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thesis entitled

Women in the Labor Market and Economic

Development: A Case Study of Taiwan

presented by

Sp ing Wang

has been accepted towards fulfillment
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M.A. degree in Sociology

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MSU Is An Affirmdlvo Action/Equal Opportunity lndfltnion
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WOMEN IN THE LABOR MARKET AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
3 CASE STUDY OF TAIWAN

BY
Sping Wang

A THESIS
Submitted to
Michigan state University

in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Sociology

1990

‘u ‘I
v)

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()0

ABSTRACT

WOMEN IN THE LABOR MARKET AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
A CASE STUDY OF TAIWAN

BY
Sping Wang

This case study of Taiwanese women’s employment status
based on census data is to illuminate the divergent
conclusion about the exclusion of women from labor market
and/or from industrial sector in the course of development
and to shed light on female status as a gender in the formal
labor market in Taiwan during the period of 1952-1987.

On the one hand, the inclusion of Taiwanese women in
the labor market and particularly in manufacturing in the
course of development refutes the simple notion of female
marginalization thesis. Therefore, a differentiation of
economic structure with which the peripheral countries are
incorporated into the world economy is needed in the study
of female employment status and economic development.

On the other hand, the study substantiates women’s
subordination in the labor market reinforced by the
interacting forces of patriarchy and capitalism. Although
the economic development of Taiwan imposed upon by a
dependent economy indeed accrued job opportunities for
women, women’s subordinated status in the labor market is
intensified, evidenced in the deteriorated sexual income
inequality, proletarianization of women, and occupational

segregation.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank my adviser, Dr. Richard Hill, for
his support and encouragement, my committee members, Dr.
Kevin Kelly and Dr. Marilyn Aronoff, for their helpful
suggestions, and Dr. Rita Gallin for her comment in the early
stage of the preparation of the thesis. From them, I
received confidence in finishing it.

Thanks, especially, to my family and friends for their
sharing my distress and depression during the time I was

working on this thesis.

iii

Table of Contents

 

Page
LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi
LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . viii
KEY TO ABBREVIATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix
INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
LITERATURE REV! 3w 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O I O O O O O 4
Female Employment and Development . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Female Employment and International Division of Labor . 12
Theoretical Perspectives on Female Employment . . . . l7
METHODOLOGY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
The HethOd C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 2 3
Measurement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
THE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF TAIWAN . . . . . . . . . . 28
Historical Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
Labor-intensive Industrialization and Dependency . . . 33
Employment and the Labor-intensive Industrialization . 42
WOMEN IN THE LABOR MARKET . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
The Entry of Women into Industry . . . . . . . . . . . 46
Changes in Employment structure . . . . . . . . . . . 50
Sex Segregation and Industrial Restructuring . . . . . 55
Occupational Segregation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60
Class Structure of the Female Labor Force . . . . . . 63
Sex Differential in Earning . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
Women's Deployment as Reserve Army . . . . . . . . . 70
Urbanization and Female Marginalization . . . . . 73
CHALLENGE AND SYNTHESIS . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97

iv

LIST OF TABLES

 

Table Page
4.1 Industrial Growth and Change in the Structure of

Trade, 1952-87 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
4.2 Capital labor ratio in industries and firms with

foreign investment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
4.3 Share of selected industries in manufacturing

prOduction O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 37
4.4 Private Foreign & Overseas Chinese Investment in

Approvals, by industry . . . . . . . . . . . 40
4.5 Employment by Industry and by Manufacturing

Groups, 1952-87 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 44
5.1 Increase Index and Growth Rate of Employees by

Economic Activities and Sex, 1952-87 . . . . . 47
5.2 Ratio of Employees in Manufacturing to Tertiary

and to Service by Sex, 1952-87 . . . . . . . 47
5.3 Labor Force Participation and Unemployment Rate

by Sex, 1952-87 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
5.4 % Distribution of Employment by Economic

Activities, Occupations, and Employment Status

and Sex, 1952-87 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
5.5 Paid Employees in Manufacturing, Commerce, and

Service by Occupations and Sex . . . . . . . . 58
5.6 Occupational Segregation, 1952-87 . . . . . . 61
5.7 Sex Differential in Earnings, 1952-87 . . . 66
5.8 Sex Difference in Earning for Paid Employees in

Manufacturing, Commerce, and Service, by

Occupations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
5.9 Growth Rate of Employees by Industry and Sex

during Economic Recessions . . . . . . . . . 71

V

5.10-1 Comparisons of Labor Force Participation between
Taipei and Taiwan Area . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

5.10-2 % Distribution of Female Employment by Economic
Activities in Taipei and Taiwan Area . . . . . . .

5.10-3 % Distribution of Female Employment by

Occupations in Taipei and Taiwan Area . . . . . .
5.10-4 % Distribution of Female Employment by Employment
Status in Taipei and Taiwan Area . . . . . . . . .
Appendix
4.1 Capital Formation and Foreign Investment . . . . .
4.2 Composition of Exports, 1952-87 . . . . . . . . .
4.3 Share of Industry in Gross Domestic Products,
1952-86 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O
4.4 Shares of Selected Industries in Manufacturing
Production Expansion, 1952-86 . . . . . . . . .
5.1 Labor Force Participation and Unemployment Rate,
1952-87 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O
5.2-1 % Distribution of Labor Force by Economic
Activities and Sex, 1952-87 . . . . . . . . . . .
5.2-2 % Distribution of Labor Force by Occupations and
Sex, 1952-87 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.2-3 % Distribution of Labor Force by Class of Workers
and Sex, 1952-87 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.3 Sex difference in earnings by industry and
occupation, 1987 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

vi

LIST OF FIGURES

 

Figure Page
5.1 Labor Force Participation Rate by Sex, 1952-87 . . 49
5.2 Distribution of Employment by Sex in Economic

Activities and Occupations . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
5.3 Trends of Dissimilarity Index in Industry,

Occupations, and Employment Status, 1952-87 . . 56
5.4 Sex Difference in Earning, 1956-87 . . . . . . . . 67
5.5 Sex Difference in Earning in Commerce, Service,

and Manufacturing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68

vii

CDN

EPZs

ES

GDCF
GDP

IOFC

LDCs
LFP

Mfg.
MNCs

TSDB

YOEAPS

YOMS

KEY TO ABBREVIATION

Central Daily News, International Edition (in
Chinese)

Direct-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics,
Executive Yuan, Republic of China.

Economically active population

Export processing zones

Essential Statistics, Export Processing Zone
Administration Ministry of Economic Affairs,
Kaohsiung, Taiwan, R.O.C.

Gross domestic capital formation

Gross domestic product

Industry of Free China, DGBAS, Executive Yuan,
Taiwan, Republic of China.

Less developing countries

Labor force participation

Manufacturing

Multinational corporations

Taiwan Statistical Data Book, DGBAS, Council for
Economic Planning and Development, Executive Yuan,
ROOOCO

Yearbook of Earnings and Productivity Statistics,
Taiwan Area, R.O.C., 1987, DGBAS, Executive Yuan,

Taiwan, Republic of China.

Yearbook of Manpower Statistics, Taiwan Area 1987,
DGBAS, Executive Yuan, Taiwan, Republic of China.

viii

I. INIBQDQQIIQN

Proponents of modernization perspectives in School of
Women in Development often hold that economic development is
beneficial to women's status in the Third World in terms of
the growth of female employment and emancipation of women
from patriarchy in home. However, the emphasis on female’s
production role for improving their inferior status as a
gender is doubtful as far as women’s disadvantaged position
in the market and double work are concerned. Most
importantly, the capacity for economic development imposed
upon a dependent economy to accrue job opportunities for
women in the periphery is uncertain.

Divergent conclusions about the exclusion of women from
labor market and/or from industrial sector in the course of
economic development in the Third World arise primarily due
to the emergence of different operations in the dependent
world capitalist economy. On the one hand, a rich body of
studies based on developing countries whose development
relies on investment mechanism of secondary import
substitution documents women's marginalization in the
process of economic development in terms of the fall of
female force participation rate, the decline of women in

capitalist employment (i.e. wage labor), tertiarization,

2
relegation into informal sector, and as industrial reserve
army, thereby arguing an essentially steady decline of
female participation in the course of dependent development.
Further, the limited capacity of labor absorption
constrained by the core in the periphery is indispensable in
its integration into the world economy.

On the other hand, export processing industries
emergent in the 1960s as a departure of dependent economy
from capital-intensive industries adopted in most LDCs
increase the level of female participation in the developing
countries. However, it also perpetuates women as gender in
the labor market in terms of low pay, high turnover rate and
poor working condition. Moreover, it is criticized for its
short-term effect due to the distorted economic structure
and the exploitative nature of dependent economy.

‘\/ The economic development of Taiwan can be roughly
classified into three stages of industrialization during the
past three decades: primary import substitution in 1952-64,
export-oriented industrial processing in 1965—76, and
capital-intensive production after 1977. In the course of
economic development, an increase of global female
participation rate, the substantial inclusion of women into
manufacturing and a current shift of women into white-collar
service work challenge the arguments of an essential decline
of female participation in a dependent economy and a short-

term effect of female participation in a context of export-

3

processing industrialization. However, the confinement of
women to a handful of industrial and occupational sector
documents women’s inferior status in a patriarchal society.

This case study is therefore to shed light on female
status as a gender in the formal sector of labor market in
Taiwan during the period of 1952-1987 and to determine in
what way women are marginalized in the process of export-led
production and capital-intensive industrialization. Aside
from identifying a different path of Taiwanese women
entering labor market from some other LDCs in the course of
economic development, this study bears several objectives:
1) to refute the simple notion of essential declining trend
of female participation engendered in the process of
development in developing countries, 2) to call for a
differentiation of the economic structure with which the
periphery is integrated into the world economy in studies on
female labor force participation and economic development,
3) to verify if the export-processing industrialization in
Taiwan simply has a short-term effect on female employment
as claimed in some writings from perspective of dependency
theory, and, most importantly, 4) to identify women’s status
as a gender in the labor market in both the labor-intensive
industrialization and the expanding capital-intensive

economy.

C’

(“P'“”

at

A

11- LITBBATEB§_BE!IEI

Studies on women and development have often come to
divergent conclusions about the impact of development on the
levels and patterns of female employment in the labor
market:”Early research from modernization perspective
frequently holds that development leads automatically to
higher status of women because of the increased level of
female labor force participation (Bairoch and Limbor 1968;
Johnstone 1968; Wilensky 1968);/the argument of which has
been questioned not only because it mistakenly assumes a
parallel impact of industrial development on men and women
(Boserup 1970), but, most importantly, it neglects that the
capitalist dependent economy in the Third World lacking
absorptive capacity in the secondary sector merely imposes
constraints on women's labor participation and employment
status (Schmink 1977; Nash 1977; Ward 1984). Although
multinational corporations emergent as a new type of
dependent capitalist economy lead to the increase of female
labor participation, scholars have criticized its
perpetuation of women’s status as a gender (Elson and
Pearson 1981a, 1981b; Green 1983) and its momentary effect
of the demand for female labor due to the exploitative

attribute of dependent economy (Ward 1984; Postrado 1986).

5

The review of women’s status in the formal labor market
in the process of dependent economy is organized into three
parts. First part considers empirical studies on female
marginalization in the labor market. Second part regards
women's labor force participation and status associated with
the internationalization of factory production. Third part
is a brief theoretical review of women’s subordinate status
as a gender in light of the differential effect of
development on men and women.
11.1. Female Employment and Development

The classic model of economic development based on the
path of industrial nations suggests that all societies
homogeneously undergo, step by step, a shift of labor force
from primary sector to secondary sector and then to tertiary
sector of white-collar work (Clark 1969). The automatic
increase in participation rate and the transition of
employment from manual work to white-collar occupations in
service sectors are established for male as well as for
female in industrial countries. Study of Scott and Tilly
(1975) on working women in the 19th century Europe and study
of Oppenheimer (1970) on the 0.8. female labor force
participation show that young and single women were
concentrated into manual jobs, particularly in garment and
textiles industries, as industrialization launched with
absorptive capacity in the secondary sector. Later, the

continuing expansion of urbanization, capital-intensive

6
industrialization, and state bureaucracy, led to an increase
in white-collar female employment in service as female
manual worker suffered job-loss from the competition with
capital-intensive heavy industry.
XV" Based on the evolution of women’s labor force
participation in industrialized countries, some research
from modernization perspective argues a positive
relationship between economic development and female status
in the developing countries, by holding that economic
development positively increases in the level of female
labor force participation (Bairoch and Limbor 1968:
Johnstone 1968). The argument relating economic and
industrial development to female labor force participation
is supported by early quantitative cross-national studies
(Wilensky 1968), but becomes precarious after controls of
family structure and fertility (Collver and Langlois 1962;
Youssef 1974), divorce, income inequality (Semyonov 1980),
economic dependency (Ward 1983), and structure of the state
(Ramiez and Weiss 1979). Later, a curvilinear postulate
between industrialization and the level of female
participation was otherwise addressed (Pampel and Tanaka
1986; Huber and Spitze 1983: Blumberg 1978). From the
findings of U-shape of female participation with the level
of economic development in cross-nation data, Pampel and
Tanaka (1986) suggest that female participation rate may

initially decline with the emergence of market economy, but

7
will increase at advanced level as continued economic growth
and expansion of tertiary sector will increase the demand
for women.

Either the linear trend substantiated in studies based
on women in industrial nations or curvilinear increase of
female employment based on cross-section studies, however,
neglects the type of work women hold in the labor market
(Chaney and Schmink 1980), and hardly provides any empirical
base of the progressively downward trend of women's
employment found in developing countries. Boserup in her
pioneering work "Women’s Role in Economic Development"
(1970) first substantiates the different effects of
modernization on women and men and concludes that the
development from peasant to industrial economy, or from
household economy to factory production, hinders rather than
accelerates women’s participation in the labor market, since
the productive role of women in economic sphere is replaced
by the arising market commodity. The new industrial jobs
generated by modern technologies, she argues, prefer men to
women who lack education and training for the new type of
work. A collection of micro studies on Latin American
countries further substantiates her arguments about the
essentially steady decline of female participation,
expulsion of women from manufacturing, and therefore
concentration into a form of unproductive service sector and

domestic spheres in the course of development (Saffioti

8
1983; Sautu 1980; Nash 1977: Chinchilla 1977; Madeira and
Singer 1975).

Take Brazil as an example. The female labor force
participation rate first decreased as structural changes in
mechanization of agricultural economy took place in the
early 1900s, and exacerbated throughout 1970 when modern
techniques were introduced to manufacturing (Humphrey
1984:224; Nash 1977:169: Madeira and Singer 1975:494-95).
The decline of female labor force participation was closely
associated with the expulsion of women from manufacturing,
specially from traditionally female-concentrated industries.
Women in industry had dropped from 91.3% in 1900 to 27.9% in
1920, then to 20.6% in the 1960s: about one fourth of women
in textiles were expelled between 1950 and 1970 while the
total number of men employed in textiles drastically
increased by over 60% (Saffioti 1983:3). P

It indicates that women who were initially preferred in
textiles and cottage industries for their dexterity and
docility are displaced as soon as specialized economic
enterprises take over the production of goods once
manufactured in the home (Chaney and Schmink 1980). Further,
women displaced from manufacturing are pushed into service
sector essentially as domestic servants and into informal
income-generating sector. The domestic service thus becomes
an 'virtually exclusive female domain’ (Youssef 1974:28).

Women’s share of service in most Latin American countries

9
ranged from 46% in Guatemala to 79% in Nicaragua (Anker and
Hein 1986:80): the proportion of women in service as maids
and domestic servants was as high as 64% in Guatemala in
1973 (Chinchilla 1977) and 49% in Peru in 1972 (Anker and
Hein 1986). The extremely rapid growth of the tertiary
sector in Latin America, Schmink (1977:156) points out, was
the result of two interrelated processes: demographic
changes and shifts in the structure of production: that is,
the increasing use of technology and demand for highly
skilled labor failed to absorb labor from the rapid growth
of population and internal migration from rural areas to
cities. The internal inequality leading to the intense
tertiarization of female employment in urban areas is found
in a series of studies (Bardouille 1981: Apriz 1977). The
growth of industrial employment in cities not keeping pace
with the rapid growth of population has led to severe
unemployment of urban women and consequently their
relegation into domestic service and informal sector.

The female class composition in the course of
capitalist develOpment therefore could be characterized by
the polarization of employment at two ends of service
occupations: domestic service and middle-class occupations
such as clerical and professional work (Schmink 1977: Safa
1977: Marinda 1976). On the one hand, the limited employment
in industrial sectors restricts the opportunities of the

class mobility of women in lower social classes to work as

10
wage laborers in manual or semi-skill work. On the other
hand, the small expansion of white-collar jobs in modern
service sector only allow women of middle- and upper-class
to have the access to white-collar work. Safa (1977:133)
therefore concludes that ’women from the proletarian class
will be locked into their present occupational status, or
with the decline in industrial employment may even be
unemployed or continue to swell the ranks of the marginally
employed'.

Tinker (1976) and Chaney and Schmink (1980:160)
therefore conclude that "women’s status in the labor market
only worsens as the modernization process goes forward".
Studies beginning with Boserup pose that women in the Third
World are only marginalized in the course of development,
which, labeled as female marginalization thesis by Scott
(1986a) for theorizing female labor force participation in
the developing countries, can be summarized by two
propositions (cf. Scott 1986a, 1986b). First, women are
tertiarized with the mechanization of agricultural
activities and the modern industrialization, that is, an
exodus of women from manufacturing to commerce and service.
Second, with the direct shift of female employment from
agriculture to service, women are marginalized in terms of
being relegated to domestic service as unpaid family labor.

Proponents of female marginalization thesis further

take the stance of dependency theory in understanding the

ll
increasing use of technology and highly skilled labor which
causes the deteriorated status of Third World women (Ward
1984: Nash 1977; Schmink 1977). The import substitution,
initially promoted to produce manufacturing goods for the
local market, was taken by social elites to produce consumer
goods oriented largely toward upper-class consumption
through the contact with foreign investment. The inflow of
multinational corporations, either consolidated with or
weakening the local bourgeoisie, employed large-scale
capitals and skilled labor to produce luxury goods for the
local elites when there was a need to absorb excess labor
and a necessity of producing goods for daily existence
(Evans 1979). Because industrialization is financed by
foreign capital and dependent on foreign technology, the
gradual growth of urban and industrial development found in
industrial countries becomes shortened in Third World
countries.

In a word, female marginalization school beginning with
Boserup has argued that women are more marginalized and
exploitative than men in the course of development. The
failure of incorporating women into development process is
greatly attributed to economic dependency of the developing
countries on the central capitalist power. The artisan-like
character of ’female’ industries can not compete with the
new factory production with huge investment and technology

penetration. Women production labor who were previously

12
preferred in traditionally female industries for their
patience and dexterity are now replaced with importation of
machinery. While few white-collar and professional jobs in
banking and trading enterprises are induced for educated
women by the dependent capitalist development, most women
are forced into marginal employment in the labor market.
11.2. Female Employment and International Division of Labor

While the penetration of capital-intensive technology
by foreign investment expels women from production process,
women in some LDCs have been targeted as a source of cheap
labor as processing for export emerged in the 19605 so as to
resolve the unionized organizations and increasing wage
scale in the core countries. L,

In countries including Puerto Rico, Mexico, Dominican
Republic, Singapore, and South Korea, where the export-
processing zones have been set up to attract MNCs, the level
of female participation has substantially risen up and
women's share of production work is also increasing (Wong
1981: Anker and Hein 1986). For example, in Singapore, after
the labor-intensive industries had launched in the 19705,
women entering into the labor market increased by 12%
between 1970 and 1979 (Wong 1981). The growth of women in
labor market, however, was greatly attributed to the
expansion of export processing industries, such as textiles,
footwear, wearing apparel, and electronics, which are based

on marginal profits from cheap labor. Women’s share of labor

13
force in export processing industries could range from 71%
in South Korea to 83% in Malaysia in the middle 19703
(Frobel et al. 1980). The asymmetry of female employment in
labor-intensive industries is empirically substantiated in a
series of studies (International Labour Organization 1985:
Fuentes and Ehrenreich 1983: Deyo and Chen 1976).

The new type of female employment brought by the
relocation of labor-intensive industries to the peripheral
nations contradicts Boserup's hypothesis that women are
excluded from the production process as wage workers in the
course of economic development. The growth of female
employment in industries, used as an index of the level of
female marginalization by studies beginning with Boserup, is
now an evidence of the perpetuation of women's status in the
Third World. Although few studies optimistically see the
employment of women in capitalist production, especially in
multinational factory, as emancipation of women from
patriarchy at home and increase in women’s economic
bargaining power (Lim 1987, 1983), Green (1983:321) argues
that ’the expansion of Western capital has meant the
creation and expansion of new and greater reserve armies of
labor’. That is, along with the internalization of capital
production, Third World women have formed an entirely new
work force sector of young, largely unmarried women for the
capital accumulation of the core countries.

In the export industries, the recruitment patterns of

14
young and unmarried women, deterioration of wage scale, high
turnover rate, long working hour, low mobility, and poor
working condition, only evidence women’s superexploitative
and readily disposable status (Elson and Pearson 1981b:
Green 1981). For example, female wages in global factories
registered 20-50% lower than male wages (Frobel et a1.
1980): turnover rate was as high as 5-10% per month in
export-oriented industries: and the working hours were
estimated to be 50% more per year than in factories located
in the center (Safa 1981). The dispensibility of women as
labor reserve is even more acute in the new paradigm of
dependent economy. The exporting industries based on
marginal benefits lead women in the global factories to be
more vulnerable to the job instabilities caused by cost
competition with other peripheral countries and fluctuation
of demand and supply in the world market.

Moreover, the labor-intensive investment in the
developing countries has only marginal effects on overall
female employment level as the demand for labor exists
merely for female workers previously uninvolved in the labor
force rather than for unemployed female workers (Ward 1984).
The preference for young women as wage productive labor
continues to push married and older women into the corner of
service sector and domestic sphere (Safa 1983). Besides, the
tertiarization of urban women continues, because, although

export-manufacturing industries may provide industrial jobs

15

to some women, the number of women drawn to the city by
these industries exceeds the numbers of jobs that are
generated (Postrado 1986).

Most importantly, studies on women and development with
a focus on the exploitative nature of the new type of
dependent economy contend that MNC employment has only a
short-term effect on the level of female employment (Ward
1984), as in the long run the economic development will be
hampered by the labor-intensive exporting industrialization
(Bornschier and Chase-Dunn 1985: Timberlake and Kentor
1983). While calling for capital through foreign investment
and commercial loans to operate export processing zones, the
periphery only becomes more dependent on the core, and the
profits generated by foreign investment generally have
flowed out of the countries instead of being used for inward

development (Muller 1979).

From this review, the level of female participation is,
therefore, neither an essentially steady decline in the
development, as argued by school beginning with Boserup, nor
an automatic increase as found in the industrial nations.
With the divergent findings of the increasing levels and the
share of female employment in manufacturing across all
subsectors in Brazil after the 1970s, Humphrey (1984:224)
jumps to the conclusion that ’women have not been

marginalized from the industrial labor force as a result of

16

dependent development'. Scott (1986a), while finding a
variety pattern of female marginalization in employment,
rejects the mono-causal model of decline of female
participation in the development and calls for micro-level
analyses to take into historical and cultural factors. Safa
(1977:127), while identifying women perpetually play three
markedly different role in the development of industrial
capitalism, that is, from agrarian production and
consumption unit to domestic sphere and unskilled factory
work, then to low grade white-collar jobs, argues that ’the
level of female participation appears to be related to the
stage of industrial capitalism in which the country finds
itself and how this affects the growth or decline of the
primary, secondary and tertiary sector’. Ward (1984)
perceives the recent changes in patterns of female
employment in industrial sector as the consequence of
changing economic structure with which the peripheral
countries are integrated into the world economy, that is,
changing from a technological modernization imposed by the
foreign investment to the labor-intensive export-processing
industries with the recruitment preference for young women.

Why are women excluded from traditionally female
industries as technology and machinery are introduced but
targeted as a source of cheap labor when the export-
processing industries emerge? Why are women perpetually

relegated to the secondary labor market in the production

l7

process? And, why are women only incorporated into a handful
of paid work in ’female' industries like textiles and
electronics where they have to render repetitive and tedious
service with lowest pay and least advanced opportunities,
whereas men are widespread in a variety of industrial sectors?
Different approaches have tried to answer the differential
impact of development on female labor force participation
and women's deteriorated status in the labor market.»
11.3. Theoretical Perspectives on Female Employment

Classical economists frequently apply price theory to
the analysis of the determinants of labor force
participation (Mincer 1962). Based on the price theory, it
is argued that an individual’s participation into the labor
market is in part determined by his/her rational choice
between work time and leisure time, or income and leisure.
Wage rate thus becomes one of the decisive factor of the
level of female labor participation because whether women go
to the job market depends on the amount of earnings which
can compensate the leisure time she lost (Bowen and Finegan
1969). Departing from this, sex inequality in earning and
national income inequality are therefore perceived as one of
the determinants which discourages female labor force
participation (Semyonov 1980).

Supply-demand approach otherwise focuses on women’s
labor force behavior from the interplay of supply and demand

factors (Oppenheimer 1970: Sautu 1980). An economic

18
framework of supply and demand 'appears to be the best guide
to the investigation of changes in female labor force
participation' (Oppenheimer 1970:19). Factors determining
the supply of women available for work include educational
level, age-specific composition of women, availabilities of
service facilitating women's entrance into labor market, and
economic necessity. The demand components include structural
factors like the level of technologies of industry, number
and types of jobs offered and which women might fill. Under
the interaction of demand and supply factors, for example, a
shortage of young and single women might lead the demand
shifted toward older, married women, and increased job
opportunities may pull older women who were not previously
in economic sphere into labor market (Oppenheimer 1970:19-
24). Consequently, in studies, especially quantitative
research, on female participation in the development,
factors such as women/child ratio, divorce, and education
attainment, are frequently reviewed and taken into
examination.

Particularly, the Status Attainment approach with an
emphasis on the ’supply’ characteristics of human capital
has been favored by School of Women in Development. Status
Attainment approach contends that what women bring with them
into labor market is the major determinant of their
subordination in the occupational structure. Therefore,

changing individual women's cultural or nominative

19
attributes, such as education, training, and values toward
childbearing and rearing, continuity of work experience, is
essential in equalizing women's opportunities for the modern
sector. Boserup (1970) as well holds that the differential
effects of development on male and female employment status
is derived from sexual differences in educational attainment
and training skill to take new types of jobs generated by
the modern technology; hence, the declining level of female
participation and their relegation to domestic service and
informal sectors can be corrected through legislation
reforms and intervention projects.

However, bearing Marx's thesis in mind about thefisexr
stratification preconditioned by capitalism, proponents of
dependency theory claim that, the female marginalization in
the development process is not rooted in women's lack of
human capital: instead, it is rooted in the development of
capitalism which entails the exploitative character between
the center and the periphery that lays a foundation of
sexual inequality and the differential effects of
development on men and women (Leacock 1981; Elliott 1977).
Explicitly, the exclusion of women from capitalist work is
grounded in the disarticulation of technology and labor
supply generated by the dependent economy. And,
multinational corporations as a new form of dependent
economy in search of labor surplus value for capital

accumulation provide a mechanism of the exploitation of the

20
Third World women.

The persistence of women’s relegation to the corner of
secondary labor market in the course of development,
socialist feminists otherwise argue, lies not simply in the
structure of capitalist labor market imposed by the power
relation between the core and periphery, but in the
hierarchical sexual division of labor, which provides both
ideological and material base in understanding women’s
oppressed position in capitalist society. That is, the
reproductive role of women in the sexual division of labor
in the household which confines women to domestic and
reproduction task extends to the labor market in determining
their value of labor power and their disadvantaged
occupational position in the labor market.

As a result, the assumption of women's dependence upon
her husband’s wage within the family preconditions the
disposability of women and their low wage in the labor
market (Beechey 1978). The criteria, such as docility,
patience, and obedience, used by employers to select women
in early industrialization and in global factories are
simply an extension of patriarchal ideology historically
rooted in culture and persistently imposed by male
authority. And, the demand for skilled labor to manage
complicated machines is explicitly a "male-favored"
technological change which presume women do not know how to

manage machines (Chaney and Schmink 1980). The confinement

 

21
of female workers to a handful of labor-intensive
industries, mainly textiles, food processing, leather goods,
and electronics industries, but exclusion of them from
modern manufacturing is simply a process of subordination of
women as a gender (Elson and Pearson 1981).

Further, it is argued that women's disadvantaged status
in the labor market should be understood from the
interacting forces of patriarchy and capitalism. That is,
while sex roles reinforced through socialization acts as a
mechanism upholding the perpetuation of patriarchy and
capitalism in both home and market, the structure of labor
market and women's disadvantaged market position in turn
constructs women’s gender-assigned role in the home. The
patriarchal relation in capitalist society transformed from
individual exploitation of women by men in the household
division of labor now extends to a collective exploitation
of women in the work place to benefit both working class men
and capitalist men. Therefore, the level of demand for
female labor in the Third World and their perpetuated
employment status in the labor market is an interplay of the
structurally imbalance between supply and demand of labor
imposed by the dependent economy and the hierarchically
patriarchal relations.

Due to women’s inferior status in the labor market
reinforced by patriarchal ideology, the entrance of women

into labor market induced by the development of capitalism,

22
if it occurs, argued by Pearson and Elson (1978), is simply
’a transformation of women’s subordination rather than its
dissolution’. The significance of women’s entrance into
public sphere as wage earners and emancipation from
patriarchy in the home is more often offset by women’s
double work and by their marginal earnings due to their
inferior occupational positions and downplay of women’s
labor power in the capitalist labor market (Dwyer and Bruce

1988).

We

III- MITEQDQLQQY
111.1. The Method

This micro study concerns Taiwanese women’s status in
the formal labor market in the postwar economic development.
The dynamic changes in women’s employment status are
examined through aggregated data about sex differentials in
wage, unemployment, and economic sphere across industries,
occupations, and employment status. Analyses are mainly
based on data collected from census at national level during
the period of 1952-87, although shortcomings of under-report
of female labour force participation in census data have
been criticized (Anker 1983).

To determine in what way the different economic
structures underline women’s inferior status as a gender,
the economic development of Taiwan is broken down into three
periods: 1952-64, 1965-76, and 1977-87, namely, import
substitution, export-oriented production, and capital-
intensive industrialization. Analyses are therefore based on
data in four time points, 1952, 1964, 1976 and 1987, or
averaged data in three subphases, so as to grasp the change
of women’s employment status in a transition from
agricultural economy to capitalist production in a context

of world economy.

23

24

The rationale of this study with 1965 and 1977 taken as
demarcation years of three subphases of economic development
is as followsl..Although export-oriented industrialization
had been initiated since the late 19503, not until 1965 the
Statute of the Incentive for Foreign Investment was revised
and expanded in scope so as to lead to the first export
processing zone (EPZ) established in the same year. The
implementation of the EPZ signified that the state’s
’development strategy at this time was entirely export-
oriented’ (Kuo, et a1. 1981:75). And, although the oil
crisis in 1973 highlighted the need for technology-upgrading
of Taiwan’s labor-intensive economic structure, not until
1976 was a six-year economic plan initiated for the
development of capital-intensive industrialization aimed at
large-scale integrated heavy and petrochemical industrial
production and not until late 1977 was the Council for
Economic Planning and Development established for directing
Taiwan’s industrial restructuring toward technology-
intensive industrialization (Gold 1986:101-3).

As to the validity of the measurement, the overall
stability of economic growth in Taiwan, 8.7% in 1952-64,
9.8% in 1965-76, and 8.8% in 1977-87 avoids one

methodological problem addressed by Scott (1986a). That is,

 

1The years of 1960 and 1973 have often been marked as Taiwan's economic development toward
export-led and capital-intensive industrialization period (Gold 1986; Li 1985; Kuo, et al. 1981). It
is because policies in favor of export-oriented expansion, such as monetary reforms, were
implemented since 1960 and foreign investment primarily started to flow in after 1961 (Kuo 198126),
and the severe economic recession in 1973 caused by the global oil crisis had the state realize the
fragile labor-intensive industrial structure (Gold 1986; Gregor, et al. 1981).

25
the economic instability and a series of cycles within
business cycles in developing countries cause difficulties
in determining if it is the cycle or women’s inferior status
comes into play in the deployment of women as labor reserve
in times of recession.

Additionally, since female "marginalization is
essentially a relative phenomenon as well as a processual
one" (Scott l986a:654), historical analysis based on women
alone might overlook that men are marginalized as women are
in the process of development. Here analysis is therefore
based on comparisons between the relative positions of men
and women at any one point.

Concepts of the following in a historical context are
examined. First, tertiarization, i.e. a direct shift of
women from agricultural activities to service sector or a
shift of women from manufacturing to commerce and service.
Second, marginalization, i.e. a decrease in the proportion
of women in capitalist relation of productions but an
increase in unpaid family labor and self-employment. Third,
industrial reserve army, i.e. an increase of female
unemployment in times of economic recession. Fourth,\sex
segregation expressed in earning inequality and an unequal
access of women to each sector of labor market in contrast
to that of men. Fifth, sex-typing of jobs or
disproportionally female, i.e. women forming a higher

proportion of workers in certain occupations than they do in

26
the labor market as a whole.

Furthermore, to capture female employment status in the
process of urbanization, that is, to assess if urban women
are more marginalized, tertiarized and occupationally
segregated in labor market than women as a whole, Taipei,
the prime city of Taiwan, is selected for comparisons. But
the availability of data restricts the comparisons to be
based on another four time points - 1971, 1975, 1979 and
1984.

111.2. Measurement

The analysis of women’s employment status in the course
of development in Taiwan is based on labor force
participation rate, cross-sectional examination of 9
economic activities, 7 occupational strata and 5 employment-
status categories over four time points. Detailed data about
women-concentrated sectors, i.e. manufacturing, commerce,
and service, in the period of 1977-87 is scrutinized to see
how women’s employment status is affected by technological
upgrading in recent years.

Here female labor force participation is defined as
women aged 15 and over, employed or unemployed, seeking work
during the enumeration period. It is measured by female

participation rate, i.e. the female labor force divided by

27
the economically active female population times 1002.

The degree of sex segregation in the labor market is
measured by the dissimilarity index in economic activities,
occupations, and employment status. The dissimilarity index
of segregation, outlined by Boulding, et a1. (1976) and
Duncan and Duncan (1965), is the sum of the absolute values
of the differences between the proportions of male and
female in each category of economic activities, occupations,
or employment status. Another measure of occupational
segregation is the index of over- or under-representation in
specific employment category, obtained from the ratio of the
shares of women in a given occupational stratum to total
employment3.

Meanwhile, for clarification, the term Dependent
Development is used in an institutional sense, referring to
the aid, trade, investment, or technological dependence. The
term Dependency Theory is referred, in a consequence sense,
to the disarticulation between technology and social
structure, the MNC and local firms, capital equipment and
debt burden caused by the economic and political power of

the center imposing the unequal exchange on the periphery.

 

2The other way to measure the level of female participation is the female share of the labor
force, i.e., the number of female labor force divided by the total labor force times 100. The share
one as a male/female competition measure controls for the number of existing jobs in which women can
be employed relative to men. The female proportion measure without control of the size of the total
labor force is usually criticized for the hiding sexual inequality in terms of women's access to
labor market, for female labor force participation may grow, but not necessarily keep pace with
male’ (Ward and Pampel 1985).

3
About other measures of occupational segregation, see UNECE (1980). House (1986), and Scott
(1986b).

IV. P TAI

The postwar Taiwan’s development can be divided into
three subphases, namely, primary import-substitution in
1952-64, export-oriented industrialization in 1965-76, and
capital-intensive industrialization after 1977. To explore
the dynamic economic structures which determine Taiwan’s
labor allocation and women’s employment status, the analysis
begins with an introduction of historical background of the
implementation of economic policy, followed by an I
examination of the pattern of industrialization and the
structure of exports which underline Taiwan’s economic
development with great capacity of labor utilization. At the
end, a linkage of industrialization with labor utilization
in industrial sector is briefly discussed before an
exploration of the impact of development on Taiwanese
women’s employment status.
1v.1. Historical Background

At the beginning of the 19505, the state, in face of
postwar severe inflation and sizable import deficits,
decided to direct its development policy from previously
outward-oriented to inward-oriented in search of replacing

nondurable consumer imports by domestic production“. A

 

A
A debate about if Taiwan should adopt import-substitution to meet postwar domestic needs or

28

29

system of import controls to protect infant light industries
was thus initiated in the early 195059. Due to the state’s
total control of foreign financial aid and commodities (Gold
1986), together with the private entrepreneurs not existing
on a large scale to gain monopolistic control of industries
after World War Two (Gold 1981: Kuo, et al. 1981:43)6, and
only few foreign private investment flowing into Taiwan in
the 19505 (Kuo, et al. 1981:29-30; Gold 1986:73), Taiwan’s
industrialization was overwhelmingly based on small-scale
and labor-intensive industries run by family enterprises.
Unlike the substantial inflow of foreign investment and
presence of monopolistic capitalists in Latin American
countries, the small size of local enterprises in Taiwan had
difficulties in generating capital goods and was thus
virtually characterized by labor-intensive nondurable
consumer industries.

Between 1952 and 1958, the output of protected domestic

manufacturing doubled; real gross domestic product grew 7.1%

 

ensure export-led policy which had been historically established during Japanese colonial period
arose at this time. On the one hand, it was argued that Taiwan could not depend on domestic market
as far as the than small population (8 million) and a per-capita income approximately US$100 in 1950
were concerned (Lin 1973:40). However, following a path of export-led economy as it was in the

rewar years also had difficulties as the major export products, such as sugar, banana, and tea, had

ost its preferential markets of Japan and China. Also, the prewar export surplus was unlikely to
maintain, for the increased domestic demand from the population growth had led to a shrinkage of
exports and a trade deficit in the early 19505.

5
It included customary mix of exchange controls, import licensing, protective tariffs, multiple
exchange rates and an imposition of overvalued foreign currency (Kuo, et al. 1981; Gold 1986:71-72).

6Japanese total control of the ownership of manufacturing enterprises during colonial days
explained the private sectors existing in small size and less chances of concentration of industrial
assets in private Taiwanese hands after World War II when the Chinese central government took over
(Gold 1981; Rue 1981). See also Hsiao (1986) about the implication of class structure in a context
0% world system and state-class relationship during import-substitution and export-production
p ases.

30
per annum. The production growth was greatly attributed to
nondurable consumer goods, especially textiles, apparel,
wood, and leather products. However, due to the restricted
small market, further growth of domestic output relying on
the net increase in domestic demand had difficulties to
continue. The saturation of domestic market thus appeared in
the middle 19505, evident in the decline of overall
manufacturing growth, reduction of investment, substantial
price decline in imported nondurable consumer goods, and
increasing competition among producers (Ranis 1979:213).
Meanwhile, the trade balance of payments remained in deficit
despite the growth of industrial output, for the rapid
expansion of textiles, plastics, cement, fertilizers,
plywood, and chemicals all required the import of raw
materials (Gregor 1981:51). ‘

In account of Taiwan’s restricted small market, scarce
natural resource, the population pressure on farmland7, and
intense unemployment problem since the late 19505, the state
took outward alternative with a shift from domestic market
to export market so as to maintain the growth of labor-
intensive industries, instead of inward alternative of
capital-intensive deepening production which was

overwhelmingly adopted in Latin American countries after

 

7

The agricultural population rising from 4.3 million in 1952 to 5.8 million in 1964, with an
increase of 331, discloses the extent of population pressure on farmland. A part-time reallocation
of labor to non-agricultural activities was desperately needed (Kuo 1981246).

31
saturation of primary import substitution. A series of
economic reforms for promoting industrial exports was hence
implemented since the late 19505, including the setup of
first EPZ without duty imposed on imports in 19658.
\J// The labor-intensive export-led development strategies
settled in a favorable postwar international environment,
especially in the milieu of industrial relocation from the
advanced countries in search of cheap and docile labor in
the periphery, speeded up the pace of industrialization in
Taiwan. Before the first global oil crisis in 1973,
industrial production expanded 3 times since 1965, with an
annual growth rate of 19.4%: the share of industrial goods
in exports jumped by 37%: the exports in general domestic
products (GDP) increased by 23%: furthermore, the trade
deficit for the first time was balanced in 1971 since 1966
(TSDB, various years).

However, the industrial structure pivoting on labor-
absorptive manufacturing, vertically integrated with the
core rather than horizontally with the national economy, is
extremely vulnerable to the external economic fluctuation.
The infirm industrial structure in reliance on export market
was severely jolted by the first oil crisis. In 1974, the

industrial production decreased by 4.5%: real per capita

 

8

Economic reforms for promoting industrial exports included 19-point economic financial reform,
investment incentives, change of nominal rate of protection, tax reduction and refunds, special
export loans, and a real effective foreign exchange policy. See Kuo, et al. (1981:73-83) for
details.

32
income fell by 3%: a trade deficit of $1.3 billion appeared
for the first time since the favorable balance of trade
payment in 1971: and both exports and imports declined in
1975 for the first time since 1969 (Gregor 1981:65). On the
one hand, the oil crisis highlighted the asymmetrical
dependence of export-led economy on foreign sources for fuel
and intermediate capital goods required for the expansion of
textiles and plastics. On the other hand, industrial
nations’ deterioration in their balance of international
payments caused by the global economic recession has led to
their imposition on import of nonessential goods.

In face of the increasing protectionism from industrial
nations and dependence on foreign sources for intermediate
and capital goods, the state embarked on technological
upgrading planning so as to sustain long-term growth of
export market in the world economy. A new six-year economic
development plan was initiated in 1976 aimed at the
deepening production of heavy and petrochemical industry so
that the petrochemical raw materials can be produced to meet
the needs of domestic textiles and chemical industries and
therefore to ’reduce the vulnerability to price fluctuations
in imported supplies’ (Gold 1986:101). On the other hand,
the Council for Economic Planning and Development
established in 1977 emphasized on export-oriented
technology-intensive electronic industries, upgraded from

previous electrical machinery industry, such as assembling

33
televisions and electrical consumer appliances (Gold
1986:103).

Meanwhile, the labor scarcity after 1971 (Kuo 1985),
the soaring wage scale imposed by both the shortage of labor
and the new labor law enacted in 19849, the appreciation of
Taiwanese currency by more than 30% between 1985 and 198810
and cost competition with other peripheral countries have
pushed industries dependent on cheap labor for marginal
profit to shift to sophisticated machine production. A
structural transformation to higher value-added and more
skill- and capital-intensive industries through importation
of machinery or technology transfer from the developed
countries has hence been extensively undertaken“. Lowv/
value-added and labor-intensive industries such as textiles
and footwear have been planned to die out most likely

through relocation to the neighboring countries”.

11.2. Labor-intensive Industrialization and Dependency

 

9For example, manufacturing employees in Taiwan in 1987 earned 59.51 more than in 1981, while
for other categories of employment the corresponding figures. in order, were: utilities 60.62;
financial service 54.61; transport 48.72; commerce 48.42; construction 47.62; social service 41.02
and the mining 21.62 (YOEAPS, Table 13).

10
The foreign exchange rate was US$1.00=NTSZ8.17 in 1988 while it was US$1.00-NT339.9 in 1985

(IOFC 1986, 1989, Table 56)

11For example, the Statue of Incentive for Foreign Investment enacted in the 19505 is going to
be replaced by the Statue of Incentive for Industrial Upgrading. A draft for encouraging investment
of local company to industrial countries so as to obtain high technology is underway. Also, a work
plan of inducing Japanese technology is implemented by the Ministry of Economy.

2For example, a draft of incentives and subsidies for encouraging labor-intensive industries
to relocate to Latin American countries has been carried out (CDN 5/23/89). Also, in 1988, the
Taiwanese business invested more than one billion US dollars in Philippines, amounting to 22.82 of
total foreign investment of Philippines (CDN 3/11/89). The amount of Taiwanese investment in
Malaysia in January/February, 1989 was 23 times the investment over the same period in 1988 (CDN
4/7/89); its investment in electrical machinery and electronics, textiles, plastics & rubbers, food
processing, etc. accounted for 24.72 of total foreign investment in Malaysia in 1989, only next to
the investment of Japan (CDN 1/20/90).

34

Taiwan’s economic development has been characterized by
a sharp increase in industry’s share of total output and
employment, growing diversification of industrial
production, fast expansion of exports with emphasis on
manufacturing (Amsden 1979), aside from its egalitarian
income distribution (Kuo, et al. 1981) and decentralization
of industrialization across urban and rural areas (Ho
1976:17; Ranis 1979:222-225)”. Its development as a deviant
case of dependency theory throughout the 19805 was
acknowledged in its absence of disarticulation of technology
and social structure associated with the sectoral
transformation of labor force, the lack of consumption
patterns of production for local use, and the capital
equipment imports taking place at later stage (Gold 1981).

The expansion of manufacturing production and the sharp
increase of export with emphasis on manufacturing, as shown
in Table 4.1, could be largely traced to the labor-intensive
light industries using readily available technology, rather
than the use of capital and imported technologies, during
import substitution and export-intensive industrialization.

The capital labor ratio, that is, the amount of direct
fixed assets divided by total employees, given in Table 4.2,

shows the early industrialization of Taiwan was virtually

 

13The proportion of industrial establishments in five largest cities was only 342 of the total
in 1951 and remained virtually unchanged by 1971 (Ranis 1979:222). According to Ho (1976), by 1971,
502 of the industrial and commercial establishments and 552 of the manufacturing establishments in
Taiwan were located in rural areas. Further, the proportion of persons employed in manufacturing in
the cities actually declined from 432 to 372 between 1956 and 1966.

35

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36
based on labor-intensive industries. Although there has been
a trend toward using capital and technology in
manufacturing, by and large, all manufacturing groups were
fairly low in the ranking of capital labor ratio between
1952 and 1971“. Food processing and textiles, the two
leading sectors of industry in import-substitution and
export-oriented phases, though with the highest capital-
labor ratio among all manufacturing groups, were essentially
based on abundance of unskilled labor. Multinational
corporations flowing into Taiwan were more likely to
establish labor-absorbing factories using simple knowhow for
exported goods, at least during the late 19605. Firms with
foreign investment had low and progressively deteriorated
capital-labor ratio between 1964 and 1967-69 periods. The
capital labor ratio for firms in EPZs was even far lower
than that for overall firms with foreign investment.

The non-durable consumer goods therefore had been the
major components of manufacturing for long since the 19505.
Light industries accounted for three-fourths of
manufacturing production in 1952-64, 63% and 56% in the
subsequent phases. Out of 20 manufacturing groups, three
labor-intensive industries: food processing, textiles &

apparel, and electrical machinery, alone made up 45% of

 

4

1 According to Lin (1973:130), capital labor ratio can be categorized into 5 levels, which are,
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more labor-intensive the production is.

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38
total manufacturing production in 1952-64, 38% in 1965-76,
and 34% in 1977-86 (see Table 4.3). Moreover, industries
were overwhelmingly based on small-scale family enterprises
using simple technologies. According to Gates (1979:390), of
44,092 manufacturing industries in 1971, 57% had fewer than
6 workers, 82% had fewer than 20. In 1987, 23% of
manufacturing labor force were in factories with fewer than
9 workers and 41% in factories less than 29 workers (YOMS,
Table 57). An official statistics in 1989 shows that small-
and medium-sized industries made up 98% of total
enterprises: their production as a whole amounted to 47.6%
of GDP and more than 60% of exports: and, 70% of their sales
were for export market (CDN 5/1/89).

While the predominance of small-scale family
enterprises and labor intensiveness characterized Taiwan’s
economic development and industrialization throughout the
19805, the share of textiles, the leading industry in the
19605, in manufacturing production was levelled off after
1971 and has steadily declined since 1978. Its production
growth also slowed down, indexed 149 between 1976 and 1981
but 137 between 1981 and 1987, far behind that of the light
industry taken as a whole and that of heavy industry (IOFC,
various years). Capital- and technology-based production has
played an important role in economic structure so as to
reduce the vulnerability of dependency in the world economy,

‘

The shrinkage of light industry and the leading sector of

39
industry changing from processed food to textiles then to
electronics, machinery and petrochemical intermediates in
the course of time have marked the diversification and
deepening of the economy in Taiwan.

The labor-intensiveness in the early industrialization
is no doubt attributed to the dependent status of Taiwan in
the world economy, which can be reviewed from the aspects of
foreign investment and trade dependency.

Unlike most of the developing countries, foreign
investment historically played only a minor role in Taiwan’s
industrial development, amounting to 2.2% of gross domestic
capital formation (GDCP) in 1952-64, 6.4% in 1965-76, and
4.1% in 1977-87 (Appendix 4.1; also Ranis 1979:250). And,
less than 5% of foreign investment flowed into the leading
sectors of industry, i.e. textiles and food processing,
after 1968. Of the total investment in either textiles or
food processing, foreign investment was still mild: less
than 5% in 1962-79 period (see Table 4.4). According to Gold
(1981, Table 3.3), in 1976 top ten cotton textiles firms
were all local enterprises, with sales ranging from NT$601 J/
million to NT$3,584 millions.

On the contrary, electrical equipment and electronics
sector was characterized by ’a few large foreign assemblers
and a welter of small locally-owned suppliers’ (Gold

1981:125). It relied heavily on the external actor for both

capital and technology. In 1977, foreign investment

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41
constituted 33.6% of total investment in this sector. And,
investment from the U.S. and Japan held 70% of the total
capital of electronics, and 60% of their investments were
worth more than NT$20 millions (ibid.). The majority of
locally-owned firms were otherwise small workshops with less
than 100 workers manufacturing parts and components for
assembly.

Even with the substantial inflow of foreign investment
in sectors like electronic and machinery equipment, foreign
investment in Taiwan virtually has been in favor of labor-
intensive industries. In his examination of multinational
corporations in Taiwan, Gold (1981) states, overseas Chinese
had favored light industries: a large number of Japanese
small and medium-sized enterprises was replicating the
obsolete sectors of its industrial structure in Taiwan; and
American multinationals were otherwise virtually offshore
assembly operations producing for their domestic market
rather than the local market. Large capital and technology-
intensive MNC investments, if any, were rather made with the
state. Overall, technologically advanced and capital-
intensive operations by MNCs did not come in until the 19705
when the development strategies were directed toward capital
and technological exporting goods, in particular, machinery
equipment, non-metallic mineral product and electronics and
electrical products.

Although Taiwan’s dependency on foreign capital was

42

relatively mild, its dependence on export market and trade
partner was nevertheless ponderous, marking experts as the
key factor of labor-intensive industrialization. While
export as a percentage of GDP skyrocketed from 8% to 61%
between 1952 and 1987, the expansion of exports was greatly
attributed to the production of labor-intensive industries,
especially food, textiles, and electrical and electronic
equipment, the total of which made up 80% of total export
value in import-substitution phase, 66% and 55% in the
subsequent phases (see Appendix 4.2). And, about half of the
exports went to two trade partners, the U.S. and Japan since
the 19505 (TSDB, various years). According to Kuo, et al.
(1981), exports have been the primary source of
manufacturing growth: the manufacturing output due to export
demand was 80.6% in 1971-76, increasing by 29% since 1961-71
and by 44% since 1956-61. The progressive dependence of
manufacturing on export market holds for every manufacturing
group except food processing. The reliance of textiles on
the fluctuating demand of export market was particularly
acute, the output growth of which accounted for by export
expansion was more than 100% in 1971-76 period.
1V.3. Employment and the Labor-intensive Industrialization

The export-oriented industrialization vertically
integrated with the core, especially with the U.S., in the
milieu of postwar international industrial relocation, on

the one hand, highlighted its vulnerability to the

43
fluctuating supply and demand in world market, on the other
hand, marked the absence of the disarticulation of
technology and social structure in the early
industrialization. The early industrialization was thus
built to be suitable for the labor condition in Taiwan
before the arrival of capital-intensive industrialization.

Overall, the employment in Taiwan over 1952-1987 was
characterized by low unemployment rate, a shift of labor
force from agriculture to manufacturing then to service.
Labor force entering manufacturing increased faster than any
other sectors, and the growth of which was especially marked
during the export-led period. The employment in primary
sector dropped from 56% in 1952 to 17% in 1987 while that in
manufacturing rose from 3% to 34% (see Table 4.5).

The capacity of labor absorption in manufacturing was
greatly attributed to the expansion of few selected labor-
intensive industries: food processing, textiles & apparels,
and electrical machinery. Of 20 manufacturing groups, these
industries accounted for 40-44% of manufacturing labor force
in the period of 1952-87. And, significant number of workers
have been associated with or vulnerable to the world market.
More than one third of labor force was engaged in the
production for exports in 1976, compared to 20% in 1966 and
12% in 1961. Manufacturing employees used for exports alone
amounted to near 20% of total employment in 1976, with an

increase of 12% since 1966 (Kuo et al. 1981, Table 6.9; Liu

44

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45
1988).

Due to the expansion of labor-intensive industries, the
acute unemployment in the 19505 was noticeably relieved,
decreasing from 4.5% in 1952 to 3.3% in 1965, and to 1.7% in
1968. Since 1968, the unemployment rate in non-depression
years remained low, ranging from 1.3% in 1973 to 2.66% in
1986. The relatively high unemployment rate before 1964
underlined the fact that the small scope of import
substitution in the 19505 featured by labor-absorptive
industrialization was insufficient to absorb excess labor
from rapid population growth: the employment structure at
this time is still highly agriculture-based.

In sum, the import substitution in the 19505 existing
in primary form and the subsequent implementation of labor-
intensive export-oriented industrialization, together with
the still high proportion of labor-intensive industries such
as textiles and electrical machinery in the initial stage of
capital-intensive industrialization”, brought on the high
level of labor participation but asymmetry of labor force in
few labor-intensive industries whose output growth was

dependent on the abundance of cheap labor supply.

 

5

For example, the electronics industries, both labor-absorptive and tech-intensive in
production process, heavily depends on labor-intensive semi-skilled assembly workers in Taiwan. More
than 752 of electronics labor force were production workers for assembly during 1977-87 (YOEAPS,
Table 4).

V- IQEEN_IN_I§§_LA§QB_HAB£§I

How does Taiwan’s economic development characterized by
labor-intensive industrialization in the past four decades
underline women’s subordinate employment statusfidhow does
the integration of Taiwan into the world capitalist economy
affect women’s position in the public sphere?\in what way is
women’s status perpetuated in the course of development in
Taiwan, compared to women in other developing countries? ow
does the recent industrial restructuring toward capital- and
technology-intensive industrialization underscore women’s
inferior status as a gender? The analysis of Taiwanese
women’s employment status in the course of development is
discussed in the following from various aspects.
v.1. The Entry of Women into Industry

The divergence of female employment status in Taiwan
and in most of the LDCs can be summarized by the fact'of the
inflow of Taiwanese women into manufacturing since the
19505, evidenced in the growth rate of female employment in
manufacturing, the ratio of females in manufacturing to
tertiary, and the disproportional distribution of female
labor force in manufacturing.

Data in Table 5.1 shows that although the number of

women entering into labor market grew at a slower pace

46

47

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48

relative to that of men in 1952-64 (i.e. 1.6% and 2%,
respectively), the growth rate of female employment
increased much higher than that of male’s ever since. The
entrance of female employment was much noticeable in
manufacturing than in other sectors and grew faster than
that of males since the 19505, though the growth has been
less significant in recent years. As a result, the ratio of
females in manufacturing to tertiary, most likely a decline
in developing countries, had steadily increased throughout
the 19705. Not until the technological upgrading was
intensively implemented in the 19805 did the ratio start
declining (see Table 5.2). Further, the proportion of female
labor force in manufacturing jumped from 8% in 1952 to 41%
in 1987 with an increase of 33% whereas the increase for
male was merely 17% over the same period (See Table 5.4).

Due to the great demand for labor in labor-intensive
manufacturing, female labor force participation rate in
general rose in the course of development. Sex difference in
labor participation level over time, however, is also
noticed. Table 5.3 and Figure 5.1 show that male labor force
participation has been steadily on the decline, from 89.5%
in 1952 to 75% in 1987, regardless of the economically
structural change at any point in time, whereas female labor
participation rate displays a curvilinear trend over the
past four decades with a turning point in 1966, a year after

the first EPZ was implemented. The female participation

49

Table 5.3. Labor Force Participation and Unemployment Rate, 1952-87

 

Unemployment as % of

 

 

Share LFP LFP EAP
LFP rate rate
Year Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female
1952 89.5 41.0 47.0 19.5 2.9 2.9 3.3 7.0
1964 83.6 34.1 42.4 16.8 2.8 2.4 3.3 6.9
1976 77.1 37.6 38.8 18.6 1.2 0.8 1.6 2.2
1987 75.2 46.5 37.7 23.2 1.5 0.9 2.0 2.0

 

Source: YOMS, Table l and 87.

Note:LFP rate is the female (or male) labor force divided by the female
(or male) population times 100; share LFP rate is the number of
female (or male) labor force divided by the total labor force

times 100.
LFP is the total civilian labor force aged over 15; EAP is the

economic active population, employed or unemployed, seeking jobs.

Fig 5.1 Labor'Force Participation Rate
by Sex, 1952-87

Percentage

QOI

 

80'

70"

60"

50"

 

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52 55 50 55 7O 75 80 85 ST

-‘— Male LFP rate -+-FemaIe LFP rate

50
plummeted from 41% in 1952 to 32.5% in 1966 when the entry
of women into manufacturing was noticeable. Then at the time
when the export-oriented and labor-intensive
industrialization was explicitly implemented and when the
tight labor market became apparent in the 19705, female
participation rate increased by 9% between 1966 and 1973.
Later, two global economic recessions brought on the decline
and then level-off of female participation. Not until 1982
when Taiwan were relieved from the second economic recession
did female participation rate again climb up, increasing
from 39.3% in 1982 tO 46.5% in 1987.

While the decline of female participation and the
exclusion of women from manufacturing have frequently been
used as evidence of female marginalization engendered in the
course of development, the overall increase of female
participation rate and substantial inclusion of female labor
force in manufacturing in Taiwan otherwise reveal women’s
disadvantaged status in the labor market if patterns of
female employment in labor market are examined.

v.2. Changes in Employment structure

A comparison of the distribution of male and female
workers by economic activities and occupations over time,
given in Table 5.4 and Figure 5.2, reveals the extent of sex
differential in the changes of employment structure.
Virtually, a shift of employment from agricultural sector to

manufacturing and commerce is visible for both sexes as

51

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Fig 6.2 Distribution of Employment by Sex

In Occupational Strata
Male

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53
labor-intensive industrialization launched in the 19505.
Nevertheless, the departure of employment from agriculture
into manufacturing and commerce was more pronounced for
females than for males. Between 1952 and 1987, the
proportion of female labor force in agriculture fell by 45%
and increased by 33% in manufacturing and 12% in commerce,
while for men it was a fall by 39% in agriculture and an
increase by 17% in manufacturing and 5% in commerce. As a
result, the concentration of labor force into manufacturing,
commerce and service became more apparent for females than
males. These three leading sectors in labor absorption, for
both women and men, comprised more than 80% of female labor
force in 1987, but merely 62% of male labor force: the
comparative figures for female and male were 65% and 52% in
1976, and 43% and 37% in 1964. The gradual increase of
dissimilarity was because women have been completely blocked
from male-dominated industries of construction and
transportation but concentrated into manufacturing as they
were left out of substance activities when mechanization and
industrialization dispersed in the rural area.

The relatively well-distributed male employment in
contrast to female’s may be further revealed by a comparison
between the distribution of female and male employment in 20
manufacturing groups. In 1977 whereas 64% of females in
manufacturing was accounted for by four manufacturing

industries, (i.e. textiles 25%, electric & electronic

54

equipment 18%, plastic products 11%, and apparels 10%), the
same magnitude for their male counterparts could be
accounted for by eight manufacturing groups (YOEAPS, Table
6)“. Although the confinement of females in manufacturing
into these four sectors lessened to some degree, i.e. 57% in
1987, for male manufacturing labor force the same magnitude
could still be accounted for by 7 manufacturing industries.

As the labor-intensive industrialization shifted the
employment from primary sector to secondary sector, a
departure of occupational structure from agricultural work
to production and clerical work was as well found among both
sexes, but more apparent for females than males. While the
distribution of female labor in agricultural work decreased
by 47% in 1952-87 and increased by 25% in production work
and 16% in clerical work, the corresponding figures for
males were less significant: declining by 37% in agriculture
work and increasing by 22% in production jobs and 5% in
clerical work. The absence of exodus of females from
production work in the course of development, however, was
not so much encouraging. For example, in 1987, 57% of female
production workers fell into four leading occupations:
electrical and electronic fitters (18.7%), tailors,
dressmakers and sewers (17.7%), spinners, weavers and

knitters (10.4%), and rubber & plastics product makers

 

6
That is, textiles 112; electrical and electronic equipment 10.22; fabricated metal products
9.12; plastics 8.62; wood 7.22; machinery 6.92; transportation equipment 6.72; and food 6.52.

55
(10.6%): but only 44% of male production workers fell into
four leading occupations: construction workers, transport
operators, machinery assemblers, and electrical & electronic
fitters (YOMS, Table 54).

\//In addition, the trend of both male and female
employment moving from manufacturing into service sector in
the late 19705 should be noted. The proportion of female
labors in service, once substantially declined since the
19505, rose up after 1978 and reached a peak of 19.1% in
1987 for the first time since 1959. Different from the slow
upward linear trend of male proportion in service sector,
the U-shape trend of female employment in service reflects
the fact that, while manufacturing and commerce acted as a
pull factor in 1952-76 dragging females from service sector
(mainly personal service), in the recent economic
restructuring, white-collar service work in finance and
construction has rapidly absorbed women in general and women
displaced from manufacturing - due to either technological
deepening or relocation of ’female’ industries to other
periphery countries.

v.3. Sex Segregation and Industrial Restructuring

The dissimilarity of employment patterns between men
and women measured by the dissimilarity Index (DI) of sex
segregation, given in Figure 5.3, shows the changes in sex
segregation in public sphere. Clearly, the dissimilarity

indices regarding economic activities and occupations both

56

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57
steadily declined between 1952 and 1964 as labor-intensive
industrialization incorporated women into manufacturing as
production and/or clerical workers. However, later the
continued expansion of female labor force in manufacturing
relative to that of male labor enlarged the DI scores of
economic activities, which was further intensified due to
the growth of female labor force in service sector in the
late 19705: and, the DI score in economic activities reached
the highest in the 19805. Similarly, the sex segregation
level in occupation strata, once reaching an unprecedentedly
low level in 1976, substantially rose up due to the
concentration of women into clerical and service work
relative to their male counterparts as capital-intensive
industrialization was carried out in the late 19705.

A breakdown of employment in manufacturing, commerce
and service by sex and types of work in Table 5.5 discloses
in what way female employment has been affected by the
industrial restructuring since the late 19705. The patterns
of female employment in commerce and service, in fact,
became more alike to that of male’s. A shift of employment
structure from retails and variety store to international
trade in commerce sector and from personal service to social
service in service sector was as apparent for female as for
male. However, sex segregation was disclosed when the
employment pattern was broken down by types of work. The

proportion of females as supervisors in any commerce group

Table 5.5. Paid Employees in flanufacturing, Commerce, and Service by Occupations and Sew

 

Supervisors (workers in mfg.)

Female's share
of employment

in particular sector

as Z of total employment

1 Distribution of employment

in particular sector

Female

Hale

Hole

Female

 

 

 

1982 1987

1977

1977 1982 1987

1982 1987

1977

1987

1982

1977

1977 1982 1987

 

 

 

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59
was substantially lower than that of males over three time
points, although women on supervisory work have been
increasing over time. The proportion of females in
international trade as supervisors was even on a decline by
24% between 1977 and 1987 whereas their male counterparts
had an increase by 4%.

On the contrary, overall no clear-cut sexual
occupational hierarchy was found in service groups. However,
except for women in social service who were more inclined to
be on supervisory work in contrast to their male
counterparts, the percentage of female employees as L/
supervisors in cultural, personal, and sanitary service
sectors was substantially lower than that of male employees.

In manufacturing, as the textiles production started
declining since the late 19705, female manufacturing
employees were shifted from textiles into electric &
electronics industry as men were, but apparently the decline
of female proportion in textiles was more than the decline
of male proportion. More apparently the percentage of
females as production workers substantially fell across four
leading labor-intensive industries while the percentage of
males as production workers, in general, increased. Not too
surprisingly, therefore, the averaged annual growth rate of
production workers in the declining textiles between 1976
and 1987 was -1.49% for female, but 1.58% for male (YOEAPS,

Table 4). The exclusion of women from manufacturing in

60

textiles replicates in Taiwan as technology and capital
penetrate into industries previously based on simple
technology. Even the growth of female production workers in
electronics industry fell behind that of male’s although
women were still over-represented in electronics industry”;
during 1977-87, the averaged annual growth rate of female
employment was 5.4%, compared to the growth rate of 7.4% for
men.
v.4. Occupational Segregation

An examination of under- and over-representation of
women in occupations, i.e. women’s share in each occupation
divided by their overall share of all occupations, given in
Table 5.6, depicts the overall occupational segregation of
sex in the job market. In general, occupational segregation
has alleviated over time in all occupational groups except
for clerical and administrative occupations. The over-
representation of women in professional and service
occupations and under-representation of women in production
work, though still obvious, have been less significant.
However, what was striking was women’s under-representation
in administrative work but over-representation in clerical
occupations over time, especially when the substantial
improvement of female education in Taiwan is taken into

account. For example, in 1987, 35.3% of employed persons

 

17
Women constituted 752-792 of production workers in electronics but only 522-532 of overall

production worker in the period of 1977-1987.

Table 5.6 Occupational Segregation, 1952-07.

 

Over- and under-representation of
female employment in occupations

Women’s share of labor force in occupations

 

 

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Source

62
with college education (including junior college) were
women, compared to 29% in 1978 (YOMS, Table 4).

The over-representation of Taiwanese women in
professional occupations in the 19505, as found in most of
the developing countries due to the mass of women as
teachers and nurses, has lessened its significance in the
course of development. It is probably because ’beyond a
certain level of development, the main professional
occupations for women such as teacher and nurse become a
smaller proportion of the professional category while other
professions such as engineer, systems analyst, accountant,
increase in importance’ (Anker and Hein 1986:81). However,
the confinement of female professionals in teaching and
nursing is yet striking. In 1987, 79% of female
professionals were in teaching and medical-related
occupations while there were only 42% of male professionals
in the corresponding jobs (YOMS, Table 54). The over-
representation of female professionals in teaching and
medical-related work is also evident; female’s share in
these professions was 57% in 1987 while their share in
overall professions was merely 42%.

Meanwhile, the relegation of women into clerical work
manifests the feminization of clerical occupations over
time, i.e. changing from being sex-typed as men’s jobs to
being as women’s jobs, as well as the confinement of female

clerical workers into low-level white-collar work (YOMS,

63
Table 54)”. In 1987, about 50% of male clerical employees,
in contrast to only 11% of female clerical workers, were
high—level supervisors; almost half of women (46%) in
clerical occupations were book—keepers and cashiers.
Besides, while women constituted 51% of clerical employees
in 1987, women's share of supervisory clerical work was
merely 17%. In a word, women have become over-represented in
clerical work but severely under-represented in
administrative work and clerical supervisory occupations.
v.8. Class Structure of the Female Labor Force
\v// Perceivably, the expansion of labor-intensive
capitalist production in Taiwan has enlarged the size of
wage workers and decreased the significance of petty
bourgeoisie and unpaid family labor in class formation. The
percentage of employees as wage workers increased from 35%
in 1952 to 67% in 1987, while that as petty bourgeoisie and
unpaid family labor decreased from 34% to 19% and from 28.5%
to 9%, respectively (YOMS 1987, Table 13 and 93). However,
the remarkable shift of female employment from self-
employment and unenumerated work to capitalist work, as it
was for men, brings attention to women’s subordinate status

in class structure in the course of capitalist development.

 

18The high-level white collar occupations include clerical supervisors, government executive
officials, and transport & communications supervisors. The low-level white collar work includes
typist, bookrkeepers, cashier, transport conductors, mail clerks, telephone operators and
unspecified clerical workers.

64

Table 5.4 indicates that, of the total female labor
force, women as wage workers have augmented from 30.6% in
1952 to 70.9% in 1987 while male labor force as wage workers
expanded in a relatively slower pace from 36.6% to 64.1%.
The female marginalization, i.e. an increase in the
proportion of female employment in family labour, self—
employment and domestic service engendered in the
development, is dismissed in the case of Taiwan. The
plummeting of female unpaid family labor since 1952 was
especially noticeable during export-led period, registering
a decline by 20%, compared to a decline of 3% in 1952-64 and
7% in 1976-87.

As a result, sexual segregation in class structure has
been substantially at ease (see Figure 5.3), mainly
attributed to a narrowness of dissimilarity between male and
female distribution in unpaid family workers and petty
bourgeoisie. However, the steady decline in sex segregation
index of employment status since 1952 has come to a halt
after 1977, which discloses the extent of tendency of women
to be wage workers in a continuing expansion of capitalist
development. Whereas female workers are more inclined to be
wage workers in private sectors than male workers, men have
been more likely to be employers and petty bourgeoisie. The
proportion of women as private wage workers soared by 22.2%
between 1964 and 1976 and by 11.2% between 1976 and 1987,

the comparative figures for male labor force were 17.2% and

65
6.0%, respectively.
v.6. Sex Differential in Earning

Along with the increase of female wage workers but
acute relegation of women into secondary market, either to
low grade white-collar work or to semi-skill production
work, the sexual inequality in earning has been also
intensified, if not aggravated, marking Taiwanese women’s
subordinate status as wage workers in the course of
development.

An examination of sexual difference in wage broken down
by industry records the extent of sexual differential
perpetuated in the course of capitalist development. A
systematic sex difference in earning, shown in Table 5.7 and
Figure 5.4, has come across all industrial sectors over
1952-87. The U-shape of sex difference in earning in
manufacturing, service, and utility sectors between 1952 and
1987 underlined the deterioration of women’s wage relative
to men’s during 1966-75, a time when the productive process
was on the base of cheap labor for export market.

Due to the acute labor scarcity since the 19705, sex
differences in earning have been gradually narrowed across
all sectors since 1976 except for commerce, where sex
inequality in earning was more severe in 1981-87 than any
other sectors aside from mining. Although the increase of
female wage in general has kept pace with that of male’s in

the period of 1981-87, two findings mark the subordinate

66

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68
Fig 5.5 Sex Difference in Earning
COMMERCE

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69
status of women in manufacturing, commerce, and in
particular, service. Firstly, the increase of women's wage
in service not only was substantially slower than men’s, but
also did not keep pace with the increase of women's wage in
other sectors. Secondly, the sex difference in wage in the
19805 was most intense in sectors where women were
concentrated, i.e., manufacturing, commerce and service,
aside from mining. Although there has been a substantial
increase in earning for women in commerce relative to that
of their male counterparts, the increase in women’s wage can
not be overemphasized if the significant sex differences in
earning in this sector is considered.

While overall sex difference in earning after 1976 has
allayed to certain degree, a breakdown of earning by
occupations in commerce, service and manufacturing, given in
Table 5.8 and Figure 5.5, reveals women's subordinate status
in the labor market, particularly in high level white-collar
occupations, as the economic development moves toward
capital-intensive industrialization.

Overall in commerce and service the sex inequality in
earnings was more intense in supervisory jobs, if not
aggravated, than that in non-supervisory jobs at any time
point. In commerce, the increase of earnings among female
supervisory workers relative to male’s was much slower than
that of female non-supervisory workers. In service, the sex

differences in earning were even deteriorated along with a

70

shift of female employment into service in the 1980s; a
decline of the ratio of female/male earnings is noticeably
seen in both supervisory and non-supervisory service work in
three time points. Female’s earnings in cultural service,
either supervisory or non-supervisory work, once higher than
male’s in 1979, sharply fell below the level of male's
earning in 1987”. In manufacturing, the sexual inequality
in earning for female staffs was more acute than for female
production workers over time.
v.7. Women's Deployment as Reserve Army

The theory of labor reserve about the readily available
and dispensable group of women in times of recession is more
complicated than what the theory has suggested. Table 5.9
shows that during the first economic recession, women
evidently were deployed as labor reserve being readily
dispensed. The number of women entering into labor market
grew at a negative rate of -0.1% in 1974 and -1.8% in 1975,
compared with the growth rate of 4.6% and 1.9% for males.
The disposability of female employment was most apparent in
manufacturing and tertiary sector. Nevertheless, during the
subsequent economic recession in 1979-82 and 1985, female
employment, especially in tertiary sector, apparently grew

at a much faster rate than male employment.

 

19The deterioration of numeration work for high-level white-collar female employees is further
supported by the data that, in 1987, women on administrative work only had 492 of male earning, the
lowest among 7 occupation groups. And, particularly in service sector, women in administrative and
managerial occupations only had 39.42 of male's earnings in 1987 (see Appendix 5.3).

71

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72

The model of women as reserve army of labor being
challenged should be examined from several aspects. Firstly,
as Bruegel (1979) suggested, the concentration of women in
tertiary sector has cushioned women's employment, taken as a
whole, affected by economic crisis. The increase in female
employment in Taiwan in times of recession in the late 19705
was greatly attributed to the substantial expansion of
service in Taiwan; the particular pattern of women’s
employment in service sector, such as teaching and nursing,
has cushioned the impact of recession on women labor force
as a whole.

Secondly, although the impact of the recent recession
on overall women in manufacturing was relatively minor,
female production workers in women-concentrated industries
were substantially left out the labor market in comparison
with male workers in the corresponding sectors. In 1978-82,
female production workers declined at annual rate of -4.41%
in textiles and -5.42% in electrical and electronic
equipment while the growth rates of male production workers
were -3.83% in textiles and 9.14% in electrical equipment.

Therefore, the classic assumption of labor reserve
about the readily available and dispensable female labor in
times of recession needs to be placed in macro-level changes
in the expansion of service (Bruegel 1979) and in the
approach of sex segregation associated with the industries

and occupations (Liff 1986). But, the notion of women,

73

especially married and elderly women, in secondary jobs as
reserve army of labour is undoubted.
v.8. Urbanization and Female Marginalisation

A few comparisons of female employment status between
women in Taipei city and Taiwanese women as a whole are made
here to depict urban women’s status in the urbanization
process along with the rapid industrialization. Data in
Table 5.10 shows that between 1971 and 1984 women in Taipei
virtually had a higher level of labor force participation
than women as a whole in Taiwan. While female participation
rate in Taipei increased from 36.1% to 51.0%, that in Taiwan
as whole increased from 35.4% to 43.3%. Female unemployment
rate in Taipei, once substantially higher than that as a
whole in Taiwan in the 19703, substantially declined from
10.2% in 1971 to 2.2% in 1984, and this decline was much
more apparent than that of their male counterparts.

Meanwhile, the percentage distribution of female labor
force in tertiary sectors in Taipei was almost twice that of
Taiwanese female labor force as a whole. And, the DI score
virtually recorded less sex segregation when Taipei women
entered into labor market. In the class structure, the
marginal proportion of women in Taipei as unpaid family
labors (6.4% in 1971 and 1.7% in 1984) is even notable.

The enlargement of women proportion as private wage
workers, mainly in commerce and service, and the decline in

female unemployment rate, are opposite to the argument about

'74

 

 

 

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75

the decline of women in capitalist relations of production
associated with urbanization in developing countries. The
expansion of numerated work and the shift of employment from
manual work to white-collar work in Taipei city, however, do
not bring a promising future of female employment status.
That one-third of women in Taipei were allocated to clerical
work casts doubts on women’s status in Taipei as far as the
relegation of women into low-grade white-collar work and

intense inequality in earning are concerned.

VI QEBLL£H§B_LE2_§1HIEEEIB

Since 1950, Taiwan has rapidly shifted from a
predominantly agricultural society run by family enterprises
to a modern industrial society. 0n the one hand, the female
economic activities underlined by the economic development
refute the classic argument on female marginalization
inevitable in the developing countries. 0n the other hand,
with the development of wage employment, the shift of female
labor force from agricultural to secondary sectors and from
agricultural work to productive and then to white-collar
work only underlines women’s subordinate status in job
market as a bearer of gender. The gender segregation in job
market, worse after Taiwan embarked on export-intensive
industrialization, has been intensified along with the
expansion of wage employment, especially the expansion of
white-collar employment in capital- and technology-intensive

industrialization.

School beginning with Boserup often uses the decline of
overall female participation, exclusion of women from
manufacturing, and relegation of women into service sector
as domestic servants as evidences of female marginalization

in a development from peasant economy to market economy. In

76

77
Taiwan, the influx of women into manufacturing and the
absence of relegation of women into personal service as
maids and cleaners in the course of economic development are
entirely opposite to the argument beginning with Boserup
that the development from peasant to industrial economy,
especially to capitalist dependent economy, only hinders
women's employment status in the job market because of the
replacement of women's productive role by the market
commodity and modern technology”.

However, the curvilinear trend of female participation
in Taiwan is not identified with modernization perspectives
of a U-shape pattern of female participation in the course
of development, i.e. a decline in the early stage of
industrialization due to the exclusion of women from modern
manufacturing and then an increase at advanced level due to
the expansion in the size of service sector. In Taiwan, the
decline of female participation in early stage of
industrialization was not due to the exudes of women from
manufacturing as production workers; conceivably, the growth
rate of female employment entering manufacturing was even
more than twice that of male employment in 1952-64. And, the
increase after 1966 was less attributed to the expansion of
white-collar work than to the expanding job opportunities in

manufacturing. Virtually, the increase of females entering

 

20
Although in 1987 502 of women in service occupations fell into categories of cock, waitress,
housekeeper, cleaner, and building caretaker, they amounted to only 5.62 of total female employment;
the corresponding figures for male were 422 and 32, respectively (YOMS, Table 54).

78
the labor market took place at two stages, at the time when
the development strategy turned explicitly toward export-led
labor-intensive industrialization, especially as the labor
scarcity emerged in the early 19705, and when capital-
intensive production brought about the expanding size in
service sector.

The level and patterns of female participation in
Taiwan, neither in an automatic or curvilinear increase as
proponents of modernization have suggested nor in a steady
decline as studies bearing the dependency perspective have
observed, appear to be associated with the stage of
industrial capitalism in which Taiwan finds itself, and how
this affects the structure of female employment in the
primary, secondary, and tertiary sector. A mono-phenomenon
thesis cannot summarize all LDC women's employment status in
the process of development. Evidently, the employment status
of Taiwanese women being the exception of female
marginalization thesis, as the economic development of
Taiwan throughout the 19805 was the deviant case of
dependency theory, was an implication of its labor-intensive
economic structure in the world economy. Taiwan's early
industrialization since the 1950s had been based on numerous
small-scale labor-intensive industries, modest amounts of
capital and readily available technology. Although there
were some technologically advanced, capital-intensive

enterprises run by the state and MNCs, predominantly both

79
the local capitalists and foreign investments were engaged
in the labor-intensive enterprises on the base of readily
available technology. A large—scale integrated steel mill
and petrochemical complex came at much later stage after a
solid foundation of industrialization was established.

Since Taiwan did not move to the step of capital-
intensive import-substitution directly after simple import
substitution, as most Latin American countries did for
backward and forward linkage of industries imposed by
foreign investment, Taiwanese women’s job opportunities in
industry sector was enhanced by the articulation of
technology with social structure. The growth of Taiwanese
women in general and particularly in manufacturing is
apparently associated with the early industrialization
existing in primary form, the subsequent implementation of
labor-intensive export-oriented industrialization, and the
still high proportion of labor-absorptive industries in the
initial stage of capital-intensive industrialization.

The integration of women into development, however,
perpetuates Taiwanese women's disadvantaged status in the
job market. Female workers were greatly relegated to labor-
intensive industries, primarily textiles and electrical and
electronic industries, the growth of which relies on cheap
labor and fluctuating demand and supply of the world market.
The aggregation of women into light industries merely marks

their vulnerability in the labor market. The sex

80
differential in earning in manufacturing was the greatest in
export-oriented period and among all economic activities.
Besides, women were more likely to be dispensed with than
men during the economic downturn in the early 19705.

Nevertheless, the short-term effect of the industries
for export processing on the level of female employment,
argued by some writers, such as Ward (1984) and Postrado
(1986), did not entirely hold in the case of Taiwan. The
economy of Taiwan was indeed severely jolted during the
first global recession and further by the soaring labor cost
and appreciation of currency in the late 19805, highlighting
the distorted industrial structure in reliance on the demand
of export market. However, the subsequent economic
restructuring has gradually absorbed women in general and
women displaced from manufacturing into service sector,
though less distinct due to the still existing significance
of labor-intensive industries in economic structure. The
expansion of capital and technology-intensive production
provides women with alternatives in white-collar
occupations.

Meanwhile, the shortage of manual workers due to
demographic change, rapid production, and alternatives in
white-collar work consequently decreases the preference of
employment for young and single women. The percentage of
females aged 15-24 in EPZs decreased from 58% in 1985 to 52%

in 1987 (ES, 1985, 1987). Female employees aged 15-24 taken

81
as a whole comprised 30% of total female employees in 1987,
decreasing from 45% in 1978 (but still much higher than
male's 14.6% in 1987). The percentage of married women who
participated in the labor market increased from 31.9% in
1978 to 43.9% in 1987 (yous, Table 7).

The incorporation of married and elderly women yet
demonstrates women as a reserve army of labor in times of
economic boom and labor shortage. And, the alternative of
white-collar occupation for women after future replacement
of manual workers with machine casts doubts on any
improvement of women's production role in the labor market.
As noted above, occupational segregation aggravated when the
developmental strategy turned to capital- and technology-
intensive industrialization. Women flooded to service and
commerce sectors where sex difference in earning was most
severe. The concentration of women into the corner of
secondary job market, mainly in low-level white-collar
clerical occupations, was only intensified. Most striking is
the fact that women in supervisory, administrative, and
managerial work encountered more sex inequality in earning

than before.

Why are women pushed into secondary job market in lower
grade white-collar jobs, with fairly low pay and limited
advancement, just as they are in semi- and unskilled manual

sector as assembly workers? Even if women get into

82

administrative and supervisory work, they suffer more sexual
inequality than before. The persistent relegation of women
into secondary labor market and devaluation of their labor
power, however, is not due to educational attainment or job
training. Although work experience, education and age are
often used as justifications in the substantial sexual
differential in earnings, Liu (1983), after controlling all
the variations, found there are still 10% of wage
differential on identical jobs which can only be explained
by women’s inferior status as a gender.

While the provision of jobs for women has often seen as
a way of integrating women into the development process,
this study shows that women's subordination position was not
stemmed from a lack of job opportunities or their being left
out of the development process. On the contrary, the
development process may be a part of the problem rather than
a part of solution of women's inferior status. The
continuation of women’s relegation to secondary jobs within
the hierarchy of labor market and the inferior valuation of
women’s labor power should be understood in a context of the
patriarchally defined division of labor within the family.

In patriarchal division of labor in the family, women
have been characterized by docility, patience, and
obedience. ’Those attributes that women bring to the labour
market by virtue of family obligation and socialization’, as

a result, ’are used by employers to select them for the

83

secondary sector’ (West 1978; quoted from Green 1983:318).
Such patriarchal practice in wage economy is especially
apparent in Taiwan. Employers employ young female workers as
they can be more easily controlled and disciplined at the
workplace than male workers (Deyo 1989:189). While young
factory women in Taiwan may gain limited autonomy from being
incorporated into wage economy (Kung 1984b), they undergo
most likely secondary status in the labour market evident in
poor working condition, insecure employment, rigid
management, low pay, tedious tasks (Kung 1984a), and most
importantly, in their remittance to their family (Greenhalgh
1985; Kung 1984b; Gallin 1982; Diamond 1979). Filial working
daughter's remittance to the family for improvement of
family living and brother’s education manifests the practice
of patriarchy reinforced by the male-dominant capitalist
economy. L//

Further, the patriarchal assumption that "women is
partly dependent upon her husband’s wage within the family"
(Beechey 1978:186) is carried over in the capitalist economy
and therefore predetermines the devaluation of women's labor
power. Not too surprisingly, therefore, the participation of
Taiwanese women in labor market did not better women’s
economic bargaining power in the family (Lu 1983). It is
because not only of the patriarchy exercised in the family
but also of the remuneration of women's work undervalued in

the wage economy. \t

84

In sum, the demand of the expansion of labor-intensive
industrialization reinforced by the practice of patriarchy
has predetermined women entering the capitalist labor market
as inferior bearers of labor and formed women as reserve
army of labor. Female labor, though not dispensed with
during the recent economic downturns, has continued to form
a new sector of work force at wages that undervalue their
labor power. Moreover, married and elderly women ’who
previously did not work and can be dispensed with or drawn
from according to the dictates of the process of capital
accumulation’ (Green 1983:322) now are incorporated into
wage economy due to the shortage of manual labor and the
expansion of white-collar occupations. (/

Meanwhile, the study shows, on the one hand, that the
persistent occupational segregation which prevents women
from entering ’male’ jobs disputes the simple notion of the
substitution of women for men in the labor market, on the
other hand, that the existence of women forming a docile
secondary labor force with low wage does provide the
possibility of substitution. It is reflected in the new
sector of the female work force in clerical work which
changed from being sex-typed as men’s jobs to being sex-
typed as women’s jobs. The process of feminization, as
argued by Liff (1986), constantly holds down women’s labor
power and often involves redesign of tasks and machinery so

as to accommodate the use of women.

85

At the end, why did the dependent development of Taiwan
which fosters the ’integration’ of women into labor market
contradict the argument of dependency theory? Is its
economic development and social consequence a deviant case
of dependency theory, a regional development associated with
Japan (Cumings 1984), or a phenomenon of world system where
Taiwan stood as a semi-periphery country both being
exploited and exploiting in the zero-sum game between the
core and the periphery (Wallerstein 1974)?

This study tends to place Taiwan’s development in a
context of regional political economy although the unit
analysis and concept of structural positions in the world
system which Wallerstein presents are helpful in
understanding the dynamic position of Taiwan in the world
economy. The stance taken here is based on the fact that the
economic growth of Taiwan, as argued by Cumings, was
strongly associated with Japan’s colonized policy and her
emergence as the Pacific hegemony after World War Two and
that Taiwanese investments overseas have aggressively move
to Southeast Asia and, especially, to China, playing a
significant role in the economic development of the East
Asia region. In fact, Taiwan’s way out of the current
constraints on economic development caused by the rising
labor cost, import liberalization, growing environmental
costs, and protectionism of the U.S., to a great extent, is
dependent on the market and labor in China and the Southeast

Asia.

VII QQEQLEQLQH

This study presents Taiwanese women’s labor force
participation and occupational segregation in a historical
context of economic development from world market factory
production to capital- and technology-intensive
industrialization.

Owing to the labor-intensive production of Taiwan in a
new form of international division of labor, Taiwanese
women’s employment status challenges female marginalization
thesis based empirically on women in developing countries
where initial industrialization involved foreign investment
in modern technology. The emphasis on the exclusion of women
from labor market and particularly from manufacturing as
evidence of women’s disadvantaged position in the capitalist
economy overlooks that the integration of women into wage
economy or manufacturing might not be the solution of
women’s inferior status. Most importantly, this study
suggests a differentiation of the economic structure with
which the periphery is integrated into the world economy and
which in turn underlines women’s subordination in
understanding the divergent conclusions about the exclusion
of women from labor market in the course of development.

Nevertheless, the different path of Taiwanese women

86

 

87
entering labor market records women’s perpetuated
subordination as well. The persistence of Taiwanese women’s
being pushed into the secondary labor market and facing with
undervaluation of their labor power substantiates the
contention of socialist feminism. The hierarchical sex
division of labor in the family reinforced by capitalism
intensifies women’s subordination in family as well as in
the labor market. The gender subordination is now recomposed
in the labor market where women are relegated to semi-skill
work or low-level white-collar work and are thus subjected
to the authority of men with whom they do not have family

relation.

 

APPENDIX

 

88

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IDIDIDIDIDIDIDIDIDID

MNO‘IDNVNVIDD

é=:é.svsav

IDIDVIDVVQQNQ
NNNNMMMMVM

NfiMMMfiOVM"
IDIDIDIDIDIDVVVV

O0:VIDNF:":ID0:0:

IvaIRIvII

NQMOMGNIDIDU‘:

I I I I
J'saflaaadaé

0:IDOVNIDVID":V

8686388386

NMNQVMIDVQID

I
EMQNNNNIDIDID

1877
1878
1878
1880
1881
1882
1883
1884
1885
1888
1887

Wflur

VMM
I I I
"N“

NMM
I I I
VVIn
DMF‘
I I

MV

NVQ
I I I
N":

IDVID

883

27.3
18.0
7.

1885-78
1877-88

1852-84

 

Source:00885, Emecutive Vuan, National Income in Tainan area, ROE, 1888, Table 2.

appendim 4.4. Shares of Selected Industries in flanufacturing Production Empansion, 1852-88

 

Elec-

fletal flachi- trical

metallic

Patro-

port flisc.

Trans-

nerg equip.

Netals prod.

prod.

leum Ruber mineral Basic

Che-
prod. prod.

Furni- Paper
Leather ture prod. mical

Food Beve- flpparel

proces. rage Temtile

"£9.
Total

Year

 

 

1852
1853

F‘IDMQNIDIDMF‘fiQQQ
I I I
mmI-II-I—I—II-II-II-II-II-II-II-I

QflNMQNMNQflMMQ
QI-II-II-II-nI-II-INNNNF'N

QMQVNIDIDNQQNNN
gap-:I-II-II-II-II-II-II-Immn';

IDMQNNNMVIDQNMN
I-In—IQQII—I—u-INN—Iw

QIDQO'NDIDfiQMMNQ".
"flHQIJ'JNV‘IVNNNN

vmvamvv~~~~cm
éa~—~~~6mm~~—

VQQQQQQQNNQNU‘:
MMVVIDIDICIDNNNIDID

NdNQQQNQMMMQQ
"'JQQQQQQQQJF‘F:

NNNV'jMIDMQIDMIDM
NMNMMMMMVVIDIDID

"VQGIDNMNV‘V‘NV'"
IIIIIIIIIIIII
SNMMMWWWMNGU‘S

IDIDNM":0':0':0:NMMQQ
IDIDVIDIDIDIDIDIDIDIDIDID

VIDIDMVO':":N0':0':":"""
IDVMMVMVMMVVVV

NMMMVMVMMMNN":
QQQQQQQQQQQQQ

NNQF‘0:QQ;M0:II:MNQ
NNNNWWF'NNNNNV

QNIDNQQNNNNNQN

VN0‘0'IIDMNMNF'QQ"
I-II-II-II-II-I I-II-I—II-II-I

NNQ"0:M0:IDMQIDMQ
M"I 0‘0‘Q0‘N2NQIDM

NN I-II-INI-II-II-I
MIDQIDND':MVNF:ID":N

88888888 888

QQQQQQQQQQQ'QQ

8888888888888

1854
1855
1857
1858
1858
1880
1881
1882
1883
1884

91

MIDIDQID'1NNQMNID
FI-IF:":NMMMVIDIDID

QQQO':IDVQIDQ":MQ
VMVIDIDVIDIDVIDIDID

QM'1NVMN'1MVO‘0‘
I I

VIDIDQ0'I0‘Q:MNQQ
I-II-II-II-I

"U'IIDF'NV‘NNV‘IDMQ
IIIIIIIIIIII
MMMMMMMMMMMV
IDNIDVQIDWQU‘O‘NV
IIIIIIIIIIII
NNNNNNNNNMNM

~~66~V66V666
I I I I I I I I I I I I
NNfififlNNMMVMM

IDNO:N0':QIDQQNNQ
IDIDIDIDIDVVMMVVV

I-II-II-II-IO'IONMIDIDMID
I-II-II-II-IQI-II-I—II-II-II-II-I

NIDU2NIDVV'1QQN'1
IDQQ0'I0:0:0':0':NID\DID

Q0:QNIDIDN"VMNO':

QééflzQQ—zNMM—I
I-II-II-I I-II-II-I—II-II-I

'1QNN":N":Q":N0:ID
IDIDVVVVVVVVMM

nnN—IIQWQMIDQQN
VVMVVVVVIDMMM

NF:NNMVIDIDQ"""
QQQQQQQQQJd"

IDNdQQMVNQNQV
I I
NNNNNMIDIDVVMV

MQIDID"IDO:QQVQM

17.3 14.2

20.7 14.0

888888888888

5.5

1885
1888
1887
1888
1888
1870
1871
1872
1873
1874

FIFII'IIIIflM

N0:"‘VVQQ""‘M
0'INNIDIDIDNNNN

QMIDMIDNIDNO:0':
IDIDIDIDIDIDIDIDIDID

QIDNNIDQD‘NIDM
IIIIIIIIII

F‘NF‘N—IQF'MNM
I-II-II-II-I

0':IDIDNVMIDVNO':
MMMMMMMMMM

QF‘M0:NNQQQQ
MMMMVMMMVM

"QQQIDQNVQQ
VIDIDIDIDIDIDIDIDID

QNVQDQQIDVQ
VVVVVVVMMM

IDVVIDIDNQIDIDID
e-II-II-II-II-II-I—II-II-II-I

Q0:QNV":VIDNID
IDVIDIDNNNIDIDN

VQQVN-‘NMfiN
"':"':NMMO';NMVV
"Mud"

WMMMMONOMI"
I I I I I I I I I I
MMVVVVMVVV

MMU‘GNMNV‘V‘Q
I I I I I I I I I I
NMMNNNNNNN

IIIIIIIIII
IIIIIIINIIII-IIIII-INNN

NIDVQIDWIDIDVU:
VVVVIDNIDIDIDID

IDVNNNF‘MIDGID
I I I I I I I I I I
QQI‘I‘QC‘QQC’IQ
III—I

V0:NNQIDIDQQ"

NIDIDIDIDIDIDIDIDID

NMIDVF'QMNQM

I I I I I I I I I
MNIDIDIDIDIDMIDID

IDVN
'JMN

QQM

"IDID

NMF‘
I I I
F'O'IN

III

10.sz
"MM
NEON
I I I

"NM

QQQ
I I I
NMID

IDQ"
IDIDV

0'INID
I I I
gI-II-I

GOLD
I I I
MOID

1852-84
1885-78
1877-88

 

Source: 06885, Emecutive Vuan, National Income in Tainan flrea, R.O.C., 1888, Table 2.

92

.mm .N InDOb

autct

"IULaom

I
I I
~~~"—~NNNNN
I
I

I I
"V'V‘V'WNNNNNN
I
I
I

I
""QQQdNWNN"
ID

I
0"
I-I
M

I
Q
M

wID— 9.9m
«own ".mm
GIGN v.mm
$.DN n.0m
town mach
m.mm
m.n— m.cv
momu mImm
~.N~ v.6?
Now" N.av
~.wu ~.—'
m.m~ 0.«?

I

I I
MMNNNNNMMMMM NNNWflHNflfl-IN"

I

I

I I
NIDIDIDIDIDIDIDIDIDIDIDID IDVMNNNNN'I'NMN

I

I

I
""F‘QQQQQQQF'Q QQQQQQ""""‘Q

QNVF'U‘QNNNMVIDD‘ 0‘0‘IDQIDNF'QNQF'N QQIDIDIDMQIDU‘IDQ
I
NQQNQQM-‘NMVM M‘MQIDIDIDIDNQM'HD NIDflflN'INVMNQ
I
NIDVNNMMMMMMV MIDNNMQNQNQNQ NNI.DIDI.D0'IN""M"'0'I
I
QNIDVVIDIDNQQI'IQ QQIDMNN'IOQQIDN MNMMMIDflQNfiID
I I
I-II-II-II-II-II-II-IQQI-II-II-I
ID
I
N
I-I

.N .N D.wu v.Nv

. . .N .N O.N~ —.mv
. . .N .N ~.N— a.mv
. . .N .N VINu m.vv
. . .N .N N.N~ N.vv
. . .N .N «.mn c.mv
. . .N .N noon o.mv
. . .N .N m.m~ m.vv
. . .N .N m.mn w.vv
. . .N .N o.o— m.mv
. . .N .N m.o~ m.mv
. . .N .N N.m~ ~.¢V
. n.m MIN m.~ m.m~ o.Nv
IuItIL Inc: Quotou Inc: Quanta Inc:

tau mud IDOL

50 N no u:0:30~a:oc: an; ILocm

m.mv
m.mv
m.mv
m.mv
«IN?
m.mm
O.¢m
~.mn
N.mm
N.mm
~.am

¢.NM
w.om
N.GV
m.~v
«.mm
v.mm
m.mm
v.mn
v.vn
N.mm
m.~m
~.mm

«I'm
NIVM
D.mm
OImn
VIwm
¢.mm
a.nm
~.Nm
m.nm
N.mm
«.mm
m.mm
O.~v

N.mN
N.mN
m.mN
«.mN
v.mN
momn
G.mN
n.NN
0.NN
c.0N
O.QN

n.NN
m.NN
NuoN
n.NN
N.NN
n.6N
moon
N.0N
Noon
0.90
m.—¢
u.Nc

mIMO
VIVO
¢.mo
V.¢o
N.ND
N.Nw
—.o¢
m.NO
D.QD
m.om
N.o¢
comm
m.mu

IDOL mud

nmmu
mam—
mama
vows
mama
Nam"
«emu
Gov“
mum”
unwn
NNfin

unwu
mum—
Thw—
mnw—
NNGu
«km—
9ND—
mama
uwmu
swan
www—
mafia

tam—
www—
www—
«mm—
owm~
mmmu
www—
nmm—
own"
mmm—
van
mmm—
Nmm—

L00}

NQINmmu .Iueu acctaanazac: tco camaOAmUmdLoa IULou LODQJ «um :mvconac

Service

cing

Commerce Transport

 

TERTIHRV
Subtotal

Cons-
Unitilitgtruction

 

1n8

factur

Ining

 

INDUSTRV
Subtotal

“GRI-
CULTURE

 

 

flppendeu 5.2-1. 2 Distribution of Labor Force by Economic activities and Sen, 1852-07

Year

NQ'IQQIDIDV'IDMQNN
I I I I I I I I I I I I I
NI-Iu-II-I QQQQQQNN
NNNN u-II-II-II-I—u-II-I—I
QN'1'1IDQMIDIDIDIDNQ

QQQ'I'1'1NNNNNNN
um

'1'1'1NMMVIDIDQNNQ
QQQQQQQQQQQQQ
NMMVVIDQNQQQQ':
QQQQQQIQQQQQ'I":
NYW‘“‘8§““988
FIGHCIIFICIIIIICIIFIIIIOIII-IFIIII
MIDNQ.'1NI"ZV;IDIDQNN
VVVIDIDIDIDIDIDIDIDIDID
VQQNIDQ'1MVVIDIDID

QQQQQQQQQQQQQ
I-II-II-II-II-I—II-I

ID'1NVN'1QQQNIDVN

JJQQQQQQQQQQQ
I-II-IwII-II-I

VVNQIDNIDNNQQIDV.
Nu c-INI-II-Iu-II-II-II-I

QQQQMNNIDQQQQQ

8888888888888

MMVVNVIQQQQQQQ
I-IImImI-IunI-IJQQOQQQQ.
°9~wwweem=1~~
NMMMMMMMMVVVV
Nvmqu—II-I-II-I—II-INN
I I I I I I I I I I I I I
QQQQQQQQQQQQQ
~~~Ntwtttmmmm
QQQQQQQQQQQQQ
Q'1NIDNQQID'1IDQMID
NQQQ—I'I'NMVVVIDID

NVNMQ'1QQ'1'1'1MM
VVVVVVVIDIDIDIDIDID
HnI-II-IMHI-I

NMN'1'1N'1'IQQQQQ
I-I—II-II-II-II-II-II-II-IQQQQ

NMNV‘VQQQQQQQQ
IIIIIIIIIIIII
NNNNNNNNNNNNN

QNNNNVVNQVV'1'1
8888888888888
N'1VNV.IDNVNQNVID

8888888888888

NMVQQNQQQ‘NMV
IDIDIDIDIDIDIDIDggQQg
QQQQQQQQ QQ

I-II-II-II-II-II-II-II-II-II-II-II-II-I

93

IDNQIDQQ'1NQNQM
QQQQQNQNQIDIDID

QIDQ'1'1QVN'1QNN
MVMVVMMMMNNN
HI-II-II-I

=¢v=~qunwe~
I-IQQI-II-II-II-II-II-II-II-II-I
'1NMMVIDQNIDIDQQ

I I I I I I I I I
I-II-I-II-I-II-I—II-II-II-II-II-I
QQIDIDMQIDN'QN'1'1
I-II-II-II-II-I—II-I—I—I—I NN
QQNWMQQQIDNVID
I I I I I I I I I I I I
IDIDQQIDNNQNNNN
VQVQ'IDQMM'1QMV

"NNIDVIDVIDQIDVV
I-II-II-II-II-I

QVVflQQQMIDIDQV
IIIIIIIIIIII
QQfiNNMNMMMMM
HIIIIIII-II-I—II-IfieflI-II-I

QNQ'1IDQ'1VNQIDID
88888 8888888
NQNNNNQ'IQQNN

éééfiififififiififi

QNMQNIDQNQQ'1V
QQQQQQQQQQJF:
QNMQQQMQQ'MNV
VVIDIDQNQNQQQQ
I-II-I—II-II-II-II-dI-II-II-INI-I
I I I I I I I I I I I I
QQQQQQQQQQQQ
IDIDQIDIDIDIDIDIDIDIDQ

I I I I I I I I I

maomvmnermv
888888888 888
“NMMNMMQNQfiQ
888888888888

9~vwwtwfltNMV
QQQQQQQQQQQQ
NNQQV.'1QN.II':QIDID

rqvnmmm:mov
888888 888
qummmomwva
8~~~8888888

QQQQQQ'1'1NQIDN

8888c 888888

QMNQF'QNNMIDN
I I I I I I I I I I
IDQQQQNQNQQQ
I-II-II-II-I—II-II-I—II-II-II-I
QVMQQ'1NVNQQ
NNNNNMMMMMM
I-II-nI-II-II-II-II-II-I

QQ'1IDNO:QQ"‘MID
"NNNNNNNMMM
QNQQ'1NNNMVID

'1'1'1NNNNNNNN

MNMMVV‘Qdfl"
I I I I I I I I I I I
NNNNNNNNNNN
MNNNIDVNQQNM
NNNNNNNNNNN

QIDIDQNNQQIDVN

IDIDNQQQQQQQQ
I-II-II-II-II-II-II-I I-INN

QQMQIDQQNIDVID

VMVIDIDIDQQQQID
I-II-II-II-II-II-I

MQ'1QQIDQNQMQ
8888v888¥8$
Q'1'IV02QN.N.Q.QN

8888888888°

IDNO':'1'1QNNNIDQ
I-II-II-INNI-Iu-IImI-II-II-I

NV'1N'1VIDNQQ'1
QQ'1'1N'1QQQQQ

NI-II-InI-INNNI-I—I—I
I I I I I I I I I I I
QQQQQQQQQQQ
QQQQQQQQIDQID
QQQQQQQQQQQ

'1QQNN'1QNNQN
*NeQQQQéQQQ

MMMM MMV
MNN'1V'1NNNMID

8888888888

WVVVVMI‘ZNNN":
QQQQQQQQQQQ
MN'1'1QQQQNQID

JI-InI-I—II-Iga'go a

N'1VMNIDQMMIDN
88888 ~""~

VVVV
VQIDVN'1NMQVQ

MRVVVVVVVVCVJ

IDQIDFIIDQQQQMM
IIIIIIIIIII

gNQQIDIDIDIDVVN
NI-I—I—II-II-II-II-II-II-I

QQVNQMQQQN"
I I I I I I I

vans, Table 11, 91.

 

Source

N

u «flack

uaunuuuuuuunnunuuunnuuu: nnnnnnn uuuuuuucan:unnnnaunnnuuunuuuunusuuuuuuuuuuuuunuuunwmnn uuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuu

N.mm
Noam
o.mm
NINn
n.wm
NImm
maNn
«.NM
N.Qm
noNn
Nuvm

w.nn
m.cn
mIQN
v.0m
cokN
a.m~
f.NN
Nunw
a.m~
0.0—
mon—
n.c~

¢INu
m.Nu
Non—
MIN—
m.m~
w.w—
«.mu
m.m~
9.?—
N.Vn
o.n~
«.m—
—.N~

u

60md
luavOLm

QIVV
uqu
m.~v
N.mv
NINV
m.Nt
«Int
can?
wont
Naat
MIG?

mIQM
Dunn
muNn
DINn
N.mm
Mann
a.nm
NIOM
n.5m
n.0N
n.NN
GINN

oomN
momN
N.mN
N.MN
VImN
m.m~
m.v~
N.VN
N.MN
m.m~
u.n~
m.NN
v.NN

MINA
N.v~
Nov—
0.?—
m.m—
O.mn
vom—
c.0—
n.m—
«INN
GImN

MIQN
0.~m
m.Nn
NIOM
wotm
m.wn
Damn
O.nv
«In?
now?
GImv
N.¢t

GIDm
noun
moon
~I~m
NI~m
Noam
OIum
nunm
N.mm
~.vm
Nomm
V.Nm
m.cm

m.o~
mood
anon
anu—
Nona
DION
Nom—
mum—
u.N~
QImN
N.¢N

QIQN
MIEN
NoflN
9.6n
m.un
natm
Nomm
V.Nm
n.0m
Noc'
w.mv
N.mt

~.DV
~IOT
mcat
N.Ot
O.mv
now?
~.om
Noam
N.Nm
m.Nm
m.mm
monm
D.vm

Issunau

Ixom tco unamdoanuua ma Iusou L030; 50 comaDAdeumn N

noun G.N m.m— Yawn
Dunn «IN N.nn Mona
0.6— c.N fi.n— mIMn
9.5— N.m '.m~ n.m~
noun ¢.m m.m~ ~.m—
Gum u.w «.m— OIMH
m.m m.o nowu «awn
u.o n.m Vomu T.N~
VIO N.w '.N~ QI—u
«.0 —.m Donn noun
m.N QIm 0.«« QInn
Nun tom tuna flung
VIN VIm GI—u Gown
m.¢ N.m MIN~ m.~n
u.w n.m NIN— fian—
uIDn m.m GIN~ N.u~
VIQ~ anm NI- Quun
MIG~ a.m GIN— O.—n
mIGu N.m Gum— Goad
tow GIQ VIM~ $.0—
¢.D~ VIm n.- Mona
moon N.m ~I—u m.m
v.c~ v.m ¢.an Nun
mom nIm Num ¢.D
Noun O.m DIQ Non
v.6— c.m 0.0 0.0
N.o~ O.m N.@ «In
fi.a~ v.7 Now Now
Comm 0.? mIM v.m
Donn N.v N.m mom
D.N~ v.v G.@ @.0
NoN— ~.v N.¢ Q.m
o.m~ —.v wIQ O.c~
N.N— o.m m.o n.9n
V.N~ m.m moo w.a~
o.- 8.8 mum- mnwm
u z u :
Inmbsom IInom
ImLoc
.NQINmmu

MIQ—
D.Q~
Gon—
GINn
NIN—
m.Nu
m.Nu
Dow—
n.mq
n.v~
m.m~

c.7—

V'1ID'1NIDQQNMVQQ Q'1QMQ
I I I
MVVIDIDIDIDQQQQQQ NNNQN

m.~—
Noun
MI—u
NI~n
«Ian
V.n—
NI-
Gun—
9.:—

QNNQfiNVQQNQQQ IDQM'1NNQQNIDIDV VQ
I I I I I I I I I I I I I
QQQNNNNNNNNQQ QQQQQQQQQQQQ QQ

I I
I I I
flflflflflflfldflfld

I I
I I I
QQQQQQQQQQQQQ QQQQQQQQQF'Wd

VVIDIDMMMMMMMMN NN'1'1'1'1'1'1'1'1NN MNN'1N'1NNNNN
I I I
I I

NNNMVMVVVVVVID IDIDQQIDIDQNQQQN NNNMNWMMNNN
I

NIN Num
NIQ c.m
Now N.m
MIm m.m
m.w m.m
m.o m.m
muw Non
n.a m.m
mIm n.m
o.m out
«In 6.?
m.m cum
mom 6.?
mu? cum
w.f N.m
n.m NI?
~.m m.v
m.f QIT
m.' N.v
not NI?
=.m DIV
NIM 0.1
v.m MI?
mam MIM
aom com
a.' NIM
c.m m.m
nut fan
0.? N.n
Gov N.m
G.f moN
N.v N.N
m.v m.~
v.v M.N
«If ~.N
N.v c.N
u :
accomn
InI~OLm

Im=G> "OULaom
9.6:" :.oo~ mom"
a.cc~ a.oc~ mama
o.oo— 6.50— mwmu
D.:D~ c.69— vam—
G.==~ 6.59“ mum—
a.o:~ 9.6:" NGMu
ouaan O.ac~ uGMn
auccn GIQo— Gama
G.oc~ Guacn 0N0"
a.oan coao— ohm—
a.ccn QIOQ~ NNmn
c.aa~ c.69u «Nan
OIOOn Q.QO— mNmu
c.99— 5.5:" VNMn
G.Qc~ 9.90— MNM~
coco" anccn NNmu
6.9:" a.ca~ «Nod
6.96" 5.6:“ ONMA
9.69" 6.9:“ amm—
Ooao~ c.0cn amm—
euoc— a.oc— Nmm—
Duco— a.co— www—
GIGGA c.c:~ mam—
GIDD~ GIOD~ twa—
GIGan D.cc~ nmm—
Guocn 6.9:" Nwm—
6.DD~ 6.99" mama
auoan QIQQ~ ammu
a.ca~ O.QD~ 0mm—
aocan a.:o~ amm—
c.:=~ :.Oc— Nmm—
n.:=~ a.aon mmmn
c.==~ D.==~ mmmn
o.aa~ =.oo~ vmm~
G.:O~ a.ao— mmmq
9.69" a.oo~ Nmmu

u 2 L00}
noDOh

~-~.m smacoaac

95

w.-

«.mt

«.mm

nu--- nnnnnnn ---- uuuuuuuuu ------nuunn------n-------------------uununnnn--u----nmm-nmm-ummmmnammmmumwwummm

------u----------- ...... n- uuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuuu mnmwuuuumumwunwnww nnnnnnnn u nnnnnnnnn mnmmmumnmmmnuuwmmm

N.o~ m.-
N.o— m.-
n.c~ V.N~
u.on m.~«
n.9— ~.Mn
0.5" m.m~
0.0« —.Mn
N.u— r.m~
h.@ m.-
m.a ¢.~—
«.0 n.m~
N.m m.nu
D.m t.m«
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