troyes. On these two warriors, see Lot, _Ifig Derniers Oarolingiins, p1» 370-77. l‘l’sRicher, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 101-08, devotes several chapters to the struggle for Verdun. Gesta episcoporum Oameracensium, ed. Bethnnn, in 5g, 38, VII, “#5. Gesta episcoporum Virdunensium, ed. Waits, in 33, 38;, IV, #61— Lot, Les Derniers Caroliggiens, pp. 135-1358. 221 One sees in this period the last desperate struggles of the Carolingians as they continue their wild gamble for the control of Lorraine. One watches with apprehension the rising prestige of the duke of the Franks. Finally, the Carolingian princes attempt to crush the conspiracy within the Church, which is betraying them to the empire. fiese dramatic developments need only an accident to link them together to form the Revolution of 987. One can scarcely fail to conclude that the Carolingian dynasty in France retained great vitality during the last century of its power. None of those debilitating habits that sapped the strength of their lerovingian prede- cessors were present among these men. fie last Carolingians were fighters. Charles the Simple, Louis d'Outre-Mer, and Lothaire spent the greater parts of their reigns struggling to maintain themselves. Louis V was little more than a stripling when he died at the age of twenty. His accidental death, cutting him off after only a single year of rule, did not permit him full development of his powers as a nzan.106 Unlike the later Merovingians, who destroyed themselves in family quarrels, while the mayors subverted their power, the Garolingians were able to fight openly against their greatest rivals. fie climax to this struggle was reached when Louis 1V survived the last attempts of Hugh the Great to de- stroy him. fiis gave the Carolingians the victory against the ambitious schemes of the Robertians. If the descendants of Robert the Strong had been anxious to seize the crown, and did in fact do so during the early years of 106For an assessment of Louis V's character and achievements during his brief time as king, see Marius Sepet, "Gerbert et le changement de dynastic", Revue des questions historigues, VII (1869), 519, n. 1. ll. Sepet believes that this king ought to be called Louis 1e Turbulen ", not "Inuis 1e hin‘ant". See, also, Lattin, Letters of Gerbert, pp. 136-39, nos. 102 and 103. the century, later on they had to recognize the principle of legitimcy. The later Carolingians were no mere puppets who could be Jumped this way and that simly by pulling strings. fieir power was generally greater than has some- times been admitted. For the last fifty years of the struggle, that is to say, between 936 and 986, none but a Carolingian wore the crown and held the royal sceptre. For the thirty years after the death of Hugh the Great there was little chance that the descendants of Charlemagne could be forcibly over- thrown while living. Lothaire's power was not inconsiderable: he could number among his loyal vassals the counts of Vermandois, Roucy, Blois, and Chartres .107 A fact frequently overlooked by historians is that the Rober- tians, while easily the most powerful lords in France during the tenth cen- tury, were more and more beset by separatist tendencies among their own vassals. We catch a hint of this in 982 when Geoffrey Greymantle plotted with the Caro- lingians against Hugh Capet by suggesting the marriage of Adelaide and Louis. fie point is that the Carolingians were strong enough to win the struggle against the Robertians. Paradoxically, they were succeeded by the Robertian family. How did this happen? It is the subject of what follows. The Carolingian family broke itself against the alliance between the Church and the empire, not against the Robertians, whom they had always managed to stave off. Although Hugh Capet was a constant threat to Lothaire, it was the latter's adherence to the old Lotharingian policy which proved fatal for his line. All of the later Carolingians were hypnotized by the spell of Lorraine. To possess this region became for them a dream, a kind of psycho- 10gical fixation which they were unable to escape. m this single policy their thinking became rigid, obstinate, adamnt in its refusal to accept the in- 107Lot , Les Derniers Carolingians , p . 185 . 223 possible reality that Lorraine had become a fief of the empire. fie failure to admit this fact destroyed them by bringing on the Revolution of 987. he men who carried through the Revolution of 987 were religious re- formers, and the center of their activity was Reims . Chief among the reform clern at Reims were Adalbero the archbishop, and Gerbert the scholar and ideologist . Both were imbued with the new religious spirit emanating from the centers of monastic reform. At bottom their policy rested upon the assumption that the solution to the political chaos of feudal society could be found only through the support and direction which the march, inspired by reform could give to the empire and the subordinate kingdoms in the Nest. fie empire of the West, now restored by the Ottos since 962, was the sovereign political authority in Iatin Christendom. 'ro attack the empire, they reasoned, was to attack the Church-"the heart, the mind, and the soul of the Christian body-politic. brewer, it followed that to make war on the Church was to break the peace of Christ, destroy the agent of civilization, and endanger the salvation of firistian souls. fie greatest molder and practitioner of this political theory had been Charlemagne. His descendants now no longer acted in accordance with it. Indeed, the later carolingians gave every evi- dence of wishing to destroy the new order through their policy of aggression against the wire. In effect, the theory remined the same, but the facts of political life had changed. Lothaire and Louis V were becoming the enemies of the Church. For Gerbert, the theorist of the revolution, Otto III was "Caesar", the new Charlenne .108 mama line of reasoning is implicit in and rm through almost all. 0f Gerbert 's letters which date from the 980's. See lattin, Letters of der- bert, pp. 354%, nos. 1-109, Essim. fiese letters deal with all of those events in the period through the coronation of Hugh Capet (3 July, 987). 221+ he supporters of this theory were reformers, intellectual men who had yet not neglected the practical application of their ideals. Adalbero was the son of a Lotharingian nobleman. He was connected by ties of blood and kinship to some of the best known reformers among the clergy in Lorraine. His friends were the friends of the emperor; he was devoted to the imperial cause.1°9 Raised at the monastery of Gorze, he was serving as a canon in the cathedral chapter at Hetz when he was chosen as archbishop of Reins in 969.110 In contrast to the brilliant Gerbert, Adalbero was a mn of action. As soon as he was consecrated he began his constructive work, repairing the Church mterially and spiritually. At Reims he built a cloister for his canons and nde then submit to a rule.m He defended the church of Reins against a cer- tain count macs, who threatened war against its possessionmm He reformd the little house of min-le-Moutier, a place repeatedly exposed in the past to the assaults of a local warrior. 'me inmates were moved to mason, and installed at the abbey there .113 At Mouzon the canons were rude to reform or get out . They had ruined the abbey and it was necessary to rebuilt it in order to make it habitable for the monks from 111111.111} In 971 he Journeyed 109m, Les Derniers Carolingiens, pp. 63-61+. uoRicher, gatoriarum Libri Quatuor, III, 22. Gesta episcoporum Cameracensitm, ed. Bethmann, in fig, _$_§, VII, #43. m Libro )8. Miraculorum Se Mficj- Abba-tie, in E, n) 129’ J'llRicher, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, at and 25, gives some inter- esting details on the reform of the cathedral chapter . masteria mnasterii Nosomensis, ed. Vattenbach, in 52g, §_§, 11v, 612. usAnnales Hosagggnses, ed. Parts, in fig, 55, III, 160. Historia gonasterii lbsomensis, ed. Wattenbach, in Q, as, XIV, 6094.3. uhgiitoria nonasterii Insomnia, ed. Wattenbach, in 19;, _§_S, XIV, 610. Annalee Masons enses, ed. Pertz, in __mg, gs, III, 161, gives the names of pro- Perties with which Adalbero endowed the abbey of lbuson. he text of Adalbero‘ s decree for the reform of Ibuzon is in lanai, III, 33-3h. 225 to Rome to discuss his reforming activities with Pope John HII. The pope was delighted with his projects. John gave his approval for the plans at Mon, and confirmed certain privileges which Adalbero had hoped to secure 115 for the monks of Saint-Read at Reims. Upon his return to France in 972, the archbishOp convoked a provincial synod at Mont-Notre-Dane. here he addressed the bishops on the need for reforming the Benedictine lifefiu'6 Somewhat later Adalbero saw to the reform of the abbey of flint-Mam, lo- cated in Reims.ll7 Three years later, in 975; Adalbero and the papal legate, Stephen, sent a letter to Bishop 'iheobald of Anions. In this letter the two reformers raked {meobald over the coals for his various crimes against the mus-dull8 Finally, we find this indefatigable shepherd causing improvements of an artistic and structural nature to be undertaken on his cathedral church, as well as ordering the construction of the church of Saint-Denis adjacent to his own cathedral.ll9 Adalbero of Reims was clearly a zealous reformer. Always at the archbishop's right hand moved the figure of Gerbert, his brilliant scholar—secretary. Gerbert was Adalbero's alter ego: both men thought along similar lines, always with the same end in mind. Adalbero's llsRicher, Historiarum Libri Qustuor, III, 25-29. lanai, mm, 1‘85- 86; m, 31-32. 116Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 3042, devotes a consider- able anount of space to the subject of monastic reform as it was dealt with in this one synod. 117D: Libro MS. Miraculorum S. meoderici Abbatis, in E, II, 129. Historic. monasterii lbsonensis, ed. wattenbach, in _ng, gs, XIV, 616. ushnsi, m, 59-62. The letter has been translated by Lattin, 1.33- ters of Gerbert, pp. 35-36, no. 1: "0 Thibaud, aged in days and in evil do- ing . . . you despiser of divine and human laws . . . .", et cetera, et cetera. l'19Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 22 and 23. Historic monas- terii msmis, ed. Wattenbach, in Ell, _§_8, XIV, 616. 226 trust in Gerbert was well-placed. lhe archbishop sought the scholar's advice as one seeks answers from a book, and Gerbert, for his part, was devoted to Adalbero. Together, with infinite finesse, they achieved in fact the main goals of their political theory. Gerbert was born about 9&0, probably of a poor and humble family in the Auvergne. He studied first at the abbey of Saint-Gerald at Aurillac, and later in catalonia, where he acquired an extensive knowledge of nathemtics. From there he Journeyed to Rome, where he was introduced to the pope and to Otto the Great. He then proceeded to Reins in 973 and shortly became raster of the episcopal school. Adalbero had already been consecrated when Gerbert arrived, and it was not long before the scholar became the archbishop's secre- tary. for a brief time between 980 and 983 Gerbert was closely associated with Otto II, and served as the abbot of Saint Colunban of Bobbie. Upon the emperor's death (983) Gerbert was forced to flee first to Pavia, thence to Reins, where he became Adalbero's genius in shaping the great political affairs over the next six years. After Adalbero's death in 989 Gerbert con- tinued his own drantic career, climing it as Pope Sylvester II (999- 1003).12° Gerbert was no doubt one of the most brilliant men of the entire early Middle Ages. He was secretary to the most powerful prelate in the western Church at the end of the tenth century, save only the bishop of Rome. One Home“ details of Gerbert's career can be found in a number of works . See, for crawls, Cambridgguedieval History, III, 535-36. A. Iagarde, he Iatin Church in the Middle e , translated by Archibald Alexander, pp. 5 7-68. See, a 0, Ann and Dumas, 13' se (888-1057), pp. 68-69; 526-27. 0. achn'fir- er, L' se et la Civilisation au “oxen Age, Traduction Francaise de 0. Gas- telle, II, 237. Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, h3—65, devotes a large section to the man under whom he studied at Re . fie best biggraphy of Ger- bert is Jean Ieflon's, Gerbert, Humanism et Chr tient an X9 siecle, of which pp. 1-203, Basin, haveTeen utilized as background reading for this disserta- tion. Hereafter this work will be cited as Leflon, Gerbert. 227 ought to reflect for a moment on the significance of this combination: it was to have a profound effect upon the good fortune of Hugh Capet, to whom both of these reformers increasingly looked as the answer to the vexing problems of march and State. ‘lhe second siege of Verdun was the point of no return for Adalbero. when Lothaire took the city, he captured several of Adalbero's own family.121 the bonds of blood and kinship were stronger in this case than that which bound the vessel archbishop to the lord king. Adalbero now, more than ever, viewed Lothaire as a tyrant. His opposition to the king had begun much earlier over the question of policy; but now he had become personally involved because of the danger threatening his family from Lothaire‘s ambitious schema.122 The faithful Gerbert at once set out to obtain an interview with the prisoners. Eudes of Chartres and Herbert of Troyes, whom Lothaire had assigned to guard Adalbero's kinsmen, made the incredible mistake of consenting to Gerbert's request to see them.”3 Consequently he was able to pass on the 121Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 104-08. The names of the principal Lotharingian nobles, some of whom were captured by Lothaire are given in an earlier chapter (III, 103). _C_f. Lot, Les Derniers Carolingiens, pp. 1118- 52- . 122Adalbero had taken the imperial side at least as early as 978, when Otto II invaded France. It was partly due to Adalbero's help that the damn any was able to withdraw as easily as it did. The archbishop furnished the enmeror with some spies, who acted as guides for the army. See Richer, gig- toriarum Libri Quatuor, IV, 2. J-23Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 108. Lattin, letters of Gerbert, pp. 97-98, no. 53. The decision to allow Gerbert to visit the Iothar- ingian prisoners may have hurt Lothaire, but it probably benefited Eudes and Herbert. Lot, Les Derniers Carolingigns, p. 160, thinks that Gerbert probably bribed his way into the prison-castle. Canon Leflon, Gerbert, pp. 152-53, sug- gests that the slippery Gerbert had no trouble pulling the wool over the eyes of a couple of heavies like nudes and Herbert. In his opinion, which is at least plausible, Eudes and Herbert were probably much better at physical things, such as storming castles, than they were up to the mental task of matching wits With the scholar of Reims. Even so, one must remember that if the feudal war- riors were not drawing-room diplomats, neither were they fools . One discovers, moreover, that Herbert of myes had in fact a certain skill and understanding 228 messages that the prisoners had for their friends who remined in liberty. the imperial party in Lorraine, disadvantaged by the loss of Verdun and the capture of some of its own leaders, was nevertheless able to close its ranks against the king of the French. To the sons of the imprisoned Count Godfrey, Adalbero's brother, Gerbert wrote advising them of conditions in France: We are completing this secret and anonymous letter in a few words: Lothaire is king of France in name only; Hugh not in name, it is true, but in deed and fact. If with us on had sought his friendship, and had allied his son Robert] with the son [Otto III] of Caesar, you would not ust now feel the kings of the French to be enemies.12 In a flurry of anxious activity which covered three days--5, 6, and 7 April, 985--Gerbert dashed off seven letters urging the friends of the imperial cause to hold fast in their opposition to Lothaire}25 Lothaire had probably suspected Adalbero's friendship for some time, but after Gerbert's trip it was no longer a question in his mind. From the king's point of view Adalbem and Gerbert were up to their necks in treason. Indeed, there was reason to believe that their very lives were in danger, according to Gerbert.126 m king summoned the archbishop to appear at an assembly to be held on 11 by, of tenth-century diplomacy, that is to say, that we find him in 990 bribing Pope John XV with the gift of a beautiful white horse. See Lot, Les Derniers Carolgiens, pp. 263, n. 2, and 26h. Bhutan, Letters of Gerbert, pp. 95-96, no. 55. mslattin, letters of Gerbert, pp. 9h-lOl, nos. Sit-60, passim. 126Imttin, letters of Gerbert, pp. 98-99, no. 59. his letter is dated 6 April, 985, at Reims, from Gerbert to the lepress Lady ‘lheophanu: "utters have reached this point, that it is no longer a question of his [Adalbero's] expulsion, which would be an endurable evil, but they are contending about his life and blood. The same is true of myself, as if I were arousing him against the policies of the kings." 229 985, at the royal villa at Compiégne.l27 This meeting was broken up when it was learned that Hugh Capet had gathered six hundred knights.l28 For the time being the charges against Adalbero were dropped.129 The archbishop of Reims owed his office, perhaps his life, to the timely intervention of the duke of France. Clearly an understanding had already been reached between these two men. On 18 June a reconciliation took place between Hugh and Lothaire. Ten days later Gerbert wrote to Beatrice of Lorraine: I am not unmindful of those persons faithful to Caesar. A plot either has been formed or is being formed against the son of Caesar and against you not only by the princes, among whom Duke Charles now openly appears, but also by such knights as it is possible to entice by hope or fear. Through the adroitness of certain persons Duke Hugh was finally reconciled with the king and queen on June 18th in order to create the impression that such a great mn's name is promoting the plot-~a very unlikely thing, and at this time we think he will not do 30.130 127Lattin, Letters of Gerbert, pp. 108-07, nos. 61$ and 65. Letter no. 61+ is actually not a letter, but a statement of charges brought against Adal- bero by King Lothaire, and the archbishop's defense. The document is dated 8 May 985, at Reims. It is followed by Letter no. 65, dated 17 May, 985, at Reims, and addressed to the bishop of Metz, Adalbero II, a cousin of Adalbero of Reims, from Gerbert (see Genealogical Table, Lot, Les Derniers Carolingians, pp. #82-83). In this letter the meeting of ll May at Compfigne is mentioned. One assumes, therefore, that it was at this meeting that Adalbero of Reims was to have been tried. 1281attin, Letters of Gerbert, pp. 106-07, no. 65. 129L0t, Les Derniers Carolingiens, p. 158. 13°Iattin, Letters of Gerbert, pp. 108-09, no. 67. Beatrice, widow of Frederick, duke of Lorraine (933. 17 June, 983), was Adalbero's aunt by marriage. Frederick was the brother of Adalbero's father. Beatrice was also the sister of Hugh Capet (Flodoard, Annales, a. 951 and 951+). See the geneaIOgical chart on PD- k82-83 of Lot, Les Derniers Carolingians., Frederick, like so mny members of this family, was greatly interested in monastic reform (Parisot, Lorraine, pp. 28L85). Hugh Capet was united to the imperial cause through the influence of his sister, Beatrice, as well as by his growing attachment to the Church- State political theories of the Lotharingian reform clerg. For the role of Beatrice in a projected conference of noblewoman for the purpose of bringing about peace between the French kingdom and the empire, see Lattin, Letters of Gerbert, pp. 110-11, nos. 69 and 7c. 230 This meant that Lothaire was about to resume his aggression against Lorraine. He my have thought that he had the support of Hugh Capet, but this aid did not nterialize.l3l Gerbert had been correct in his estimate of the situation. During the fall and winter of 985 and 986 Lothaire went ahead with his prepa- rations to besiege Liege and Cambrai, the two most important towns in Imer Lorraine.le Toward the end of February he contracted an illness, which be- coming extremely severe, settled in his intestines. He died on 2 Lurch, 986, after much horrible suffering.l33 The reign of Lothaire's son and successor, Louis V, lasted only a little over one year (2 Larch 986 to 21 or 22 my 987). It was filled with intrigue, hatred, and violence. The new king was nineteen at the time of his father' s death.l3”' We recall that only a few years before, from 982 to 981+, his first assignment as his father's associate had ended in failure.”5 53118 is not to say that he was a weaning or do-nothing after his father's death. No doubt Louis was young and inexperienced: he seems to have possessed the 131101;, Les Derniers Carolingians, p. 162. 132Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 108, alludes to Lothaire's new preparations Just before the king's death. He gives no details. Gesta Episcoporum Cameracensium, ed. Bethmann, in _LQH, _s_s_, VII, #145. Lot, Leg Derniers Carolingiens, pp. 162.—63. 133Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 109, supplies the usual de- tails of the final illness. Lot, Les Derniers Carolingians, p. 164, n. 1. 13“Lot, Les Derniers Carolingiens, p. 108, n. 2. 135Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, III, 92-95. This was the affair of Louis' marriage to Adelaide of Aquitaine. 231 tendency of youth to act rashly from a feeling of frustration.l36 Upon his succession he was immediately besieged by advisers.137 But it was his own violent hatred of Adalbero of Reims that came to determine his policy. One suspects that this boy had been able to observe how his father had been plagued by the endless intrigues that came out of Reims. His own mother, Queen Em, had been corrupted, openly favoring a rapprochement with the empire.138 In his own mind it must have seemed to him that he was sur- rounded by traitors . The attitude of the queen and the sinister influence of the archbishop combined against him, seeking to persuade him to follow a policy both treacherous and dishonorable to the memory of his father and his father's me. His uncle, Charles of Lorraine, probably played upon these fears, feed- ing the impressionable Louis with the old rumors of Emma's infidelity with the bishop of Iaon.l39 1'361'..attin, Letters of Gerbert, . 138- 9, no. 103: "In what full measure the wrath and fury of the king Louis V have burst forth against us is evidenced by his sudden and unexpected attack. . . ." These were the words which Gerbert wrote in the name of Adalbero to the Empress Theophanu and her son, Otto III. The date of the letter is 15 February, 987, and was written at Reims. 137Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, IV: 1° l381attin, Letters of Gerbert, pp. 118-19, no. 80; 119-20, no. 81; and 135, no. 100. 139]:-attin, Letters of Gerbert, pp. 135, no. 100. This letter was writ- ten by Gerbert for Queeffima, and was sent to W's mother, the nnpress Ade- laide. It is dated 2 January, 987, at Reims. Portions of it read as follows: "Mien I lost my husband there was hope for me in my son. He has become nw anew. . . . They have fabricated the wickedest things against the bishop of Leon, to my disgrace and that of my whole family. . . . Would that I miglt be permitted to love her son [Otto III since I look upon mine as an enelw. Join the princes of yourkingdom to me; my alliance will profit them. . . . prepare - attacks aninst the French from an unexpected direction in order to blunt their menacing attack against us . Meanwhile, indicate either by letter or by a very trustworthy messenger what we should do." has, quite obviously from this letter, was deeply involved in betraying her own son to the imperial court. 232 In this atmosphere of suspicion, anxiety, and frustration Louis V reacted rashly. He turned suddenly upon Adalbero and led the royal army be- fore Heims, investing the city by siege. Hugh Capet, whom the king had hoped would come forward to his aid, now openly appeared in the royal camp. What followed, however, demonstrated that Hugh had no intention of abandoning Adalbero to the king.ll+o The specific charge which Louis brought against Adalbero was treason. Scarcely had the siege begun when Adalbero offered to appear in his own defense. Louis then raised the siege of the city on the advice of his vassals, chief among them, Hugh Capet.lhl Ihe date of Adalbero's trial was set for 27 mrch, 987, and the place was the royal villa of Compiégne. But negotiations for peace between Louis and the imperial court brought a postponement of the meeting until 18 lupus! The assembly was convened at the rescheduled time, but during the first days of the proceedings Louis' accidental death completely overturned the course 1143 of events. His death saved the archbishOp. Twice Adalbero of Reins had escaped charges of treason: first in May of 985, when Lothaire had summoned him to answer for treachery, and again under Louis V, two years later, for the identical crime. After the king had been laid to rest, Hugh Capet assumed the leadership lhoRicher, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, Iv, 3. Lattin, Letters of oer- bert, pp. 138-39, no. 103. Lot, Les Derniers Carolingians, p. 192. I‘m-Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, IV, 3, 4, and 5. Lattin, Letters 9!; Gerbert, pp. 138-39, no. 103. Proof of Hugh's presence in the king's any, and of his advice to Louis, is seen in the fact that after the latter raised the siege of Reims, he retired to Senlis, a town within the territory of the duke of France. See Lot, Les Derniers Carolingians, p. 192, n. 2. lhzhttin, Letters of Gerbert, pp. 138-39: no. 1033 11‘1“”, no. 107‘ “331.21”, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, IV: 5° 233 along the great men in the assembly at Compiegne, and invited any accusers to come forward who wished to proceed against Adalbero on the charge of treason. But he warned them at the same time of the dangers of perjury. naturally none cane forward, and the case was dismissed. Hugh then spoke in favor of the archbishop, countering, as it were, any detracting effects which the trial might have had upon the character of Adalbero. Finally, Hugh urged the assen- bly to accept Adalbero as the presiding officer for the reminder of the meet- ing. After this suggestion had been agreed to, there rennined the single question which was on everyone's mind. Who would be selected as king to sue-- ceed the dead Carolingianflm‘ The man upon whom all eyes now fell was Hugh Capet. As Gerbert had observed a few years before, Hugh was king of France in fact, if not in name. And yet, paradoxically it would seem, for all of Hugh's power he appears to us as one of the most shadowy figures in a century filled with faceless men. Phantonlike the duke of the Franks glides across the stage of late tenth- century France. He takes his part in the great events of his time, but seldom emerges from the dim past long enough to allow us a clear view of him as a nun. His personality and character are hazy: he is an enigmafl‘l‘5 lm’Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, IV, 6o8. 1351.012, gtuges sur le R‘egne de Hugues Capet et la Fin du Xe Sidele (Bibliotheque de l'foole des Hautes Etudes, fasc. 117) (Eris: 1903), p. 185. Hereafter this work will be cited as Lot, Hugues Capet. According to Professor Lot, who is the great authority on Hugh Capet, there is very little that can be said with assurance about the personality of this powerful figure. Robert Pawtier, The Capetian x1355: of trance, Monarchy and Nation (987-1328 ), trans- lated into English by Lionel Butler and a. J. Adam TLondon and 1m York: 1960), PP- 13-15, follows Lot 's Opinion. his work will be cited hereafter as rattler, Cagtian Eggs. Hugh's charters do not reveal mach either. There were only 2313:» authentic acts for the ten years of his rein (Lot, Mes Capet, p. 5. . 23h Only one side of Hugh can be seen with anything approaching clarity. He was a run much concerned with the welfare of the Cihurch.l)"’6 Whether he was sincerely more religious or more pious than others among his contemporaries is difficult to say. Richer tells us that after the duke's coronation, Hugh consciously affected a cloak of piety because he recognized that his election had been due to the friendship of the church of Reimmlh? Other evidence, how— ever, suggests that Hugh had already shown himself nmch earlier to have been a good and reliable friend of the Church. In either case the duke does not seen to have been ignorant of the importance of staying on good terms with the Church, and particularly, the reform clergy.“8 If Hugh Capet did not deli- 1h6This opinion has been held by a number of historians, not Just as it concerns Hugh Capet but of the entire Capetian line of direct descent. _(_:_f_. raw-tier, Capetian Kings, p. 67: "line Capetians were favorites of the Church, more especially of the church in France. In ecclesiastical eyes the kings of France, if not quite tonsured clerics, had something closely approaching a sacerdotal character." 1h7Richer, Historiarum Libri Quatuor, IV, 12: ". . . felici successu omnia ordinans atque distribuens; et ut beatitudini suae responderet, multo successu rerum secundarum levatus, ad multam pietatem intendit." Richer's words do not seem to indicate that Hugh's piety was a fraud put on with a cynical intent. ll’BSee Lattin, Letters of Gerbert, p. 107, no. 66. The letter was written by Gerbert to Adalbero of Reims, urging the latter to cultivate Hugh's friendship. It was written at Reims, and is dated 28 my, 985. Hugh, for his part, was also trying to establish some kind of understanding with Adalbero and Gerbert. Only a few days before (11 thy) Hugh had interfered directly with Lothaire's plans to try Adalbero for treason. He had gathered some six hundred knights and this threat had been sufficient to scatter the French nobles who had been brought together for the assembly at Compihgne. Gerbert informed Adal- bero, also, that Hugh was now seeking Ayrard, abbot of flint-hierry near Reims to come with others to Paris. This was undoubtedly requested with the inten- tion that Abbot Ayrard and several of his monks would reform the monetary of saint-aernninedes-Prbs. Hugh could scarcely have failed to realize that such an undertaking would be most pleasing to the reformer-archbishop of Reims! had already, in 979, given up his title as lay abbot to Saint-Germin-des- Pr 3. At that time he had put a certain mislo over the house as abbot. How finale and the bishop of Paris, Rlisiardus, had fallen into disagreement, and Hugh, "finding an opportunity", to quote Gerbert, proceeded with a reform that was probably long overdue. m 111an and Gulls, see Gallia Christiana, VII, ill-1&2 and 1:32-33, respectively. 235 berately wrap himself in a cloak of piety, there is, nevertheless, an aura of religious ustique about this man whom the reformers now put forward to solve the political chaos--chaos which for a century had threatened to destroy the Church. Hugh's concern for the Church put him in almost the same category as the reformers, save only that he was not a member of the clergy. nevertheless, his numerous benefactions and pious acts reveal a layman dedicated to the Church , and thoroughly caught up in the religious fervor stealing from the re- fona mat. We have already noted an early example of Hugh's loyalty to the Church. In 959 while campaigning in Aquitaine, he assumed the protection of the abbey of Saint-Genou d'Estre’es, after his own troops had pillaged cer- tain of its properties and maltreated some peasants.lh9 Some years later, from the 970's on, Hugh became active as a donor to and a reformer of the march . In 975 he returned the abbey of Saint-Jean to the church of Orleans . The house had previously been granted in fief to one of the duke's vassals, a man also named Hugh.l5° Four years later he caused the abbey of saint-legioire at Paris to be reformed. At the same time he made several generous donations to this abbey.lsl The same year, 979, Hugh had the monastery of Saint-semin- 152 des-Prhs reformed. In 980 Saint-Valery-sur—Sonnne and Saint-Riquier both 11‘9Miracula s. Genulphi, in AAS___S_, Januarii, II, 168-69. c__i:. Lot, _193 Derniers Carolingiens, p. 32, no. 1, who believes the date 959 is— correct.— 1500mm Higgus Ducis Francorun, in _H_l_', II, 733. Michel Beziers, MEmoires pour servir a thtat historiciue at ‘ Migue dn diocise de Bayeux—(Société de l'histoire de Homndief, , 50-51. l520allia Christiana, VII, #33. See footnote no. “8, supra. 236 were reformed. At Saint-Valery the canons were replaced by monks, and the ‘abbey was endowed with rich gifts by the duke of the mnks.153 As the zeal for reform grew with theadvancing years of the century, Hugh Capet became increasingly interested in the great work of the Cluniacs. Both he and his son, Robert the Pious, were devoted to the great Burgundian abbey. In 988 we again find Hugh seeking to restore religious life, this time in the abbey of Saint-Denis at Paris. The abbot of the monastery, a certain Robert, had allowed the rule to slip, and it became necessary to reform the monks. his was accomplished thanks to Hugh's intervention by Saints mien]. and 06.110, abbots of Cluny.15h Odilo, who was the biographer of Saint bieul, describes the deferential treatment which the capetian accorded Odilo's prede- cessor at Cluny: "Hugh, king of the Franks, as often as he saw him [hieul], received him with humble devotion, and treated him with great honor.“]'55 Hugh's religious fervor mnifested itself in other ways. In 981 he took advantage of his sojourn in Rome to have an interview with Pope Benedict VII (97h-83). The pope confirmed Hugh's monastic refoms by issuing a papal 153E: Chronico Centulensi sive s. Richarii, in 51;, VIII, 27h-75. Ingelran, Ix Historia relationis S. Richarii abbatis ex Sithiensi monasterio 1n Centulense, in Elf, IX, 1146. Ex Historia relationis corporis S. Walerici abbatis in monasteriumLeuconaense, au‘ctore anonymo, saeculo XI, in HF, II, 1h7—h9. Eudes of Saint-Laur-ies-rossesmits Domini Burchardi venerabilis eomitis, in g, 1:, 356-57. Pheanis Christiana, VII, 361-62. Chronicon Sancti mentii Picta- vensis, ed. [Paul Marchegay and bile mbille, in Chroniques des figlises d' Angou (Societe’ de l'histoire de France, no. 1&6), ‘p. 381+. Odilo, De Vita Beati Msioii Abbatis Libellus, in _I_’_I_., chII, 957-58. Ex duobus Libris lliraculorum eQusdem s. Msioii, in g, 2:, 362-63. Roberti Re is Di lomata, in E, X, 5 1- 2, no. 11. Lattin, Letters of Gerbert, pp. 1 l- , no. 153. 1550:111o, De wits Beati Laioii Abbatis Libellus, in 35,, can, 957-58: "Hugo, re: Francorum, quoties illum vidit, humili devotione suscepit et cum nagno honore tractavit." . 237 hull}S6 In the summer of 996 Hugh made another pilgrimage, this time to the tomb of saint )hieul (93. 99h) at Souvigny. He was accompanied on this pious trek by his loyal vassal and friend Bouchard, count of Vendome and of Corbeil, and the count's son, Bishop Renaud of Paris.157 Besides the reforms and pil- gringes that Hugh accomplished, he seems also to have clearly understood the political aims of the reform clergy. He could not have failed to grasp the idea that the Church expected much of kingship, and that the elimination of feudal warfare had a directly and immediately beneficial effect upon the Church. {this idea is implicit in a letter that Adalbero of Reims received from Hugh in December of 988.158 the spirit of piety and the comitment to reform were already a part of M Gapet's mental outlook by the time he succeeded to the throne in 987. Richer's reunrk, while supported by Hugh‘s behavior after his election, does not satisfactorily account for much of his earlier work as a protector and benefactor of the Church. be religious wstique which began to surround the Capetian was probably cultivated by Hugh once he realised how useful it might become to him. Indeed, Richer is probably correct in attributing some ambi- tious motives to Hugh's piety. We suspects, in fact, that Hugh was aware of the advantages to be gained from a religious pose well before the events of 937 . His reputation as a protector of churchmen was known from an early date. Sometime between 959 and 968 we hear of two Breton clergymn, one a bishop, 156Richer, Historiarum Libri Qantuor, III, 83-85 . Benedicti VII Page Epistolae, in 313, 11, 2148-18, no. V. 1571:: duobus Libris lliraculorum garden 3. naioii, in El', 1, 362-63. 0dilo, De Vita Beati naioii Abbatis Libellus, in LL, cm, 958359. 1531attin, Letters of Gerbert, p. 181, no. 152. 238 the other an abbot, fleeing to Paris from the Danes. They sought and obtained asylum at Hugh's court}59 Somewhat later, in 980, after Hugh's reputation already had had time to became well-known, an incident occurred which took on the aspect of a staged perfomnce. when one also considers that by 980 Hugh's political ambition and power were agonizingly apparent to Lothaire, and that the Carolingian family was fast losing support, this event shows Hugh to have been a prince whom Inchiavelli would have understood well enough he incident was the re- form of the monasteries of amt-Valery-sur-Somme and amt-Ricuin, and in- volved the translation of the relics of aint Valery and hint Riquier. he occasion was attended by great crowds of peasants and common folk who flocked to see the ceremonies . me religious fervor and excitement quickly produced a rumor that the people believed, and it later became a legend. As the pro- cession bearing the relics approached the banks of the Somme near its mouth, the tide rose. In order to assure themselves that they truly bore the remiss of aint Valery, the party carrying the reliquary rode fearlessly into the river. According to the legend, the waves parted and the procession passed safely to the other side. use following day Hugh himself walked barefoot for more than a league, stooping under the chest which housed the bones of Saint Binder. He deposited them at the foot of the altar of the abbey church of Centule, which he then caused to be reformed. Afterwards he presented rich Gifts to the abbey of Saint Valery, and drove out the canons, installing monks in their place. he story circulated among the monks- that Hugh had caused the abbey to be reformed only after aint Valery had appeared to him in a dream. The saint promised Hug: that if he did this pious work, his descendants would b —¥ 159lotherii aegis MINI“, in EL II, all—#5, 110- um. 239 be kings unto the seventh generation.l6° he religious mystique that began to cloak about the name and person of Hugh mpet enormously enhanced his reputation as a good lord and a pious ~ man. If nigh became known as a king zealous for reform and interested in the welfare of the Church, it was in large measure due to his activities while he was still only the duke of France. whatever his motives, he was strongly in- fluenced by the religious currents of his generation. By 987 his reputation as a loyal son of the Church had long been established. His very power tended to nke of him an aloof and mterious figure. How easily he became in the popular mentality a greater mn than he actually was! Powerful, imbued with a religious charism, Hugh Capet had become in the eyes of the reform clerg, as well, the logical candidate to replace the discredited Carolingian rulers . Richer, whose Historiarum Libri Quatuor is our best narrative source for the Revolution of 987, leaves no doubt that the election of Hugh Gapet was primarily the work of Archbishop Adalbero of Reims . After the duke had turned over the assembly to the archbishop, the latter dissolved it by calling upon the members to reconvene at Senlis a few days later.l6l me purpose of the delay apparently was to marshal whatever support was necessary to secure Hugh's election, and to overcome any resistance among certain magnates who remained loyal to the principle of legitimcy, to the Carolingian family, or 150:: Chronico Centulense sive s. Richarii, in g, VIII, 27h-75. Ingel- ram, Ix Historia relationii S. Richarii abbatis ex Sithiensi monasterio in Can-- tulense, in Hz, IX, 1146. Ex Historia relationis corporis S. Valarici abbatis _1g_monasterium Leuconaense, auctore anonymoLsaeculofi: in £13, IX, 1147-19. ludes of Saint-mur-les-Fossds, Vita Domini Burchardi venerabilis comitis, in E: 1: 356-57- 16J-Richer, Historiarum Libri £31211”: IV: 7: 3: and 10- 2&0 to both.l62 The assembly gathered at Senlis toward the end of my, and moved to loyon, where on 1 June, 987, Hugh Capet was unanimously proclaimed king. He was accepted as king by all the regions of Gaul. the coronation was held at Reims on 3 July. Adalbero, assisted by some other bishops, performed the ceremny of anointing the new king.163 Thus the alliance between Hugh Capet and Adalbero of Reims was brought to its natural conclusicm. that was involved in this revolution was something more than the mere elimination of Carolingian ambitions on Lorraine. Undoubtedly the safety of the Ottonian line and the integrity of the empire were foremost in Adalbero ' s mind. Perhaps, though, there was an even more fundamental purpose underlying the agreement between Hugh and Adalbero. The election of Hugh Capet strongly suggests a design on the part of the reform clergy to bring to power a known and trusted friend of the Church--one who would preserve order among the mag- mates, and work for the good of the Church and Christian society as a whole. Hugh Capet appears to have been raised to the throne by a group of reform prelates , who saw in him the one individual ideally suited by means of both his military power and religious zeal to solve the political chaos, which for a century had threatened to destroy the Church, and with it the hope of civilization, peace, and Christian salvation. 152nm, Les Derniers Carolingians, pp. 201-02. (memes duke of Lower Lorraine, the younger brother of Lothaire, was the only remaining Carolingian candidate. He was a man whom the French nobles detested. Horeover, he was considered by the reform clergy as a threat to the Church and the empire of Otto III. As king of France, he would probably have revived the old Carolin- gian-Lotharingian policy. This was, of course, abhorrent to the clergy of the imperial party. Still more important, he was an enemy of the Church. In 979 Charles showed how much he cared for the Church by permitting his any to Pillage the properties of the bishopric of Cambrai. In addition to that crime, he himself dissipated the treasure of the Church, sold prebends right and left, and trafficked in other ecclesiastical dignities. See, lot, has Derniers “rogue, P e 112-13 0 163Mcher, Historiarmn Libri _Quatuor, Iv, 1.0-1.2. lot, Les Derniers Carolimens, pp. 211-12, n. l. CONCLUSION The tenth century opened in crisis: most of Western Europe was torn by strife. In the train of political collapse came a failure of law. The Pa: Carolingians, insofar as it had existed in the time of the great Emperor Charles, was now a shred. In place of law and order, there was only the memory of an earlier time. At every level of society men were forced to look only to their own survival. Among the warrior class, this meant a fierce struggle for power. The petty war lords, as well as the great magnates, attempted to consolidate their own particular pieces of real estate. "Ken devour one another like fishes in the sea", bemoaned Harv; of Reims in the year 909. In the chronic warfare, something of civilization was lost. Once the Carolingian family had sought to assist the Church in promoting the wel- fare of society and the salvation of the Christian people. How in the late ninth and early tenth centuries, desperate men came forward whose interests were fundamentally antagonistic to those of the Church. In consequence, the Church was swept into the new secular order and corrupted through its domina- tion by an ignorant and barbarous feudality. the tenth century closed with a solution to the crisis of the earlier decades. Where distintegration of the bonds of society had characterized the break-up of the Carolingian Empire, reconstruction now began to occur. Toward the end of the century, order was replacing the anarchy caused by barbarian invasion and feudal warfare. And now, too, reforming elements were eliminat- ing any of the worst abuses to be found in the Church and the World. To the crisis of collapse, anarchy, corruption, and war, a solution had been found 214.2 in reconstruction, order, reform, and peace. What is the explanation for this brilliant achievement? How bad society been enabled to overcome the staggering problems which had confronted it? Faced with crisis, society found its solution through the inspired leader- ship of the Church. fie Church was terrified at the beginning of the century by the nightmare of horror and destruction caused by the barbarian blitzkrieg and the violent feudal warriors. Awakening to its responsibility as the leader of Christian society, the Church galvanized itself to the gigantic task of revival through a reforming offensive. Leaders appeared among the clergy, who assumed their proper role as the moral conscience of an outraged society. The necessity for the Church to set its own house in order was realized with a new urgency. And the logical place to begin was the Benedictine monasteries, for centuries the nucleii for the spread of civilization and salvation. fie Burgundian monastery of Cluny had the most profound impact in the reforming movement . Not only was Cluny responsible for the attraction to her- self of many daughter houses, but she created new centers of reform out of venerable establishments, like Fleury-sur-Loire, which, in turn, spreadthe movement elsewhere. Even more significant was the influence of both Cluny and the reform clergy of Lorraine on the direction of political affairs. Cluny's contribution was to popularize piety among all classes, and especially among the nobility, to make fashionable the performance of an outward act of religious zeal. fie Lotharingian reformers, on the other hand, were imbued with political ideas which strongly urged adherence to a new European unity based on a recreation of Charlemgne's merium Christiana. fie quarter- century between 962, when Otto the Great of Germ” took the title of emperor, and 987, when Hugh Capet was crowned king of France, 2H3 coincided precisely with the first rush of the renewed religious zeal sparked by the Benedictine monastic reform. The success engendered by the refbrm movement inspired the Church to a greater vision of stability and ultimately the universal establishment of peace. This dream.as an actual program.came to be predicated upon the solution to the political chaos between the Heber- tians and the Carolingians, and which had devoured the kingdom of the western Franks for a century. What was needed, specifically, was a king of France who had given sufficient proof of his love and loyalty to the Church, and who, furthermore, posed no threat to the new imperial order that had been created in Germany. The events of 987 in France did, indeed, constitute a revolution --a revolution conceived in the spirit of reform, stability, and peace by the clergy of Lorraine. The agent and right hand of that revolution was Arch- bishop Adalbero of Reims, a noted reformer. The instigator and mastermind of that revolution was the ubiquitous Gerbert, scholar and intellect, himself strongly influenced by Cluny, but at heart a pglitigge firmly attached to the imperial doctrines current at the German court. Thus, the reform.aovement, the Imperial Coronation of 962 and the Revolution of 987 all became part of the same drama. To put it another way by borrowing a famous formula: without Otto the Great, Hugh Capet would.have been inconceivable. FOr the rest, as epilogue, one may point to the final achievement of a reformed and inspired Church. This was the great movement for peace. Be-. gun in the second half of the tenth century in southern France, it coincided ‘with the ideals that were being spread by Cluny to renew all of society with a heightened sense of spiritual expression. The Peace of God, first pro- claimed in a series of Church councils in the Midi, was the supreme manifes- tation of the Church's attempt to inspire feudal society in tenth—century France'with a renewed commitment to civilization and Christian salvation. THE SOURCES There are several excellent bibliographical guides for the history of the.Middle Ages. The Repertoire dos sources historiques du moyen egg in three volumes by'Ulysse Chevalier follows a bio-bibliographic and a tapo- bibliographic format. Dahlmann-Waitz,‘Quellenkunde der deutschen Geschichte is the exhaustive German bibliography covering political, legal, religious, social, economic, and cultural history. Volume I is useful for the Carolin- gian period. An older bibliography, but extremely valuable, for the history of medieval France is Alfred Franklin's Les Sources de l'histoire de.France. It describes the large collections available for the use of the scholar, and gives a short historical sketch of the develoPment of each, along with their contents and organization. The best brief guide for a student beginning work in medieval history is Louis Halphen's Initiation aux.§tudes d'Histoire du Moyen Age. It contains a short resume of all the major collections and lists of the important secondary works. The book also gives useful informa- tion on the national archives and libraries of Europe. Volumes 1, 2, 3, and 6 (Index) of Auguste Molinier's Les Sources de l'Histoire de France, six volumes, were helpful. They contain only information relating to primary sources. Similarly August Potthast, Bibliotheca Historica Medii Aevi, deals With primary sources only. There are brief descriptions of the sources and information on where each can be found in the great printed collections. It is an older'bibliography, but very helpful for locating particular sources.- The discussion of primary sources that follows, it is heped, will give the reader some indication of the variety of materials used, as well as 2H5 5'" a partial understanding of some of the complexities involved in dealing with a relatively Obscure period in history. The first group of sources below fall into no general category, other than being special collections or relating to specific events. The indispensable tool for working in medieval French ecclesiastical history is the Gallia Christiana, edited.by Denis de Saint-Marthe, and others, between 1715 and 1855. Essentially, it is a history of the Church in Gaul from the earliest times. It is arranged'by provinces and dioceses, and a' brief history of every archbishop, bishop and abbot is given, chronologically, insofar as scholars have been able to establish their identities. For the councils of the Church the great collection is the Sacrorum Conciliorum et Decretorum Nova et Amplissima Collectio, edited by J. D. Mansi, in fiftybf three folio volumes. The collection, generally referred to simply as Mansi, is the authority for oecumenical, provincial, and diocesan councils, East and West, over the entire medieval period. Sir William Dugdale's Monasticon AEEEET .ggggg was useful for this essay because it contains the Concordia Regularis, a document important as it relates to both the monastic reform and the de- velopmsnt of the liturgical drama. The epic poem Raoul de Cambrai, edited by MM. P. Meyer and A. Longnon, forms a part of the cycle of Charlemagne. It would seem indisputable that this ghanson de geste was inspired originally from France during the reign of Louis IV d'Outre-Mer. It is a classic tale of feudal warfare. The Introduction to the volume has some interesting ma- terial relating to the monastic reform movement. Another'brief source, not readily classified elsewhere, is the Epitaphia Ragenoldi. This was a come memorative verse to Renaud, count of Roucy, caused to be written down pre- sumably'by members of his family after his death. As an historical source concerning the life of a brigand nobleman, it suffers from.family bias. 2h6 The Collationum Libri Tree by Saint Odo, the second abbot of Cluny, is a violent satire on the Church in the tenth century before the monastic reform had had time to produce its salutary results. What purports to be a recita- tion on the life of an ideal monk, is in reality a description of the worst sort of sins and vices. Odo's other works, including the quscula de Mhsica, were cited as an illustration of the saint's education and cultural accomplish- ments. Finally, in this group, one ought to mention Abba of Fleury‘s‘épglg- geticus ad Hugonem et Rodbertum Reges Francorum, a treatise written for the edification of Hugh Capet and Robert the Pious against the machinations of ishop Arnulf of Orleans. Toward the end of it Abbo classifies as nonsense the idea that the end of the world was imminent about the year 1000. The second group of sources are the annals. They are numerous and of widely varying importance. Some are quite brief, others are extremely valu- able. By far the most important are the Annales of Flodoard, who was a priest of the church at Reims. This source is easily the best narrative account for the Hebertian-Carolingian struggle, and generally for the history of northern France between 919 and 966. Flodoard“s continuator carried the Annales from 976 to 978. Its great value lies in the fact that Flodoard was close to many of the important people and events that occurred at this time. Moreover, the Annalee may'be characterized as clear, factual, and accurate. Flodoard's purpose was to record the important events as they happened, and to reserve Judgment and interpretation for a later generation. Only in a few instances did Flodoard permit himself the risky luxury of passing Judgment on contempor- ary events and persons. Flodoard's breadth of vision is significant, dis- tinguishing his annals from some of those composed in monastic scriptoriar' Events which occurred as far afield as Lorraine, Germany, and.Italy drew his attention. There is little concerning Burgundy and Aquitaine. 2A7 Another excellent source is the Annales Vedastini, composed at the abbey of Saint-Vaast near Arras by an unknown monk. It contains much fictual detail, is reliable for its chronology, and is especially useful in connection with the Viking raids during the reign of Eudes. Two other works for the region of Flanders and Brabant are the Annalee S. Bavonis Gandensis, covering the years 611 to 1350, and the Annalee Laubienses, which goes from h18 to lOSh. The Annales Blandinienses was of limited use. The detail is scant and dry, and there are faults in the chronology. The same author wrote the first part until 1060, the whole being a history from.the birth of Christ until the year 1292. The Annalee Elnonensesuhiores were probably taken, in part at least, from.the Annalee Blandinienses. They also are brief, but extend from she until 122%. They record events from the Cambrai, Arras, Tournai region. For Champagne the Annales Mosomagenses are good, especially for the reforms of Adalbero of Reims at the abbey of Mouzon. They'begin in 969, the year of Adalbero's appointment to the see of Reims. It would seem.that part of Adalbero's reform at Mouzon included the keeping of a history in the form of the annals in question. For Burgundy the Annalee Besuenses from.AsD. l to ll7h give an eye-witness's account of the Viking and Magyar raids at the monastery of fi3ze. Another work was composed at the cathedral of Revers, which provides some exact information connected.with the reigns of Louis IV ‘QLQutre-Mer and Lothaire. The Annales Floriacenses, for the region around Orleans, are brief and of local interest, as are the Annales Misciacenses of nsssey in the diocese of Bourges. For Ferigord, the Limousin, and La nsrohe one consults a source composed at Saint-Martial of Limoges. These are the ‘Annales Lemovicenses covering the period from 687 until 1060. The source is of local interest, but was derived from some chronicles written at Sens, a center for the writing of history. 7‘2! X 248 The Annales Fuldenses is the best ninth century source for Carolingian history in Germany. It was cited in this essay for some light which it cast upon the tactics employed by the Viking raiders. Another source for events in Germany between 703 and 926 is the Annales Alamannici. It was put together at Saint-Gall as a collection drawn from the scriptoria at Murbach, Reichenau, and Saint-Gall. The Annales Altahenses Maiores also contains some interesting material dealing with Lothaire's relations with the empire in the 970's and 980's. It was written by a certain Wolfherius of Hildesheim, who died about 1033. Besides the annals, a variety of other narrative sources revealed many precious details concerning the history of this time. These sources are the numerous chronicles, histories, deeds, acts, which appear in a variety of titles. Several of this group may be classed together as being of fundamental importance. Again, one must look first to the historian Flodoard and his Historiae Ecclesiae Remensis Libri Quatuor. The fourth book covers the years from 882 to 948. It was dedicated on this latter date to Archbishop Robert of Treves, who had only months before presided over the reforming councils of Verdun (947) and Mouzon (948) and who had also taken a leading role in the great general council at Ingelheim (948). Flodoard's friendship with Robert is significant, for it shows that the reforming influences of the Lotharingian clergy were already mingling with those emanating from the church at Reims. In any case, Flodoard's Four Books of History of the Church of Reims relates in much detail the vicissitudes which that metropolitan see was forced to en— dure. Flodoard was an eye-witness, though perhaps not personally involved, in many of the great events at this time. His testimony is highly reliable. Richer, whose Historiarum Libri Ouatuor is also in four books, was a monk of Saint-Remi of Reims from about 969. His work is original in part from 219 970 but especially so from 978. The four'books cover the years 888-995. For the history of his times before 972, Richer borrowed heavily from Flodoard's Annales and from oral traditions or stories told to him'by his father, who was a vassal of Louis d'Outre-Mer, and also from.tales related by other people of his acquaintance. He had access to the archives at Reims, which contained the writings and documents of Gerbert. Moreover, he seems to have had a famili- arity with the legends which composed the Carolingian epic cycle in the ninth and tenth centuries. Richer is a delight to read, although as an historical source he must be used with caution. Educated as a pupil of Gerbert, Richer appears to have been an eager learner, having mastered in time the classical philosOphers Aristotle, Cicero, and Porphyry, as well as the Roman poets and historians Virgil, Terence, Juvenal, Horace, Lucan, and Sallust. Modern historians have established.be- yond the shadow of a doubt that Richer was enamored with the style of Ballast and Livy, and imitated the former especially. His enthusiasm for medicine and military tactics reveals a decidedly didactic quality in his personality. The positivist historians of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century have been a bit humorless and carping about Richer, emphasizing his faults as an historian, and tending to forget the value of his achievement. It should be noted that Richer is $22 historian of the Revolution of 987. He is impor- tant also because he conveys the mood of the intelligentsia of his day. The love of the classics, and the ability to demonstrate one's familiarity with them is a distinguishing trait of the learned classes in the late tenth cen- tury. It is a hallmark of the Ottonian court, infused with and caught up in the spirit of things Roman after 962. Gerbert, who appears to have developed something of a fetish in this respect, liberally sprinkled his letters with yelassical illusions. This fashion for things classical in Richer is charming H'". l4 r. 250 for its enthusiasm; in Gerbert, who is personally less attractive, it comes out as traditional academic arrogance, always in bad taste. Flodoard and Richer were the two most important authors consulted for this essay. Others, however, deserve mention. Regina, abbot of Prul.in 892 was a reformer and a man educated in canon law and.mnsic. His Chronicon was written in two books, the second extending from 7&1 to 906. The style is simple, and he used a variety of good sources. Regina was contemporary to events from 892 until 906. His work is sometimes faulty in the matter of chronology. His continuator, who carries the work from 907 until 9§7, is favorable to the Saxon dynasty, and is thought to have been Adalbert, the archbishop of Magdeburg and the Apostle of Russia. Another monk, Fblcuin, wrote two works, the Gesta Abbatum s. Bertini Sithiensium, composed about 961 or 962, and the Gesta Abbatum LObiensium, written about 980. Fblcuin was an inmate of Saint-Bertin before becoming abbot of LObbes (965-90). Both his- tories were based on the archives of their respective abbeys, and both are important for the history of northern France and Lorraine. The Historiarum.Libri Quinqge of Raoul Glaber is a work of major inn portance. Raoul, whose epithet means "the Hairless" was born in 985 in the country of Auxerre. He died sometime about the years thS-hT. He became a monk at Cluny and knew Saint 0dilo and.William of Volpiano. Raoul spent some time at several other monasteries, namely Saint-Germain of Auxerre, Rise, and Moutiers-en-Puisaye. He seems to have been an undisciplined sort of man, filled with a mystical spirit that shows up strongly in his Five Books of Histogy. The work was intended as a history of EurOpe, but is reliable chiefly . for events in Burgundy and.France. Raoul.was much concerned with Christian eschatology and millenarianisn. He is especially good for reflecting the popu- lar religious spirit of his day. 251 One notes besides the foregoing major works a host of others. Three of twelfth and thirteenth-century composition that were of limited use were, first the Chronica of Albgric, a monk of Trois-antaines, a Cistercian.abbey in the diocese of Chalons-sureuarne. It was written between 1227 and 1251, A and devotes a good deal of space to the history of Champagne. The Chronicon of Hugh, a monk of Fleuryesur-Loire, was composed in the early years of the twelfth century. The third was the Chronicon of Richard the Poitevin, or Richard of Cluny, put together sometime during the thirdequarter of the twelfth century. Still other chronicles may'be classified.because of their importance as sources for local history. Fbr Champagne one may cite the Chronicon S. Columbae Senonensis. This work goes from #59 until 1193, but was begun in the ninth century, and is original from the year 80%. The Chronicon S. Petri Vivi Senonensis, written by a certain monk, Odoran (985-th6), contains some interesting material connected with the death of Hugh the Great, and the succession of his sons. Odoran, who was a noted artist and literary figure besides, wrote his Chronicle between 1032 and th5. Another work with the same title was written by the monk Clarius, who was first at Fleury, and la- ter in residence at Saint-Pierre-le-Vif. Clarius wrote his work.at Sens in 1108 and 1109. He used for sources the Annales Senonensis, the writings of Hugh of Fleury, and the charters of Saint-Pierre-le-Vif. The work covers the period A.D. l to ll2h, and after 1109 has various continuators. The Historia Francorum Senonensis, from A.D. 688 to 1015, was capied at Sens be- tween 1015 and 103k. It may be criticized for mistakes in chronology, for the author was not contemporary with the tenth century. The Chronicon 8. Medardi Suessionensis extends from lt9"! until 1260. The fragment from 877 to 986 has very brief entries, but mentions the Hungarian invasions and 252 certain beneficia of King Eudes to the monastery. We have, in addition to those above for the history of Champagne, a Book of Memorials by Guitherius, an abbot of Saint-Loup of Troyes. This is a short history of the abbey'based on its charters. The work is cited as Guitheri Abbatis S. Lupi Trecensis Memorialis Libellus. An excellent source for the history of Burgundy is the Chronique de l'abbaye de Saint-Benigne de um, composed in the mid-eleventh century. There is, also, the Chronicon Besuense of John, a librarian at the abbey of the in 1119. The work provides us with some details concerning the Harman invasions in Burgundy. The Midi is represented by the work of Adhemar of Chabannes. Born into a n0ble family of Aquitaine in 988, Adhemar died in Jerusalem in 103R. He was a monk at Saint-=Cybard in Angouléme and studied at Saint-Martial of Limoges. Much of his literary effort went into establishing proofs that Saint Martial of Limoges was a direct disciple of Christ. His Historiarum _I_.i_bri Tres traces the history of the Franks from their origins until 1028. The divisions of his work are interesting, for they reflect the recognition of the greatness of Charlemagne. Book I, based upon the Gesta reggm Fran- 333313 and the continuators of Fredegar, goes from the origins until 768, the date of Charlemagne's succession. Book II covers the great emperor's reign, and is derived from the Annales Laurissenses. Book III, from 81h until 1028, is also based upon the Annals of Lorsch until 829. After that, Adhemar uses a variety of sources, including the Annals of A.uitaine, oral traditions, and other lost written sources. His method.was to correct the sources he enhloyed, wherever they were found to be in error, to modify their style, and to add details when he had further information at his disposal. The Three Books of History is an excellent source for events in Aquitaine in the 253 tenth and eleventh centuries. Saint-Martial of Limoges, it ought to'be noted, was a pilgrim stOp. Consequently, Adhemar had access to much hearsay infor- mation. The chronology of the work is bad, and Adhemar had a particular relish for anecdotes and colorful stories. Adhemar also wrote a work.entitled Commemorato abbatum Lemcvicensium'basilicae S. Martialis gpostoli, which concerns the deeds of the abbots of Saint-Martial. From.the twelfth century we have a compilation drawn from.a variety of local Aguitanian annals. This work is called the Chronicon Sancti Maxentii Pictavensis. English history enters into this paper chiefly in connection with the movement for the reform of the abbeys. Two compilations show the connec- tion‘between the English reform and that on the continent. They are the Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon and the Historians of the Church of York. Similarly, Lotharingian and German histories are of interest to us here only as they relate to develOpments in France. In this respect the 1 Gesta episcOporum.Cameracensium is of great value for the light which it fo- cuses upon the activities of certain feudal warriors, whose principal source of leisure time enjoyment was derived from terrorizing the bishops of Cambrai. This work was written by a canon of the cathedral of Cambrai, an individual who was a close friend and associate of Bishop Gérard I (1012-h8) of that see. Fer Germany the work of the Saxon monk, Widukind of Corvey (92°.2° 980), is an important contemporary account for the reign of Otto the Great. It was given the title Res Gestae Saxonicae, and was written down in the year 967 lfirgely on the basis of oral traditions. Another work, the Chronicon of Thietmar, bishOp of Merseburg (1009-18), was composed in bad Latin between 1012 and 1015. About the same time a certain Albertus, who was a monk at Saint-Symphorien of.Hetz, wrote his De Episcopis Hbttensibus Libellus. Only 8 fragment remains dealing with the episcopacy of Bishop Deodoricus (978-8h). 25h Two other chronicles valuable for information concerning Lothaire's aggres- sions on Lorraine, are the Chronographia of Sigebert and the Gesta episco- porum Virdunensium, both written with an imperial bias. Evidence for the barbarian blitzkrieg may'be found, of course, in many of the sources described above. The following, however, are especially re- vealing in one way or another. Le Siegegde Paris par les NormandslgpoEme du IXe siEcle is a modern verse translation, with notes, by Henri Waquet,‘bf an eye-witness account by the monk Abbe of Saint-Germain-des-Pnes. Abba (99. 921) wrote this exciting poem.about the year 897, eleven years after the fact. To some extent the source reflects this hiatus by confusing the chronology in certain places. The original Latin verse was dedicated to Aimoin of Saint- Germain-des-PrEs, who was the master of Abbe. The poem recounts the stirring drama of the Great Siege of Paris in the winter of 885-86. The poem is mag- nificent because Abba had the ability to convey for all time the terror, the courage, the spirit of resistance, which gripped the beleaguered citizens of Paris in that dark and difficult moment of their history. We hear also of the depredations of the Vikings in their excursions through Francis during the last years of the ninth century, when the land was torn'by civil war be- tween the Rdbertian, Eudes, and the Carolingian, Charles the Simple. Abbo wrote his poem in three books, or Songs, the third having been added out of deference to the Trinity. The third Song is frankly didactic in nature and was written for the moral edification of the clergy, further evidence sup- porting the thesis that the clergy had indeed sunk to a low state at this time in history. Another source for the Vikings at this time was written by Dudo, the dean of the church at Saint-Quentin in the Vermndois. Dudo (c. 960-65 to 10h3) was sent by the count of Vermandois to Duke Richard I of Normandy about Jr" ”9%“??? 0“.- .A‘ “ .‘a 255 the years 986-87. The history, which is entitled De Moribus et ActiL_P_r_1_- :- morum Normanniae Ducem Libri Tres, was composed between 1015 and 1026 at the request of Duke Richard. It is highly laudatory in tone, much of it having been based on oral traditions that were retold to Dudo'by Count Raoul of Ivry, who was the bastard brother of Richard I. Dudo embroidered the tradition adding legends then current in the p0pular mentality, and even creating some out of his own fecund imagination. Thus, the source is useful, but fraught with perils for the modern historian attempting to reconstruct with any de- gree of accuracy a clear picture of what the Norman chieftains Easting, Rollo, William Long-Sword, and Richard did, or did not, do. Three other histories may be mentioned in connection with the Normans. The Chronicon de Gestis Normannorum in Francis covers the years 833 to 911. It was written sometime after the latter date at the monastery of Saint-Bertin, and is drawn from the Annales Bertiniani and the Annales Vedastini. The Chroni- con Sithiensi Sancti Bertini contains an epic account of the defense of that abbey against a Viking assault in the winter of 890-91. Finally, the Agglg: Saxon Chronicle was consulted for information concerning the movements of the Northmen between England and northern.France. For the lightning-like raids of the Magyars the Chronicon Turonensi has some interesting details, as does the B. Casuum.S. Galli continuatio‘by Ekkehard IV, a monk of Saint-Gall. The Historia Gestorum.Regum et Igpgratorum, giye Antapodosis by Liutprand of Cremona (g9. g. 972) provides an explanation for the manner in which the Saracens established themselves at Fraxinetum. It was written between 958 and 962, and contains errors in chronology. Lint- Prand was a man with wide diplomatic experience; one, it would seem, who was extremely able and learned, and who, at the same time, could allow a natural Wit to give vent to a crude and sarcastic ridicule. The Chronicon Nemausense . R's—3w v- a. a :Avfi J 256 contains a single brief entry testifying to a sudden barbarian raid that passed through that region of Languedoc near the city of Nimes. It does not identify the raiders. Certain chronicles were useful for extracting evidence relating in one way or another to the state of the clergy, the monastic reform, or the new religious spirit. The Acta Pontificum Cenomannis reveals a great deal about a succession of unworthy bishops, who occupied the episcopal throne at Le Mans in the course of the tenth century. The Historia monasterii Mesomen- gig.testifies to the reforms carried into that abbey by Adalbero of Reims in 970 and 971. The anonymous author of the Historia episcopprum.Autissiodoren- £333 mentions several lay and ecclesiastical figures involved in the reform of certain monasteries, and clearly indicates his favor toward their efforts. Elsewhere we see evidence of the same reform movement, as in the Chronicon S. Michaelis in Periculo maris, the Gesta Consulum.Andeg§vorum, and in the Chronicae Sancti Albini Andegavensis in unum Congestae. Some legendary ma- terial, revealing the intensity of the new spiritual fervor, comes to us through the pens of two monks from the abbey of Saint-Riquier. Hariulf is generally accepted as the author of the Chronicon Centulensi sive S. Richarii, but he states that he is merely the continuator of a certain Saxowalus (f1. 1067~68), who began the chronicle. Hariulf was born in Ponthieu about 1060, and became a student at the abbey of Saint-Riquier. In 1105 he was made abbot 0f Oudenbourg near Bruges. His work is divided into four books, the last end- ing in 1088, but it was reviewed and completed later on about the year lth. Hiriulf used a great variety of sources, including saints' lives, miracles, general histories, charters of the monastery, letters, and lists of abbots. He also took account of pepular legends about saints and.ghgnsons de “gates. Saints' lives in the early Middle Ages remained one of the most popular 257 forms of literature for all classes of society. This type of literature had the virtue of being at once an adventure story, and a vehicle for religious instruction and moral edification. The lives of saints enjoyed a resurgence of popularity toward the end of the tenth century, when hagiography was emr phasized as a part of the program for restoring the monasteries. The lives of the saints reveal a great deal about popular religious conceptions, and the attitudes and prejudices of society as a whole. Thus, they have been.an im- portant source in the writing of this dissertation. From.the Miraculis S. Bertini by an anonymous tenth-century author, we learn, for example, of how an attack on the monastery of Saint-Bertin by a group of Vikings was repulsed by the monks who resided there. The barbarian raids receive a substantial amount of attention in the saints' lives. Two examples one may cite from the tenth century are the Vita S. Viventii and the Vita S. Deicoli Abbate Lutrensi. A twelfth-century source, the Acta, Translationes et Miracula S. Prudentii mar- _tyris, Libri IV, by Theobald of haze contains miracles reputed to have oc- curred in the tenth century. From the Vita Beati Geranni fipiscopi we read of another Christian victory over the Vikings in the early tenth century. The ‘giracula S. Genulphi Episcopi contains evidence of barbarian incursions in the region of Berry. Finally, the Vita Sancti Bobonis contains a legendary account of the Christian storming of the Saracen stronghold at Fraxinetum. The biographies of certain holy men, who lived in the tenth century, also tell us something about the monastic reform. One has only to recall a few of the more important individuals whose lives and works are recorded in such writings as the De Vita Joannis Abbatis Gorziensis, Jehn of Salerno's 2333 §ancti Odonis, the Vita Sancti Mbioli by the monk Syrus, as well as the later De Vita Beati Lhioli Abbatis Libellus. The latter was comosed by Saint 0dilo himself about the year 1033. And it was 0dilo who also directed an anonymous 258 monk of Souvigny to write a work entitled Duobus Libris Miraculorum.e3usdem.8. mioli. Details concerning Adalbero of Reims appear in the Liber as. Miracu- lorum S. Theoderici Abbatis. Sometimes laymen had biographies written about them, Examples are the Vita Domini Burchardi Venerabilis Comitis by Eudes, a monk of Saint-Rhumales-Fbssés, composed in 1058, and Saint Odo's book 23 Vita Sancti Geraldi Auriliacensis Comitis. These two counts, needless to say, had led exemplary Christian lives. Several sources deal solely with the translation of a saints’ relics from one place to another, thus revealing something about the care and devo- tion with which.tenth-century Christians lavished upon their patron inter- cessors. One may consult for evidence of this phenomenon the following sources: Ingelram's Historia relationis S. Richarii abbatis ex Sithiensi monasterio in Centulense; Odoran's Historia Translationis SS. Saviniani,_Potentiani, at cet- era in Senonense S. Petri Coenobium; and the Historia relationis corporis S. Halarici abbatis in monasterio Leuconaense by an anonymous eleventh-century author. The wave of piety that swept across Western Europe in the second half of the tenth century was a manifestation of the great religious revival which began with the reform.of the Benedictine abbeys. The heightened religiosity Of the age made a profound impression upon the Christian mentality, and found expression in a renewed popular interest in miraculous events. In this connec- tion we may note the De Miraculis Sanctae Fidis Liber by a certain Bernard, who was a scholar from.Angers and a student of Fulbert of Chartres. His Book Con- ceggggg the Miracles of Saint Faith was written between 1007 and 1020, and is artremely valuable for what it tells us about the manners and customs of people in the Midi. Bernard was very devoted to Saint Faith, who was a virgin and martyr, dead at Agen in.A.D. 303. Her relics were'brought to Conques a little 259 before 883, and miracles began to occur at her shrine shortly thereafter. Cone ques became important as a pilgrimge site, Bernard having visited there on three different occasions. This source is divided into four parts, the first two of which were written by Bernard. Parts Three and Four were composed later on in the eleventh century by a monk from Conques, who was an eye-witness to the events which he describes. .Another work written about the same time as Bernard's Eiber'was the De Miraculis S. Benedicti by Aimoin, a monk at Fleury. An anonymous author, who lived and wrote about the middle of the eleventh century, describes certain miracles that occurred at Provins toward the end of the tenth century in a book entitled the Miracula S. Aigglphi. Saint Ayoul was an abbot at Lerins, who died about 680. Finally, one my cite two more saints' lives, which proved useful in this study. They are Adso's [its S. Waldeberti and the Vita 8. Wolf- gang; episcopi by a certain Othlo. Letters of certain important men were also used in attempting to gain insights into their thoughts and actions. The letters of Gerbert with his Papal Privileges as Sylvester II, Translated with an Introduction by Harriet Pratt Lattin, were essential as a source for that part of this essay that deals with the Revolution of 987 and the events which led up to it. The Letters of Popes John Ix, John x, and John XI, as well as those of Benedict VII, were also consulted in connection with either the problems of converting the pagan Vi- kinas, or reforming the abbeys. The last important group of primary sources were the charters or di- Plons of privileges and immunities granted by certain powerful magnates . In almost every case these grants were made by a laymn, usually by a king, to a monastery for the purpose of erecting fortifications against pagan or Christian invaders (in some cases, against both), or instituting a religious reform. At 260 times charters were referred to as a convenient method for establishing proof of the location of one or more persons on a certain.date. Two monastic cartu- laries, those of Savigny and Ainay, were cited as examples for the purpose of demonstrating by quantitative proof the sharp increase in grants of land and other'beneficia by the nObility in the course of the second half of the tenth century. The point here, of course, was to give graphic illustration of proof of the increase in piety among the ranks of the nebility, as a consequence of the impact of the monastic reform movement. Books and periodicals written, translated, or edited by modern scholars were of tremendous value in conducting the research for this dissertation. .Among the reference works, A Catholic Dictionary, edited‘by‘Hilliam.E..Addis and Thomas Arnold, was helpful for checking precise definitions of unfamiliar ecclesiastical terms. The Cambridge Medieval History, edited by J. R. Tanner, gt__a_l_. , provided additional background material when needed. A number of books about the early Middle Ages and medieval France were used. One may cite G. Bayet, C. Pfister, and A. Kleinclausz, Le Christianisme £3 Barbares, Merovipgiens et Caroliggiens (Histoire de France, 64. E. Lavisse, Tome II, Premidre Barbie). In the same series Achille Luchaire's Les Premiers gapetiens (981-1137) (Tome II, Deuxiem Partie) was equally helpful for the change of dynasty in 987. Robert Fawtier's The Capetian Kings of France, Man- gchy and Nation (987-1328), Translated into English by Lionel Butler and R. J. Adam, has a careful assessment of the character and personality of Hugh Capet. A Histol of Early Medieval EuropeL h76-9ll by krgaret Deanesly has some interesting chapters on the Church and cultural achievements . Especially 800d for a clear, detailed exposition of the major political developments in tenth-century France is Augustin Fliche, L'Europe occidentale de 888 \a 1125. 261 Marc Bloch's Feudal Society, Translated by L. A. Manyon, is the most compre- hensive book on the subject. Le film de l'Histoire médiévnle en France, 8%;- .$§§§ by Hebert Latouche uses reproductions of manuscript illuminations and drawings, of objets d'art, and source quotations to recreate a picture of the times. German history is espounded by Ernst Dummler, Geschichte des Ostfrgnki- schen Reiches. For England the best work, highly useful, is Sir Frank M. Stenton's.Anglo~Saxon England. Sir James H. Ramsay, The Foundations ofigggland 1§,C. 55~A.D. 115k) and Albany F. Magor, Early wars of‘Wessex were also con- sulted for particular points. There are several important books on the barbarian.peoples who struck Europe in the ninth and tenth centuries. The standard work on the Vikings is Johannes C. H. R. Steenstrup, Normsnnerne. T. D. Kendrick's A History of the Vikings is useful for the discussion of the causes in Scandinavia of the Vio king expansion. P. H. Sawyer's excellent book, The Age_of the Vikings, gives a more favorable appreciation of the Viking people, and.mdnimdzes the destruc tion'which the raiders caused. For the Magyars Denis Sinor's History of Eyggggz'was used, as well as A. W. A. leepers' A History of Medieval Austria, edited by R. W; Seton-Watson and C. A. Macartney. Professor Macartney's The Magyars in the Ninth Century is particularly good for its use of linguistic evidence in determining the early history of those wild nomadic people. The best book in English on the Arabs is Philip K; Hitti‘s History of the Arabs AIEQm,the Earliest Times to the Present. Professor Hitti places in clear’per- spective the activities of the Saracen pirates in the ninth and tenth centuries. Secondary works specializing in the history of particular regions were 0f enormous help in conducting the research for this dissertation. The works that follow are the standard monographs for each geographical area. Robert 262 Parisot's Histoire de Lorraine, and Le royaume de Lorraine sous les Caroline giens by the same author, are both comprehensive studies. H. DflArbois do Jubainville, Histoire des Dues et des Comtes de Chanpggne depuis 1e VIe siecle_fiusgu'a la fin du x19, published this two-volume study in 1859 and 1860, but it is still an excellent guide. For Burgundy Maurice Chaume's Les origines du duche de Bourgogne is a scholarly study filled with detail pertinent to this essay. Rene Merlet's Les Comtes de Chartres, de Chateaudun, et de Blois aux IX? et X9 siecles focuses on fief-building in that region. A much larger study is Arthur Le Moyne De la Borderie's Histoire de Bretagne. It is a massive six- volume work based on primary sources. velumes II and III proved useful. Rounding out the region north of the Loire, one may cite Michel Besiers' Mémoires pour servir a l'etat historigue et geographique du diocEse de Bayeux, I (Societe de l'histoire de Normandie). I /~ For the Midi the standard work is the Histoire Generale de Languedoc by Claude Devic and Joseph vaissEte, 16 volumes, quarto. LKAquitaine Carolin- fiienne (778-9872'by Leonce Auzias is the best secondary work dealing with the turbulent political activities of the feudality in that locale. Alfred Ri- chard's Histoire des Comtes de Poitou, 778-129h is excellent for'biographical as well as political data. Two works by René Poupardin are definitive studies: Le Royaume de Bourgognegfi888~103§1 and Le Royaune de Provence sous les Carolin- .giggs (SSS-933?). Finally two other works proved helpful in connection with the new religious spirit in the second half of the tenth century. They were I P- Clerjon's Histoire de Lyon and Andre Steyert's Nouvelle Histoire de yyon. The latter publication superseded the study by Clerjon. The role of Christianity as a civilizing agent in the early Middle 3808 is discussed by Christopher Dawson in.his Baligion.and the Rise of Western Culture. The same general point of view, particularly the work of the Church .3 . I I. r» ‘ 'v , _ 263 v I in creating a cultural community, is presented by Gustave Schnurer, L' ise I et la Civilisation au Noyen Age, Traduction Francaise de G. Castella. Andre Lagarde's book The Latin Church in the Middle Ages, translated by Archibald Alexander, is a good one—volume survey of medieval ecclesiastical history. More specialized studies concerning the Church proved to be even more I valuable for the purposes of this essay. E. de Moreau, La Formation de l' I / gglise medievale (Histoire de ligglise en Belgique,_11), contains a substantial quantity of material relating to the Lotharingian reformers and the good work that they accomplished. Also excellent is Mile Amann and August nines, _I_._'_ figlise au.pouvoir des laiques (888-1057). Professor Dumas has a superior arti- I cle entitled "L'Eglise de Reims au temps des luttes entre Carolingians et Rdbertiens (888-1027)", in Revue d‘histoire de l'eglise de France, XXX (l9hh). It outlines the mainpolitical events during this important period, and dis- cusses the part played by the Church at Reims in the feudal struggles. Another article of importance is by Marius Sepet "Gerbert et le changement de dynastie", in Revue des questions historiques, VII (1869), and VIII (1870). The Hefele-Leclercq edition of the Histoire des Conciles was indispensable for gauging the reaction of the Church to the various problems that it faced in the tenth century. The following books were a tremendous aid in connection with the move- ment for the reform.of the Benedictine abbeys. Hatkin.Williams monastic Studies (Historical Series, No. LXXVI, in the Publications of the University 9§_Manchester, No. chXII, was used for biographical material. All aspects of the reform.are covered by Dom Philibert Shhmitz, Histoire de l'Ordre de figint-Benoit, velume I. Dom.David Knowles, The monastic Order in hngland, is 3 leading scholar in the field of monastic studies. Also, margaret Deanealy's Sidelights on the Anglgesaxon Church.is particularly good for its cultural 26h orientation. J. A. Robinson's The Times of Saint Dunstan was consulted for certain details on the career of that reformer. Two articles cast further light on special aspects of the reform movement. Eric John's "The King and the lbnks in the Tenth-Century Reformation", Bulletin of the John Bylands Library, Vol. 1+2, No. 1 (1959-60), was helpful. The other, "History and Texts of the Benedictine Reform of the Tenth Century", appeared in Modern LEM Notes, VIII (1893). BiOgraphical data was obtained from Horace K. man's The Lives of the Popes in the Early Middle Ages, Volume IV. Eleanor Shipley Duckett's Saint Dunstan of Canterbury, A Study of Monastic Reform in the Tenth Century is both scholarly and entertaining. The best biography of Gerbert is by Jean Leflon, entitled Gerbert, Humanism, et Chretienté au Xe siecle. The definitive monographs published under the auspices of the _H_i_._b_]_:i_g- t_h\89,ue de l'ficole des Hautes Etudes cover the political history of tenth- century France in exhaustive detail. They represent the finest scholarship by a distinguished group of French medievalists, who studied in the seminars of Gabriel Monod and Arthur Giry toward the end of the nineteenth century. This dissertation owes much to the following historians and their work: gdouard Favre, Eudes, comte de Paris at roi de France (882-898); Auguste Eckel, garles le SEE-£3 Philippe Lauer, Robert Ier et Raoul de Bourgggne, rois de Lmnce (923-936), and Le R‘eghe de Iouis Iv d'Outre-Mer; Ferdinand lot, 13:; graders Carolingians. Iothaire, Louis V, Charles de Iorraine, 951+“99l: and Etudes sur le REE de Hugues Capet et la fin du Xe sizcle; and, the last of this group, Christian Pfister, fitudes sur le Rage de Robert le Pieux (996- hill- ' fl Finally, several volumes may be classified for their value to those “Nets of this study that dealt with cultural achievements in the tenth century. 265 One may cite Sir Francis Oppenheimer's The Legend of the Ste. Ampgule in this category. The Histoire Literaire de la France, e’d. Paulin Paris, has been published in sixteen volumes . Volume VI is devoted exclusively to the tenth century. It is a massive study of the chief writers in France in each century, and contains much valuable informtion derived from primary sources. The vol- mass are quarto, and each runs to many pages. Originally, the work was under- ,. «NJ taken in 1733 by Dom Antoine Rivet de la Grange (1683-17h9), who published nine volumes covering the history to the middle of the twelfth century. he i i work was continued after Dom Rivet's death by his fellow monks in the Benedic- 5 2 tine Congregation of Saint-mur. In 1811+ the Academie des Inscriptions ct Belles-Lettres took over the job of editing the collection. The little book entitled The Dark Ages by W. P. Ker contains some biographical information on medieval writers. The author's description of the Viking mentality, and character was informative. Ferdinand Iot's études sur les lggendes épiques francaises served to establish one individual's tie of vassalage to a tenth-century lord of Vermandois. Such cultural achievement as was produced during the tenth century came in part, at least, as a result of the monastic reform. In this connec- tion several books contributed evidence. J. M. Clark’s {me Abbey of St. Gall 9.5 a Centre of Literature and Art was useful, as was Gustave Reese's book Liupic in the Middle Ages. Certain technical details were extracted from the article by H. AnglEs entitled "Gregorian Chant", in the volume Early Medieval Music up to 1300, edited by Dom Anselm Hughes (The New Oxford History of maid, edited by J. A. Westrup, et al., 11). Medieval dram grew out of the Church‘s practice of celebrating the Easter and Christmas services by permitting members of the choir to act out parts drawn from scripture, while the liturgy was being 266 sung. In this way the liturgical drama was born. 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