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THE RELATIONSHIP'OF MALE IDENTITY,THE
MESOMORPHIC IMAGE, AND ANABOLIC STEROID
IN BODYBUILDING

presented by

TRACY WARREN OLR ICH

has been accepted towards fulfillment

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THE RELATIONSHIP OF MALE IDENTITY, THE
MESOMORPHIC IMAGE, AND ANABOLIC STEROID USE
IN BODYBUILDING

BY

Tracy Warren Olrich

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

School of Health Education, Counseling Psychology
and Human Performance

1990

g 53- .9867

ABSTRACT

THE RELATIQNSHIP OP MALE IDENTITY, THE MESOMORPHIC IMAGE,
AND ANABOLIC STEROID USE IN BODYBUILDING

BY

TRACY WARREN OLRICH

The purpose of this study was to investigate the process and impact
of bodybuilding and, later, anabolic steroid use in the lives of
ten bodybuilders. The data were analyzed in light of two
perspectives, namely, the critical feminist theory of hegemonic
masculinity (Carrigan, Connell, & Lee, 1987) and self-concept
(Rosenburg, 1979). Structured interviews were used to examine the
process by which individuals became involved in bodybuilding and,
later, anabolic steroid use. The majority of the men were
introduced to weight training through participation in an organized
sport. Once involved in weight training and bodybuilding, gains
occurred in muscular size and strength. This led to an enhancement
in feelings of self-esteem and masculinity, largely due to peer
reinforcement. At some point bodybuilding improvement plateaued
causing frustration. Curiosity occurred pertaining to the efficacy
of anabolic steroid use. After a period of indecision, the men
chose to begin using anabolic steroids. Nine of the ten
bodybuilders had overall positive experiences associated with
anabolic steroid use. Physical side effects were experienced which

reversed upon cessation of use. Bodybuilding and anabolic steroid

use were found to reinforce hegemonic masculine characteristics.

Copyright by
TRACY WARREN OLRICH
1991

It is with great love and appreciation that I dedicate
my thesis to the three people whose love, support and
encouragement have allowed me to strive after my goals and
dreams.

To Mom and Dad who have always given me positive
encouragement to believe in myself. Their love and direction
have provided me reassurance when sometimes I questioned the
course I had chose to follow.

To Mary for all the sacrifices you have made. All the
time, love and commitment. you have given. me has been
indispensable. I cannot begin to count the endless hours you
spent reading, typing, retyping and giving insight to this

project. Thank you for supporting me each step of the way.

p.
p.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I find it hard to believe that this project is finally
drawing to a close. I feel a great sense of joy and relief
as I write the final paragraphs. I also feel a great sense
of appreciation to the following people without which this
thesis could not have been completed.

Dr. Martha Ewing, my graduate advisor, who has given me
so much time and support throughout my graduate career. Her
enthusiasm, encouragement and friendship has given me more
motivation than she could ever realize. Her professional
expertise provided vital direction for this thesis.

My committee members, Dr. Annelies Knoppers and Dr.
Douglas McKeag, whose insights and recommendations gave
valuable guidance for the project.

The men who agreed to participate in the interviews.
Their willingness and courage to open their hearts and
themselves gave this work a unique aura. Without them this

research would have never been possible.

p.
p.
p.

iv

TABLE 01' CONTENTS

Page

CHAPTER I: Introduction ................................ 1
Statement of the Problem ........................... 6
Limitations ........................................ 7
Delimitations ...................................... 7
Definitions ........................................ 7
CHAPTER II: Review of the Literature ................... 9
Self-Concept Development ........................... 9
Self—Esteem Formation ......................... 11
Identity Salience ............................. 13

The Importance of Athletics in the Development of
Male Identity in Current Society .............. 17
Historical Dimension .......................... 17
Current Research .............................. 21
Mesomorphic Image ............................. 23
Bodybuilding ....................................... 27
Anabolic Steroids .................................. 35
Physiological Effects ......................... 35
Psychological Effects ......................... 38
Psychological Dependence ...................... 40
Summary ............................................ 44
CHAPTER III: Methodology ............................... 46
Participants ....................................... 46
Description of Participants ................... 46
Gaining Access to the Participants ............ 47
The Interview ................................. 48
The Interview Questions ............................ 48

vi

Data Collection Procedures ......................... 52

Treatment of Data .................................. 52
CHAPTER IV: Results and Discussion ..................... 54
Early Sport Involvement ............................ 54
Bobybuilding ....................................... 58
Initial Involvement ........................... 58
Self-Esteem and Bodybuilding Involvement ...... 61
Identity Salience and Bodybuilding Involvement. 68
Masculinity and Bodybuilding Involvement ...... 71
Anabolic Steroids .................................. 79
Initial Use ................................... 79
Perceived Effects of Anabolic Steroid Use ..... 84
Hegemonic Masculinity and Steroid Use ......... 8S
Psychological Dependency to Anabolic Steroids. 90
Perceived Physical Side Effects ............... 92

Reaction to Media Portrayal of
Anabolic Steroids ............................ 9S
Discontinuance of Anabolic Steroid use ........ 97
Conclusion ......................................... 99
CHAPTER V: Discussion and Implications .......... q ....... 100
Introduction ....................................... 100
Discussion ......................................... 100
Implications ....................................... 104
Implications for the Physical Educator ........ 104
Implications for the Coach .................... 107
Implications for the Drug Educator ............ 108
Suggestions for Future Research .................... 110
REFERENCES .............................................. 112
APPENDIX A: UCHRIS Approval ............................ 120a

vii

APPENDIX B:

APPENDIX C:

APPENDIX D:

APPENDIX E:

Theme Development..0...............0.0.0.0....0121
Explanation of the Study.......................127a
Subject Consent Form...........................127b

overview of Olrich (1988)......................128

viii

CHARIIB__QNI
JJEEBQDEUELIQEI

"A man's presence is dependent upon the promise of power
which he embodies. If the promise is large and
credible, his presence is striking. If it is small or
incredible, he is found to have little presence...A
man's presence suggests what he is capable of doing to
you or for you. His presence may be fabricated, in the
sense that he pretends to be capable of what he is not."
(Berger, 1972) pp. 45-6.

In today's society, "traditional" and "emerging" roles
of what it is to be male have created confusion, anxiety,
fear, and crisis for many males. The social definition of
male is often contradictory and ambivalent (Hoch, 1979).
Traditionally, it is theorized, male identity revolved around
the breadwinner ethic. It was the male who was to support the
family, be the protector, and the patriarchal figure for
those dependent on.runn By establishing himself in this
manner, the male could achieve a separation from women and
groups of men who are perceived as a threat to their
dominance. This concept is known as hegemonic masculinity
(Carrigan, Connell, & Lee, 1987). In the post-World War II
era, however, traditional male roles have eroded. Due to the
lessening of traditional craft skill, the rise in the level
of structural employment, the decline of the family wage, and
the surge of women into the work force, the male breadwinner
role has slowly worn away. Although the traditional means of
expressing maleness are eroding, men continue to have the

same need of defining themselves, to prove themselves as men

in the public world (Tolson, 1977). It has been theorized

that while the traditional role of males has eroded, there
has been a simultaneous rise in the growth of organized sport
and athletics. Sport has become the primary sphere of the
masculinization experience for the male. Traditional male
values of strength, power, domination, and violence are
equated with the conquering of the frontier, with being the
protector, the breadwinner. With these traditional channels
of proving "maleness" closed, there are very few outlets for
males to prove themselves as men in the public world
(Messner, 1986).

In sport, the male is not only allowed to express the
traditional male values, but encouraged to do so (Dubbert,
1979). Therefore, sport becomes the ideal place for the male
to prove his masculinity. As Fasteau (1974) points out, it
is widely assumed that sport builds sound masculine behavior.
Equally important is the fact that, through sport, the male
can establish his masculinity in view of the public. Messner
(1986) found that by the time males reached high school,
sport was the primary means by which males established
themselves as men in today's society.

Knowing that establishing the masculine identity in the
public's eye is important for the male (Messner, 1986), it
follows that it would also be important for the male to look
like an athlete in everyday life. In daily contact with
society, it could be/theorized that looking like an athlete

could help further establish the male's masculine identity.

The self-concept can be described as "the totality of
the individual's thoughts and feelings with reference to
oneself as an object" (Rosenburg & Turner, 1981). The self-
concept is how the individual perceives him/herself.
Rosenburg (1979) reports that the individual's self-concept
is influenced by institutional systems such as family,
school, and church, and also by the immediate social and
environmental context of the individual.

By being an athlete, or looking like one, the male would
receive reinforcement from the institutional systems
mentioned above, and the self-concept would be enhanced. The
athlete, or the athletic image, as defined by society, has
definite characteristics epitomized by the mesomorphic male--
broad shoulders, a narrow waist, and well-developed chest and
arm muscles.

In many studies conducted on the subject (Lerner &
Gellert, 1969; Lerner & Schroeder, 1971; Tucker, 1982a), an
"overwhelming majority of males report that they would prefer
to be mesomorphic, as opposed to endomorphic (thin) or
ectomorphic (fat)" (Tucker, 1982a). This preference is
expressed by boys as young as 5 and 6 years of age, and also
by college-age men (Mishkind, Rodin, Silberstein, & Striegel-
Moore, 1987). Tucker (1982a) found in his work with college-
age males that those who expressed favor toward the
mesomorphic physique also established an even greater
preference toward the hypermesomorphic physique. This

physique can be thought of as the "muscle-man" type with

exaggerated muscular development of the chest and arms
tapering to a narrow waist.

The mesomorphic physique is also equated with a number
of positive characteristics including strength, intelligence,
self-confidence, independence, active, persistent, and :1
leader (Mishkind, et al., 1987; Tucker, 1983c). Mesomorphs
are seen as nmme attractive and better looking than other
body types, and have been found to receive numerous social
benefits. Adams (c.f. Tucker, 1983a) reported that
overwhelmingly positive traits have been attributed to
pictures and line drawings of the mesomorphic male, while
endomorphic and ectomorphic physiques receive mainly negative
ratings.

Franzoi and Shields (1984) reported that males'
satisfaction and dissatisfaction with their body occurred in
three different areas. The first area identified was the
face and its features, such as the eyes, cheekbones, chin,
and ears. The second area was that of the "upper body
strength", including the chest, shoulders, and arms. The
third area was "physical conditioning." This included being
physically fit and having good physical stamina, a high
energy level, and controlled weight.

While a person's face and its features are not under a
person's control, except through cosmetic surgery, the male
sees the areas of upper body strength and physical
conditioning as being under direct volitional control

(Mishkind, et al., 1987). Through proper physical training,

the male believes that both the physical conditioning and the
upper body strength are malleable.

Although the development of physical fitness and
conditioning are important to the male, the results of this
type of conditioning are often not apparent to the group in
which the male interacts. The development of the upper body
strength dimension, however, becomes readily apparent with
sufficient muscular' hypertrophy. In understanding' the
importance of the male establishing his masculine identity in
the public arena, it becomes obvious that males would choose
to develop the upper body strength dimension (Mishkind, et
al., 1987). Building upper body strength is a prime
ingredient of weight training for today's athletes. The
activity of bodybuilding would be one of the most effective
modes for non-athletes to develop the upper body. Thus,
bodybuilding would become a preferred male activity for both
athletes and non—athletes.

The growth of bodybuilding would suggest that this is
so. Bodybuilding has become so popular that competitions are
televised weekly. There has been an astounding increase in
the participation rate of bodybuilding (Klein, 1986).

Those individuals who are involved in the sport of
bodybuilding often adjust their entire lifestyle in order to
develop their physiques to perfection (Gaines & Butler,
1974). Hours each day may be spent training in the weight
room. Diets may be scrutinized so closely that every morsel

of food that is consumed has been analyzed, in order to help

the individual make the greatest possible gains (Klein,
1986). Aerobic work is performed to lower body fat levels to
a minimum. And after much time and devotion is given to the
sport, the results are visually apparent.

These individuals appear to be the epitome of health and
fitness. Unfortunately, quite often this is not the case.
"In direct contradiction to their public boasting of fitness
and strength, we find bodybuilders' use of (anabolic)
steroids and other drugs to be widespread. Despite the
profoundly negative effects of steroids on health (e.g., the
carcinogenic effects and the negative impact on the liver),
steroid use is virtually universal among male competitors and
increasingly frequent among women. and non-competitors"
(Klein, 1986).

Why would an individual, who otherwise is devoted to
such a healthy lifestyle, participate in such an unhealthy
activity? How could participation in an activity such as
bodybuilding become so important that an individual would
resort to the use of dangerous drugs?
W

This study analyzed the process in which individuals
became involved in bodybuilding and, later, anabolic steroid
use. This study analyzed the impact that involvement in
bodybuilding and anabolic steroid use had on the self-concept
and masculine identity of the subjects. This study also

analyzed the changes in self-concept and masculine identity

that occurred due to participation in bodybuilding and
anabolic steroid use.
Limitations
This study entailed in-depth interviews of ten
bodybuilders who used anabolic steroids at some point in
their involvement in the activity of bodybuilding. Due to
the small sample size, results should not be generalized to
other groups of bodybuilders. Interview bias must be
acknowledged. The interviewer is a bodybuilder and was
acquainted with the subjects.
Delimitations
The subjects were asked for their agreement to
participate in the study by the researcher. The gender of
the subjects in this study was limited to males. This study
was limited to males in order to analyze male participation
in bodybuilding and subsequent anabolic steroid use. This
study was also limited to persons who used, or had used,
anabolic steroids. All subjects belonged to a weight
training facility which emphasized bodybuilding.
We
1. Anabolic Steroids: Synthetic hormones resembling the
male sex hormone testosterone in structure (Goldman,
1984). In the male, testosterone is the hormone
responsible for androgenic and anabolic activity in the

body.

Bodybuilder: A person who participates in a number of
activities (the primary activity being weight training)
in order to enhance his/her physique.

Bodybuilding: A sport in which athletes compete in
events to determine the most perfect physique. It can
also describe any form of physical activity in which the
participant receives any positive physical gain. Weight
training is the primary means of physical training used
in this activity.

Bodybuilding (Physique) Contest: A competition in which
the physiques of participants are compared and rated in
terms of physical perfection in a subjective manner by a
panel of judges. Physical perfection is assessed on a
number of parameters, including muscular size, muscular
definition, and muscular symmetry.

Competitive Bodybuilder: A person who has competed in a
bodybuilding contest, or is currently preparing for a
bodybuilding contest.

Hypermesomorphic individual: A person with exaggerated
muscular development--broad shoulders, narrow waist,
large chest and arms.

Non-competitive Bodybuilder: A person who participates
in the activity of bodybuilding, but has never competed

in a bodybuilding contest.

w
W

The use of anabolic steroids and other muscle enhancing
drugs is becoming widespread in our society (Johnson, 1985).
Individuals who use these drugs do so with the belief that
these substances will enhance their strength and physical
development (Goldman, 1984; Lamb, 1984; Todd, 1987).
Although numerous negative side effects have been attributed
to their use, the number of individuals consuming anabolic
steroids is on the rise (Klein, 1986).

As the problem was stated in Chapter 1, this study
analyzed the process by which individuals became involved in
bodybuilding and, later, anabolic steroid use. This study
analyzed the impact that involvement in bodybuilding and
anabolic steroid use had on the self-concept and masculine
identity of the subjects. This review of the literature
addressed relevant information relating tn: this problem.
Major topics of this review included: (a) self-concept
development, (b) hegemonic masculinity, (c) bodybuilding and
(d) anabolic steroids. Self-concept was analyzed through
Rosenburg and Turner's (1981) theory of self-concept
development. Hegemonic masculinity was analyzed through a
critical feminist perspective.

Winner.
The self-concept is often recognized to be a stable

enduring feature of the personality. As Stryker (1981)

10

stated, self-concept is "a stable set of meanings attached to
the self as object." Rosenburg (1979) described the self-
concept as "the totality of the individual's thoughts and
feelings with reference to oneself as an object." The self-
concept is how the individual perceived himself/herself. And
though uniquely distinct and personal to the individual,
social factors play a major role in the fermation of one's
self-concept. The infant is not born with a self-concept,
but self-concept is developed throughout one's life (Stryker,
1981).

A large share of the formation of one's self-concept is
influenced by the institutional systems within which the
individual comes in contact. Examples of these institutions
include the family, school, economy and church (Rosenburg,
1979).

One noticeable institution which Rosenburg (1979) failed
to mention was sport. Sport may be of tremendous importance
to the development of self-concept of participants (Messner,
1986).

The self-concept is also influenced by the immediate
social and environmental context of the individual
(Rosenburg, 1979). Therefore, the self-concept can be thought
of as a social product. Self-concept achieves shape and form
from the matrix of a given culture, social structure and
institutional systems. The individual's self-concept,
however, also influences the environment around him/her by

the actions he/she takes. In this way, the self-concept can

11

also be thought of as a social force (Rosenburg, 1981). Most
important to this review is the aspect of the self-concept as
a social product.

As mentioned. above, as the self-concept is being
developed, the individual is influenced by the emvironment
around him/her. This influence is so great that Cooley (cited
in Rosenburg & Turner, 1981) described the phenomenon as "the
looking glass self." Mead (1934) stated that "we are more or
less unconsciously seeing ourselves as others see us." To be
more exact, individuals see themselves as they believe others
see them, not how others actually see themselves (Rosenburg E
Turner, 1981). If people believe that others perceive them
in a positive manner, then they will perceive themselves in a
positive manner. Conversely, if people believe that others
perceive them in a negative manner, they will see themselves
in a negative manner.

Not everyone's influence has the same effect on the
individual's self-concept. The opinions of those who are
significant in the life of the individual will have a much
greater effect than those that are not significant.
Significant others may include family members, members of a
peer group, co-workers, etc., (Rosenburg, 1979).

Rosenburg and Turner (1981) acknowledged that within the
nature of the self-concept are different and various
components. Of particular interest to this study are the

components of self-esteem and identity salience.

12

W. Self-esteem can be described
as the way one feels about one's self in daily situations
(Rosenburg & Turner, 1981). The major motivation of self-
esteem is the protection of the self-concept. Three
principles of self-esteem formation must be considered.
These three principles are reflected appraisals, social
comparison, and self-attribution.

The principle of reflected appraisals is closely related
to the concept of the looking glass self (Rosenburg & Turner,
1981). People see themselves in the manner in which they
believe others see them. More than this though, when
individuals are looked up to and respected by those about
them, they will respect themselves. Thus, self-esteem will
be enhanced. Conversely, if those around a person belittle
or despise the individual, self—esteem will suffer. Rawls
(1971) goes as far as to state, "our self-respect normally
depends on the respect of others."

Klein (1986) found many bodybuilders who, at a younger
age, suffered from poor self-images, unmet needs and
personality deficiencies. Klein felt that these negative
factors motivated many bodybuilders to become engulfed in the
activity (bodybuilding). As young bodybuilders witnessed
their physiques improving, their self-esteem also rose.

The second principle highlighted by Rosenburg and Turner
(1981) is the principle of social comparison. Important to

the social comparison principle is the theory of social

13

evaluation. Pettigrew (cited in Rosenberg & Turner, 1981)
described the theory of social evaluation as follows:

"The basic tenet of social evaluation theory is that

human beings learn about themselves by comparing

themselves to others. A second tenet is that the
process of social evaluation leads to positive, neutral,
or negative self-ratings which are relative to the
standards set by the individual employed by comparison."

Klein (1986) found social comparison to be very
prevalent in the southern California bodybuilding subculture.
Bodybuilders continually compared themselves to others in the
gym.

The third principal of self-esteem formation was that of
self-attribution (Rosenburg & Turner, 1981). The theory of
self-attribution concluded that much of the individual's
internal psychological workings were learned by the
individual through viewing the effects caused by his own
actions. Thus, if a child received a poor report card, or an
adult had an identity which revolved around a low prestige
job, a low self—esteem would be expected (Bandura, 1978). It
must be seen, however, that for the effect to make an
impression on the global self-esteem of an individual, the
effect must be one that is achieved, not one that is
ascribed.

W. A second component of self-concept
development that is of importance to this study is that of
identity salience. The component of identity salience and

the influence of identity salience on the self-concept are

varied and complex (Rosenburg & Turner, 1981). Some roles

14

that a person plays are much more central to the individual's
self—concept, while other's are much more peripheral (McCall
& Simmons, 1978; Mulford 8 Salisbury, 1964; Schur, 1971;
Stryker, 1981; Turner, 1978). There are several implications
which must be addressed in order to fully appreciate the
concept of identity salience.

First, it must be realized that people are more likely
to seek and pursue opportunities to play roles that are
central to the identity rather than peripheral (Stryker,
1981). Thus, the collegiate football player may pursue every
chance to get out on the playing field, but may begrudge time
spent in the classroom. The bodybuilder may devote many hours
to the gym, preparing his physique, rather than spending this
time with his family. Second, individuals are more likely to
develop skills and qualities that are relevant to their
central, rather than peripheral, roles (Rosenburg & Turner,
1981). To take the example of the bodybuilder again, he/she
may spend hours learning about building muscular size, and
the nuances of the finer points of nutrition, but make no
initiative to learn of music, or the arts.

Third, the roles given central status may transfer or
diffuse into other roles (Turner, 1978). In fact, the
central roles may soon engulf the peripheral roles. Schur
(1971) suggested that this role may come to loom so large in
the consciousness of the individual that other roles soon
pale in comparison. At this point, the individual may not

even discern his/her other roles.

15

In accordance with this concept, Gaines and Butler
(1974) found many bodybuilders working in menial low-paying
jobs. This allowed their training and "sunning" (laying in
the sun to get a tan) to take precedence in their daily
lives.

Fourth, the global self-esteem of the individual is
likely to' be affected greatly by performances within the
central roles rather' than. peripheral. ones (Rosenburg' &
Turner, 1981). Therefore, the world-class athlete may be
crushed after a poor performance, but unaffected by a low
grade within the classroom.

Fifth, the individual's sense of who and what he/she is
weighs greatly upon these central rather than peripheral
roles. Therefore, the athlete may be unsure of who, and what
he/she is upon retirement from his/her sport. For the
athlete, retirement means that he/she has lost the. one
activity in which he/she has built a sense of identity
(Messner, 1986). Olrich (1988) theorized that the
bodybuilders he interviewed began participating in
bodybuilding as a means of delaying athletic death. All of
the bodybuilders in this study had been involved in athletics
in high school, but upon entrance to college, they were no
longer involved in a sport. Bodybuilding allowed these
athletes to continue in an athletic endeavor.

Self-concept development is greatly influenced by an

individual's immediate social environment. How an individual

16

believes others perceive him/herself has a direct impact on
the way the individual perceives him/herself.

When analyzing bodybuilding in relation to the self-
concept components of self-esteem and identity salience,
certain implications become evident. These implications are
discussed below.

First, the component of reflected appraisals would have
great effect on the bodybuilder. As the bodybuilder's
physique improves, greater peer recognition and positive
reinforcement from peer groups would likely occur. As the
appraisals become more positive, the bodybuilder would have a
more positive appraisal of him/herself.

Second, social evaluation for the bodybuilder could have
numerous applications. Before the individual ever
participated in bodybuilding, the effects of social
evaluation could make the subject aware of physical
deficiencies between himself and peer groups, which may lead
to beginning bodybuilding. Social evaluation could lead to
anabolic steroid use if the bodybuilder finds himself
deficient in relation to the new peer group.

A third and very important component to analyze would be
that of identity salience. Bodybuilding is a very demanding
and time consuming sport. To become involved in bodybuilding
means that the bodybuilder must be committed to the sport.
To become fully committed would be to allow bodybuilding to

take a central role status. Other roles, such as husband,

17

father, breadwinner, wage-earner may also demand central
status. Role conflict could easily occur.

The next concept is not identified as a component but
must be addressed. Throughout this discussion, Rosenburg
(1979) speaks of social factors, social evaluation and social
context which play a major role in self—concept formation.
What must be addressed is the expectations of these social
forces. Societal expectation must be analyzed, so it may be
understood what is expected of the individual. The
expectations that the male is expected to adhere to will
greatly affect his self-concept, identity salience and the
way in which he perceives his masculine identity.

The next section of this chapter analyzes the
expectations society has for the male. The next section also
looks at the importance of sport within the context of
society.
Whine—MW
MW

How important are athletics in the life of the male?
What role does athletics play in establishing the male
identity? A number of historians and sociologists (Dubbert,
1979; Farrell, 1986; Franklin, 1988; Messner, 1986, 1987;
Pleck & Pleck, 1980; Stearns, 1979; Tolson, 1977) have
attempted to analyze these questions. To truly understand
these questions, they must be addressed through a historical
perspective. Below is a brief summary of current thought on

the subject.

18

WW. Throughout history, males have
pursued avenues in which they may achieve superiority and
separation from women. Power and dominance over females and
subordinated groups of other males provided a means by which
males in power established their masculine identity. After
the dominance over a subordinated group was established, the
group in power developed means to maintain the domination.
This concept is referred to by sociologists of a critical
feminist perspective as male hegemony (Carrigan, Connell, &
Lee, 1987).

Dubbert (1979) addressed. the 'traditional means in
establishing identity in the lifecourse of the male. Before
the industrial revolution, male identity' was primarily
established through "patriarchal land ownership" and military
activity (Stearns, 1979). The frontier offered the
opportunity for almost any male to acquire his own property.
Dubbert (1979) in his work explained that "as long as the
frontier existed, a man with sons knew that when the urge to
prove their manhood came, they could acquire a farm, start a
business, or provide their own adventure by moving to the
frontier." But soon the frontier closed, and there were no
new battlefields for the male to test his manly courage,
identity traits, and show his superiority.

The closing of the frontier was due to the rise of the
industrial revolution and industrial capitalism (Tolson,
1977). The concentrated ownership of land accompanied this

shift in economy. No longer was patriarchal land ownership a

19

viable means for the male to establish his identity. Only a
small percentage of males owned substantial parcels of land
(Dubbert, 1979).

With the concentration of land ownership came the rise
of urbanism. An "upper" class of people developed which
owned major portions of land and businesses. In addition,
two major classes emerged, namely, the "working class" and
the "middle class" (Stearns, 1979). While these two major
classes differed substantially (which is beyond the scope of
this work), certain values were shared. One value was that
of the male "breadwinner." The "breadwinner ethic" became
the major source of male identity establishment (Tolson,
1977). By providing for and protecting the wife and family,
the male could once again establish his identity. The
sustenance and survival of the wife and children depended on
the male, thereby proving' the male's superiority and
importance. The family's standing in the community owed much
to the manliness of the husband” iProviding for and
protecting the family was seen as a very masculine activity
(Stearns, 1979).

The onset of World War II brought about more change.
Economies shifted and a major change occurred within the
family. For many families it became imperative for the female
to leave the home and help support the family. The
"breadwinner ethic" now was being threatened by the female

entry into the workforce (Tolson, 1977).

20

The female entry into the workforce was only a part of
the threat the males perceived. Another major factor was the
nature of the work in which the male participated, especially
the middle-class male (Dubbert, 1979). Work no longer pitted
man against nature, machine or one another. Most positions
lacked a strong physical component. The masculine physique,
which was a by-product of physical type occupations of an
earlier day, seemed to be diminishing.

Williams' (cited in Dubbert, 1979) statements in the
late nineteenth century, brought light to this issue.
Williams noted that "the struggle for existence, though
harder and harder, is less and less a physical struggle, more
and more a battle of the minds." Unfortunately for the male,
a cognitive battle is something that cannot be viewed or
observed by the surrounding peer group. This could be seen
as a problem for the male, as he historically sought
opportunities to "establish his male identity in a public
arena" (Tolson, 1977).

Williams (cited in Dubbert, 1979) further notes that
men, especially urban dwellers, lacked the opportunity to be
active enough to sustain a strong, vigorous physique. This
deprivation of activity then led to the development of
calisthenics during school time, college gymnasiums, athletic
clubs in cities, and the amazing increase in sport
participation.

Males became concerned that the combination of the

factors mentioned above were leading to the possible

21

feminization of society (Kimmel, 1990). In: is interesting
that, with the gradual destruction of ”traditional bases of
male identity and privilege, sport has become an increasingly
important cultural expression of traditional male values—-
organized sport became a primary masculinity—validating
experience" (Dubbert, 1979).

The values so important to the male, i.e., physical strength,
power and prowess, aggression, violence, could all be
displayed on the athletic field. These values, which were
discouraged in most arenas, were encouraged on the playing
field by society. Sport also gave the male an arena in which
to achieve that was separate from the female. As Messner
(1986) comments, sport has become one of the "last bastions
of male power and superiority over-~and separation from--the
perceived feminization of culture." The importance of this
final point must be emphasized. Sport has become one of the
final areas for the male to maintain hegemonic dominance over
the female.

W11. Messner (1986) attempted to analyze
specifically the importance of athletics in the lifecourse of
the male. He interviewed 30 males who had once identified
themselves as athletes. These males were former high school,
collegiate, and professional athletes. Messner (1986) found
that most of his subjects were affected by athletics
throughout their lifespan. For the young boy, athletics were
a way to gain attention from family, peers, and community.

The more attention he received, the more motivated the child

22

was to devote time and energy into the pursuit of athletic
excellence. Millions of young males are willing to give this
intense motivation to athletics. Messner explained this in
terms of identity. A young boy feels pressure from society
to develop and maintain his own separate identity. Clear
boundaries may be formed. Distance and separation (not only
from females, but from one another), which are imperative to
the development of their identity, may be developed and
maintained. Ironically, athletics appeared initially to the
young boy to give avenues to the closeness and intimacy which
he so craves. This finding is consistent with Chodorow's
(1978) argument that while the young male feels pressure from
society to develop an identity separate from others, he still
retains the basic human needs of connection and intimacy with
others.

The male quickly realized, however, that as an athlete,
he must be good. Attention is contingent upon winning and
excellence in performance (Messner, 1986; Farrell, 1986).

As Messner (1987) points out,

"it is sadly ironic that what they seek from sports is

something sports cannot deliver; and the pressure to

achieve strips them of the ability to receive what

sports can really offer: fun. The establishment of the
public masculine identity is concerned more with doing

and achieving, than it is with fun. With no clear
cultural definition of masculinity--the achievement of
masculine status is truly problematic. And if it is

difficult to define masculinity in terms of what it is,
it is at least clear to boys what it is not: a boy is
not considered masculine if he is feminine" (p. 57).

23

When analyzing the male transition and development
throughout adolescence, Messner (1986, 1987) found that the
expectations from the "crowd" loomed larger in the mind of
the male than previously. The "crowd" for the adolescent
male athlete includes immediate family, friends, peers,
teammates, fans and the media. Athletics by this time in the
male's life have become the primary source for the
establishment of the male identity. Performance is paramount
in the mind of the adolescent male. The young male must
continually "prove, achieve, re-prove and re-achieve his
status." The adolescent male feels that he is only as good
as his last performance (Messner, 1987).

Farrell (1986) found that the male feels his worth is
even less stable than his last performance. His interviews
brought to light the fact that the male may feel worth only
as long as he is playing on the athletic field. As soon as a
substitution occurs, the crowd immediately cheers for the
replacement, leaving the male to feel ignored and forgotten.
The adolescent male now feels like a replaceable cog in a
large machine.

What is important to this discussion, however, is how
this development of athletics relates to the male and his
physique. While sport was seen as a way to establish identity
in a culturally acceptable manner, it was seen also as a
means to develop a strong, muscular, "manly" physique.
Theodore Roosevelt saw athletics as a way to build strong

males throughout society (Dubbert, 1979).

24

Whig—Ina“. The muscular or "mesomorphic"
physique has always been seen as active and more athletic
than other types of physiques (endomorphic and ectomorphic)
(Tucker, 1984). When it is understood that the male pursues
avenues for public displays of establishing manhood, and that
sport has become a primary avenue for establishing this
identity, the importance of the mesomorphic physique to the
male becomes more clear. It is a logical step for the male
to want a mesomorphic physique. By possessing a mesomorphic
physique the male would be seen as athletic by others in that
public arena, which is so important to him (Bershield &
Walster, 1972; Byrne, London & Reeves, 1968). Through the act
of being observed by others, the male could, in effect,
establish his identity» By possessing’ a mesomorphic
physique, he could be seen as athletic and physically
capable, when viewed by others (Tucker, 1982b). Even more
important to the male, however, is the fact that by
possessing this image, the male now maintained a hegemonic
dominance: separation from females through actual physical
traits.

Mishkind et a1. (1987) stated that the muscular male is
seen in our culture as the ideal. The muscular male is
intimately tied to cultural views of masculinity and the male
sex role. According to Mishkind et al., our society
"prescribes that men be strong, powerful, efficacious--even
domineering and destructive." A number of researchers have

found the mesomorphic physique to be seen as the most

25

attractive and socially desirable physique (Brodsky, 1954;
Hamachek, 1978; Tucker, 1982b).

Tucker (1984) surveyed college students as to their
self-perceived somatotype (bodybuild), as it relates to
personality. Tucker found mesomorphs to be more impulsive and
easy-going than males of other physique types (endomorph,
ectomorph). He also found the mesomorphs to be significantly
less emotionally labile, less overreactive, and less anxious
than self-perceived endomorphs and ectomorphs. He explains
these findings from a symbolic interactionist perspective in
this way:

"...the principle theme being that the self develops in

relation to the expectations and reactions to other

people-a social product of reciprocal interchange.

Because no characteristic is more readily noticeable

than physical appearance, no physical structure is more

preferred than the mesomorph, and no physique is
associated with expectations as favorable as those with
the mesomorph, it seems plausible that mesomorphic males
tend to be recipients of a commensurately high
proportion of positive feedback, which enhances

psychological functioning" (p. 1231).

Tucker (1984) noted that physical attractiveness,
particularly as it relates to the body structure, may have
consequences that are more than skin deep. Adams (cited in
Tucker, 1984) stated "physical attributes of a pleasing
nature are likely to stimulate positive social action from
others that will lead to a healthy psychological make-up."

Mishkind et al. (1987) stated that the muscular

male probably enjoys social advantages yet undocumented.

Spence and Heimlich (cited in Mishkind et al., 1987) found

26

masculinity' to be jpositively correlated. with. personal
attributes such as independence, active, competitive,
persistent, self-confident, and superiority. Mishkind et al.
related that the muscular physique "may serve as the symbolic
embodiment of these personal characteristics" and later
concluded that, (speaking of the male), "they experience an
intimate relationship between body image and potency-that is
masculinity-with the muscular mesomorph representing the
muscular ideal. A man who fails to resemble the body ideal
is, by implication, failing to live up to sex-role norms, and
may thus experience the consequences of violating such
norms."

Seeing that the mesomorph is associated with so many
positiwe and socially desirable characteristics, it seems
only logical that the male would attempt to narrow the gap
between his self-perceived somatotype and the mesomorphic
ideal. Weight training and bodybuilding become logical
avenues for the male to pursue in an attempt to realize the
mesomorphic ideal. Also, seeing that the effects of weight
training and bodybuilding are so visible to the public arena
of the male, weight training and bodybuilding became the
option for which males would be most likely to opt (Mishkind
et al., 1987). One avenue that allows males to be judged in
their success at developing their bodies is bodybuilding.

In summary, throughout history the male has sought
avenues in which to establish his identity. Due to events in

history and changing economic conditions, traditional avenues

27

in which the male could establish his identity have closed.
Simultaneously, there has been a tremendous rise in the
growth and. popularity of sport» Many historians and
sociologists believe that sport has become the arena in which
the male establishes his identity. Also important to the male
is the development of the athletic type physique. This
physique is known as the mesomorphic physique. The
mesomorphic physique is characterized by a heavy musculature,
and many males seek to develop this physique through weight
training (bodybuilding).

Bodybuilding

The term bodybuilding is a large and encompassing term.
Bodybuilding can be described as a sport in which athletes
compete in events to determine the most perfect physique. It
can also describe any form of physical activity in which the
participant receives any positive physical gain (Gaines &
Butler, 1974; Schwarzennegger, 1977). Both definitions will
be of importance to this work.

Although bodybuilding can be thought of as any activity
in which the participant receives positive physical gain, it
usually refers to any form of activity in which the
participant exercises with various forms of weight training
equipment (Gaines & Butler, 1974). According to trade
publications, as many as 85 million Americans participate in
some form of weight training (Klein, 1986).

Bednarek (1985) further differentiated bodybuilding into

three distinct and separate categories. Bednarek did not

28

name these categories, but separated them by the type of
participant in each group, regardless of sex. The first
category was represented by the competitive bodybuilder.
This person was not content just to see muscular growth and
development. This person actively sought comparison with
other athletes through bodybuilding contests. Bodybuilding
or "physique" contests, are competitions in which contestants
are compared to other athletes in the areas of muscle form,
size, definition, proper presentation of the body, and
overall proportions and harmony within the physique.

The second category that Bednarek (1985) identified was
represented by the non-competitive bodybuilder. Overall
muscular development is the goal of this athlete. Although
this participant may have trained just as intensely as those
in the first category, this person has no urge to compete in
bodybuilding contests. Bodily appearance is the major focus
of the participants of the first two categories.

The third category that Bednarek (1985) identified
consisted of participants who have a primary goal of physical
fitness. Generally, participants from this category were more
concerned with losing weight, or maintaining current fitness
levels, than working to develop greater muscle mass. In this
study, primary focus will be on both the competitive
bodybuilder and the non-competitive bodybuilder.

Tucker (1982a, 1982b, 1983a, 1983b, 1983c, 1987) has
conducted a number of studies on the effects of weight

training in relation to self-concept and perceived body-type

29

in relation to personality, and personality change. Tucker's
studies were conducted with college-age males. He did not
separate them by race or socio—economic status. Although
these studies looked at weight training in a general manner,
and not specifically bodybuilding, many important results
were found and will be discussed below.

Tucker (1982b) conducted a study with 105 college males
to determine the effect of a weight training program on the
self—concepts of the participants. In the 16 week study,
male subjects from four sections of an Ancient American
History class were compared to male subjects in a weight
training course in the area of self-concept. The Tennessee
Self-Concept scale was chosen to assess self-concept.
Participants in the Ancient American History class showed no
improvement in self—concept. Tucker concluded that increases
in muscular strength and girth bolstered feelings of personal
pride, confidence and self-worth. Tucker believed this effect
could be partially explained by the positive effects of the
subjects' seeing their physiques growing progressively more
muscular as a result of their own efforts.

In another study Tucker (1982a) examined the
relationship between perceived somatotype (bodybuild) and
body cathexis (satisfaction) among 88 male undergraduates.
Tucker again found the mesomorphic physique to be seen as the
ideal. The more the participant perceived his physique to be
closer to the ideal, the higher the body cathexis score. The

farther the participant strayed from the ideal, the greater

30

the dissatisfaction. As discussed earlier, the mesomorphic
physique is associated with a number of positive
characteristics (Brodsky, 1954; Hamachek, 1978; Staffieri,
1967). Thus, Tucker concluded that mesomorphs would have
greater body satisfaction due to greater amounts of positive
feedback and would be more inclined to feel better about
themselves than less muscular or mesomorphic individuals.

Tucker (1987) conducted a study in which 241 males were
studied to analyze which participants received a greater
increase in terms of body concept and psychological profiles,
from participating in a weight training class. The
experimental group (n=114) consisted of males enrolled in an
undergraduate weight training class. The control group
(n=127) consisted of males enrolled in a health education
class. Tucker found that the participants who benefitted the
most were those who initially perceived themselves as being
farther from the mesomorphic ideal. Through the course of the
weight training class, these participants posted the greatest
advances toward the mesomorphic ideal. The control group
posted no statistically significant changes in any profile
measure.

It is important to note that within the mesomorphic
category, the hypermesomorphic or "muscle man" physique is
the most preferred (Deno, 1953; Mishkind et al., 1987;
Tucker, 1987). This preference can be seen in children as

young as 5 and 6 years old (Mishkind et al., 1987). This

31

gives further understanding to the phenomenal growth seen in
the sport of bodybuilding (Klein, 1986).

It is obvious from the studies described above that
participation in bodybuilding and weight training can be a
very positive thing, helping the participants bridge the gap
between their perceived bodytype, and the mesomorphic ideal.
This, however, only represents one aspect of the true
picture.

Klein (1986, 1985a, 1985b, 1981) spent 4 years studying
the bodybuilding subculture in Southern California. Southern
California is known as the mecca of bodybuilding (Gaines &
Butler, 1974; Klein, 1986; Schwarzennegger, 1977). Although
many of the findings of Klein cannot be generalized to a
greater population than that in Southern California, his
insights are helpful in gaining a greater understanding of
the sport and more importantly, its subculture.

Klein (1986) found great contradictions between
bodybuilding's image as projected through trade publications,
most notably Muscle_g_£itnesa, and the reality of the sport
he found in Southern California. Three major areas of
discrepancy surfaced. These included (1) individualism
versus socially determined self, (2) heterosexual projection
versus homosexuality, and (3) health versus illness. All
three areas will be briefly discussed.

In the first area of discrepancy, Individualism versus
Socially Determined Self, Klein (1986) found that male

bodybuilders prefer to think of themselves as "rugged

32

individuals." Most had previously been involved in team
sports, and expressed dislike for these types of sports.
Quite often these individuals saw themselves as "loners", or
"not easy to make friends with." Sprague (cited in Klein,
1986) found bodybuilders to be significantly more self-
sufficient and less group-dependent than the normal
population. This is :hi agreement with Chodorow's (1978)
thought that the male seeks to establish a separate identity
within the society, as discussed earlier.

Klein (1981, 1986) also found, however, that a social
structure did develop within the community. Klein (1981)
states, "Despite their individualism, bodybuilders do in fact
form a community, rooted in their physical distinctiveness
and what it symbolizes. Forced in upon themselves,
bodybuilders have fashioned a subculture in Southern
California's more tolerant climate. The gym, ‘various
contests, Muscle Beach, and the media hype are additional
factors making possible the expression of the subculture. In
this context their individualism is actually fused into a
social system that allows them their atomism while concealing
social bonds." This again is in agreement with Chodorow
(1978), who states that while the male seeks independence, he
craves intimacy.

The second area of discrepancy that Klein (1986) found
was that of Heterosexual Projection versus Homosexuality.
Through monthly "muscle" magazines, and numerous

advertisements, compulsory heterosexuality is enshrined. As

33

Klein states, "the message is that if one looks like a man,
some woman will drape herself over him." For many males, the
building of a muscular physique becomes necessary to reach a
desired state of heterosexuality (Klein, 1986).

In contrast, Klein found the selling of sexual favors to
the gay community very prevalent in the Southern California
(Venice Beach) area. This is known as "hustling" in the
bodybuilding community. Bodybuilders often needed this
source of income to finance their lifestyle which centered on
training. The selling of sexual favors was estimated to
occur within about 40% to 75% of the bodybuilders in the
Southern California bodybuilding population. While this
activity was engaged in by a large percentage of the
bodybuilders, they often felt resentment or hatred for the
gays. This was most likely due to the suppressed anxiety of
homophobic feelings. The presence of gays posed a threat to
the bodybuilders' masculinity. By becoming involved with the
gays in a sexual manner, the bodybuilders felt alarming
anxiety as their heterosexuality came into question.
Compulsive heterosexuality was one of the bases upon which
their hegemonic masculine identity was based. Klein (1986)
found the result of this anxiety led some bodybuilders to
nervous breakdowns, attempted suicide, and the repudiation of
bodybuilding altogether.

The third area of discrepancy that Klein (1986)
identified was that of Health versus Illness. Once again,

bodybuilding is projected by trade publications to be a very

PS!

the

Pub:

34

healthy activity in which to be involved. Diets are analyzed
for correct nutritional content, training routines are
developed to maximize results, and aerobic activity is
engaged in to reduce bodyfat levels to a minimum (Klein,
1986, Gaines & Butler, 1974, Schwarzennegger, 1977).
Bodybuilders project an aura of health and fitness.

In direct contrast to the healthful image that is
projected upon the public, this image is not always the
result of diet and exercise. For example, many writers claim
the use of anabolic steroids in bodybuilding is widespread
(Klein, 1986; Taylor, 1982; Todd, 1987). These studies,
however, were qualitative studies looking' at athletes'
perceptions of steroid use, including how widespread the use
was. Yet, results of a study by Buckley & Yesalis (1988)
showed that 6.6% of 3,403 twelfth grade male students had
used steroids. Considering these results were found among
the general population, this would indicate a significant
rate of steroid use for non-medical reasons which would
reinforce anecdotal reports.

The three discrepancies described above also illustrate
the manner in which the media, in this case the trade
publications within the sport of bodybuilding, contribute to
the maintenance of hegemonic masculinity. In each of the
three instances, the media helped to maintain a socially
acceptable image which actually deviated greatly from the

truth.

35

In summary, bodybuilding is any type of physical
training that leads to improvement in the physique. The
definition of bodybuilding usually is thought of in much
narrower terms. Bodybuilding is usually defined as weight
training done in such a manner as to produce extreme muscular
hypertrophy. Studies conducted concerning the relationship
of weight training to self-esteem improvement have
consistently showed a positive correlation. As the subject
sees his/her physique improve there is also improvement in
self-esteem.

Bodybuilding publications also present bodybuilding as a
very positive, healthy activity. Klein (1986) found this not
always to be the case. In direct contrast to the public
projection of health that the trade publications presented,
he found the use of anabolic steroids to be very widespread
within the subculture he observed.

Anabnlis__§tnreida

Anabolic steroids are synthetic hormones resembling the
hormone testosterone in structure (Goldman, 1984). In the
male, testosterone is the hormone responsible for androgenic
and anabolic activity in the body. Androgenic is the term
used to describe the development of secondary sex
characteristics. Anabolic is the term which describes the
promotion of tissue growth in the body (Lamb, 1984; Stone &
Lipner, 1980). It is the anabolic component that
bodybuilders and athletes from various sports are concerned

with. The general conception is that if testosterone is

 

36

responsible for the growth of tissue (muscle), then greater
amounts of testosterone will help the athlete gain greater
amounts of muscle growth, if combined with resistance
exercise (Goldman, 1984; Lamb, 1984; Todd, 1987; Wright &
Stone, 1985).

W- Numerous studies in the early
1970's were conducted to determine if, in fact, anabolic
steroids did promote muscular growth when combined with
resistance exercise. Results were equivocal (Ariel, 1973;
Bowers & Reardon, 1972; Freed, Banks, Longson, & Burley,
1975; Golding, Freydinger, & Fishel, 1974; O'Shea, 1971;
O'Shea & Winkler, 1970; Stamford & Moffat, 1974; Ward, 1973).
As a result of these works, a number of professional
organizations, including the American College of Sports
Medicine in 1977, issued statements claiming that there was
no proof that anabolic steroids promote muscular growth in
healthy males (Goldman, 1984; Lamb, 1984).

Taylor (1985), however, stated in his book, Hormonal
Manipulation, that steroids are efficacious. Taylor believed
that steroids did work, if taken in high enough dosages and
combined with resistance exercise. Taylor found major
methodological flaws in studies disclaiming the efficacy of
anabolic steroids. Haupt and Rovere (1984) suggested in
their review of the literature concerning steroids, that
steroids are highly effective for an athlete who has reached

a state of catabolism in his/her training.

37

Most athletes are positive of the efficacy of the
hormones (Goldman, 1984; Taylor, 1985; Todd, 1987). With a
large percentage of physicians continuing to discount the
effectiveness of steroids, their credibility was affected
negatively in the eyes of many athletes (Taylor, 1985).

Recently, the .American College: of Sports Medicine
altered its stance, claiming that when combined with
resistance exercises, anabolic steroids may enhance
performance in some individuals. This can be seen as a major
change in position, most notably because this stance was
changed without any significant changes in tin: scientific
literature (Taylor, 1985).

It is becoming more evident, through anecdotal reports
by athletes (Chaikin & Telander, 1988; Olrich, 1988), and by
involved physicians (Taylor, 1985; Haupt & Rovere, 1984),
that steroids are effective. If, in fact, steroids are
effective, why should an athlete not take them? There are a
number of medical and ethical factors that must be taken into
account.

Anabolic steroids are potentially very dangerous drugs
(Goldman, 1984; Lamb, 1984). They have been associated with
a number of side effects. A complete review of the
literature concerning medical side effects of anabolic
steroids is beyond the scope of this work. A brief
description of the major implications will be presented.

Anabolic steroids have been associated with severe liver

disease, including hepatocellular carcinoma (cancer of the

38

liver) and peliosis hepatis (blood filled sacs within the
liver) (Goldman, 1984; Lamb, 1984; Taylor, 1985; Stone &
Lipner, 1980; Wright & Stone, 1985). Rupturing of these sacs
could potentially cause severe hemorrhage and liver failure
(Lamb, 1984).

Serum thyroid, pituitary, and steroid hormones produced
by the athlete's body are severely decreased during anabolic
steroid therapy (Alen, Rahkila, Reihila & Vihko, 1987). This
often results in testicular atrophy in the male (Goldman,
1984; Lamb, 1984; Wright & Stone, 1985). Testicular function
will be lessened or halted during periods of anabolic steroid
use (Strauss, 1988). Wilm's Tumor, a tumor of the kidney,
has also been associated with anabolic steroid use in a
single case (Goldman, 1984).

It has been hypothesized that the side effects caused by
anabolic steroids are dramatically increased due to the large
quantities that many athletes self-administer. Athletes have
been found to use 10 to 40 times the amount prescribed
therapeutically (Lamb, 1984). Burkett & Falduto (1984)
conducted a survey of anabolic steroid users. Of the 24
athletes surveyed who used steroids, 20 were found to be
"stacking" steroids (combining two or more steroids) in order
to cause a synergistic effect. The lowest reported use of
anabolic steroids by the athletes was 350% of the
therapeutically recommended dosage. Most athletes were taking

4 to 8 times the recommended medical dosage.

39

W. Of great importance to this
work were the psychological effects associated with anabolic
steroids. Anabolic steroids, even in low dosages, can have
effects on the male personality (Taylor, 1985). With
moderate to large dosages, complete personality changes can
take place (Taylor, 1985; Todd, 1987). An increased level of
aggression is one of the most obvious psychological changes
(Goldman, 1984; Olrich, 1988; Taylor, 1985; Todd, 1987).
With the increased levels of aggression came increased levels
of confidence, almost to a point where the user no longer has
a true picture of reality. As Olrich (1988) found in an
interview with a former steroid user, the user relates:

"You know it increased my self-confidence, as far as, it

was like, I could go into a bar, and I'd know. I could

walk into a bar, and I'd have enough self—confidence to
go face—to-face with anyone in the bar. And if someone
started fucking with me, I would not be afraid. I would
not back down. Now, I'm not afraid, but I've got common
sense. When you're on the drug, it's like you have
enough confidence that I could fuck anybody up. You
know, you're thinking, 'That's a scary feeling, 'cause
that 270 pounder could be on the same shit you are!'"

(p. 26).

Taylor (1985) described what he calls "the steroid
spiral." From following the histories of past users, be found
a pattern of behavior caused by the increased aggression
level. First, the athlete begins to take anabolic steroids
in low dosages. The athlete tends to "cycle" on and off the
steroids. He/she gradually uses larger doses on each cycle.

Mood swings and behavior patterns widen, until the

personality change effects the people in which the steroid

40

user comes into contact. Taylor diagrams this phenomena as
Figure I: The Steroid Spiral

low dose

   
 
 
 

shown below:

linrly
Death

\‘iult‘tll

   
  
  

Mtcrctl
Lilcsl _\ Ic

Scuml ('rirncs

Viulcnl

Divorce
Violent (Trimc Marriages

While this description is intriguing, it lacks sufficient
documentation to test its validity.

Increased sense of well-being and euphoria have also
been noted (Goldman, 1984; Olrich, 1988; Taylor, 1985).
Athletes report excellent workouts, bodybuilders note that
‘they achieve an excellent "pump." "Pump" is a term used by
bodybuilders to describe a feeling of tightness and fullness
in the muscle, caused by an increased blood flow to the
muscle. Arnold Schwarzennegger (1977) described the feeling
of being pumped as "better than sex." Many bodybuilders
attest to the addictive nature of the "pump" (Olrich, 1988;
Schwarzenegger, 1977). Anabolic steroids increase the
intensity of the pump and help to further reinforce usage
(Olrich, 1988).

A study by Pope and Katz (1988) of 41 steroid users
showed significant affective and psychotic symptoms during
periods of anabolic steroid use. The subjects of the study
reported significant increases in muscular mass and strength.
None of the 41 subjects recalled adverse medical effects of
steroids requiring' medical consultation. Five of tflua
subjects reported. psychotic symptoms during' periods of
steroid use. No subjects reported such symptoms during

periods of non-use. Five subjects also reported manic

41

episodes during periods of steroid use. Five subjects

developed major depression during periods of steroid use.

W. A few researchers have
noted. a psychological dependence to anabolic steroids
(Goldman, 1984; Olrich, 1988; Taylor, 1985). The tremendous
gains that the athlete perceives him/herself gaining,
combined with an increased sense of well-being and euphoria
help to contribute to this dependence. In his interview of
current and former steroid users, Olrich (1988) found that
each athlete felt there was an intense psychological
dependence. A quote from a former user sums this up well:

"If you ever try anabolic steroids...you will understand
why people become so psychologically addicted to them.
They're...when you're on them, it's great. It's great
in the gym. You become unbelievably strong. You look
great. You look better than you ever have in your life.
There's no doubt about it. Ybur strength will go up.
You can work out at 100% seven days a week if you want.
Your fat goes down. It's great."

He goes on to conclude:

"...the psychological addiction is so strong. It's as
strong as with any other drug. Like I said, when you
are on steroids, your workouts are great. And if
someone really loves to work out, that's one of the
greatest experiences of your whole entire life. I can
honestly say that there are few things in this world I'd
rather do than train. And when you're on steroids, it's
magnified tenfold. It's just...you get incredible
workouts, and there are times you think you're never
going to go off." (p. 29)

Olrich (1988) postulates that if possessing a muscular
physique helps the male establish his identity, then the use

of anabolic steroids, and the increased muscle mass that it

42

affords, helps to further validate the male's identity. This
is congruent with Mishkind et al. (1987) and more recent
anecdotal evidence. Murphy (1986) found that high school boys
are taking drugs to "bulk up for the girls." Wood (cited in
Johnson, 1985) calls it the new drug epidemic in high
schools. He goes on to note that the growing reliance on
steroids is a "way of dealing with the self-doubts of young
boys about their masculinity. Unfortunately, this is the kind
of problem most teenagers have, so they can be easily
exploited. Steroids have become the thing for the kids to
do. In the last few years, they have become very big in high
schools."

Olrich (1988) further postulated that if using anabolic
steroids help the male to validate his masculinity, the
withdrawal of their use would have the opposite effect.
After withdrawing the use of steroids, the effects from the
steroids quickly subside (Goldman, 1984). Watching their
muscles shrink and strength levels drop would in effect
emasculate the male (Olrich, 1988).

English (1987) developed six theoretical explanations
for the reasoning behind steroid use in the adolescent
athlete. Using Jessor's (1982) Eroblom_Bahaxion_Ihaory as a
basis for this explanation, English identified six major
reasons for an athlete to use steroids.

The first reason English (1987) identified for using
anabolic steroids was "blocked" or unattainable goals. The

athlete often feels that his/her natural ability is limited

43

and that goal attainment is nearly impossible without the use
of anabolic steroids._

The second reason identified was "a way to express
solidarity within a group" (English, 1987). The athlete may
feel that by acquiring the physical characteristics of those
he/she admires or competes against, the athlete may gain
acceptance into that particular peer group.

The third reason English (1987) identified is that
steroids are taken as a way to cope with anxiety.
Frustration, failure, and the fear of failure, as they relate
to performance, may have devastating effects on the
adolescent athlete's self-image. Anabolic steroids may
improve the athlete's performance, thereby becoming a coping
mechanism to help the athlete deal with anxiety.

Finally, English (1987) labels the fourth reason for
using' anabolic steroids as "confirmation. of identity."
Athletes may use steroids to overcome psychologically
contrived inadequacies. English believes that when this
occurs, steroids "metaphorically become an orally ingested
form of self-esteem."

The fifth reason English (1987) theorized for athletes
using anabolic steroids was rebellion. The athlete no longer
respects or maintains adult or societal authority. Steroid
use in this case may be a form of rebellion against such
authority.

English (1987) identified a sixth reason for steroid use

as "transitional markers." In this scenario, the athlete may

44

use steroids to show his/her peer group that he/she has
finally become fully committed to reaching his/her athletic
goal(s). This explanation offered by English has merit in
helping explain adolescent steroid use. Unfortunately, it
has not been substantiated through any type of psychological
or sociological research.

In summary, anabolic steroids are drugs used in
bodybuilding and athletics to enhance muscular development.
Anabolic steroids are similar in structure to the male
hormone testosterone. Numerous studies were conducted in the
1970's in order to determine anabolic steroid effectiveness.
Results were equivocal. Some studies found steroids to be
effective, while other studies did not. Current thought is
that steroids are effective, if taken in large enough
quantities. Steroids have also been found to be dangerous.
Numerous side effects have been associated with steroid use.
Even though these side effects have been documented, steroid
use to enhance muscularity is on the increase. Steroids have
also been found to cause psychological side effects.
Psychological side effects of particular importance include
personality changes and psychological addiction to the drugs.
Researchers have also theorized that males may use steroids
in an attempt to validate their masculinity.

Shumlllfli

The purpose of this section was to review pertinent

literature relating to the process of becoming involved in

bodybuilding and, later, anabolic steroid use. Self-concept

45

development was analyzed and theoretically linked to
bodybuilding involvement. Literature on the importance of
athletics in the development of the male identity was
reviewed to gain a greater understanding of societal
expectations and pressures the male may be experiencing. The
activity' and. sport of Zbodybuilding’ was also reviewed.
Bodybuilding was shown to be an activity which developed and
enhanced qualities identified in society as being masculine.
Literature on anabolic steroids and their use was reviewed in
order to gain a greater understanding of this drug use

phenomenon.

MIIIEHEZHQGX
We
MW- This study entailed
in-depth interviews of ten male bodybuilders. The

bodybuilders ranged in age from 18 to 35 with the exception
of one bodybuilder who was 57. Eight of the ten participants
were Caucasian. One participant was African-American, and
one participant was Hispanic.

The educational status of the men varied. All of the
participants had completed high school. Two of the men were
enrolled as undergraduate students at the time of the
interview. One of the participants was working toward the
completion of a masters degree in sociology. He also held a
full-time position as a social worker. Two of the
participants were doctoral students in exercise physiology
programs. One of the exercise physiology doctoral candidates
also worked in a cardiac rehabilitation program. One of the
participants had completed a degree in engineering and was
employed as an engineer in an automotive parts manufacturing
plant. One participant had completed an undergraduate degree
and worked as a corrections officer within a State
correctional facility. One participant was a physician who
had also taught courses at the local university. Two of the

participants had completed high school and chose to enter the

46

47

work force. One worked in an automotive plant, while the
other worked in a factory which produced furniture.

While all of the men could be described as middle class
in terms of socio-economic status, there was variety within
this classification. The full-time students were an: the
lower end of the classification, while the engineer and the
physician were at the upper end. The rest of the subjects
placed somewhere between these two extremes.

The participants resided in the upper Midwest and
Southwest regions of the U.S. and in Canada. The largest
percentage resided in the upper Midwest.

Of the ten participants, five were competitive
bodybuilders and five were non-competitive bodybuilders. All
of the participants had used anabolic steroids at some time
during their involvement in the activity of bodybuilding. A
competitive bodybuilder was defined as a bodybuilder who had
competed in a bodybuilding contest or was currently preparing
for a contest. A non-competitive bodybuilder was defined as
a serious weight trainer who had never competed in a
bodybuilding contest and was not currently preparing for a
contest.

We. The researcher
of this study was in a unique situation which allowed access
to the participants of this study. The researcher had
himself been involved in weight training for approximately 15
years and competitive bodybuilding for approximately 4 years.

During this time, the researcher had become personally

48

acquainted with each of the subjects. The researcher asked
each person for their willingness to be a participant in the
study. Every person who was asked to be a part of the study
agreed to participate. There were no refusals.

The researcher felt that a personal relationship with
the subjects was of extreme importance. Many of the
questions developed for the interview were of a personal
nature. The researcher believed the only way to receive
honest responses to such questions was for the participants
to personally know the researcher. This would allow a high
level of comfort for the participants and lessen the degree
of threat.

W

The interview questions were developed by the researcher
in an effort to more fully understand the importance of
bodybuilding and athletics in each subject's life. Questions
were also developed to understand the subjects' knowledge,
motivation, and experiences with anabolic steroids.

Wm. The importance of athletics
in the life of the participants was addressed through the
following questions:

1. When did you first become involved in athletics?

2. What sports were you involved with during junior

high, high school, and college?

3. How important were athletics in your life when you

were growing up? (Please give some examples,

positive and negative.)

49

The following questions were general (non-specific)

questions pertaining to bodybuilding:

4.

When did you first become interested in
bodybuilding?

Why did you pick bodybuilding, and not some other
type of activity?

What type of impact has bodybuilding had on your
life? (Please give some examples, positive and

negative.)

The questions below were asked in order to examine the

effect of bodybuilding on the participants' self-esteem. The

questions below are also categorized by more specific

descriptions of the various domains of self-esteem:

Reflected Appraisal:

7.

Has bodybuilding changed the way you see yourself?
If so, in what way?

Has bodybuilding changed the way others perceive
you? What do the following groups of people see: a)
family b) friends c) members of the gym d) peOple
"on the street?"

When you think of yourself, do you see yourself as a
student, bodybuilder, family member, or something

else? How would others describe you?

Social Comparison:

10. When compared to other members of the gym, are you

physically more advanced, less advanced, or about

the same? How does this make you feel?

50

Self-Attribution:

11.

Is your personal ability in bodybuilding due mainly
to genetics or self-determination? (This question
will be asked later in the interview as a lead—in

question to anabolic steroid use)

Identity Salience:

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

How much time do you spend training daily?

Why do you spend the amount of time training when
you could be participating in some other activity?
Please describe the way you feel during and after a)
a good workout b) a bad workout c) doing well in a
bodybuilding contest d) doing poorly in a
bodybuilding contest (Non-competitors will not be
asked questions 14c and 14d)

How long do you plan to be a bodybuilder?

What would you do if you were in a tragic accident

and were no longer able to be a bodybuilder?

The following questions were developed to address the

participants' heterosexual attractions:

17.

18.

19.

Does your involvement in bodybuilding make you feel
more masculine? Why or why not?

Are women more attracted to a muscular male? Why or
why not?

Have women become any more or less attracted to you

as a result of bodybuilding? In what way?

The subjects' perceptions of anabolic steroids and their

use was addressed through the following questions:

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.
30.

31.

32.

51

Have you ever used anabolic steroids or any other
muscle enhancing drug?

What are your thoughts concerning' drug use in
bodybuilding, by both males and females?

Why did you choose to begin taking steroids?

How do you feel physically when you are on steroids?
How is that different from when you are off
steroids?

Do you find any personality changes associated with
steroid use?

Do you feel there is any type of psychological
addiction to anabolic steroids? If so, please
describe.

What about your levels of self-confidence? Are they
effected by steroid use?

Do others perceive you differently while you are on
the steroids?

Do you feel any different about yourself when you
are on steroids?

What are the side effects from steroid use?

Have you experienced any side effects from steroid
use thus far?

Do you think that you will experience any permanent
side effects from the steroid use?

Why does a person take a drug if they know there may

be possible permanent side effects?

52

mm

The ten interviews were conducted in a direct, in—depth,
structured interview format. Before the interview began, the
subjects read and completed the Human Subjects consent form
(see Appendix A). Then the interview commenced. The
interviews were tape recorded with the tapes being destroyed
after the interviews were transcribed verbatim. Each subject
was given a code for future reference to insure
confidentiality.

The interviews were conducted in the privacy of the
subjects' living quarters. The interviews lasted between one
hour and one hour and 45 minutes. With the interviews
lasting such a long time, there could be speculation that the
quality of the responses diminished as the interview
progressed. The author, however, found that the enthusiasm
of the participants to share their experiences allowed for
quality responses throughout the entire interview.
IHEEEHMBML_SHL_DIII.

After the interviews were completed, the tape recordings
of the interviews were transcribed. ffiua author then read
each interview transcription thoroughly, numerous times. The
author then analyzed. the 'transcriptions line by line,
identifying all pertinent responses. To better understand
the responses of the bodybuilders, the data were subjected to
inductive analysis. The inductive building process involves
identifying emerging themes from the quotes (see Appendix B).

Certain responses could not be categorized by theme due to

53

their unique nature. Such responses were still considered
for inclusion in the reporting of Chapter Four due to their
contribution to the overall understanding of the subject
matter. Results of the content analysis and theme
identification were related to the concepts of hegemonic
masculinity, self-esteem, the importance of sport in the
lives of the individuals, bodybuilding, and anabolic steroid
use in bodybuilding.

Initially, the two groups (competitive and non-
competitive bodybuilders) were compared for similarity and
differences in responses. However, no differences could be
found between the two groups; therefore, the data from the

two groups were combined.

BESHLTB..IA§..DI§£D§§IQN

mlert—Immnnt

As youth, the participants had competed in a variety of
sports. A majority of the men reported competing in more
than one sport. The sport with the greatest degree of
participation was football (6), followed by wrestling (4),
basketball (3), swimming and diving (3), track and field (3),
baseball (2), hockey (1), cross country (1) and competitive
skateboarding (1). When the participants were interviewed on
their youth sport involvement, a major theme emerged. The
theme was that their involvement in athletics was viewed in a
very positive light (see Appendix B). The men spoke of how
athletics helped them to develop skills such as teamwork,
cooperation, discipline and the urge to achieve excellence in
other facets of their lives.

For eight of the ten participants, athletics were
extremely important. There were various reasons for this
importance. As B related:

"I'd say they (athletics) were as important as the

schoolwork I was doing. So, they were pretty important.

Something to really look forward to."

E noted that athletics made the difference in giving him
the motivation needed to complete high school:

"Athletics made the difference in my life for me making

it through high school. I was interested in sports. In

the seventh. grade academics were sliding downhill
tremendously. In the eighth grade, I was at the critical

point of I was either going to be held back a year
potentially, kicked out of school or sent to another

54

55

school because my academics were so bad. I had an
instructor that I had in art class, who was really
interested in me. He thought I had a lot of potential.
He said, 'Look, this is the deal. I know you like
sports a lot. I talked to the coach. I told the coach
you cannot participate unless your grades come up.‘
That was the direct turning point in my life. It was
the catalyst that pushed me to be more active in my
academics, because of my interest in sports."

J felt his entire life revolved around his athletic
participation. As he noted:

"I was extremely involved. That was basically my whole
life. I loved athletics and the thrill of competition.
So, every chance I got or every season, I was doing some
type of athletic competition."

F felt that, coming from a single parent household,
athletics gave him the skills needed to learn on his own:

"Very important to me. Because what I learned, I
learned on my own, because I had no one else to teach me
how to do it when I was young."

J described the positives he received from his
participation in athletics:

"Positives. The aspect of teamwork, as far as working
with individuals, and organized cooperation together to
meet one successful goal or make one successful entity
as far as the team was concerned. Also the thrill of
competition for me. It always made me strive to be a
better person or athlete, so to speak. I was always
trying to set new goals or achieve new heights of
success. I feel it's really athletics that's kind of
how I came to be as of now."

E spoke of ‘the discipline he received from. sport
participation:
"I personally think sports gave me a lot more

discipline, because I had to be disciplined in
athletics."

56

K spoke of how being successful in athletic competition
gave him peer recognition. He felt this helped him to deal
with shyness and the negative feelings he felt from being
shorter than his peers:

"I think it (wrestling) helped me a lot socially.

Because when I got better at it, at school then people

started to notice you more and stuff. I had a string of

sixteen undefeated my junior year, sixteen straight.

And everyone was coming up, 'Hey, hey, you won another

one' and stuff. That helped me out being shorter. I was

a little shyer, too. Being better at something really

helped break the ice a lot and I became more involved

with other students and stuff."

It is important to note, however, that recognition was
only received when K was successful. What if he had not been
successful? Messner (1986) found his subjects felt peer
acceptance would only be present if they were successful.
The comment above indicated similar feelings.

Although athletics were viewed very positively, there
were also negatives (see Appendix E”. The amount of time
that athletics required was seen as a major negative. At
times, the subjects felt this sacrifice had an adverse effect
on academics, personal and family relationships.

As C responded below, athletics could have a negative
effect on personal relationships:

"I suppose the negative, I may have been some little

more of an introvert in terms of going out with my

friends. That type of thing. I felt more compelled to
work out. So, I may have missed a little there."

K spoke of how participation in wrestling negatively

affected his academic performance:

57

"It (wrestling) didn't help me much as far as my
studies. Especially my senior year. I was cutting a lot
of weight, and I wasn't thinking so much about academics
at the time. It cost me in trig. I ended up getting a
"D". The only "D" I've ever gotten. My wrestling was
what I was keyed for."

When discussing the negative aspects of athletic
participation, another minor theme emerged, i.e., receiving
extreme pressure to excel (see Appendix B). Although only
three of the ten men spoke of being affected in this manner,
for those three it led to discontinuance of participation in
that sport. G described his situation in this manner:

"I was a diver for 3 years. Did real well, but I became

a little bit, a little bit too dissatisfied, not with

swimming, but with the pressure that was put on me. I

was doing quite well at it and it got to the point where

I was doing it for other people, not myself. My parents

were encouraging it a little more than I wanted too.

The pressure just got too much, and I just withdrew from

the whole thing and never did it since."

L felt similar pressure while competing in hockey. As
he related:

"Well, when I was at a young age, I was too involved,

which burned me out. II was touted as being, I would

make junior (hockey rank) by such and such an age. NHL
material. I had a lot of pressure from my father too.

Like every night, get home from school and get your pads

on, and my brother would take shots at me. I was a

goalie. There was a lot of pressure, always."

So, it may be seen that athletics were very important
for these individuals. Reasons varied from gaining peer
recognition, the development of social skills, the thrill of

competing, being associated with a team, to helping to deal

with personal anxieties such as shyness.

58

Athletics were seen in an overwhelmingly positive light.
However, negatives were identified, but were thought to be
very minor in comparison to the perceived positives. The
only exceptions to this were the three who felt extreme
pressure to excel, and gave up their sport as a result.

A majority of subjects also received their initial
exposure to weight training through this sport involvement.
The next section will discuss this among other topics.
Wilding

W- A majority of the subjects were
introduced initially to weight training as a means for
improving performance in the youth sport they were
participating in at the time (see Appendix B). K noted:

"(Began) Right after my freshman year when I was 0-8 (in

wrestling). I had to do something...I got a set of DP

(Diversified Products) weights for my birthday. I did

bench press, a set of leg extensions, a set of curls and

a set of olympic presses. And that was my workout.”

B related:

"I started training to get a little size for football.

And that led into getting size and strength for track."

There was, however, a fascination for more than just
exercising for these individuals (see Appendix B).
Something/someone caught their attention. .1 captured the
essence of this well:

"At the time, I was interested in it, but I was kind of

like every one else at that age. I didn't really like

doing it. But I was kind of interested in the fact, I

was really fascinated by getting stronger and all the
macho things we go through in the puberty stage."

59

He went on:

"As far as bodybuilding, I really got interested in

bodybuilding when I was a junior in high school, the

first time I'd ever seen one (bodybuilder). One of the
first pictures I can remember seeing, a picture of Robby

Robinson. And I thought, 'Man, I want to look like that

guy'...Just the feeling of becoming bigger and stronger

and more successful to me has really fascinated me."

D had a similar experience in his initial stages of
weight training. Instead of seeing the bodybuilder in a
magazine, he had the opportunity to meet one in person. The
bodybuilder was Steve Reeves, who was, at that time, the
reigning Mr. America. As D said:

"I think as a youngster you pick it up because of, you

would (because of), someone that you have seen and that

you admire. I was fortunate enough to meet a guy named

Steve Reeves back when I was about sixteen or something

like that. Steve was working out at a gym, and I was

interested in bodybuilding at about 14. But to have the
opportunity to meet a guy like that."
L also spoke in a similar vein:

"By standards, back then (late 70's), we had a fairly

good gym. And I was heavy into it. There was a local

powerlifting club. So, there was always someone to
emulate."

It is important to note that the mesomorphic male is
associated with numerous positive characteristics (Hamachek,
1978; Mishkind et al., 1987; Tucker, 1984). As the former
comments show, these subjects too, associated the mesomorphic
male image with positive characteristics.

Five of the ten subjects spoke of getting involved in

bodybuilding in order to add mass to a "skinny" or

60

ectomorphic physique (see Appendix B). It was one in this

category. He commented:
"And then I saw some of the big guys in there, too.
They're not around anymore. And I said I want to look
like that. That's what I want to look like. And being
5'5" you know, you kind of have a tendency to get a
little tired of being 5'5", 135-145 lbs."

G spoke similarly:
"I think, when I was in high school, I was probably
about 135 lbs. and skinny. I did have a lot of friends,
but most of them were real athletic. On the football
team, real big. And I think I kind of wanted to be a
little more like them. Even though I was accepted by

them. I still felt, boy, I wish there was a little more
meat on my bones and a little like one of the other

guys."
He went on:

I really had a drive to change the way I looked, my

body. I wasn't happy being thin."

The dissatisfaction that these subjects felt is
consistent with the findings of Mishkind et al.(1987) and
Tucker (1982a). Mishkind et al.'s survey of college-aged male
students revealed a 95% dissatisfaction among their physique,
while Tucker found a 70% dissatisfaction with the college—age
males he surveyed. The subjects in the studies by Miskind et
al. and Tucker also expressed they had a desire to be
mesomorphic, specifically hypermesomorphic.

Although they were involved in weight training while
participating in sporting activities in high school, seven
of the ten subjects did not become heavily involved in

bodybuilding until their high school or college athletic

61

career was through. Two of these subjects shared the fact
that they were anxious for their athletic career to end so
they could pursue bodybuilding more actively. Two became so
involved during their participation in organized sport that
they quit the sport to pursue bodybuilding.

While the subjects demonstrated a desire to change their
physiques, to pursue the physical ideal that had caught their
attention, there was more than just a physical change. The
subjects also perceived a change in self-esteem.

WWW As
stated earlier, Rosenburg and Turner (1981) described self-
esteem as being the way one feels about oneself in daily
situations. Three principles were considered in the
formation of the self-esteem.

The first principle was reflected appraisals. This
principle was of tremendous importance. The subjects
received large amounts of positive reinforcement as physical
gains became noticeable (see Appendix B).

G spoke of how family and friends reacted to physical
gains that he acquired:

"Yeah, I think it took a while, but, like, say my

brother was always bigger than me, and he always shoved

me around a bit. Now it's like he's really impressed by
the way I look, I think...People, in general, that I run
into, old friends that I used to know in high school
that haven't seen me, since I've put on 50 lbs. since
then, and they're just, 'Boy, you're really looking

good. You been lifting a lot?’ And it seems the
positive reinforcement everyone's giving me now."

62

R commented:

"I really enjoy the whole outlook it gives me, and how
it makes my body look. The way the younger parts of my
family, say my nieces, nephews, everybody looks up to
me. Even my mom really likes it."

E described it in this way:

"In certain portions, I think I associate myself
completely with how the fact my demeanor and my size,
everybody associated me, 'There's the big guy' or
whatever. I wasn't so much I had a personality, but
rather my physical appearance. That's what was
attributed to my personality at times. And I hooked up
on it, because that's the way I wanted to be seen. I
was being noticed."

And being noticed for gaining in the physical realm
meant acceptance into new' social groups for some (see
Appendix B). These new friends shared common goals and values
in relation to the physique. K related:

"I started making gains fast and I liked that. It was a
small school and we pretty much ruled the gym, more or
less. There was about a dozen of us that were friends
and I wasn't very big then, but these other guys were
the biggest in the gym. I hung out with them, so I was
in their clique."

H spoke of leaving old friends and gaining new friends:

"Well, a lot of people I used to run around with, I
don't anymore because of this (bodybuilding). So, I've
made new friends. And a lot of them are into the same
type of thing I am into. So, the ones I got now have
the same perception. We have the same perception for
each other. We're into the health thing. we're into
getting big. We're into competing."

The effects of reflected appraisals were far reaching
and profound. As Rosenburg and Turner (1981) related, people

see themselves in the manner in which they believe others see

9
one
VA.

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bod

so,

63

them. If the individuals are looked up to and respected by
those about them, they will respect themselves. As shown
above, when the men in this study showed physical increases,
that equated to an increase in the number of compliments
(positive reinforcement) they received. They were also now a
part of a new peer group which shared common values.
Logically, then all subjects spoke of how bodybuilding
changed the way they felt about themselves.

When speaking of the impact bodybuilding had on his
life, E related:

"...it's not always true for everybody, but I think it's
true for me, it's almost like you become cocky. But
it's more of a positive attitude toward yourself.
You're successful in what you're doing because you're
always on top of it. You become very confident of what
you're doing and where you're going in life, so I think
it's given me a positive outlook to achieve things. And
I think I can achieve things. That's half the battle."

When H spoke on the same topic, he noted:

"Well the impact is a lot of good things. Self-
confidence. You look good, you feel good. People look
at you and feel good about you."

H also spoke of how he had a troubled childhood, and how
bodybuilding has changed some of those feelings:

[Has bodybuilding changed the way you see yourself? If
so, in what way?]

"Sure, I see myself as a positive person. As a good
healthy person, and setting some good examples out
there. Especially younger kids coming in the gym. They
come up to me and I'm glad to help them out. I tell
them from experience, on what I've learned. That's how
I learn, from experience. And I set a good example for
other people. II see myself as a positive person with
some good things going on in my life because of this.

64

And you know, like I said, it goes back to ‘the
childhood. I didn't have a very good childhood. And
this has changed, I think, a little bit."

B commented:

"I used to not think as much of myself, when I was a

little thinner."

He goes on:

"I'd say it makes you more outgoing, you feel better

about yourself. You want to do better in everything,

not just in lifting weights. It really makes you really
want to be successful, as far as on stage and off
stage."

The second principle of self-esteem formation considered
was social comparison. As stated in Chapter 2, the basic
tenet of this principle was that human beings learn about
themselves by comparing themselves to others. It was also
found to be quite prevalent in this study. Two basic themes
surfaced. First, the subjects compared themselves to others,
and found themselves to be advanced (see Appendix B). This
advanced self-rating made them feel good about themselves. J
described how being advanced in the local gym made him feel:

"It feels good [to be advanced]. Older guys, too. One

guy about thirty asked me what I do for my traps

[trapezius muscle]. It feels good to be noticed for

that, recognized for what you've done. It's hard work.

It feels good to be in there, and it's kind of an ego

trip too. You can walk around the gym, you don't ever

have to hang your head."
He then related:

"It feels good to be able to walk around and know that

they're looking at you. When you're doing sets, you

know they're watching you. I enjoy it. I enjoy being
at the gym."

65

G noted:

"I've never felt any better than anybody else. But I
can see, it does kind of make you...it does kind of go
to your head when you see the results, and you see other
people that are smaller than you. You can't rub it in,
but it makes you look at yourself and say, 'Boy, I've
made some pretty good gains'."

And S responded:

"Physically? Is that a physical question? Yes, I'd say
I'm miles more advanced compared to what I'm used to. I
mean, I'll have people who are just as buff try to train
with me, and they can't. They can't hang. I put a lot
of effort into what I do at anything. Whether it's
intellectually or physically. So, a lot of people who
are "Body by Deca" or something, and they just can't
hang with me in a workout. So, I've also got the
reputation of being that way physically. And size wise,
proportion wise, there are few people around, especially
in my area, who are close to being as large as I am.
So, I would have to say in all, yeah, I'd have to say
heads and tails above most people."

The second theme that emerged in this area was that the
subjects used social comparisons as a rmativation (see
Appendix B). If the subject perceived himself as less
advanced than anyone in the gym, this motivated him to train
harder to "catch" the more advanced person. If the subject
was the most advanced person in the gym, then being the
"best" became the motivation to train hard. Below are two
statements illustrating this point. K responded:

"You'd see some of those guys over there who were

curling three times what I'm curling, you know. And you

think to yourself, I've got to do that too. And it's a

psychological thing, obviously. Because you strive

harder to prove that you can do, or at least come close
to those guys."

66

When the subject was the most advanced at the local gym,
this response by D was representative:

"And you feel like, from the other competitive
bodybuilders in the gym, you feel like you're kind of
put up on a pedestal. In a lot of situations, you could
take that, and for most people it would be easy to get
satisfied and kind of slack off from the training. But
for me, I kind of use that as a real motivator. It
really gets me going. I try to feed off it, rather than
say .'I'm the most advanced in the gym, and all you
others are scum.’ I use it for fuel. It just makes me
train harder."

The third principle of self-esteem to be considered was
self-attribution. As described in Chapter 2, this principle
concludes that much of the individual's internal
psychological workings were learned by the individual through
viewing the effects caused by his or her own actions. Self-
attribution became another area in which the subjects found
their self-esteem enhanced.

The subjects spoke of many benefits, to both themselves
and others, that were derived due to their participation in
bodybuilding (see Appendix B). Examples of such benefits
were physique improvement, family and peer involvement, and
goal attainment. These positive actions were a direct result
of their actions, and, therefore, the subjects felt good
about the results.

J expressed his feelings in this manner:

"I think it's pretty much been positive for me. When I

started lifting in college, as I said, this goes back

quite a ways, being shorter I had big glasses and stuff.

When I started getting bigger and filled out more, that

made me feel better about myself, and I got a little

more forward, you know. I got into the Army, and I got

my contact lenses, and I got bigger then. I got real
big then. I got a lot more forward and stuff, plus

67

maturing too, I think. I realized that it doesn't
matter if I'm short really."

G continued:

"It [bodybuilding] showed me some attributes of my own
personality such as persistence and a desire to set a
goal and achieve it. A lot of self-control, self-
discipline. It's made me realize a lot of things about
myself and sharpen a lot of skills that I had, just
mentally. As far as concentration and blocking a lot of
negative influence out there. I'm not as susceptible to
peer influence, like I was in high school. I think it's
really made me a stronger person. I feel better about
myself. I feel like I'm doing something positive."

It should be noted here, the individual nature of the
sport is a main reason why five out of the ten subjects were
attracted to bodybuilding (see Appendix B). The subjects no
longer relied on a team or a coach. They attributed success
or failure to themselves as a result of their own actions.

As S described:

"We had so many people on the football team that just

didn't gel right. And it occurred to me, I like

bodybuilding because I succeeded or failed on my own
accord. I didn't like having to rely in football on

people being, or I would have to expect them to be as
motivated as I was."

D noted:
"Also, a major thing was ever since the sixth grade I'd
always played team sports and had a coach. I was
finally done, my career was over. I was done with

college football, and of course, I knew I wasn't going
to play pro ball. And, I said 'I think I'd like to do

something that's more me. Me oriented. Where I'm my
own coach. I make my own decisions about when I train,
and when I don't train.‘ It was just the fact that it

was something that I could do on my own now and not
really have to depend on four other guys or ten other
guys. That was a really good feeling to me."

68

B also added:
"And bodybuilding is an individual thing that I could do
at my own pace, and do my own thing. And that's why I
really liked it. I thought, 'Well, I can do what I want
with it'."
Two major themes surfaced in the area of identity salience.
The first theme identified had seven of the subjects
identifying their role as a bodybuilder as a central role,
very important, but not the most central role (see Appendix
B). Even though it may not have been identified as the most
central role, large amounts of time were still devoted to
training, food preparation, etc. The comments below from two
of the subjects seem to be representative of some of their
feelings.
G responded:
"I'd like to see myself as a student first. Right now,
I'm obsessed with learning. It's what I want to do.
It's true that I have to sacrifice to gain the knowledge
that I want. I like to view myself as a bodybuilder,
too, because I spend so much time at it and it's really
important to me. But if I had to make a choice right
now, I'd have to go with just school, because it's a
temporary thing. I'm going to get it over with. But,
it's something that's really important right now. And

bodybuilding is something I plan on doing for a long
time to come. It's going to be part of my life."

And M said:

"I guess first and foremost is me being an engineer.
The fact that I've invested a lot of time and effort in
my college education. I have also my body, but that's a
continuous ongoing challenge. That's always going to be
there and always some idea as to what degree."

 

‘1

'U

69

Role centrality was an area which was a cause of anxiety
for two of the ten. The problem was that of role conflict.
Klein (1986) found in his study of southern California
bodybuilders that the role of bodybuilders was first and
foremost in their lives. Other things were sacrificed to
allow ample time to be spent bodybuilding. For some, it
meant holding menial low paying jobs or even the selling of
sexual activities to the gay community (termed "hustling")
which would not interfere with their training and
preparation.

That was not found in this study. Bodybuilding was very
important, but not to the point of consuming other jobs in
which the subject felt compelled to remain (see Appendix B).
There was, however, role conflict due to time constraints.
As J noted:

"I see myself as husband and father first. It
(bodybuilding) takes me away, but I wouldn't stay away
from my family for bodybuilding. Then, it's awful
important to me. I keep going to work, when I don't
lift, but as far as, I wouldn't quit my job for
bodybuilding either. II couldn“t do that because that
would take away from me being a husband and father.
Couldn't make the money. It's pretty important to me.
I lift before I go to work. I know I'm going to be
tired when I go to work, but that's secondary. I can't
lift when I get out of work, so I'll sacrifice being
tired at work for bodybuilding."

B responded:
"The gym I guess it would have to be (first), I'm a
father also. So these two are conflicting all the time.
The bodybuilding and the father. If I'm not
bodybuilding and I'm with my son, and I know I've
neglected, like I've got so many days I put in the gym,
and I'm not doing it. Because I'm spending time with
him. I feel guilty about that. I should be in the gym.
And if I'm in the gym, the kind of time I like to spend

70

in the gym, I feel guilty about not being with my boy,
being the father, a good father. 80, I would like to,
those are my two goals really. The identities that I'd
like to be good at. But, I'd have to say that I am a
good father. But, I'd have to say that I've been
bodybuilding a lot longer than I've been a father. So
I'd have to say, that would be more of my identity,
bodybuilder or weightlifter."

Although only two mentioned role conflict specifically,
seven of the ten mentioned that one of the major negatives of
bodybuilding was the time commitment. Seeing that the time
must be sacrificed from other areas of their life, it is
likely that there was role conflict for the others also, at
some point in their life. Compromises must have been made or
the former role consumed or engulfed to allow for the time
commitment required.

S's response suggested this:

"It's (bodybuilding) cost me a lot, because I've put it

first at a lot of times when I shouldn't. It ended up

costing me a lot of things. I put social life second
all the time."

He went on:

"I guess it's cost me a lot. You could say it cost me a
marriage. And at this point, I wouldn't say that. I
might have two years ago...you kind of miss out on a lot
of other things when you're training 4 or 5 days a week.
.A lot of people will (say) you don't live a life, you
don't have a social life, but you can have both, I
think. You just gotta decide what you want."

M noted:

"Negatives are that it takes a lot of time. If you have
interest in other areas that consume a lot of time,
since you spend so many hours in the gym, some things
suffer. For example, as with relationships, it consumes
a lot of your time and relationships suffer. Anything
that takes a lot of time can suffer."

ID

71

T's comments offered even more:

"There are a lot of negatives I think in bodybuilding.

One of the biggest negatives that I found is the

selfishness that goes along with a sport in which you

are the only participant. You exclude everyone else out
of your life. And even to the point of losing friends."

In summary, it has been shown that from the responses
given, the self-esteem of the men has been positively
effected through the positive reinforcement each received in
his social environment.

When viewing the effects of their actions (self-
attribution), the subjects seem. to also have received
positive reinforcement, further enhancing their self-esteem.
In the area of identity salience, bodybuilding was shown to
play a central role in their lives, most, however, felt it
was not the role most central to them. There was definite
role conflict for two of the subjects, and evidence of
current, or former role conflict for nine of the ten
subjects.

Wits—“Warm. In this
study, bodybuilding did validate or further validate the
masculinity of the men. As with self-esteem enhancement, the
mechanisms for improvement of the masculine identity included
reflected. appraisal and social comparison among other
factors. Eight of the ten subjects spoke of how bodybuilding
did enhance their masculinity. While the remaining two did

not feel their masculinity was enhanced, their responses to

other questions indicated that there was an enhancement. Of

72

the eight who responded positively to the enhancement of
masculinity through bodybuilding, it could be seen that they
did equate physique with masculinity.

When asked the question "Does your involvement in
bodybuilding make you more masculine?", the responses of the
men showed how bodybuilding helped to reinforce the hegemonic
masculine qualities being perpetuated in society (see
Appendix In. The men felt feelings of superiority due to
their bodybuilding involvement as the quotes below point out.
J responded:

"Yeah, I think so. Well, I mean from back in the

ancient times, Atlas and Hercules, the big guys with the

bodies, the big biceps, the big chest and everything.

So, it's still in effect today. Arnold Schwarzenegger,

the Chippendales...Still, you know the perfect man
always has a good build, so it makes you feel more

masculine. You're stronger, too. And, you know, it's
always that males are supposed to be stronger. Just the
socialization. It's bound to make you feel more

masculine when you do that."

L said:

"I'm sure it does make me feel masculine, somewhat.
Sure, I've equated men with decent builds. I don't have
anything against skinny people, but if I was skinny, I'd
sure want to be more muscular. Maybe it's just me."

As mentioned previously, some gained this masculinity through
social comparison. The quotes below indicate this:
M noted:

"Maybe just, per se, the picture I can get in my mind of
more masculine is the fact that if I was walking in the
mall in the summertime, wearing shorts and a t-shirt, I
would feel more masculine by the fact that I could stand
next to anybody, and I would probably dwarf them."

73

And G agreed:

"I think at times it does [make me feel more masculine].
But I think that's more when I'm around either other
guys at the gym or maybe out with a bunch of friends
that are relatively small. It kind of puts me up on a
pedestal. [People] say, 'You're looking great. You're
huge.’ And this and that. It kind of goes to your head
at certain times. When I'm by myself, I don't feel any
different. I don't feel any influence."

P said:

"The bigger I got, the bigger attitude I got. I mean
when I go to the bar, I look to see if there's anybody
else bigger in the bar, just to compare myself to him or
her."

B commented:

"Yeah, I guess it does [make you more masculine] because
people are intimidated by you, and I guess it's kind of
neat. I don't want, don't thrive on it. I don't go out
of my way to get it. But people, you intimidate people
and you can see it. And whether you are trying to do it
or not, it happens. It kind of makes you feel good. It
feels like, I must look tough, you know, people are
intimidated by me. Maybe they think I can kick their
ass."

The former response also reiterates Mishkind et al.'s
(1987) suggestion that the masculine identity is associated
with cultural views of the male being powerful, strong,
efficacious, domineering, and destructive. The following
comment by B also contributed to this view:

"So yeah, it [bodybuilding] makes me feel like the man.

The man role is supposed to be...You are supposed to be

tough. You're supposed to be...and I feel like I kind
of fill that role to some extent."

74

For one subject, masculinity was, in part, gained
through the exclusion of females from the sport . He
responded:

"Sure [it makes you feel more masculine]. Well, it's
because I guess it's something you don't see a lot of
women in. At least when I first started in
bodybuildingy it was not a ‘woman's sport. That
would...the idea. And that just is my case, just ??? on
forever. Not that I mind. Not that‘I mdnd seeing a
muscular young body. I think it looks great. But it's
just a mind set that...sure, yeah, it made me feel more
masculine."

Hegemonic masculinity was further reinforced through
compulsive heterosexuality. All ten men agreed that
involvement in bodybuilding by the male led to greater
heterosexual attraction (see Appendix B). Six subjects said
uncategorically, yes, women are more attracted to the
muscular male, as L's comment below pointed out:

"Yes, I think so. I think so. I don't care how many of

them say 'That's gross'. I have had more women tell me,

who've had muscular boyfriends, that they will never
date another guy who isn't muscular. And I don't think
they mean a bodybuilder, but they mean they will never
date another ectomorphic person. Zhui I wouldn't blame
them. It'd be just like a guy dating a woman with an
attractive body, and they all of a sudden, date someone
that was extremely heavy. Why would someone do that?”
As this comment showed, if the male failed to live up to the
societal physical ideal, he failed to live up to proper sex
role norms, just as Mishkind et al. (1987), stated. More
comments below further reinforce this theme.

R said:

"Almost definitely [women are more attracted to a
muscular male]. I don't think that women really like a

75

guy that's totally out of shape. If they have a choice,
they'd have one that's in shape."
B agreed:
"They say they are not. Okay, I've heard a lot of women
say 'Oh, women don't like big guys. They just like
someone that's in good shape.‘ But, I don't find that to
be true. You look around and some of the best looking
women are with some of the biggest guys. Especially in
the professional bodybuilding. You look, and they
always have some nice looking lady on their arm. So,
yeah, I think the bigger the better."
And H said:
"Well, I grew up on the West Coast. I played around on
the beach a lot. And who had the best looking chicks?
It was always the guy with the best build. And I think
that's one of the reasons that prompts a young guy to
get into bodybuilding, or weight lifting, or gymnastics,
or something like this. Into athletics in general."
An important point was brought out in the last two comments.
The last two comments identify muscular "role models". These
role models seemed to always be with beautiful women. It is
not unusual that these comments surfaced. Klein (1986)
identified the fact that bodybuilding trade publications
enshrined heterosexuality. Professional bodybuilders are
pictured throughout these publications with women draped over
them. These type of stimuli may have significant impact on
an adolescent or young adult.
Ironically, another major theme which surfaced in the
area of physical attraction was that while women are

attracted to the muscular male, the male could become

overdeveloped, which may actually turn women away (see

'U

76

Appendix B). The responses below pointed this out well. R

responded:

"When you start getting into the guys that are more
muscular, more heavy, some people might call huge, I
think it intimidates many girls."

G explained:

"I think it goes up to...there's a fine line on both
sides. Either you're overweight or too skinny or
something. Or you're fit, you're trim, you're shapely,
you've got good muscle definition. Or you're huge. And
I think somewhere in the middle there is that happy
medium, that I like to stay at."

P's comment agreed:

"Not by a big muscular man. I'd say a slimmer, more out
man, is more attractive than a bigger bulky guy. I
think they're more afraid, more intimidated by someone
like that. I'm sure they like them, and I shouldn't say
that these guys...it's just that they're too big, too
beasty looking. Some girls like that, some don't. I'd
say the majority likes the more slim, cut guy. The guy
you see in magazines all the time."

And M stated:

more

"I feel like women are more attracted to a muscular male
than let's say...to what degree muscular that has
various ramifications of its own. II feel there are a
lot more women attracted to a muscular male than are
women attracted to a highly muscular male, like a
bodybuilder or someone like that."

Nine of the ten subjects, however, felt that women were

attracted to them, personally, as a result of

bodybuilding. G's response was very revealing:

"I think that they have been [more attracted]. A lot of
the girls that I've met at school or on vacation or at
the beach or something. I get a lot of comments on what
good shape I'm in. The girls that I've dated really
like being with a guy that's in shape. They like the
attitude. Now, I'm not saying the attitude of being all

77

cocky and everything. But, just that you know that
you're in shape, and you feel good about yourself. You
aren't intimidated by people. You don't feel like 'Boy,
I wish I was like them.‘ You can be yourself. And
girls like to be seen with guys that are in shape. It
makes them look good” It jbrings out your real
personality. You don't feel intimidated by other

people. You don't feel shy."

It can be seen in this quote that positive comments
simultaneously effected his self-esteem and masculine
identity. D also spoke of the attraction:

"Well, my wife doesn't have anything to worry about, but
yes. I felt the initial interests were there because of
my physique. Rather than when I used to not really be
that muscular. So, yes, I would say that definitely has
a significant influence in most cases as far as just the
fact that I have a muscular physique."

R also responded:

"Definitely more. I've run into some hard times with
that. As far as for a long time, I didn't have a
girlfriend, so I'd catch myself seeing four or five
girls. Dating them all at once. I kind of...right now,
I'm just basically into one girl. That's the way I kind
of like it, but I still do have problems, because girls
will still come up to you and want to touch you and make
comments."

It also must be noted that while the three physically
largest subjects of the study felt that bodybuilding, in
general, caused a positive attraction, they also felt, at
times, a negative response from women due to being too large.
J's response was indicative of the feelings expressed:

"You get some [women] who are very, very...I mean it's

like a cult thing almost. You get some who are right

into it. They'll follow you anywhere. You get others
who are totally repulsed by it."

78

It is interesting to note that when one subject was
asked if his masculinity was positively enhanced through
bodybuilding, he vehemently denied that it was. It was noted
throughout the interview, however, that many other responses
contradicted this response.

It has been shown throughout this work, that
bodybuilding has become a very positive force in the lives of
these individuals. Positive reinforcement led to great
increases in self-esteem and the subjects' masculine
identity.

It also must be noted that besides the external
reinforcement that the subjects received, another major theme
was that five of the ten participants spoke of how they have
become more "in touch“ with themselves due to participation
in bodybuilding and that bodybuilding was a stress release
(see Appendix B). D responded:

"It [bodybuilding] caused me to strengthen my inner-

determination, self-discipline, my will power. It's

really strong and solid, my inner-being as far as those
aspects."
G noted:

"It showed me some attributes of my own personality,

such as persistence and desire to set a goal and achieve

it. A lot of self-control, self-discipline. It's made

me realize a lot of things about myself and sharpen a

lot of skills that I had, just mentally."

So, the question arises as to how something viewed as

being so positive can lead to the use of drugs such as

anabolic steroids.

cu:

79

Anlh911£__fitl£91dfl.

All ten participants in the study have, or had, used
anabolic steroids at some point in their lives. It is
important to note that five of the ten men were originally
opposed to anabolic steroid use in bodybuilding. When
analyzing the reasons for initial use, some common themes
surfaced.

m. The amount of time the participants had
been weight training, before beginning use varied greatly.
The range was from less than one year to over forty years.
Nine of the ten men, however, had been training for less than
ten years before experimenting with drugs.

One major theme that became evident is that the men felt
they were at a plateau in their training (see Appendix B).
They felt they had made nearly all the gains they could make
naturally (without drugs). Then a frustration set in as they
saw others pass them with the aid of anabolic steroids. This
also created a certain amount of curiosity (see Appendix B).
What will these drugs do? Are they some sort of magical
potion? What was all the hype about? The responses the
subjects gave were very informative and. some 'that .are
indicative of the group are below.

L explained:

"Well, I waited a long time, until I was about twenty-

three years old. I felt I had reached a peak, a

plateau. II did them partly to see what it was like,

partly because of my friends had tried them and said
that there seemed to be something magical about them,

and, I guess, partly because I just wanted to get bigger
like everyone else, faster."

R rela‘

‘
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80

G said:
"I chose to...first of all, when I started I said I was
never going to do them. I trained naturally for about
four years. I got to the point where I kind of

plateaued out, I felt. And I was being accepted by a
lot of the bigger bodybuilders, just because I trained
every day. And I was getting in pretty decent shape.
But, I didn't have the size. I felt I'd like to put on
some size, but I don't know. It's kind of scary. So, I
didn't do it for a long time, and I see all these other
people that were smaller than me just six months ago,
and, all of a sudden, they're twice as big as I am. And
what's the deal? So, I chose to try them. Just as kind
of a personal experiment. I know the risks. I kind of
wanted to say, 'Hey, what's everybody, what's all this
hype about?’ So, I decided to do a cycle."

R related:

"Initially, it was peer pressure as far as not being
pressured to take. Just the pressure of trying to keep
up with my peers that were already taking. I told them

I'd never take any drugs. I guess I was afraid to fall
behind. Plus, I was young. I was twenty, I guess. That
had something to do with it. There was that curiosity

of what would happen if I would. Maybe I would just
instantly look like - instantly just get absolutely huge
and gain all this weight. Just be big Joe Bodybuilder
in three or four weeks. So, there was. a curiosity
there. And I can say it came down with me that the
really yearning desire to be a great bodybuilder and be
the best that I could possibly be. I'd say those three
aspects were major contributors of why I started taking
drugs."

And S noted:

"I was so anti-steroid when I started bodybuilding. I
mean, I was very, very, very naive about the thing. And
a lot of it was misinformation, reading the wrong
things. And not knowing about anything. But, back
then, not too many people were in the know, so it was
almost, there wasn't any reason for it. But at the
time, I was watching people put in half the effort I put
in and half the heart."

As the last comment points out, there seemed to be some

frustration as others (who were using steroids) passed the

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81

non—user in the level of physical development. For two of
the subjects, more than just frustration was being
experienced. These two men were experiencing negative
pressure from areas other than athletics. They felt this
negative pressure compelled them to use steroids. B's
response was very poignant:

[Why did you choose to begin taking steroids] "It wasn't
a good reason to. It wasn't because I was against them.
I'd heard all the negatives, but I'd seen all the
positives that they do. As far as if that's what you
want. They work. But, I had well a personal thing with
my son. We split up and I was having some problems
seeing him, and she was being really really hard. And
she was using him as a tool to get to, to manipulate me.
And I knew it, and there was nothing I could do, because
it worked every time. And I got a bad attitude. And I
had a friend who was always stressing, or always
suggesting that I try them, because he knew I could do
it. And he could see I was serious. And I'd been there
a long time. And he said 'Hey, you know, you can do it

and I'll show you how to do it carefully.’ And that's
what made me decide. I had a bad attitude, and I said
hell with it. I know I'm going to get cancer, whatever.

And I know the chances are there, that it might happen.
But, I said hell with it, you know. I'm working out
hard, and I'm tired of seeing everybody pass me."
J noted a similar negative experience in non-athletic areas
of his life which helped motivate him to begin taking
steroids. His response was:
"I was awful rebellious in the Army. I had an earring,
and, you know, I didn't...It made me mad a couple times
of just doing things I thought were pretty stupid. I
got to the point where I'd do anything I wasn't supposed
to, I guess. And I hit a stale point in my lifting."
Beginning steroid use, however, caused internal conflict

for one half of the group, as five participants were

originally very much opposed to steroid use (see Appendix B).

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82

G's response described some of the thoughts that confronted
him before beginning use:

"Boy, I went for a month or two just saying, 'Yeah, I'm

going to do it, no, no, I can't do it. It's not that

important.‘ It got to the point where I said screw it.

I'm going to try it. Then I can see for myself what

it's going to do."

It can be noted here that for these five men, who
experienced internal conflict, bodybuilding, although not
identified as the most central role in their lives, had been
given a place of central status. It was shown here to be
engulfing other roles of lesser significance. In this
instance, certain values were overtaken by the bodybuilding
role. New values concerning drug use were incorporated into
a new values system in some. This is consistent with Turner
(1978) who stated that certain roles may gain central status
and engulf other roles.

Another theme that cannot be ignored is that five of the
ten men felt compelled to begin steroid use to be competitive
in their sport (see Appendix B). Four of these five were
involved competitively' in bodybuilding, while one was
participating in football. M said it in this manner:

"I was under the influence of there's no way you can

compete and be competitive with other athletes if you

can't take these drugs. This has proven to be true
throughout the years. But, I took it because of that at

the time. I took it because I want to be competitive in
bodybuilding."

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83

R had competed in bodybuilding for a few years, but then felt
that if he really wanted to be successful in bodybuilding
competition, steroid use was needed. He responded:

"I was kind of, I tell you, I got, I went into the
natural [physique competition] like three times. I did
pretty well. I'd say , I got fourth, I got third, and I
got second. And from that contest at that time, it was
really no place to go from winning the Natural. It's
like, I want to bodybuild. I know I want to see how far
I can go. I was 24, I think, 23 years old. And I was
thinking, I'm almost done growing, as far as naturally.
As far as I can. So, I wanted to see just how much
they'll make me look better. Make me look worse."

Seven of the ten participants believed that to be
competitive at a high level of bodybuilding [state, national,
or professional], anabolic steroids, among other drugs, were

a must. M's response was direct:

"To be competitive in bodybuilding, unless they do some
serious drug testing, you might as well take drugs if

you want to win. If you want to be in this sport
because you enjoy it, and you're not completely hung up
on the fact that you want to win - good, don't take

them. That's fine. There's no problem with that at
all. And you probably can look great. The only problem
is you're not going to be as cut, you're not going to be
as massive as the rest of the guys on stage. That's the
reality of the sport."

S had two responses which echo similar thinking:
"And once you're involved with steroids, you realize

that it's like being a little bit pregnant. I mean you
don't just use, you can't just, I'll beat them at their

own game. I won't do as much as they do, and I won't
take these types of drugs. I'll take these, I mean,
it ' 3 like being a little bit pregnant . It ' s all or

nothing, if you're going to the top."

He later commented:

"Right now, it's like you've got your training. You
have your diet. And you have your steroids. If you

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84

don't have the whole triad happening, you know, like
steroids, one mass part of your total program that
you're not taking care of. And you don‘t deserve to
win. If you do win, by all means congratulations. But,
don't whine and complain because this guy did, because
he took care of business and got to know what I know."

MW Once
the men began taking the steroids, the response toward the
overall effects was very positive (see Appendix B). The men
were gaining muscle mass, having excellent workouts, and
obtaining goals they had set for themselves in the gym.
Mentally, they felt more alert, more aggressive, more "tuned
in" to their bodies. Some even felt more effective in the
workplace. Below are a few of the responses:

"I am personally a lot more energetic and aggressive,
probably a combination of those two words. Needless to
say, I'm a lot more confident and potentially cocky for
the fact that what happens is I'm physically looking
better, be it bloated or not. I tend to be more out
when I'm on drugs, so I tend to look a little better. My
muscular definition is coming out, my strength is
increasing, so each time I try to obtain a new goal. I'm
obtaining goals and as with anyone in life, when you try
for something to obtain goals, you feel great. You feel
great because I can do it. I can do anything. I'm more
horny. I'm more aggressive. I just tend to attack
things a lot more and everything seems to be clicking.
I feel better. I'm stronger. You do, you have to sleep
because you're training hard. But, you don't feel like
you have to have as much sleep. You tend to be on top
of the world. I don't know, I guess I like that
feeling."

G's description was also very positive:

"Physically, stronger. I felt like training all the
time. I loved coming into the gym, because I could
hoist all these heavy poundages. I was making good
gains. The pump that I got was incredible. When you
get pumped up, I mean you could see man, you're looking
huge and ripped. And it was just unbelievable. It

Much

this

85

really motivated you to get into the gym more...that
part was good."

J's response was similar:

"Incredible. I'll never forget it, because I would get
so pumped. Just doing chest, about half way through my
chest workout, I couldn't touch my arms. At the end of
the workout, I'd have to have somebody press my arms
together. The pump is just like that. It's there. It's
so intense, you know. It was fun, because I mean, geez,
every day you'd go in and add fifteen pounds on what you
were doing. It was remarkable."

And obviously with the participants feeling so good,
seeing their bodies grow, their self-confidence also was on
the increase. When asked about self-confidence, and how it
was affected, B replied:

"Oh yeah. King of the World. It's just a good feeling.
You can think straight. It's just a good feeling. But
you just feel...you just think differently about
situations. You react differently. You feel good about
yourself, and you know you've got the edge. That's how
you feel, you've got the edge. And that effects you
through your whole cycle, whether you're training or
not. You've got the edge."

Much of the self-confidence also came with the peer
recognition the subjects received as they made gains while on
a cycle. S's comment sheds light on this fact:
"Sure, sure. I guess when I think about it, I'd be a
liar if I said I didn't [feel more confident]. I mean,
let's face it, if I'm buff at 240, I'm more of a focus
of attention and more. I mean, when you're in that
environment, and people are used to you being the best,

you're used to being the best, having to be the best.
So, you get used to being in the spotlight, I guess.”

Wad—mun. Earlier in

this chapter, the discussion on hegemonic masculinity focused

(Citec

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86

on how participation in bodybuilding enhanced the
participants' masculinity. This was achieved through the men
gaining recognition in the public arena. Through their
bodies, the men were endorsing the values that society has
come to associate with masculinity. Through the use of
anabolic steroids, these values were greatly enhanced (see
Appendix.B). These qualities of aggressiveness, self-
confidence, powerfulness, and strength (Mishkind et al.,
1987) were all enhanced. Reynaud (1983) wrote of men making
their bodies "instruments of power.” Nichols stated that the
building of musculature is a form of the male armoring
himself, or adopting the "soldier archtype" of masculinity
(cited in Mishkind et al., 1987).

These writers recognized a strong connection between the
development of the musculature of the physique and the
endorsement of hegemonic masculinity for the male. The
connection became clearer in this study; the use of anabolic
steroids greatly enhanced the qualities associated with.
masculinity for these males.

The participants were gaining more recognition and
notoriety publicly due to steroid use. It has become well
established that the male seeks to establish his masculinity
in a public domain (Dubbert, 1979). The participants were
gaining this recognition because the effects of the steroids
were so visually apparent. The responses below reinforced

this fact. M explained:

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87

"When you're on steroids, if you're bigger, you're
stronger, and you're getting personal recognition from
your peers, as in those other cases just explained,
you're enjoying it. You're enjoying the peer
recognition. Itf you're on steroids, and because when
you're on steroids you grow, people are noticing you.
You're lifting more weight, or whatever the scenario is
that you are getting more peer recognition."

J's comments below pointed out a gain in peer recognition as

well:
"A guy'd see me one day, and he'd seen me about two days
earlier, and he'd walk by me and he goes 'Haven't your
arms grown an inch since last time I saw you?’ And
everything fit a little snugger. It's a big ego boost.
Just the enjoyment in the gym. You enjoy lifting and
stuff, and it really enhances that, because everything
is going up."

B noted:

"They [people in the gym] come right up and say, 'Hey,
you're looking' huge.‘ CH: yeah, they can see it
visually."

G had. a few responses which also jpoint to the peer

recognition and acceptance gained. due to the gain in

masculinity:
"I gained a good twenty pounds over the course of say,
ten weeks. Which is incredible for me, when I can't put
on five pounds in six months. I was retaining a little
excess water, but my strength was up. II was carrying
around a lot of mass. I couldn't tell exactly how much
underneath the water. But, everybody was saying, 'Boy,
you're really looking big.‘

He further noted:

"I felt like I had made another step forward, and made

it to another level. Another level as maybe being
accepted as a serious bodybuilder. Because you could
see the results and everything. I was getting all

the...a lot of compliments. When I'd run into some guys
that seemed bigger than I was, I wasn't intimidated by
them. I was another big guy. I kind of look on them

divorc
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88

like, what a bunch of idiots. But still, it's nice that

whereas most of the guys that are smaller, they're [the

big guys] over talking, 'What a twig, what a dweeb.’

This and that, and for once they're going 'Aw.'"

The development of the masculine identity cannot be
divorced from self—concept development for the male. While
self-concept is developed through an interaction with social
factors (Rosenburg & Turner, 1981), these social factors gain

values from societal expectations. Therefore, increases in

peer recognition would enhance the male's feeling of

masculinity. These men found great increases in peer
recognition due to anabolic steroid use. Masculinity was
also enhanced in other ways. Four of the subjects spoke of

an increase in performance sexually. B said:

"You're aggressive sexually, too. I've had a few

girlfriends say, 'Wow, I like it when you're on it.

You're very aggressive in bed.’ And I might come home

from the gym and if I weren't on a cycle, I might say,

'Hey, Iflm too tired.‘ But when you're on [steroids],

hey, you still got a little energy left."
And D mentioned:

"I hadn't felt this good, I mean vigorous. Every which

waya Emotionally, physically, sexually. iI was just

outrageous."

Through these responses, one can note how obviously the
subjects' masculinity had been enhanced through steroid use.
The subjects were receiving greater amounts of peer
recognition, enhanced physical stature, and even an enhanced

sexuality. With so many positives being derived from the

steroid use, it would seem logical that some type of

89

psychological addiction may occur. Another characteristic of
the hegemonic male is the need to dominate other categories
of people who may be perceived as threatening. The category
of women are perceived as threatening to the hegemonic male.
When the topic of women and their use of anabolic steroids
was discussed, two major themes became readily apparent. The
first theme dealt with freedom of choice (see Appendix B).
Five of the participants felt that the issue of women taking
steroids was one of choice. Those responses would seem to
disconfirm evidence of the fact that females are perceived as
threatening. For, if a female took steroids, she would gain
strength, power, muscular size, and aggressiveness. These are
hegemonic male characteristics which should likely be
perceived as threatening. Yet, B responded in this manner:

"They need them to be competitive, really competitive,

just like the men do. I think I am all for it, as long

as they know what they are doing and are careful."
M's comments would agree:

"Women, same category as men. It's your own personal

preference. Any woman should have her choice."

The remaining five were definitely against women taking
steroids. Reasons cited were steroids caused more permanent
physical damage for the female and caused the female to lose
her femininity while taking on male characteristics. This
change would obviously be threatening to the hegemonic male.
G spoke:

"I'm really against that [females using steroids]. I
think that it's bringing women to a whole new dimension,

90

as far as from. what I've seen...I don't find it
attractive when a woman starts looking like a man.
Again, I'd like to think that if that's what they want
to do, I'm all for it. But, personally, I'm not
attracted to women that look like that."
What is interesting to note, however, is the feeling of
threat that seems to be articulated through these responses.
As the female increased her physique in size, the men
perceived a threat to their hegemonic masculine values. This
led to discomfort, as R's quote below brought to light:
"When I see women getting close to the same size as me,
I don't like it. I think that's another aspect of it
[drug use]. It makes a lot of guys want to get on
drugs. They see these women are real huge."
These responses confirmed the fact that it was fine for a
female to work out, as long as she kept her feminine
characteristics. Steroid use by the female would cause her to
lose her feminine characteristics, and she would begin to
attain masculine traits. This would create a‘situation in
which the hegemonic male would feel threatened and, as the
quote above points out, may cause the male to begin drug use.
By using anabolic steroids, the separation between the male
and female could be maintained. This can be seen as another
way in which steroids help the hegemonic male establish and
maintain his masculine identity.
WWW-
When questioned about the possibility of a psychological

dependency to anabolic steroids, all of the men agreed there

is a strong psychological dependency to steroid use (see

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91

Appendix B). If the participants had not been
psychologically dependent on steroids themselves, they knew
others who had been. They felt the dependency was more of a
dependency to the size and the strength steroids gave, rather
than to the drug itself. There was mention of also being
dependent on the "mental edge" or focus that the drug gave,
which would indicate a true drug dependency.

The participants' responses to this question were very
definite and very insightful. As B pointed out:

"Sure, I know there is [a psychological dependency].
There's definitely. I know that. I know for a fact
that, because I have troubles when I do a cycle, coming
off. Because you see, you like how they make you feel,
okay? Mentally, they just do something to you. You
feel great. And then you get so much stronger. And you
blow right up. And you puff up, you know. And you look
good. And you put on weight. And that's what
bodybuilder's want to do the most, is you want to get
that weight. You want to get that weight up. And it
comes up like nothing man. And it's just there. And
then it goes. Just like it came. You keep some, but
you lose the majority. You do keep some. And coming
off, you lose that edge. You lose that strength, that
cockiness. You know, all the good things that come,
that you feel from them, go away. And you have to keep
telling yourself, 'Hey, there's like a slump.'"

G's response agreed:

"I can see you get addicted to the increase in size. You
see the gains. Before you're on them, before you ever
do them, you plateau out. But, you get used to it.
Then, when you go on a cycle of steroids, you see all of
these incredible gains, and you say, 'Boy, this beats
everything.’ You know, I can train my ass off for five
years and not get this. So, you get off it. You shrink
a little bit. You say, 'Oh, I'm shrinking. I'm wasting
away. I better get on another cycle.‘ You get on it
again. You get addicted to the size that you're
carrying around. You want to be big. You're getting
noticed by everyone. It's a big ego boost. Everyone is
saying, 'Boy, you're really huge.’ And it goes right to
your head. And you get to the point where you feel like

 

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92

you can't do it on your own. That's what I see a lot of
people getting. I'll admit it, I was there, too."
M's response summed it up well:
"I've never been on the drugs where, 'Oh my God, I have
to have a shot, or I have to have a pill.‘ I've never
met anybody that's that way. But, they definitely want
the effects of being big, because of the side effects of
that. The side effects that they are getting peer
recognition or personal recognition of some sort. 'God,
you're really growing. God you look great. God you're
stronger than shit.‘ People thrive off that, and you
can't tell me in our society that people don't thrive
off recognition. 'God you did a good job today. God you
got a really good looking car. God you got a really
good looking, whatever.‘ It doesn't matter what the
scenario is. It's the same situation, just in a little
different ballpark. People get pumped on that shit.”
The participants' responses all spoke of being dependent on
the size, the strength, and as this last quote pointed out,
the peer recognition. in which. the :male validates his
masculinity. To take away anabolic steroid use would be to
watch the musculature shrink, and with it, the superiority
over other groups of males and females. The male would then
be failing to live up to the sexual norms dictated by society
(Mishkind et al., 1987), and in effect, emasculate himself
(Olrich, 1988). 'This could create great trauma for the male.
It became very clear how the male could become
psychologically addicted to anabolic steroid use.
W. In this study. the
participants were asked to identify the side effects from

steroid use. This question was asked in order to ascertain

the subjects' knowledge of the potential side effects of

93

steroid use. Then the participants were asked if they had
experienced any side effects from steroid use.

The range of knowledge of potential side effects varied
greatly. Five of the men were very knowledgeable of the side
effects of steroid use. Two were fairly knowledgeable, while
the remaining three lacked knowledge in this area.

A theme that did surface is that the steroid users who
experienced side effects were those who abused these drugs
(see Appendix B). None of the men in this study classified
themselves in the category of an abuser. It should be noted
that this may be due to the "halo” effect. The men may not
have wanted to be seen as "drug abusers" by the interviewer.
One response by B indicated that this may be the situation:

"...one time I did have a bad, not real bad, experience

with some stuff. But, I was doing some orals. Very

toxic. Highly toxic orals. And I was warned about it,
but I'd done some in the past and had no problems. It
was like nothing happened. So, I'm assuming that they
were fake. It wasn't the real stuff. Because this next
stuff I got, I thought, hey, I've done this stuff
before. They don't affect me like people say they do.

And I jumped the dose up a little, but nothing, you
know, I didn't go way over the dose, I'd always been

warned not to go over. But, I was borderline. I was
right at, they [people in the gym] said 'Don't do any
more than that.‘ And my kidneys were aching. I felt

like I had a lower back ache all the time. And I just
could not get rid of that back ache. And I said 'Maybe
this is the real stuff.‘ I slacked off, and they went
away."
Eight of the ten believed, at the time they were using
steroids, that steroids were safe if used properly. Once

again B noted:

"But, I keep thinking as long as I stay within the
guidelines, or the safe amounts, that you can avoid

94

those serious problems. As long as you stay in safe

quantities, safe amounts. I think you can do just about

anything if you do them safely."
S's statement agreed:

"... abuse of steroids isn't taking a lot of steroids,

because to be perfectly honest, the more you take, the

better you'll be. Abuse of steroids is just that. It's
abusing them, long term abuse. That is likened to
alcohol." '

On the personal level, nine of the ten men experienced
minor side effects which disappeared after discontinuance of
steroid. use. These included 'testicular' atrophy, water
retention, high. blood. pressure, joint pain, changes in
cholesterol readings, and mood alterations. The kidney pain
B described above and the negative cholesterol changes noted
by L were potentially the most serious side effects noticed.
None of the subjects experienced any of the major side
effects cited in the literature, such as liver and kidney
carcinoma. This leads to the next theme concerning side
effects and media propaganda.

Five of the ten participants believed that the issue of
side effects was basically a tool of propaganda used by the
media to sensationalize steroid use (see Appendix B).
Included in this group were three of the four most
knowledgeable men in the area of steroid use. Included in
the threesome were a cardiologist, a sociologist, and an
engineer. L noted:

"The side effects, the permanent ones, I don't think are

substantial unless they're in women...I don't really
think that the side effects are as serious as everyone

95

says they are. I think the psychological addiction is
much more serious than everyone is giving credit,
because that leads to some of the more serious long-term
effects.”

And S said:

"Side effects are not indicators of your body
degenerating and dying. Side effects are just that. So,
again, the more androgenic the drug, the more potential
for side effects."

Baastian_JuL_nadia_Jauauuuau._2:_JunuqurL_3tnrnids.
S was later asked of the media's portrayal of steroid side
effects. He responded:

"Yeah, I'd love to see their proof. The media talks
about it. So often you've got 'My Life on Steroids' by
Joe Schmoe and 'Steroids Destroyed My Life' by Cindy
Whoever. But, you've got to read between the lines in
there. You have to see what else is going on in their
lives that are precipitating factors to have."

And M stated:

"The EDB. Ehxaiciansl_nssk_Befsrsncs. they-talked. they
did for years, they don't anymore, that all the drugs
concerning anabolic steroids that were being used on the
black market were sold as 'they will not enhance
athletic ability.’ well, that's really pleasant to read
that and also know that in Drug Free Nationals for
powerlifting, the totals were about 700 pounds
different. Well, you can't tell me that 700 pounds is
not athletically enhanced. So, yes, I think it is a
media hype. They're going to take it, and run with it,
and exploit it for every benefit it's worth. I think if
you were to sift it all out maybe five percent might be
a reality at best. I think most of it is hype."

The negative portrayal of steroids and steroid users was
important to M, as well as S. They did not feel the media

gave an accurate picture. They resented the fact that they

were now seen as immoral for what they felt was more of an

96

issue of freedom of choice. Nine of the ten men stated that
steroid use was indeed an issue of freedom of choice. M and
S captured this issue well, along with looking at the moral
implications. M's quote is given first, followed by S's
response:

"I personally think that if you take steroids, that it
is your personal business. I think the word steroid is
basically a black-marketed, media propagated tool. It
is used extensively for someone to boost their ass up on
a pedestal. Steroids are used extensively in society in
pharmaceutical applications, as for creams on your body,
as for birth control pills. People tend to overlook all
those things and say steroids are always attributed to
muscleheads in the gym. Yeah, there's some potential
side effects to them. It's absolutely assinine not to
assume that. There's potential side effects from eating
Campbell's Tomato Soup, too. So you know, who's to say?
I can't understand why our society is so hung up on this
as compared to the crack problem, the cocaine problem,
homelessness, AIDS, I don't know. You can name a list a

mile long. What's the difference? These are people
using it for them. This pushing effect, if it's there,
I'm sorry, I have yet to catch it. Steroids are not

pushed on people. People go look for them. You don't
have to push the drug. People are looking for it. The
percentage of people is assinine. I think it's more of
a personal use and peOple are tending to use it,
intentionally trying to use it, to improve themselves
physically. Whether that's true or not, that's for the
medical profession to determine. Whether they are
influenced by the media, I don't know. But, I think
it's a personal choice. When people smoke, they can
affect other people around them. People take steroids,
I'm sorry. How do they affect people? With their
attitude? Well, everybody has an attitude. Women on
their period have an attitude. So, you know, someone
drinks. They can drive and crash into someone. Someone
takes steroids, they can get a zit on their back.
Excuse me. You can die from someone crashing into you,
but you can't die from someone squirting a zit in your
eye. You know, I don't know. I don't see the
ramifications of someone taking steroids so long—term as
so many other problems in our society. And I think it's
their personal choice. I don't think it's anybody's
business."

97

And S spoke in a similar vein:

"But the whole moral thing, I have the highest respect
for true academia, but I have nothing but disregard for
academia which will take media at face value. And as
far as I'm concerned, there is no excuse, on an academic
level, for misinformation. I mean, that's just as bad,
that's bad academia. That's just outright bad studying.
You're relying on media for your attitude. What you're
doing, as a sociologist, I've done some studies, too,
where you're leaning one way, but you should be going
into it looking at any type of thesis. An objective
standpoint of saying what does this information tell me.
And even the way some of the questions are geared, maybe
I have a problem with the level of naivete. Like I told
you, this question is really saying tell me about side
effects, rather than saying how blown out of proportion
are the side effects that we know. So I get into that
anyway.

But the whole moral thing, I mean what I said about
the T.V. show about plastic surgery, and the whole Ben
Johnson thing. I mean, the first day's paper, Ben
Johnson of Canada and everything. The next day, it's
like 0 to O in 9.3 seconds. Oliver North can sell arms
to Iran, and he says he loves his country. And all of a
sudden, he's a national hero. Ben Johnson says he took
steroids to win a gold medal for his country, and he's a

disgrace. I can't understand the way the public...why
the public is playing to this thing. When all the
information is there. I've got medical texts that will

list drugs, and say it has, right in the sidebar, risk
of overdose, risk of dependency, all these things for
all these steroids, it's none, none, none. Testing rats
and giving them 400 times their bodyweight in
Decadurabolin and saying no adverse effects.

I'm not a morally bankrupt person. I hate that
attitude being thrown upon me. I am very conscious
about everything I do. I realize that when I make a
choice, I'm making a choice for specifics, again. But
that's not an end in itself. And I'm realizing that I'm
making choices that do affect me, and I'm rational about
them. I don't go into something half-cocked."

WW. At the time of the
interviews, four of the participants were currently using, or

planning to continue using, steroids. Six of the

98

participants had discontinued steroid use. All ten
participants still. were ‘bodybuilding intensively. The
question arose, if the six men who once used steroids were
still heavily involved in this same culture in which their
steroid use began, why had they chosen to discontinue use.

For three of these six subjects, it became a situation
of conflicting values (see Appendix B). The same moral ethic
that M and S earlier questioned was the moral ethic that
caused three of the subjects to quit steroid use permanently.
G began to question the motivation behind his use:

"In a negative way, I look at why am I doing this? I
told myself I was never going to do this. Really, when
I quit smoking dope and all that, I said I'm never going
to do drugs again. That's totally against my
principles. Then I think to myself, well, that's
exactly what I'm doing right now, is drugs, you know.
And so it kind of, it kind of makes you think about what
you're doing. And that's probably another reason why I
don't want to do them again. Because all these people
look up to me, as far as my family, my brother
particularly. I got him into lifting. He's really into
it. He got married, and he got overweight. And finally
he's in [the gym]. He's training. He's looking real
good. And he'll say 'Man, I can't believe you're really
looking good and everything. Man, I'm glad that I can
say that you aren't doing drugs and stuff.’ And that
really hits you.“

And D said:
"Mentally, I kind of felt guilty the whole time I was on
them, because I knew I'd compromised my morals. I'd
always said that I would never take them. I just

felt...I was kind of ashamed of myself."

Only one participant discontinued using steroids because of
concern over negative health implications. This man was in

his mid-fifties when he decided to use steroids. When his

99

cholesterol level and HDC/LDL ratio became elevated, he
discontinued use in fear of developing cardio-vascular
problems.

In looking an: the participants developmentally, this
would be understandable. The younger the participant is, the
more likely he is to feel as though he would live forever,
that is, a feeling of immortality. The older participant
would no longer view his existence in this manner and would
be more concerned with negative health implications.
Winn

This chapter has looked at the results of an interview
conducted with ten subjects who were involved in bodybuilding
and weight trainimg. The subjects also had used anabolic
steroids at some point during their training. The interviews
showed that the subjects perceived bodybuilding in a very
positive light. Bodybuilding also helped to enhance their
masculine identity.

The subjects began steroid use for a variety of reasons.
Once on steroids, the subjects noticed positive results, both
physically and mentally. Anabolic steroids reinforced many
of the positive benefits derived from bodybuilding, including
increased muscle mass, self-confidence, and masculine
identity.

Six of the ten subjects chose to discontinue use for
various reasons. A conflict in values was the most prevalent

reason for the subjects to discontinue use.

We

Winn

This study has looked at the process by which
individuals become involved in bodybuilding and later,
anabolic steroid use. This research has analyzed how
involvement in bodybuilding and anabolic steroid use has
affected the participants' self-esteem, identity salience and
masculine identity.

This chapter will discuss how findings in this work
illuminate ways in which self-concept theory as proposed by
Rosenburg (1981) integrates with. the <critical feminist
perspective of hegemonic masculinity. This chapter will
discuss implications from the findings of this study in
relation to physical education and athletics. This chapter
will also discuss implications from the findings in relation
to anabolic steroid use and prevention of use. The chapter

will conclude with recommendations for future research.

Winn

This study did not address self-concept issues in
athletics prior to participation in bodybuilding, however,
the importance of being involved in athletics was obvious.
Athletics were extremely important in the lives of the
majority of participants. The current study illuminated the

fact that bodybuilding was the arena in which the men gained

100

101

their sense of identity. The mens' self-concept and
masculine identity were intimately tied to their involvement
in bodybuilding. For example, when these bodybuilders gained
muscular size and strength, they all spoke of ways in which
their self-concept increased in a: positive manner. This
increase was due to various reasons, including reflected
appraisals, social comparison and self-attribution.

Reflected appraisals occurred as the men received large
amounts of positive reinforcements from family, friends and
peers. The men were noticed for their increases in muscular
mass and strength. Obviously, the men were now living closer
to the masculine ideal (the mesomorph) proposed by society.
For this reason they became recipients of a commensurate
amount of positive reinforcement. As Glassner (1989) states,
"Muscles are the sign of masculinity", and these men had
become that sign. The positive effect this had on the
participants' self-esteem was apparent. These findings
support Rosenburg's (1981) theory of self-concept development
as discussed in chapter two.

Also important to this discussion was the symbolic
importance of becoming a mesomorph. To become a mesomorph
meant to become the literal embodiment of masculinity,
specifically, hegemonic masculinity (Mishkind, et al., 1987).
Attaining the degree of muscularity these men achieved meant
becoming superior to women and other groups of men. This
became apparent when the men spoke of comparing themselves to

others (social comparison) and feeling‘ good. when this

102

resulted in a superior rating for themselves. Being superior
was of such importance that when their social comparisons
elicited a negative rating, the men ultimately became
frustrated and delved into anabolic steroid use.

Hegemonic masculinity was apparent when some of the
subjects spoke of the ability to intimidate others just by
the fact of their physical size. And although, they chose
not to dwell on this subject, they spoke of how this made
them feel good.

What becomes readily apparent is the fact that the
constructs identified by Rosenburg (1981) to enhance self-
esteem (reflected. appraisals, social comparison, self-
attribution) are constructs that helped to reinforce
hegemonic masculinity in the lives of these men. While this
theory was excellent in identifying constructs salient to
self-esteem enhancement in these subjects, the theory must be
questioned as to the usefulness it would have on populations
other than the middle class male in North American society.
Persons less reliant on external standards for self—esteem
enhancement may not receive the same effects from reflected
appraisals, social comparison and self-attribution. Also
this theory implies that enhancing the self-concept in such a
manner is normal and in no need of being questioned. Proving
oneself superior to others and relying on external
gratification from society for self—concept enhancement

should not be accepted as the ideal path to follow.

103

In light of this discussion, Tucker's (1987) conclusion
that bodybuilding may be the ideal activity for college age
males must be called into question. As discussed in chapter
two, Tucker used Rosenburg's theory as a framework to assess
changes in self-concept due to participation in weight
training. Using this theory Tucker did find a positive
enhancement of self-concept from weight training. Tucker
felt this was largely due to the subjects receiving positive
reinforcement for becoming more mesomorphic. As Tucker
acknowledged, the mesomorph may be the recipient of
positive benefits yet undocumented. What must be questioned,
however, is whether or not an activity (bodybuilding) is
truly ideal if the activity relies on the participants' need
for superiority over. other groups of people? Should an
activity be encouraged that has a goal of reinforcing the
symbolic hegemonic ideal of masculinity? .A discussion of
these questions will be included in the implications section.

As mentioned above, Tucker (1987) found that the
subjects in his study perceived an enhancement in self-
concept due to participation in weight training. These
findings must be questioned, however, if the findings truly
denote a change in self-concept or a change in self-esteem.
Longitudinal studies should be done, to see if the subjects
still had a positive rating well after the exercising portion
of the study had finished. This would be more likely to
identify a true change in enduring self-concept. The

findings of the current study indicate these men had changes

104

in the more transient self-esteem rather than self-concept.
This thought was captured by a participant in the current
study when asked. if bodybuilding made him feel more
masculine:

"I think at times it does. But, I think that's more

when I'm around either other guys at the gym, or maybe

I'm out with a bunch of friends that are relatively

small. It kind of puts me up on a pedbstal. [People]

say, 'You're looking great. You're huge.’ And this and
that. It kind of goes to your head at certain times.

When I'm by myself, I don't feel any different. I don't

feel any influence. ,1 don”t feel any more masculine

than before."
This comment obviously points tn: an unstable self-rating,
indicative of changes in self-esteem, not self-concept.

A final strategy that could be used to identify whether
the subjects of the Tucker study had a true enhancement in
self-concept would be to monitor their reactions to plateaus
(lack of improvement). The brevity of Tucker's study would
not allow for extended plateaus to occur. In the current
study the reaction to plateauing by the majority of the men
was ultimately frustration. This became one of the factors
leading to anabolic steroid use. This would indicate that
these men experienced changes in self-esteem, but probably

not an. enhancement in self-concept (the stable set [of

meanings about oneself) during bodybuilding participation.

Mini-.1931
WWW. Physical
education is a domain in which current forms of male hegemony

are reproduced (Humberstone, 1990). The physical educator

105

has the power to reproduce these forms of hegemony or to work
to try to combat such influence. Weight training and
bodybuilding may well be within the realm of activities
taught throughout the course of the school year. Weight
training and bodybuilding can be used to reproduce hegemonic
masculinity. The discussion thus far has not been meant to
deter participation in bodybuilding and weight training, but
to more thoroughly analyze participation and reasons for this
participation.

The approach the physical educator takes to weight
training can have profound effects on the students, either
for the positive or for the negative. It is imperative for
the physical educator to discuss such factors as the meaning
of body size for the male in this society. Discuss ways in
which dominance occurs in society due to body size. How
women and other groups of :males are marginalized and
subordinated by the dominant group. Discuss how the large
male physique may become the symbolic embodiment of the
hegemonic dominance. Ask students to question their own
feelings in relation to dominating over or being dominated by
others. Discuss with the students how no one benefits from
such relationships.

High school students could benefit from a discussion of
the importance of genetics in determining' body size.
Discussion should focus on how everyone may improve their
health and strength from 'weight training, yet certain

individuals are more predisposed to benefit from such

106

exercise. The small, slight male may never have the physique
of Arnold Schwarzennegger, but should be encouraged to set
realistic goals (along with all other students). The goal of
these discussions would be to help the students to become
more accepting of themselves and others. Although
participation in weight training may lead to greater societal
acceptance due to the visual effects of greater muscular
size, the physical educator must encourage the student to
develop his/her entire self so as not to rely on such a
narrow focus as body size.

The physical educator must also teach the students the
reality of plateaus in any physical endeavor and how to use
plateaus to develop dedication instead of frustration. As
shown in this study, this frustration may lead to decisions
(such as using steroids) which may be counter to the
students' belief structure. It is imperative therefore that
the physical educator present a realistic picture (view) of
possible benefits of physical training.

The issue of anabolic steroid use should be addressed by
the physical education teacher. The physical educator must
be cognizant of not only' the physical, but also the
psychological needs of the students, and how these needs may
influence anabolic steroid use. To adequately prepare
students for study and discussion on the topic of anabolic
steroid use, the physical educator should take time to
discuss the issues presented above. By conducting such a

discussion, the physical educator laid a foundation from

107

which a dialogue on anabolic steroids may be built.
Strategies for discussing anabolic steroid use will be

addressed in the section “Implications for Drug Education".

Implicatinn: fig; Ln. ggagh. Many of the
implications for the coach are congruent with the
implications for the physical educator. The coach, however,
faces distinctive conditions which the physical educator may
not confront.

Principally, the coach must be highly cognizant of the
importance of sport in the lives of the adolescents with
which he/she works. The coach must be aware of the unique
circumstances surrounding the athlete. The athlete has
pressures unique in the fact that his/her successes and
failures are in full view of the public. This may create
extreme tension for the athlete to perform well. Success can
lead to large amounts of praise and recognition. Success may
also mean consideration for athletic scholarships and other
benefits. Failure can easily result in public criticism

which may have devastating effects on the athlete's self-

esteem.

Society also places extreme emphasis on winning. The
athlete can easily become obsessed with a need to win. An
unhealthy level of competition can result. The athlete may

seek whatever means possible, including the use of anabolic
steroids, to enhance his/her chances of winning. The

influence of the coach may be critical in the athlete's final

108

decision concerning steroid and/or other chemical use or
abstinence.

The coach must have realistic expectations for the
athlete. The coach should be aware that competitive sport is
the domain responsible for introducing many athletes to
weight training. Understanding this, the coach must help the
athlete to develop attainable goals. The coach must not
expect miraculous transformations from physical conditioning
and off-season weight training programs. Unrealistic goals
set by the coach may help influence the athlete to ultimately
use steroids. The coach must also have a healthy attitude
toward winning, losing and competition. The athletes will
reflect the coach, and as mentioned above, an unhealthy
attitude toward these factors may lead to anabolic steroid
use. The coach must help the athlete to develop a healthy

perspective toward athletics and competition.

MW:- This study has
lead to a number of implications for the drug educator.
First, the educator must have an understanding of the reasons
behind anabolic steroid use. The educator must be cognizant
of the fact that use occurs among males and females, and
among athletes and non-athletes. The educator must be aware
of the unique reasons each of these subsets of individuals
may have for beginning use. The educator must also be aware
of the factors that persons using these drugs perceive as

positive. As the participants in this study pointed out,

109

anabolic steroid use can lead to greater perceived strength
gains, gains in peer recognition, and goal attainment in
physical training. These factors can be very reinforcing,
which may lead to continuing usage. The majority of the men
in this study also seemed minimally concerned with possible
physical side effects. The side effects that did occur
seemed to reverse upon cessation of use. AJso apparent in
this study, was the fact that the majority of the men
experienced some type of moral dilemma concerning the use of
anabolic steroids.

Although the statements above were greatly condensed and
simplified, the educator should consider them when addressing
anabolic steroid use. Considering these statements, the
author suggests these recommendations:

1. Be honest with students/athletes about possible benefits
of anabolic steroid use. Only by speaking honestly with
the students/athletes can the educator maintain
credibility.

2. Be honest with the students/athletes about possible side
effects without sensationalizing. Sensationalizing
negative side effects will also cause the educator to
lose credibility. .

3. Listen to the students/athletes and be cognizant of
their unique needs and desires. Try to gain an
understanding from their point of view.

4. Be aware of developmental issues. The adolescent

believes that he/she is invincible and invulnerable. The

110

adolescent may not be concerned with side effects, if
the drug helps the student/athlete to reach his/her
goals. The adolescent is, however, attempting to
develop a sense of identity and independence. values
are being shaped and developed. A more effective way to
address anabolic steroid use in athletics may be from
the standpoint of values clarification, rather than

emphasis on negative side effects.

Wins—mm

This study was an exploratory work which began to look
at the relationship of bodybuilding and anabolic steroid use
in relation to self—esteem and the masculine identity,
specifically hegemonic masculinity. Obviously much more
research needs to be done. Specifically, research needs to
be continued on the influence bodybuilding has on the male's
self-esteem and self-concept. This relationship must be
framed within an understanding of hegemonic masculinity.
Research needs to address the manner in which the micro-
structure of the male's self-esteem and self-concept are
intimately woven with macro-structure of hegemonic
masculinity within society.

Research needs to continue on the perceived effects the
athlete has from anabolic steroid use. For what is
perceived, whether true or not, is truth to the person
perceiving. A greater understanding of these perceptions is

imperative. The perceptions must not only emphasize the

111

perceived physical effects, but just as importantly the
perceived effects on self-esteem, self-concept and societal
interaction.

Research must also address the issues of why persons
choose to begin the use of anabolic steroids. Special
emphasis should be placed on which factors are the
determinants which trigger the final decision to use.

Research must also address the reasons why persons
choose to cease anabolic steroid use. As suggested by this
study, the values of the participant must be addressed as
well as physical side effects.

Males are not the only users of anabolic steroids. The
realm of female anabolic steroid use should definitely be
addressed. The psychological and sociological determinants
concerning anabolic steroid use with female must be

emphasized.

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APPENDIX A

UCHRIS Approval

MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY

 

UNIVERSITY COMMI‘ITEE ON RESEARCH INVOLVING EAST LANSING - MICHIGAN . 43324.11“
HUMAN SUBJECTS (UCRIHS)

206 BERKEY HALL

(917) 353-9738

June 6,1989 IRB# 89-255

Mr. Tracy Olrich
5490 Caris Road
Edmore, MI 48829

Dear Mr. Olrich:

Re: "TI-IE RELATIONSHIP OF MALE IDENTITY, THE MESOMORPHIC
IMAGE, AND ANABOLIC STEROID USE IN BODYBUILDERS IRB#
89-255"

The above project is exempt from full UCRIHS review. I have reviewed the proposed
research (protocol and find that the rights and welfare of human subjects appear to be
protecte . You have approval to conduct the research.

You are reminded that UCRIHS approval is valid for one calendar year. If you plan to
continue this project beyond one year, please make provisions for obtaining appropriate
UCRIHS approval one month prlor to June 6, 1990.

Any changes in procedures involving human subjects must be reviewed by the UCRIHS
prior to initiation of the chanfge. UCRIHS must also be notified promptly of any

problems unexpected side e ects, complaints, etc.) involving human subjects during the
course of t e work. .

Thank you for bringing this pro'ect to our attention. If we can be of any future help,
please do not hesitate to let us now.

 

J hn K. Hudzik, Ph.D.
C air, UCRIHS

JKH/sar
cc: M. Ewing

1208
MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution

APPENDIX B

Theme Development

Youth Sports Involvement

Theme 1: Athletics Important (Perceived in Positive
Manner)

"I think they helped me out a lot socially."

"Athletics made the difference in my life."

"That (athletics) was basically my whole life."

"Very important to me."

"...sports gave me a lot more discipline."

"I think it (wrestling) helped me a lot socially."

"Positive in the terms of the discipline it
instilled in me." '

"(Athletics) always made me strive to be a better
person."

Theme 2: Negative Perceptions of Athletics

"...it (athletics) took up a lot of time."

"I may have been a little more of an introvert in
terms of going out with my friends.(due to the
large amount of time athletics required)."

"...passed up some family time and stuff."

"Their were times I'd miss schoolwork training for
sports."

"It (athletics) didn't help me much as far as my
studies."

Theme 3: Some Participants Felt Extreme Pressure To
Perform Well

"There was a lot of pressure for me, not just to
succeed but to outdo everyone."

"The pressure just got too much, and I just
withdrew from the whole thing."

"I also had an older brother who excelled in just
about everything he did and it was kind of
expected of me to follow in his footsteps."

Bodybuilding

Initial Involvement

Theme 1: Introduced to Weight Training Through Youth
Sport

"(Began) right after my freshman year when I was 0-
8. I had to do something."

"I started training to get a little size for
football." °

121

122

"Did it (weight training) to get bigger for
football."

"I was first interested way back in junior high in
the seventh grade in what we called our off-
season program."

Theme 2: Fascinated With The "Big" Guys In The
Gym/Magazine/Peer Group

"And I thought, man, I want to look like that guy."

"I was fortunate enough to meet a guy named Steve
Reeves."

"So, there was always someone to emulate."

"And I think I kind of wanted to be a little bit
more like them."

"And then I saw some big guys in there too...And I
said I want to look like that."

"Seeing those guys lifting weights. And they were
kind of coaches for us, too. That's how I got
into it."

Theme 3: No Longer Wanted to Be Skinny (Small)

"...you kind of have a tendency to get a little
tired of being 5'5", 135-145 pounds."

"I wish there were a little more meat on my bones."

"I wanted bigger arms."

"I started training to get a little size."

Self-Concept and Bodybuilding Involvement

Theme 4: Physical Gains Led To Increased Amounts of
Positive Reinforcement/Peer Recognition

"And it seems the positive reinforcement everyone's
giving me now."

"Everybody looks up to me."

"I was being noticed."

"You get looked at a lot more, which I feel is
positive."

"I gained a lot of recognition."

"People look at you and feel good about you."

"Others notice it (body fat loss), and, of course,
once again is an ego trip.”

Theme 5: Acceptance Into New Social Groups
"I hung out with them, so I was in their clique."

"So I've made new friends."
"People I hang out with are bodybuilders."

123

Theme 6: Social Comparisons Led in) Positive Self-
Ratings

“It feels good to be advanced."

"It does kind of go to your head when you see the
results, and you see others who are smaller
than you."

"Yes, I'd say I'm miles more advanced."

"Maybe I'm physically advanced or genetically
gifted."

"I'm more advanced in technique, form and ability."

Theme 7: Social Comparisons Led To Increased Motivation

"You strive harder to prove that you can do, or at
least come close to those guys.”

"I use it (being advanced) for fuel, it makes me
train harder.”

Theme 8: Individual Nature of Bodybuilding Was
Attractive

"I like bodybuilding because I succeed or fail on
my own accord."

"I'd like to do something that's more me. Me
oriented."

"I've always been one for individual sports."

"Bodybuilding was an individual thing."

Theme 9: Bodybuilding Was An Important Role, But Not
The Most Important Role.

"I like to see myself as student first."

"I guess first and foremost is me being' an
engineer."

"Number one, I'm a husband."

"My primary role has always been that of a
physician."

Theme 10: Role Conflict Was Problematic

"I lift before I go to work. I know I'm going to
be tired when I go to work, but that's
secondary."

"These two (bodybuilder and father) are conflicting
all the time."

124

Theme 11: Bodybuilding Enhanced. Hegemonic Masculine
Qualities

"Males are supposed to be stronger.”

"But if I was skinny, I'd sure want to be more
muscular.”

"I would feel more masculine by the fact that I
could stand next to anybody and probably dwarf
them."

"At times it does (make me feel more masculine).
But I think that's more when I'm around either
other guys at the gym or maybe out with a
bunch of friends who are relatively small."

"The bigger I got, the bigger attitude I got."

"It does (make you more masculine) because people
are intimidated by you."

"You are supposed to be tough."

"Sure (it makes you feel more masculine). Well,
it's because it's something you don't see a
lot of women in."

Theme 12: Bodybuilding Led To Greater Heterosexual
Attraction

"If they (women) have a choice, they'd have the one
that's in shape."

"I've had more women tell me that they will never
date another guy who isn't muscular."

"Some of the best looking women are with some of
the biggest guys."

"And who had the best looking chicks? It was
always the guy with the best build."

"The girls I've dated really like being with a guy
that's in shape."

"I felt the initial interests were there because of
my physique."

"Definitely more. I've run into some hard times
with that."

Theme 13: Bodybuilding Helped the Men Become More "In
Touch" With Themselves

"It (bodybuilding) caused me to strengthen my
inner—determination, self-discipline, my will
power."

"It's made me realize a lot of things about myself
and sharpen a lot of skills I had, just
mentally."

"I can actually respond to it (training) in a
philosophical way."

"I really enjoy the whole outlook it gives me."

125

"It's a release."
"It keeps my mind working in the right direction."

Anabolic Steroids
Initial Use

Theme 1: The Men Had Reached. A. Plateau In Their
Training

"I had reached a peak, a plateau."

"I kind of plateaued out."

"I was getting in pretty decent shape. But I
didn't have the size."

"I hit a stale point in my lifting."

Theme 2: Curiosity Set In As The Men Contemplated
Steroid Use

"There seemed to be something magical about them."

"All of a sudden they're twice as big as I am. And
what's the deal?"

"There was that curiosity of what would happen."

"I called up a friend of mine who I knew was doing
them. .I said, 'Hey fill me in."

Theme 3: Internal Conflict Was Experienced When
Deciding Whether Or Not To Begin Use

"Boy, I went for a month or two just saying, 'Yea
I'm going to do it, no, no, I can't do it.

"I said no."

"Pressures to use them and not to use them."

"I was so anti-steroid."

"I kind of felt guilty the whole time."

"I was against them."

Ihemelh Believed Steroids Were Needed To Be
Competitive In Their Sport

"You might as well take drugs if you want to win."
"I want to see how far I can go."

"It's all or nothing if you're going to the top."
"Trying to keep up with my peers who were."

Theme 5: Positive Benefits Associated With Steroid Use

"More energetic and aggressive."
"Physically, stronger."

126

"Incredible, I'll never forget it."

"King of the World."

"I'd be a liar if I said I didn't feel (more
confident).

"Actually, I felt good."

"Get more of a jolt out of your workout."

"It's just like never having a bad workout."

"I felt great."

Theme 6: Steroid Use Reinforced Hegemonic Masculinity

"You're enjoying the peer recognition."

"It's a big ego boost."

"Everybody was saying, 'Boy you're looking big."

"I was another big guy."

"You're aggressive sexually too."

"Emotionally, physically, sexually, I was just
outrageous."

"When I see a woman getting close to the same size
as me, I don't like it."

Theme 7: Women using steroids is a freedom of choice
issue

"They need them to be competitive, just like the
men do."

"The only place it seems to be an issue is North
America."

"If women want to do it, it's great."

"Women, same category as men."

"I'm all for people making their own decisions."

Theme 8: Women should not use steroids

"That takes alot away from their femininity."

"I really don't like that at all."

"It takes away alot of their femininity."

"No positive aspects whatsoever."

"There was certainly nothing feminine about that."

Theme 9: Psychological Dependence Possible

"Sure, I know there is."

"You get addicted to the increase in size."
"The side effect of peer recognition."

"I think I have a little one."
"Definitely."

"Oh yea."

"Oh, absolutely."

"Yes."

127

"Oh, definitely."
"Oh yea. I tried to get more."

Theme 10: Abusers Get Side Effects/Safe If Used Properly

"You know, you don't abuse them."

"The people that tend to be abusers are the people
that tend to get the side effects."

"And the key word is abuse."

"Some people take too much, they'll just break out
all over."

"As long as I stay within the guidelines, or the
safe amounts."

"To be perfectly honest, the more you take the
better you will be."

"I don't think the side effects are as serious as
everyone says they are."

"Side effects are just that."

Theme 11: Steroids Are A Tool Of Media Propaganda

"Yea, I'd love to see their proof."
"I think it is a media hype."
"I think they (the media) blow a lot of it out of

proportion."

"The newspaper read stories steroids caused liver
cancer and bodybuilder dies. That's a
problem."

"A lot of the stories you hear about the use of
drugs are biased."

Theme 12: Values Conflict Leads To Discontinuance

"I look at why am I doing this?"
"I was just kind of ashamed of myself."

APPENDIX C

Explanation of Study

MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY
Health Education, Counseling Psychology and Human Performance

Human Subjects Consent Form
Dear Participant,

I am a graduate student at Michigan State University in the

school of Health Education, Counseling Psychology and Human
Performance. I am currently working on a study entitled "The
relationship of male identity, the uesonorphic image, and anabolic
steroid use in bodybuilders." This study is being conducted

under the supervision of Dr. Martha Ewing, Assistant Professor of
Physical Education at Michigan State University. This study

looks at the importance of athletics in the life of the individual,
the current importance of bodybuilding in the individual's life,
and the significance of anabolic steroid use within bodybuilding.

This study involves answering questions in an interview format.
The interview will take approximately one hour to complete. The
questions are not intended to trick or deceive in any way.

There are no right or wrong answers to any of the questions, and
the questions should be answered as honestly as possible. A
portion of the interview questions deal with anabolic steroid
use. You should further understand that your participation in
this study will be treated with strict confidentiality. Subjects
will remain anonymous in any reports or publications of the
research findings.

In order to obtain useful information, I need your cooperation in
completing the interview. Interviews will be tape recorded,

with the cassette tapes being destroyed after the interviews have
been transcribed. All information received is strictly
confidential. Participation in this project is voluntary. You
may choose not to participate at all, may refuse to answer certain
questions or may discontinue the interview at any time.

All results will be treated with strict confidence. Results from
this study will be available to you upon request. Please feel
free to contact me at any time if you have any questions.

I am grateful for your assistance!

Thank you.

Tracy V. Olrich
5490 Caris Road
Edmore, MI 48829
(517) 268-5236

127a

APPENDIX D

Subject Consent Form

I have read and fully understand this consent form. I understand
that my participation in this study is strictly voluntary. I
understand that I have the right not to answer any question. I
also understand that I may terminate the interview at any time.

Signature Date

127b

APPENDIX E

Overview of Olrich (1988)

Olrich, T., (1988). Bodybuilding and anabolic steroid use:
It's meaning in the lives of five athletes. HCP 831,

Michigan State University, E. Lansing, MI

Structured interviews were used to examine the meaning

and importance of bodybuilding and anabolic steroid use in

the lives of five bodybuilders. Five white, middle class,
male bodybuilders were selected as participants . The
participants ages ranges from twenty to twenty-two. The

subjects were currently attending college or had recently
graduated. All the athletes were either current or former
anabolic steroid users.

All of the men had participated in sports at the high
school level. Upon.rentering' college, Ibodybuilding ‘was
selected as an activity to stay involved in the sporting
world once opportunity for participation as other
opportunities were no longer available.

Once involved in bodybuilding, the men experienced
increases in muscular size and strength which led to greater
feelings of confidence and self-worth. After becoming
immersed in this activity, the athletes chose to begin taking
anabolic steroids. The use of anabolic steroids had
profound effects on the way the men saw themselves. Large
increases in perceived muscle size and strength led to
further validation of feelings of confidence and self-worth.
The men also spoke of a strong psychological addiction to

anabolic steroids. Strong positive feelings associated with

128

129

the self when on steroids diminished when off steroids due to

the loss of muscle mass and strength.