MICHIGAN 31" III/III LIBRARIES II II III/IIIIIII IIIOIIIIIIIIII This is to certify that the dissertation entitled THE EFFECT OF EARLY EDUCATIONAL DISRUPTION ON THE BELIEF SYSTEMS AND EDUCATIONAL PRACTICES OF ADULTS presented by MARGARET ELIZABETH HALE-SMI TH has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph . D . degree in Educational Adminis tration 4;, {2' flfécc‘;d\ Major professor May 14, 1992 Date MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771 I LIBRARY Michigan State University PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. To AVOID FINES return on or before date due. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE L V’II I MSU is An Affirmative ActioNEquel Opportunity Institution 3-9.1 r._—__—— THE EFFECT OF EARLY EDUCATIONAL DISRUPTION ' ON THE BELIEF SYSTEMS AND EDUCATIONAL PRACTICES OF ADULTS BY Margaret Elizabeth Hale-Smith A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Educational Administration 1992 ABSTRACT THE EFFECT OF EARLY EDUCATIONAL DISRUPTION ON THE BELIEF SYSTEMS AND EDUCATIONAL PRACTICES OF ADULTS BY Margaret Elizabeth Hale-Smith This study was designed to describe the effects of the five year public school closing in Prince Edward County, Virginia, on African American students who were of school age during that time. Two groups were compared: students who were placed in homes outside the state of Virginia by the American Friends Service Committee (In School Group), and students who stayed in the county during the school closing (Out of School Group). Some of the variables were occupational level, educational attainment, and participation in.post-high school endeavors. Survey research and personal interviews were the methodologies employed. Questionnaires were mailed to a randomly selected sample of students who were listed on school enrollment records in 1958. One hundred-fifteen usable questionnaires were returned. Of this number, twenty-one were students placed by the .American. Friends, and ninety-four' were students ‘who ii remained in Prince Edward County when the public schools closed in 1959. Frequencies and percentages were calculated for each questionnaire item having a fixed response category. Where open-ended responses were permitted, all such responses were recorded and categorized so that frequencies and percentages could be calculated. The Mann-Whitney U was performed on questions measured at the ordinal level, Contents of personal and face-to-face interviews were categorized into themes. There were significant differences at the .05 level between the two groups on educational attainment, occupation, income, and post-high school endeavors. Students who participated in the American Friends program had higher incomes, reached higher educational levels, and generally held higher ranking jobs. Participants in the American Friends program also reported more learning activity as adults. There were mixed results on the subjects of community involvement and attitudes and beliefs about race relations. For example, attitudes and beliefs about race relations from a more general perspective appeared to be very similar for both groups. However, from a more personal perspective, it appeared that members of the American Friends program tended to feel more positive about race relations. iii Copyright by MARGARET ELIZABETH HALE-SMITH 1992 0 iv DEDICATION Ships at a distance have every.man's wish on board. For some they come in with the tide. For others they sail forever on the horizon, never out of sight, never landing until the watcher turns his eyes away in resignation, his dreams mocked to death by Time. That is the life of men. .wa, women forget all those things they don't want to remember, and remember everything they don't want to forget. The dream is the truth. Then they' act and do things accordingly. *Zora Neal Hurston This effort is dedicated to my parents, Carl F. and Margaret E. Hale, who inIanother time and under different circumstances could have had doctorates of their own. It is also dedicated to my son, David Lynn Smith, Jr., who I hope will gain encouragement from it to reboard his own educational ship. I love you. * Hurston, Zora Neal, Their Eyes flgre Watching God. 1990, HarperPerennial, HarperCollins Publisher, Inc. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am grateful to many who stayed by me as I traveled this particular path. First, to God, who finally got my attention and cooperation, and to my father and mother, who provided emotional, spiritual and financial support. A special thanks to Aunt Betty, who always expected this of me, and of course to my son, David, whose close scrutiny was a motivator. My committee under the leadership of Dr. Cas Heilman had a very difficult task - working with me from a distance. Yet, they were fully supportive and interested, and without their guidance this dissertation would not have been completed. So, to Dr. Heilman, Chair, and committee members, Dr. Mary Jim Josephs, Dr. Lee June, and Dr. Leighton Price, thank you very much. I must also acknowledge my Virginia "family", for without them I would not have had the inner strength nor the right connections to achieve this goal. Therefore, to Mrs. Odessa Branch, Mr. James Ghee, Mr. Chucky Reid, Dr. Sarah Young, Mrs. Connie Rawlins, Mrs. Peggy Ward and Ms. Marlene Walton, Ms. Edna Allen-Bledsoe, and Mr. Phillip Walker, thank you and God bless you. *Special thanks to Dr. Wilbur Brookover for his on-going interest, input and support of this project. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS page LIST OF TABLESOO0.0...O...O0.0...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOix CHAPTER I CHAPTER II CHAPTER III CHAPTER IV INTRODUCTION 0 O O O O I O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O O O 1 The Present Study 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 2 History 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 4 Prince Edward County Today..................17 LITERATURE REVIEWOOOOOOOOOOOIOOOO0.0.0.0....29 Research on Prince Edward County School Closings.............................29 Cognitive Development and Schooling.........32 Adult LearnerSCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0.0.0000000035 METHODOLOGY.................................4O Introduction................................40 Research Questions..........................41 Population..................................42 Instrument..................................46 Data Collection.............................50 Data Analysis...............................52 RESULTSOOOOIOOOOOOOO0.0.0.0.000000000000000054 ResearCh Question #1 O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O I O 56 ResearCh Question ’2 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 63 vii Research Question #3.... ..... ...... ..... ....66 Research Question #4........................7O Research Question #5........................71 Research Question #6........................73 Interview Highlights........................78 CHAPTER V DISCUSSION......OOOOOOOOOO0.0.0.00000000000086 Introduction................... ........ .....86 Findings.......... ........... ...............88 Summary............... ......... ............101 Limitations... ..... ............. ........ ...102 Implications.... ........ ...................105 Recommendations.. ......... ......... ..... ...108 BIBLIOGRAPHY.........................................113 APPENDIX A: CORRESPONDENCE..........................119 APPENDIX B: LETTER OF SUPPORT AND COVER LETTER......120 APPENDIX C: QUESTIONNAIRE...........................122 APPENDIX D: INFORMATION SHEET/AGREEMENT TO PARTICIPATE IN INTERVIEW..............129 APPENDIX E: INTERVIEWSOOOO0.0.00......0.00.00.00.000130 viii 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. LIST OF TABLES Page Study Sample of Students Clustered by Grades.0....0.00.00.00.00.00.0.0.0...0.0.0.0043 General Categories on Questionnaire and Related ItemSOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO00......48 Respondents by Group......... .......... . ..... ....55 Demographics by percentages......................56 Highest Grade Attained Group Comparisons.........57 What did you do when the schools closed?. ........ 58 How many years in school after public schools closed in Prince Edward County?.........59 As you look back on the school closing, how do you think it affected your life?.........60 In general, how did you feel when the SChOOIS Closed in 1959?...0000000000000000......62 Occupations held by percentages..................63 Individual Income Levels by percentages..........64 Mann-Whitney U applied to Research Questions 1, 2, a 3 Grade 7 and Above Both Groups...............................65 Percentages of Migration Out of County by Group.................................66 Children can get a good education in the public schools of Prince Edward County today................. ................... 67 Most of the people now in Prince Edward County have forgotten about the school closings.............................68 ix Table 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24A. 24B. 25. page The political climate in Prince Edward County is now positive for Black Americans. Percentages who agree or disagree................69 There is little racism in Prince Edward County. Percentages who agree or disagree.. ..... .69 At the present time there are as many opportunities for success available for me as there are for anyone. Percentages of agree or disagree.............................70 Have desegregated schools helped or hindered the education of Black Americans? Percentages..........................71 Involved in Community Activities. PercentageSOOOOOOOOO0.0...0......00.0.0000000000072 Percent of attendance at community meetingsoo...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0.0.00000000072 Registered voters and voted in last election by Group...........................73 Attitudes toward education........................74 Percent involved in formal educational activities...........................76 Type of educational activities....................76 Mann-Whitney U Applied to Research Questions 3 through 6............................77 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION During’ the last. two decades institutions of‘ higher education,have seen a constant stream of adults returning to the classroom. Many researchers have given us insight into this increasing phenomenon. For example, discussing the importance of flexibility as the key to survival in our "information. society," Burstryn (1986) suggests ‘that. the constant changes now demanded by society cause adults to question constantly the marketability of their skills. In their investigation of events that trigger life changes as reasons for adult learning, Aslanian and Brickell (1980) discovered that transitions related to career ranked first. This finding' would seem to be in line with Brustryn's assumptions. Other researchers, such as weathersby (1977) and Ross (1985), look to adult developmental processes for answers to why adults participate in formal education. Their research suggests that.when adults return to college at particular ages linked to times of life reassessment, then education is linked to process of growth, developmental change and transformation, and is therefore utilized as a developmental intervention in 1 their lives. Students who have "stopped out," or delayed the pursuit of their higher education goals have done so for a variety of reasons“ This population.can, in the larger sense, be said to have experienced "educational disruption"; that is, an interruption in the continuous pursuit of educational opportunities leading to certification and/or completion of a predetermined educational goal. Although their reasons for attending or returning to college make adult learners an especially heterogeneous cohort, their return to the classroom gives them a common bond. They also share the fact that during their "stopping out" period they were engaged in other important activities, playing important roles, learning new skills. These experiences are often helpful when adults return to the classroom. The Present study The focus of this study is on a group of students who experienced ”educational disruption" unique in the history of education in the United States. That disruption came, for many of them, during their most formative years and without their consent. This interruption lasted for five years. One of the purposes of this study is to investigate whether that disruption has had an impact on how this group now perceives and interacts with the educational opportunities 3 available to them as adult learners at the present time. It is of particular interest if that "stopping out” period created, or helped to create beliefs and attitudes which now help or hinder these adults in pursuing formal schooling. The study will attempt to determine if this group follows the patterns of adult learners as described by Aslanian and Brickell (1980). Also of interest is the 'vocational level of these individuals and their feelings about their community. These issues are of interest because they may be indicators of future growth potential for the community. Vocational interests and choices are often stimulated early in the educational cycle. Teachers are often key factors in helping students to identify strengths and talents that lead.totcareer decisions. Teachers also act as mentors, advisors and role models--and transmit the value of education to students. Community, for this study, becomes an important current factor. Dewey (1969) wrote that the prerequisites for a democratic community were education, social inquiry and the development of a competent citizenry. Minar and Greer (1969) believe that "The mere fact that [people] live together gives rise to common problems that push them toward common perspectives and induce them to develop organizational vehicles for joint action." If there is substantial community membership which distrusts "public officials" because of their unique school 4 experience, then that group may be less likely to be actively involved in community decisions, would probably be less likely to encourage their children to plan for futures in the community, and may, in general, feel disenfranchised. Overall, this particular group might then be less satisfied with decisions made for the community, would probably not be involved with efforts which might help them improve their personal lifestyles (i.e. educational or vocational opportunities), and might be more suspicious of public institutions such as the school system. Could they have a sense of community, what Minar and Greer describe as "a state of mind...a sense of interdependence and loyalty."? 3153.911 In 1951, dismayed by the intolerable conditions at their segregated school and frustrated by their parents' inability to obtain remedies from local school officials, the African American children of Moton High School in Prince Edward County, Virginia, went on strike (Smith, 1965; Williams, 1987). The students, led by 17 year old Barbara Johns (niece of the eminent Vernon Johns), hoped to call public attention to the sad conditions that existed at Moton High School. The school, located in Farmville, Virginia, was grossly overcrowded; one professor from the local college had reported that when.he accepted an invitation to give a lecture athoton he "could barely get to the platform to deliver the lecture because every square inch of space was taken up by students" (Schuler and Green, 1974). The fact that the African American children did not have adequate facilities for learning was not a new phenomenon in Prince Edward county. When Moton High was built in 1939, it had a capacity of 180. By 1947 records show that 377 students were enrolled and attending the school (Smith, 1965). In 1948 the County Board of Supervisors decided that it would not invest in a larger school to relieve the already overcrowded conditions in Moton High school. Instead, it financed the construction of tar paper shacks for use as a "temporary" remedy of the problem. These shacks were often mistaken for chicken coops (Smith, 1965; Green, 1964), and while they did provide more space, the shacks did not solve the overcrowding problem. The shacks were also inadequate in terms of simple housing requirements. In describing the tar paper shacks, one student, John Stokes, said they "...were drafty and...cold. If you sat around the stove you were too warm and if you sat away from it you were too cold. It was no way to be taught..." (Smith, 1965). This point of view was not shared by school officials. County Superintendent T. J. McIlwayne stated that the outbuildings ‘were in line with school requirements, and that there was "no crowding in classrooms beyond measures found necessary throughout the system. "1 Moton students disagreed and pointed to the fact that over 400 students were enrolled ‘Eamlillelerald. April 27.1951 6 at Hoton, and that the school's deficiencies (which included the lack of lockers and stationary seating in the auditorium as well as inadequate transportation), added up to a school that was not the equal of its‘White.counterpartm .According to what Barbara.Johns.had.heard, the Farmville High School had.an ”inviting auditorium with seats in rows attached to the floor, the locker rooms just outside the gymnasium and [an] infirmary where a feverish child could be.rubbed.down with alcohol while resting on a cool cot."2 When the students of Moton High School agreed to strike in April of 1951, it was their way of, asking for a better school, a way to communicate to the White community that they, too, desired a good education. But the community at large would have to wait to learn what all the excitement was about. Their source of information, the Mid, was published on Wednesdays and Fridays. There was no mention of the strike in the April 25, 1951 edition of the Herald. The gignmggg_11mg§;pi§p§ggh carried a story about the strike on Wednesday, April 25, but it was Friday, April 27, before the Herald published news of the strike. In the Iimggznigpatgh article Superintendent McIllwaine stated that an $800,000 school for Black students was in the planning stages, and he strongly denied that the strike was related to a recent school bus/train accident which took the lives of five Moton 2Barbara Johns Powell recalls her experiences as a student in the W. July 7. 1988 page 1- students.3 The initial article about the student strike printed in the W on April 27 also pointed out that ”negotiations for a site for [a] proposed new high school" were underway, and continued by dismissing the students’ complaints as unfounded. The same edition carried an editorial which described the strike as "student-inspired mass hookie" and wondered if the strike were a product of "the present system of education [or] the lack of discipline so obvious in the home, the church...and in everyday philosophy of living".‘ Moton High School students never dreamed that their actions would light the fuse on what would eventually explode into the closing of all public schools in Prince Edward County, Virginia, for a five year period. Caught up in the wave of the Civil Rights movement that was gaining momentum and sweeping over the country, their original entreaty for a better school became a cry for integrated facilities in the country. A few weeks before the lawsuit was initiated, J. Barrye Wall, publisher and editor of the W wrote, "News reports published in the daily press during the past week have suggested that the move at the R.R. Hoton High School. . .is one to eliminate segregation in the school system. W211. April 25. 1951. ‘Wald. April 27. 1951 8 We do not believe this has any foundation in fact. However, the so> called 'student strike' appears to have outside stimulus." Mr. Wall may have been referring to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, for under the auspices of the NAACP, a lawsuit (Davis v. Prince Edward County) on behalf of the Hoton High School children was filed with the Commonwealth of Virginia one month after the strike had begun. When the Federal District Court ruled against Moton High School in 1952, the NAACP immediately appealed the case to the United States Supreme Court where it was added to those cases which fell under the title Brown vs Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas (Williams, 1987; Wolters, 1984; Steck, 1960). It would appear that members of the County Board of Supervisors were startled by the court action; money for a new segregated school for.African Americans mysteriously appeared two months after the school strike-~a month after the lawsuit was filed (Wolters, 1984; Smith, 1964). In 1953 the new'Hoton High School was completed at a reported cost of $850,000 (Steck, 1960), but this gesture was not the solution to the educational dilemma in Prince Edward County. By 1954 the situation for Moton High students had improved but conditions in the community had changed drastically. Relations between the Whites and African Americans had become cool and resentful. When the United States Supreme Court announced its decision in the landmark 9 Brown vs. Board of Education case, the lawsuit for the Moton High School students was included with other "separate but equal" cases heard by the high court. In Farmville, J. Barrye Wall wrote, "We therefore conclude that public education as it is presently constituted has been undermined and toppled to fragments by the general decision of the Supreme Court."’ Virginia's response to the Supreme Court ruling was to implement an effort called "Massive Resistance." This political policy called for the continuation of segregated schools statewide and was based on the premise that Virginia could be a beacon of "state sovereignty" for all the South (Dabney, 1989). With the blessings of the legislature, the Whites of Farmville and the rest of Prince Edward County discussed options that would allow them to maintain the status quo with schools. The Board of Supervisors in Prince Edward County decided to appropriate funds for the operation of the schools for only thirty days at a time. This strategy effectively eliminated long-term planning on the part of the School Board, and gave the Board of Supervisors unrestrained control over the fate of the public schools. Although the School Board was restricted from any long- term planning, another local group was actively involved in that very endeavor. In 1954, fearing that integration might well be forced upon the Commonwealth, the Prince Edward School ’Eamlillflerald. June 25. 1954. 10 Corporation had formed to design private schools for White children. When Virginia's Massive Resistance laws were struck down in 1959, the Corporation (which was renamed the Prince Edward School Foundation) announced that all-White private schools would be in full operation in September, 1959 (Smith, 1965; Pearson, 1961). On June 2, 1959, two events of notice took place in Farmville. On the Longwood College campus, commencement speaker, Virginia Governor J. Lindsay Almond, Jr. , stated that if public schools were closed federal domination would be the consequence. Once central government controlled education, the Governor said, "You have to look only to what happened in Hitler’s Germany, Mussolini's Italy and what is happening in Soviet Russia to see the final result...."‘ Although the Governor's speech seemed to make an effort to promote the same argument used by segregationists (state sovereignty) for keeping the public schools open, his view was not valued in Prince Edward County. The second event of significance that took place on June 2, 1959, was an earlier announcement by the Board of Supervisors that no funds for the operation of public school would be appropriated. Word of this decision swept though the country. The BMW announced it was "solidly behind” the policy makers in Prince Edward County, and the W W ”. . .understood and support[ed]" the decision. Later “MM. June 2. 1959- 11 in June reporters from the magazine U4_§&_Ngw§_§_flg;1g_3gpgzt (1959) visited the county and wrote that although there was solid support in the White community to avoid integration at any costs, racial bitterness was nonexistent. Perhaps the members of the African American community were too stunned by the closing to be bitter; Or perhaps many shared the feelings expressed by a parent in the September 26 issue of the RM. A housewife is quoted as saying, "It's just a matter of time before they learn that they can't raise $300,000 a year for private schools in Prince Edward County. They may do it for one or two years, but not much longer” (1959). Whatever the prevalant beliefs about the closing of public schools in the county, one looming factor remained. There were approximately 1700 African American children who should have been enrolled in the fall of 1959. The public officials charged with providing education for all children in Prince Edward County had abdicated that responsibility for those 1700 children, and the African American parents and civic leaders recognized that it was now their responsibility to see to the education of their children. Under the leadership of Reverend L. Francis Griffin, minister in Farmville and. president of the local NAACP chapter, and with the assistance of Rev. Dunlap, minister of the local African Methodist Episcopal Church, arrangements for some of the students were made with Kittrell Junior College. 12 Kittrell, an institution sponsored by the African Methodist Episcopal.Church, was located.approximately 120 miles south of Farmville, near Henderson, North Carolina. .Although Kittrell was a college, it also offered a high school branch.7 Kittrell would charge students from Prince Edward County half tuition; any who could not afford that fee would also be welcome.‘ Approximately 60 students (sophomores, juniors and seniors) from Moton High School eventually took advantage of the open door at Kittrell. One of the greatest fears for the children was that those in the senior class of 1960 would be lost if schools were closed for at least one academic year. They were older, with more skills, and therefore more likely to be lured away to jobs. Once the juniors and seniors were off to Kittrell, Reverend.GriffinLturned.his attention to students in the lower grades. By February, 1960, training centers in churches, lodges and other public facilities throughout the county were ready for the African American children. These centers were not in any fashion.designed.to be "schools", but.they offered reading and arithmetic to county children. Records from these centers are unavailable, but it appears that the number of children served by these centers was minimal when compared to the potential enrollment for the county. A memo dated February 11, 1960, from Barbara Moffett, representative of the American 7W. Spetmeber 26. 1959. 13 Friends Service Committee, states: I came away with the impression that more children have left the County than the earlier statistics would indicate. Families have been making private arrangements for their children and some of the older boys particularly have been trying to find jobs. Because of the fact that children have left and that transportation is a real problem, I believe that any program of activities would actually involve a much smaller number than 1700.' Involvement by the American Friends Service Committee, a Quaker organization, was considerable. The Committee located homes around the country that would welcome those Prince Edward children who were willing to move away with their parents' blessings and hopes. These homes were located in integrated school districts in the North, and most were White homes. At least sixty students accepted invitations extended through the American Friends Service Committee. By the summer of 1961, members of the Virginia Teachers Association (an African American association) arrived in Farmville to provide a remedial program with an emphasis in reading. In 1962 they returned with graduate students from northern colleges and a similar summer reading program. Graduate students from Queens College in New York joined members of the American Federation of Teachers in 1963 for a third summer program. Also present in Prince Edward County in 1963 was a representative from. another' Northern school. 'Under’ the ’Confidential memo from Barbara W. Moffett, February 11, 1960: Library of Congress, Manuscript Division. - l4 auspices of the U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Dr. Robert L. Green from Michigan State University arrived to study the educational status of the .African American students. The federal sponsorship of this study was due largely to the personal interest and concern of President John F. Kennedy (Smith, 1965). Dr. Green wanted to determine "...the general effects of closed public schools on the sociological environment of Prince Edward County's Negro population" (Green, 1964, p.6). It was believed that the data generated from the study could have positive long-range benefits. More specifically, Dr. Green believed that formal education’s role in society could be addressed by studying a group who had been denied education for a period of years. This seems a legitimate line of inquiry; one of the fundamental beliefs in this country asserts that the school is an essential agency. Schools are said to perform valuable functions for society - such as transferring the values of the culture, preparing children for leadership, citizenship, and vocations (Dewey, 1916; Whitehead, 1929). .According' to Parsons (1959), the school class trains individuals to be ”motivationally and technically adequate [in] the performance of adult roles"; or, as he restates, it develops "commitments and capacities which are essential prerequisites [for] future role-performance" (pp 297-298). If, in fact, the education