:72. ...L...... THESIS NNNNNNL \ m. This is to certify that the ‘ dissertation entitled PEOPLE, FORESTS AND TENURE: THE PROCESS OF LAND AND TREE TENURE CHANGE AMONG THE GARO OF MADHUPUR GARH FOREST, BANGLADESH presented by i T.M. Kibriau] Khaieque has been accepted towards fulfillment ‘ fl of the requirements for PhoDo degree in FOY‘eStY‘y muagX/fléfifl L i Date 8/\§/7Z/ / 7L ‘ MSUis an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0—12771 \ LIBRARY Michigan State Unlvcrclty PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE .13, o 7 1992’ .3: ‘v 2! _\;.- MAE '. ' 'V'Qt. c (19m? MSU Is An Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution c:\cir:\datedue.pm}p.1 PEOPLE, FORESTS AND TENURE: THE PROCESS OF LAND AND TREE TENURE CHANGE AMONG THE GARO OF MADHUPUR GARH FOREST, BANGLADESH BY T. M. Kibriaul Khaleque A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Forestry 1992 ABSTRACT PEOPLE, FORESTS AND TENURE: THE PROCESS OF LAND AND TREE TENURE CHANGE AMONG THE GARO OF MADHUPUR GARH FOREST, BANGLADESH BY T. M. Kibriaul Khaleque Land and tree tenure issues and problems are recognized as very important in natural resource management and development in general, and as being especially crucial in.the case of the forest resources. Based on a specific case of conflict between the:government forest.department and the Garo community of Madhupur Garh forest in Bangladesh, this study sought to understand the process of land and tree tenure change. The social, economic, political, technological, demographic and environmental factors involved in the process of land and tree tenure change among the Care of Madhupur Garh were analyzed from a human ecological perspective. A model, Nature-Human-Ideology Interface, has been developed by modifying Duncan's Ecological Complex model. The Ecological Complex model sees the process of change as a complex interplay of four key factors -- Population, Organization, Environment, and Technology (POET). The POET schema has been modified to PETIO by adding "Ideology" to include the ideational aspect of culture. In addition, the modified model con dif sou var dif his int dif PET ter Ch: prc fir ter soc 9X1 f0] be' be- Ga T. M. Kibriaul Khaleque considers the relative importance of one or more factors at different times and the role of external factors from various sources (social, political, economic and religious) and at various levels (local, national, regional and global). A multi-method approach was adopted. To collect different types of data, different methods were used: survey, historical records, oral histories and retrospective interviewing, and an ethnographic study. This study showed that the interacting effects of different variables under each of the five dimensions of the PETIO schema played a role in the process of land and tree tenure change among the Garo of Madhupur Garh. The role of Christian missionaries as external change agents hastened the process of change in all the internal factors. The research findings indicate that the tendency towards achieving secure tenure has increased among the Garo with: (1) an increase in social and economic differentiation; and (2) an increase in external control by the forest department over the use of forest land. This study also revealed that the ongoing conflict between the Garo and the forest department resulted from a gap between the statutory land and tree tenure system and the Garo‘s indigenous tenure system. Cop: T. l 1991 Copyright by T. M. Kibriaul Khaleque 1992 Dedicated to my mother, wife and daughters Garh Sinc with to t thar Fore hei; pro; grai int: com] Sta' Mid Int mul the mem iss ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I began my research on the Garo community of Madhupur Garh in 1979. The idea of this study occurred to me in 1982. Since then I received valuable suggestions from many people with whom I shared my ideas. I wish to take this opportunity to thank all of them. Among those who helped me most recently, I would like to thank my advisor, Dr. Maureen McDonough (Department of Forestry, Michigan State University), for her suggestions, help and encouragement from the stage of writing the research proposal to the production of this dissertation. I am also grateful to Dr. McDonough for helping me pursue my research interests in social forestry. I owe a great deal to the other members of my graduate committee: Dr. Michael Gold (Department of Forestry, Michigan State University), Dr. Craig Harris (Department of Sociology, Michigan State University) and Dr. Rita Gallen (Women in International Development, Michigan State University). The multidisciplinary nature of this dissertation is the result of the valuable suggestions I received from these committee members. I thank Dr. Gold for his suggestions on forestry issues, Dr. Harris for giving me an orientation to human vi ecoi ant] of . and app: thi (fo COIII Hom unc his I a fri and in im; 355 W res to Da. vii ecological perspective, and Dr. Gallen for her suggestions on anthropological study and women's issue. I am deeply indebted to Dr. Robbins Burling (Department of Anthropology, University of Michigan) for the suggestions and advice I received from him during my fieldwork. I appreciate his comments and suggestions on the first draft of this dissertation. My grateful thanks go to Dr. Bruce Currey (former Program Leader, Winrock International, Dhaka) for his comments and suggestions on the research proposal. I must acknowledge a special debt to Rev. Eugene E. Homrich (Corpus Christi Church, Jalchatra, Madhupur Garh) for uncovering materials on the Garo and for permission to use the mission library. My warmest thanks to the many Garos who befriended me. I am particularly indebted to Mr. Paresh Chandra Mri, a Garo friend in Chunia village, who not only arranged my boarding and lodging in his own house, but also helped me be welcomed in Garo Villages. It would have been difficult, if not impossible, to carry out my fieldwork without his help and assistance. I wish to express my gratitude to Winrock International, whose research grant made it possible for me to carry out this research. Finally, I would like to extend my deepest appreciation to my wife, Sayeda, and my daughters, Doyel and Himel, who paid a heavy price for my commitment to research. LIS'] LIS'. CHA] CHA CH1 CH1 TABLE OF CONTENTS LISTOFTABLES ....... ............... Xii LISTOFFIGURES .. ....... . ..... ........... . Xiii CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ............................... l 1 A General Overview ..................... ..... .. 2 .2 Background, Rationale and Problem Statement .... 11 3 Scope, Purpose, and Research Questions ......... 16 4 Contribution of This Study to Sociological Knowledge ................ ...... . ..... . ........ 18 1.5 Outline of the Dissertation ................... 19 HHHH O. 0 CHAPTER 2: THE STUDY AREA: LAND, FOREST AND PEOPLE .... 20 2.1 Location of Madhupur Garh Forest ............... 20 2.2 Physical Environment .......................... 22 2.3 The Forest .................... ................. 23 2.4 Land Use ...................................... 25 2.5 The Villages ................................ ... 25 2.6 Transportation System ......................... 26 2.7 The People ........... ...... ......... .......... 27 2.8 Summary ................................ ..... .. 31 CHAPTER 3: A REVIEW OF LITERATURE ON LAND AND TREE TENURE ........................... ..... 33 3 1 General Literature ..... .......... . .......... .. 34 3.2 Case Studies .................................. 37 3.3 Analytical Literature ........... .............. 44 3.4 Summary 48 CHAPTER 4: NATURE-HUMAN-IDEOLOGY INTERFACE: A THEORETICAI.FRAMEWORK ........... .. .......... 50 4.1 Model for Understanding Land and Tree Tenure Change . .................. . ........... 50 4.1.1 Duncan' s Ecological Complex model ....... . 52 4.1.2 Limitations to Duncan' 5 Ecological Complex model .................... ........ 55 4.2 Nature-Human-Ideology Interface: Modified Ecological Complex:Model ...................... 61 viii CH1 ix .3 Re search Questions and Key Propositions ........ 64 4.4 Operational Model for an Understanding of the Process of Land and Tree Tenure Change ..... 65 4.4.1 Population (P) ........ ....... ..... . ...... 69 4. 4. 2 Environment (E) ..... .... ............ . ... 69 4. 4. 3 Technology (T) ........................... 70 4. 4. 4 Ideology (I) . ...... ............. ....... .. 70 4.4.5 Organization (0) .................. ....... 71 4.5 Su ummary ........................... ... ... ..... 71 CHAPTER 5: RESEARCH STRATEGIES AND METHODOLOGIES ...... 73 5.1 Research Strategies ......... .................. 73 5.1.1 A multi-method approach .................. 73 5.1.2 Flexibility for modifications in the field .... ................. ........... 76 5.2 Research Propositions and Specified Model ..... 76 5 3 Variables/Factors and the Unit of Analysis and Observation ......................... . ..... 82 5.4 Methodologies and Research Design . . .. . ... 85 5.4.1 Survey design ............ . ............... 85 5.4.2 Historical documents .... ................. 92 5.4.3 Oral history and retrospective interviewing ...................... . ...... 92 5.4.4 Ethnographic study ....... . ....... . ....... 93 5.5 Strategies for Data Analysis .................. 94 CHAPTER 6: RESEARCH FINDINGS: HISTORICAL AND ETHNOGRAPHIC INFORMATION ............... . 96 6.1 Human Settlement and Population Change in Madhupur Garh Forest ..... .. .............. 96 6.2 Changes in Forest Cover, Settlement Area and Agricultural Land .... .......... ... 101 6.3 The Advent of Christianity and Changes Among the Garo ....... ................. .. 102 6.4 Changes in Mode of Sustenance Among the Garo 107 6.5 Changes in Land and Tree Tenure ............ ... 110 6.5.1 Evolution of land and tenure system in the state with reference to Madhupur Garh forest ............................. 111 6.5.2 Changes in tree tenure in the state with reference to Madhupur Garh forest ...... . 124 6.5.3 Land and tree tenure change among the Garo of Madhupur Garh ...... ......... ..... 126 ... 133 tattoo-c 6.6 Changes in Forest Management .. 6.6.1 Forest management practlces before 1951 6.6.2 Forest management practices after 1951 6.7 Dispute Between the Garo and the Forest Department ............................... ... 133 137 .... 147 6.2 00000000 X 6. 8 Changes in Garo Social Organization ........... 6.8.1 Garo kinship organization ............ .... 6. 8. 2 Gender role and specialization ........... 6.8.3 The development of social and economic differentiation of households ............ 6. 8. 4 Pattern of leadership ........ ............ 6. 9 Summary ... ................ .............. ..... CHAPTER 7: RESEARCH FINDINGS: SURVEY AND INTENSIVE VILLAGE STUDY ..... ...... ........... ........ 7.1 Village Size and Characteristics ........ ...... 7.2 Demographic Characteristics of the Population .............. ......... . ..... ... 7.2.1 Ethnic composition and spatial distribution ............... ...... ....... 7.2 2 Household size and characteristics ........ 7.2.3 Gender and age composition . ........ ...... 7.2.4 Religious affiliation ........ . ........... 7.2.5 Educational attainment .. ..... ...... ...... 7.3 Social and Economic Characteristics of Households ................. .. ..... . ........ 7.3.1 Landholding size ......................... 7. 3. 2 Income ................. ..... ............ 7.4 Social and Economic Differentiation of Households ...................... ........... 7.5 Summary ... ................ . ...... .. ......... . CHAPTER 8: ANALYSIS OF RESEARCH FINDINGS .............. 8.1 Population .................................. 8.1.1 Population size and forest cover .......... 8.1.2 Population size and intensive land use technologies ............ ..... ........ 8 2 Environment ..... ..... .................. ...... . 8.3 Ideology . ..... ........ ............ . ....... .... 8 4 Technology ................................... 8.5 Land and Tree Tenure Change ................... 8.5.1 Social and economic differentiation of households and the tendency toward achieving secure tenure . ............... 8.5.2 External control and the tendency toward claiming secure land and tree tenure ...... 8.6 Relevance of Research Findings to the model on the Process of Land and Tree Tenure Change ..... 8.7 The Roots of the Conflict Between the Garo and the state ..... ... .......... .. ............. 8.8 Summary ........................ ... 152 152 153 156 157 162 165 165 165 166 167 168 170 172 173 173 184 188 190 192 192 192 200 203 206 213 217 218 224 CHA BI AP xi CHAPTER 9: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ... 9.1 Summary ................................ .... .1.1 An Introduction to the Study ..... ....... . .1.2 The Study Area: Land, Forest and People ... .1.3 A Review of Literature on Land and Tree Tenure ....... . ...... .... 9.1.4 Nature-Human— —Ideology Interface: A Theoretical Framework .................... Research Strategies and Methodologies ..... . . Research Findings: Historical and Ethnographic ....... .................... 9.1.7 Research Findings: Survey and Intensive Village Study ..................... ........ 9.1.8 Analysis of Research Findings ............. 9. 2 Conclusion .... .. ......... ................. 9. 3 Limitations of the Study ............. . ........ 9. 4 Future Research ...... ........ . ..... . .......... 9.5 Recommendations ...................... ......... BIBLIOGRAPHY .................... . ..................... APPENDICES A Questionnaire on the Social, Economic and Demographic Characteristics of the People Living in Madhupur Garh National Park ....... B List of Historical Materials ....... ....... .. C The Government Scheme For Garo Eviction and Resettlement and The Demands of the Garo .... 231 231 231 233 234 235 236 238 245 247 249 251 251 252 254 265 269 271 Tab] 10 11 12 LIST OF TABLES Table 1 10 11 Distribution of Sampled Households by Ethnic Group ........... .......... ............ 91 Population Changes in Arankhola Union: 1951-1961 ................................. 102 Changes in the 30 Square Miles Around the Intensive Study Village: 1975-1983 ............ .... 104 Distribution of Study Population by Ethnicity .... 166 Distribution of Study Population by Age ......... 169 Distribution of Study Population by Religious Affiliation ......... ....... . ........ . ....... .... 171 Distribution of Study Population by Educat1onal Attainment ........... .......... ... ......... . ..... 172 Distribution of Households by Landholding Size .... 177 Distribution of Households in the Intensive Study Village by Landholding Size ................ 178 Distribution of Households in the Intensive Study Village by Size of Wet Rice Field . ......... 183 Distribution of Households in the Intensive Study Village by Size of Pineapple Garden . ....... 184 12 Distribution of Ten Cases in the Intensive Study Village by Annual Household Income ... ..... 188 Figur LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 Reserved Forest Areas of Bangladesh ..... ......... 13 2 Location of Study Villages in Madhupur National Park (Arankhola Union Parishad) .......... 21 3 Duncan's Ecological Complex Model .. ....... . ....... 53 4 Nature-Human-Ideology Interface: Revised Ecological Complex Model . ........................ 62 5 The Process of land and Tree Tenure Change Among the Indigenous Forest Communities .......... 68 6 Specified Model on the Process of Land and Tree Tenure Changes Among the Garo of Madhupur Garh .... 78 7 Changes in the 30 Square Miles Around Intensive Study Village: 1975-1983 ............ . ....... . . . . . 103 xiii tr Ma an pr CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION This study aims to understand the process of land and tree tenure change among the Garo people living in the Madhupur Garh forest of Bangladesh. Understanding the land and tree tenure system is one of the most important prerequisites for sustainable management and development of natural resources in general and forestry resources in particular. Systematic studies are now needed to see how land and tree tenure changes are accompanied by social, economic, demographic, technological and environmental changes. In the context of Madhupur Garh forest, this study examines how these factors are involved in the process of land and tree tenure change. It also shows how a conflict between local people and 1the state results in the process of this change. This chapter includes an overview of how the state- ’controlled forest management practices have failed in the Ideveloping world with particular reference to Bangladesh and the Indian Subcontinent, and background on participatory ‘forest management and development programs called social forestry. It also discusses why land and tree tenure systems ‘are an important topic for research and describes the ibackground, rationale, scope, and purpose of this study. 1. ev f0 ri ri Sa 2 1.1 A General overview Rousseau's famous dictum -- "man is born free but everywhere he is in chains" -- can perhaps be rewritten in the forestry context as: forest-dwellers are born with the natural right to use forest resources, but history shows that their rights are curtailed or denied by government regulations. Saussay (1983:16) rightly observes, In the history of all peoples, forests have provided their residents and those living nearby with the means of subsistence, governed by customary rights that legislators have endeavoured to limit. Under the forestry administration of British colonial rule, particularly in South Asia and Africa, forests were taken from community control and were placed under the protection of the state (Fortmann and Bruce 1988:273). In the Indian Subcontinent, for' example, "forest. reserves," forest department, and, forestry legislation.‘were: established ‘to restrict the "untrammeled" use of the forest resources by forest dwellers (Guha 1983). The colonial rulers justified state control in the. name of systematic ‘management and exploitation of forests. Such a justification was common at that.time and even thereafter (Guha 1983; Tucker 1984). Troup (1938:16) argues that allowing private individuals a freedom of resource use leads to depletion and destruction of the forests. Hence, the state must exercise control over forests. Obviously, the British rulers adopted a similar argument, but they apparently failed to consider the negative aspect of 8X be In AC to 3 excessive state control. The following words of caution have been offered by Troup (1938:16) himself: ... excessive State interference may destroy initiative and sense of responsibility, cause a reaction, and produce results the opposite of what was intended. In fact, this is what happened in the Indian Subcontinent. According to Fortmann and Bruce (1988:273), the process of forest reservation in this Subcontinent has generated "insecurity on the part of traditional users" and led to "increasingly abusive exploitation" by them, as they no longer see themselves as having a long-term interest in the resource. The forest-dwellers in the Indian Subcontinent strongly reacted against the diminution of their traditional rights. There were agitations, protests and even organized movements in some areas (Guha 1983). Even after the end of colonial rule, the aim of forest management in the Indian Subcontinent has been to protect, conserve, and manage the government's "reserved forests." Forests are still considered government property. According to Act 3 of the Indian Forest Act of 1927, which is still in force in Bangladesh, the government ... may constitute any forest-land or waste-land which is the property of Government, or over which the Government has proprietary rights, or to the whole or any part of the forest-produce of which the Government is entitled, a reserved forest.... Under this Act, local people are not allowed to enjoy any rights to the forest land or to the trees. Thus the conflict be $1 In Fe 19 4 between the local people and. the state remains, and the situation has worsened in some areas over time. Such conflict is not unique to the Indian Subcontinent. In fact, it is common in many forest areas (for example, Santa Fe, New Mexico [Knowlton 1976], the Philippines Uplands [Oxby 1987, Payuan 1981, Aquino 1981, Aguilar 1986]). Foresters and policy planners generally belong to a social world completely different from that of the forest dwellers. Hence, there is a lack of understanding of indigenous tenure systems. The alarming rate of depletion of the tropical forests and the need to preserve and sustain the use of forest resources perhaps provoked Fortmann and Bruce (1988:277) to ask the following question: Which is the more promising tool for preservation of forests: forestry laws which state prohibitions whose enforcement depends on weak state machinery, or property rights for users which creates incentives to conserve the resource? These alternatives for preserving forest resources do not, however, exhaust possibilities. Forestry laws enforced by a strong state may be another possibility. But state forestry devoid of local people's participation is no longer considered a viable mechanism for protecting forests in less developed countries (LDCs) that are highly populated and resource-limited. According to Douglas (1983:139), the persistence of a management ethos in the LDCs that excludes or minimizes the application of human capital to th "0 LD de ad pc Cc the mobilization of the resources can only be "counterproductive." Douglas (1983:134) argues that the forestry sector in the LDCs is generally short of personnel and equipment. Also, the dependence on hired staff places great pressure on the administration. The task of keeping out the surrounding population adds further to administrative burdens. Consequently, the standard of management, particularly the ability to experiment and innovate, drops even further. ' Douglas (1983:134), therefore, thinks that "the national forest lands end up simply not pulling their economic weight." The output from such forests, in his View, is of "little or no relevance" to the local people. As a result, they have no interest in cooperating with the government forest department in managing the resource to maximize production. Shepherd (1986:10) argues that the state tends to be an inefficient custodian of forest resources in a situation where forest dwellers, contractors, forest department employees and “ lirtually everyone is competing for such resources. According :0 Shepherd (1986:10), the state ... depends upon poorly paid forest guards who are often tempted to live off the resource they are supposed to be guarding, either by the collection of bribes, permit fees, and fines or by theft. The justification for a centralized forest service that :oncentrates on protecting and managing government-owned 'orests for industrial and commercial purposes has been a1 la 6 questioned by development specialists since the early 19705 (Noronha and Spears 1985:227). The common problems of these countries identified by the development specialists include: a continuous addition of millions of hungry mouths to an already overcrowded area, scarce and inequitably distributed land and other natural resources, low agricultural productivity, and a less developed economy. Since the middle part of the 1970s the importance of forest and trees to meet the basic needs of rural people in the LDCs was recognized by both the international aid agencies and the development practitioners. A number of events in the middle and latter part of 19705 were responsible for the emergence of such development thinking (see also Arnold 1989). First, in the 19705 the follies of the development .strategies in the 19505 and 19605 became clear to the ’development communities. It was clear that the industrialization-oriented development strategies of the past _decades had failed to achieve a sustained economic growth in ‘the highly populated, resource-short, and technologically less advanced countries (Westoby 1987, Douglas 1983). According to the development thinking in 19505 and 19605, the expansion of forest industries was an important strategy for the economic development of the LDCs (Westoby 1987, McGreggor 1976, Maydell 1976, Douglas 1983). It was assumed that frozen capital from lthe forestry sector could be transformed into liquid capital ‘which would feed the development process of the LDCs. The fore: that socie "tric some those disac one I expar Acco: Goal all indus and disac and reacl the Sect< 0Ver atte] Serii 7 forestry sector was thought to be something like that "goose that laid the golden eggs" for the different classes of the society, i.e. the benefits of economic development would "trickle down" even to the poorer people. But even though in some cases the goose laid golden eggs, these were shared by those who were already well-off and not by the poorer and disadvantaged section of the society. Westoby (1987:246-7), one of the main proponents of the idea of forestry sector expansion for economic development, writes, In 1962 I was convinced that the forestry and forest industries sector was capable of making a significant contribution to the attack on economic underdevelopment. My paper was seminal, but only in the sense that it has turned out to be a wet dream. According to Westoby, forest industries failed to achieve the goal of development, i.e. a social and economic welfare for _ all classes of people. The profits earned from these industries went to the capitalists, both local and foreign, L and forestry benefits hardly ever reached the poor and (disadvantaged group. People's basic needs for fuel, fodder ‘ and low-cost housing’ materials pushed farther from their Preach. The concern of the industries over making profit from (the forestry sector also neglected the important role this sector played in supporting agriculture. Second, by the mid—19705 there was an increasing concern ‘over the critical fuelwood situation in LDCs which drew the iattention of the development communities. LDCs encountered ,serious energy crisis (Eckholm 1975) and a fuelwood famine had alrea ident LDCs 1982: defox incre prod1 1985] trees for 1 and t def01 over: using the i Subs: Seal: main Varii 8 already hit many of these countries. Demand for fuelwood was identified as one of the main causes of deforestation in the LDCs (Arnold 1989) . Third, the environmental damage (see Barnes et a1. 1982:6—7, for a list of actual or potential impacts of deforestation on the LDCs) due to deforestation are increasingly considered to contribute to a decline in food production and deterioration of productive land use (Cernea 1985b, Fortmann 1987, Arnold 1989). Excessive removal of trees from forest and agricultural landscapes, tree cutting for fuelwood requirements, and inequitable land distribution and high population pressures are seen as the main reasons for deforestation in the LDCs. An increasing concern over all these interrelated and overlapping'problems led development.practitioners to consider 15ing forest resources in a sustainable manner. Beginning in :he mid-19705, emphasis was put on sustainable small-scale subsistence forestry as opposed to the conventional large- ;cale production-oriented commercial forestryu There are five main thrusts of this small-scale subsistence forestry, rariously known as "community forestry" or "social forestry": 1 to meet local people's survival needs like food, fuel, fodder and shelter; 2. to decentralize forestry benefits to meet local needs; 3. to distribute forest resources equitably; 9 4. to improve local people's levels of life; and 5. to protect the environment in which people live. Since the 1978 World Forestry Congress in Jakarta, with the theme -— "Forestry for People" -- this approach has been receiving much attention. Social forestry, as defined by the FAQ, is forestry for local community development which "should encompass any situation that ultimately involves local people in a forestry activity for the direct benefit of those people" (FAO 1978, cited in Noronha and Spears 1985:228). Social forestry requires a change in the attitude of the foresters; changing their role from protecting the forest "against people" to working "with people" for growing more trees (Noronha and Spears 1985:229) or changing from "policeman to extension agents" (Barnes et a1. 1982z9). Thus :he role of social foresters is to intervene in ecosystem grocesses "to encourage gains in socially desired outputs," while they must "break from fascination with trees to :onsidering how to fulfill functional needs" (Burch 1988:77). iccording to Burch (1988:81), an intervention will also be fequired in social systems, as the social foresters will need :0 introduce "new values such as planning for a long-term 'uture or developing a work ethic." Social forestry, owever, is not a replacement of the forestry department. arnes et al. (1982:9) observe, BE SC it fc in 19 id es in id im Sp to he 10 Social forestry does not in any way threaten or replace existing functions of the forestry department, but rather adds a new component which involves a sensitivity to rural development issues. According to Noronha and Spears (1985:229), "the novel essence" of social forestry lies in the word "social." The social aspects of this approach have been described by them as its function in ...serving local needs through the active involvement of the beneficiaries in the design and implementation of the reforestation efforts and the sharing of forest produce. Unfortunately, these important elements of social forestry have so far been the most difficult things to achieve in many social forestry projects (Barnes et al. 1982; Burch 1988). Arnold (1989:5) remarks that although the identification of local needs, aspirations and possibilities 1as been sought in many projects, these were, in practice, ased. more on a 'top-down approach. According to Arnold P I i 1989:5), the concept of local participation "has been, and still is, more frequently preached than practised." Fresh institutional changes are still considered I I issential for the success of social forestry. Among the .nstitutional changes, land tenure arrangements have been .dentified by Fortmann and Riddell (1985:VII-VIII) as the most mportant. Foresters, policy planners and development pecialists increasingly realize that without security of enure, it is difficult, if not impossible, to expect local eople to make the long-term investments and commitments requ the case rega (Ram not assu of g shou stat elem trad to u out (17% fore mill area f0re 11 required for growing trees. Granting security of tenure to the people growing the trees is considered vital in those cases where farmers occupy government forest land and are regarded by the forest department as encroachers (Rambo 1984:42). In such cases, people fear that they will not benefit from their tree planting efforts because they assume somebody else will expropriate those trees. Fortmann and Riddell (1985:XII) think that the very basis of government's exclusive rights in areas of Reserved forests should perhaps be reconsidered. They observe: Though the state may "own" the land, tenure change has to be renegotiated with the local community, the kinship groups and the individual farmers. The case of conflict between the local people and the 1state, on which this study is based, exemplifies how the 1elements of statutory land and tree tenure can go against the traditional rights of forest-dwellers and why it is essential to understand tenure change. 1.2 Background, Rationale and Problem Statement Bangladesh has a total land area of 35.6 million acres, ut of which the forested area comprises six million acres (17%) [Bangladesh Forest Department Statistics]. The Reserved orests managed by the Forest Department make up about 3.5 illion acres (10% of total land area and 58% of all forested rea) [Bangladesh Forest Department Statistics]. Reserved orests in Bangladesh occur mainly in the eastern hill region of re! a1 be 12 (Tectona. grandis forests) and the delta region (mangrove forests); other smaller forested areas are composed of patches of gal (Shorea robusta) forests in the central and northern regions (Figure 1). Although deforestation has been a common phenomenon in all accessible forests throughout Bangladesh, the process has been and continues to be most rapid in the case of the plains gal forests in the central and northern regions. This is primarily because these forests are surrounded on all sides by heavily populated and rapidly urbanizing areas. The transportation network of the plains area also is relatively more developed than in the area of hill and mangrove forest. The developed transportation network contributes to the depletion of both subsistence and industrial forests. The ‘depletion of forest resources in the central region poses 15erious problems for the country because it creates a shortage of forest resources which are essential for the people who .live in the central region. Tree cover in the Madhupur Garh forest is still ,relatively more dense than in the other parts of the central region's gal forests. Indeed the natural beauty of the Madhupur Garh forests attracted the government to select it as one of the country's national parks. Even so, deforestation continues. Unless depletion of forest resources in Madhupur _Garh is averted, the national park will become a treeless Ilandscape and the ecological balance of the whole central o Rangpur wean-pug as 3 r‘-"\" 0 lessore Khulna o 23' Bay of Bengal International Boundary —---’~ N 0 20 40 'I .... {e [ .... T4 Forest Areas W ° 4° 3° "m 90'I E. L Source: UNDP/FAO Project IBGD/79/OI 7 Figure I Reserved Forest Areas of Bangladesh reg reg was def hun the in: the of to COI an. de mi "M to be 14 region will be disrupted. Against the backdrop in the central region in general, and Madhupur Garh in particular, this study was conducted in Madhupur Garh forest. Khaleque (1984) mentions the various causes of deforestation in Madhupur Garh, such as wide settlement of human population, agricultural practices and grazing within the forest area, and illegal logging for commercial and industrial purposes. But he concludes that an alienation of the forest dwellers from the forest is the fundamental source of the problem. The local people's discontent is, according to Khaleque (1984, 1985), manifested in their unwillingness to cooperate with the forest department in its tasks to improve and protect forests. He shows that after the forest department takeover in 1951 a conflict arose between an ethnic minority community, the Garo (who call themselves by the name "Mandi" —- see Chapter 2, for details), and the government forest department since the former's traditional rights have been ignored by the latter. When part of Madhupur Garh forest was declared a national park in the early 19605, this conflict Entensified. The forest department proposed a program to resettle the people living in the national park area, but the Earo people opposed this program and they did not move. The l conflict continues (see Chapter 6, for details). i The situation in Madhupur Garh is now becoming increasingly critical. Policymakers and forest managers are l puzzled about what to do. On the one hand, if the "no action" l st de lo wi di 15 state is allowed to continue, the whole forest will soon be denuded. On the other hand, it is impossible to compel the local people to nmye. If the tribal people are evicted without measures of mitigation, they will face a total disaster -- their means of livelihood will be destroyed and a total culture will disintegrate. Such a situation might lead these people to migrate to urban areas for jobs (as some of the landless Garos are now doing). In that case, the result may be worse than the status gag. They will create a pressure on the already existing problem of unemployment in the urban areas. In addition to the Garo, the Bengalis who have also settled in the forest are mostly landless people from other areas and they have no place to go back to if they are ejected. Hence, attention must be given to their concerns as 1well. This forest is essential not only for maintaining a national park but also for meeting the needs for fuelwood and other forest products for the local people. This is the only forested area in the whole north—central region of Bangladesh. Hence, it is strategically important for' maintaining the ecological balance as well as to meet the increasing demands for timber, fuelwood and other forest products for the people of this region. This critical situation demands immediate attention. Khaleque's (1985) exploratory research on this area has ncovered the problem while opening questions to be answered 16 by in-depth research. There is a dearth of research in Bangladesh on, tribal land and. tree tenure systems. The studies that are available on land tenure systems in Bangladesh (for example, Ascoli 1917, Islam 1978) focus on the mainstream population and not on the tribal communities. At present, researchers writing about land reform in Bangladesh (for example, various articles in Alamgir 1981) are concerned nainly with the problems of mainstream Bengali population. Systematic research is essential to find the roots of the :onflict between the tribal concept of property ownership and he statutory land tenure system. There is no alternative to n in-depth understanding of the process of land and tree tenure change because the ongoing conflicts arose in the Irocess of these changes. .3 Scope, Purpose and Research Questions As stated, this study aims to understand the process of and and tree tenure changes among the Garo people living in Idhupur Garh forest of Bangladesh in the context of social, onomic, and demographic changes among these people as well the environmental changes in this forest. Another iective of this study is to find the roots of the conflict :ween the Garo and the state. This study specifically relates to the Garo people who the original settlers of this forest. They also CC GE he G: In 17 constitute the majority of residents in the national park area and are directly involved in the conflict. The few Koch people who live in the Garo villages and who are also regarded as an ethnic minority group, compared to the mainstream Bengali population, are also involved in the conflict. Their situation is thus the same as that of the Garo. The Bengali people, relatively recent settlers, do not nave the same strength of land claims in the forest as the Saro and Koch, the earlier settlers. The Bengali people are, lowever, increasingly joining the Garo and Koch in claiming :he forest land they occupy. Although land and tree tenure imong the Bengali people have undergone certain changes, the iature and trend of changes in their case is different from :hose in ‘the case of the tribals. The Bengali people's :oncern, which demands separate research, is beyond the scope >f this study. The Garo live in the national park area as well as the crested area outside of the park and conflict exists in both reas. However, the conflict has reached its climax in the ase of the national park area. This study is, therefore, oncerned mainly with the national park area. Garo villages coated in close proximity to the national park area have been ncluded in the study, because some people of those villages ave lands within the national park area and their concern is imilar to those living in the park area. resea shame in S tree rela demo made reco of s tenu unde Garo thee rin c0nd Cont 18 There are two key research questions that led the present researcher to investigate the process of land and tree tenure changes: 1. Why and how do changes in land and tree tenure take place and what factors are involved in the process of change? 2. Why and how does a conflict between the local people and the state result in the process of land and tree tenure change? To answer these questions, the case of conflict described in Section 1.2 has been examined with reference to land and tree tenure changes, which in turn, have been viewed in relation to social, cultural, economic, political, demographic, and ecological changes. No attempt has been made, however, to deal with conflict resolution, although recommendations are provided. 1.4 contribution of This study to Sociological Knowledge This study contributes to an understanding of the process of social and ecological change in general, and land and tree :enure change in particular. In addition, it broadens the inderstanding of the indigenous property concepts among the :aro and contributes to the store of ethnographic knowledge on :hese people. This understanding will help determine the 'ights of Garo to their ancestral land under changing :onditions. An understanding of property rights will also :ontribute helpful information to three areas of concern: 1. 19 1. ways and means to protect rights of forest dwellers; 2. methods for linking statutory land and tree tenure system and indigenous land and tree tenure system in a mutually satisfactory manner; and 3. strategies for resolving conflicts and reaching a consensus between the state and the local people for sustained forest management and development. 1.5 Outline of the Dissertation Chapter 2 describes the research site, its physical environment, and population characteristics. A review of available literature on land and tree tenure is presented in Chapter 3. The theoretical framework, research questions, key propositions, operational model and operational definition of concepts are the contents of Chapter' 4. The research strategy, methodology, a specified model and propositions are given in Chapter 5. Chapters 6 and 7 contain the research indings: historical and ethnographic information has been given in the former, while the findings from survey and intensive village study in the latter. Research findings are analyzed in Chapter 8 and the last chapter contains summary, :onclusions and recommendations. descr patte 2.1 Mymex dist] belt it cc fore: to s enti: fore; Squa (Fig exte the Sout Squa Madh 1961 CHAPTER 2 THE STUDY AREA: LAND, FOREST AND PEOPLE This chapter introduces the study area. It contains a description of the location, physical environment, land use pattern and the population characteristics of Madhupur Garh. 2.1 Location of Madhupur Garh Forest Madhupur Garh forest is located on the border of the Mymensingh and Tangail districts and covers areas of both districts (Figure 1). This forest was known as the southern belt of the forested areas in Mymensingh forest division. Now it constitutes the northern part of the forests under Tangail forest division. The forested part covers 60 miles from north to south and between five to 15 miles east to west. The ‘entire area has been designated a reserved forest by the forest department, and a 30 square-mile area (originally 40 square miles) has been set aside as the Madhupur National Park (Figure 2). Madhupur Garh forest is part of the Madhupur Tract, which extends from the southwestern part of Mymensingh district in the north to the northern border of Dhaka district in the south (Ahmad 1938:1). The whole Madhupur Tract is about 1,600 square miles (Mia and Bazlee 1968:39) and the area under Madhupur Garh is 300 square miles (Census Report of Pakistan 1961:12). 20 21 W~\”’\ Getchua O BERIBAID .r\_ ./ \ N .Jrq ‘ Bagra ,/ -' . '/\Q\__\~/ E Dewachala r Subokadiona é ) O : D IORAMGACHAE L—. 0 1/2 Imlle 1 : i .3 )'\/’U Bagadubaog g SHOLAKUR' 0 .5 I 2ki|ometers {xx-J FULBAGCHALA A: Kailakuri. E J ‘ \. l§~ . Garo Wlage o 7 Maganhnagaro ,1 _ \,.' jangaliao i Garo Wlage In Survey 0 \ Beribaid - Intensive Study Wlage . ..----------- . ‘__."_._____-...-*) Union Boundary ——-—- s" / Mouza Boundary -- ------- \ CHUNIA / Paved Road _. < /"\-/.O"‘~_\ /,/'_‘\.f'. Dirt Road 'J’ ldilpur ~ National Park Based on Arankhola Union Parishad Map Figure 2 Location of Study Villages in Madhupur Garh National Park (Arankhola Union Parishad) 22 2.2 Physical Environment Geomorphologically, the Madhupur Tract belongs to the Pleistocene Terrace area of Bangladesh and topographically it is more elevated than the surrounding floodplain (Mia and Bazlee 1968, Haq 1986). The elevation above the floodplain varies from place to place and ranges between 60 and 100 feet (GOB-RD 1935, Ahmad 1938, Haq, 1986). In general, the terrace surface is flat. The flat ridges have formed an irregular mass of higher lands with gentle slopes. These higher lands or knolls, known as chala, contain the forest. The size of chala blocks vary from four acres to 6,000 acres. The chala lands are interrupted by numerous depressions in the form of narrow valleys, known as paid. The area under these bald lands varies from one-tenth of an acre to 100 acres (Ahmad (1938). The tectonic uplift which created Madhupur Tract is, ‘according to Hirst (as cited in Sachse 1917:3), the result of changes in the course of the River Brahmaputra and shifts in the River Ganges from its old channel, the Dhaleswari. Other authors also consider the Madhupur Tract to be a delta of the Brahmaputra River which was subsequently uplifted (see for example, Mia and Bazlee 1968, Haq 1986). In general, Madhupur Tract has red clay soil, but due to he varying degree of oxidation the soil color varies from ellowish brown to reddish brown. The soil is compact and ard when dry, but softens with rain. In the dry season (March to May), the water table is at 50 to 60 feet. The ten 10( 23 temperature during the summer months (May to July) goes up to 100°F and it never goes below 45°F in winter months (November to January). The average rainfall is about 100 inches with most precipitation falling between mid-June and mid-September. 2.3 The Forest Like:most.of’Madhupur'Tract, Madhupur Garh.is gal (Shorea robusta) forest. Its principal tree species (75-80%) is the commercially-valuable gal (Shorea robusta). There are also patches of mixed forests scattered throughout this belt that have a few sal, but some have none at all. Besides sal (Shorea robusta), the other commercially valuable trees of this forest are: koroi (Albizzia procera), jogini chakra (Gmelina arborea), kaika (Adina cordifolia), sidah (Lagerstroemia parviflora), bazna (Zathozylum budrunga), sonalu (Cassia fistula), ajuli (Dillenia. pentagyna), and gadila (Careya arborea) . The common undergrowth is swati (Pennisetum setosum), while common climbers are mongolia lata (Spatholobus roxburghii) and kumaria lag; (Smilax macrophylla). Sungrasses (Imperata arundinaea), and thatch grasses (Arundineacea cylindrica) grow throughout this forest (see also Chowdhury, M. R. 1957:12). The various products of this forest are in enormous demand by forest-dwellers and city-dwellers alike. S_a_1_ (Shorea robusta) is the most important commercial product. Sal poles and sawn timbers are used in home building, and.they hav: a \ fur men for use agr Son pre bra ne: de1 24 lave an unlimited demand across the country. This species is a very heavy hardwood, so it is not generally used for furniture manufacturing. Like _sa_l, all the other species mentioned above are used in home building, but most are used for furniture manufacturing as well. The local people also use all these species for making the wooden parts of agricultural implements and bullock-cart wheels and axles. Some species, like the jogini chakra (Gmelina arborea), are preferred for planking. Small twigs, chips of bark, branches, brush and decayed branches are used as firewood both by the forest dwellers and neighboring people. Fuelwood from this forest is in great demand in the cities. The dried climbers and leaves are also used as fuel. Roots of a number of herbs and creepers, and wild fruits and berries are edible and provide sustenance for the local people. Sungrasses and thatching grasses are one of the important products of this forest» These grasses are used for constructing roofs and. walls of thatched. houses in. the villages both within and outside of forest areas. These are regarded as "poor people's bricks." Nevertheless, richer people'aISO'use‘these grasses for constructing their kitchens, cowshed and other outbuildings. Grasses other than thatching and sungrasses are an important source of fodder for the local people's livestock. re: cu st ho p1 25 Some forest plants are medicinal, like basak (Adhatoda vasiu), kalamegh (Audrographis;paniculata), satamul (Asparagus racemosus), swarnalata (Cuscuta reflexa), and sarpagandha (Ranwolfia serpentine). 2.4 Land Use The chala (higher lands) was used by the original residents to build their homesteads and for swidden until this cultivation was banned in the early 1950s. These lands are still used by the original residents and the new settlers for homesteads, vegetable gardens, fruit trees and pineapple plantations. The baid lands were converted by the original residents to wet rice fields after clearing the bushes and these lands are still used for growing wet rice. Parts of deforested slopes between chala and baid lands have also been iconverted to wet rice fields by some people, particularly by ‘those who occupy the baid lands adjacent to these slopes. The interior of chala lands are used by the forest department to grow forest trees. .5 The Villages Homesteads include houses, cowshed, and other structures. enerally, several households are clustered together in one omestead, and several homesteads are found in one area. hese clusters of homesteads are called villages. Every illage has a name. The area of the villages within the fores homes villa miles are d The 1 pines 2.6 Mymel the 1 the the] one] lead (Fig fore the cour Offj roac (Ch< the: roal 26 forest ranges from one to two square miles and it includes homesteads, wet rice fields and forest. The distance from one village to the next generally ranges between one and three miles, but does not exceed five miles. Village boundary lines are defined naturally by forest, forest trails and baid lands. The people of one village usually have wet rice fields or pineapple gardens within the area of another village. 2.6 Transportation System The main transportation route to Madhupur Garh is the Mymensingh-Tangail pgggg (paved) road, which passes through the forest (Map 2). About five miles of this road runs along the eastern boundary of the national park. The interior of the national park is connected with Mymensingh-Tangail road by one herringbone-brick road and four kutcha (dirt) roads, which dead to different directions within and beyond the forest (Figure 2). There are also many paths and trails within the forest. Mymensingh-Tangail road was built during World War II by he British colonial rulers. The herringbone-brick road that onnects the important picnic areas and forest department ffices within the national park with the Mymensingh-Tangail oad was built by the forest department in the mid-19505 (Chowdhury, M. R. 1957). The forest department considers it heir private road, but local people use it. The other kutcha oads inside the forest were built at different times, mostly af‘ 90‘ th. in ca In pa th pe tr 27 after the mid-19505, by the local administrative unit of the government. These roads were built for the people living in this area, but they are also used by the forest department. Mymensingh-Tangail road and the herringbone-brick road inside the forest are motorable. Four—wheel drive vehicles can be driven on the other kutcha roads during the dry season. In the rainy season, the kutcha roads become muddy, particularly after loaded bullock/buffalo carts are driven on these roads. The roads and trails are used by the local people for going places within and outside the forest, and to transport their agricultural products to market. Most large markets are located outside the forest along the Mymensingh- Tangail road. People of this area generally walk or bicycle (for those iwho can afford one). Hooded rickshaws and open rickshaw vans (three-wheel vehicles paddled by one person) are available on some routes within the forest, for those who can afford them. Bullock/buffalo carts are generally used to transport goods. :Rickshaw or rickshaw vans are also used for this purpose. gTrucks are used on the Mymensingh-Tangail road and sometimes Eon the herringbone-brick road inside the forest with the jpermission of the forest department. f.7 The People The people of Madhupur Garh belong to three different rthnic groups: Bengali, Garo and Koch. The Bengali people are th th Al th Ga 28 the mainstream population of Bangladesh, and in relation to them, the Garo and Koch are ethnic minority communities. Although the Garo and Koch are two different ethnic groups, the Bengali generally regard both people as "Garo." But the Garo people distinguish themselves from the Koch, who are ethnically different. The Garo call themselves "Mandi" and use the name "Mandai" for the'Koch, The Koch people, however, do not use either "Mandai" or "Koch," preferring to identify themselves as Hindus, since they follow Hindu religion. The Garo people prefer the name "Mandi, " although they do not object to outsiders using "Garo." They do object to the Bengali people using "Garo" in a derogatory sense (see also Khaleque l982:7). Except for one article (Burling 1985), the name “Garo" has been used for these people in all written materials. Since these people are known as "Garo" and this name is found in the written materials, the name "Garo" instead of "Mandi" has been used in the present study. The three ethnic groups of people in Madhupur Garh differ from each other in language, religion and social organization. The Bengali language, which is the mother tongue of the Bengali people and the national language of Bangladesh, is spoken by the people in all three groups. The original languages of the Garo and Koch belong to two different branches of the Tibeto-Burman language family, but are unintelligible to each other. while recog Garo COIN! them have unti soci syst and mat] 29 Most of the Bengali people of Madhupur Garh are Muslim while the Koch are Hindu. The Bengali Hindus, however, do not recognize the Koch as Hindus. The traditional religion of the Garo is a form of animism, although. most Garos are now converted Christians. People of all three groups are agriculturists and all of them now practice wet rice cultivation. But the Garo and Koch have a tradition of swidden cultivation, which they practiced until it was banned by the government in the early 19505. The social organization, system of reckoning descent, and the system of property ownership and inheritance among the Bengali and the Koch are patrilineal, while the Garo's are matrilineal. Despite these differences, the three groups live together in the same area, and in many cases even in the same village. ;The Garo and Koch live predominantly in the interior of the ‘forest, while the Bengali live in the deforested areas along lthe forest's periphery. However, some Bengali families live (in the interior Garo villages and a few Garo families reside in the Bengali villages at the forest's edge. Most of people lliving in the national park area are Garo. The next largest igroup is the Bengali. No village is populated exclusively by ithe Koch, who usually live in the Garo villages. 1 w The Garo claim, and the other people believe, that they J jwere the first people to inhabit the Madhupur Garh forest. The Koch people settled either at the same time as the Garo or Ga Ga 1! 30 immediately after them. But nobody knows whether the Garo and Koch people are the indigenous peoples of the area or if they came from somewhere else. Likewise, the local people do not know when they settled in this area or where they came from. In the absence of any reliable written historical evidence, it is impossible to reach any conclusion on the settlement of human population in this forest (see Chapter 6, for details). Besides the Madhupur Garh area, the Garo also live in the northern part of Mymensingh district of Bangladesh and in the Garo Hills of Assam (now Meghalaya) in India. The bulk of the Garo population -- some 240,000 -- is in India (Jaswall 1984:107). The estimated Garo population of Bangladesh, including those living in Madhupur Garh, is about 100,000. About one-fourth of this population live in Madhupur Garh iforest. The total Garo and Koch population figures are only estimates, since they were lumped together in the census ‘reports under "tribals." There is no way to know how many (people are in which group. In addition, the Koch people are often enumerated in the census under Hindus, since they ‘identify themselves as Hindus. Since the Bengalis are also ‘Hindus, it is difficult to define the Koch population of Bangladesh. Based on a discussion with local people and the ,local administrative circle, the principal researcher has estimated that the Koch population in the entire Madhupur Garh (forest may be two to three thousand and the number of those K0! th th in 31 living within the national park area may be 400 to 500. The Koch population was much larger in the past, but the bulk of these people migrated.at.different times to India (see Chapter 6, for details). Like the Garo, the Koch people also live in the northern part.of the Mymensingh.district.of Bangladesh.and in Assam (now Meghalaya). But no population data for those areas was available. Bengali immigration has been a relatively recent phenomenon, occurring since the turn of the present century, and largely during the middle of the this century. Most Bengali settlers have migrated from the villages surrounding the forest (see also Chapter 6). 2.8 Summary Madhupur Garh forest is located in the central region of Bangladesh and covers a total area of 300 square miles. It is a reserved forest and part of it is a national park. The forest is important for its timber, used mainly for home building, and for fuelwood. The forest lands with trees are higher than the surrounding floodplain. The tree-covered higher lands are used.by the forest residents for building their homesteads and growing pineapple and other crops (previously for shifting cultivation by the Garo). Low-lying lands are used for wet rice cultivation. 32 People of three different ethnic groups live in this forest. Two of these groups -- the Garo and Koch -- are the original residents” The other group -- the Bengali -- settled more recently. The Bengali people represent the mainstream population of Bangladesh and live mainly in the deforested areas along the forest's periphery. The Garo and Koch live predominantly in the interior parts of national park area. on la resom in p: be 9: anoi Fori gem tem out rev the CHAPTER 3 A REVIEW OF LITERATURE ON LAND AND TREE TENURE The purpose of this chapter is to review the literature on land and tree tenure issues and problems related.to natural resource management and development in general, and forestry in particular. Available literature on the above topics may be grouped into the following three categories: 1. General:- those which deal with the whys of the problem and issue of land and tree tenure. That means, why the tenurial issue is important in forest and other natural resource management and development. 2. Case Studies:— those which.deal with the hows of the problem, i.e. how insecurity of land and tree tenure poses serious problem in forest resource management. Specific cases of conflict between government forest departments and forest dwellers over the issue of use rights on forest land and treeSjprovide evidences of this problem. 3. Analytical:- those that deal with what to do for a systematic study of this problem, i.e. suggested approach and guidelines for the study of land and tree tenure. Considering various regions in the developing world, another category, "regional" could. be added. In fact, Fortmann and Riddell (1985) have used only two categories -- general and regional -- in their annotated bibliography on tenure. For the purpose of the present study the categories outlined above has been used and literature was taken for review from across the regions, with particular reference to the Indian Subcontinent. 33 3. 34 3.1 General Literature The most common point in the general literature is that the tenurial issues are very important in natural resource management and development in general, and they are especially crucial in the case of forest resources (Raintree 1987, Fortmann and Riddell 1985). Cernea (1985a:16) writes, Experience indicates that many of the problems of land degradation, soil erosion, overgrazing, and deforestation are traceable to forms of land tenure, ownership, and use which require drastic changes, despite political and other difficulties. Alienation.of forest dwellers from forests due largely to insecurity of land tenure is now widely recognized (Guha 1983, Cardozo 1983, Kulkarni 1983, Commander 1986) as the most important underlying cause of the rapid depletion of forest resources in the Indian Subcontinent. The same is perhaps true everywhere in the developing world. Providing secure tenure for forest communities, who are often regarded by the state as "encroachers," is now recognized as the most important prerequisite for the protection, management and development of forests (Rambo 1984). Security of tenure is also viewed as a necessary precondition for the success of social forestry programs (Barnes et a1. 1982) and of agroforestry projects (Fortmann 1985, Bruce and Fortmann 1987, Riddell 1987). In addition, :he importance of secure land and tree tenure has been 1ighlighted in the writings on common property resources. A general conclusion is that the protection, management and de\ cei tel ha re tr fc 35 development of common property resources are viable under certain institutional arrangements, and secure land and tree tenure is one of those institutional arrangements. The importance of secure land and tree tenure for women has also been emphasized in the literature on gender relations. The need for ensuring women's access to land and tree resources has been considered vital to the success of forest management and development (FAO-SIDA 1987, Agarwal and Anand 1982, Hoskins 1980). It has been argued that "trees are important in rural economies largely as a result of the uses to which they are put by women" (FAO~SIDA:2). Generally, it is women, not men, who collect, transport and use fuelwood, who gather fruits and nuts, and who make medicines and other products from woody materials. Furthermore, it is the women who have accumulated the traditional knowledge about the foods ‘and other household products that trees can supply (FAO-SIDA 31987:5). A discrimination between genders in many societies with respect to rights to land and trees has been considered one of the major constraints to women's participation in gforestry. Providing women with secure land and tree tenure on .an equal basis with men has, therefore, been recommended for ‘ensuring' their participation in tree growing and tending lactivities (FAO-SIDA 1987, Hoskins 1980). L The publication of two books -- Fortmann and Riddell j(1985) and Raintree (1987) -- unveiled two important tenurial gissues: (a) land and tree tenure are often inseparable but 36 they may be distinct from each other; and (b) customary and statutory tenure may exist simultaneously but there is an almost universal conflict between them. The issues and problems concerning land and tree tenure, along with case studies, are the salient themes of W (Raintree 1987). In his review of this book, Atherton (1988:299) writes, "of the land and tree tenure relationship, it may be said that readers of this volume will gain a new appreciation of the complexity of the topic." More documentations of actual cases on the issues and problems raised in Fortmann and.Riddell (1985) and.Raintree (1987) are, however, still needed to understand these subtle factors in land and tree tenure. The research needs and priorities have been summarized by Bruce and Fortmann (1987:387-400). They emphasize the need for both "documentary" and "explanatory" research. Bruce and Fortmann (1987:387) maintain that documentary research is necessary "because we knOW'SO little about existing systems of land tenure and more particularly tree tenure." And explanatory research is required, because, in their view, "we know even less about the dynamics of the interrelationships among land tenure, tree tenure, agroforestry and other technologies, ecology and other variables." The materials listed by Fortmann and Riddell (1985) as "general" and those of similar nature which came later and referred to in this section, played a significant role in gi 37 generating an awareness among scientists, forest managers and policy planners. The role of these writings may be compared with that of an alarm clock which, by making the same sound repeatedly, wakes us up. Their writings also played a vital role in providing new directions for sustained forest management. 3.2 Case Studies If the role of the general writings are an alarm clock, then cases of conflict are the alarmtbell ringing virtually in every part of the developing world. In fact, these case studies have created a real awareness -- the alarm must be switched off if forest resources are to be protected for the people who are living today as well as for those of tomorrow. A survey of literature on conflict between the state and local people over the rights to land and trees suggests that the story begins the same way everywhere. Conflict between he state and local people becomes inevitable in situations here resources are scarce, both parties are interested in hem, and the rights to these resources are claimed by both arties. As the supreme authority, the state generally tends 0 control these resources and ignores the local people's raditional rights. When the local people find that their laims to the resources they used previously is ignored.by the tate and also that their survival is threatened, they are ompelled to protest against the state's control. The state, 38 on the other hand, tends to strengthen its control. The local people, then, fight back, sometimes with violence, when they fail to keep their rights. The most widely known contemporary movement, called the Chipko movement in the Kumaun Division of the central Himalayan forests in Uttar Pradesh of India, is a classic example of a conflict between the state and the local people (Guha 1983, 1988; Tucker 1984). The ghipkg movement is, according to both Guha and Tucker, the second phase of the original movements that began with the reservation of forests in 1911-1917 in this division by the British colonial rulers. The reservation process met with protest and social movements in 1916 and 1921. Both years witnessed a number of forest fires set by local people as a protest to the new restrictions on their traditional rights. t But in the face of the people's movement to establish ltheir traditional panchayat (village council) control over the forests, the forest department had to de-reserve certain ‘forests in 1922, and had to reclassify them as "civil forests" and return them to the village panchayat. Since the 19705 local control of forest dwellers has again been threatened (Tucker 1984) so the panchayat again organized a social émovement, which is known as the Chipko movement. The women of Ethe local community resorted to the Chipko movement in 1978 ‘when the forest dwellers realized that the exploitation of the 'forests by the forest department was causing hardship to the Ice: in att vil tha dwe tr: of fl _ ..H——_~.._. ..- . 39 local people. These women succeeded in stopping tree felling in. the remaining' forests by' hugging‘ the trees 'whenever attempts were made to cut them. The forests managed by the villagers are now, according to Guha (1983), more productive than the reserved forests of this area. Cases of forest fires as a show of protest by the forest dwellers against the restrictions imposed upon their traditional use rights, can also be discovered in other parts of the world. A well-documented case study of the Spanish Americans of Santa Fe, New Mexico, presented by Knowlton (1976) is a good example. In this case, as in the Kumaun case of India, the Mexican Americans perceived that their long- existing rights were not recognized when national forests were set up in 1900 by the United States Forest Service. Although the local people were able to use the national forest resources for livestock grazing until World War II, restrictions were imposed in the late 1950s. When all the attempts by the Mexican Americans to persuade the Forest Service to revise its new regulations failed, they began protesting against the restrictions by setting fires to the national forests. .A conflict does not always manifest itself in forest fires or in revolt and organized movements; it manifests itself in other forms as well. People may destroy forests to clear land to be claimed for agricultural use. This happened in the taungya plantation (the system that combines 40 agriculture with tree plantation) in various places of the world (Riddell 1987, Fortmann and Bruce 1988), and in Nepal when the forest was nationalized and a forest department was set up in the late 1950s. The people of Nepal "felt that the government was taking the forest" from them and they, therefore, cleared forest land and cultivated it to claim tenure (Stewart 1986:16). Even when people are unable to do anything to restore their rights, they may at least show silent protest by their unwillingness to cooperate with the forest department in its tasks of forest protection and development. In fact, this is happening in most forest communities -- many such cases are perhaps still unreported. Khaleque's (1985a) exploratory research on the impact of insecurity of land tenure on forest management in the Madhupur Garh forest of Bangladesh shows that as long as the local people were given tenurial security, they happily participated in forestry activities. But a conflict arose 'with forest. reservation, which, created a feeling of insecurity among the people. Being a very small ethnic minority group, these people were unable to protest against the loss of their rights with violence or forest fires. Circumstances thus led them to be alienated from the forests and made them unwilling to cooperate with the forest department. It thus appears that negative reaction to the process of reservation is common, no ‘matter 'whether’ the. policy is imp The bo1 onI ki] [39' th Tr 41 implemented by colonial rulers or by the national government. The reason for resentment among local people is the same in both situations. Resentment and negative reaction result not only from the process of reservation, but also from other kinds of government policies which produce a loss of local people's right. A good example of a conflict due to government policy on the settlement of low-land people into the Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh has been documented by Bertocci (1984), Jahangir (1979), Khaleque (1987), Mey (1978), Montu (1980), and Zaman (1982). A similar case of conflict arising out of government. policy' on forest. resettlement. occured. in ‘the Philippines (Lynch, 1983; Oxby, 1987; Eder, 1988). In both cases, the customary rights of the forest communities to their ancestral land were not recognized according to the national land tenure system. Consequently, land actually occupied by the forest communities was officially interpreted as unoccupied. A conflict arose between the government and the local people as well as between the indigenous people and the new settlers when lowlanders were resettled by the government on those lands, and the rights of the indigenous forest people to the land where they lived for many generations were ignored by the government (see the references on these cases cited above, and also Sajise 1987). The cases of conflict reviewed in this section reveal that none are unique, rather they may be regarded.as different 42 versions of the same story; These case studies do not explain the process of land and tree tenure change. But still they are'valuable, since historical events that led to the conflict have been recorded in each case. .Additionally, lessons can be learned from those instances where government and the local people have arrived at a consensus for sustained forest management. Most of the authors who describe cases of conflict also provide either (i) facts showing that when local people were granted tenurial security, they participated in forestry; or (ii) recommendations for conflict resolution. Thus for example, Guha (1983) mentions that panchayat forests in the Kumaun Division had always been well-maintained. According to Guha, this was possible because of community control over the forests. Similarly, Aquino (1982) notes that case studies of social forestry programs in the Philippines indicate that in areas where the security of tenure is disrupted, e.g., the Abra region, the incidence of forest fires increased greatly. In contrast, forest fires were reduced and tree plantings grew rapidly in areas where land tenure rights were secure, e.g., in Kalahan and Malutok. Under the Forest Occupancy Management (FOM) program implemented by Bureau of Forest Development (BFD) of the Philippines, forest dwellers were either allowed to remain on the forest land occupied by them or resettled in other parts of the forest (Payuan, 1981). Each family was gr 19 fc In 43 granted land on a 25-year lease basis (Alvarez, 1982; Lynch, 1983). These projects claim success in curbing the previous forest destruction rates (Payuan, 1981). Faced with an unworkable conservation program in Nepal after the nationalization of forests, the government revived the traditional communal systems of forest protection (Stewart, 1986). Forest lands were handed over to the village panchayat (the local administrative unit) to create community forests. At present, there are several forestry projects working in Nepal within the framework of new legislation. Granting tenurial security has been recommended in most cases where conflict continues. For example, Knowlton (1976:141) concludes that a "secure access to the natural resources of the land" can resolve the crisis in the Mexican American case. Likewise, in the Madhupur Garh case of Bangladesh, security of tenure has been recommended by Khaleque (1985a) as the most fundamental change to be made for sustained forest management and development. Howevery many factors, besides land.and tree tenure might have been involved in the process that resulted in the conflicts. Policy change based only on.a consideration.of the legal aspects of tenure is not enough. It is beyond doubt that.granting people tenurial security’is important for forest management and development, but the resolutions of the questions -- "which people?" and "how?" -- are even more important” iHence, there is no alternative to an understanding | ... 44 of the social structure along with an understanding of land and tree tenure system. 3.3 Analytical Literature To understand the land and tree tenure system of any society, Cernea (1985b) has emphasized the need to consider interacting social variables. According to Cernea (1985b:278), three sets of social variables are very important for an analysis: 1. the complex land tenure system and the processes affecting it at deep structural levels; 2. the community unit with its internal interactions, nonhomogeneous groups, and inability to act consensually; and 3. the behavioral patterns of individual farmers. Cernea (1985b) shows how the lack of a: sociological analysis "paved the way for false assumptions about land tenure" in the case of the pilot forestry program undertaken in Azad Kashmir, Pakistan, between 1978 and 1983. Without making any sociological assessment of the existing land tenure system in this area during the projects preparation stage, shamilat or community land was taken for fuelwood plantations. A social analysis undertaken by Cernea himself in 1979 and 1980 revealed significant differences between "the legal or formal status of the land and the gg facto situation." The supposedly community land, shamilat, "appeared to be, for the 45 most part, not truly community land", rather it was "operated and used as private land." Fortmann and Riddell (1985) presented a "number of conceptual tools" for analyzing land tenure in planning agroforestry projects. Land tenure rights have been considered by these authors as a "bundle" which, they maintain, "can be broken up, redivided, passed on to others and so forth." According to them, each of the rights in the "bundle" has at least three dimensions: people, time, and space. They think that an analysis of the people dimension requires one to see the rights to land as "the result of human interaction" and an "expression of social relationships." Under time dimension, one should consider the "mechanism" which exists in the social system for the transfer of rights as well as for the determination of the length of time these rights last. The authors hold that since trees mature slowly, planting them involves an "intention of possessing land," particularly when planted purposefully. With regard to space, they maintain that "each right in the bundle defines just what are the spatial dimensions of use." In their view, the rights to space can be "complicated," because the same space may be used by different people at different times for different purposes. They note, "as a general rule, the greater the alteration of the use of the land, the more people will have to be involved in acceptance of the idea." I: -— ‘ '-'T§r‘——g_ ~' _ :p-I—L 46 Aside from the above three important dimensions, the other factors considered by these authors are: transfer, tenure change and.tree tenure. .According'to them, each tenure right, with the above three.dimensions, has "an.exchange value in society," and therefore, it is important to know "what is transferred" and between "which kind of people." Regarding tenure changes, they hold that tenure rules are "dynamic" and they change with the changes in social realities. A distinction between land tenure and tree tenure has been.made by these authors, because in their view, the simple rule that "a tree belongs to the owner of the land on which it stands" may not always be true. An analytical framework for the study of tree tenure has been separately developed by Fortmann ( 1985) . The author demonstrates that tree tenure.consists.of a Wbundle of rights" and four major categories of rights make up this bundle: the right to own or inherit, the right to plant, the right to use, and the right of disposal. According to Fortmann, the other important issues to be considered in the analysis of tree tenure are: "who has what rights" and the "factors affecting who has what rights." Four classes of right holders have been identified for the purpose of analysis: the state, public groups, households, and individuals within households. Three general sets of factors were mentioned to be important, as they affect who may exercise what rights, when, m" 'J' an! na Th sh 47 and over which trees. These are: the nature of the tree, the nature of the use, and the nature of the land tenure system. The most important.point made by Fortmann is that agroforestry should not be considered only in terms of "the biological meanings of trees" and in terms of land tenure, rather "it is necessary to consider the social meanings of trees, including the norms of tree use and the long—standing body of customary law dealing with tree tenure." The dimensions and the fundamental questions outlined by Fortmann and Riddell (1985) are undoubtedly very useful. But they are still insufficient for obtaining a clear picture of the tenure change which generally takes place in response to a host of other factors. Fortmann and Riddell (1985) are aware of this fact and therefore stressed the importance of analyzing tenure change. They also recognized that changes in land and tree tenure take place "in response to changes in population pressure, economics and land use among others." However, no model has been provided by Fortmann and Riddell (1985) for the analysis of the process of land and tree tenure change in relation to changes in other factors. Dove (1985) presents an analysis of historical developments in the land tenure system in an excellent case study of the longhouse dwelling Melaban Kantu, swidden cultivators of dryland rice, in West Kalimantan, Indonesia. In this case, Dove shows how the evolution of tenure systems had been influenced by an interaction of socio-cultural change re! DO‘ be SY te 48 with the ecology of the rain forests. Historical reconstruction of land tenure systems has been considered by Dove as "fruitful." He is quite justified to think so, because in order to understand how an existing land tenure system has evolved, it is really important to study land tenure in its historical context. An ecological perspective is equally important, since land tenure systems everywhere have been associated with a process of change in the ecological conditions. The basic guidelines for an analysis and understanding of land and tree tenure have been provided in the literature reviewed in this section. The various important dimensions and factors to be considered in any analysis have also been identified. A comprehensive model is still required for the systematic analysis and in-depth understanding of the process of land and tree tenure change. 3 . 4 Summary A review of general literature revealed that an understanding of tenurial issues and problems is considered essential for natural resources management and development in general, and forest resources in particular. Insecurity of tenure has been considered to be the cause of forest dwellers' alienation from forest resources. The importance of secure tenure has been emphasized for the protection, management and development of government forests, common property resource ma pa 1c rn 49 management and development, and to ensure women's participation in forestry activities. The case studies revealed that a conflict between the local people and the state begins when the local people's traditional rights to land and tree resources are ignored by the state. The local people respond in different ways: setting fires to the forest, violence, protest, revolt and organized movement, and an alienation from the forest resources. Some of these case studies also revealed that a conflict can be resolved by providing secure tenure to the forest residents. Various dimensions of land and tree tenure and necessary conceptual tools have been provided in the analytical literature. An emphasis has been given on the understanding of tenure change and the need to consider the interactive social, cultural and ecological variables. A historical reconstruction of tenure system and an ecological perspective have been considered to be very useful for the understanding of land and tree tenure systems. A comprehensive model is still. required for ‘the systematic manalysis and in-depth understanding of the process of land and tree tenure change. CHAPTER 4 NATURE-HUMAN-IDEOLOGY INTERFACE: A THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK This chapter contains a theoretical framework for understanding the process of land and tree tenure. This theoretical framework has been developed by the present researcher by modifying Duncan's Ecological Complex model. The key propositions of this study and the operational model with operational definition of concepts have also been presented in this chapter. 4.1 Model for Understanding Land and Tree Tenure Change The underlying theme of this study is based on the emerging paradigm in which "the world is seen as composed of a highly interactive set of variables, rapidly changing and subject to a high degree of uncertainty" (Grandstaff g§_al. 1987:7, see also Jamieson 1987:94-99). This new paradigm is emerging as a reaction to the old paradigm that assumes "the world to be an orderly place subject to a great deal of control and manipulation" (Grandstaff et al. 1987:7, see also Jamieson 1987:91-94). In this study, the process of land and tree tenure change is explained in relation to the changes in the interactive social, economic, political, technological, demographic and environmental factors. A human ecological perspective is very useful to address the interaction of the above factors. jHuman 50 8C Cl 51 ecology, according to Adams (1951:39, cited in Duncan 1959:675), is ...that general subject which deals with the relations and inter- relations between nature in general and human nature in particular... from the broadest possible point of view, and with all its ramifications. The importance of human ecological perspective has been rightly observed by Duncan (1961:140), ... real problems confronting man in the contemporary world can best be illuminated -— insofar as social science can illuminate them -- by stating them and attacking them as ecological problems. A human ecological model developed by Duncan (1959) to conceptualize human-environmental interactions was chosen for this study. This framework, known as the Ecological Complex, considers four key factors involved in human—environmental interactions: Population, Organization, Environment and ‘Technology. This framework is easy to comprehend, and it has the analytical power to explain the process of social and ecological change. This model was developed more than thirty years ago, but still is used as an analytical framework in human ecology (Albrecht and Murdock 1984). Since this study is concerned with an analysis of different interactive factors, the Ecological Complex model is a good conceptual framework to comprehend the land and tree tenure change in the context of social and environmental change. 4. --u‘_- _._, _ 52 4.1.1 Duncan's Ecological Complex model According to Duncan, the main human ecological problems xcan be comprehended in terms of four "referential concepts": Population, Organization, Environment, and.Technology (P-O-E- T). The complex interplay or "functional interdependence" of the elements under these four dimensions forms his Ecological Complex (Figuree3). He claims that the social processes which produce cultural diversity and the process of social change, can be understood by analyzing the interdependence of: (a) changes in size and composition of population (P); (b) shifts in the spatial disposition or organization of competing populations (0); (c) environmental change, caused by humans or other agencies (E); and (d) introduction of new techniques (T). {Duncan (1959:683) holds that "the interdependence of factors in the adaptation of a population implies that change in any of them will set up ramifying changes in the others." 1 A Population (P) is the unit of analysis in human cology. Duncan (1959:681) defines Population (P) as a unit of observation and analysis which is "more or less ircumscribed territorially." According to Duncan, rganization (O) is "indispensable for the maintenance of ollective life , " since an individual human is unable to ecure sustenance from the environment, or as Duncan 1959:683) puts it, "unequipped to survive in isolation." In is view, a social organization is also» essential for coping ,_. v. a . .- J 53 .822 6368 5528.“. £855 m 2391 do: come mot $525 8935 285238 3133528285098229322215332833812.. _os 5:51. .32 .osoesca ”eel 292.555“. >UOLOZIUE. Hzm220~=>zm ZOPUOAOmE _ 58025? 205522 _ HZmEZOmSZm arose ézbsfixm ZOE<>mmmmO no .575 sati will incl thrc that the ind: soc: idec pot inf are imp the of. The pri mat dis res C0] 80¢ 8k ab: 63 satisfactory. Such a restricted definition of this concept will only create confusion with the established and all- inclusive anthropological concept of culture. Ideologies, as defined above, are learned by human beings through the "psychological mechanism of learning," and also that they are passed from one generation to another through the vehicle of culture. But they are not learned by individuals in isolation, rather from society as members of society. The concern for sociological human ecology is the ideology shared by all the members of society. It should be pointed out that ideologies by themselves do not directly influence society and environment, but when shared ideologies are expressed in behavior or put into action they do. The implementation of ideologies shapes the Organization (0) in jthe PETIO schema. When implemented, ideologies take the shape of customs, traditions, norms, rules and patterns of behavior. These expressed forms of ideologies are, in fact, the guiding principles of organization, the technologies, or mode of natural resource exploitation and use. The concept of "ideology" can be seen as "analytically distinguishable" from other dimensions if this concept is restricted to denote the elements of culture that are concerned with attaching an abstract meaning to things, life, society and nature; and if another notion, "shared knowledge, skill, or techniques of doing things," is employed to mean the abstract aspects of culture subsumed under Technology and to some cons: comf Comp rela circ fact peri and thai sou (lo the USE pre 64 some extent under Organization. If this distinction can be consistently kept in mind, the concept of Ideology can be comfortably used as another dimension in the Ecological Complex model. In the modified version of the Ecological Complex:model, an emphasis is given to the factor (or factors) which is (are) relatively more influential than the others in the process of circular causation. The relative importance of one or more factors is dependent on the nature of the problem and.the time period. Some factors may be more important in certain cases and at a certain point of time in that particular case. But that factor may not.be more influential than.the other factors in other cases or even in the same case at a different time. The influence. of ‘the external factors from. various sources (social, politica1.and.religious) and.at various level (local, national, regional and global) has been considered in the Nature-Human-Ideology Interface framework. 4.3 Research Questions and Key Propositions The Nature-Human-Ideology Interface framework may be useful tomdeal with the following research questions which the present study seeks to answer: 1. Why and how do changes in land and tree tenure take place and what factors are involved in the process of change? 2. Why and how does a conflict between peOple and the state result in the process of land and tree tenure change? B propos 1. Envirc involm a sitt and o relat: 2. secur: resou peopl may i when 3. aware tenur peopl factc Chang relat comm) Chan< tenu: Elem) inev of p tenu righ 9.4 eacl PUr] has def 65 Based on the above research questions, the key propositions of this study are: 1. Changes in important factors such as Population, Environment, Technology, Ideology and Organization (PETIO) are involved in the process of change in land and tree tenure. In a situation of rapidly increasing population and limited land and other natural resources, the Population factor (P) is relatively more influential than all other factors. 2. A tendency among people towards claiming permanent and secure tenure to land and trees may be less when these resources are abundant compared to population size and when people can use them without restriction. But this tendency may increase when there is a decrease in the resource base or when these resources become scarce with population increase. 3. Forest reservation creates among the forest.dwellers an awareness of, and the needs and desires for, claiming secure tenure to land and trees, which were previously used by these people without any "paper right." Although the internal factors contribute to the process of land and tree tenure change, the external factor of forest reservation may play a relatively more important role. 4. A conflict between the state and the forest dwelling communities arises in the process of land and tree tenure change, since there is a gap between indigenous land and tree tenure system of the forest dwelling communities and the elements of statutory land and tree tenure. This conflict is inevitable when people's claims, based on their own conception of property rights, are ignored by the elements of statutory tenure, which is based on a different concept of property rights. 4.4 Operational Model for an Understanding of the Process of Land and Tree Tenure Change The Land and tree tenure system may have components in each of the five dimensions of the PETIO schema. For the purpose of the present study, however, land and tree tenure has been considered an element of Organization (0), and defined operationally as the institutional aspect of social organi constr The te organ: with demog incre perma indic perm: otheJ the 1 is r othe soci mul1 col: Var ten hig Clc Pam Pit 66 organization of people. These institutional arrangements both constrain and facilitate the sustenance activities of people. The tenurial arrangements are created and nurtured by social organization. The process of change in land and tree tenure evolves with changes in social, economic, political, technological, demographic and environmental factors” For example, an increase in the tendency among people towards achieving a permanent and secure tenure to land and tree resources is indicative of changes in tenure. This tendency towards permanent and secure tenure increases with the changes in other factors/variables under each of the five dimensions of the PETIO schema. For this study, land and tree tenure change is regarded as the dependent variable and an interaction of other factors/variables, including the structural aspect of social organization, are independent variables. Land and tree tenure may be compared with a piece of multicolor fabric. The weaving of many threads of different colors in the fabric is comparable to the interplay of the various factors involved in the evolution of land and tree tenure. Threads of particular color are woven together to highlight certain designs in the fabric. However, both these closely-woven threads and the other threads woven in other parts of the fabric are necessary for the overall pattern. To examine the color-combination and the ways in which a piece of multicolor fabric is woven, one has to identify the close] thread identf are re they ; the p: model tree land mode the rela the dire 1an< Var. the 67 closely-related threads and their relationship with other threads woven in the same piece of fabric. Similarly, an identification.of the closely-related factors/variableS'which are relevant to land and tree tenure and the manner in which they are related with other factors, is necessary to examine the process of land and tree tenure change. Based on the following considerations, an operational model (Figure 5) for understanding the process of land and tree tenure change has been developed for this study: 1. the PETIO schema of the Nature-Human-Ideology Interface model; 2. the key propositions of this study given in Section 4.3; and 3. the operational definition of land and tree tenure and the process of change in land and tree tenure given above. Only the closely-related factors/variables relating to land and tree tenure change are identified in the operational model. Although the various factors/variables under each of the five dimensions in the PETIO schema are interrelated, the relationships among the various factors/variables included in the operational. model have 'been considered only' in. one direction. The direction shown in the model has been assumed by considering the plausible ways to explain the process of land and tree tenure change. The relationship between one variable/factor to another is shown by drawing lines between them. Which variable/factor is influenced by which is shown 68 825658 coco”. Becomes 95:3 8955 22E 8.» can 23 .6 389“. 2: m .591 6289 225% 6989 302.552. , £212 mozOOLOZIUE. mm: 025 u>_mz.“:.2_ oz< “CZ/42953 10 woos. 6989 2258 3:552. - 62,1253 9 83s. 3 6989 2212 mozozoa 5122525 2. muzof nokma is no longer necessary since observance of the traditional village festivals has ceased. (see Section 6.3). Although village councils for dispute resolution are still arranged by nokma in some cases, it is no longer considered by the villagers to be his responsibility. Taking the initiative to resolve disputes is not the responsibility of the new leaders either, but this duty is generally performed by them to maintain their leadership status. People also want the new leaders to intervene in dispute resolution. They feel, as told by one fifi—J' ~ --....--. ——. ~ --— _... 159 key informant, that the new leaders are more suited and efficient because of their education and knowledge of the outside world than are the illiterate traditional leaders. Dispute resolution and managing all other village affairs have always been and, in most cases, are still carried out by the village elders in a village council (which used to be arranged by the nokma but nOW'iS arranged by the new leaders). Since the imposition of external political control, however, formal authority in charge of the villages has been entitled to intervene in village affairs. During the zamindar's time, formal authority was vested in the §Q£Qd£ (the village level representative of the zamindar). After the abolition of the zamindari system, the elected member of the local administrative unit became the formal government representative. The local administrative unit, called "Union Parishad' (formerly, "Union Council") is divided into several "Wards," each of which is composed of several villages. .A link between the people of different villages under a Ward and the Union Parishad is maintained by the Union Parishad member (UPM) of each Ward. As the official local representatives of the government, the UPMs are responsible for reporting to the government the needs of the people in their respective Ward. This includes asking for funds required for village developmental projects such as small irrigation schemes, construction and repair of village roads, programs on health 160 and sanitation, and programs on education. The UPMs are also expected to take initiative for settling petty disputes among the villagers. However, they have no formal authority and power to adjudicate disputes. The only duty they are expected to perform is to arrange a village council and invite the village elders, aakma and EQQQL. and then perform the role of a mediator to resolve the dispute. The UPM also reports to the government disputes which are complex and impossible to settle in the village council, or major crimes. According to key informants, the Garo generally resolve their disputes within their own village through the mediation of either the traditional or the new leaders (see Khaleque 1982, for case studies); they rarely seek help from the UPMs. As reported by key informants, the Garo still prefer not to go court because they believe going to the court is of little help; the lawyers are unfamiliar with Garo customary law and their interpretation is not always right. In case of major disputes, primarily those concerning land right, some Garos do go to court, but such instances are rare. In the intensive study village, for example, only one case was found where the disputants went to the court when the traditional attempts to resolve their dispute over inheritance of land had failed. The Garo leaders were not (and still many are not) concerned with the outside world. The Garo sardar appointed by the zamindar were concerned only with the villages under their jurisdiction. After the abolition of zamindari system, 161 according to oral history, none of the Garo showed any interest in the position of a UPM. This meant that the Bengali people who live in the Wards which include Garo villages were elected as the UPMs. The Garo were not interested in voting either -- many of them.did not understand what voting was and why was it necessary. Eventually some Garos were to attain the position of UPM. An interview with the officials at the local Union Parishad revealed that the position of a UPM was held by a Garo in 1956. Since then there has been at least one Garo UPM (never exceeding three) out of the nine elected UPM of Arankhola Union Parishad in each five-year period. Although Garo UPM have been elected in each five-year period since 1956, before 1972 no Garo UPM had.made an attempt to be elected chairman of the Union Parishad (the chairman is the top official of the Union Parishad and is elected by the UPM of different Wards). None of the key informants could state why the Garo were not interested in the position of chairman. It seems that.the Garo UPMs were perhaps interested only in the villages under their respective Wards and not beyond that. Or, perhaps they thought that it was impossible to win election for the position of chairman because of the number of Garo UPMs in Arankhola Union Parishad had always been less than that of the Bengali UPMs. In 1972, a Garo leader, named Paresh Mri, however, competed for the position of chairman. The principal 162 researcher learned during his interview with Paresh Mri that he was inspired to compete for this position by the Garo UPMs and some of the Bengali UPMs. In addition, ParesheMri himself was confident. He thought that the popularity he earned during the distribution of relief goods to local people after the liberation of Bangladesh would help him gain support of the Bengali UPMs. But he failed in the election. After the failure of Paresh Mri, no Garo UPM competed for the position of chairman until 1988. An ambitious young college graduate Garo man competed for this position when a bi-election was held in 1988 after the resignation.of the chairman, a Bengali. This young Garo man, named.Benedict.Mangsang, was supported by some influential Bengali leaders. He is the first Garo chairman of Arankhola Union Parishad and he now holds this position. 6.9 Summary The process of change in all the factors/variables under the different dimensions of the PETIO schema are described. Major change took place in the Garo's mode of sustenance after 1950. Until prohibited by the forest department in the early 19505 , the Garo practiced their traditional swidden cultivation, known as jham, as well as wet rice cultivation. After the ban on jaam cultivation, pineapple gardens were established by some innovative people, particularly by the educated Christian Garos, on their previous jhum fields near 163 their homesteads. The practice of labor hiring and sharecropping developed among the Garo following the adoption of intensive land use technologies. Wealth became concentrated in the hands of a few. Distinction between landholder and landless emerged after the ban on jhum cultivation. In addition, new forms of leadership emerged with the social and economic differentiation of households and also due to the encapsulation of Garo society within the wider national political system. Changes in sustenance-related ideology began to take place since the advent of Christianity in the mid-19205. Education was also disseminated by the Christian missionaries, and a number of schools were established by the Catholic mission. Written historical materials suggest that this area was under the zamindars (revenue collectors and later landlords) since the Mughal period, and the cultivators enjoyed a as flog ownership right to their land. During the British period, the cultivators traditional rights to their land were ignored and land ownership was vested by the state to the zamindars. As the cultivators were burdened with an ever- increasing rent, their economic condition deteriorated. To alleviate this condition, the British rulers attempted to secure the cultivators' land tenure, but periodic amendments and regulations enacted towards this end failed to do so. In 1950, the East Bengal State Acquisition and Tenancy Act 164 entitled the cultivators to have a secured tenure of their land. But the cultivators' rights are still ignored by the state when the state itself is interested in the land. The case of the Garo is such a case. According to oral.histories, the.Garo‘were allowed.by'the zamindars to use and harvest the non-timber tree species that grew naturally and the fruit trees they planted on their homesteads and swidden fields. However, the people's right of ownership and use of trees is not recognized by the forest department. Changes in forest management took place after the takeover by the forest department. The conflict between the forest department and the Garo began when the Garo's traditional rights to their land was denied in 1951. This dispute intensified in the 19605 when a part of this forest was declared a National Park and attempts were made to evict the people from the National Park area. The creation of a rubber plantation also created a conflict. CHAPTER 7 RESEARCH FINDINGS: SURVEY AND INTENSIVE VILLAGE STUDY The research findings from survey and the intensive study of a particular village are presented in this chapter. It also contains the information gathered from the observation study and interviewing with both village-level informants and area-level key informants. 7.1 Village Size and Characteristics The spatial area of Garo villages (see Chapter 5, Section 5.4), both within the national park area and to its close proximity, generally covers approximately one to two square miles. The area of a village includes homesteads and vegetable and pineapple gardens on the higher land within the forest, patches of forest with or denuded of trees, and low- lying wet rice fields. It appeared from the list of households in the ten sampled villages that the number of households in the Garo villages ranges between 46 and 88. On average there are 68 households. 7.2 Demographic Characteristics of the Population Demographic characteristics of the population under study such as ethnic composition, gender and age composition, 165 166 religious affiliation and educational attainment are described in this section. 7.2.1 Ethnic composition and spatial distribution The population under study is composed of three ethnic groups: Garo, Koch and Bengali. The Garo people constitute 86.6% of the study population, while Bengali and Koch are 10.9% and 2.5%, respectively (Table 4). The list of Table 4 Distribution of Study Population by Ethnicity Ethnic Group Number of People Percentage 5;; """"""""""""" SI; """""""""""" 5276"" Bengali 116 10.9 Koch 26 2.5 23392;?"-"""""'""1:32?""m""""""""168;"' households in the sampled villages shows that out of the ten villages, two are populated by only Garo people. Both are located in the interior part of the national park area. The other villages are mixed.-- Garo and Bengali, Garo and.Koch or all three ethnic groups. Garo households are, however, in the majority in all of these mixed villages. The number of Muslim households are higher in the villages located in the edges (both inside and outside) of the national park area than in 167 the interior part (see Chapter 5, Table JJ. This spatial distribution suggests that the Garo households are more concentrated in the interior part of the national park. 7.2.2 Household size and characteristics A total number of 1,061 people live in the 200 sampled households. The household size ranges between two and twelve members and the average is 5.3. Garo households are generally either of two types: (1) households with a nuclear family -- consisting of a married couple and their unmarried children; and (2) households with an extended family -- composed of a married couple, their unmarried children, and the married daughters and sons with.their*respective spouses and children. One of the married daughters with her husband and children permanently live in her parents' household (see Chapter 6). The other daughters and sons with their respective spouses live in their parents' household for a certain period (varies from one to five years). They then establish their own households. According to the ideal principle of marital residence among the Garo, sons have to leave their parents' household at marriage and live in their wife's parents' household until they can establish their own household. In practice, however, some men have brought their wives into their parents' households (see also Khaleque 1987). 168 Muslim and Koch households are also either of the two types as in the Garo households, with the exception that married daughters and their husbands have their own households. Thus, households with more than one married couple were found in case of all three ethnic groups. Eighty- eight percent of all households in the three ethnic groups were found with one married couple, while 10.5% contained two and 1.5% contained three married couples. In the households where there are more than one married couple, either of the spouses of the senior couple is regarded as the ‘head. of household. 7.2.3 Gender and age composition Of the total population (1,061) in the selected households, 51.5% are male and 48.5% are female. The findings on gender composition are similar to those found by Khaleque (1983) in a complete enumeration of two Garo villages in this area. According to that study, the percentage of male and female were 52.5% and 47.5%, respectively. A distribution of population by age shows that about 50% of the population, including both males and females, is between 15 and 60 years old (Table 5). These people are considered the potential labor force. Nearly 13% of the population is 10 to 14 years old and they also participate in the labor force, but only as minor workers. This usually entails lighter jobs such as fuelwood collection and assisting 169 parents in agricultural work especially during the peak period of the agricultural cycle. These young laborers work only part-time, as some of them go to school or play when they do not have work to do. Almost 30% of the population is under ten years old, and 7.6% over 60 years old. Table 5 Distribution of Study Population by Age Age Groups Number of People Percentage (in Years) in the Sample of Total 0 - 9 317 29.9 10 - 14 135 12.7 15 - 29 269 25.4 30 - 49 220 20.7 50 - 59 39 3.7 60 and above 81 7.6 Total 1,061 100% Except for the percentage of population over 60, the distribution of population by age is similar to the findings in Khaleque's (1984a) study based on a complete enumeration of two Garo villages. In that study, Khaleque found only 2.8% of the population over 60 years. A large variation between these two studies with respect to the percentage of population over 170 60 may be due to the variations in the estimates of age made by the interviewers. The interviewers were instructed to estimate a respondent's age, particularly in those cases where the age given by the respondents themselves seemed to be too far from their actual age. Accordingly, whenever it was necessary interviewers estimated age as best as they could. Of course, the interviewers' estimates may not have been as close to the actual age as they should have been. Age of the children and unmarried boys and girls was estimated by looking at their height and physical characteristics. The age of married women was estimated by adding fifteen years (the age at which girls usually get married) to the age of her first child and then adding another one year assuming that the first child was born one year after marriage. In cases of women without children, 15 years was added to the number of years they were married. Married men's ages were estimated in the same way, but 18 years was taken as the usual age at which men generally marry. 7.2.4 Religious affiliation About 86% of the sampled population are Christian (81.1% Catholic and 4.6% Baptist). Nearly 11% are Muslim, while 2.5% are Hindu and 0.9% are the followers of an animistic belief known among the Garo as songsarek (Table 6) . All the Christian.and songsarek.people are.Garo, while all the Muslims are Bengali and the Hindus are Koch. Of the 919 Garo people 171 in the sampled households, almost 94% are Catholic, 5% are Baptist and the remaining 1% are songsarek. Table 6 Distribution of Study Population by Religious Affiliation Religious Number of People Percentage Affiliation in the Sample of Total $2.331}; """"""""""""" £23 """"""""""" £13m Baptist 49 4.6 Songsarek 10 0.9 Muslim 116 10.9 Hindu 26 2.5 ESE;1"""'"mmm'"'ITSEIMM'""""""ISS§"' The percentage of Christian population in Table 6 may be overstated, and it may not show a real picture of the belief system (see Chapter 6) . Although most Garo are overtly Christian.and alsotgo to the Christian church, many still have belief in their traditional animistic religion. Religious affiliation given by the Garo respondents for themselves and for the other members of their households might have been the verbal statement.of'the ideal.pattern, i.e., what.they thought is good to say when interviewed by a Christian interviewer. 172 7.2.5 Educational attainment Forty-two percent of the study population is illiterate, while the other 58% have an education that ranges from primary level (lst to 5th Grade) to post-secondary level (11th Grade and above). The findings show that almost 27% of the population have completed the primary level of education, but among them, 8% dropped out after completing primary level, while the others continued up to the secondary level. Again, almost 6% of the population completed the secondary level and among them.only 1.4% continued for an.educational level beyond the secondary level (Table 7) . The dropouts from school occur all along the way, but mostly after attaining the secondary level and very few people go beyond this level. The figures Table 7 Distribution of Study Population by Educational Attainment Educational Attainment Number of Percentage (Grades Completed) People of Total HEEQSSEQJWMMmm'"""ZZE"""""""ZETS'" Primary level (15t-4th) 329 31.0 Primary completed (5th) 85 8.0 Secondary level (6th-9th 135 12.7 Secondary completed (10th) 48 4.5 Post—secondary (11th & above) 15 1.4 5225"”"""""""""""I'IBEZ""""'"”133?" 173 given in Table 7 include both the people who dropped out from school after attaining a certain educational level as well as those who are still going to school. The trend evident in Table 7 is common among people in all three ethnic groups. Observation study and interviews with key informants suggest that when boys are ten to twelve years old and are able to participate in the agricultural activities of the household, they are taken out of school to engage in full time work for the household. The poorer households, which do not have the resources to hire labor for agricultural activities, have no other option. Even in the relatively wealthy households, this is done in order to save the resources that would.be required to hire labor; The girls are taken out of school during their teenage years, sometimes even before that, for marriage. 7.3 Social and Economic Characteristics of Households The social and economic characteristics of the households under study such as landholding size and income are described in this section. 7.3.1 Landholding size Considering the importance of landholding as the major indicator of social and economic status, special emphasis has been given in this study to the data on landholding size. To discern the landholding-based status, only the present holding 174 size is taken into account. The present holding size of a household includes the lands: (1) owned or occupied and presently cultivated by the household; (2) taken by it from others under usufructory mortgage (bhoggehan) agreement; (3) rented out to others for one year; and (4) given to others for sharecropping. But certain categories of lands were excluded from the holding size of a household: (a) lands given to others under usufructory mortgage (bhogrehan) agreement (see Chapter 6, for details of this agreement); (b) land rented for one year; and (c) other people's land.taken for sharecropping. In this area, as in most other parts of Bangladesh, land is generally given by the poorer households to the richer ones under usufructory mortgage (bhogrehan) agreement. The poorer households do so when they are in need of cash for their maintenance or for certain other reasons. When land is mortgaged by the poorer household, it is often difficult for them to repay the money they borrow and regain their land. Thus once land is mortgaged, it often goes to the household which lends the money for the usufructory right to this land. Even if the original owner is able to repay the loan and gets the land back, the other party can hold the land until the period of agreement is over. Usufructory right to land thus adds to the income and status of the household which enjoys this right at least for a certain.period, The land under such arrangements was, therefore, included in the holding of the household which enjoys the benefits of usufructory mortgage 175 and excluded from the holding of the household which has mortgaged it. On the other hand, rented-out land is included in the holding size of the household which has rented it out because by renting out land it earns an income, which may add to its status or be useful for investment. Although an income is also earned.by the household which.cultivates rented land, its landholding status remains lower in:relation to the landowner. The status of a household.may increase with its income, and if it does, then income variable (see Section 7.3.2) explains that status. It should be pointed out that whatever a household.can grow in the rented land is generally consumed.by its members, and it is difficult for them to save anything. However, the status of those households that cultivate rented land is considered to be higher than those households that depend only on wage labor. As stated, the wealthier households generally rent out land and they seldom lease additional land primarily because agriculture is not yet seen by most Garo as a capitalist enterprise to make profit. The Garo have had a tradition of a subsistence type of agriculture (Khaleque 1982, 1983) and this tradition is still maintained. Although the economic orientation of the Garo has changed (see Chapter 6), the investments made by peOple is limited to pineapple jplantations. It is also important.to note that lands suitable 176 for pineapple plantations are not rented out. Land rental is generally limited to wet rice fields. Land under sharecropping (see Chapter 6 for terms and conditions) was included in the holding size of the landowner. Generally, households having insufficient land sharecrop with the households having more land. Although both households share in the produce, the households with the larger landholding usually have a higher status. The sharecroppers can rarely, as in the case of rented land discussed above, save anything to elevate their status. The survey revealed.that.50% of the households do:not own or hold any land, 12.5% have a holding size of up to 0.50 acre, while the category of landholding between 0.50 and 3.00 acres includes almost one-third of the population. Only 6% hold over 3.00 acres (Table 8). The mean.holding size is 0.72 acre. The landholding size found in the survey (Table 8) seems to have been understated by the respondents. There are several reasons behind the above remark. 9 First, overall impression of the interviewers is that landholding size has been understated by almost all the respondents (the interviewers were asked to write their remarks about each household.they interviewed). Additionally, the interviewers' remarks show that landholding size of some households does not include the chala land they are occupying within the forest. 177 Table 8 Distribution of Households by Landholding Size Landholding Size Number of Percentage (in Acres) Household "37357333-""""""IBS""'""mm-"WEST?" .01 -- .50 25 12.5 .51 -- 1.00 34 17.0 1.01 -- 3.00 29 14.5 3.01 & above 12 6.0 ESE;1""'"m"""""366""""""""""163;"' According to the interviewers, some people did not state the amount of forest land they occupy; The interviewers were told by these people that their right is not recognized by the forest department and they may be turned away at any time, so they cannot say that these are their lands. Therefore, these lands were not included in the holding size of those households which did not want the interviewers to mention it. Second, it was found by the principal researcher in his general observation of the whole area that every household has at least some land within the forest for their homestead (no matter how small the size and whether people's rights to homestead land.is recognized.by the forest department). It is true that people who have homestead or other chala land.within the forest may not have low-lying baid land for wet rice 178 cultivation. However, that 50% of the households have no land at all, as found in the survey, seems to be inaccurate. Obviously, these are the people who did not report their homestead land at the time of interviewing. Third, a comparison of the pattern of landholding size found in the data collected from the intensive study village with that of the survey findings shows that the respondents in the survey understated their holding size. The distribution of landholdings in the intensive study village (Table 9) shows Table 9 Distribution of Households in the Intensive Study Village by Landholding Size Landholding Size Number of Percentage (in Acres) Household TBI'TI’TES """"""""" E""""""""""IIT§”" 51 -- 1.00 11 16.2 1 01 -- 3.00 35 51.5 3.01 -- 6.00 7 10.3 6.01 & above 7 10.3 ESEQI""""""""""'2;"""m"'"mmIBS?" that all the households have at least some land. The holding size is very low -- .50 acre or less -- in 12% of the households, while it varies between 0.51 and 1.00 acre in 16% of the cases. About 21% of households have more than three 179 acres of land. According to the survey findings, only six percent of households have a landholding size in this category. Similarly, there is a wide variation between the survey findings and intensive study village data with respect to the percentage of households with a landholding size between 1.01 and 3.00 acres -- 14.5% in the former and 51.5% in the latter (see Table 8 and 9). The mean holding size found in the survey findings is 0.72 acre, whereas it is 3.2 acres in the intensive study village data. Even if the landholding data from the intensive study village are not.perfect, they may be regarded as more reliable than the survey findings. Based on a cadastral map, all the plots of land in this village were drawn on a map and every household head was requested to identify the plot(s) owned or occupied by the household. A list of households with respective holding size was then prepared and the two most knowledgeable persons of this village were consulted to verify the holding size of each household. After verification, the list was finalized. Even these careful measures may have failed to get the true extent of landholdings if they were concealed by the people, particularly by the large landholders. 9 An understatement or overstatement of landholding during the interviewing of any survey is common throughout rural BangladeSh (see Miller and Wozny 1985:461, for the general problems involved in collecting landholding“ data. in. the 180 developing countries; and Jannuzi and Peach 1980:92-93, for the types of biases in survey data on landhloding in Bangladesh). The principal researcher learned from a discussion with two local school teachers who were interviewers in survey conducted in this area in 1983, that people in this area understate their landholding size when they understand that data are being collected by a non- government organization like private voluntary organizations and Christian churches. According to these school teachers, some people think that they may receive certain financial.help or free goods as relief if they understate their holding size. Almost everybody is interested in free goods, and the large- holders are particularly interested in low-interest loans which they can invest to grow more pineapples for market. But the principal researcher also learned from an interview'with.a forest department official that the people of this area generally overstate their holding size when any survey is conducted by the forest department or revenue department. They may think that overstating their landholding would enable them to make claims for more land if the forest department ever recognizes their rights to the land. It thus appears that people tend either to understate or overstate their holding size according to the purpose of a survey. This interpretation of respondents' behavior was also supported by a Garo leader. He explained to the principal researcher that since most people are illiterate, they can 181 hardly comprehend the actual purpose of a survey. Their responses to any inquiry are generally guided by what they think may be the purpose and not by what the interviewer is trying to investigate. The interviewers of the present study also found it difficult to make most people understand the purpose of this survey. The interviewers were trained to explain that the purpose of this survey is purely academic and not to assess landholding size or to collect information for the forest department nor to distribute any free goods or financial help. Although they tried their best, they had an impression that most respondents did not believe them. Even if the survey findings on landholding size are not quite accurate, they' provide. a general pattern. Since landholding sizes are understated by both small-holders and large-holders, there is a pattern in the understatement that preserves the order of the true landholding areas. In other words, the underestatement preserves the proportion of small to large landholders. The principal researcher has considered the need to combine different sources (such as survey, in-depth field research, and government records) for landholding data in the developing countries (see Miller and Wozny 1985:461). Inspired by the example of using multiple sources by researchers in some areas of Bangladesh (see Schendel 1981), the principal researcher endeavored to collect government 182 records on landholding. But in this case, the government records from the revenue department were of no use because this department maintains only the records related to low- lying wet rice fields. Thus no record was available from the revenue department on the Qal_a land occupied by people. Although the records of these forest lands are maintained by the forest department for both ghaaa and baaa lands in some villages, complete records for all the sampled villages were unavailable from the forest department. Although total landholding size may indicate social and economic status, the type of land owned by a household often makes a difference in this area. The households that have more low-lying land for wet rice cultivation can invest their surplus from wet rice fields to pineapple plantation, which adds to their wealth. The households that have no wet rice fields are often regarded as landless. .Although. these households may possess higher land within the forest, they will have no land if they are ejected by the forest department. Table 10 shows a distribution of households in the intensive study village by the amount of low-lying land they held for wet rice cultivation. More than half (54%) of the households do not have any low-lying land for wet rice cultivation, and more than one-third (38%) have an amount of land between 0.1 and 3.00 acres. The holding size of 7% of the households is more than three acres. 183 Table 10 Distribution of Households in the Intensive Study Village by Size of Wet Rice Field Size of Wet Rice Number of Percentage Fields (in Acres) Households ’3"TEE-1553'"""""""'§§ """""""""" 32:2” .01 -- .50 9 13.2 .51 -- 1.00 8 11.8 1.01 -- 3.00 ' 9 13.2 3.01 -- 6.00 2 2.9 6.01 & above 3 4.4 ESEQI""""""mm""'23"mm""""""133§"' The income of the households having more land under pineapple plantation.is higher than.households having smaller pineapple gardens. A distribution of households of the intensive study village according to the size of pineapple garden (Table 11) shows that more than half of the households have no pineapple garden, while one-third of all households have one to six acres of land under pineapple agroforestry. About three percent of households have large pineapple gardens, the size of which is more than six acres, while six percent have very small pineapple gardens, less than one acre. The size of pineapple gardens ranges between one and twelve acres. The median size is two acres. 184 Table 11 Distribution of Households in the Intensive Study Village by Size of Pineapple Garden Size of Pineapple Number of Percentage Gardens (in Acre) Household S'ZES'QQEEQJ """"""""" SS """""""""" £93"- Up to 1.00 8 5.9 1.01 -- 3.00 15 22.1 3.01 -- 6.00 8 11.8 6.01 & above 2 2.9 ESE;E"""""'"""""""'2§ """"""""""" 165;"- 7.3.2 Income During' the. pretesting’ of ‘the questionnaire for the survey, it was found that collecting data on income by interviewing the respondent is almost impossible. When the respondents were asked during the pretesting about their household income, most of them said they do not have any income. From previous knowledge of the principal researcher about this and other rural areas of Bangladesh, it was understood that by "income" people of this area, as in all over rural Bangladesh, mean the "cash savings" after meeting the whole year's household expenditures. This means that rice and other subsistence crops grown and consumed by the household members are not considered as income. This also holds true for money earned. by' a household by selling 185 pineapple and other cash crops. When the respondents were asked how much money they earned by selling pineapple and other cash crops during the whole year, almost all of them found it difficult to answer. Observation study and discussion with a key informant suggest that the money earned by selling crops and/or laboring is spent by the people to buy goods and services for the household. Books are not kept for such income and expenditures. People who depend on day laboring earn cash income, but they also find it difficult to remember how much money they earned or how many days they were employed. Day laborers are employed during the different stages of the agricultural cycle and particularly during the peak season of planting pineapple and/or transplanting rice paddies and.harvesting these crops. As such, day laborers are not employed throughout the whole year. They may find jobs in some months and nothing in others. Even in the months they are employed, they may only work some days of the week. Since most day laborers have to spend their earnings to maintain their families, it is hardly possible for them to save. It was difficult to get any information on income even from the wealthy households that are able to save cash. When these households were identified and.asked about their income, the respondents either did not give any information or the amount stated by them was too low compared to their landholding size. Incomes were understated either because 186 they forgot their income or they consciously concealed their actual income for fear of taxes. The average annual household income in this area mentioned in Harbison §t_§l. (1989) is 2,000 Taka (US$ 60). This figure is likely based on an approximate amount given by the respondents, who either miscalculated their income or deliberately understated it, or the stated income may have been the amount they saved. Observation study suggests that an annual income of only 2,000 Taka (or a monthly income of only 170 Taka) is far too low. It is impossible for the members of any household (the average size of which is 5.3 persons) to survive on such a low income. The average gross annual household income mentioned by Khaleque (1984) is 21,000 (about US$640), which is perhaps a closer approximation, but still it seems to have been based on the amount understated by the respondents. Under the above situation, questions on income were dropped from the interviewing schedule after pretesting. To obtain a general pattern of income, case studies were made in the intensive study village. Ten households were selected from different landholding groups, given in Table 8, according to the proportion of households in each landholding group. To find the range of income, the household with the lowest and highest landholding size were included in the case studies. Based on a discussion with the household head in each case, a potential gross income of their respective household was then 187 calculated. The following points were considered during the discussion: 1. present landholding size, including different types of land, and the total land under cultivation for growing different crops; 2. potential yields of different crops from each type of land under cultivation, and the present market value of these crops; and 3. potential income from laboring in other people's rice fields and pineapple gardens by taking into account the average number of person days of employment usually available during the whole year, and the average daily wage rates for these work. A potential net income was then calculated by subtracting the potential costs involved in producing different crops. The labor invested by the household members in their own agricultural work was included in the costs. An amount of annual household income was determined for each household under case study by taking either, (a) the figure of potential income calculated in the above manner, if it was agreed upon by the household head as a close approximation of their actual income; or (b) an amount, lower than but closer to the figure of potential income suggested by the household head. It is important to note that the medium and large landholders suggested an amount lower than the calculated potential income, while the smallholders thought that the calculated amount is about the same as their actual income. A percentage distribution of these ten case studies shows that the annual income of 30% of the cases is under 10,000 Taka and another 30% is between 11,000 and 20,000 Taka, while 188 40% of the households have an annual income between 21,000 and 30,000 Taka. In one-tenth of the cases it is above 30,000 Taka (Table 12). The annual household income ranges between 6,000 to 80,000 Taka. The mean and median annual income are 22,200 and 15,500 Taka, respectively. Table 12 Distribution of Ten Cases in the Intensive Study Village by Annual Household Income Annual Household Income Percentage (in Taka: US$1= 33 Taka) Less than 10,000 30 11,000 -- 20,000 40 21,000 -- 30,000 20 30,000 and above 10 Total-”100% 7.4 Social and Economic Differentiation of Households Landholding size and income of households are the measures of social and economic differentiation. In general, landholding size is considered as the major criterion for the social and economic status of a household in the rural areas of Bangladesh. Since the majority of the rural population is exclusively dependent on agriculture, the household income largely’ depends on landholding sizes .Although. achieved attributes like education, leadership, and a position in the 189 local administrative unit or in a rural school may add to one's social status, these attributes themselves are rarely recognized as the symbols of social and economic status of the households. However, these attributes are often dependent on the opportunities, which in turn, depends on landholding. More lands provide more wealth and more wealth means more opportunities. The social and economic differentiation that began to be accentuated with the development of wet rice cultivation and the ban on jhum cultivation (see Chapter 6, Section 6.8.3) became constant. Today, both the economic and social status of the landless households is at the bottom of the scale and households with less than one acre land are considered poor; those having one to three acres of land are regarded as the medium-landholding group. Households with a holding size of more than three acres are well-off, while those over six acres are the wealthiest. The social and economic status of the households with more land under both wet rice cultivation and pineapple agroforestry is higher than those with less land under both categories. Case studies revealed that households with more pineapple gardens are also the households with more wet rice fields. The case study of the ten households mentioned in Section 7.3.2 revealed that the income of a household is related to its landholding size. The history of these ten households 'Tr'wu ‘4 .1}; 190 shows that the wealthy households had more land under wet rice cultivation than the poor households, not only in the present generation but also in the past generation. The households with more land under wet rice cultivation also established more areas of pineapple gardens than did the households which had fewer wet rice fields. In addition, the number of households members who have formal schooling of one year or more is higher in the wealthy households than in the poor households. 7.5 Summary The number of households in Garo villages ranges between 46 and 88, and on the average there are 68 households. Garo are in the majority (87%) in all the study villages. The household size ranges between two and 12 members and the average size is 5.3 persons. 0f the total 1,061 people in the 200 sample households, 51.5% are male and 48.5% are female. Half the population, including both genders, belong to different age categories between 15 and 65 years: this was considered the active labor force. Among the Garo, 94% are Catholic, 5% are Baptist, and the remaining 1% follow the traditional Garo religion, known as songsarek. Fifty-two percent of the study population is illiterate, while one quarter of the jpopulation has an educational level up to and above 5th grade (which is necessary to be considered educated). 191 Landholding size, including both higher and low-lying land within the forest, of more than a quarter of the households of the intensive village is no more than one acre, while one-fifth of the households have more than three acres of land, iMore than half of the households have a holding size between one and three acres. More than half (54%) of the households of this village do not have any wet rice fields, while only 7% of the households have more than three acres of land for wet rice cultivation. More than half (57%) of the households do not have any pineapple gardens. A wide income range, 6,000 to 80,000 Taka (US$180 to 2,500) was found in the distribution of the 10 households selected from the different landholding groups in the intensive study village. A social and economic differentiation of households has resulted from the variation in landholding size and income. The status of the households with more wet rice fields and pineapple gardens is higher than those which have less land under both categories. CHAPTER 8 ANALYSIS OF RESEARCH FINDINGS This chapter analyzes the research findings presented in Chapter 6 and 7 and introduces and analyzes new information. To explain the process of land and tree tenure change among the Garo of Madhupur Garh, the role played by the various interactive factors/variables under each of the five dimensions in the PETIO schema has been analyzed. The trend of increase or decrease in one factor/variable and the corresponding increase or decrease in the closely related factor/variable has been shown from the time for which historical (written or oral) information was available to the present. The trend of change has been analyzed as a continuous process. 8.1 Population This section analyzes: (a) the relationship between the trends of changes in population size and forest cover (Proposition 1); and (b) the relationship between changes in population size and the development of intensive land use technologies (Proposition 2). 8.1.1 Population size and forest cover As stated in Chapter 6, it is difficult to ascertain the changes in population size of the national park area from the 192 193 available. records (see Section 6.1). However, a rapid increase in population size of the whole forest, including the national park area, between 1962 and 1974 is evident from the census reports of 1961 and 1974. The population of Arankhola Union Council/Parishad, which includes the national park area, increased by 142% during 1961 and 1974. A trend of increase in population size of this Union Council/Parishad is evident in the census reports from 1951 to 1981 (Chapter 6, Table 2). But compared to a 60% increase between 1951 and 1961 and a 20% increase between 1974 and 1981, the rate of increase was the highest between 1961 and.1974w The large scale immigration of the Bengali people to the forest.during 1962 and 1974 explains the rapid increase in population size of Arankhola Union Council/Parishad. It is, however, difficult to determine the number of people increased specifically within the national park area, since data in the census reports relate only to the whole area of Arankhola Union Council/Parishad. The trend of population increase is also evident from.the results of an enumeration of households within the national park conducted by the forest department in 1962 and 1974 (see Chapter 6, Section 6.7). The number of households within this area increased from 542 (483 Garo and Koch households and 59 Bengali households) in 1962 to 1045 (700 Garo and Koch households and 345 Bengali households) in 1974. The information on the increase in the number of households does not provide the exact population size. The 194 increase in households might have been the result, at least partially, of an establishment of separate households by the children (now adults) of the households counted in 1962. The population may have increased when the adult children of the original households established their own households and had their own children. Unfortunately, it is difficult to quantify the increase in population based on the increase in households. In addition to the natural increase in the number of households counted in 1962, immigration of the Bengali people to the forest area contributed to the increase in households. In fact, an almost six-fold increase in the number of Bengali households between 1962 and 1974 can hardly be explained by resettled progeny. Settlement of new Bengali households during this period was obviously the main reason behind such a high rate of increase in the number of households. An increase in the settlement of Bengali people during the period between 1962 and 1974 is evident from oral histories (see Chapter 6, Section 6.1). A large number of Bengali people settled in the forest in 1965 and 1971. In both years, many Koch and Garo households emigrated to India (see Chapter 6, Section 6.1). The number of Bengali immigrants was relatively much higher than that of emigrant Koch and Garo households. Some of the Garo people who emigrated to India returned to Madhupur Garh when the India- Pakistan war of 1965 and the liberation movement of Bangladesh 195 in 1971 were over. But the immigrated Bengali households remained in the forest. In the absence of any data on the emigration of the Garo and Koch people or on the natural increase among them, it is difficult to ascertain the rate of increase in Garo and Koch population. It is, however, obvious that the number of Garo and Koch households that did not emigrate to India increased with a natural increase in. population“ 'The change in population sizeaof the intensive study village shows the trend toward population increase. The number of people in this village increased from 267, counted in 1980 by the principal researcher, to 396 in his 1990 count. An almost 50% increase in population during this decade was largely due to natural increase. Migration contributed very little to this increase. Two of the households found in 1980 moved from.this village to another village, but two new households settled in this village during this period. The findings on changes in population size relate to different levels (Arankhola Union Council/Parishad, national park area and the intensive study village) and different time scales from 1951 to 1990. A trend of steady increase, however, is evident at all levels and at different time periods. Due to lack of data, it was not possible to determine the trend of increase before 1951. Based on the oral histories, it. may' be assumed. that. population. also increased in the pre-1951 periods. However, the rate of 196 natural increase was perhaps lower in the pre-1951 periods, due to a higher mortality rate resulting from the epidemics of malarial diseases coupled with the absence of health services. Presumably, the rate of increase in population size due to immigration of the Bengali people in the pre-1951 periods was also lower. According to oral histories, the Bengali people were not very interested in living in the foresta ~Most Bengali settlers who had migrated in the relatively earlier periods were compelled to live in the forest when they found that the land in their own villages was insufficient for their survival. Population pressure in the villages outside the forest has always been the most important factor behind the settlement of the Bengali people. But the problems associated with the living conditions in the forest were perhaps the reason why they were not interested in migrating to the forest. The lack of interest among the Bengali people is evident from the fact that they did not respond to the zamindars' invitation to them for settlement in the forest. It may be noted that the conversion of the unused low-lying land within the forest was always encouraged by the zamindar, since the use of these lands by peOple gave the zamindars land revenue. Although wet rice fields were established by the Garo, they were more interested in shifting cultivation. As there were low-lying lands still remaining unused, the settlement of the outsiders to the forest was always encouraged by the 197 zamindars. The Bengali people, however, increasingly tended to immigrate to the forest when they found: (1) their fellow ‘villagers were doing well in the forest; (2) malarial diseases were under control; and (3) the transportation network that linked the forest with outside areas was more developed than before. These changes came slowly, and the number of the Bengali people in the forest also increased slowly' but steadily in the pre-1951 period. After the abolition of the zamindari system in 1951 (see Chapter 6, Section 6.5.1), the Bengali people perhaps discovered that forest lands can be occupied without paying the royalty that was required during the zamindars' time. This may have motivated many Bengali people to immigrate to the forest area. The emigration of the Koch and Garo households during this period (see Chapter 6, Section 6.1) created an Opportunity for these Bengali people to settle in the forest" Presumably, the tendency of the Bengali people to immigrate to the forest area increased to a greater extent when they found that their settlement in the forest would enable them to grow pineapple as a cash crOp. This may be another factor responsible for the rapid increase in population in the period after 1961, as mentioned earlier. The steady increase in population size had a negative impact on forest cover. Although the Garo and Koch people adopted an intensive mode of sustenance (wet rice cultivation), they still practiced their traditional mode of 198 sustenance (jhum cultivation) until 1950 (see Chapter 6, Section 6.4). The Garo claim that the practice of their jhum cultivation did not cause any damage to the forest. But according to forest department sources, jhum cultivation destroyed the forest (see Chowdhury, M.R. 1957). Shifting cultivation may not have been harmful for the forest as the Garo claim, and perhaps it did not cause a rapid destruction of the forest as long as the rotation cycle was sufficient for the regeneration of tree species. Presumably, damages were caused by shortening the rotation cycle, perhaps to accommodate an increase in the number of the shifting cultivators in an area where land suitable for such cultivation was limited. The large-scale settlement of the Bengali people contributed to an ongoing depletion of forest resources. These new settlers did not practice shifting cultivation, but the clearing of new forest area for their homesteads caused a decrease in forest cover. Unfortunately, no official record was available on the rate of decrease in forest cover due to shifting cultivation and clearing new areas for homesteads (see Chapter 6, Section 6.2). The data gathered by the principal researcher from the aerial photographs of this forest taken by the government in 1975 and 1983, however, showed a trend of decrease at least for that particular period. These data (see Chapter 6, Table 3) revealed that during this eight-year period, forest cover 199 decreased by 36%, while settlement area increased by 87.5%. A rapid increase in settlement area is related to a rapid decrease in forest cover. These settlement areas are located within the tree-covered higher land within the forest (see Chapter 2, Section 2.4), so they must have been created by clearing the forest" .An increase in the agricultural land and denuded areas by 10% (see Chapter 6, Table 3) also suggests a decrease in forest cover. The suitable low-lying areas within the forest for wet rice cultivation are limited (see Chapter 2, Section 2.4), so there cannot be an increase in the agricultural land. An increase in low-lying agricultural land was the result of an extension of wet rice fields by some peopleu These people cleared the forest adjacent to their wet rice fields and converted those lands to wet rice fields (see Chapter 2, Section 2.4). The denuded areas within the forest were also created by the residents. The denudation of these areas may be due to: (1) the residents' deliberate attempts to clear forest and later occupy the lands for cultivation (to grow wet rice or pineapples); (2) grazing of animals by the residents or outsiders; (3) cutting trees to meet the needs for fuelwood and other forest products; and (4) illegal tree-felling by the residents or by the outsiders. Due to the lack of data, it is difficult to ascertain which factor was more responsible for destruction of forest. All these factors are, however, related to an increase in population size both within and 200 outside the forest. The trend toward population increase before 1974 and the trend of decrease in forest cover after 1975 suggest that the settlement of a large population in the forest has been responsible for a rapid depletion of forest resources . 8.1.2 Population size and intensive land use technologies No information was available on the inception of wet rice cultivation among the Garo of Madhupur Garh nor on the proportion of Garo households that first adopted this technology. Information gathered from key informants, however, revealed that wet rice was cultivated at least since their grandparents' generation, and that this technology was initially adopted by some households (see Chapter 6, Section 6.4). Key informants were unable to give any idea about the rate of increase in the number of households that adopted.this technology at different times, but they think that the number gradually increased rather than decreased. None of the key informants or the informants could recall any case of discontinuation of wet rice cultivation by any household after adopting this technology. According to the estimates given by key informants and the village-level informants, 80-90% of all Garo and Koch households in different study villages practiced wet rice cultivation in the period before the ban on jhum cultivation in 1951. Since 1951, wet rice cultivation has been practiced 201 by all the households that have wet rice fields. The households that have no wet rice fields are involved in wet rice cultivation either as sharecroppers or as wage laborers. The reasons why earlier generations adopted wet rice cultivation are unknown to key informants. But they think that the same factors that motivated the people in their own generation to adopt this technology led their predecessors to adopt it. In their own generation, they found that an increase in family size led many households to practice wet rice cultivation to supplement their produce from. jhum cultivation. The advantages of wet rice cultivation, e.g. the same field can be cultivated every year, were also given by key informants as another reason why this technique was adopted. Some households established more wet fields than they required for immediate subsistence. It was reported by key informants that the households that had the labor power to establish larger amount of wet rice fields generally did so. Key informants guessed that since these households were large, people may have established larger wet rice fields to ensure that all their children would receive enough land when they established their own households. It was also suggested by some key informants that the people who established more wet rice fields than their requirements wanted to be wealthier than others. However, it was not known to key informants whether this tendency to establish more wet rice fields than 202 immediate requirements was found among people right from the beginning of wet rice cultivation. It is difficult to reach any conclusion on the basis of key informants' guesses. Either an ambition to become wealthy or a concern for future generations, or both might have been the goal of establishing’ more ‘wet rice fields by some households than they required for immediate subsistence. Thus, it. may be assumed that. both, immediate jpopulation pressure and a concern for future population pressure might have motivated the Garo to adopt wet rice cultivation. The development of pineapple agroforestry followed a different path (see Chapter 6, Section 6.4). Inn‘wet rice cultivation, surplus labor was employed.toiconvertuunused low- lying land into wet rice fields by the households that grew. The need for investments other than labor was minimal. In pineapple agroforestry, on the other hand, capital investment was required in addition to labor. The lack of capital prevented some households from establishing pineapple gardens, even if those households had their own labor to invest. Thus establishing pineapple gardens was not possible by some households even though a surplus labor was available and a population pressure was felt by those households. Pineapple agroforestry was adOpted by some households that were not under population pressure but had the capital to invest“ Thus there is no apparent association between population pressure and the adoption of pineapple agroforestry. 203 As in the case of the development of wet rice cultivation, an apprehension of a future population increase crisis might have motivated the educated Christian Garo to establish pineapple gardens. It is, however, difficult to ascertain the role of this factor on the development of pineapple agroforestry. Research findings suggest that population increase played a role in the development of wet rice cultivation in certain cases. The population factor might have influenced some households to establish more wet rice fields than they required, although it is difficult to ascertain the role of the population factor in those cases. The role of an increase in population size is not clear in the case of the development of pineapple agroforestry. 8.2 Environment This section contains an analysis of the relationship between external control and the development of more intensive use of land within the forest (Proposition 3). As stated in Section 8.1.2, wet rice cultivation was practiced by 80-90% of the Garo and.Koch.households before the ban on jhum cultivation by the forest department in 1951. Thus, it is difficult to establish any relationship between prohibition on jhum cultivation by the forest department and adoption of wet rice cultivation in the case of these 80-90% households. However, in the case of the other 10-20% households, the ban on jhum cultivation that was accompanied 204 by the strengthening of external control, has been responsible for the adoption of wet rice cultivation. The ban on jhum cultivation was also responsible for the discontinuation of this cultivation technique and dependence on wet rice cultivation alone by all the households. Information related to the evolution of pineapple agroforestry shows that this technology developed in response to the strengthening of control over the higher land within the forest. After the imposition of restrictions on the use of these lands for jhum cultivation, there was a squeeze in the available land area for the Garo. They became dependent only on a small amount of higher land near their homestead that they previously used for jhum cultivation, while most other outlying jhum fields were taken by the forest department for afforestation. Thus the Garo had to depend on the limited amount of higher land they occupied near their homesteads and the low-lying wet rice fields. Initially, people used their limited higher lands to grow vegetables then later converted to growing pineapple (see Chapter 6, Section 6.4). The availability of a market for pineapple and other crops grown in.the pineapple gardens played.an important.role in the development of pineapple plantations. Pineapples grown in Madhupur Garh, it may be noted, captured the local markets in the urban centers of Nymensingh and Tangail, as well as the largest market in Dhaka city. A good transportation network between.Madhupur Garh and these urban centers facilitated the 205 expansion of a market for pineapple. The squeeze in the area of available land due to the imposition of restrictions on the use of previous jhum fields may, however, be regarded as one of the important factors behind the initial development of pineapple agroforestry. The educated Christian Garos found that.growing pineapple would enable them continuous use of the limited lands to grow more than one crOp, including pineapple as a cash crop. Besides the short-term goal of growing pineapple as a cash crop, a long-term.objective of land ownership acted as an underlying factor for the establishment of pineapple gardens. The educated Christian Garos understood that continuous cultivation of land would enable them to claim the right of possession and usufruct (if not ownership), according to the statutory land tenure system of Bangladesh. Pineapple gardens were, therefore, established by some Christian Garos towards this end. This tendency toward securing rights over previously cultivated jhum fields developed in response to the prohibition on the use of these land instituted by the forest department (see also Section 8.5.2). Thus, the ban on the use of higher lands in the forest and an increase in external control was related, both directly and indirectly, to the development of more intensive land use technology among the residents. 206 8.3 Ideology This section analyzes the association between changes in sustenance-related ideologies and the adoption of intensive land use technologies (Proposition 4). Changes in sustenance-related ideologies and economic orientation among the Garo began to take place with their contact with the Bengali wet rice cultivators, conversion to Christianity, spread of education imparted by the Christian churches, and exposure to the outside world. The ideology related to the use of land among the neighboring Bengali people emphasizes the tapping of this resource as much and as quickly as possible. Presumably, some Garo were influenced by this external ideology‘ before the adoption of ‘wet. rice cultivation, while the traditional Garo ideology still persisted. The traditional Garo ideology, as opposed to the external Bengali ideology, is based on the belief that nature has provided them land to be used for subsistence and it should be used in such.a manner that the people in the present generation as well as those in the future generation can re- use this resource. As explained by one key informant, the concern for a re-use of land motivated the Garo to plant trees, or at least to help them regenerate, on the jhum fields they abandoned after a three-year cultivation period. However, most Garos were perhaps influenced by the external ideologies related to sustenance activities. These changes in 207 sustenance-related ideology, however, took.place very slowly. Wet rice cultivation also developed slowly. As reported by four key informants, some Garo did not like wet rice cultivation even after this technology was adopted by others in their society. Wet rice cultivation itself and the rice grown in the wet fields were considered by the people who did not like this cultivation technique as "dirty" or "unclean." These people, according to these four key informants, used to think that wet rice cultivation involved work to be done in the muddy fields, which are "dirty," and the rice that grows in such "dirty" fields also becomes "dirty," as it often falls on the muddy ground before harvesting. When this rice is dehusked by using cattle power (the technique learned by the Garo from the Bengali people), it becomes "dirty" or "unclean," as cow-dung and urine often fall on the rice at the time of dehusking. According to key informants, peOple's attitude toward wet rice cultivation. changed. with. changes in ‘their economic orientation. While solely dependent on jhum cultivation, the Garo had a subsistence economy, but.a market-oriented economy emerged among them with the development of wet rice cultivation. The emergence of this economic orientation created an incentive to invest money and exploit labor for field cultivation. Christian missionaries came at a time when changes in sustenance—related ideologies and economic orientation among 208 the Garo were slowly taking place. In addition to preaching Christianity, the missionaries played the role of a change agent. The goal of the Christian missionaries was to help the Garo to improve the quality of their life. Dissemination of formal education and practical training was chosen by the ‘missionaries as a strategy to change the economic ideas of the Garo (see Chapter 6, Section 6.3). In addition, the Garos were motivated and helped by the missionaries to grow pineapple as a cash crop. The trend toward a gradual increase in the dissemination of formal education by the Catholic mission is evident from the increase in the number of mission-conducted schools from only one in 1932 to 29 in 1990. The upgrading of two schools to the secondary level indicates the expansion of the level of formal educational.programs (see Chapter 6, Section.6.3). The effect of the educational programs of the Catholic mission.and other Christian churches is reflected in the proportion (58%) of the present Garo population that have formal schooling of one or more years (see Chapter 7, Table 7). The effect of education provided by the Christian missionaries hastened the process of change in ideology. It was not the contents of Christianity but the presence of Christian missionaries, who happened to be a change agent, that hastened the process of change in sustenance-related ideologies and economic.orientationn .Although.99% of the Garo are overtly Christian (see Chapter 7, Table 6) and also go to 209 the church, many still have belief in their traditional animistic religion. Change in traditional religious ideologies occurred slowly and still is an on-going process (see Chapter 6, Section16.3). However, changes in sustenance- related ideologies and economic orientation occurred rapidly and both Christian and non-Christian Garos were influenced by such changes. By virtue of their education.and.knowledge of the outside world, the Christian Garo realized by themselves and/or were :motivated.by the Christian missionaries, that they would be in danger of starvation in future if they relied on .jhum cultivation alone. Later adoption of wet rice cultivation by those Garo who did not like it might have been motivated by such an apprehension of a future crisis. Presumably, this apprehension was the factor behind establishing more wet rice fields by some households than they required for immediate subsistence. Pineapple agroforestry was adopted by the educated Christian Garos before the less-educated Christian and non- Christian Garos. Having observed the deteriorating economic conditions of the Garo after the ban on jhu_m_ cultivation, Christian missionaries were concerned about the future of these people. During the mid-1950s, the economic viability of pineapple growing was discovered by the local Catholic mission and it was thought that growing pineapple for market would help improve the Garo's standard of living. The Garo were 210 then advised by the missionaries to grow pineapple on a large scale. The mission helped the interested Garo households by providing seedlings for the initial establishment of pineapple gardens. By virtue of their education and training, the Christian Garos acquired.the:skills required for determining returns and profits. Ideas of value and importance of financial investments were also given to the Garo by the Christian missionaries. The educated Christian Garo picked up these ideas and applied their knowledge and skills in pineapple plantation. In all the study villages, educated Christian Garos were the pioneers in pineapple growing; ‘Once success in pineapple plantation was achieved by the educated Christian Garos, the others (both Christian and non-Christian) became increasingly interested in pineapple growing. But due to the lack of capital, some ‘households failed. to establish a pineapple garden even if they had the land and.the willingness to adOpt this technology. Growing pineapple on a large-scale for market began in the late-19505 and since then the number of pineapple-growing households has always increased. The history of the development of pineapple agroforestry in the intensive study village may provide an idea about the trend toward increase in pineapple growing households. Pineapple gardens were established by only one household of this village in 1958. The head of this household was a Christian Garo. He followed 211 a Christian Garo of another village who was successful in growing pineapple on a large scale. About two years later, two other Christian households followed the first household and established pineapple gardens. Then, pineapple gardens were established by a non-Christian household. Within a period of 10 years from 1958, eight of the 20 (40%) households of this village ihad established. pineapple gardens. .At present, 29 of 68 (43%) households of this village have pineapple gardens (see Chapter 7, Table 11). Although the number of households with pineapple gardens increased from eight in the late 1960s to 29 in 1990, the proportion of pineapple-growing households increased by only 3%. These data suggest that the rate of increase was slow in the period after 19605. Oral histories revealed that most of the present pineapple gardens were established after the declaration of a part of Madhupur Garh as a national park in the early 1960s. With an objective of claiming land by establishing pineapple gardens, people converted their vegetable gardens to pineapple gardens. As a result, the pace of development was rapid in the early to mid-19605. Case histories of several pineapple growing households uncovered that the households currently growing pineapple originated from the households that established pineapple gardens in the 19605. The pace of development of pineapple agroforestry was faster than that of wet rice cultivation. Wet rice 212 cultivation was a new technology to the Garo. In the earlier stage of the development of this technology, the Garo did not have sufficient.knowledge and training about this technique of cultivation. Even after acquiring knowledge of this technique by some people, others still lacked the required skills. Pineapple agroforestry technology, on the other hand, was not altogether new to the Garo. Except for the introduction of pineapple as a cash crop, this technology was, in fact, an adaptation of their indigenous technology. Growing a mixture of tree crops and agricultural crops in their jhum fields is an old Garo tradition. Thus, once the success in pineapple growing was demonstrated by the educated Christian Garos, the others adopted this technology for a continuous use of the same land for growing more than one crop, including pineapple as a cash crop. Thus, the simultaneous effect of changes in the economic orientation of the Garo and the availability of an outside market played important roles in the development of pineapple agroforestry. It is difficult to ascertain which factor was relatively more important. The changes in economic ideology, however, may have preceded the market factor. It is reasonable to argue that the availability of a market had to be tested by growing pineapple for market. The idea of growing pineappleaas a crop for market, therefore, came first. This idea resulted from the changes in economic orientation. 213 Thus, the changes in ideology and the acceptance of intensive land use technology are related. 8.4 Technology The effect of an increase in the adoption rate of intensive land use technologies (wet rice cultivation and pineapple agroforestry) on an increase in social and economic differentiation among Garo households (Proposition 5) is analyzed in this section. A distinction between wealthy and less wealthy households existed among the Garo of Madhupur Garh even when they were entirely dependent on im cultivation. This distinction, Ihowever, was accentuated.by an increase in the adoption of wet rice cultivation (see Chapter 6, Section 6.4). It is difficult to ascertain the rate of increase in the adoption of wet rice cultivation and the corresponding rate of social and economic differentiation. The trend of a simultaneous increase in both factors, however, is evident from oral histories. An analysis of oral histories suggests that an increase in social and economic differentiation resulted from the variations in the time period for adoption of wet rice cultivation by different households. Based on the research findings, it may be assumed that when the population size of the forest was smaller, there were more opportunities to get suitable land for establishing wet rice cultivation. These opportunities gradually decreased as 214 population increased. wet rice fields were established by those households that had the required labor power and whose ‘members had the 'willingness to avail themselves of the opportunities. Some of these people, as has been stated earlier, established more wet rice fields than they required. Over time, both labor power and members' willingness increased in the case of the households that did not establish wet rice fields at an earlier period» But it became difficult for them to find suitable land for establishing wet rice. As a result, the differentiation among households remained constant or became even wider with a further increase in wealth and landholding in the households that adopted this technology earlier. Due to the variation in the amount of land under wet rice cultivation held by different households at different times since the beginning of adoption of this technology, three major categories of household developed among the Garo of Madhupur Garh: (1) households with more land under wet rice cultivation than their subsistence requirements; (2) households with an amount of land under wet rice cultivation that was sufficient for their subsistence requirements; and (3) households with a very small amount of land under wet rice cultivation that was insufficient for their subsistence requirements. The variation in the amount of land under wet rice cultivation produced a variation in the amount of wealth among different households. 215 After the ban on jhum cultivation in 1951, the households that had more wet rice fields and more wealth remained wealthy, while the others became poor. Opportunities were no longer available for these poorer households to supplement their subsistence requirements from jhum cultivation. With a further increase in population of their household, many of these poorer households had to sell their land and became landless. Thus, a new category of household -- the landless - - emerged among the Garo»of Madhupur Garh after the imposition of restrictions on jhum cultivation (see Chapter 6, Section 6.4) . The differentiation of households, based on landholding size, that developed in the process of change is reflected in the present distribution of households in different villages (see Chapter 7). The landless households as well as households with small amount of wet rice fields had to earn a livelihood by selling labor and/or by sharecropping with or renting land from large landholders. The ideas of sharecropping, land renting and labor selling developed among the Garo*with.the.development of wet.rice cultivation and.their contact with.the Bengali people (see Chapter 6, Section 6.4). The large landholders found a new avenue for gaining prestige and prominence in society: giving jobs or even giving land for sharecropping to the landless and poorer people. Thus, a distinction emerged between landholder and landless, and between the giver and taker of land for sharecropping. 216 The amount of land held by different households began to be considered as the symbol of their social status. The large landholder's status began to be regarded as higher than the small landholders, since the latter became dependent on the former for both renting land and/or taking land for sharecropping. The social position of landless households began to be placed at the bottom of the scale. Large landholders achieved both social and economic status. More land meant more wealth, and more wealth meant more opportunities. An increase in opportunities enabled them to gain more wealth and more land, which in turn, helped raise both social and economic status. The already existing differentiation among different households in terms of their holding size of wet rice fields and wealth was again reflected in the variation of size of pineapple gardens established by different households. The households which had larger wet rice fields and more wealth were in a better position to invest their surplus in pineapple plantations than those households that had smaller wet rice fields and less wealth. The history of the deve10pment of pineapple agroforestry in the intensive study village supports the above statement. The development of pineapple plantations opened new opportunities for the households that had small amounts of wet rice fields but suitable forest land under their possession which they could use for pineapple growing. The lack of 217 accumulated wealth, however, prevented many of these households from availing themselves of this new opportunity. Only a very few of these households succeeded in establishing a pineapple garden, while most others had to sell or mortgage their land to meet immediate needs. Thus, the status of the households that failed to take advantage of wet rice cultivation at an earlier time and again failed to establish pineapple gardens remained the same as before or even became lower with further increase in population of their household. On the other hand, the status of the households that were in a position to avail themselves of the opportunities and succeeded in taking advantage of intensive land use technologies (both wet rice cultivation and pineapple agroforestry) continued to increase. 8.5 Land and Tree Tenure Change Change in land and tree tenure has been seen in this study as a process that begins with the tendency among people toward achieving secure land and tree tenure. A tendency toward securing land and tree tenure increases with the changes in social reality, particularly when resources become scarce. It is difficult to say when this tendency developed among the Garo of Madhupur Garh. Research findings indicate that.the tendency toward achieving secure tenure has increased among the Garo people with an increase in two factors: (a) social and economic differentiation (Proposition 6); and (b) 218 changes in government policy and strengthening of external control and restrictions on the use of forest land (Proposition 7). This section gives an analysis of Proposition 6 and 7 that state the relationship between each of the two factors with the tendency toward achieving secure tenure. 8.5.1 Social and economic differentiation of households and the tendency toward achieving secure tenure Research findings indicate. that, during ‘most of the zamindars' time, most Garo were happy with.the patta tenure to the land they cultivated (see Chapter 6, Section 6.5). .According'to the statutory tenure.system, patta tenure allowed them a temporary right of usufruct» In practice, however, the Garo enjoyed secure tenure to the land they held under this tenurial arrangement. Regular payment of revenue to the zamindar entitled them to hold land and also to pass it to their inheritors. The Garo had no gg jugs ownership to land, but due to their continuous possession and use of the same plots they virtually achieved a _d_e 1.21929 ownership (see Chapter 6, Section 6.5). As a result, they were able to buy and sell land unofficially. Although such land transactions were not recognized according to the statutory tenure system, the buying and selling were recognized by the members of society. When a more permanent tenure -- pattan —- was given by zamindars by taking a royalty as alconfirmation.of tenure (see 219 Chapter 6, Section 6.5) , most Garo did not go for this official confirmation, while some people changed the tenurial status of their land from patta to pattan. Key informants found it difficult to recall how many households changed the tenurial status of their land from patta to attan, nor do they know when or why people did it. Official records related to change in tenure were also unavailable. According to the statutory tenure system, the zamindars were expected to provide a document to the cultivators who held their land under pattan tenurial arrangement. But as in many other areas of Bangladesh, no document was given by the zamindars after taking a royalty from the cultivators. On the other hand, the Garo did not, according to key informants, try to get documents from the zamindars. They were happy with the security of tenure that they enjoyed, and did not care for a "paper right." In time, however, land documents were received by some people from the zamindars, while others still did not receive such documents. It was not possible for key informants to say how many people received land documents and how many did not, nor did they know why some people:received.documents, while others did not. Research findings from the intensive study village provide an idea about the trend in this respect. When the zamindari system was abolished in 1951, as reported by one key informant of this village, all 14 households held their jhum fields under patta tenure. Eleven of these 14 households had 220 some of their wet rice fields under pattan tenure, while the other three households had all their land under patte arrangement and none under pattan tenure. The households that had some land under pattan tenure in 1951 belonged to both large and small landholding groups, and they changed the tenurial status of their land from patta to pattan at different times. According to key informants, a royalty was paid to the zamindar for pattan tenure first by a wealthy household. Then, other households followed that household. .Although tenure was changed to pattan arrangement by different households, all these households still had some land under patta tenure. None of the.key informants could give any reason why some people did not change their tenure from p_a_g:_a_ to pattan, while some others did. Nevertheless, it was explained by one key informant that most people found it difficult to comprehend the differences between patta and pattan. People found that the households that changed the tenurial status from patta to pattan had the same usufructory right to land as they had in the case of their land under patta arrangement. Most people found it difficult to understand.why should they pay a royalty to the zamindar for a confirmation of tenure that they were already enjoying. They thought that the tenure they had was already secured, since there was no threat from the zamindar on their patta tenure. 221 The above explanation still does not help us understand what motivated some people to change the tenure from pattg to attan, and no explanation was available from key informants. Based on the research findings from the intensive study village, it may be assumed that the importance of secure tenure was first realized by the wealthy households whose heads were educated. Because of their education and knowledge of the outside world, the level of awareness among the educated people was higher than in the case of illiterate people. The awareness and concern of the educated and.wealthy people helped them to realize the importance of secure tenure. In addition, wealthy people perhaps realized that the security of tenure to the land they held was vital for maintaining their higher status and prominence in society. Since landholding was the foundation of their status, they perhaps tended to achieve security of tenureu But it is still unclear why, then, tenurial arrangement was not.changed.by the wealthy and educated peOple for all their land. One key informant guessed that perhaps they had a plan to change the tenurial status for all their land, but due to the abolition of the zamindari system, failed to do so. Key informants do not IknOW’ the :reasons why' people received documents from the zamindars for the land held under pattan in a later period and none in the beginning. Similarly, they have no idea why some people received documents, while others did not. The trend evident in the 222 case of receiving documents is similar to the trend of changing tenurial arrangement from pm to p_attan. The wealthy and educated Christian Garos received documents before the illiterate people. The same factors that motivated the wealthy and educated people to change the tenurial status might have worked in the case of receiving land documents as vmflJ” The other people followed the educated and wealthy people as they did in the case of changing the tenure. But still there were many people who did not receive any documents. Thus, the trend toward increasing social and economic differentiation seems to be associated with the trend toward achieving secure land and tree tenure. 8.5.2 External control and the tendency toward claiming secure land and tree tenure The external control exercised by the forest department over the forest land is regarded by the Garo as "unfriendly," while the control of the forest land by the zamindars was regarded by them as "friendly." Research findings suggest that although both zamindars' control and the forest department's control were external, the latter's control was stronger than the former'su A usufructory right to the forest land was allowed by the zamindars, but such right has not been recognized by the forest department since it took over forest management in 1951. As stated in the previous section, the Garo were happy with the usufructory right they enjoyed.during the zamindars' time. They were not. concerned. with a "paper 223 right." .Many people did not receive any document even for the land which they held under pattan tenure, for which they paid a royalty to the zamindars. With the strengthening of control by the forest department, particularly after the declaration of this area a reserved. forest in 1955, the level. of awareness of ‘the importance of secure tenure increased among the Garo. The dispute that arose following the forest department's denial of the Garo's previous rights to land (see Chapter 6, Section 6.6) created this awareness even among those who were not aware before. The forest residents were asked to produce valid documents to support their claim to forest land. The people without these documents quickly realized their importance. These people thought they would never need any document to prove the right they had to their land. In fact, nobody had ever challenged their right before. An increase in external control is evident from the eviction notifications issued to people at different times by the forest department, as well as from the cases of eviction of some settlers in some areas. Although threats of eviction for default.in.rent.payment existed even.during'the zamindars' time, no case of eviction was known to any key informant. An increase in the awareness of and tendency towards claiming secure tenure is evident from the fact that a number of written.memoranda.were submitted by the.Garo to the.government explaining the situation and the justifications for claiming 224 their rights to the land, while no such memoranda had ever been submitted to the government before the forest department take-over in 1950. Although an awareness of the need for secure tenure developed even before the imposition of stronger control by the forest department (see Section 8.5.1), it increased after the forest department takeover. Spread of education among the Garo and an increase in their knowledge of the outside world created an awareness among them. Christian missionaries also played a major role.in arousing this awareness among the.Garo. But the restrictions imposed on the use of forest land produced a situation that created an awareness of secure tenure among those:Garo who could not comprehend the situation before it actually happened to them. Thus, there is an association between the external control by the forest department and the awareness of and tendency toward claiming secure tenure among the Garo. 8.6 Relevance of Research Findings to the Model on the Process of Land and Tree Tenure Change The analysis of :research findings suggests that. an interaction of all the factors/variables mentioned in the specified model (see Figure 6) was involved in the process of land and tree tenure change in this case. It is evident from. the research findings that the tendency towards achieving secure tenure to land and trees increased among the Garo with an increase in social and 225 economic differentiation of householdsa This differentiation was the result of an uneven development of intensive land use ‘technologies and in the size of wet rice fields established by different households. Adoption of pineapple plantations intensified this differentiation. ‘Whether or not a household adopted intensive land use technologies depended on their acceptance of sustenance-related ideologies and economic orientation. Whether or not people were ready to accept changes was influenced by their exposure to the outside world. Exposure to the outside world varied with the level of education, which was dependent on the conversion to Christianity. The ideological factor played its role in the development of intensive land use technologies when a situation for change was produced by the population and environmental factors. Changes in the structure of social organization resulted from the interaction of all the other factors“ 'With.the changes in the structure of the social organization, came changes in the institutional aspect of social organization, which includes the land and tree tenure system. All these factors were related to each other and changes in each of them produced changes in all the others. The complex interplay of all these factors produced changes in land and tree tenure. Although all the factors played their respective role in the overall process of land and tree tenure change among the Garo, some factors were relatively more important at certain 226 points in time than others. Initially, the population factor jplayed.the most important.role. Then, the rate of adoption of intensive land use technologies dominated and increased with changes in the ideological factor. The advent of Christianity and the role of Christian missionaries as change agents hastened the process of change in economic orientation, which in turn, led to a further increase in the adoption of intensive land use technology. Thus, the Christian missionaries played a relatively more important role at that particular point of time. The change in forest management and the strengthening of control by the forest department (after forest reservation) increased peOple's awareness of claiming secure tenure. So, 'this factor’ became relatively' more important than the others. The relative importance of any factor at a particular time does not, however, mean that factor ceases to play its role in the process. Rather, that factor continues to play its role at all times. However, its importance may diminish when another important factor enters into the process. External factors influenced the process of change in all the internal factors in the unit of observation. An increase in population size was the result of a large-scale immigration. The technique of wet rice cultivation was readily available to the Garo from the external source. External ideologies and economic orientation came with the external technology and the advent of an external religion, 227 Christianityu External market forces created an incentive for growing pineapple as a cash crop. Imposition of an external land and tree tenure system produced changes in indigenous tenurial arrangements and property relations. The strengthening of external control after forest reservation created a situation that compelled the Garo to abandon their traditional mode of sustenance. Finally, the statutory land and tenure system used by the external authorities created people's awareness of the importance of secure tenure of land and trees. Although all these external factors from various sources and at various levels influenced the process of change, the roles of Christian missionaries as change agents and external control after forest reservation were relatively more important than any other external factor. These two external factors hastened the process of change in all the internal factors. The factors/variables used in the specified model were derived from the operational model on land and tree tenure change (see Figure 5), and they represent all the interactive factors in the PETIO schema of the Nature-Human-Ideology Interface model (Figure 4) . The analysis of research findings supports that the interplay of all the key factors used in the model was involved in the process of land and tree tenure change. Hence, the theoretical framework developed in this study is useful for explaining the process of land and tree tenure change. 228 8.7 The Roots of the Conflict Between the Garo and the State The ongoing conflict between the Garo and the state arose in the process of land and tree tenure change with changes in government policy. This conflict resulted from a gap between the traditional concept of ownership among the Garo and the contents of the statutory land and tree tenure system. The Garo's concept of property ownership, particularly land ownership, stems from their tradition of living in the forest and the practice of shifting cultivation. Land was not something to be owned, bought or sold. Traditionally, ownership means the right to hold the land for a certain period and use it for cultivation. As long as their use rights were recognized by the zamindars, the Garo were happy even without paper documents. After the concept. of jpermanent. and individual ownership emerged, many could not understand how a piece of paper established land ownership. These people once thought that land which.they have occupied.and used for several generations is theirs. This is the reason they did not care for a "paper right." The idea of buying and selling land developed in the process of change. With an awareness of the outside world, the importance of land.documents were realized by some people. Though land documents were received by these people from the zamindars, there were still many others who did not care for such documents. However, according to the statutory land 229 tenure system, valid documents are required to claim land rights. Hence, a conflict is obvious. 8.8 Summary The role of the various factors/variables under each of the five dimensions of the PETIO schema in the process of land and tree tenure change among the Garo has been analyzed. A relationship was found between a steady increase in population size within the national park area and a trend of decrease in forest cover. An.association was found between population increase and the adoption of intensive land use technologies. Research findings suggest a relationship between imposition of external control after the declaration of reserved forest and the Garo's dependence on wet rice cultivation alone. Information about the evolution of pineapple agroforestry showed that this technology developed in response to the strengthening of external control and the resultant squeeze in the available land. Changes in sustenance—related ideologies and economic orientation played an important role in the Garo's adoption of both wet rice cultivation and pineapple agroforestry. These changes took place due to their contact with the Bengali wet rice cultivators, conversion to Christianity, dissemination of education by the Christian missionaries, and exposure to the outside world. 230 Social and economic differentiation of Garo households was produced by an uneven development of wet rice cultivation and pineapple plantations. A relationship was found between the trend of an increase in adopting these technologies, an increase in the variation in the area of land cultivated by different households and the trend of an increase in social and economic differentiation. Research findings indicate that the tendency toward achieving secure tenure.has increased among the.GarO‘with: (1) an increase in social and economic¢differentiation; and.(2) an increase in external control by the forest department over the use of forest land» The ongoing conflict between the Garo and the state arose in the process of land and tree tenure change with changes in government policy. CHAPTER 9 SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 9.1 Summary 9.1.1 An Introduction to the Study 9.1.1.1 Problem statement This study endeavored to understand the process of land and tree tenure change among the Garo community of Madhupur Garh forest of Bangladesh. The critical situation prevailing in this forest due to an ongoing conflict between the Garo and the forest department motivated the present researcher to undertake this study. Madhupur Garh is a part of the plains forests of the central region of Bangladesh. The plains forests are surrounded by heavily populated, rapidly urbanizing areas. The result is that deforestation creates a shortage of fuelwood and other forest resources for the people of the region. The conflict between the Garo, the original residents of Madhupur Garh forest, and.the forest.department, has alienated the residents from the forest resources. A result is that they are unwilling to participate in the forest department's efforts to protect and develop the forest. This conflict began in 1951 and intensified when a part of this forest was declared a national park in 1961. The forest department proposed a program to resettle the people living in the 231 232 national park but the Garo people did not move. The conflict continues. The dispute is increasingly difficult to resolve. Any attempt to resettle the people without providing them secure means of subsistence will meet with serious resentment and produce a crisis. However, if measures to avert the ongoing depletion of forest resources are not taken, the whole forest will be denuded. 9.1.1.2 Rationale for this study and research questions The present study was a response to the need to understand the process of land and tree tenure change because the ongoing conflict arose in the process of this change. Based on the conflict between the Garo and the forest department, this study sought to answer the questions -- Why and how do changes in land and tree tenure take place?, and What factors are involved in the process of change? It also examined the root cause of this conflict to answer another important question -- Why and how does a conflict between local people and state result in the process of land and tree tenure change? 9.1.1.3 Objectives and scope The objective of this study was to understand.the process of land and tree tenure change in relation to changes in the interactive social, economic, political, technological, 233 demographic and environmental changes. The study was concerned specifically with the national park area, where the conflict.has reached.a climax; It was limited to the analysis of the process of land and tree tenure change among the Garo, who are the majority of the residents of the national park area . 9.1.2 The Study Area: Land, Forest and People Since gal (Shorea.robusta) is the principal (75-80%) tree species in Madhupur Garh, this area is known as gal forest. This is a Reserved forest with a total area of 300 square miles. The trees of this forest have an unlimited demand across the country as building materials and fuelwood. The forest lands with trees are higher in elevation than the surrounding floodplains. The tree-covered higher lands, known as 91311; are used by the residents to build their homesteads and grow pineapple and other crops (previously for shifting cultivation by the Garo) . The low-lying areas within the forest are used for wet rice cultivation. People of three different ethnic groups live in this forest. Two of these groups -- the Garo and Koch -- are the earliest settlers, and live predominantly in the interior of the national parka The other group -- the Bengali live mainly in the deforested areas along the forest's periphery. The Bengali people are relatively recent arrivals, having settled largely during the middle of this century. 234 9.1.3 A Review of Literature on Land and Tree Tenure A review of the general literature on land and tree tenure showed that understanding of tenurial issues is essential for natural resources management and development in general, and forest resources in particular. In some literature, insecurity of tenure was regarded as the cause of forest dwellers' alienation from forest resources. At the same time security of tenure for the forest dwellers is recognized as the most important prerequisite for protecting, managing and developing government forests. Other cases suggest.that a conflict.between.the state and local people is inevitable when land and tree resources are scarce and both parties are interested.in these resources, and people's traditional rights to these resources are ignored by the state. A conflict may manifest itself in different ways: setting fires to the forest by local people, violence, protest, revolt and.organized movement, and.anmalienation.from the forest and ‘unwillingness to jparticipate in forestry activities. Various dimensions of land and tree tenure and necessary conceptual tools are provided in the analytical literature. An emphasis has been given on understanding tenure change, and the need to consider the interactive social, cultural, and ecological variables in the analysis of tenure change. 235 9.1.4 Nature-Human-Ideology Interface: A Theoretical Framework A human ecological perspective is adopted in this study to explain the process of land and tree tenure change in relation to the changes in the interactive social, economic, political, technological, demographic and environmental factors” IBasically, Duncan's Ecological Complex model.is used to conceptualize human-environmental interactions involved in the process of land and tree tenure change. The Ecological Complex model considers a complex interplay of four key factors: Population, Organization, Environment, and Technology (POET). To broaden this framework, it is modified to incorporate the ideational aspect of culture: beliefs, values, morals, religion, ritual and worldviews. These were included under a new dimension -- Ideology. The modified schema is: Population-Environment-Technology-Ideology-Organization (PETIO) and the modified model is named.Nature—Human-Ideology Interface. In the modified model, the relative importance of one or more factors in.different situations and.at different times is emphasized. In addition, the role of different external factors from various sources (socialq political.and religious) and at various levels (local, national, regional and global) is considered. Land and tree tenure is an element of the Organization (0) factor in the PETIO schema. An increase in the tendency 236 among people to secure their tenure to land and trees is considered to be an indicator of land and tree tenure change. An increase in this tendency is seen as a process that evolves with changes in the interactive social, economic, political, demographic, technological and environmental factors. Land and tree tenure change is regarded as the dependent variable and all the other factors as independent variables. 9.1.5 Research Strategies and Methodologies 9.1.5.1 Research strategies To capture subtle points that were inconceivable before immersion.in the field, a strategy of flexibility was adopted. Research propositions were modified and refined after clarifying and understanding concepts during the fieldwork. A multi-method approach was adopted and several methods were used: survey, historical method, oral histories and retrospective interviewing, and ethnographic study. 9.1.5.2 Research methodologies A survey was conducted on 200 households in ten Garo villages selected at random from Madhupur Garh national park area. The sampling design involved. multistage cluster sampling, stratification and systematic selection with probabilities proportionate. to size. IBoth the head. of household and his/her spouse were interviewed. Based on a semi-structured questionnaire, face-to-face interviewing was 237 performed. The principal researcher supervised data collection in the field. Written historical documents were gathered, listed, and scrutinized. The contents of selected documents were analyzed by the principal researcher. Oral histories and retrospective interviewing were used when no written historical record was available. Oral histories were gathered from area-level key informants and the village-level informants through in-depth interviewing by the principal researcher. Ten area-level key informants and twenty village-level (two from each of the ten sample villages) informants were selected from among the most knowledgeable people. Data on the day-to-day life of the people were gathered by an observation study made by the principal researcher in all the study villages. The village studied by the principal researcher in 1979-80 was selected for an intensive study. 9.1.5.3 Specified model for understanding the process of land and tree tenure change among the Garo The specified model for understanding the process of land and tree tenure change among the Garo considers the relevant factors/variables related to an increase in the tendency toward achieving secure land and tree tenure. These factors/variables are: population size, forest cover, external control with forest reservation, external change agent, external ideology, sustenance-related ideologies, intensive 238 land use technologies, and social and economic differentiation of households. 9.1.6 Research Findings: Historical and Ethnographic 9.1.6.1 Changes in population size and forest cover No specific period for the settlement of human population in Madhupur Garh forest could be ascertained from the research findings: eighth century, according to one source, tenth or eleventh century, according to another. There is also a wide variation on how long anthropologists think the Garo have been living in this forest. The distribution of Tibeto-Burman languages given by Burling (1985), indicates that the Garo have been living in Madhupur Garh for over a thousand years. The population of this forest grew steadily from the natural increase of the Garo and Koch, but largely due to a large-scale immigration of the Bengali people during the middle of this century. The rate of population increase in the existing tree-covered parts of this forest was highest (142%) between 1961 and 1974. Data derived from aerial photographs taken by the government in 1975 and 1983 showed a 36% decrease in forest cover during this period. 9.1.6.2 Changes in mode of sustenance among the Garo Until prohibited by the forest department in the early 19505, the Garo of Madhupur Garh practiced swidden cultivation, known as jhum. In this cultivation technique, a 239 plot of land was cultivated for two or three years and then abandoned to lie fallow for at least a seven or eight year period before it is recultivated. The Garo also practiced wet rice cultivation. When.jhum cultivation was completely banned, many of the former jhum fields were used to grow vegetables, spices, oil seeds, and fruit trees. Since the mid-1950s some innovative Garo with enough resources, particularly the Christian Garos, converted some former jh_um fields into pineapple gardens. When part of Madhupur Garh forest was declared a national park, the forest department prohibited the Garo from converting former jhum fields to pineapple garden. The Garo, however, continued growing pineapple in the gardens they had already established. 9.1.6.3 The advent of Christianity and changes among the Garo Conversion to Christianity began in the mid-19205. Christian missionaries not only preached religion, but also disseminated education among the Garo. There are 26 schools for education up to 5th grade, two for education up to 10th grade, and one technical school in Madhupur Garh area, all supported and conducted by the Catholic mission. 9.1.6.4 Land and tree tenure changes in the state According to oral histories, the Garo of Madhpur Garh forest were allowed by the zamindars (revenue collector and 240 later landlord) to live on and cultivate land within the forest in return for rent and labor payments. ghum cultivation.was permitted under these arrangements subject to conditions intended to preserve the quality of the forest. The Garo were responsible for planting and tending trees in their abandoned jhum fields. The Garo were given a temporary right of usufruct, known as patta, by which the plot-holders were allowed, upon paying rent, to cultivate the land and pass it on to their successors, but not to sell itw .A more permanent form of land tenure, known as pattan, developed over time as the Garo established wet rice fields. Definite period relating to the evolution of these tenurial arrangements was not available in oral histories. The system of collecting revenue by appointing zamindars, intermediaries between the government and the actual cultivators of land, was introduced by the Mughals from 1576 to 1757. This "zamindari system," continued until it was abolished in 1950. After the zamindari system was abolished, the tree- covered higher lands in Madhupur Garh.were handed over to the forest department. The Garo were then prohibited to use higher land within the forest, but they were allowed to use the plots of low-lying land on which.they had valid documents. Both higher land and low-lying land have, however, been occupied by the Garo, with and without valid documents. 241 Realizing the importance of understanding the process of changes in the statutory land tenure system that was imposed on the Garo of Madhupur Garh forest, a brief history of evolution of statutory land tenure system is given in Chapter 6. Nothing was found in the historical materials specifically on tree tenure. However, written historical materials revealed that the rights of ownership and use of trees were given to the landholders in 1885. According to oral histories, the zamindars allowed the Garo to use and harvest the non—timber tree species that grew naturally and the fruit trees they planted on their homesteads and swidden fields. They were, however, given no right to the valuable tree species, except for the privilege of harvesting these trees for the zamindars. Since the declaration of the Reserved forest, people's right of ownership to trees are no longer recognized by the forest department. The Garo, however, continue to use the fruit trees and non-timber tree species that they grow in their homesteads and pineapple gardens. 9.1.6.5 Land and tree tenure change among the Garo The traditional system of communal ownership of land and tenurial arrangement prevalent among the Garo of the Garo Hills did not work in Madhupur Garh. Instead, the concept of individual household ownership developed. The imposition of 242 external land tenure system.was probably the main factor that compelled or encouraged them to follow individual ownership. The idea of leasing and.mortgaging land, which were unknown to the Garo, also came to them from external sources. The ownership of land, tree, and.other property among the Garo is in a process of change from matrilineal to patrilineal. According to the ideal principle, all property of a household belongs to women and a woman's property is to be passed on to one of her daughters. Though the ideal principle is still followed in some case, men's ownership and inheritance is also practiced. 9.1.6.6 Changes in forest management Until the abolition of the zamindari system in 1950, the Garo living in the forest were responsible for planting and protecting trees in the jhum fields. Forests were opened to the public once a year for logging and collecting fuelwood and thatch grass. On payment of a royalty, the Garo could cut trees and sell them to traders. After taking over management in 1951, the forest department introduced the taungya system which involved the local Garo swidden cultivators. But this system was replaced in the early 1960s with the plantation system using wage labor. Under forest department management, areas due for clearfelling were sold at auction to the highest bidder. Due to a rapid depletion of forest resources, these auctions were 243 banned in 1972. However, the forest department continued clearfelling certain areas for afforestation after 1972. According to oral histories, most trees planted in the post- 1972 plantations did.not survive, whilejparts of many of these plantations are completely denuded. Eight thousand acres of forest lands were handed over by the forest department in 1986 to the Forest Industries Development Corporation for rubber plantations. This project was strongly opposed by local people whose lands were taken for the rubber plantations, and also by others who now fear that the second phase of this project will affect them negatively. The second phase has not yet begun. As part of a nationwide social forestry program, two new projects designed to grow trees -- Woodlot and Agroforestry -- were introduced in 1990. About 1,400 acres of forest land have already been planted to primarily exotic tree species under these projects. In both projects, local people's participation was sought and also achieved to some extent. As reported by some of the participants, people are not quite happy with the project: they question the exotic tree species selected for these projects and participants' tenure to land they are using in these projects is not secured. 244 9.1.6.7 The conflict between the Garo and the forest department The ongoing conflict between the forest department and the Garo became inevitable when the Garo's traditional rights to their land were denied by the forest department. The rights to this land are claimed by the forest department according to the statutory tenure system, but the Garo people think that they have legitimate rights to the land they have been occupying for generations. The Garo understand from their lawyers that their rights are recognized according to the provisions of the East Bengal State Acquisition and Tenancy Act of 1950. The dispute between the Garo and the forest department intensified and the relationship between these two parties was severed by the government's attempt to evict them from the national park area. In the most recent conflict the peOple blame this department for handing over people's land to the rubber plantation authorities. These people have organized to resist any further attempt to expand rubber plantations. 9.1.6.8 Changes in Garo social organization The basic principles related to women's role and status are still maintained by the Garo. Women play a major role in familial decision making. Husband-wife relations among the Garo are typically characterized by mutual cooperation and not by domination. 245 Major changes took place in the Garo social organization with the development of wet rice cultivation. A distinction between landless and landholders emerged after the ban on film cultivation. Wealth became concentrated in the hands of a few, while others became poor. Large landholders easily gain prestige and prominence in society by employing the landless and small landholders. Some large landholders also achieved an informal power in society. These new leaders' roles are recognized.by the villagers as:more.important.than the role of the traditional hereditary leaders. Due to the encapsulation of Garo society within the wider national political system, another form of leadership emerged among the Garo. Since 1956 some educated.Garo participated in for the Union Council/Parishad elections, and there have been one to three Garo elected out of the nine elected members in each five-year period. 9.1.7 Research Findings: Survey and Intensive Village Study 9.1.7.1 Demographic characteristics of the population Data on demographic characteristics and social and economic characteristics of the population under study were gathered from survey, intensive study of a village, interviewing and observation study. The number of households in Garo villages averages 68. Garo are in the majority (87%) in all the study villages. The household size averages 5.3 246 persons. Eighty-eight percent of all households contained one married couple. Out of the 1,061 people in the 200 sample households, half of the population is between the ages of 15 to 65 years. These people are considered the potential labor force. Another thirteen percent is between 10 to 14 years, and also participate in the labor force, particularly during the peak) of agricultural cycles Forty-two percent. of the study population. are illiterate, while the other 58% have an education that ranges from primary level (lst to 5th.grade) to post-secondary (11th grade and above). Among the Garo, 94% are Catholic, 5% are Baptist and the remaining 1% are the followers of traditional Garo religion, called songsarek. 9.1.7.2 Social and economic characteristics of households The social and economic status of the households under study is related, for the most part, to landholding size and income. ILandholding size, including both.higher and low-lying land within the forest, of more than a quarter of the households of the intensive study village is one acre or less. One-fifth of the households have more than three acres. Household income largely depend on landholding size. Thus, landholding' is the :major indicator of social and economic status. The type of land owned by a household, however, makes a difference. The households that have more 247 land under wet rice cultivation can invest their surplus from wet rice fields to pineapple plantation. On the other hand, households without wet rice fields are often regarded as landless. Although these households possess higher land in the forest, they will have no land if they are ejected by the forest department" In this sense, more than.half (54%) of the households of the intensive study village are landless. Income of the households having more areas of higher land under pineapple plantation is greater than those which have . smaller pineapple gardens. More than half (57%) of the households of the intensive study village have no pineapple gardens. Because it ‘was difficult. to gather income data by interviewing people, case studies were made of ten households selected from the intensive study village. A wide variation in income was found among these 10 households, which.represent different landholding groups. The yearly income ranges between 6,000 to 80,000 Taka ($180 to 2,500). 9.1.8 Analysis of Research Findings The role of the various factors/variables under each of the five dimensions of the PETIO schema in the process of land and tree tenure change among the Garo has been analyzed. A relationship was found between a steady increase in population size within the national park area and a trend of decrease in forest cover. An association was found between 248 population increase and the adoption of intensive land use technologies. Research findings suggest a relationship between imposition of external control after the declaration of reserved forest and the Garo's dependence on wet rice cultivation alone. Information about the evolution of pineapple agroforestry showed that this technology developed in response to the strengthening of external control and the resultant squeeze in the available land. Changes in sustenance-related ideologies and economic orientation played an important role in the Garo's adoption of both wet rice cultivation and pineapple agroforestry. These changes took place due to the Garo's contact with the Bengali wet rice cultivators, conversion to Christianity, and dissemination of education by the Christian missionaries. Social and economic differentiation of Garo households was produced by an uneven development of wet rice cultivation and pineapple plantations. A relationship was found between the trend of an increase in adOpting these technologies, an increase in the variation in the area of land cultivated by different households and the trend of an increase in social and economic differentiation. Research findings indicate that the tendency toward achieving secure tenure has increased.among the.Garo with: (1) an increase in social and economic differentiation; and (2) an increase in external control by the forest department over the use of forest landn The ongoing conflict between the Garo and 249 the state arose in the process of land and tree tenure change with changes in government policy. 9.2 Conclusion The tendency towards achieving secure tenure to land and trees increased among the Garo with an increase in social and economic differentiation of households. This differentiation was the result of an uneven development of intensive land use technologies. The variation in adopting intensive land use technologies resulted from a variation in the acceptance of sustenance-related ideologies and economic orientation. How people readily accepted changes was influenced by the extent of their exposure to the outside world which, in turn, varied with the level of education, which was dependent on the conversion to Christianity. The ideological factor played its role in developing intensive land use technologies when a change was produced by the population and environmental factors. Changes in the structural aspect of social organization then occurred. With the changes in the structural aspect of social organization, changes also took place in the institutional aspect of social organization, which includes land and tree tenure system. All these factors were related to each other and changes in one affects all. The complex interplay of all these factors produced changes in land and tree tenure. 250 The role of some factors was relatively more important at a certain point than the role of other factors. Initially, the population factor played the most important role. Then, the rate of adoption of intensive land use technologies increased with changes in the ideological factor. Christian missionaries played an important role as external change agents. Finally, strengthening control over forest land by the forest department after forest reservation led to the Garo's awareness of claiming secure tenure of land and trees. External factors influenced the process of change in all the internal factors in the unit of observation. Population increased due to large-scale immigration. Wet rice cultivation came from an external source. External ideologies and economic orientation came with the external technology and the advent of Christianity. External market forces created an incentive for growing pineapple as a cash crop. Imposition of an external land and tree tenure system produced changes in indigenous tenurial arrangements and property relations. External control strengthened after forest reservation, compelling the Garo to abandon their traditional mode of sustenance. The statutory land and tenure system used by external authorities created people's awareness to claim secure tenure of land and trees. Although these external factors had various effects on the process of change, the roles of Christian missionaries and external control after forest reservation hastened the process 251 of change in all the internal factors. The ongoing conflict between the Garo and the forest department was resulted from a gap between the contents of statutory land and tree tenure system and the indigenous tenurial arrangements. 9.3 Limitations of the study Since the quantitative data related to the past situation in Madhupur Garh were inadequate, it was impossible to use statistical hypothesis testing. This failure to test the statistical significance of research hypotheses is the major limitation. of this studyu A. dependence on. qualitative information collected from written historical materials and oral history was the only option for the principal researcher in this situation. 9.4 Future Research Certain measures should be taken to find methods to link the statutory land and tree tenure to the local tenurial arrangements, devise strategies for resolving the conflict, and arrive at a consensus between people and the forest department for sustained management. Applied research is required to achieve these goals. If the Garo people are given security of tenure to the land they occupy, they may continue their practice of {pineapple agroforestry unless a more profitable crop replaces ,pineapple. It is necessary to work closely with the people to 252 help identify how they can improve their pineapple agroforestry practices and how the resources could be used in a sustainable manner; Recommendations for system improvement have been provided in Khaleque and Gold (in press). Based on those recommendations, further on-farm research should attempt to improve the pineapple agroforestry system. It is obvious that the Bengali people living in the forest will also want to secure tenure to the land they occupy. Being relatively recent settlers, the claims of the Bengali people to the forest land are not as strong as that of the Garo. Most Bengali settlers, however, are poor and landless and will have no place to go if they are ejected. Hence, their concerns must also be considered. Systematic research is required to find out strategies for solving the; problem of these people. 9.5 Recommendations The findings of this study have important implications for sustainable management and development of forest resources in Madhupur Garh. It is clear that insecure land and tree tenure among the local people is the root cause of the failure of taungya plantations in. the. mid-19505 and. many other subsequent reforestation programs. Due to the conflict and an insecurity of tenure, the Garo are alienated from the forest resources. For a sustainable management of resources, the gap between the statutory land and tree tenure system and the 253 indigenous tenurial arrangements must be bridged. Conflict began with the denial of secure tenure. It can only be resolved by giving the security of tenure back. Resettling the Garo outside the national park area has become impossible, since it is difficult to find any unoccupied area for this purpose. 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"The Historical Roots of Our Ecologic Crisis," (in) The Dynamo and the Virgin Reconsidered. Cambridge: MIT Press (First published in Science. No.155, 1967. 264 Zaman, M.Q. 1982. "Crisis in Chittagong Hill Tracts: Ethnicity and Integration," Economic and Political Weekly, vol.17, pp.55-80. Newspapers and Periodicals The Dhaka Courier. 1989: January 27-February 2; March 31- April6; June 2-8; July 21-27. The Ekata. 1989: March 3. The Holiday. 1989. June 16. The Daily Ittefag. 1990: November 4. APPENDICES APPENDIX A QUESTIONNAIRE ON THE SOCIAL, ECONOMIC AND DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PEOPLE LIVING IN MADHUPUR GARH APPENDIX A QUESTIONNAIRE ON THE SOCIAL, ECONOMIC AND DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PEOPLE LIVING IN MADHUPUR GARH NATIONAL PARK Village Id. No. ----- Village: ..................... Household Id. No. ----- Head of household: ----------- 1. Number of married couples in the household:---- 2. Number of household members---- 3. Information about the head of household and spouse: Husband Wife 3.1 Age ----------- 3.2 Level of education ----------- 3.3 Main occupation ----------- 3.4 Secondary occupation ----------- 3.5 Religious affiliation ----------- 4. Information about other members of household: Member Relationship with Age Edn. Occupn. Religion No. head of household 265 266 5. Information on landholding: Amount of land Type of tenure (with land type) own L-1n L-out M-in M-out Total land, 2:""222 """"" III"""'III """ III" paid land: -—- --— —-— --- --- ghgia land: --- --— --- --- --- Amount of recorded land:---— Inheritance of land: Land inherited Amount of land from (with land type) Mother ................ Father ................ Sister ................ Mother-in-law ................ Father-in-law ................ Others (specify) ---------------- Land under cultivation: --- chala --- baid --— Total --- Information on trees on homestead Name of tree How many , .- ... m 1, p. 10. 10.1 10.2 10.3 10.4 11. 11.1 11.2 11.3 11.4 11.5 12. 12.5 12.6 12.7 12.8 12.9 12.10 267 Domestic animals: Animal How many Bul10212-5523;"""""""ZZZZZZZZ Buffalo -------- Pig -------- Goat -------- Main crops grown during the last season: Name of crop Amount Pineapples ------ Taro roots ------ Ginger ------ Jackfruit ...... Gender specialization: Type of Who does the work Work ................. Men Women Both Ploughing land -—— ..... ---- Sowing ___ ..... ---- Transplanting --- ..... ---- Harvesting paddies --— ..... ---- Preparing pineapple gardens --- Tending pineapple gardens --- Harvesting pineapples --— Working in vegetable gardens --- Planting trees Tending trees 12.11 12.12 12.13 12.14 13. 13.01 13.02 13.04 13.05 13.06 13.07 13.08 13.09 13.10 13.11 13.12 14. 14.1 14.2 14.3 14.4 268 Harvesting trees Collecting fuelwood Household chores Child rearing Gender role: Keeping money Lending money Borrowing money Spending money Investing money Purchasing land Selling land Selling paddies Selling pineapples Selling other crops Making decision on family affairs Items of property House Others (specify) Who should own Opinion on land, tree and other property ownership: we“ \— APPENDIX B LIST OF HISTORICAL MATERIALS APPENDIX B LIST OF HISTORICAL MATERIALS Since Madhupur Garh area was under the formerly undivided Mymensingh district, the historical information were collected from the published and unpublished sources on this district. 1. Published Books Abdullah, K.S. 1971. Momenshahir Natun Itihash (A new history of Momenshahi [Mymensingh] -- Bengali text). Mymensingh Zilla Parishad. Ahmed, Y.S. 1938. Workinqulan for Dacca-Mymensingh Forest Division. Government of Bengal. Ascoli, F.D. 1917. Early Revenue Hietorv of Bengal and the Fifth Report-1812. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Chowdhury, A.M. 1960. Working Scheme for the Mymensigh Division (1960(61-1969170). Government of East Pakistan. Chowdhury, M.R. 1955. Working; Scheme for the IMvmensingh Division (1955(56-1959160). Government of East Pakistan Gosh, J.M. 1920. Select Chaptere on Mymensingh. Gopal, S. 1949. The Permanent Settlement in Bengal and Its Results. London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd. Government of Bengal-Revenue Department. 1935. The Forests of Bengal. Islam, Sirajul. 1979. The Permanent Settlement in Benqal: A Study of Its Operation (1790-1819). Dhaka: Bangla.Academy. Khan, Nurul Islam. 1978. Bangladeeh District Gazetteer -- Mymensingh. Dhaka: Bangladesh Government Press. 269 270 Majumder, Kedarnath. 1904. Moymonshingher Biboron (Description of Mymenshingh -- Bengali text). Calcutta. Reprint. 1987. Mymensingh Zilla Board. ------------------- . 1906. Moymenshingher Itihash.(History of Mymensingh -- Bengali text). Calcutta. Reprint 1987. Mymensingh Zilla Board. Moreland, W.H. 1929. The Agrarian System of Moslem India. Reprint 1968. Delhi: Orient Books Reprint Corporation. Sachse, F.A. 1917. Bengal District Gazetteer - Mymensingh. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Book Depot. ------------ . 1921. Final Report on the Survey and Settlement Operations in the District of Mymensingh (1909-1919). Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Book Depot. 2. Unpublished Documents old land documents and land tax receipts collected from local people. - documents collected from forest department. - documents collected from revenue department. - documents collected from Catholic mission. - old newspapers - census reports APPENDIX C THE GOVERNMENT SCHEME FOR GARO EVICTION AND RESETTLEMENT AND THE DEMANDS OF THE GARO BEFORE THE GOVERNMENT APPENDIX C THE GOVERNMENT SCHEME FOR GARO EVICTION AND RESETTLEMENT AND THE DEMANDS OF THE GARO PLACED BEFORE THE GOVERNMENT Scheme for Garo Eviction and Resettlement - The Garo would be resettled in the area proposed earlier by the government, i.e., Fulbagchala mouza. - Of the total 1,045 families, 200 would be resettled in the financial year 1976-77, 650 in 1977-78 and the rest in 1978-79. - The people would be given an amount of agricultural land equivalent to that they had under their rightful possession according to the survey of 1974. - Each family would be given 500 Taka for re-building its house and another 500 Taka as compensation for other structures and trees. - Projects for the welfare of the Garo would be undertaken in the area where they would be resettled. The Demands of the Garo - Double the amount that they possessed in their present villages, according to the survey conducted in 1972-73 by three government teams, must be given in the areas they wished to move, i.e., Beribaid, Joramgacha and Kulachala mouza. All these lands would have to be registered in their names and all official documents must be given to them. It must also be ensured that they may be able to get possession of those lands. - The landless and poor people must be given sufficient so they can support their families. - All the households should be resettled at one time and house sites must be demarcated on an individual family basis. 271 272 All costs of shifting and re-building houses, schools, churches and other structures must be borne by the government. Such costs should be calculated according to the price prevalent at the time of shifting and the money must be paid promptly to the families concerned. The required timber, bamboo and thatching materials for constructing houses in the new area should be provided from the forest. These materials as well as fuelwood should also be provided as and when necessary even after resettlement. Appropriate compensation for pineapple and other fruit gardens must be given accoding to the market price. The costs of re-establishment of such gardens in the new area must also be borne by the government. Until the new area is completely suitable for habitation and cultivation, and pineapple gardens ready for harvesting, the people must be allowed to live in their present homes and cultivate the land that they currently possess. All the resettled households must be exempted from paying land revenue and other taxes in the first three years resettlement. Priority must be given to the Garo in employment in forest department services. The proposed government development schemes must include the facilities of clean drinking water, sanitary latrines, dispensaries, playgrounds, post office, market, roads, schools, churches and projects for social and economic and agricultural development. , .MH._.. , S ;.u H.a. h... H R ___... H , ..m 3 m... ... ,, .. . mile ... 7.. MICHIGQN STQTE UNIV. n1-Y _\ ... It. I; 5.1.1.. ... 1...: : .....1 ”yuan,- vavliyvr f. ...,f...\....:..... .93.}. .... . 532......