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FINES wiII be charged if book is returned after the date stamped beIow. sF'P ? 6: 32-2» 1 ; . ». + [ fl Copyright by PATRICIA LORRAINE NEELY MCCURDY 1981 © THE IDENTIFICATION OF AFRO-AMERICAN ARCHITECTURAL CHARACTERISTICS IN HOUSING IN RALEIGH TOWNSHIP AND SOUTHWESTERN ONTARIO IN THE MID-NINETEENTH CENTURY by Patricia Lorraine Neely McCurdy A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Human Environment and Design 1981 L3” ABSTRACT THE IDENTIFICATION OF AFRO-AMERICAN ARCHITECTURAL CHARACTERISTICS IN HOUSING IN RALEIGH TOWNSHIP AND SOUTHWESTERN ONTARIO IN THE MID-NINETEENTH CENTURY by Patricia Lorraine Neely McCurdy This study investigated how a settlement of Black builders built their dwellings in Canada immediately after slavery. The primary research revealed differences in how the settlers of the Black settle- ment of Buxton and a White settlement of Talbot Road in Raleigh town- ship of Southwestern Ontario, Canada, built their houses in the mid- nineteenth century. The secondary research was designed to propose an answer for the difference using an historical and anthropological focus. In con- juncture were African forms and characteristics and European origins in the United States seventeenth century preadapted architecture and eighteenth century acculturation in folk architecture. Architecture of Ontario, Canada, was reported to have its antecedents in the United States. Migrations during the mid-nineteenth century supported the argument. Mid-nineteenth century architecture in the settlements showed acculturation with strengthened preadapted influences. The White builders of Talbot Road followed the popular trend in house building, while the Black architecture of Buxton was of the non-popular folk type. To My Mother and My Children ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The determination to put together the following research grew out of my own dissatisfaction with the existing literature. Each study investigated housing in early America from the standpoint of the occupancy or major ethnic settlement in a particular area. Little or no consideration was given the African slave as the main labor force, or in some cases, the majority of the population for their participation in house building. More credit for American folk architecture should be given the Afro-American than the literature thus far has allowed. Most of these chapters came about, then, because of my own experience teaching the history of interior design and architecture, and my background in the study of Black history. Europe, which awakened culturally in the twelfth century B.C., borrowed and diffused design elements from the ancient world. Africa was part of that ancient world. The recent information about Africa and its beginnings may explain, perhaps, the beginnings of all cultures of humankind. Once the attitude is taken that Africa was a major contributor to all ancient cultures, then it is fitting to assume that the people of Africa, because of their numbers in the Americas, were major contribu- tors to the North American culture, even though they were brought to the Americas in bondage. My sincere thanks is extended to my major professor, Mr. Richard Graham, for his guidance and encouragement; to Dr. Gertrude iii Nygren who kept me on track; to Dr. Sadoyoshi Omoto, who inspired me to give the thesis the historical focus; to Dr. Lawrence Robbins who inspired me to add on an anthropological point of view; and to Dr. Barbara Stoew and Dr. Norma Bobbitt for their continued support. Special thanks is extended to Mrs. Arlie Robbins, historian of the North Buxton Museum, whose knowledge of the Buxton settlement was invaluable; also special thanks go to Miss Lona Talbot for working through all the rough drafts with me; to Mr. Paul Chartos for assist- ing me with the photography; to Mr. Eric Chase for assisting in recording oral information; to Dr. Gaston Franklyn, Mrs. Mary Nanio, and Mrs. Jo-Ann Shreve for editing; to Mr. Sam Bass for his continued support; and to my children, Leslie, Linda, Cheryl and Brian who made it all possible. A very special thanks is extended to Dr. John Michael Vloch for taking the time to give me invaluable criticism and encouragement in this effort. Thanks loads. Patricia Neely McCurcy iv TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES . LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS INTRODUCTION PART I: IDENTIFYING AFRO-AMERICAN ARCHITECTURAL CHARACTERISTICS IN HOUSING Chapter I. II. III. THE DOCUMENTATION OF CHARACTERISTICS OF BUXTON, A BLACK SETTLEMENT, AND TALBOT ROAD, A WHITE SETTLEMENT, IN RALEIGH TOWNSHIP . . . The Township of Raleigh Talbot Road Settlement . The Buxton Settlement Dwellings . TRADITIONAL ORIGINS OF FOLK ARCHITECTURE OF COLONIAL IMMIGRANTS. . English Vernacular French Vernacular African Vernacular PREADAPTATION OF COLONIAL IMMIGRANTS IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY . . English Folk Architecture . Modified Traditions . . French Seventeenth Century Folk Architecture Slave Dwellings European Models Page vii viii 77 77 82 84 86 Chapter Page IV. ACCULTURATION 0F FOLK HOUSING IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY . . . . . . . . . 9l Afro-American Impact on Folk Architecture . . . . 91 Population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 The Main Labour Force . . . . . . . . . . . 93 Craftsmen . . . . . . . . . . . 97 Wide Variety in House Types . . . . . . . . . 98 French Colonial . . . . . . . . . . . 110 Dutch Colonial . . . . . . . . . . 117 Free Black Folk Architecture . . . . . . . . . 119 V. AFRO— EUROPEAN AND AFRO- AMERICAN EIGHTEENTH CENTURY ARCHITECTURE . . . . . . 133 Afro-European . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 Afro-Americans . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137 PART II: THE HOUSE TYPES OF AFRO-EUROPEAN AND AFRO-AMERICAN ANTECEDENTS IN SOUTH- WESTERN ONTARIO THROUGH MIGRATIONS VI. CANADIAN HOUSE TYPES FROM AMERICAN ANTECEDENTS . . . 142 History of Early Migrations . . . . . . . . . 142 French Migrations . . . . . . . . . . . 144 English Migrations . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 Fugitive Slave Migrations . . . . 145 Cultural House Types Developed Through Migrations . . 148 Afro- European House Types . . . . . . 148 Afro-American House Type . . . . . . . . . . 151 VII. IDENTIFYING FORM AND CHARACTERISTICS OF HOUSE TYPES . 154 Afro-American and Afro-European Characteristics . . 154 A Combined Folk House Type . . . . . . . . . 158 Popular Trend House Types . . . . . . . . . 162 CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174 vi Table LIST OF TABLES Canadian Inventory of Historic Buildings Involving Category Number, Code Number, and Explanations and Number of Houses in Buxton Settlement Which Fit House Characteristics . Summary of Highest Frequency of Houses in Black Settlement Which Fit Category Number, Code, and Explanation . . Structure Evaluation Showing Maximum Score and Structure Rating of Houses by Number for Buston Houses . . . . Canadian Inventory of Historic Building Involving Category, Category Number, Code Number, and Explanation and Number of Houses on Talbot Road Which Fit the House Characteristics . . . . . . . Summary of the Highest Frequency of Houses in White Settlement Which Fit Category Number, Code, and Explanation . . Structure Evaluation Showing Maximum Score and Structure Rating of Houses by Number for Talbot Road Houses . . . Comparison in Category of Largest Margin of Difference in House Characteristics Between Black Settlement and White Settlement . . Comparative Results of House Characteristics Obtained from Illustrations Showing Eighteenth Century American Folk, Seventeenth Century European Traditions, African Vernacular . . . . vii Page 35 38 4O 48 51 53 54 136 LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page l. Raleigh Township Map . . . . . . . . . . . 23 2. Buxton Settlement Map . . . . . . . . . . 28 3. House lA - Buxton Settlement . . . . . . . . 29 4. House 2A - Buxton Settlement . . . . . . . . 30 5. House 3A - Buxton Settlement . . . . . . . . 3l 6. House 4A - Buxton Settlement . . . . . . . . 32 7. House 5A - Buxton Settlement . . . . . . . . 33 8. House 6A - Buxton Settlement . . . . . . . . 34 9. Talbot Road Settlement Map . . . . . . . . . 4l l0. House 18 - Talbot Road . . . . . . . . . . 42 ll. House 28 - Talbot Road . . . . . . . . . . 43 l2. House 38 - Talbot Road . . . . . . . . . . 44 13. House 43 - Talbot Road . . . . . . . . . . 45 l4. House 58 - Talbot Road . . . . . . . . . . 46 l5. House 6B - Talbot Road . . . . . . . . . . 47 l6. Differences Found in House Types . . . . . . . 60 l7. English Vernacular . . . . . . . . . . . 63 I8. English Vernacular . . . . . . . . . . . 64 I9. English Interior . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 20. French Style Houses . . . . . . . . . . . 67 viii Figure 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 4o. 41. 42. 43. Two Varieties of Roof Construction of Ganvie Pe0ple Yoruba House African Double Module House Variety in African House Types Hall Type House Hall and Parlor Type . Salt Box House Type Gothic Style House Type . French Landholdings Map . French Pavilion House Type . Slave Dwellings P0pulation Chart Floor Plans of English House Types Kniffen's House Types Floor Plans . Variation of Built-in Porch Type House and Attached Porch . . . . . . Shotgun Type Bungalow Type I-House and Floor Plan Folk Housing Areas 1850 - Map . Dogtrot House Types Dogtrot House Types Poteaux-en-terre House Type ix Page 72 73 75 76 79 79 81 81 83 85 88 94 99 101 102 103 105 105 106 107 108 109 113 Figure 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 6D. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. Poteaux-en—terre House Type Poteaux-sur-sole House Type Preadapted Dutch Style American Dutch Style . Free Black Architecture . Jean Baptiste Pointe DuSable House House Built by Charles Seminole Dwellings Haitian House Types Haitian Stilt Structure . Nigerian House Type Ashanti African House Type . Shotgun House Type Row of Shotgun House Types . Map of French Land Holdings Canadian French Style House (Poteaux-en-terre) Canadian French Style House (Poteaux-sur-sole) Canadian House Type Canadian Combined Folk Type House I-House Floor Plans Haitian Shotgun House and Floor Plan Buxton Houses Showing Massing . Buxton Houses Showing Massing . G.T. Trewartha American Farm House Types Page 114 116 118 120 122 123 124 125 127 128 126 130 139 140 143 149 149 150 150 155 156 159 160 161 Figure 68. 69. 70. 71. Buxton House Study Number 3A House Study Talbot Road No. 4B Classical Greek Types Structural Comparisons Showing Additions to House xi Page 163 165 166 167 INTRODUCTION If the combination of an Afro-American Influence on folk architecture with the migration of people from different cultural traditions can be historically illustrated to show evidence of borrowing and diffusion in vernacular architecture, the result of the investigation of these influences will add to the body of knowl- edge and understanding of Black people and will be the appreciation of their artifacts, and give them credit for any contributions made. Essentially, the historical analysis of primary and secondary sources will be to: 1. Identify the characteristics of Afro-Canadian folk architecture in Southwestern Ontario, in the mid- nineteenth century. Illustrate vernacular house types in the country of origin of the earliest settlers who came to the Americas. Provide an historic overview of the cultural tradi- tions in vernacular architecture of the seventeenth century. Illustrate the interactions through migration of European and African people, and its effect on the vernacular architecture of the eighteenth century. Offer some explanations of how certain character- istics came to be in folk architecture in the mid- nineteenth century in Southwestern Ontario. Expand the body of knowledge of Afro-American content as it relates to Afro-Canadian folk architecture and to European-Canadian folk architecture in Raleigh Township in Ontario, Canada. 7. Demonstrate the impact of Afro-American migrations from 1833 to 1870 into Southwestern Ontario, as evidenced by the housing architecture of the area. Definition of Terms Folk Architecture Architecture made by homeowners or neighbours without the aid of a trained architect. Unpopular styles which exist in justaposition with popular styles. Material Culture Objects made by man. Vernacular Housing made by owner or local people without a trained architect, which reflects the settlers' heritage. Preadaptation The settlers' heritage which made possible their occupancy even before they arrived in the new land. Diffusion Cultural borrowing Acculturation The reciprocal modifications that occur when individuals from two or more different socio-cultural systems come into contact. Architecture is tangible evidence of a man's culture. It exhibits the logical expressions of the minds of men and shows a continuation of cultural traditions. These thoughts have been expressed by architectural historians about the great monuments of time. Recently, these thoughts have been expanded into the newly investigated field of folk architecture. Folk architecture in America has been expressed by innova- tions. Louise Spindler said, "an innovation is the recombination of existing ideas into a new idea, and it is closely linked with diffusion and acculturation."1 Interest in folk architecture has grown steadily over the years. One of the results of the interest is that it has aided in the identification and designation for historic preservation, build- ings built by the English, French, Dutch, Swedes, Spanish and Native Americans. The criteria used to identify the various ethno- cultural dwellings was made possible by books and periodical articles written about particular architectural characteristics. As yet, there has been little acknowledgment of Black architecture, especially in the areas of heavy Black population or areas where the Blacks were original settlers. Southwestern Ontario is one of these areas. The first Black immigrants who founded settlements in Canada came'h1the mid-nineteenth century. Slavery was abolished throughout the British Empire in 1833. Fugitive slaves and free persons migrated to Canada by way of the Underground Railroad from southern parts of the United States, where the institution of servitude was retained until 1865. By the late 18405 there were between 35,000 to 40,000 Black settlers in Ontario. The fugitives and free persons founded settlements in this southwestern province in areas known as 1Louise Spindler, Cultural Change and Modernization (New York; Toronto, Canada: Holt, Rinéhart and Winston, 1977), p. 13. Amherstburg, Anderdon, Lucan, Buxton, Dresden, Maidstone, Harrow, Windsor, Puce and Gosfield.2 Today in some of these former settle- ments, dwellings, churches, schools and other structures built by the first Black immigrants in the mid-nineteenth century still exist. Buxton is one of these settlements. The recognition of an architectural tradition in the Buxton settlement might illustrate the intimate details of the foundations and strength of the communal consciousness within the one remaining settlement in Southwestern Ontario. This communal consciousness was not brought out in the book, Look to the North Star, by Victor Ullman, which put its emphasis on the life of William King. The Buxton settlement founded in 1840 by Reverend William King, a Presbyterian minister, became the largest, the most important and most successful of all the Black settlements in Ontario. The settlers owned their own land and developed their own businesses. Today, most of the land is owned and businesses are still run by 3 An historical museum has the descendants of the original settlers. been erected in the settlement. An archaeological plaque has been placed in front of the remodeled Presbyterian Church, which was built by the first Black settlers. One of the original houses, also remodeled, still stands across the street to the northeast of the church. The church and the house are no longer owned by the 2Carter G. Woodson, The Journal of Negro History, Vol. V (Lancaster, Penn. and Washington, D.C.: The Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, Inc., 1920), p. 195. 3Victor Ullman, Look to the North Star (Boston; Toronto: Beacon Press, 1969), pp. 179-206. Blacks. The material culture still standing in Buxton might never- theless provide evidence of a cultural tradition. A tradition in architecture may account for part of the foundation and strength of the community. Buxton, therefore, may become important as a model for identifying Black architectural characteristics in Southwestern Ontario. Canada's national multiculturalism policy was proclaimed by Prime Minister, The Right Honourable Pierre Elliott Trudeau in 1971. In 1973 a Multiculturalism Directorate was established and is administered through a minister responsible for multiculturalism. A prime objective of the Directorate is to build an awareness of the contributions made to Canadian social and political development by the various ethnocultural communities. Since the beginning and development of the North American way of life a system of myths and misconceptions has been perpetu- ated about Africa. This must be recognized in any study dealing with the Afro-Americans. Evidence accumulates, nevertheless, that Africa gave rise to all our cultures in the sense that humankind originated there. The myths and misconceptions are so ingrained into the North American way of life, that, to be sure, it will take time to even begin to convince the White world that Africa may be the mother of us all. The myth that Africa was savage and had no cultures has kept researchers and historians from objectively studying African contributions. In the field of folk architecture it may also be found that emotions interfere with facts.4 If architecture is evidence of culture, an if we believe in the multiculturalism concept that says, in effect, that all ethnic groups have equal status in Canada, then it is important to under- stand North American Folk Architecture as a whole, and that the unique contributions of all ethnic groups should be identified and made known, and made available. It has been well established by historians, archaeologists, and geographers that wherever the English went in the Americas they took with them the traditions of their past. Many architectural historians, such as Hugh Morrison and William Pierson, believe that architecture is an expression of man's culture. The earliest English architecture in the Americas was based on previous knowledge. It was not inspired by books, availability of certain materials, or the climate. It can also probably be said that the Africans, even though they came to the Americas as unwill- ing immigrants in the seventeenth and eighteenttl centuries, brought with them traditions of their past. The European tradition in house building of the seventeenth century, according to Morrison, was a house built on the ground with no foundation. The main all-purpose room was the kitchen with 4See John E. Pfieffer, The Emergence of Man (2d ed.; New York: Harper & Row Publications, 1972), p. 112; J. D. Clark, "Africa in Prehistory: Periferal or Paramount," Man, x (1975), pp. 175-198. a large fireplace for cooking and warmth. The houses were usually two storeys in height.5 In the first colonial settlement of the south in America, Morrison makes reference to several curious new elements which came into the eighteenth century architecture, such as the replacement of the fireplace with the iron stove. When and where the cast iron stove began remains a puzzle. It was mentioned that houses had evolved the use of a central hallway, and that kitchens were being built separate from the main house, but nowhere did Morrison relate the central hallway, or separate kitchen, to European traditions of the past.6 Reference was also made to the obscure origin of the poteaux-en-terre, the French colonial house of Mississippi, which means built on poles as post in the earth. Houses built on posts were different from the European tradition of building on the ground with no foundations.7 The Africans, according to Paul Oliver, built from a tradi- tion based on nature, available materials and climatic changes. Oliver tells of shelter, in an area of West Africa, built along the waterfront on poles which support the floor and a wide over-hanging 8 roof, high above the water, with a gallerie around the house. The majority of the slaves came from West Africa. 5Hugh Morrison, Early American Architecture (New York: Oxford University Press, 19521, pp. 20-22. 61bid., p. 297. 71bid. 8Pau1 Oliver, Shelter in Africa (London: Barrie and Lenkins, 1971). pp. 39-45. From archaeological investigations of the Kingsley Planta- tion in Florida, it was discovered that the slaves built their cabins up on piers and there were few dirt floors. The cabins were built along the riverfront.9 Traditions based on nature and climatic changes are probably a part of the way the African built in the Americas. A Canadian architectural historian, Alan Gowans, found that the architecture of Ontario had its antecedents in the United States.10 The first European house types were brought to Canada by the French. The house was known as the pavilion. This style had the pyramidal characteristics of the Normandy house, very French in origin, with steep front.and back, and steeper still at the ends. It was built with no foundations and had a small projection of the eaves.11 In the late 16005 the French Colonial style of Mississippi was built in Quebec.12 The French Colonial style, which was said to have had its antecedents in the United States, had wide overhang— ing eaves, bell-shaped roofs supported by poles, and was built upon piers from the ground and had a porch or gallerie around the house. 9Stanley South, ed., The Conference on Historical Site Archaeology Papers, Vol. VII, Part II, The Kingsley Slave Cabins in ‘Duval County, Florida, 1968 (Spartanburg: University of South Carolina, 1974), pp. 62-93. 10Alan Gowans, Building Canada (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1966), pp. 34-42. 11Roy Wilson, The Beautiful 01d Houses of Quebec (Toronto; Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1975), p. 12. 12Alan Gowans, Looking at Architecture in Canada (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1958), pp. 29-32. This style may be a diffusion of two traditions, one Afro and one European, but it was not looked at as such. Credit in architecture has been given to every ethnocultural group in early Canada except the Afro-Canadian.13 Before establishing settlements in the nineteenth century, Black slaves were brought to Canada in the eighteenth century by the French from the southern American colonies.14 Also in the eighteenth century, slaves escaping for freedom from the American Colonies joined the British Empire Loyalists in Canada.15 The Ontario archi- tecture of the nineteenth century Afro-Canadian may have, indeed, had its antecedents in the United States, but no investigation has been made to explore this theory. Black artists and their expertise have long been acknowl- edged but not extensively analyzed to establish a tradition. The work of the skilled craftsmen has only been given cursory summariza- tion. Scholars and folklorists who have studied material culture, such as Fred B. Kniffen and Henry Glassie, gave the Black people credit for such things as tools, art works, musical instruments, certain foods, clothing, jewelry, iron-smithing, but nothing as major as architecture. 13Gowan, op. cit., pp. 166-197. 14Papers and Records, Ontario History, XLI, No. 1 (Toronto: Ontario Historical Society, 1949), pp. 102-103. 15James Walker, The Black Loyalists (New York: Dalhousie University Press, 1976), p. 22. 10 The literature also underestimates the fact that slave labour was involved in the construction, perhaps, of most all of the Southern American Architecture. David c. Driskell, Elsa Honig Fine, and Judith Wragg Chase, scholars of art history and architecture, discuss the relative independence of some Black architects, and in some cases their designs merged with plantation style architecture developing in various parts of the South, particularly in Louisiana.16 A circular house was built by the Afro-Americans for their own use in Midlothia, Virginia. The style is stated to be African in derivation and is in marked contrast to the English architecture 17 of that period. It has been said that no circular or elliptical room, or curved projections on exteriors of Euro—American buildings appeared before the Revolution.18 Many of the housewright's arti- sans worked from general description and had considerable latitude for interpretation. Whether owned by the housewright, planter or hired from neighbours, it can be assumed that most of the skilled craftsmen involved in building a plantation house were probably Black.19 16David c. Driskell, Two Centuries of Black American Art (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1976), pp. 27-28. 17Elsa Honig Fine, The Afro-American Artist (A Search for Identit ) (New York; Toronto: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1971 , p. 11. 18Fiske Kimball, Domestic Architecture (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1950), p. 81. 19Judith Wragg Chase, Afro-American Arts and Crafts (New York; Toronto: Van Nostrand Reinhold Co., 1971), pp. 80-81. 11 The existing literature on Folk architecture signified that the process of acculturation was, indeed, a one-way flow. The slaves operating culture for work context would conform to appropriate Euro-American standards.20 The idea of a reciprocal flow of ideas of African standards to Euro-American standards has been overlooked. If the slave did not construct his own huts from African prototypes, then, one is led to beleive that no African culture existed in architecture. Although the slaves were forced to work through new technology, the designs, forms and characteristics of their native culture may have remained in their heads. The African came from a society where he had to fashion things for every day living by hand. The Europeans were further removed from basic survival techniques, because they, for the most part, came from a society of manufactured goods and services. Therefore, the African possessed the ability to produce an animated style and uninhibited handling of materials which seemed foreign to the Euro-American.21 Regardless of the number of Black people in the population of areas investigated by folk scholars, they intuitively, for the most part, looked at the innovations in architecture of the 20John Solomon Otto, "Status Differences and the Archeologi- cal Record, A Comparison of Planter, Overseer, and Slave Sites from Cannon's Point Plantation" (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Florida, 1975), p. 380. 21Henry Glassie, Patterns in Material Folk Culture of the Eastern United States (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1968), p. 116. 12 eighteenth century as being distinctively English or a combination of European characteristics. A house called Mulberry in South Carolina was built in 1714. Tradition says it was modeled from a house on the estate of a family in England. The evidence, however, showed the English house was built in 1718-28. Mulberry defied labeling for any particular period; it seemed a sort of melting pot of architectural forms as diverse in origin as the population of South Carolina at that time.22 The population of South Carolina, according to Peter Wood, during the time Mulberry was built,hes 5,000 Blacks and 4.050 Whites in 1710.23 The I-house, found in folk architecture by Fred Kniffen, was called an innovation of eighteenth century English architecture by Glassie. At the time of Glassie's investigation, the area of his research had a Black majority in its population.24 Estyn Evans, a geographer-archaeologist, called the I-house, moreover, a conver- gence of several house types and somewhat outside of the folk idiom.25 22Morrison, op. cit., p. 173 23Peter H. Wood, Black Majority (New York: N. w. Norton & Company, Inc., 1974), p. 152. 24Henry Glassie, Folk Housing in Middle Virginia (Knowville, Tenn.: The University of Tennessee Press, 1975), p. 6. 25Estyn Evans, "Folk Housing in the British Isles in Materials Other than Timber," Geoscience and Man, edited by B. F. Perkins, Vol. V (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University, 2974), p. 54. 13 Fred Kniffen looked at eighteenth century house forms in the tidewater and upland South. He found an evolutionary series begin- ning with the English and ending in the rise of houses with front porches and rear appendages. Innovations in house types such as the I-house, single log Pen, dogtrot, the shotgun, the saddlebag and 26 The innovations were all found in '7 areas of heavy Black populations.L7 bungalow types were found. In New Jersey it was pointed out, by Peter Wacker, accul- turation was responsible for the appearance of the Dutch house styles. Wacker dismissed the Black input, however, by pointing out that Blacks were only fifteen percent of the population in 1760 and, not being free agents, they were unable to transfer their material culture in the form of traditional building types.28 Gowan suggests, nevertheless, that the New Jersey Dutch Colonial style was a melting pot, a composite cretation of diverse races and traditions reminiscent of all but distinctive of none alone--putting the style outside of a traditional form.29 26Fred Kniffen, "Folk Housing: Key to Diffusion," Annals of the Association of American Geographers, LV (December 1965), pp. 561-563. 27Glenn T. Trewartha, "Types of Rural Settlements in Colonial America," The Geographical Review (1946), p. 592. 28Peter O. Wacker, "Traditional House and Barn Types in New Jersey: Key to Acculturation, Past Cultureographic Regions and Settlement History," Geoscience and Man, edited by B. F. Perkins, Vol.V (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University, 1974), p. 166. 29Alan Gowan, "Architecture in New Jersey," The New Jersey Historical Series, I (New York; Toronto: 0. Van Nostrand Co., Ind., 1964): p. 21. 14 Cultural diffusion and acculturation, indeed, has long been a practice of Europeans. Innovations are closely linked with dif- 30 fusion and acculturation. Innovations are more often the products of diffusion, although they may also be produced within the cultural system.31 The scholars who were of European background and part of the North American culture, at best found it difficult to see the dif- fusion of Afro-American characteristics in distinctive North American styles.32 Two scholars, who were not of European background, were able to perceive another dimension of the eighteenth century folk archi- tecture. Richard Dozier, a Black architect and private consultant in the field of historic preservation and Black landmarks, suggests the following characteristics in house types as being African influences--sloping hip roofs, porches, wide over-hanging roofs, 33 John Michael Vlach, a native of earth and moss construction. Hawaii and professor of folklore, suggests elements of African Architecture are in styles such as the shotgun house, the single log pen, the double log pen, and the porch.34 Vlach found an 30Earlier in the paper the definition of an innovation was given by Louise Spindler, p. 1. 31 32Refer to page 6, paragraph 1, for a detailed discussion of myths and misconceptions. 33Richard Dozier, "The Black Architectural Experience in America," AIA Journal (July 1976), p. 162. 34John Michael Vlach, The Afro-American Tradition in Decora- tive Arts (Cleveland: Museum of Arts, 1978), pp. 124-126. Spindler, op. cit. 15 African tradition in the Lousiana shotgun house types. His research traced a form from Africa to Haiti into New Orleans, establishing a tradition with modifications which persisted through- 35 The shotgun house evolved in New Orleans at the time of out time. Black majority population and spread into the Southern parts of the States in areas of heavy Black concentration. With the new multicultural consciousness among ethnocultural groups growing in Canada, it is, indeed, important that an archi- tectural tradition by Black people be established in Southwestern Ontario. Dozier and Vlach limited their investigations to the South of the United States in the eighteenth century. The fugitive slaves and free persons who came to Canada during the mid-nineteenth century, for the most part, came from the Southern parts of the colonies. There is the probability that the antecedents of the architecture from the United States, therefore, might be found in the Black settlements as well as the White settlements of the mid- nineteenth century. Some modified forms of continuance in African traditions might be found. This research looks at acculturation with the idea that it 36 was a two-way flow. An anthropological point of view has been taken. It looks chronologically at cultural migrations from the 35John Michael Vlach, "The Shotgun House: An African Architectural Legacy," Part II, Pioneer America, VIII, 2 (July 1979), p. 69. 36Acculturation has been viewed as a one-way flow from highly technological societies to societies of little technological development. Spindler, op. cit., p. 31. 16 position that humankind and, indeed, cultures, had a common begin- ning. It is assumed that the movement of people through time, and the ecological changes of humankind, have always resulted in cultural change. At any point in history where groups of people come together there would be a cultural exchange. Common basic elements would be reinforced while elements that were different would be diffused or borrowed through acculturation. The basic assumptions of the study are: 1. People, of any given culture, moving from one place to another, bring with them in their minds the memory of the cultural traditions of the way they built their houses. 2. A Black person can be made more aware of his own historical roots through knowledge of his past architectural forms. 3. A new idea can be explored with respect to unexplained architectural development in folk architecture during the eighteenth century. Research Methods The descriptive analytical data retrieval gathering process was used. Information was gathered from both primary and secondary sources. The sources of primary information were documents, observation and evaluation of slides taken of existing dwellings. The secondary information came from slides and information taken from books, periodicals, theses, historical writings and scholarly journals devoted to folk architecture, geographic, and archaeologi- cal writings. The writings and books included a widely diversified group of authorities, all of whose findings were made a part of the resultant conclusions. 17 The research is presented in two parts. Part one is the comparison of house types in Buxton (a Black settlement) with the house types along Talbot Road (a White settlement) next to each other in Raleigh Township. The Canadian Inventory of Historic Building forms were used for recording purposes. The Inventory of Historic Buildings is a computerized program designed to record the architectural heritage of Canada. 'The computerized recording technique involves the completion of a specially designed form, supplemented by photographs for each building. The houses were analyzed from the standpoint of design forms and general characteristics. The technological aspects of building were not included as part of the study. Six houses of Black builders, in the Buxton settlement between the years 1850 and 1970, in the township of Raleigh of Southwestern Ontario, were studied. Similarly, six houses of White builders, from a settlement near Buxton, along Talbot Road, in the township of Raleigh, built between the years of 1833 to 1870, were also studied. Less than six houses of Black builders in the mid-nineteenth century existed in the other settlements; therefore, comparison by samples could not be made. Slides were taken of any remaining houses found in Dresden, Puce, Windsor, Gesto, and Chatham. A similarity was found in the existing house types between the settle- ments . 18 Only three of the structures in the Buxton settlement were occupied, three had been left standing for a number of years, and two were badly deteriorated. Some of the dating was done through the materials and technology of construction. The nails found in the structures were dated, the iron square head nails versus the steel round head nails. The square head nails were used in the mid-nineteenth century.37 Evidence establishing the age of the dwellings was also obtained from the local historian and curator of the Buxton Museum by researching the register of lands and census dating from 1850 to 1970. Photographs were taken of the dwellings, their structural details and characteristics, and of the interior where possible. Measurement of the floor plans of the first and second storeys were made. A study of the furniture and interiors of the houses was incomplete because of the condition in which some of the structures were found. There were seven houses remaining in the Talbot Road settlement. Dating of the houses was established through library materials, books, local historians, and interviews from decendants of the original builders who presently occupied the house. In the Chatham Library there was also a publication by C. M. Anderson who made a study for the Canadian Government of the older houses in that 37Henry J. Kauffman, Early American Ironware Cast and Wrou ht (New York: Weathervane Books Crown Publishers, Inc., 966 , pp. 117-121. 19 area that were built before Canada's Centennial date of 1966 and 1967. The data for the Buxton settlement was retrieved in March and April 1978. The data for the_Talbot Road settlement was gathered during August and September of 1979. At the time of this writing only three of the six houses still stand in the Buxton settlement. It was important to compare the house types of the two settlements of the mid-nineteenth century, because the people in each area built their own houses. Slave labour was not involved. A difference was found in the type of structures built by each group of settlers. Part two of the research made use of secondary sources and illustrations to give significance to the difference found in the structures built within the Black and White settlements in Raleigh township of Southwestern Ontario. The material is used essentially to link the Black experience historically with seventeenth century preadaptation and eighteenth century acculturation in vernacular architecture in the Americas, and migrationscfi'the mid-nineteenth century into Southwestern Ontario, demonstrating the types of houses found in Ontario Canada during that time. Vlach believes that When studies of architecture are expanded to embrace the totality of the built environment all buildings great and small, the impact of an Afro-American tradition in architecture becomes evident.38 380p. cit., 1978, p. 122. 20 Vlach further notes that: Though the people of Afro-America were drawn from the entire continent of Africa, they did not lack certain shared cultural perceptions. One of these (and a per- ception more crucial than we have previously understood) was a preference for a specific kind of spatial arrange- ment both in form and dimension.3 Limitations The limitations to the study were: 1. Only one area, which contained both a Black and White settlement, was studied. There were only six dwellings of the mid-nineteenth century remaining in the Black settlement. There was scant information in the literature pertaining to the characteristics of African and Afro-American architecture. Not enough information concerning the interiors of the dwellings in the Black settlement could be gathered because of the deteriorated conditions of the structure and lack of furniture and furnishings; therefore, the interiors were not included as part of the study. The technology of the building types was not studied. Folk architecture is built by the houseowners or by local craftsmen without a set of plans from a recognized architect. Without documentation con- jectures can only be made to show that the variety of folk architecture in the Americas was forged, perhaps, by slave labour and the various European immigrants into a melting pot. Scholars have credited building techniques and technology to their country of origin. This study attempts to identify and give credit to the originators of the unexplained forms and char- acteristics in the variety of folk architecture in the Americas. 391bid., p. 124. PART I IDENTIFYING AFRO-AMERICAN ARCHITECTURAL CHARACTERISTICS IN HOUSING 21 CHAPTER I THE DOCUMENTATION OF CHARACTERISTICS OF BUXTON, A BLACK SETTLEMENT, AND TALBOT ROAD, A WHITE SETTLEMENT, IN RALEIGH TOWNSHIP The Township of Raleigh Raleigh Township is located between Tilbury East and Harwich. It extends from Lake Erie to the Thames River. Close to it is a Ridge running east to west on the lakefront marked by steep clay cliffs, which in some places are cut by deep gullies. The land to the north slopes down into a marshy plain (Figure 1). Along the Thames in the marshy lowlands there was too much water. The plains were made usable by extensive drainage systems which appear on maps of the area as hair-like black lines. Along the Ridge (as it became known) the soil was light, productive, and contained some gravel. Between these areas the soil was heavy, non- porous, adhesive clay. The area to the north was heavily wooded. The land surface of Raleigh Township, covered with thick elm, oak and black ash, was monotonously flat. The crops grown by the first settlers were hay, grain, root and fruit crops, the latter probably flourishing better here than in any other township.1 1Victor Loweston, Romantic Kent (Chatham: Shephard Printing Co., 1952), p. 287. 22 23 Jules [Jaggyflju’ 7"~”.. Figure l.--Raleigh Township Map. 24 Talbot Road Settlement By 1817, a year after its founding, the lake front settlement had 25 houses and 75 inhabitants. Assets of the township included one school, two "house mills," and a brickyard. The settlement of Talbot Road, formed under the supervision of Colonel Talbot, had a stretch of land about 10 miles long along the lake front and two miles wide. He gave the settlers their loca- tions and supervised their settlement duties. Information found in the Historical Atlas of Essex and Kent Counties said: The settlement duties--consisting of cutting out the road fronting their property and making certain stipulated improvements thereon, these duties constituting the purchase price of their farms, which were deeded to them on payment of not arial expenses connected with drafting and register- ing the necessary documents, them amounting to nearly thirty dollars. Many of the locatees in this, as in other sections of the Township, came to their new homes in abject poverty of worldly goods, some of them having but an axe, and industrious disposition and indomitable energy as a capital slack on which to begin the coanest of the forest. But their poverty did not deter them from the effective exercise of the advantages which nature had furnished them, and the result of their courage and perseverance in coping with difficulty cannot but challenge the respect and admiration of all who commend these sturdy qualities. The largest number of settlers came around 1816 and after. Some settlers came directly from the British Isles, some came from other parts of Canada and the Maritime Provinces, and some from the neighbouring township of Harwich, after finding the land there 2H. Beldew, Historical Atlas of Essex and Kent Counties (Toronto: H. Beldew and Co., 1880-1881), p. 60. 25 already deeded. Among those who first settled were citizens who have since become the most influential of that locality.3 One of the first settlers of Talbot Road was Phillip Toll, who came from Detroit when the concession of Michigan to the United States was decided. The Buxton Settlement The Buxton settlement was six miles in length, by three in breadth. Its boundary was about a mile and one-fourth from the lake shore.4 The settlement of fugitive slaves was prepared by Rev. William King, a Presbyterian minister. The Historical Atlas of Essex and Kent Counties reports: When the rumor spread over the region that a Negro Colony was being planned, the most violent opposition was mani- fested in mass meetings and petitions to the Government to prevent a grant of land being made for that purpose.5 Victor Ullman said: Canada had a proud tradition as the first portion of the British Empire to abolish slavery in 1793. However, that does not imply that the traditional antipathy towards colour was abolished too. It existed in Canada in 1848 and it was on import with the immigrants from abroad, particularly among those who competed with Negroes for the available job opportunities.6 3Ilpid. 4Benjamin Drew, Narrative of Fugitive Slaves in Canada (Boston: John P. Jewett and Company, 1856), p. 291. 5Beldew, loc. cit. 6Victor Ullman, Look to the North Star. A Life of William King (Toronto: Beacon Press, 1969), p. 101. 26 Ullman also stated: The difference between Canada and the United States lay in the Governmental levels, although the colour antipathy was the same. In the United States no Congress nor President would dare violate the colour code. While in Canada equal protection by the law and by law-enforcement bodies was granted.7 In 1848 a settlement was established by Mr. King and 15 emancipated slaves he brought from Louisiana. A trace of 9,000 acres of heavily timbered land of elm, oak, hickory, maple and ash, was cleared and divided into 50-acre farms which were sold to the settlers at $2.50 an acre (Figure 2). The minimum requirement for a house was set at 24 feet by 18 feet by 12 feet, oriented 33 feet back from the road. If desired, a larger house might be built. The Reverend King purchased £1 small house built several years before by a White settler.8 Later the Historical Atlas reports: The high development of her agricultural interests and pros- perity of her people, rather than her possessions of numerous important trade marks, form the chief attraction of this Township. Its public affairs were well administered, its schools are neat, numerous and efficient, its residences uniformly indicative of taste, comfort, and in many cases, wealth.9 In 1852 the census reported 75 families and 400 inhabitants. In 1853 there were 130 families and by 1854 77 houses had been built. By July 4, 1855 726 acres of land had been cleared and fenced, and a sawmill was completed. Also a plank road had been 71bid., p. 102. 8Loweston, op. cit., p. 454. 9Beldew, op. cit., p. 61. 27 discussed, which would extend eight miles from Grand Western Railway to the lake giving the settlers two markets, one on the lake and the other on the Railroad.10 Dwellings The first dwellings in each settlement of Raleigh Township were, in all probability, made of log. Clapboard and brick structures were built after the establish- ment of sawmills and brickyards in each settlement. In some cases, the log of the original structure was covered over with clapboard to match any additions to the houses. The second houses of the settlers along Talbot Road were of brick. After the establishment of a sawmill clapboard houses appeared. In the Buxton settlement a sawmill was also established. Clapboard as used more than brick to build the settler's second houses. 10Drew, op. cit., pp. 293-295. 28 lAKE ERIE kilometers 0 5 Figure 2.--Buxton Settlement Map. ‘29 Figure 3.--House 1A - Buxton Settlement. 3O Figure 4.--House 2A - Buxton Settlement. 31 Figure 5.--House 3A - Buxton Settlement. Figure 6.--House 4A - Buxton Settlement. 33 ._. Odd-I can Figure 7.--House 5A - Buxton Settlement. 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