AN EXPLORATION OF FACTORS AFFECTING SOCIAL PARTICIPATION OF PROFESSIONALS IN RURAL AREAS TI'Iesis for II" Degree OI pII. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY Clinton J. Jesser 1962 0-169 Date This is to certifg that the thesis entitled . , AN EXPLORATION 0F FACTORS AFFECTING SOCIAL PARTICIPATION 0F PROFESSIONALS IN RURAL AREAS presented by Clinton J. Jesser has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. Soc. 8 Anth. ______degree in_____ (/ flajor professor August I, I962 LIBRARY Michigan State University I . ‘ .-fl.m--—sr—mu—*_r.w_ ___,..o. IIIIIIIIIIII‘IIIII IIIIIII 3 1293 00823 8358 nan/nuns remove this checkout from “ your record. FINES will I MSU RETURNING MATERIALS: Place in book drop to be charged if EEEF—is returned after the date f2. ' stamped be10w. gs K267 0536 am" i{ 1*_ I WW 1 ”on,“ r5», 4*.- I 35R? 7 199: (q I k .1 V, K) ABSTRACT AN EXPLORATION OF FACTORS AFFECTING SOCIAL PARTICIPATION OF PROFESSIONALS IN RURAL AREAS By Clinton J. Jesser The present research took as its focal question: "How do profes- sionals in rural areas participate socially?" Brief discussions of the meaning and use of the terms "profession" and "social participation" were presented and a fairly detailed description and comparison of the profes— sions represented in the present study were made. Two major sociological theories seemed to incorporate the broad classes of variables under investigation in the present research. It was, however, difficult to generate specific conditional (if....then....) state— ments from the broad outlines of the theories. It was then decided to in- vestigate on an exploratory level of research some of the factors presumed to be associated with social participation and sub—types thereof. Formal social participation was operationally defined largely on the basis of voluntary associational activity. Semi-formal social participa- tion was operationally defined as activity within or attendance of come munity events such as athletic events, movies, supper—dinners, and other local productions. Informal social participation was defined as visiting in homes and local gathering places. All but one (dentists) of the profes- sions included in the present study are among those referred to as "established professions" (doctors, lawyers, ministers and teachers). 1 Clinton J. Jesser Pursuant to the problem of the study all professionals (206) of this type together with dentists in four rural counties in Michigan were interviewed (a few replied by mailed questionnaire). It was found that very few factors consistently discriminate between high and low social participators with respect to all types of social participation. That is, such variables as education and income were highly associated with formal social participation but not semi-formal and informal social participation. The present study also revealed some anomalous findings, such as the association of size of place of residence with formal and informal social participation, the association of length of residence and father's occupational level with formal social partici- pation and the lack of association of sex, age, and number of inter- community moves with formal social participation. Furthermore, the con- trolling of certain of the variables significantly associated with social participation almost always had some effect on the strength of other significant associations, thus indicating a quite high degree of inter- relationship among the variables. Two major contributions resulting from the present study are the findings of a high degree of association of community satisfaction and type of profession with formal social participation. The former finding suggests that new variables can be conceptualized which supplement the traditionally researched stratificational variables and which, when taken together with the latter, may serve to account for a greater amount of the social participation variance. The latter finding (that type of profession was associated with formal social participation) lends some support to the argument that if II A LIT. T4I-In Clinton J. Jesser occupational situation in some way affects the manner in which an indivi- dual is drawn into the social order (according to Durkheimian theory) then when two or more occupations having fairly definite and well established characteristics (such as professions) are compared and found to differ, individuals in those occupations will also differ in their social partia cipation patterns (when such participation is construed as one of the ways in which an individual is drawn into the social order). The present research cannot clearly answer the question as to whether the present findings are due to the fact that the respondents were profes— sional people or that they all resided in rural areas. It is possible that it is due to both factors. Future research might draw random urban and rural samples with respect to professional and non-professional workers to determine an answer to this question. At any rate, it appears that many generalizations asserting the effect of certain factors upon social participation require qualification. AN EXPLORATION OF FACTORS AFFECTING SOCIAL PARTICIPATION OF PROFESSIONALS IN RURAL AREAS By '2 . Clinton J. Jesser A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology and Anthropology 1962 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The author wishes to express his appreciation to Doctors Beegle and Artis for their support and guidance of the study. Doctor Fred Waisanen was very helpful and generous with his time with respect to several problems. Thanks are also due to Doctor Faunce who first introduced me formally to the sociology of occupations and Doctor Olmsted who pro- vided considerable help for the analysis of the data. I wish to extend a note of appreciation to Doctor Loomis who has been a great source of inSpiration to me. To my wife goes a note of sincere appreciation for her great assistance. Finally, I wish to extend my gratitude to my colleagues of Quonset 81 for their constant admonition. ii hapter I. II. III. TABLE OF CONTENTS S TEHZKT OF THE PRCDLJK, ITS RELATION TO THEOR , AND RESEARCH AND AKALYTIC STRATEGY FOR THE STUDY . . . . 3, A. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . B. The Meaning of Profession and Social Participation . C. Classes of Variables to be Dealt with in the Present Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . D. General Theory Related to the Above Classes of Variables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . R. Research Findings Related to the Above Classes of Variables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . F. Analytic Strateg of the Study . . . . . . . . . . . BACKGROUND DISCUSSIOI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A. Professionalism and Characteristics of Professions . 1. The Clerical Profession . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. The Teaching Profession . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. The Medical Profession . . . . . . . . . . . . A. The Legal Profession . . . . . . . . . . . . . B. A Dichotomy of the Professions in the Present Study . O O O O O O O C O O O O O O O O O C O O O O C. American Society and Rural Communities . . . . . . . DESCRIPTION OF THE STUDY AREA AND THE OPERATIONALIZATION Ub‘ TIE STUDY 0 C I C O O O O O C O O O O O O O O C O O O A. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . B. Description of the Study Area . . . . . . . . . . . . C. Description of Some of the Institutional Structures of the Study Area . . . . . . . . . . . D. Demographic Description of the Study Population . . . E. Data Gathering, Coding, and Initial Processing . . . F. Empirical Definition of the Variables . . . . . . . . G. Scoring Social Participation . . . . . . . . . . . . H. Operationalizing Community Satisfaction . . . . . . . I. Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . TEST OF HYPOTHESLS AND ANALYSIS OF THE DATA . . . . . . . AoIntrOdUCtion0.0.0.00000000000000 B. Statistical Considerations . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii Page 10 13 21 21 25 30 36 A2 as A8 50 5O 60 6h 68 73 80 85 9O 93 93 97 Chapter C. D. F. G. H. Test of the Group I Hypotheses . . . . . Residence . . . . . . . . l. 2. 3. A. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. SP SP SP SP SP SP SP SP SP and and and nd and and and and and Age Sex Marital Status . . . . . . Family Size . . . . . . . Education . . . . . . . . Income . . . . . . . . . . Type of Birth Plac . . . Length of Residence . . . Test of the Group 2 Hypotheses . . . . . l. 2. 3. A. SP and Locating Reasons . . . . . SP and Perception of Advice SChOOl Age Youth 0 o o o o o 0 SP and Size of Preferred Community ' SP and CS (Scale Types) . . . . . . to High Test of the Group 3 Hypotheses . . . . . . l. 2. Test of the Professional Hypotheses 1. SP and Father's Occupational Level SP and Number of Inter-Community Moves SP and Type of Profession . . . . . . . Decisions Concerning the Hypotheses . . . . . Controlling Variables . . . . . . . . . V. CONCLUSIONS, DISCUSSION, IMPLICATIONS, AND LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY . . A ti. BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDICES Conclusions iv Page 102 102 102 105 107 107 111 111 11A 11A 116 116 116 120 120 121 121 12A 12A 12A 128 132 138 138 156 16A Table Page 1. Age Composition of the Four Counties, 1950, 1960 . . . . . . 52 2. Selected Population Data for the Four Counties and fortheSLateooooooooo000.000.000.000 53 3. Population and Net Migration, 1950—1960, for the Four Counties . C C C . . . . C . O O O C C C C . C C . C O 0 5A A. Age Composition Comparison of the Four Counties, 1950, With the Study Poplilation o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 55 5. Income Comparison of the Four Counties, 1950, with theSLUdyPOpUlaL-lon00000000000000.0000. 57 6. Income Comparison of the Four Counties, 1959, with theStIldyPOpLIlation00000000000000.0000. 58 7. Distribution of the Professions Hithin the Four Counties and Proportional Distribution According tOPOpLIlationDenSity,.-1.950ooooooooooocoo... 59 8. Number of Churches and Church Hembers Reported by ReligiouscroupandbyCounty................ 61 9. Sex, Marital Status, and Number of Children Char— acteristics by Profession . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 10. Residential and Place of Birth Characteristics by PrOfeSSionooooooooooooooooooooooooo 66 11. Formal Educational Training and Professional Degrees Obtained by PrOfeSSiOn o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 67 .12. Age and Number of Inter—Community Moves by Profession . . . . 69 13 0 Father' 3 Occupation b3? PrOfeSSion o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 70 1A. Number of Professionals by Profession and County, InterVieVu'ed and I‘IOt Interlielfied o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 72 15. Frequency of Governmental Office Holding by Profession . . . 7A Table Page 16. Social Participation Items and Scoring Procedures . . . . . 81 17. Calculation of Discriminative Value of Social Par- ticipation Items by Comparison of Mean Score of Low and High Quartiles of Distribution by Professionals . . . . 83 18. Social Participation Items by Profession . . . . . . . . . 84 19. SP and Size of Place of Residence . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 20. SP and Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10A 21. SP and Sex . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106 22. SP and Marital Status . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 23. SP and Family Size . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 24. SP and Karried, With or Hithout Children . . . . . . . . . 110 25. SP and Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112 26. SP and Annual Income . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 27. SP and Type of Birth Place . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 28. SP and Length of Residence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 29. SP and Locating Reasons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 30. SP and Perception of Advice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 31. SP and Preferred Community Size . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121 32. SP and Community Satisfaction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122 33. SP and Father's Occupational Level . . . . . . . . . . . . 123 34. SP and Number of Inter-Community Moves . . . . . . . . . . 125 ON 350 SPandTypeOfPrOfeSSion................. 12 36. Sumary Of Chi-Square Values 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 127 37. Summary of Control Results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13A vi A. LI SP All Types 0 o o o semi-Form]. SP 0 o o Informal SP 0 ‘T 0 ILLUSTRATION vii [V . O Page 95 95 9e 96 CHAPTER I STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM, ITS RELATION TO THEORY AND RESEARCH AND ANALYTIC STRATEGY FOR THE STUDY A. Introduction The general problem of this study may be stated in the following form: "How do professionals participate socially?" This ques tion addresses itself to and implicates both the sociology of occupations and the relationship between social structure and behavior. Many writers, in slightly varying ways, note the importance of the study of professions and suggest that there is a need for empirical research in this area. Oswald Hall stated that "social scientists have given very little time to the study of professions . . . [Eh spite of their obvious importance in our society as indicated bi7. . . the functions performed, the prestige accorded, the number involved and the portion of the national income which they receive. . . ."1 Greenwood has observed that "Many important features of social organization are dependent upon professional functions."2 From a normative point of view, it has emphatically been asserted by various writers that, historically and in contemporary times, professions as a body exhibit a "calling" to humanity and a concern for 1Oswald Hall, "The Informal Organization of the Medical Profession," Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, 12:1 (February, 19A6), p. 30. 2 Ernest Greenwood, "Attributes of a Profession," Social Work, 2:3 (July, 1957), p. as. social "progress,"3 yet relatively little is known about how they participate socially. It is believed that the findings of this study will contribute to our knowledge of professionals as it seeks to des- cribe and analyze some of their "extra-occupational" activities and the relationship of other characteristics to these activities. The problem posed may therefore be regarded as a logical priority (or at least co- ordinate with other problems), i.e., requiring research before other questions may be asked concerning such matters as the nature of their influence or the impact upon modern society. B. The Meaning of Profession and Social Participation Any study seeking to further our understanding of professions must define what is meant when one asserts that an individual is engaged in a profession. A great deal of dispute might ensue at this point for there is no complete agreement regarding a definition of profession. Carr- Saunders and P. A. Wilson, after pages of discussion, rather disparagingly define a profeSSion as "a vocation in which a professed knowledge of some department of learning or science is used in its application to the af- fairs of others in the practice of an art founded upon it."h Professions and professionalism have been regarded as: (1) An attitude of mind including inter-colleague identification--a feeling of 3See for example the following sources: Everett C. Hughes, Men and Their werx; T. H. Marshall, "The Recent History of Professionalism.in Re— lation to Social Structure and Social Policy," The Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, v. 5 (February to November, 1939}, PP. 325-3AO; William J. Goode, "Community Within a Community: The Professions," American Sociological Review, v. 22 (April, 1957), PP. 194—200; Ernest Greenwood, "Attributes of a Profession," Social Work, 2:3 (July, 1957). pp. h5-55; and "Ethical Standards and Professional Conduct," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, v. 297 (January, 1955), entire issue. “A. M. Carr—Saunders and P. A. Wilson, The Professions, p. 287. "community"-without the presence of intensive interaction;5 (2) a level of accomplishment with respect to a specialized knowledge pertaining to certain vital affairs of mankind;6 (3) a distinctive relationship be- tween client and practitioner;7 (A) a moral body with a mandate to be exempt from certain norms and a prerogative to view a certain segment of phenomena in an "unconventional manner";8 (5) a sub-community based on occupation having a distinctive culture. As such a profession repre- sents the fulfillment of an endeavor to unite an aggregate of people on the basis of occupation.9 Perhaps it is all of them. To some extent the right to be called a profession is vested in those occupations which succeed in obtaining such recognition from "society" or an important segment thereof.10 It appears, however, that some occupations are more easily professionalized than others and that some occupations are more universally and unequivocally accorded the 5Goods, op. cit. (The boundaries of this type of community are social rather than physical and geographical; it is to be distinguished from the ecological sense of community. A contrasting term, "ambiance," meaning interaction within a spatially defined territory but without the emergence of community [In the former sense is proposed by Theodore Caplow, "The Definition and Measurement of Ambiences," Social Forces, 3h:l (October, 1955), pp. 28-33. Talcott Parsons, "The Professions and Social Structure," in Parsons, Essays in Sociological Theory Pure and Applied, pp. 185-199. 7Marshall, op. cit. 8Emile Durkheim, Professional Ethics (translated by Cornelia Brook- field) and The Division of Labor in Society (lst edition of 1893, trans- lated by G. Simpson); Hughes, op. cit. 9Greenwood, op. cit.; Geode, op. cit. loHughes (op. cit., p. Ah) suggests that the question which he initially posed for himself, viz., "Which occupations are professions?" turned out to be a pseudo problem to a large extent for this reason. title of profession than others. Pour such occupations are listed by Carr-Saunders. They are the occupations of lawyer, doctor, cleric, and teacher (especially in higher education). These occupations have been referred to as the "established" professions.ll The designation of an individual in one of the established professions qualifies him as a professional in this study. It will be noticed that these occupations connect up or are involved quite directly with the basic institutions of a society. Since the topic of professions will be discussed again in Chapter II, another desideratum of our problem will now be introduced, 125., social participation. Its meaning and importance to theoretical and research activity in sociology shall be considered (although the eme pirical definition given this concept will be delayed until Chapter III). Scott Greer has said that "the participation of the individual in his community is of importance on two grounds. Theoretically, an understanding of such behavior aids in the clarification and extension of our picture ofmodern society as a system. And, from.a normative point of view, the nature and degree of such participation sets the limits and indicates the possibilities of social control in a non- hierarchical society."12 It would appear that these are justifiable’ grounds for the study of social participation of professionals as well 11A. M. Carr-Saunders, "Metropolitan Conditions and Traditional Professional Relationships," in R. M. Fisher (ed.), The Metropolis in Modern Life, pp. 279-287. 12Scott Greer, "Individual Participation in Mass Society," in Roland Young (ed.), Approach to the Study of Politics, p. 339. as any social group or congery. It is a simple fact that the degree to which an individual can affect his society depends in part on the number and type of peOple he can relate to and the frequency and character of his social participation. Three types of social participation may be distinguished: formal social participation, semi-formal social partici- pation, and informal social participation. It is characteristic of modern American society that a great many formal organizations (sometimes called "voluntary interest associations") are found on all levels of social organization (i.e., national, state, and local levels). These organizations have as their functions a wide variety of activities. Often they accrue about the institutional complexes of a society (such as educational, religious, governmental, recreational, and economic) and perform some of their activities. A charter of rules for Operation, a delineation of the areas of social life they seek to af- fect and the allocation of individuals to statuses of office, committee or membership (often by election, appointment, or acceptance) character- ize these organizations and lend uniformity and persistence to their activities. These organizations are variously articulated in their "inter- organizational" relationships. That is, they may relate to one another intensively or very little, c00peratively or antagonistically, conflict- ing over power arrangements. At any rate, it is activity of individuals within this type of organization which is generally referred to as formal social participation. More specifically, it appears that what is meant by formal social participation is activity in organizations of a voluntary, non-profit type. The remarkable proliferation of such organizations and organizational memberships has led some observers to refer to our society as an "associational" society and to characterize us as a nation of "joiners."l3 Semi-formal participation generally pertains to the involvement of individuals in social activities occurring as special events or programs in a community. Their settings may be of a public, semi-private, or private nature. They may be designed to provide an outlet for one's aesthetic interests, to promulgate a specific cause which is deemed worthwhile, to perpetuate a certain tradition or to educate the public. The sponsors of these events vary greatly. Individuals usually learn the norms appropriate to these events and sometimes may be said to the "participating" in them by simply sitting in an audience and doing what- ever everyone else in the audience is doing. Examples of such events Some interesting speculations concerning the structural changes in American society which account for the proliferation of voluntary associations will be found in Greer, o . cit., Rose, "A Theory of the Function of Voluntary Associations in Contemporary Social Structure," in Rose, Theory and Method in the Social Sciences, pp. 50-71; and Clyde and Florence Kluckhohn, "American Culture: Generalized Orientations and Class Patterns," in L. Bryson, L. Finkelstein, and R. M. MacIver (eds.), Conflicts of Power in Modern Culture, Ch. XX. Recent research has indi- cated a mass apathy regarding voluntary association participation. Bernard Barber ("Participation and Mass Apathy in Associations," in H. D. Stein and R. A. Cloward (eds.); Social Perspective on Behavior) summarizes this research in the following way: (1) There is an almost countless number of voluntary associations in the United States (cf. Goldhamer's attempted enumeration: Herbert Goldhamer, "Voluntary Associ- ations in the U. 8.," unpublished report prepared for the National Re- sources Committee, Washington, D. C., 1937, cited in Goldhamer, "Some Factors Affecting Participation in Voluntary Associations,") unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Chicago, 1942; (2) there is a large number of people belonging to no associations at all; and (3) only a minority of the membership is active in them. It is interesting to note that when social changes emanate from political Spheres of society then the formal and informal associations of individuals having political significance gain most of the attention. Therefore, what one often means by social participation depends on the researcher's interest. If he is interested in political activity he may focus upon participation in formal organizations of a political nature, pressure groups, elections, and certain aspects of informal associations. are athletic events, programs, dances, movies, card games, parties, fairs, picnics, dinners and banquets, auctions, etc. Still another mode or type of participation pertains to involve- ment in social activities at the more informal levels of society and smaller social systems. The functions of these activities are perhaps less conspicuous and more problematical. For whatever reason, perhaps due in part to adherence to and dependence upon a common basic institu— tional core, individuals in their prolonged phases of formal interaction quite crescively and spontaneously develop a network of informal (some- times called "personal") relationships or patterns. One such network in a community is the visiting patterns. Often- times certain individuals quite consistently visit with certain other individuals. Familial visiting (visiting or entertaining as a family) within the home has become quite firmly institutionalized in our society. Visiting may also occur at traditional, often public, gathering places. Such visiting, in either type of setting, has been referred to as "informal social participation."l5 Oftentimes the visiting ac- companies or takes place subSidiary to another activity which people en- gage in such as check and look over their mail at the post office, drink coffee, eat a dinner or play cards. This type of social participation 14These often co-exist with the formal networks and sometimes de— velop directly out of formal and semi-formal participation. The impor- tance of these informal systems have been noted especially by rural sociologists in the adoption of innovations and by mass media socio- logists in the flow of information and the effect of personal influence. lSInformal social participation might also apply to activities . within the informal systems constituted by relations between pro- fessionals and public officials, clients, and other professionals. is, for this reason and others, not as clearly distinguishable from the second as are these latter two from the first. Part of our difficulty undoubtedly resides in the lack of an adequate definiton of "informal" 16 in sociology. All three types of social participation are herein re- ferred to as "extra-occupational social participation," or simply SP. The definition of SP and a further explication of its meaning can be achieved when viewed against the background of community structure and process. The concept of community as it applies in the U.S.A. usually refers to the organizational structures or units (at least minimally integrated with each other) which arise through prolonged interaction of individuals within a delimited territory as they seek to satisfy their basic needs. (The established ways by which this is accomplished is sometimes referred to by the term "institution.") Partly as a result of such ecological arrangements, individuals within the community develop a common sentiment or culture which becomes the basis for other organi- zations, associations, or activities. Aggregates of people are therefore to a great extent sustained by a continuing community organization or structure in spite of the fact that once relatively autonomous communities are being absorbed into larger Spheres of inter-dependence on a national level. Participation within a community structure and community related activities can be measured in various ways. The present definition of SP selects only certain aspects of participation activity, such as number of associ- ational memberships and frequency of attendance of such associations and community events together with visiting. 16See Arthur L. wood, "Informal Relations in the Practice of Criminal Law," American Journal of Sociology, 62:1 (July, 1956), pp. #8— 55, and Robin Williams, American Society, pp. A83-h89. C. Classes of Variables to be Dealt with in the Present Study Pursuant to the problem of this study and its broader scope (in which it was intended to gain more knowledge in a systematic way concern- ing professionals) a study was conducted in which questions were asked, the answers to which yielded information classifiable within three major areas: (1) Professional occupational group (i.e., doctors, dentists, lawyers, clergy, and teachers), (2) types of social participation, and (3) personal characteristics of the professionals, viz., demographic characteristics, occupational history, and attitudinal characteristics. It would be extremely helpful in bringing coherence to the analysis and predictive and explanatory power to the study if there existed some formulation in the form of a scheme of concepts which would provide a proposed vocabulary in which the analysis could be made and a model17 or theory (a deductively related set of empirically interpreted formulae, at least one of which is a law—like statement) from which propositions in- corporating some of the variables in the three major areas above might be deduced and their truth or falsity subsequently determined. It is now appropriate to explore the possibility of there existing such formu- lations or their approximations, and to determine whether or not con- sequences directly relevant to the problem at hand can be specified from them. l7Instructive discussions concerning the meaning and functions of models will be found in R. B. Braithwaite, Scientific Explanation, pp. 88-llh, and May Brodbeck, "Models, Meaning and Theories," in Llewellyn Gross, Symposium on Sociological Theopy, pp. 373-A08. lint]! ) . |l§t.l!!.l 10 D. General Theory Related to the Above Classes of Variables Some years ago Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels were espousing the primacy of material forces and spinning a theory of society therefrom.18 According to these theorists, to paraphrase them in an overly-simplified fashion,what an individual does in gaining his livelihood (his occu— pation), and the position of that occupation in the division of labor (or what Marx called the social organization of production) has pro- found effects upon one's style of life (which can be construed to mean one's philosophy, Weltanschauung, attitudes, speech, dress, consumption habits, and social participation).19 Disregarding for the moment the limitations of this overarching, macroscopic theory, it appears that Marx's pronounciamentos hold some general relevance to the problem at hand, namely a description of the social participation activities of professionals and an exploration and l8KarlMarx, A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy (2nd German edition, translated by N. I. Stone); Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The German Ideology and Selected Correspondence. 19It is beyond the scope of this thesis to thoroughly evaluate either the structural elegance or the empirical plausibility of this theory (or set of theories). The dialectical lOgic of successively emerging systems is baffling, confusing, and dubious; the theory is to some extent culture bound, applicable largely to certain traditions and socio—economic circumstances; the phenomena of class, status, and power are not analytically distinguished; economic dominance is perhaps over— emphasized and the specific ways in which the material forces are said to effect styles of life are left largely to the readerts imagination. In short, like many other theories whose appeal and attractiveness rest on apparent simplicity, much auxiliary machinery in the form of quali— ficatory strictures and additional, sometimes tenuous, assumptions must be invoked before the purported consequences can be deduced. The type of hypotheses which can be generated from such theories are usually such that they do not venture a clear-cut answer to a specific problem and it is therefore unclear just what would constitute disconfirmatory evidence if the hypotheses were to be rejected or falsified. Often the net results are that the gap between theory and research is widened. 11 analysis of the factors affecting these activities. He and warner (who investigates, evaluatively and at a community level, some of the inter— relationships of some of the purported consequences of Marxian theory)20 hypothesize that persons occupying similar stratification positions may be expected to exhibit similar social participation patterns. In addi— tion, both theorists indicate that occupation is a primary determinant (or at least indicator) of stratification position. Yet it is extremely difficult to (l) deduce, even in a rough way, from their theories which styles of life and how styles of life might vary between given occu- pational groups or strata, and (2) determine the conditions under which social participation might vary for given occupations or classes of individuals which cut across occupational boundaries. Other theorists also indicate that social class, to some extent, determines and is deter— mined by occupation and that style of life, correspondingly, is in- fluenced by both class position and occupation.21 The work of Emile Durkheim?2 in some respects comes somewhat closer to the problem at hand, inasmuch as he dealt extensively with the moral and economic division of labor and the subsequent functions and articulation of occupational groupings found within the matrix. This approach enabled him to Speculate on the way in which occupation draws 2OW. Lloyd Warner, Marchia Meeker, and Kenneth Eels, Social Class in America. 21For example see Edmond Goblot, "Class and Occupations," in Par- sons, et al., Theories of Society, Vcl, pp. 535—5h0. In a sense the various classificatory and ranking schemes of occupations themselves reflect social position dimensions thereby combining class and status components. See Paul K. Hatt,"Occupation and Social Stratification," American Journal of Sociology, 55:6 (May, 1950), pp. 533-5A3. 22Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society. 12 individuals into the mainstream of social life and the way in which occu- pation affects one's extra-occupational social activities. At the same time he speculated that participation in voluntary associations (a type of extra—occupational social activity) is the primary means by which, in "organic-like" societies, individuals are (1) integrated into the authority system of the state, and (2) enabled to develop their extra- occupational capacities. With respect to the former, Durkheim felt that the government or nation which could best do this would be more likely to endure. In his Division of Labor in Society he wrote: "A nation can be maintained only if, between the state and the individual, there is intercolated a whole series of secondary groups near enough to the individuals to attract them strongly in this way into the general 23 It is apparent that he believed that indivi- torrent of social life." duals would and could develop their extra-occupational capacities only if the proper socio-political milieu existed for their nurture. Unfortunately, in terms of the type of theory required for the present problem, Durkheim's polemical concern with integration, cohesion, or solidarity of the differentiated society overshadows observations he might have made into what kinds of occupations participate in what way, or the way occupational and person characteristics combine to effect the way one is drawn into "extra-occupational" activities within the social order. It appears at this juncture that general theory does not offer an adequately applicable set of prOpositions regarding the interrelations of the variables which are the specific focus of this study. It only suggests in a theoretically broad and eliptical manner some lines of 23Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, p. 28. l3 inquiry. It is now appropriate to review and examine some of the em? pirical generalizations culled from research literature dealing with social participation. E. Research Findings Related to the Above Classes of Variables Chapinzh found that the norm of the participation scores on his social participation scale (which concerns itself with membership, at- tendance, monetary contributions, and office and committee position in formal organizations) for adult men in professional and business execu— tive positions were four times greater than the scores for lower or un— skilled positions. He does not, however, explore the factors which may differentiate participation between professions or among people in the same profession. Duncan and Artis25 found a direct and, in most cases, significant association between certain stratification variables (namely, occupation, income, education, political office holding experience, and community prestige by judges' ratings) and participation in formal, semi-formal, and informal activities. Although the components comprising the types of SP used in their study do not exactly correspond in all cases to those in the present study, they were roughly similar. Occupation was a consistently important factor in differentiating between the partici- pation (especially the formal and semi—formal) of individuals within the community. 24F. S. Chapin, "Social Participation and Social Intelligence," American Sociolggical Review, No. 4 (April, 1939), pp. 157—166. 25Otis Dudley Duncan and Jay W. Artis, Social Stratification in a Pennsylvania Rural Community (The Pennsylvania State College Agricultural Experiment Station), Bulletin 5A3, October, 1951. 1A 26 Mather also noted the significance of income to differential participation and leadership in formal and semi-formal community groups in Franklin, Indiana. High income respondents had more associational affiliations and leadership positions in the community than low income respondents. The 1955 NORC Survey,27 reporting only on membership in voluntary associations of all kinds, showed a marked and direct relationship between such partiCipation and stratification variables, such as income, education, prestige of occupation, and level of living. A high positive correlation between this type of membership and being married with children in the family, home ownership, and interest in civic affairs was also found. Residency by rural non-farm or urban and length of residence did not significantly differentiate membership in such organizations. Lenski found that low crystalization persons are more frequently non-participants in voluntary organizations and more often join out of non—sociable motives than high crystalization persons.28 Except for the fact that this study employs a composite concept comprised of social stratificational characteristics and hypothesizes certain behavior which is assumed to follow from an inconsistent status, it contributes nothing more to the problem at hand than might be expected from other stratifi— cational analyses of SP. 26WilliamG. Mather, "Income and Social Participation," American Sociological Review, 6:3 (June, l9hl), pp. 380-383. 27Charles R. Wright and Herbert H. Hyman, "Voluntary Association Memberships of American Adults: Evidence from National Sample Surveys," American Sociological Review, 23:3 (June, 1958), pp. 284—29h. 28Gerhard Lenski, "Social Participation and Status Crystalization," American Sociological Review, 21:h (August, 1956), pp. A58~A6A. 15 Foskett suggests that SP varies with the size and composition of a town or city and the systematically explores the relationship of edu- cation, income, and age to SP with respect to adult respondents of both sexes in two cities differing in size and economic structure. Although the SP profiles for the two cities differed somewhat, Foskett found that for both cities education and income are more significant variables in their affect upon SP than was age.29 A number of studies seek to correlate occupational prestige level (as indicated by the census classification or the North-Hatt ratings) by 30 It is generally various types of participation or leisure activities. the case that the higher the prestige level of the occupation, the greater is the SP (especially when defined as formal associational SP). The findings, though instructive, are not directly applicable to the present study since an intra—classification analysis of the "professional, managerial, proprietor" category is not made. That such an intra- classificatory analysis is often needed is suggested by Riess whose re— search on professionals alone reveals that this category is not nearly as homogeneous as many had heretofore believed it to be, especially when the type of occupational mobility for various types of professions is considered.31 2(”John M. Foskett, "Social Structure and Social Participation," American Sociological Review, 20:A (August, 1955), pp. A31-h38. 3OSee Duncan and Artis, op. cit.; Morris Axelrod, "Urban Structure and Social Participation," American Sociological Review, 21:1 (October, 1955), pp. 13—18; Leonard Reissman, "Class, Leisure and Social Partici— pation," American Sociological Review, 19:1 (February, 195A), pp. 76-8A. 31Albert J. Reiss, Jr., "Occupational Mobility of Professional workers," American Sociological Review, 20:6 (December, 1955), pp. 693-700. 16 One of the most comprehensive and promising approaches to the study of SP is that of Wilensky's.32 He suggests that a synthesis of determinants of social participation could be achieved by investigating the interaction of four major factors whose social structure significance affect SP. They are age, career pattern, family cycle, and consumption demands. However, empirical research has not yet undertaken the study of these relationships, and his suggestions are, therefore, still pro— grammatical. A number of researchers find different social activity consequences for types of job structures and types of career patterns. Wilensky33 has classified jobs with respect to the degree of orderliness of career pattern and finds that SP varies accordingly. In general, he found that the more orderly the career, the stronger are the attachments of formal associations and the community. GerstlBh compared the social organiza- tion characteristics of three professions and found that opportunity for the development of occupational "community" (meaning inter—colleague friendship and professional group identification) varied with the absence or presence of certain of these characteristics. He noted only inci— dentally that where intra—occupational "community" is weak the profes— sionals oftentimes related more intensively to community associations and family circles. 32Harold L. Wilensky, "Work, Careers, and Social Integration," International Social Science Journal, 12:h (Fall, 1960), pp. 5h3—560, and "Life Cycle, Work Situation, and Participation in Formal Associ- ations," in R. W. Kleemeier (ed.), Aging_and Leisure. 33Harold L. Wilensky, "Orderly Careers and Social Participation," American Sociolggical Review, 26:h (August, 1961), pp. 521-539. 31"Joel Gerstl, "Determinants of Occupational Community in High Status Occupations," Sociological Quarterly, 2:1 (January, 1961), pp. 37-L8o 17 As a result of his study of fifty young married couples in a small New York community, Smith35 suggested that three types of influences appear to affect one's participation in formal community organizations: participation backgrounds, family influences (family of procreation) and community influences. Unfortunately, the variables within these types of influences are not clearly specified especially for community in- fluences nor their relationship to occupation and other types of SP. It appears that, due to the centrality of SP (it may be regarded as a special case of social behavior) to sociolOgy, it is affected by many different factors all of which are highly relevant to sociological analysis. In summary, a review of some of the literature reveals relation— ships between types of SP and stratificational characteristics together with certain personal characteristics. It further suggests that SP is related to family cycle and career patterns. The SP of an individual also appears to be a function of some as yet undelineated variables per— taining to family, personal history, and community influences. The type of occupation and the social organization of the occupation also appear somehow to affect intra-professional solidarity and the type and intensity of SP outside of work roles. A review of the literature, therefore, yields findings more directly related to one or more of the classes of variables at hand, but they are too disparate to be unified into an embryonic inductive system of propositions for empirical test. 35w. M. Smith, Jr., "The Social Participation of Rural Young Married Couples," Cornell University Agricultural Experiment Station Bulletin 812, July, 19th. 18 F. Analytic Strategy of the Study Glock has noted that one of the basic obstacles to the study of religious leadership is the lack of a conceptual framework for the general study of the professions.36 A similar obstacle is encountered in seeking a framework by which to synthesize the major classes of vari— ables in this study. In the absence of an adequately applicable de— ductive or inductive set of propositions, and due to the fact that no heuristic model is suggested, a decision concerning subsequent strategy of this research must be made. Perhaps several possibilities are Open. One might be to build, in a rather ad hoc fashion, such a framework within which the variables could be related. One distinct disadvantage of this strategy is the risk of foisting upon the data a superficial and not wholly applicable scheme. This might be called the problem of "fit." One might, on the other hand, design the scheme most compatible (i.e., one which "fits" well) with or Specific to the present data, but whose transference to other data would thereby be impeded. Lastly, once a scheme is chosen, one might impose a premature closure upon important questions which are not easily asked within the framework or language developed. It would seem more appropriate to regard the present study as exploratory, or, in Salltiz and others' terms, a type of "formulative" research.37 Using this approach, it is felt that one will not be as 36Charles Y. Clock, "The Sociology of Religion," in Merton, Broom and Cottrell, Sociology Today, p. 16A. 37Claire Selltiz, et a1., Research Methods in Social Relations, pp. 50-53. l9 likely to isolate the present study from past and future research by creating one's own idiosyncratic scheme in which others might either not be interested or which they would find of little use. The research would still contain some interesting, incidental bearings on previous theoretical positions and research findings, and its importance to sociological knowledge would not be diminished.38 The topics to be taken up in this research may be outlined at this point. In Chapter II we will address ourselves further to the meaning of the term profession and the features which characterize pro— fessions. We will then examine the literature pertaining to the pro— fessions of the present study and make a few comparisons between them. The chapter will conclude with a prOposed dichotomy of the professions included in the present research and a brief description of the socio- economic conditions of rural society. In Chapter III we will describe the study area and the professionals interviewed (with reSpect to some selected characteristics mainly of a demographic nature.) This des— cription will be followed by a description of the main research tech- niques and procedures together with the operationalization of the JBThese statements regarding the establishment and utilization of a conceptual scheme hinge on a few broader problems in the development of a science. One of these problems has to do with the apparent lack of consensus in sociology as to the fundamental or main concepts of the discipline. Keeping in mind that the semantical aspect of scientific theories consists of a set of concepts which emerge as a result of the attempt of the scientist to Speak about the phenomena he is studying, it is not surprising to find that the languages developed by scientists within the same discipline will vary somewhat due in part to the fact that the scientists are studying different problems and seeking to develop concepts which seem to bring coherence and organization to the phenomena observed. Reinhard Bendix and Bennett Berger refer to this problem when they state that "there is no 'sociological theory' but only 'sociological theories?" ("Images of Society and Problems of Con— cept Formation in Sociology," in Llewellyn Gross (editor), "ymposium on Sociological Theopy, p. 113.) Perhaps this will remain the situation in sociology until greater conceptual integration is achieved. 20 variables being researched and a statement of the hypotheses to be tested. Chapter IV will present the tests of the hypotheses and Chapter V will conclude the suidy with a summary, discussion and evaluation of the research. CHAPTER II BACKGROUND DISCUSSION A. Professionalism and Characteristics of Professions Since we are concerned in this study with the question of how pro- fessionals participate socially, it would seem appropriate to discuss one of the contexts within which that participation occurs, viz., pro- fessionalism. Although the following discussion cannot be integrated more directly with the content of the hypotheses of this research be- cause of lack of data,it may facilitate interpretations of the findings which the reader may wish to make. In this section we will discuss the distinctiveness of professions together with the structure and definition of the work situation of each of the four professional groups in the present study. Professions are among the oldest occupations. Their heritage lies in the priesthoods and guilds of medieval Europe. Especially in England, the professions were the occupations deemed most suitable and gentle- manly for the wealthy classes.l Perhaps this is still the case in rigidly stratified societies. The identity of separate professions as we now know them were, until recently, submerged largely within the church. The religious practitioner, before the emergence of secular pro- fessions, performed the healing and educational functions together with lMarshall, op. cit., pp. 325—326. 21 22 jurial mediation and interpretation of law. The traditional sociological approach to professions has been quite succinctly summarized by Greenwood. The sociological approach to professionalism is one that views a profession as an organized group which is con- stantly interacting with the society that forms its matrix, which performs its social functions through a network of formal and informal relationships, and which creates its own sub—culture requiring adjustments to it as a pre— requisite for career success. Such an approach, it will be noticed, finds a profession interesting due to the fact that it exhibits characteristics of a community or sub— society. Most analysis of professions takes as its focus certain as- pects of professionalism which derive from their importance as a community. Such structural analyses bring to light the social organi— zation within the profession (or community) and the strains, exchanges, and interactions within the profession and between the profession and the larger community containing it,3 but fail to illuminate the way pro- fessionals participate in their communities of residence of which they are also a part. We have already briefly noted in Chapter I some observations on the importance of professional services, their calling to humanity and the moral unit they seek to become. We now wish to fill in this picture by noting some additional characteristics of professions and professionalism. 2Greenwood, op. cit., p. A5. 3Examples of this approach are: Goode, op. cit.; and two intra- structural analyses of professions; Harvey L. Smdth, "Contingencies of Professional Differentiation," American Journal of Sociology, 63:4 (January, 1958), pp. AID-Ala; and Rue Bucher and Anselm Strauss, "Pro— fessions in Process,"ibid., 66:h (January 1961), pp. 325-33A. Another writer sees professionalism as a special case of bureaucratization. (See Robert C. Stone, "The Sociology of Bureaucracy and Professions," in Joseph F. Runcek (ed.), Contemporary Sociology, pp. 491—506. 23 A profession often exacts of its initiates a certain minimum functional competence based on principles deriving from an abstract body of organized knowledge. The academic degree, title, license, or certificate is the public's symbol guaranteeing them that the profes- sional has successfully completed the requirements of the training period. Such a guarantee seems necessary since the service which the professional performs is unstandardized, each performance being to a great degree a work of art unique to the particular practitioner, and the client is presumably unable to judge the quality of the service since he does not understand the theory upon which it is based. The theory and skill of the profession is assimilated in the train- ing period during which, in some professions, the recruit is, to a great extent, isolated from the greater society. Apparently this training period has another important function which is the assimilation of the initiate to the professional culture and the development of a profes- sional self-image.A Some writers have suggested that the completeness with which the initiate assumes the professional self-image is of greater importance to his subsequent success in the profession than the mastery of technical knowledge.5 As the professional internalizes the culture of the profession and seeks to ascend in its formal and informal organi- zation, his identification with the profession often attains a high level as indicated in the personality involvement of the practitioner hAn exploration of this process is represented in Mary Jean Hunt— ington, "The Development of a Professional Self-Image," in Merton, Reader and Kendall (eds.), The Student-Phygician, pp. 179-187. 5See Hughes, "Dilemmas and Contradictions of Status," American Journal of Sociology, 50:5 (March, 1945), p. 355. 2A and the fact that once in the profession few leave it.6 Most professions hold some code of ethics within which some of the social relationships expected among professionals, between profes- sionals and clients, and between professionals and the public are defined. Within such a code a statement of policy regarding the operation of the profession and the conduct of the professionals is often included. It may admonish the professionals to offer their services whenever and wherever needed, to do their best at all times and respect the confidence of the client. It may also discourage them from certain forms of ad- vertising (although the referral system may be viewed as a response to the lack of advertisement to which the public is exposed), unfair intra— professional competition, commercial haggling and evaluations of one an- other which are visible to the public. The rights and privileges which professions seek to legitimate for themselves vary by the particular exigencies of the profession. They may include the right to establish and control their own training centers and thus control the rate and type of initiates who enter and graduate from them, the right to define and control the standards by which seniority and merit are judged,7 and any of a bundle of subsidiary rights including immunity to testify against a colleague, non-interference in fee assessment, etc. 6Goode, op. cit., p. 194, and Reiss, op. cit., p. 695; also William Faunce, "Occupational Involvement and the Selective Testing of Self—Esteem," revision of paper read at the annual American Sociological Association meeting, Chicago, September, 1959. An interesting topic in this regard is the effect which increasing alienation in the work role has upon SP. 7Meaning in part that only fellow colleagues in the same profession are qualified to judge the quality of the professional service rendered. 25 Oftentimes the profession develops an association which works for the welfare of the profession by attempting to safeguard and improve the conditions of their work. Of course, the association represents an organizational effort by which the profession may more effectively se- cure control over the behavior of its members and protect itself against invasion by other professions, non—professions, and charletons, thus, in effect, monopolizing their knowledge and skills. Other functions may be served by this association, such as the arrangement of conventions, the facilitation of employment, the coordination of activities and programs, and the publication of materials. It also often becomes the political pressure group which lobbies on behalf of the profession. It would appear that the larger the per cent of membership within the association and the greater the degree of integration of members within it, the more readily can the profession wield power and deve10p a professional solidarity. We turn now to a discussion of the four pro- fessions in the present study: the clerical, the teaching, the legal, and the medical professions.8 1. The Clerical Profession It has been said that the ministry is the most heterogeneous of 9 all professions, and in some respects it is the most interesting 8There is no standardized set of terms by which religious practi— tioners are referred to. The terms clerics, clergy, or ministers may refer to practitioners of Catholic, Protestant, or Jewish faiths unless otherwise specified. The term medical professions may apply to dentists, doctors of osteopathy, doctors of medicine, or other specialists. 9Bryan R. Wilson, "The Pentecostal Minister: Role Conflicts and Status Contradictions," American Journal of Sociology, 64:5 (March, 1959), p. 503. 26 sociologically. The cleric counsels when a birth occurs, he presides over confirmations, weddings, anniversaries and other rites of passage, he comforts during illness and supports the bereaved when a loved one dies. Few professions have access to such a range of important human events. A few major develOpments (such as the spread of science, the de- mands of time and loyalty of other associations such as the school and lodge, the consumption of mass media, and increased specialization of occupations) have drastically altered the structure of the clerical pro- fession and the activities which they traditionally engage in. Due to the increasing specialization of functions and the impetus of industrial and intellectual revolutions, professions gradually broke away from the church. The net effect seems to have been that the ministry has both lost and gained certain functions.10 The material which is the object of the clerical profession is the souls of people. The goals are to save souls, instill religious teachings and sometimes protest the existing social order and speak out on social problems. Although the mandate appears simple, its imple- mentation is actually quite complicated. Religious factions have rent the universal church into a multitude of disagreeing bodies. It is no loWilson, 0p. cit., and Stanley Chapman.("The Minister, Profes- sional Man of the Church," Social Forces, 23:2 (December, 1944), p. 203) note some of the areas from which the minister has been cut off, while , Samuel Blizzard ("The Minister's Dilemma," The Christian Century, April 25, 1956, p. 508) describes the multi—various functions the present—day minister is expected to perform. It is interesting to note that to a great extent the transformation of the clergy profession has closely paralleled the decline of community in the United States. It might also be noted that rural clergy often serve multiple parishes. See Lowry Nelson, Rural Sociology, pp. 357—359. 27 secret that the group or party with which a particular church most bitterly differs is often another church. There is no monolithic philosophy or doctrine although the ecumenical movement seems to be gaining. No unifying code of ethics exists for the clergy although various attempts are being made to formulate policy with respect to "stealing" parishoners from other flocks, performing "unwise" marriages and other matters pertaining to the conduct of the minister in the parish and community.11 Since the affairs of the soul are transcendental in nature, science as a method for its understanding is inapplicable. Yet the social gospel, as commissioned by Christ and interpreted by certain ministers, sometimes leads clergy to become knowledgeable of social science inas- much as it pertains to matters of mental health, the family, crime and delinquency, leadership, group dynamics, and the nature of mass society. It is difficult to classify either the denomination or such groups as ministerial associations as professional associations for it appears that their functions vary and neither type of organization aspires to perform the functions which professional associations normally perform for their members. Or, if aspiring, it does not perform them effectively. One of the main difficulties is, of course, the fact that religious ex- periences and groups are so diverse, and religious groups (within certain limits of civil law) are free to develop and select their own leadership. For this reason and others there does not appear to exist a social sub- stratum conducive to the emergence of an inclusive and vital professional llSee Nolan B. Harmon, "Ethics of the Protestant Ministry," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 297 (January, 1955), pp- 70-75. 28 association. This does not mean, however, that the cleric may not take as the evaluative reference for his behavior the expectations of other clergy. From a sociological point of view, the clergyman stands in a relationship to the church similar to that occupied by the teacher in relation to the school. The clergyman is the leader whom the congregation employs to carry out the functions associated with the office of minister or priest. He is the professional leader of the group.12 The cleric is often responsible for the coordination of the various organizations which subdivide the church. In this respect his role con- tains elements of both professional and executive positions. The cleric is responsible primarily to his church congregation who subsidizes him. His continued employment is subject to the desires of either a church board (locally) or a denominational representative (or committee) or both.13 The congregation in either case is one of his major audiences of evaluation. He performs often and periodically before them, the major performances being the some fifty-two Sunday morning services during the calendar year. His parishoners are concerned (sometimes quite critic- ally) with his social skills, decorum, and leadership finesse}!+ lzNelson, OE. Cite, p0 351+. 13A distinction is usually made between two different types of de- nominational structures, the one called "Congregational type (or c—type)," the other "Episcopal type (or e-type)." The former is distinguished from the latter by the fact that authority to "call" a minister, dispense re- wards for his performance, discharge him, and make its own decisions locally with respect to such matters as finances resides in each local church. These two structures (a third type may be called "mixed" which incorporates elements of both) also greatly affect the ministerts re— lationship to his parishoners and community and his migration patterns. (See Luke M. Smith, "The Clergy: Authority Structure, Ideolo , Migration," American Sociological Review, 18:3 (June, 1953), pp- 242—248. l1"Blizzard ("The Parish Minister's Self-Image of His Master Role," Pastoral ngchology, Vol. 9 (December, 1958), noted that the attributes which made for success were quite different (and differently ranked) from those which contribute toward effective witness in the ministry. 29 The congregation is comprised of people of all ages and their status as parishoners may continue for a lifetime. Sometimes they gain their status as parishoners by inheritance. Like the teacher, the cleric's clientele is to a great extent provided for him. Although the cleric's role is variously conceived and not clearly defined,15 thera— peutic functions are assuming an increasingly large share of his activities. Because of this role he has been referred to as a mediating professional--one who deals in human emotions and whose obligation it is to help the client transform from a present mode of functioning to a 16 Yet the cleric is not paid directly by the client in future state. the form of fees(except for such fees as honorariums for guest speeches) for separate services rendered, but is salaried and thus indirectly and impersonally subsidized. The fact that the cleric participates in the activities of his clients and they in his quite sharply distinguishes this profession from others. Due to theautonomy and diversity of religious bodies, the require- ments and training of clergymen are far from uniform. Each denomination, local church, or sect often ordains its own ministers. However, some kind of training or experience is usually required for there is the possibility of charletons in this profession also. Since denominations contain various class strata (only broadly can one speak of upper or lower class denominations) what is expected of a minister in terms of 15Blizzard, "The Protestant Parish Minister's Integrating Roles," Religious Education, Vol. 53 (July-August, 1953),.pp. 374—380. 16Kasper P. Naegle, "Clergymen, Teachers and Psychiatrists: A Study in Roles and Socialization," Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, 22:1 (February, 1956), pp. 46-62. r 30 training often depends on class, regional and local parish conditions. Many denominations are now requiring the B.D. degree from accredited or recognized seminaries. Many times these institutions are their own establishments. When such training is mandatory, the initiate is usually considerably separated from the larger society for a length of time. During this time he learns various theologies, eschatologies, and cosmologies, together with parish skills which he often tries out in an internship. Social mobility for the cleric usually involves spatial migrations unless he is already part of a local organization in which he may aspire to higher positions. By moving he can often get to a larger, more prestigeful church in an area offering more "cultural" opportunities.17 He may also aspire to state, regional, or national convention offices. Ideologically, the "getting ahead" motive is suppressed; however, it appears that Protestant ethic motivations are embraced by ministers and laymen alike.18 2. The Teaching Profession It is not clear exactly what the status of the teaching profession is in our society. It may be that its members enjoy considerable prestige l7Myles W. Rodehaver and Luke M. Smith, "Migration and Occupational Structure: The Clergy," Social Forces, 29:4 (May, 1951), pp. 417-420. This appears to be especially the case for ministers in the c— type structure where they have a contractual relationship with the local church. According to Parsons ("The Professions and Social Structure," pp. pip.,) the goals (viz. achievement and recognition) of businessmen and professionals in our society are the same, only the paths to them are different. Yet, what constitutes achievement and recognition may vary by profession. The minister, as well as the teacher, exhibits strong commitments toward serving the communities in which they reside. (John B. Holland and Charles P. Loomis, "Goals of Life of Rural Ministers," Sociometry, 11:8 (1948), pp. 217-229.) 31 but little power. The schoolmaster has perhaps been more highly regarded for his novelty and characteristic style of life than for the seriousness of his ideas or his "indispensable" function. Waller has said that "Teaching has been the refuge for unsaleable males and unmarriageable 19 females." Heretofore it appears that parents and community members approved of the school as a sort of detention building in which peers were to learn a few basic subject areas and above all acquire certain values and discipline. In contradistinction to the clergy and the other professions in this study, the high school teachers in a particular community all generally work under the same roof and within the same educational system. There is usually only one school system for a particular school district (except in the case where both public and parochial schools co- exist). The commodity in which the teacher deals is knowledge and the goal is the education and guidance of impressionable minds. Science has For the minister the recognition for this service may partly be defer- red to a "future life" while for the teacher it may rest in the fact of service for its own rewards. A large part of the rewards for lawyers, dentists, and doctors, however, may take the form of a more institution— alized business enterprise. It should also be noted in this context of rewards that "between 1940 and 1954 the real income of lawyers, physicians and industrial workers rose from 10—80 per cent, while that of faculty members dropped 5 per cent." (Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching, Annual Report, cited by Max Ascoli, "Our Cut— Rate Education," an editorial, The Reporter, February 20, 1958, p. 9.) Also see Harold Rosencranz ("The Relation of Social References to Imagery of Occupational Life Styles," Ph.D. thesis, Michigan State University, 1960), for some references to and perceptions of income of teachers and doctors, and also see "Incomes of Physicians, Dentists and Lawyers, 1949-51," Survey of Current Business, July, 1952, pp. 5-7, for a com- parison of incomes of physicians, dentists, and lawyers. l . . . 9Willard Waller, The SOCiology of Teaching, p. 58. 32 played an important role in revolutionizing education both in its (science) dissemination and its application to teaching methods. One of the very interesting structural features of the teaching profession is that it has "compulsory clients"—-literally, a captive audience. Elementary education is required by law. Pressures to attend high school are such that in fact virtually all the youth of that age bracket attend. A consequent of compulsory education and support of the school system via public funds, the payment of which is mandatory of all tax- payers, is that these citizens (taxpayers) are encouraged to think that they have a voice in the Operation of the school system and, consequently, the control over the work situation of the teacher. The fact that this lay public entertains many diverse and competing philosophies concerning the goals and means for "better" education (as do the teachers them— selves) does not make easier the task of the teacher. Training requirements, more uniform than the clergy but less uni— form than the other professions, are often set by state and national governmental agencies who also, to some extent, control the broad range of material to be taught. Yet qualifications for a given high school teaching position vary greatly as do the courses which are taught and re- quired of the student. It is usually expected that the degrees held by a teacher will have been earned at accredited colleges. These colleges are the same ones in which degrees are conferred in other fields of specialization and, therefore, the isolation of the initiate into the teaching profession is no greater than that of any other college student.20 20Although there is usually no conscious attempt to isolate the teacher by means of a separate training center, it is still quite probable that a teacher sub-culture develops out of collegial associations and experiences. 33 Another interesting characteristic of the teaching profession is the fact that teachers are employed, salaried, and discharged by local school boards or equivalent governing bodies. This board thereby be— comes the most powerful audience of evaluation for the teacher. As in the case of the clergy, this audience of evaluation is not usually com— prised of members of the teaching profession, yet it judges the quality of the service rendered. Perhaps it is because this lay group is not fully knowledgeable Of the subleties of the conditions of the profession and the theoretical underpinnings upon which the performance is custom- arily based that it must adduce "extrinsic" criteria in the evaluation of the teachers' competence and performance. Perhaps it is for this rea- son that teachers sometimes perceive the reward and advancement system as Operating capriciously. An additional factor complicates the teacher's role and makes his employment insecure. This is the fact that the audiences before which he performs daily are not the audiences holding the greater power over his performance.21 Perhaps it is for these reasons and others that the literature (studies) pertaining to teacher employment and service re— peatedly document role conflicts and induced structural strains of vari— ous sorts. Like ministers, teachers are part of a social system in which sub- 21Even the e-type minister is not as exclusively at the mercy of a "removed" audience of evaluation. 228ee, for example, J. w. Getzels and E. G. Guba, "The Structure of Roles and Role Conflict in the Teaching Situation," Journal Of Educational Sociolo , 29:1 (September, 1955), pp. 30-40; and Chandler Washburne, "Involvement as a Basis for Stress Analysis: A Study of High School Teachers," unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan, 1953. groups (organizations) are active and with which he becomes involved in advisory or coordinating functions. Both these professions, when con- trasted with the others, have a more continuing relationship with a more unchanging set of clients and engage in more frequent interaction with them. Teachers again exhibit a similarity to the clergy by the fact that national professional associations or unions (which strive for freedoms for the teacher), although in existence, receive little enthusiastic support from teachers.23 Reasons for this may be many. Some believe that member— ship in such an organization jeopardizes their relationships to the community in which they serve. Others believe that the association can do little for them, given the fact that many of their activities and work conditions are presently controlled by national, state, and local agencies. Still others feel that resort to an association by which to improve their status and employment is unethical; it is felt that it is the responsibility of each teacher to conduct himself in a morally up— right manner, fulfilling his every Obligation conscientiously. Only then, some believe, will their lot improve.24 The fact that teachers are in possession of virtually all school— age youth of the community a major part of the day and year could lend 23In 1938 only 10.3 per cent belonged to the American Federation Of Teachers Union, less than 3 per cent belonged to the PrOgressive Edu- cational Association, and 67.9 per cent belonged to the NEA. Patronage of state associations (such as the Michigan Educational Association) is still higher than NEA membership rates. Lloyd A. Cook, Ronald B. Almack, and Florence Greenhoe, "Teacher and Community Relations," American Socio- logical Review, 3:2 (April, 1938), pp. 167—174. ahSee Washburne, Op. cit., pp. 70-95. Another reason suggested by Wilbur Brookover (A Sociology of Education, pp. 237—253) perhaps strikes to the heart of the matter but might not be readily admitted to by tea- chers, that being the fact that unions or other defining bodies might mitigate intra-teacher competition. 35 apprehension to community members with a concern regarding the teachers' "character." Teachers (in small communities) often report that their be- havior is constantly surveilled and that they feel an inordinate amount of "community pressure" to actively participate in organizations in the community.25 This participation brings them (perhaps not by purposive intent) into greater visibility to the community (since the cloistered school building is rarely frequented by parents) and puts them into positions where they are more amenable to community norms and wishes. Since the process of education is presumably not limited to the school environment and activity, teachers are Often concerned with the character of community activities as well. In this they again resemble the clergy who often speak of the "moral tone" of the community. Teachers, like ministers, engage, to a great extent, in mediator roles involving human emotions and counsel. In fact, they find that much of their resource material which they find helpful in counsel is utilized by the clergy also. It would appear that Simmel's sociology of the stranger is appli- cable tO teachers Vls-a-vis the communities in which they serve.26 That is, they seem to be accorded the position Of being ip the community but not pf the community. They are Often regarded by many members of the community as notorious harborers of radical ideas, seeking to innovate wherever possible. To a limited extent this view of them may be quite correct as it is of certain religious leaders who do not accept the 2SCOOK, op. cit., p. 169. If the teacher does not participate in community affairs and organizations he can hardly be surveilled. How— ever, the range of such activities appropriate to him is quite narrowly prescribed. See Brookover, op. cit., pp. 237-253. 26Kurt H. Wolff, The Sciology of Georg Simmell, pp. 402-408. 36 state of society as given in a certain segment of time. Perhaps this element of suspicion is one of the reasons for the fact that ". . . the principle most descriptive of teacher migration is that of 'limited circulation' . . . it is likely that teachers move more Often, but at shorter distances, than do doctors or even ministers . . . [3927' . . teachers show a tendency to work backZhT their changes of position to- ward home towns"27 where they are known and accepted. In a few in- stances the teacher may advance within the school system Of which he is a part, but Often he must migrate to do so. He may also aspire to county and state educational posts.28 3. The Medical Profession Most of the discussion to follow in this section will apply mainly to medical doctors and osteopaths. The dentistry profession has not re- ceived much systematic study although it appears from some research which has been conducted that they deviate appreciably from the general characterization of physicians. Gerstl29 found that of the five factors conducive to occupational "community feeling" among professionals within each of three professions (dentists, admen and college professors) only two characterized the dentistry work situation: participation in 27Cook, op. cit., p. 168. 28Ward 3. Mason and Neal Gross ("Intra-Occupational Prestige Differ— entiation: The School Superintendency," American Sociological Review, No. 3 (June, 1955), pp. 326—331) find that school superintendents? intra- occupational evaluations may occur around several criteria and status symbols: managerial responsibility, quality of the school system, facilities available and salary Of the superintendent. 29Gerstl, op. cit. 37 occupational associations and felt occupational prestige. College pro- fessors, by contrast, although low on the former factor, had much more Opportunity for interaction on the job and exhibited a much higher work commitment (solicited by asking the question, "Would you choose another career if you had to do it over again?") than did dentists. Even though, in the present study, most of the dentists Operate in single-dentist towns (thus greatly diminishing the opportunity for inter-colleague inter- actions), Gerstl's study prompts some comparative observations. Dentistry as an exclusive vocation is a relatively new profession. Their services are perhaps not deemed as vital as are some other pro- fessions' for there is still quite a large segment of the pOpulation which “regards their services as kind of a luxury. The nature of their job is such, Of course, that they do not see as many emergency patients as medical doctors do. One cannot easily schedule himself to be ill on a certain day, but one can have dental services performed which were scheduled weeks in advance. By means of scheduling the dentist is able to confine his work hours to an eight to five work schedule if he likes. It is also apparent that the dentist does not regard his client in "the whole patient" sense that a general practitioner (perhaps even a specialist) doctor does. Correspondingly, he seldom.compiles a health history on his new clients. One of the professions apparently undergoing some of the most radical changes is that of the medical. A couple of Observers state that: "The rash of controversy that has broken out recently, both with- in the medical profession and outside of it, over fundamental problems of medical practice-pre—payment insurance plans, advertising, the hiring of physicians by institutions and fee-splitting-awould seem to indicate 38 that something fairly serious is happening to the oldest and most pre- eminent Of the professions."30 It is conceivable that major techno- logical and scientific changes (specialization, the development of ex- pensive and immobile equipment, increased medical knowledge and new drugs) are seriously affecting the relationships among medical practitioners and between them and their client—public. One of the most noticeable changes occurring in the medical pro- fession is the centralization and institutionalization of services. The success Of an aspiring medical practitioner is to a great extent de- pendent on his access to the hospital, clinic, laboratories, nursing homes, dispensaries, medical associations and established office practices. Hall31 has noted that within most communities in which medi- cal services centralize there evolves an informal organization (inner— fraternity) of the established practitioners. This fraternity deter- mines the movement and fate of the aSpiring practitioner in these in— stitutional structures. This inner fraternity is comprised of specialists who have access to, and dominate the main hospital posts. Below these are those who are expected to replace the core group in time. Around the core are the general practitioners and outside the core are those doctors "who are attempting by their individual efforts to break into 32 the central core." Such a juxtaposition of clearly differentiated, 30William T. Fitts, Jr., and Barbara Fitts, "Ethical Standards of the Medical Profession," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 2977(January, 1955), p. 17. 3lHall, O . cit. 32 iéigo, p. 15, and Hall, "The Stages of a Medical Career," American Journal of Sociology, 53:5 (March, 1948), p, 335, 39 intra—professional groups is seldom found in other professions. The decision to locate in a certain area and take up practice is undoubtedly an important one and one which is swayed by many factors. Hughes states that "the decision of Operating in a small or in a large community involves the choice of significant others (reference groups), the people on whose Opinion one stakes one's reputation; those whom one can afford to pay less attention to; and those, perhaps, from whom one 33 must dissociate oneself." In view Of the centralization described above, this decision would appear to be a particularly important one to the physician. Some factors underlying the location of physicians within Indiana has been researched by Dinke1.31+ The reasons rural doctors gave for lo- cating in their communities differ significantly from those mentioned by urban doctors. Both urban and rural doctors gave consideration to "town being a nice place to live and its having good institutions." Beyond that, however, rural doctors more often mentioned "relatively few doctors in town," and "town is near a large city," and "able to live and work at a moderate pace" as location determinants. Urban doctors men- tioned "home town," "joined an older doctor" and "clinics available." The type of counties in which the present study was conducted are those generally having a proportionately greater number of towns and rural—non-farm places. These places usually contain a large number of Older people.35 The need for medical care increases with 33Hughes, Men and Their Work, p. 129. 3L‘Robert M. Dinkel, "Factors Underlying the Location Of Physicians Within Indiana," American Sociological Review, 11:1 (February, 1946), pp.‘ 16-25. 3SOtis Dudley Duncan and Albert J. Reiss, Jr., Social Character- istics of Urban and Rural Communities, p. 33. 4O 36 age. The wealth of a community is an important factor in attracting a doctor.37 These facts, taken together, often mean that rural areas can- not easily attract a doctor and yet considerable need for one often ex— ists. A number of studies indicate that the number of doctors per one thousand population in rural areas has steadily decreased over the last thirty years.38 Furthermore, the doctors found in these areas are in the young and old age brackets with very few in the middle age brackets around thirty-five to fifty years Of age (such is also the case with rural lawyers).39 Maslow, in his study of phySicians moving into six Wisconsin rural counties, suggested that there is to be found a "rural itinerant" type of doctor of elderly age who moves from one rural community to another. He found that two-thirds of the physicians moving into these counties came from other rural areas and many of them were Older practitioners. McNamaral+0 and Nelson noted essentially the same phenomenon. The latter researcher stated that, "A move originating in a place under 500 is over three times as likely to terminate in a place Of less than 2,500 pOpulation than is one originating in cities 10,000 and over."L‘l 36Charles R. Hoffer, "Medical Needs of the Rural Population in Michigan," Rural Sociology, 12:2 (June, 1947), p. 162. 37Joseph R. Mountin, Elliott H. Pennell, and Virginia Nicolay, "Location and Movement of Physicians, 1923 and 1938--Effect of Local Factors Upon Location," Public Health Reports, 57:51, December 18, 1942. 38Lowry Nelson, "Distribution, Age, and Mobility of Minnesota Physicians, 1912-1936," American Sociological Review, pp. 792-801. 39It must also be noted that the efficiency of the medical service varies inversely with age since considerable stamina is required for the full diurnal routine. AORObert McNamara, "Changes in the Characteristics and Number of Practicing Physicians in Rural Ohio, 1923-1942," Rural Sociologlr 9:1 (March, 1944), pp. 10-20. thelson, "Distribution . . ." p. 800. #1 Some communities, in attempts to attract a physician, have guaranteed a minimum salary, constructed Office space, and purchased equipment with which the new doctor can begin.h2 There are also indications that rural doctors (perhaps more than urban doctors) are expected to provide community leadership in addition to medical services.h3 Hugheshh has said that the medical profession has control over all medical functions with the exception of abortion and even the latter re— quires qualification. It is perhaps for this reason that the physician is not beset with the magnitude of diverse and conflicting role ex— pectations and structural strains which beset the cleric and teacher. There is, however, indication that the medical profession seeks to exceed the purely technical medical functions: AZUniversity of Nebraska News, 31:32 (March, 1952), Lincoln, Nebraska. LBJOhn R. Rodger, M.D., "Rural Practice Can Be Fun," Journal of the Student American Medical Association, April (no year given). hhHughes, Men and Their Work, p. 72. A major difference between the clerical—teaching and the medical—lawyer professions inheres in the fact that the latter each have a single strong professional association which purports to represent the profession inclusively. According to Hugh Brenneman, Public Relations Department, Michigan Health Association, membership in the American Medical Association is voluntary, very high (perhaps over 90 per cent), requires the payment Of dues and requires that the M.D. first be a member at local and state level associations. Michigan began an "integrated bar association" in 1935, meaning that all lawyers practicing in this state must, by law, be a member of the state bar association, have taken its exams and submit himself to its rules of professional conduct before he can practice in the state. Such a bar becomes a governmental adjunct giving the board of governors and local committees the power to try lawyers for misconduct and recommend dis- cipline by the supreme court. Membershi in the American Medical Association is higher (about 22 per cent) than membership in the American Bar Association. A2 According to social medicine the dtudy of the physician is not just to the individual patient but to the community at large--the body social, as it were; and the physician should study not only individual pathology but social pathology which is recorded in the statistical annals of many disciplines. His scope will then reach out into the iields of statistics, sociology, anthropology and psychology. 5 4. The Legal Profession The sociology of religion and education have been standard chapter headings in many books describing an institutional purview of sociology. Medical sociology is rapidly emerging also. But, except for a few contemporary sociologist, such as Sorokin, Selznick, Timasheff and Gurvitch, the sociOlOgy of law (or legal sociology) has received little attention--espec1ally when compared with present trends toward the sociology of power and politics. Within the area of legal sociology, the barrister and solicitor professional roles and the extra—occupational aspects of these roles have received little systematic attention.’+6 About 78 per cent of the active lawyers in the U.S.A. engage in private practice, although it appears that the large law firms are in- creasing.h7 Private practice allows the lawyer to make direct and immediate contact with the client and assume full responsibility for the case. All of the lawyers in the present study were primarily self—employed in private practice. LSFitts and Fitts, Op. cit., p. 28. Also see Loomis, Social Svstems, pp. 304—305. héBoth N. S. Timasheff (An Introduction to the Sociology Of Law) and Georges Gurvitch (Sociology of Law) make only an occasional note to lawyers when noting the subjective factors in jurisprudence. A7A1bert P. Blaustein and Charles 0. Porter, The American Lapyer, p. 8. A3 A recent writer found that if a lawyer is to be maximally com- petitive in the job market he must be a "personable man (one with 'acceptability,' i.e., good family connections, ability, and person— ality) from one of the select eastern law schools, who graduated with honors from an Ivy League College, and was at the top of law school class."l"8 It has been said that lawyers have never been a popular occu- A9 pational group in American society. Complaints against them are of two main types: (I) The way justice is administered, and (2) the way the profession is structures and operates. To an objective non-American observer of American society, the complexity and prominence of our legal machinery is quite conspicuous. Whether popular or not, the lawyer is nevertheless a prominent profession in American society. His technical-professional functions are fairly specific. He is an advo— cate (pleader), attorney (representative), and counselor (advisor). According to wardwell and Wood, "The lawyer's citizenship role is by no means so clear cut [33 the technical-professional r0137."50 Yet there seems to be a common core of extra-occupational activities in which lawyers participate (especially the lawyer in private practice). ABErwin O. Smigel, "Recruitment and the Large Law Firm," American Sociological Review, 25:1 (February, 1960), p. 57. Most of the 165 law schools in the U. S. require three years of college work as a prepa- ration for the three year law school period which takes place in a sepa- rate training center. A9 Blaustein, op. cit., p. 33. 50Wardwell and Wood, op. cit., p. 30A. Of course, the type of practice in which lawyers may engage varies considerably. In addition to services rendered to companies, trusts, and individuals, they vie for city, county, or state attorneyships and the various positions of the "bench" such as justices of the peace and county, state, or federal district court judgeships. \ / LA Similar to the physician and dentist in private practice the new lawyer must build up his clientele. This is not easy for between the lawyer, as with the physician (but not the dentist), and the client there must be a confident trust relationship sustained by mechanisms of effective neutrality and functional specificity in order that the practitioner can procure the necessary details of the client's condition. The fact that he must build a clientele without resorting to commercial advertising seems to be related to the fact that the lawyer, whether in order to make himself visible to the public, validate his proficiency or establish business "contacts," participates "in a wide variety of com- munity and political organizations."51 The lawyer in small communities is especially prone to seek political office. In building up a clientele the lawyer also puts himself in competition with other lawyers. Since a large part of the finances for those who need lawyer services but cannot themselves afford them are provided by local com— munity chest drives, lawyers (especially civil rather than criminal lawyers) show active interest and leadership in these projects together with participation in civic and recreational clubs and religious lay 52 One respondent in Wood's study stated: "I find veterans' groups. affairs a most satisfying activity for two reasons: I sympathize with the problems of the veterans and also because veterans? organizations have been very good to me—-they have really been the backbone of my clientele."53 51W00d, o . cit., p. L9. 52Ibid., p. 52. 53Ibid., p. A9. AS In spite of these frequent sympathetic organizational allegiances, the legal code of ethicssu exhorts lawyers to stay free from organiz- ational memberships which would tend to divide and sway his objectivity and loyalty to justice. The code is conspicuously lacking, however, in detail regarding what comprises the lawyer's citizen role. At least two factors characteristic of some rural communities are relevant to the practice of the lawyer in these areas. Blaustein noted that "both the oldest and the youngest groups of lawyers seem to prefer the small communities."55 There is a lack of lawyers in the 35—55 cate— gory in these communities. In this age bracket productive and aspiring lawyers seem to need bigger clients which the rural areas cannot furnish. Secondly, Blumenthal56 noted that some of his respondents characterized the small town life as "smug and tight . . . [resenting7 its enforced intimacies, its factional disputes. . . ." It would seem that the lawyer (in the nature of his job which deals with controversy) in the small communities would be faced with the added difficulty of protecting his future business by placating these factions. A case, if won, is always won at the expense of another party (or faction), and when both parties lie within one's "trade-territory" he (the lawyer) must remember that the opposition is always a potential client. 5LHenry s. Drinker, "Legal Ethics," Annals (op. cit.), pp. 374.5. SSBlaUStein, OE. Cite, p. 170 56Albert Blumenthal, Small Town Stuff, p. 36. For further refer— ences to legal practitioners see: J. E. Carlin, "The Lawyer as Individual Practitioner," unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Chicago, 1959; Dan C. Lortie, "The Striving Young Lawyer: A Study of Early Career Differ- entiation in the Chicago Bar," unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Chicago, 1959; Martin Mayer, "The wall Street Lawyer," Harpers Magazine, Vol. 212 (January—February, 1956), pp. 31—37 and 50-56, and the American Bar Association Journal. L6 8. A Dichotomy of the Professions in the Present Study The above discussion was not primarily intended to generate hypo- theses which could be tested in the present research. Indeed, the data are inadequate to be brought to bear on specific hypotheses regarding influences of professional involvement and affiliation on SP. Further— more, it cannot be determined in this research how, if at all, certain occupational characteristics result in or encourage differential SP. Rather the discussion is intended to provide a background by which to assess and interpret some of the findings of this research. Another important purpose of this discussion was to characterize a dichotomous distinction which can be made of the established professions in the present study. It has been noted that the clerical and teaching pro- fessions share certain characteristics on the one hand and the medical and lawyer exhibit certain similarities on the other hand. Because of these distinctions we shall refer to the former (for lack of better terminology) as the "social-helping" professions and the latter as the "technical—helping" professions. The terms themselves are not as im— portant as the distinctions they are intended to make. These distinctions in summary are the following. 1. The "social-helping" professions lack a well established, singular professional association which seeks to represent the entire profession and gain certain rights pertaining to the economic conditions of the profession, the work situ- ation, and the control of its own members. 2. The "social-helping" professions perform their work roles 5. 7. 8. 9. 10. ll. 47 within an organizational setting, such as the church or school systems. The "social-helping" professions must possess verbal and organizational skills (somewhat different from, e.g., legal practitioners), which are exhibited frequently and periodic- ally before groups of clients. They often perform mediating roles in counsel also. The "social—helping" professions are salaried. The major audience of evaluation for the "social-helping" professions is usually comprised of individuals outside of the profession. The clientele of the "social-helping" professions is, to a great extent, rather stable and ascribed. The "social-helping" professions exhibit a strong work commit- ment involving a "calling" to public community service in addition to a set of clients. The "social-helping" professions are entered with little diffi- culty. The "social—helping" professions are characterized by a rather distinctive occupational status system which is reflected in the mobility patterns of these professionals and the lack of concensus over means and ends. The "technical-helping" professions do not exhibit any of the characteristics of the "social-helping" professions to as great an extent. The "technical-helping professions are distinguished by their tradition of independent entrepreneurship, the presence of #8 strong professional organization and the performance of more technical functions. 12. The "technical-helping" professions are purportedly character- ized by greater status, power, and income. C. American Society and Rural Communities Some of the conditions in the rural community affecting the practice of each of the four professional occupations in the present study have been noted. It is perhaps appropriate to also briefly des- cribe some of the major changes occurring in rural society which might have some broad effects upon the participation of professionals within rural communities. The modern-day rural community is to be viewed within the framework of changes occurring in American society and agriculture. New farm policies prompted by national economic conditions, together with chang- ing technology in agriculture and an increasing mobile population, have seriously affected many trade centers. The infiltration of mass media into rural areas, exposing the inhabitants to more varieties of consumer goods and styles of life and inducing secondary needs for their acquisition, together with improved transportation and communi- cation which make goods and services accessible in other trade terri- tories, have cut sharply into the traditional social life and boundaries of small communities.57 Furthermore, it appears that governmentally, as well as economically and socially, the rural areas have been changed. Increasing centralization of government prompted by greater economic 57Everett M. Rogers, Social Change in Rural Society, p. 1A2. A9 interdependence (nationally and internationally) and the possible need to mobilize the national economy in times of crisis have meant some issues are no longer determined on the local community level and others which are must often take into account meta-local conditions. Nevertheless, some villages and towns survive (indeed, have in- creased in population) perhaps only at the expense of others. Social life continues and certain areas of life are still controlled at local levels. Secondary organizations exist. In fact, Blumenthal reported in 1932 that "the vast number of groups to be found in the small town of Mineville is almost startling . . . [and7 . . . a frequent complaint of Minevillers is that their town has too many organizations."58 Little research deals with the role of professionals in rural com- munities. Vidich and Bensman59 find that professionals often perform the function of institutional connectors. They occupy this role by virtue of their education, technical knowledge, and their access to different styles of life and consumption. In Springdale they influence styles of consumption an thought in the community in three main areas of activity: in organizational activities, community projects, and social fashions. "They have been prime movers in setting up a formal program of youth recreation and in vigorously participating in and sup- porting local cultural activities, such as plays, recitals, and edu— cational talks. In the P.T.A. they constitute the bloc favoring those modern methods and programs which bring the outside world to the small town."60 SBBlumenthal, op. cit., p. 264. 59Small Town and Mass Society, pp. 88-91. éoIbid., p. 90. CHAPTER III DESCRIPTION OF THM STUDY AREA AND THE OPiRATIONALIZATION OF THE STUDY A. Introduction In 1957, a study was undertaken of all doctors (meaning doctors of medicine and doctors of osteopathy), dentists, lawyers, high school teachers, and clergymen in four counties in central Michigan.1 The counties constituting the study area (Clare, Gladwin, Missaukee, and Osceola) in which the respondents resided and the characteristics of the high school students residing within these counties have already been described in other publications;2 however, we shall expand on those descriptions somewhat below. The data for the present study are taken from this larger study of 1957 which was undertaken as an exploration of pOpulation migration and rural professionals. The selection of counties was guided by the objectives of this larger study. The 1The study from which the present data are taken was conducted under the auspices of the Michigan Agricultural Experiment Station and the Farm Population and Rural Life Branch, Agricultural Marketing Service, United States Department of Agriculture. 2See James Cowhig and Jay Artis, J. Allan Beegle and Harold Gold- smith, Orientations Toward Occupation and Residence: A Studyppf High School Seniors in Four Rural Counties in Michigan, Special Bulletin No. A28, 1960, Michigan State University, Agricultural Experiment Station, East Lansing, Michigan; Rolf H. K. Schulze, "Community Satisfaction and Migration," unpublished M.A. thesis, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan, 1960. SO 51 features which seemed desirable in view of the objectives of the larger study were that the counties exhibit net out-migration, declines in rural farm pOpulation, a relatively low level of living, relatively little manufacturing enterprise and that they be rural in character and accessible to the research headquarters. B. Description of the Study Area Table 1 shows a preponderance of youth fourteen years of age and younger in all four counties. It is largely because of this fact that two of the counties, Clare and Gladwin, show a net gain in pOpulation even though there is more out than in—migration in the four counties. Given the present low mortality rates and a relatively high birth rate, one can say that the counties are maintaining, even increasing, their population level by supplying it from within. A slight dip in the population pyramid occurs at the 20—24 age bracket due to the fact that many of the youth (especially females), upon graduation from high school, leave their communities. No urban places are found in the four county area, therefore, the total population may be referred to as "rural" (meaning rural-farm and rural-non-farm). Osceola County has the largest rural pOpulation and Missaukee County the smallest.. The places of largest size and their population in 1950 and 1960 for each of the four counties follow: Clare County — Clare (2,AAO, 2,AL2) and Harrison (88A, 1,072); Gladwin County - Gladwin (1,878, 2,226) and Beaverton (79A, 926); Missaukee County - Lake City (719, 718) and McBain (506, 551); Osceola County - Reed City (2,241, 2,18A), hvart (1,578, 1,775), and Marion (village) 52 TABLE 1 AGE COMPOSITION OF THE FOUR COUNTIES, 1950, 1960a County Clare Gladwin Missaukee Osceola Age 1950 1960 1950 1960 1950 1960 1950 1960 Under 5 yrs. 1,161 1,464 1,032 1,225 860 802 1,599 1,477 5-9 1,082 1,271 1,117 1,242 861 818 1,437 1,474 10—14 1,008 1,132 993 1,152 823 757 1,341 1,460 15—19 846 952 783 963 668 575 1,111 1,108 20—24 591 568 504 520 343 307 713 695 25-29 608 626 544 550 451 294 835 660 30—34 656 629 623 584 456 314 828 707 35-39 663 652 579 607 456 377 884 795 40-44 664 689 505 612 396 415 770 781 45-49 538 659 470 584 378 396 684 789 50-54 531 607 469 490 386 377 728 676 55-59 483 527 468 481 361 297 688 609 60—64 444 506 449 470 331 296 655 619 65-69 370 524 377 467 266 273 563 576 70—74 255 383 266 401 191 240 434 520 75—79 273 229 141 344 80—84 300b 228 201 436 85-over 53 78 44 68 30 34 91 117 Total rural 10,253 11,647 9,451 10,769 7,458 6,784 13,797 13,595 Total Rural (4 county area) 1950 - 40,959 1960 — 42,795 Source: 1960 U. S. Census of POpnlation, Michigan (General Population Characteristics), P-C (1) -- 243., U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, pp. 24—135 to 24—147. aThe new 1960 Census Reports were not yet completed at the time of this study report. Such data are now available, however. Since the se- lection of the counties for the larger study was, to a considerable ex- tent, based upon knowledge from the 1950 census, these data constitute an appropriate baseline description. bApparently the category used in 1950 was 75-84 and 85 and over. 53 (879, 898).3 These places and others of similar size are referred to as towns or villages. Table 2 shows a decided trend toward a decrease in rural—farm and an increase in rural-non-farm population in all of the four counties. Where— as, in 1950 the rural farm exceeded the rural-non—farm population in two of the counties, now all counties have more ruralrnon—farm than rural- farm population. Gladwin County showed the greatest percentage gain in rural-non—farm population while Clare County showed the greatest percent— age 1053 in rural-farm population. The percentage of rural farm popu— lation for the four counties is still considerably above that for the state as a whole. TABLS 2 SELECTLD PLPULATION DATA FOR THE FOUR COUNTIES AND FOR THE STATS ' Percentage change Population! 1960 1950-60 _ Rural- Percent Rural- Rural- . non- Rural— rural- County Total non—farm farm Total farm farm farm Clare 11,647 10,928 1,619 13.6 51.9 -55.6 13.9 Gladwin 10,769 7,398 3,371 13.9 81.8 -37oA 31.3 Missaukee 6,784 _ 4,179 2,605 —9.0 38.9 —41.5 38.4 Osceola 13,595 9,829 3,766 -1.5 35.9 —42.7 27.7 Tot. 4-Co. 42,795 3er3A 11,361 A-S 50.3 -53.3 26.5 State 7,824,965 1,643,243 438,198 22.8 39.9 ~36.9 5.6 Source: 1960 United States Census of Population, Michigan, General Social and noonomic Characteristics, PC (1)—24C, United States Depart— ment of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, p. 24—184 and J. Allan Beegle and Donald Halsted (1957), Michigan's Changing_Pppu1ation, Michigan Agricultural Experiment Station Special Bulletin 415. 31960 U. 3. Census of Population, Michigan, Number of Inhabitants, PC (1)-24A, U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, pp. 24-19 to 24-20. SA More recent figures on population changes of the four county area are presented in Table 3. four county area occurred between 1950 and 1960. A small net increase in population for the Two counties show small total population losses and all four counties show net migration losses. POPULATIOI‘J AND ‘ 1J2; TABLE] 3 MIGRATION, 1950—60, FOR THE FOUR COUNTIES 1950 1960 Per cent Net Per cent of County Pop. Pop. change migration net migration Clare 10,253 11,647 13.6 —301 —2.9 Gladwin 9,451 10,769 14.0 -53 —O.6 Missaukee 7,458 6,784 ~9.0 —1589 21.3 Osceola 13,797 13,595 —l.5 —1825 13.2 Total 40,959 A2o795 4.3 -3768 -9.5 Source: J. Allan Beegle, Hambir Phadtare, Rodger Rice, and John F. Thaden, Michigan Population, 196Q,pSelected Characteristics, forthcoming Agricultural nxperlment Station Bulletin, Michigan State University, Last Lansing, Michigan. The four tables concluding this section represent a comparison of the study population (the 206 professionals) with age and income cate- gories of the four counties in which they reside, and the distribution of professionals within the four county area. Table 4 compares the study population with the appropriate age categories of the four county area population. With the exception of four categories, the four county popu- lation is proportionately larger than the study population although the disparity of sex-ratios between the two populations distorts the compari— son somewhat (i.e., the study population contains a very small proportion 55 TABLE 4 AGE COMPOSITION COMPARISON OF THE FOUR COUNTIES, 1950, WITH THE STUDY POPULATION 1950 Per cent Study Per cent Comparison Four Co. of sub- Pop. of study of the two Age Totals total totals totals population Under 5 yrs. 4,652 5'9 h9h97 10—14 4,165 15—19 3,408 20-24 2,151 9.4 13b 6.3 3.1 25—29 2,438 10.7 28 13.6 -2.9 30-34 2,563 11.2 33 16.0 -A.8 35-39 2,582 11.3 23 11.2 .1 AO-AA 2,335 10-2 15 7-3 2-9 45—49 2,070 9.1 24 11.7 —2.6 50-54 2,114 9.3 28 13.6 —4.3 55-59 2,000 8.8 13 6.3 2.5 60-64 1,879 8.2 16 7.8 .4 65-69 1,576 6.9 11.9 13° 6.3 5.6 70-74 151A6 5-0 75-79 1,155 80-84 85 — over 218 sub—totala 22,854 Total 40,959 100.0 206 100.1 00.0 Source: Column 1 (1950 Four County Totals) was obtained by summating horizontally in Table 1. 8Column 1 total within the broken lines. bAge category used in the present study was simply "under 25 years of age," however, no one younger than 20 fell into the definition of pro- fessional and therefore all the respondents were 20 years of age or over. c Age category used in the present study was simply "65 years of age and over," however, no one over 74 years of age was interviewed. 56 of females.)h Table 5 represents a comparison between the income of gainfully employed families and unrelated individuals and the professionals in the study. (incidentally, it might be noted that the latter would be in- cluded in the former figures.) It is quite apparent that the professionals receive an average yearly income which is substantially higher than that of the remainder of the workers in the counties. Incomes of medical doctors and osteopaths appear to be the highest when compared to those of the other professionals in the study, while clergymen receive the lowest salaries. It should be noted, however, that clergymen commonly obtain pre-paid benefits (income "in kind") from their parishes, such as insurance and rent which affects the reported income level of these pro- fessionals. Since 1960 census data concerning income were available and since the Bureau changed the classification of income somewhat, it may be interesting to note a comparison between the income of the study popu— lation and that of the counties in terms of "income of Families and Persons." Such a comparison appears in Table 6. This comparison makes the incomes of the two populations less disparate; however, the incomes of the professionals still exceed those of the four county area. hThe sex ratio for the four county area, 1950, was approximately 102.4 (referring only to the population included in the age brackets to which the professionals are compared); whereas, the ratio for the study population was approximately 610.3 (177 males and 29 females). Profes- sional workers is an occupational category in which few females are found. 5In order to check this statement the mean value of each of the in- come class intervals in Table 5 was multiplied by the percentages for each interval on both populations. 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I mpmp mmmmHmm “mm. I madam mo Comm .xCoM 362 .QH xCoM 362 .ACopwomom ho>ndm Ho COOCCmV m|< .Cmm ..m.: n OCH CH QHCmCOQEmz CoCCCo OCO mmCoCsCo u.<.m.: OCH CH pmHCCo mo mOCoCCCo OCH mo HHoCCoo HmCoprz "condom .HOCpm pComonm OCH CH thoHO Ho COCECZO 63 NO ON OH em mm eamnoHO to arcadz eHm use st dam naH _ son. .8 co are .5 88 non OmO.Oe eoa.mH mms.e Hme.o MHN.OH OmOH .Heooe coHeeHsdoa HecdoO NOO.mH mHH Omm.s ms mom.m Om aom.m mm OHO.N mH Hence men n mam m ecHtaea eH cctseO eosnoeom .Om HeO.m a HeO.m a eoasnO oestoaom soHenHenO .Om edH H asH H noadno HcaoonHe: pcdpncoond .nm Haves: ES @262 GEO bass: HnEO Peseta GEO hoped: GEO} 11995 .p05 .p09 mHomomo moxswmmHz Cquch OCCHO hpCsoo ll|| a .‘III‘I. OI. il” H HooddHacoov m mumee 6A Lutheran bodies together account for slightly over one—half of the church membership of Osceola County while the Christian Reformed accounts for 63 per cent of the church membership of Gladwin County. Missaukee County has the largest per cent of church membership while Clare County has the least. D. Demographic Description of the Study Population Some inter-professional comparisons on a few selected demographic characteristics are shown in Table 9. Protestant ministers constitute the largest group of professionals in the study. Males dominate through- out the professions, but females constitute a significant segment of the teaching profession. Ninety per cent of the respondents are married and 77 per cent have one to four children. Table 10 deals with features of residence and place of birth of the respondents. A major proportion (78 per cent) of the respondents reside in villages and towns. Dentists and lawyers have resided in their com— munities the longest while the tenure of the Protestant ministers is the shortest. Over one—half (54 per cent) of the professionals were born in Michigan non—metropolitan areas. All but one of the dentists were born in Michigan nonemetropolitan areas. More ministers came from out—of- Michigan non—metropolitan areas than any other group. Doctors were more frequently drawn from metropolitan areas (both in and out of Michigan) while teachers more often came from non-metropolitan areas. Table 11 shows the level of educational achievement of the pro- fessionals in the study. Professions are usually noted for their high standards of education. Dentists and the medical professionals exhibit a uniform educational attainment and lawyers nearly so also. Protestant 65 TABLE 9 SEX, MARITAL STATUS, AND NUMBER OF CHILDREN CHARACTERISTICS BY PROFESSION —' :— _ ___| _,—‘ *—:— _1-_ ‘3 10. in Sex Marital Status Profession Study Male Female Total Sing. Mar. Other Total Teachersa 71 44 27 71 10 61 71 Lawyers 17 17 l7 l6 1 17 Dentists 11 11 ll 11 11 Doctors0 27 27 27 l 25 l 27 Prot.1un(s) 76 74 2 76 2 74 76 Catho. Priests _ 4 4 4 4 4 Total 206 177 29 206 17 187 2 206 - Number of Children Profession 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8/ Sing. Total Teachersa 12 17 11 13 7 11 71 Lawyers 2 2 5 5 1 l 1 17 Dentists 1 1 4 1 3 l 11 Doctorsb 1 6 8 9 1 1 27 Prot. Min(s) 2 15 15 19 16 3 2 2 2 76 Catho. Priests 4 4 Total 18 41 A3 A7 28 5 3 l 2 18 206 a' I O 0 dhenever reference is made to teachers, hlgh school teachers is connoted. bIncluding doctors of osteopathy. BSIDENTIAL AND PLACE OF BIRTH CHARACTERISTICS BY PROFESSION 66 TABLE 10 Place of Residence Non- Vil/ Length of Residence (Yrs.) Profession Farm farm town NA —1 1-2 3—4 5-9 10-14 15—19 20—24 25/ Teachers 7 10 54 4 25 6 10 9 4 5 8 Lawyers 2 l4 1 4 4 1 2 6 Dentists 11 3 3 5 Doctors 1 26 l 3 8 3 1 2 9 Prot. Min(s) 4 19 52 1 13 25 16 15 2 2 3 Cath. Priests 4 l 1 l 1 Total 13 30 161 2 18 52 25 41 19 11 9 31 Place of Birth Michigan Out—Michigan Profession Met. N/met. Unspec. Met. N/met. Unspec. Teachers 9 46 2 13 Lawyers 3 11 1 2 Dentists 10 Doctors 5 8 8 6 Prot. 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HH.H OO.H OO.H aOneHO mm.N md.H Mm.m Hm. mm.m om.H ON.O mo.o eo.m ON.N NO.m m4.m OCOHOOQ mm.m NO. mm.m mH. mO.N mm.H O0.0 O0.0H ON.N md.H Nm.m om.N mpmeCOQ Oq.m om.N O0.0H mm.H om.m mo.N O0.0 O0.0H ©N.4 3N.H 40.m HO.N mpomzwq OH.m OO.H OO.mm OO.H OO.N ON.H O0.0 N0.0 OO.N mm.H em.m Nm.N OCOeOmOH mCHpHmH> mOOme mpCo>a Cpsow mm maven .m.Cmm< .HHO .OCOHHH .EOE .HHQ .OCOHO< .EOE COHmmOMOCm OHHEOO MCHHHOH> mpHC Op mew IOCm HHHC HOOOH OCOHHOHOOOO< mmCOHHOHOOmm< IOEEOQ IOOCOO< ICEEOQ twee: HOOOH HOCOHmmeuohm onmmumomm Mm mEMBH 20HE<®HQHHmuo> mQIOo‘mm10m_04r04,mmrom.¢mjom mH|0H_mIo 97 8. Statistical Considerations It will be noted that the above hypotheses are succeeded by a statement of the expected direction of the association. In some cases the predicted direction was based upon some theoretical formulation which "rationalize" or lend plausibility to this directionality. In other cases no such support for the predicted direction can be claimed. It is therefore desirable to test the null hypothesis of no association in all cases. When testing in this fashion, we cannot take advantage of correct aforehand predictions of directionality by halving the signifi— cance level obtained for the chi square value.h That is, if the .05 level for rejection (alpha) of the null hypothesis is chosen (as is the case in this research), and if the table of probabilities for the chi square distribution is entered at the .05 level and if our value of chi square is equal to or greater than the appropriate table value, then we can halve the rejection level if we have aforehand correctly predicted the direction of the association. If, however, the aforehand predicted direction is incorrect, nothing further can be said about the significance of the association since one cannot "reverse his field" and proceed to test at the other end (tail) of the distribution. All the chi square tests in this research are tests against the null hypothesis of no difference. The direction of association (although predicted aforehand) will not be part of the test, but rather the direction will be determined in a rough observational way from an inspection of the chi—square contingency table. “Hubert M. Blalock, Jr., Social Statistics, p. 218. .,.~I.II.I.J1IJT I 98 Two other topics should be briefly discussed before the findings are presented. The first pertains to the appropriateness of infer- ential statistics and the other to a consideration of the type of statistical inference to be used in this research. The question may be raised as to the meaning of standard errors (the standard deviation of the sampling distribution of a summarizing measure) and appropriateness of statistical tests of hypotheses in re— search in which all the cases or units in some finite universe (we may refer to this universe as a "saturated sample") have been measured or enumerated. This question is pertinent to the present research since all of the "established" professionals in the selected four county study area, with the exception of a few refusals, were interviewed and re— ported on in the present study. A consideration of this question demands, of course, that one re- view the logic and intent of statistical inference in general. Such a discussion would, however, carry the present statement far afield. It would, of course, include the nature of different research designs and the way in which certain variables are controlled within these designs, the nature of random sampling, and probability.5 Although few statistical texts discuss the methodological problems connected with the use of a "saturated sample" and complete consensus is lacking on the part of those addressing themselves to the issue, it 5See for example Hannan C. Selvin, "A Critique of Tests of Signifi- cance in Survey Research," American Sociological Review, 22:5 (October, 1957), pp. 519—527; Leslie Kish, "Some Statistical Problems in Research Design," American Sociological Review, 2h:3 (June, 1959): Pp. 328-338; Santo F. Camilleri, "Theory, Probability, and Induction in Social Research," American Sociological Review, 27:2 (April, 1962), pp. 170-178. 99 appears that there is a general feasibility for the employment of inferential statistics in this type of sample. The employment of such techniques may be justified chiefly on the basis of the "universe of possibilities." That is, we may regard our research of professionals as one observation at one point in time or as a study purporting to apply to similar professionals in other situations or counties similar to those of the present study.6 By regarding this study in either manner, we are implicitly positing the existence of some "super or hypothetical uni- verse."7 One is, therefore, led to say that, "If the conditions or factors affecting the responses to the interview items in the present study were repeated, similar results would obtain." Such a view draws for its underpinning upon the fact that human behavior exhibits certain general regularities. The "saturated sample" must therefore represent the hypothetical universe if inferential techniques are to be used and if reliable results are to be attained. It is therefore important that conditions prevailing in the study area be noted together with the atypical conditions which might have greatly influenced the findings of the study and limit the generalizability of these findings. 6The generalizability of the findings are in great part also de— pendent upon the nature of the hypotheses tested and the extent to which a wide range of the phenomena researched has been observed (e.g., John W. Whiting, "The Cross-Cultural Method," Handbook of Social Psychology, Vol. I, pp. 523—525) shows how failure to observe the relationship between age of weaning and neuroticism on a wide age spectrum.in several different societies has resulted in inadequate and sometimes erroneous generali- zation. 7Margaret Jarman Hagood, Statistics for Sociologists (New York: Henry Holt and 00.), pp. h23—h33. Also see Blalock, op. cit., pp. 269- 271, and E. F. Lindquist, Design and Analysis of Experiments in Psychology and Education, pp. 73-76. 100 Since several writers find sufficient bases for the appropriate— ness of statistical tests of inference given the present sampling condi— tions, the next question asks which type of statistical tests should be employed. Two considerations are primary in answering this question: (1) Type of measurement scale used, and (2) assumptions of the statistical test. Most parametric statistical tests require measurement at or beyond the interval level (a known ratio of any two intervals).8 The assumptions of the model upon which this type of statistical inference is based also entails equinormality which is related to the measurement requiement. Equinormality implies that the variables being measured are normally distributed and that underlying them are continua (which implicates the homogeneity of variance assumption). Non—parametric statistical tests, on the other hand, require a relatively lower level of measurement and make relatively weaker assumptions about the distribution of the vari— ables in the population. Aside from these differences, however, the merits of non—parametric tests appear nearly as great as parametric. Anderson argues that non— parametric tests, with a few, sometimes minor, qualifications, compare favorably with parametric in terms of power9 and effect of lack of equinormality on significance level.10 Although existing non-parametric tests are less versatile, efforts are being made to successfully expand 8n. . ., . l . . Sidney Siegel, nonparametric Statistics, p. 30. 9Power of a test is defined as l - p. of accepting the null hypo- thesis when in fact it is false (type II error) and increases with a sample size. lONorman H. Anderson, "Scales and Statistics: Parametric and Non- parametric," Psychological Bulletin, 58zh (July, 1961), pp. 306—308. lOl their utility. It will be recalled that in the present research integers have been assigned to SP items for number and frequency of such activities. These integers are, however, quite arbitrary, symbolizing at most a "more than, less than" SP difference. In view of the measurement scale of most of the variables incorporated in the hypotheses of this re— search it would seem that non-parametric tests of significance are most appropriate. Only in a few cases will the assumptions of parametric tests be made (in the case of the correlation—ration and product moment correlation). Uhenever the terms "significant or significant association" are used statistical significance at or beyond the .05 probability level is meant. Since the chi—square value cannot be construed as exhibiting the 12 was computed strength of associationll the coefficient of contingency for certain contingency tables. In the analysis to follow we will test the null hypothesis for each of the following relationships: Total SP by postcedent variables; formal SP by postcedent variables; semi—formal SP by postcedent variables; and informal SP by postcedent variables (df = l for all the following X2 tests). 11The magnitude of a chi-square value is a function of the size of the N and power of the test in addition to the obtained differences between two groups. 12c - See Blalock, op. Cit., p. 230. C = X and 0+ .707 X2 + N which is the upper limit of C for 2 X 2 tables. 102 C. Test of the Group I Hypotheses 1. SP and Residence Since one would suSpect that SP (eSpecially formal SP) is contin— gent upon the size and density of population aggregates and the type of social organization necessary to sustain larger communities Of peOple, we may test the null hypothesis of no relationship between total SP (hereafter referred to as simply SP unless otherwise specified) scores and size of place of residency. Such a test yields a chi—square value significant beyond the .05 level. Further analysis of this relationship results in chi-square values significant below the .05 level for formal SP scores by size of place of residence and semi-formal SP by size of place of residence. The tables are however consistent in indicating higher formal and semi—formal SP scores for respondents residing in places of 1,000 population or more. A test of the null hypothesis of no association between informal SP scores and size of place of residency yielded a chi-square value significant beyond the .05 level and an in- spection of the table reveals a tendency for this type of SP to accompany residency in places of 1,000 population or more. 2. SP and Age It will be noticed that the hypothesis relating age and SP posits a curvilinear type of association. As a preliminary step we may simply test the null hypothesis of no relationship. The dichotomization point with respect to age was suggested by the literature.13 The chi-square 13Selz Mayo and C. Paul Marsh, "Social Participation in the Rural Community," American Journal of Sociology, 57:3 (November, 1951), pp. 243—248; and wilensky (in Kleemeier, op. cit.) 103 TABLE 19 SP AND 3125 OF PLACE OF RmSIUtnca ('60) Size of Place of Residence 2 Level of Coef. of SP 1,ooo#*' —1,000 Total X Signif. Cont. Hi A2 24 66 7.16 P¢ .05 C : .026 Tot. SP Lo 60 80 140 Total 102 10A 206 ii """""" 223 ' ' ' io- ' _ ’35 ' -3:6£; 1658230 """" Formal S Lo 8h 92 176 Total 10A 102 206 Q; _______ 5i ' ' ’ Zo- ' ' '9; ' —2:oi ' 36.1226 """" Semi—For. SP Lo 53 62 115 Total 10A 102 206 Q; """"""" 5 ’ ' ' lé- ' ' ‘25 ' -l.:16-P¢-.05 ‘‘‘‘ c 27.626 Inform. SP Lo 97 86 183 Total 10L 102 206 test yielded a very low value for this relationship. Since the contingency table will preserve only a very slight amount of curvilinearity when the data exhibits this relationship, it would seem wise to seek a test designed in such a way that it is sensitive to such a relationship. Apparently such a test does not exist among the current 104 TABLE 20 SP AND AGE Age 50 Under Level of Coef. of SP Years 50 Total x2 Signif. Cont. Hi 22 Ad; 66 .02 .80‘P‘ .90 Tot. SP Lo A8 92 140 Total 70 136 206 a """"" amt“”'35":5;':3a;p2tsa”‘”‘ Formal SP Lo 58 118 176 Total 70 136 206 if ’ ' ' ' ' "51' ' ' ' '70- ' ' "oi - —8:6; " {5.165 """ c1152; Semi-For. SP . L0 L9 66 115 Total 70 136 206 AH """""" 7 ' - ‘ '16— ' ' ”23' - ' :1; - 3755122135 ------ Informal SP Lo 63 120 183 Total 70 136 206 stock of "pure" non—parametric tests. The correlation ratio test (which is partly parametric and partly non—parametric in nature) was therefore chosen since the two variables under analysis seem to fulfill the assumptions for this test. The value yielded by this test was again extremely low (.01A). 105 In order to determine more accurately the nature of the relation- ship between SP scores and age, some computations were made on the non- collapsed table containing this information. The approximate mid-point of each interval was multiplied by the row frequencies. These products were then summated by columns and the result divided by the number of respondents in the columns resulting in a type of mean for each age bracket. Such computation revealed only small variation by age cate— gories. There is, however, a slight tendency for SP to increase with age to approximately tO-Lh years and gradually decrease thereafter. When the formal SP component was separated from the informal and semi—formal SP components, a significant relationship was obtained between informal and semi-formal SP (taken together) and age, but not between formal SP and age separately (although there was a slight tendency for those 50 years of age or over to have higher formal SP scores). A further separation of the informal from the semi-formal SP components re- vealed an association significant at or beyond the .05 level between age and semi-formal SP but not between age and informal SP. That is, respondents L9 years of age or less had significantly higher semi-formal SP scores than did those who were 50 years of age or more. 3. SP and Sex On the basis of the literature we find that single-sex associations far exceed those for which both sexes are eligible.lh However, it is difficult to predict for professionals (and perhaps for other categories of workers also) which sex will have the greater SP scores. Females l“Robert Bierstedt, The Social Order, p. 335. 106 TABLE 21 SP AND SEX Sexh 2 Level of Coef. of SP Male remale Total X Signlf. Cont. Hi 51+ 12 66 1.35 .20‘ P4- .30 Tot. SP L0 123 17 1A0 Total 177 29 206 {a """""" 22 — - ' I ‘ ' '35 ’ ' :05 " 55:13:95 """"" Formal SP Lo 151 25 176 Total 177 29 206 if """"" a? ’ - " a: ' - ’91 " 20:35 15.65 ''''' c 11545 Semi-For. oP L0 110 5 115 Total 177 29 206 a """""" 22 ' - ' '1’ ' ’ '23 ' 1:22 _ 26215.56 """ (Yates Informal SP correc.) Lo 155 28 133 Total 177 i 29 206 tended to have higher SP scores than males although the test of the null hypothesis yielded a chi-square value significant below the .05 level. Similarly a low chi—square value was obtained when males and females were compared on formal SP scores. when males and females were compared with respect to combined inu formal and semi—formal SP scores, females had significantly higher scores 107 than males. However, when the informal and semi—formal components are separated and each compared by sex the chi—square value reached the accepted significance level only for the semi-formal SP scores-sex re- tionship indicating significantly higher semi—formal SP for females. Males tended to have higher informal SP scores than females although this tendency may be due to the fact that a higher percentage of the fe- males were unmarried. A. SP and Harital Status It was noted earlier that the SP items selected might "disadvantage" unmarried professionals since informal SP was in part Operationally de- fined in terms of family visiting. For this reason the comparison between marital status and informal SP was omitted from the following analysis. The chi-square value yielded when marital status is compared with respondents' SP scores reaches the accepted significance level. It ap- pears that being married attends higher SP. However, since neither of the chi—square values obtained from the other two contingency tables (relating formal and semi-formal SP scores to marital status) was significant, it is quite probable that the significance of the first chi—square value is due largely to the effects of informal SP scores. It also appears that unmarried respondents are appreciably excluded from formal SP activities. 5. SP and Family Size The hypothesized relationship between SP and family size hinges on the effect which childlessness or the presence of children has on SP. The hypothesis advanced predicted a curvilinear relationship between 108 TABLE 22 SP AND MARITAL STATUS Marital Status Har— Unmar- Level of Coef. of SP ried ried Total X Signif. Cont. Hi 61+ 2 66 [4.15 Fe .05 C = .020 Total SP Lo 123 17 1A0 Total 187 19 206 £1 """"" 3 a ' - - -0- ' ’ ’36 - "2'15 ' 115.122 :28 """"" (Yates Formal SP correc.) Lo 157 19 176 Total 187 19 206 {a """""""" 85“"9"”91":85‘1‘75:p;:85 _____ Semi—For. SP Lo 105 10 115 Total 187 19 206 £1 """""""""""""""""""""""""" Informal SP NO ANALYSIS MADE Lo Total the variables. As an initial step we may test the hypothesis of no re- lationship. Such a hypothesis may be construed as either no difference in SP between families with one to three children and families with four or more children or as no difference in SP between childless families (sometimes referred to as "arrested families")and families having or 109 TABLE 23 SP AND FAMILY SIZE Number of Children ’ h or 2 Level of Coef. of SP 1 — 3 more Total X Signif. Cont. Hi 1+7 8 55 3.21. .O5‘P4 .10 Total SP Lo 84 31 115 Total 131 39 170‘EL N0 ANALYSES MADE FOR FORMAL, SEMI—FORMAL, 0R INFORMAL SP a . . , . Single or childless respondents omitted. having had children. Although test of the first hypothesis fell some- what short of the accepted significance level the table indicates a tendency for higher SP scores to accompany families with one to three children. The test of curvilinearity resulted in a small value, however (well below the .05 significance level). A test of the second null hypothesis (that married respondents with children would not differ with respect to SP scores from.married respondents without children) revealed a difference significant beyond the .05 level. Here it appears that childless respondents have higher SP scores than those with children. Closer scrutiny of this hypothesis reveals that there is very little difference in formal SP scores when these two groups (married respondents with children and married respondents without children) are compared. There seems to be some tendency, however, for childless 110 TABLE 24 SP AHD HAITIED, WITH OR EITHOUT CHILDREN No Level of Coef. of SP Children Children Total X2 Signif. Cont. Hi 10 55 65 3.87 P< .05 C = .019 Tot. SP Lo 8 115 123 Total 18 170 1888 Hi -------- 3-—-27----30--:01-:901:P;:9; ------ For. SP L0 15 1A3 158 Total 18 170 188 {a ________ 13 ' _ _ 28' _ — '81 " —6:89 ' £5.55 """" ell-oi Semi—For. SP Lo 5 102 107 Total 18 170 188 Hi--------l-——22--__23-_:28-:50:P;:70 """"" (Yates Informal SP correc.) Lo 17 148 165 Total 18 170 188 Single respondents omitted. respondents to have higher combined informal and semi-formal SP scores. As in the case of single persons, married persons without children had significantly higher semi—formal SP scores than respondents with children, while there was a slight tendency for persons with children to have higher informal SP scores. 111 ‘1 . s \ ‘ ‘ $ I L . Li.“ ('1. L .r‘. J. ‘_"_'('_.- L'l‘On Professionals have been traditionally characterized by the mastery of a body of knowledge during a stringent training period. Yet it is difficult to compare the educational levels of practitioners in different professions. It was finally decided to compare those respondents having the B.A., 8.3., or B.L. Bachelor of Laws, also written LL.B.) degree or less with those having attained a graduate degree on the Master's or Ph.D. level or having had some special graduate or professional training in their field. This meant that the latter group contained virtually all respondents with the B.D., M.D., 0.0., D.D.S., or LL.D. degree plus certified ministers leaving, for the most part, high school teachers and clergymen without graduate, B.J. degrees or certification. A test of the null hypothesis yielded a chi—square value which was slightly below the .05 level of significance. There was some tendency for the more highly educated respondents to exhibit higher SP scores. The chi—square values for the combined informal and semi-formal SP scores and separate informal and semi—formal SP scores were all also slightly below the .05 significance level. with respect to formal SP and edu— cational level, the chi—square test yielded a value significant well beyond the .05 level. The table suggests that higher formal SP is significantly associated with higher educational achievement while there appears to be a tendency for lower educational attainment to be associated with higher informal and semi—formal SP scores. 7. SP and Income Amount of income is perhaps both a prerequisite and an entre symbol to SP. It is, in addition, often reflective of one's status and power and is related to one's career and life cycle. 112 TABLS 25 SP AND LDUCATIUN W or W/O Deg. c C. Deg. Grad., m 2 Level of Coef. of SP or less Prof. lotal X Signif. Cont. Hi 12 5A 66 2.25 .10.q m4.a Hm. $40.0 nu Hm.m mm.H mm. Hm.m m>.H mm.H ow. ma.m *ao.o *Hm.m *Hm.4 om.H *aa.o Nm. add.m 8N. bu.m mo.H No.N on. OH.o aaa.a mo.m sm.a wm.m NH.N Hm. *NN.HH Om.H NN.H >4. *Hm.q 'a MN.H amm.m maamo NM.H Hanan on.m mom. d>.H um. ma.H *Ho.m AHH.m u New mo e mm mm. tom.o Aam.o n mxv mEoo:H @ mm 44.H om.m Aho.o I xv :.pmastoo m..mm @ mm ma.m Amm.m u mxv woman .m mo ooze a an em.m mo.H Aoa.m u mxv or: Uflmvh MO somooa e am mo. ama.m Aom.o n mxv .ooaa a an AOH.F fl NNV .mmh mo woman mo mNHm @ mm .8 .m .4 .N .H amae .Eam89a-aao H.)- vyr oEooCH enma.o.e3 .5063 .ma n a x.aoo .ooana .pmz Nwmph OH .mnm m woman .m mo came .ooao Homoa -ooo.awooo.a oaeoeoaooaom .oom no cannon .eomoa u.ooz coammomond .mom mo oNHm mosam> Nx ucmpHSmom one mofiomflum> rmaaonpcoo ‘iil )lhli lli IIIH quzmmm Aamhzoo mo Mmdmzbw pm dqm