LIBRARI ISE 1 111111111111111111111 1 This is to certify that the dissertation entitled Women Workers in India's Pharmaceutical Industry: A Study of Industry Structure and Social Stratification presented by Ranjana V. Damle has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D . degree in Sociology Z/fiz/ [Major professor \(‘J Date Fififif‘i 2692/“; Z J MSUis an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution 0-12771 LEBRARY Michigan State University PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE MSU Is An Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution cztclrdduedmuna-nt WOMEN WORKERS IN INDIA’S PHARMACEUTICAL INDUSTRY: A STUDY OF INDUSTRY STRUCTURE AND SOCIAL STRATIFICATION BY Ranjana V. Damle A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology 1992 blu pha 755" >’_( 6/Z/;‘ ABSTRACT WOMEN WORKERS IN INDIA’S PHARMACEUTICAL INDUSTRY: A STUDY OF INDUSTRY STRUCTURE AND SOCIAL STRATIFICATION BY Ranjana V. Damle Women's participation in the organized sector blue—collar work has been marginal in India. The pharmaceutical industry, however, is one of the few industries that have drawn on female labor. A dynamic and prosperous industry in India's modern sector, the pharmaceutical industry is at present characterized by a stratified structure of firms in terms of size and ownership. The study focused on the differing labor market status and its impact on women’s work experiences, household characteristics, their attitudes towards work, and their empowerment. The study design included three groups of women - women workers from transnational corporations, large-scale local firms, and small-scale local firms in Bombay, India. The study was based on sched quest stati exis simi othe traj' worl 0th. SEC inc‘ ac1 Of‘ schedule-structured interviews with a few open-ended questions. Scales were created to measure (socioeconomic status) SES and household division of labor. The data strongly suggested that separate labor markets existed for the different types of firm. Despite the similarities in education and attitudes towards work and other issues, women were stratified in terms of work trajectories, wages, working conditions, and SES. Women working for transnational firms received better wages and other rewards compared to their counterparts in the local sector. Initial SES differences among women seemed to have been enhanced by the women's place of insertion in the industry. Women's households were differently organized across different firms. Women working for large firms often belonged to nuclear households whereas women in local firms tended to have larger households. Ironically, better-paid women from transnational corporations reportedly spent longer hours doing housework and had less help available than the women in small firms. On the other hand, these women had a greater control over monetary issues suggesting greater power. Women in all firm types eXpressed that working had positively affected their status and power in the household. firm for pha and mus co< ihc ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This study became possible because of the contributions - both direct and indirect - made by a lot of individuals from two different continents. First of all, at the foundation of this study are the women in the pharmaceutical industry whose work-filled lives fascinated and inspired me. I am indebted to these women for ever. I must also thank their supervisors and union leaders for cooperation in making this project possible by providing me the access to the firms and giving me a great deal of information on the industry. Special acknowledgment is also due to many feminist and labor activists in Bombay who provided rare insights on the intricacies of women’s industrial employment. My deepest gratitude is extended to my guidance committee, especially my major advisor, Professor Rick Ifill, who were instrumental in the entire process of research and writing. Professor Marilyn Aronoff was involved in the study from its inception and I thank her for her support. iv was :' many to Pi and wit] not Professor Susan Tiano from the University of New Mexico was instrumental in my study with her scholarly advice at many points in time whenever needed. Thanks are also due to Professor Jane Hood and Bob Fiala who were supportive and helpful with this study. Finally, I would like to acknowledge the support of my family - my husband, daughter Karishma, and others - without whose patience, quite literally, this work would not have seen the light of day. lbst icki Lisi Int: Cha TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ........ . ............... . .................... ii Acknowledgments .... ................................... iv List of Tables ........................................ ix Introduction .. ..... . ..... . ............................ 1 Chapter 1 Review of Literature ..... .................. 10 Explanation and Critique of Theories Claiming a Positive Impact ................. 13 Explanation and Critique of Theories Claiming a Negative Impact ................. 17 Women and Family Power ......... ............ 23 Studies Examining the Impact of Industrialization on Women ................. 28 Labor Market Segmentation: Theory and Literature ...... ........ . ....... . .......... 47 Chapter 2 India’s Industrial Growth .................. 55 The Pharmaceutical Industry in India ....... 59 Chapter 3 Substantive Issues and Propositions ........ 82 Hypotheses Examining the Relationship Between Structural Variables ....................... 70 Hypotheses Regarding Women and Their HousehOlds OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO ...... 0 ....... 73 Hypotheses Designed to Relate Structural Variables to Attitudes .. ................... 75 vi Chapl Chap Cha Che Chapter Chapter Chapter Chapter Chapter Chapter Women's Work in the Pharmaceutical Industry Setting in which the Study Was Situated .... Women Workers’ Work Experiences .... ..... ... Factors in Women’s Placement in the Pharmaceutical Industry ... ..... ....... ..... Demographic and Social Characteristics of the Women Workers .......................... Regression Analysis of Social Variables and Placement 0000000000oooooooooooooooooooooooo Women's Socioeconomic Status ............... Women’s Income and Standard of Living ...... Determining Women’s Socioeconomic Status ... Working Women’s Households ................. Working Women and division of labor in the household I....0O0.0......OOCOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO Management of Money - an Issue of Power .... Women and Attitudes .. ...... ......... ....... Women and Attitudes about Gender Equality .. Women and Individuality .................... Conclusions ................................ Women's Socioeconomic Status ............... Women and the Segmentation of Labor markets Women’s Attitudes Toward Work ....... . ..... . Women and the Households .............. ..... Strengths and Weaknesses of the Study ...... vii 82 84 110 130 133 144 156 159 163 178 184 208 217 217 224 235 235 237 241 242 250 ippe1 lppe: Appe ippe ippe Bibi IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIllII::r———————————_______f Appendices Appendix 1 Definitions of Variables ................... 252 Appendix 2 Some Demographic Data ..................... 250 Appendix 3 Pharmaceutical Trade Unions ............... 266 Appendix 4 The Questionnaire ......................... 280 Bibliography ......................................... 289 viii LIST OF TABLES Production of Bulk Drugs and Formulations, 1976-1977 and 1983-84 ......................... 63 Remittances by Companies with More than 26% Foreign Equity ................... ..... .. ...... 63 Any Jobs Before the Current One, by Firm Type . 110 How Many Previous Jobs, by Firm Type ..... ..... 112 Length of Employment in Years, by Firm Type ... 114 Comments about Health and Safety Conditions, by Firm Type ......................... ......... 118 Female Workers' Comments Regarding Fairness of Treatment by the Supervisor, by Firm Type ..... 119 Suggestions for Improvement in Working Conditions, by Firm Type .. .......... .. ........ 121 Desire to Quit the Job, by Firm Type ..... ..... 124 Considering Another Job, by Firm Type ......... 125 Age by Firm Type ............. ............ ..... 133 Marital Status by Firm Type ............ ....... 134 Migratory Status by Firm Type ............ ..... 135 Religion by Firm Type ....... ...... .... ........ 136 Caste by Firm Type .............. ......... ..... 137 Education of the Respondents by Firm Type ..... 138 Education of the Respondents’ Mothers, by Firm Type ....... ........... .. ...... ... ..... ... 139 ix 5-8 5-9 5-10 5-1 6-] Mother's Work by Firm Type ........ ..... ...... Education of the Respondents’ Fathers by Firm Type ....... ...... ..... . ................... ... Father’s Occupation by Firm Type .......... ... Regression Analysis of the Effects of Seven Independent Variables on Placements in TNCs — Stepwise and Enter .. ...................... Regression Analysis of the Effects of Seven Independent Variables on Placements in Large Indian Firms — Stepwise and Enter ...... Regression Analysis of the Effects of Seven Independent Variables on Placements in Small-Scale Firms — Stepwise and Enter ....... Respondents' Monthly Income by Firm Type ..... Respondents’ Housing by Firm Type ..... ....... Husband's Monthly Income by Firm Type ........ Combined Monthly Income by Firm Type ......... Women’s Relative Income by Firm Type ......... Husband’s Occupation by Firm Type ..... . ...... Husband’s Education by Firm Type .......... ... Socioeconomic Status I, by Firm Type .... ..... Socioeconomic Status II, by Firm Type ........ Father’s Socioeconomic Status by Firm Type ... Household Size by Firm Type .................. Marital Status by Firm Type ........... . ...... Number of Children by Firm Type .............. Household Composition by Firm Type ........... Time Spent Doing Housework, by Firm Type ..... Availability of Help from a Servant, by Firm Type ..... . ........ .... ............. .. ........ 140 141 142 147 148 149 165 166 167 168 172 172 175 179 181 182 187 188 192 7-9 1'11 1-1 7-1 Division of Labor I Division of Labor II Regression Analysis of the Effects of Six Independent Variables on Division of Labor I - Stepwise and Enter ......... . ............. Regression Analysis of the Effects of Six Independent Variables on Division of Labor II -StePWise and Enter 0.0.0.... ..... 0.00.00... Shopping, Shopping by Firm Type by Marital Status — the Category "Married." ...................... Shopping by Firm Type by Marital Status - the Category "Single/Divorced/Widowed/Separated." ......... Management of Money by Firm Type . ............ Management of Money by Firm Type by Marital Status - the Category "Married." ..... ... ..... Management of Money by Firm Type by Marital Status - the Category "Single/Divorced/Widowed/Separated." ......... "Should Boys and Girls Be Reared Differently," bYFirmType 0.000.000...0.00.00.00.00 "Should Boys and Girls Be Educated Differently," by Firm Type ................... Accepting Dowry in a Male Family Member’s Wedding, by Firm Type ............ ...... . ..... Offering Dowry in a Female Family Member’s Wedding, by Firm Type ....... Should Men Help in the Housework, by Firm Type Obedience to Authority, by Firm Type ......... Independent Decision by Firm Type ............ Greatest Wish by Firm Type ................... Greater Status by Firm Type ...... xi ..OOCOOOOOIOOOOOOOOOOOOOO a "male task," by Firm Type ........ 198 202 205 209 210 210 211 213 213 220 220 222 222 224 225 226 228 229 196 8-10 1.2- A02. 1.2- 1.2- 1.2 1.2 1.2 1.2 8-10 Empowerment by Firm Type ....... . ..... . ....... 230 A.2-1 Sample Size ............ . ............ ......... 260 A.2-2 Age......... ................................. 260 Auz-3 Marital Status . ................. . ............ 261 A.2-4 Number of Children ........................... 261 A.2-5 Number of Children Under Five ................ 262 A.2-6 Size of the Household .................. ...... 262 A.2-7 Monthly Income - Self ....... . ............... . 262 A.2-8 Husband’s Income ............................. 262 A.2-9 Combined Monthly Income ........ ........ ...... 263 A.2-10 Relative Income (Wife’s Income as a Portion of Combined Income) ............................. 263 A.2—11 Father's Occupation .. ....... ....... ....... .. 263 A.2-12 Husband’s Occupation ................. ....... 264 A.2-13 Religion ............... ....... . ..... . ....... 264 A.2-14 Caste .............. .......... ....... ...... .. 265 A.3-1'Usefulness of the Union, by Firm Type .. ...... 277 A.3-2 Union Helpful to WOmen, by Firm Type .. ....... 278 xii pha: pro mer era and 011 INTRODUCTION This is a case study of women who work for India’s armaceutical industry, one of the most dynamic and osperous industries in India’s modern sector.1 A unique it of the study lies in its comparative approach; it mines female workers stratified within a single industry across firms of differing sizes and types of nership. The study has both theoretical and practical port as it attempts to assess the impact of differential oor market status on women’s economic position, household Janization, attitudes on various issues, and on feelings empowerment. Women’s work in the developing countries assumed a acial significance for feminists as well as policymakers h the realization in the 1970’s that women tend to efit less by development compared to men (Boserup "Modern sector," for the narrow purpose of the study been defined as a sector that developed through contact h Western technology and industry. Examples of modern tor industries are: engineering, metals, plastics, micals, pharmaceuticals, and electronics. The aditional sector," on the other hand, includes ustries that had roots in pre-colonial economies. tile, garment, and food-processing are examples of iitional sector industries. 1970'. 5111 ardu main thei 10111 int wor rep 191 ii 2 70). Women seem to have less access to education and ill—training although they are engaged in long and duous labor to ensure subsistence. Women’s paid work has inly occurred in areas that are roughly extensions of eir familial roles - such as nursing and teaching. men’s entry into the electronics and pharmaceutical dustries finds its explanation in the fact that female rkers have such "feminine" qualities as patience for etitive work and finger dexterity (Fernandez-Kelly 3). Studies have found that women’s jobs are rated and 'd lower than men’s, and that they are the first to go h automation (Lamphere 1987; Anant et al 1987). While many scholars have pointed to inequity in the acess of development which excludes women from better :k opportunities, others have argued that women are ploited by being incorporated in development. The mass :ry of women into export-processing industrial zones, the ;tions of quick economic development which pay low wages r unorganized occupations, is considered by these mlars a prime example of the exploitation of women in msirable jobs that bring them few long-term benefits. There is growing evidence of the disadvantages faced women in the labor market and their limited access to ter jobs. However, studies have also suggested that ry into modern manufacturing jobs can provide a degree autonomy in personal matters and feelings of f-esteem, both of which lead to lessened dependency on the on w poir in 1 wori attl 3111 won lac ex: in: 3 e family (Lim 1983; Foo 1987). Such contradictory views women’s gains from participating in the industrial work int to the great need for more research on female workers developing countries. Studies of women’s blue-collar rk have primarily focused on export-zones and paid less tention to mainstream industries. In the case of India, udies on women’s blue-collar work and its impact on en’s socioeconomic status and attitudes are seriously king. The present study proposes to fill these gaps by ining women's participation in the pharmaceutical ustry in India. Women’s labor force participation in India has nained stagnant in this century. Moreover, their work is rgely represented in the agricultural and service sectors iant et al 1987). With the findings that women’s rticipation in the old ghettos such as textile tufacturing is on the decline (Sawara 1986), and that a eat proportion of women's productive work occurs in the 2r—growing unorganized sector, it is important to examine m the status of women is in such well-established niches the pharmaceutical industry. The question of women’s work lends itself to several ated inquiries. What type of jobs are available to en and who gets those jobs? How do these jobs affect en’s socioeconomic status and their status in the sehold? How is the household division of labor worked to facilitate women’s work outside the home? Do diff genc worl pha: the the 111 an. 4 fferences in work and socioeconomic status correlate with nder and class consciousness exhibited by female rkers? This study explores the impact of work in the armaceutical industry on female workers. Specifically, the study aims to achieve three broad jectives: 1. to compare three groups of women in terms of eir work environment and reward structure; 2. to explore e implications of differing work experiences for women on eir household structure; 3. to undertake a comparative alysis of women’s subjective assessment of their work, mily situation, and perception of empowerment and status. India's pharmaceutical industry is a major port-substitution industry in India's modern sector that iStS of women’s employment on a significant scale.2 armaceutical transnationals (TNCs) in India began aloying women as packers in the 1940’s, during the period "import-substitution" industrialization.3 Following in footsteps of the TNCs, Indian pharmaceutical companies The pharmaceutical industry is the front-runner among few industries in India that employ women on a nificant scale. The other notable examples are textile, ment, bidi (traditional, hand-rolled cigarettes), food cessing, and electronics industries. Many developing nations followed a policy of localized duction of commodities, through both foreign and igenous investments, to stop the economic drain caused imports. This phase of industrialization is called ort substitution.“ In many countries in Asia, import titution began in the 1940’s. star rema the: hirf opp: the off sec 001 VET 5 arted recruiting women in the 1950's. Although this mains a major industry providing employment for women, ere is some evidence that the TNCs have virtually stopped ring women since the 1960’s and that women’s job portunities within the industry seem to be restricted to e mushrooming small-scale pharmaceutical companies that fer considerably poorer wages, working conditions, and curity to women workers compared to their transnational unterparts (Banaji 1985). The pharmaceutical industry in India is divided rtically into large, medium, and small sized firms. In rms of ownership, it can also be classified into egories of foreign versus local private ownership. though the entire industry is considered to be part of e organized sector,5 the levels of technology, oductivity, assets, profits, and turnover vastly vary :h firm size. This, in turn, has affected the structure India also has five public sector pharmaceutical tpanies. This study is limited to private-sector units :ated in Bombay. The "organized sector" in this study is defined as the tor that comes under Bombay’s Factories Act, a inition used by Joshi and Joshi (1976) and Holmstrom 85). Although the range of factories covered by the tories Act is enormous - factories employing 10 workers h power and 20 workers, without power - conceptually it a useful definition. This definition allows us to tinguish between informal and undocumented activities ones that are documented and bound by governmental ulation. of the j ways: 1 Su their h belong earners relati‘ familil their severa age ar labor likely consti uniav 1101 and 18¢ 111 6 he job market for the industry in at least two visible : in terms of material rewards and working conditions. Such stratification of women has deep implications for 'r households. Women earning low salaries are likely to mg to households where income-pooling of several ers is essential for survival. Thus women earning tively low wages would likely live with extended lies incorporating multiple generations and couples, as r families might be dependent on income-pooling of ral earners. Larger households are likely to follow an and gender hierarchy in decision-making and division of r of housework. Hence women with smaller paychecks are :ly to live in "traditional" family set-ups with traints on their autonomy and a division of labor ,vorable to women. Given that rewards, nature of labor process, and the lting work experience would be different from firm to , the pertinent question is whether or not the women's , family, and attitudes also differ across these 3. Also a related question appears: What accounts for women’s specific placement in these hierarchically uized pharmaceutical firms? These research questions ided the impetus for this study. The study will compare the socioeconomic backgrounds education received by female workers in order to 7tain whether there are any systematic differences 1 might explain their placement in firms of different sizes. underta‘ certain techniq has nee entrant find 3': securi‘ '1' market are 11 work t perfor they j aSpir disco iropc the 1 great home: firm varj fen: (iii? the 7 5. Researchers have found that TNCs are increasingly rtaking automation, decentralizing facilities to escape ain industrial laws, and using profit enhancing niques such as subcontracting to smaller firms, which meant fewer "top" TNC job openings. More recent female ants in the labor market who have skill and education jobs only in smaller firms which offer less pay or job rity. The place of insertion into this segmented labor at carries long-term consequences for the women. They likely to differ not only on issues such as the type of they do, the nature of control under which they orm their tasks, and the level of benefits and wages receive, but also in terms of their perceptions, rations, and attitudes. While anticipating a ussion of the theoretical foundation of these ositions in the following sections, we can argue that women working for larger organizations will show :er awareness of their subordination as workers and as 1 when contrasted with the women working for smaller The study was conducted in the pharmaceutical firms of >us sizes located in Bombay, and based on interviews of .e workers, managers and union leaders in nine rent firms. Additional information on the workers and harmaceutical industry was gathered by examining ents on labor, industrial, and drug policy prepared by goverr unions Chaptc women women theor woner India phan hypo and and inci exp wor inw the Ch Ch 8 ernment, researchers, "watch dog" consumer groups, trade 'ons, and newspapers and magazines. The sections in the thesis are outlined as follows: pter One discusses pertinent literature in the areas of en and work, women in the industrializing societies, and en and labor markets. This presentation of oretical and substantive issues in the literature on en is followed in Chapter Two by the discussion on ia’s industrial growth with a special emphasis on the rmaceutical industry. Chapter Three presents the otheses that are examined in the course of this study the methodology chosen. (Elaboration of definitions [measurements of variables appears in Appendix 1). Chapter Four presents a sketchy picture of the firms luded in the study to create a backdrop for women’s work eriences and their attitudes and opinions on k-related issues. Chapter Five, on the other hand, olves examination of the women’s social and demographic racteristics to explain their specific job placement. pters Six and Seven focus on women’s households. The pters explore and analyze women’s attitudes on ioeconomic status (Ch. Six), household structure, and Lsion of labor in the household (Ch. Seven). Chapter it presents data on women’s attitudes towards gender .sion of labor, gender equality, and perceptions of their size discusses this resr The measurem unions '1 question The iramewor literati 9 .r status within their households. Chapter Nine msses the observations and conclusions that result from .research project. The appendices include sections on definitions and .urements of variables, demographic information, trade ins in the pharmaceutical industry, and the tionnaire used for interviews in this study. The next chapter reconstructs the theoretical ework chosen for this study and examines the relevant :rature. In recent years industrialization or significant amount < centuries and cultur societies have init. and policymakers fo long and hard hours compared to men, to health and longevit Conditions and wage The conditions illicit labor is pert industrialization . was home-based and CHAPTER ONE REVIEW OF LITERATURE recent years, inquiry into the impact of ialization on the status of women has generated a 'cant amount of research which has scanned different 'es and cultures. Women in the industrializing 'es have initiated a special interest among scholars Licymakers following the recognition that, despite 1d hard hours of work, women have less access, ed to men, to such rewards of development as improved and longevity, education, and better working .ons and wages. e conditions of labor and social relations under abor is performed have changed with the advent of ialization. In preindustrial societies, production e—based and women participated in the production arrying out reproductive work of bearing and rearing a and maintaining upkeep of the household. As ion moved away from home into the factory, the 1 of work became more sharply gender-based. : became primarily men’s domain and women occupied ate sphere of home. Women entered paid work when 10 prompted by the fami adenand for their 1 however, was considE and only secondary 1 Perhaps as a result absorbed in low-stat by men. To answer the l qualitatively bette: development, studie education, longevit employment, and so has been the invest Process of industri organization and pe Work provides with identity; wage 1°11 in the market inquiry towards the 10111 I en S perception: workPlace. TWO OPPOSing t . he impact of Won e iiVes . ‘ On one 11 ted by the family’s need for wages and when there was and for their labor. Women’s work participation, er, was considered to be less important than men’s, nly secondary to their reproductive responsibilities. 5 as a result of this assumption, women were mainly ed in low-status jobs that paid less than jobs held 0 answer the basic question of whether women are atively better off as a result of industrial pment, studies have looked at macro-level data on ion, longevity, fertility, age at marriage, rate of ent, and so on. Another crucial area of research zen the investigation of women’s employment within the :s of industrialization and its impact on their family .zation and personal lives. brk provides one not only with livelihood but also dentity; wagework carries more prestige than unpaid n the market economy. These observations steered the y towards the link between women’s status and their ad unpaid work. Thus, studies have examined data on 5 perceptions of their status at home and in the ice. Studies have also looked into the division of it home and in the labor market, and explored its rtions for women’s status. o opposing vieWpoints have emerged on the issue of act of women’s labor force participation upon their 1. On one side of the debate are those who maintain that working helps t 2. 0n the other hand wagework is superexp and Pearson 1981). The first argun public sphere result intangible benefits greater confidence a self-decision (Omve< women’s dependence . their status in pub 1993). Scholars have allows women integr are removed from th bumping countrie 1990). Some argue although aimed at E eventually lead to reduction of the SI There is also inph - . aslzlng the ne 12 rking helps to improve women’s status (Lim 1983). he other hand, some scholars have argued that k is superexploitative and demeaning to women (Elson rson 1981). e first argument contends that wagework in the sphere results in a multitude of tangible and ble benefits for women. Employment encourages confidence and autonomy, and thus, eventually, cision (Omvedt 1980). Wagework can also reduce dependence on men, or their families, and enhance tatus in public life and in the household (Lim molars have also argued that gainful employment romen integration into public life. Working women >ved from the category of the superpoor in most .ng countries (Fernandez-Kelly 1983; Tiano 1987; Lim Some argue that rising demand for female labor, .aimed at exploitation of their cheap labor, may 1y lead to women’s greater bargaining power and n of the sex-wage differential (Lim 1983). re is also, however, a great deal of literature ing the negative impact of industrialization on he processes of which have marginalized the role of the productive sphere and undermined their status amily as well. One argument contends that the jobs 1 to women are eXploitative by nature. Gender .on of tasks and occupations, largely patriarchal-capitali and results in the d of mobility for wome Fernandez-Kelly 1983 These differing literature as "inter hypotheses (Tiano 19 “exploitation" hypoi Marxist, feminist, 1 disagree on the que; Wagework. minimums m cm: Developmental j thinking, emphasize through Shch mocha] and ”Polishing laboj its members is Sup- » , ' traditional" V3111 lh its . ults 1n broader e mentions I 13 archal-capitalist in origin, limits access to jobs, sults in the degradation of tasks, low pay, and lack ility for women (Elson and Pearson 1981; dez-Kelly 1983). hese differing observations are identified in the ture as "integration" versus "exploitation" eses (Tiano 1987), or as "liberation" versus itation" hypotheses (Lim 1983). Scholars with t, feminist, and developmentalist perspectives ee on the question of women’s gains resulting from rk. [ATION AND CRITIQUE OF THEORIES CLAIMING A POSITIVE IMPACT Developmentalism evelopmentalists, in kinship with functionalist ng, emphasize the beneficial aspects of development n such mechanisms as universal education, mass media, pending labor markets. The control of family over nbers is supposed to give way to independence; :ional" values of age and gender hierarchy decline as abers migrate to take up wagework. Work outside home 1 in broader horizons, global awareness, increased tions, and modern values of individualism and y. Modern values also promote the possibility of marriage and fewer children. Inkeles and Smith (1974) observed a 1i exposure to urban / in in six developing na Huntington (1968) ha accompanied by the r and decay in traditi gradually shifts frc authority figures t< distributed more on such ascriptive cha: Thus, there is a no universalistic valu political mobilizat Marxist theory developmental perSi has maintained that leads to their emar emancipation, hover developmentalists’ 19"modern" values Women. According ‘ llowen’s subordinat War the surplus c so bseuuent relegat lone “'8 emancipati ___4 14 observed a link between modernity of attitudes and e to urban/industrial milieu among the respondents developing nations. Within the same paradigm, ton (1968) has argued that economic development is nied by the rise of modern political institutions ay in traditional bases of power. Allegiance y shifts from religious, ethnic, and traditional y figures to the nation-state. Power is ted more on the basis of achievement and less on :riptive characteristics as clan, caste, or gender. mere is a move towards rationalized polity, alistic values, greater political awareness, and 11 mobilization of the masses. Marxist Theory 'xist theory, showing congruence with the rental perspective on the issue of women’s status, .tained that women’s participation in waged labor their emancipation. Marxist analysis of women’s tion, however, sharply differs from the entalists’ emphasis on the shift from "traditional" rn" values as the mechanism of liberation of ccording to the Marxist theory, the roots of ubordination to men lie in their loss of control surplus created in the society and their t relegation to the private sphere of family. mancipation is dependent on their return to the public sphere (Enge proletarianization to undermine workin their privilege ove between the genders true liberation of revolution. Howeve ending private dome granting women equa The main prob stems from its bas' industrialization ' inevitably follows is also an implicit for labor, women’s qualitatively as we Economic hist proved to be incon extraction, post-c advanced industria Characteristics 0 limited in uneve for rapid industr' itch contradictio industry and mode 15 sphere (Engels 1884, 1972). The process of trianization under industrial capitalism is supposed ermine working class men’s control over property and trivilege over women, and eliminate the inequality .the genders. Marxist feminists maintain that the beration of women will be achieved by socialist ion. However, they also emphasize the need for private domestic labor as a necessary step beyond g women equal rights (Chinchilla 1977; Sacks 1975). critique a main problem with the developmentalist vision tom its basic assumptions that the process of ialization is linear, even, and smooth, and that it 31y follows the western model of development. There an implicit assumption that with the rise in demand or, women’s insertion into the labor market would be Lively as well as quantitatively incremental. Inomic histories of most developing societies have 0 be incongruent with these assumptions. Colonial on, post-colonial relations of dependence with the industrial countries, as well as sociocultural ristics of the developing nations seem to have in uneven development. In their frenzied struggle 1 industrial growth, these nations are faced with :radictions as the coexistence of high-tech and modern agriculture with an impoverished subsistence-level ag the widening gap bet The Marxist per feminists who point proletarianization 1 Women's employment : occupations mostly defied the expectat productive jobs (Ti treated women as a sent back to the ho capitalist system ( labor at home has feminists, then, t itself does not gua or the family. Moreover, the society is determia adefined public I customs governing economic factors s economy, and risi contribute to det Society. Thus we automatically tra ElPlowman, and h hipnemtausts 16 stence-level agriculture, feudal land relations, and idening gap between the rich and poor (Frank 1966). The Marxist perspective has come under attack by ists who point out that the process of tarianization is not free of gender differences. ’5 employment is characterized by a narrow range of ations mostly lacking status and mobility, and has the expectation of women’s mass entry into the tive jobs (Tinker 1976). Industrialization has d women as a reserve force to be pulled out from or ack to the household to fulfil the needs of the world alist system (Simeral 1978). Moreover, women’s free at home has enhanced accumulation. According to the ists, then, the process of proletarianization by i does not guarantee gender equality in the workplace a family. [oreover, the position of women in a particular .y is determined by a number of factors. Tradition of ned public role for women, reform movements, local 5 governing women's role in the family, as well as 10 factors such as industrial growth, impact of world y, and rising demand for women’s labor may all bute to determining the status of women in a given y. Thus we cannot assume that industrial growth :ically translates into female education, better nent, and higher status, as claimed by >mentalists (Tinker 1976). Similarly, elimination of capitalist relations vouen equality with the same significant 1972) . EXPLANATION HID (3111' Developmentali industrialization reasoning on the 1 study of women in were getting margi crafts production a to factory and mode work is lost, women due to discriminatu uonen are reluctan Thus, Boserup argu lechanisns of dev farming, deal a b Socialist-fa but dispute her i 8u (on), in th l7 alist relations in the society is unlikely to grant equality with men unless gender equalization assumes ame significance as does class struggle (Leacock ATION AND CRITIQUE OF THEORIES CLAIMING A NEGATIVE IMPACT Developmentalism )evelopmentalist scholars claiming negative impact of :rialization on women have presented different ring on the issue. Boserup (1970), in her landmark of women in developing societies, observed that women retting marginalized from productive activities as :production and traditional farming systems gave way tory and modern agriculture. While their traditional s lost, women are not absorbed into modern industry discriminatory practices of the managers, or because re reluctant to work next to men in the workplace. oserup argues, the exclusion of women from the major 'sms of development, such as modern factory or , deal a blow to women’s status. Socialist-Feminism cialist-feminists agree with Boserup’s observations pute her interpretations. For example, Beneria and 81), in their critique of Boserup's work, argue that women’s absence fro acase of simple di of gender hierarchy institutions . Socialist—femi in the labor market be mutually reinfor gender subordinatio stratification in t capitalism - the i Marxism provides a and class struggle concept of patriar phenomenon of male that is present in cultures. The femn' political, economio patriarchal in natu strengthened women 1981a) . Socialist-f tsubordinate gen servitude and are household. The c in two ways. Cap' 18 ’s absence from the better, modern sector jobs is not e of simple discrimination, but rather an expression nder hierarchy embedded in social and economic tutions. Socialist-feminists view women's limited opportunities e labor market and their dependent status at home to tually reinforcing aspects of the same process - r subordination of women. They argue that gender ification in the society is the result of patriarchal alism - the interaction of capitalism and patriarchy. sm provides an analysis of the exploitation of labor lass struggle endemic to capitalism. The feminist pt of patriarchy, on the other hand, focuses on the nenon of male control of female labor and sexuality is present in all classes and in almost all known :es. The feminist theory argues that legal, Lcal, economic, and religious institutions are rchal in nature and thus have historically thened women’s subordination in the society (Hartmann ocialist-feminists claim that definition of women as rdinate gender allows men the privilege of female ude and creates unequal division of labor in the old. The capitalist class benefits from this system ways. Capitalist profits are enhanced with the practice of sex-wag parketplace, and vi the household (Hart In the labor m forces as men. How women’s primary wor raking women a spec Women's home commit for combining famil outside home. Wom is mainly driven b changes such as th households’ need f women’s labor is i prevalent ideas ab: forces greatly inf: they are mediated i household and gendu appropriate roles Socialist-fem Subordination of w or perhaps even st development . The developmu "target" populatiu 19 e of sex-wage or exclusionary discrimination in the lace, and with women's unpaid reproductive labor in sehold (Hartmann 1981a). the labor market, women are subjected to the same as men. However, patriarchal institutions define primary work commitments inside the household, thus women a special category of the proletariat. home commitments compel them to develop strategies bining family responsibilities with paid work home. Women's participation in the public sphere 1y driven by politico-economic and demographic such as the demand for female waged labor and lds’ need for income. However, the supply of labor is influenced by household organization and 1t ideas about gender roles. Thus macro-level greatly influence the changes in women’s work, but : mediated through the gradual changes in the d and gender ideology prescribing women's ate roles (Tilly and Scott 1978; Lamphere 1987). ialist—feminists maintain that patriarchal ation of women is not eradicated, but only altered, ps even strengthened, by the process of capitalist ent. critique developmentalist approach to women as a weaker, population has come under attack by socialist-feminists . that the present cor even desirable (Ben (1983), an economis modern-day process inequity and injust pull up, if the maj creating new weake have claimed that left out of the pr “relations through development proces referring to women superexploitative conditions. The feminist . string on the "0th undermining the si political issues w the situation of on In the case of bot Political power p1 Hell-being - an is same way, for a V6 classes in the Th: lender is inseparl 20 alist-feminists. They have questioned the assumption the present course of development is inevitable, or desirable (Beneria and Sen 1981). Krishnaraj 3), an economist from India, has argued that the :n-day process of development inherently creates lity and injustice. "How many ‘weaker groups’ must we up, if the major processes in the economy keep Ling new weaker groups?" she asks (1983: 26). Others claimed that the problem is not one of women being out of the process of development, but, rather, of the tions through which women are integrated into the opment process" (Elson and Pearson 1981), obviously ring to women's routine inclusion in the exploitative jobs that offer poor wages and working tions. The feminist literature, however, is in danger of g on the "other side", by accentuating "gender" while mining the significance of class and economic and ical issues which are strongly influential in defining ituation of working class women and women of color. a case of both, lack of access to economic and .cal power proves to be detrimental to their >Eing - an issue they share with their men. In the lay, for a vast majority of women from the toiling s in the Third World, exploitation based on class and ’is inseparable, conceptually and in reality. Socialist-feud ideological biases transnational corpo young poor women of export-processing physical and emotio situation. These 1) interpretation of 1989). Too and Li transnational corp better wages and w corporations. Lim transnationals hav example of labor it generally have had labor force of the loo, the gender gaj aresult of transn result of preexist stratification in Thus, the “ir. 'exploitation" del insights from opp: rather simplistic involves elements touen continue to docility. Hence 21 Socialist-feminists have also been accused of logical biases such as the assumption that snational corporations’ exploitation of the labor of ; poor women of the Third World in their :t-processing units is detrimental to the women’s .cal and emotional health, and to their economic ution. These biases can cloud the methodology and 'pretation of the results (Foo 1987; F00 and Lim Foo and Lim argue that women working for national corporations are better off because of the r wages and working conditions offered by the these rations. Lim and Foo also maintain that nationals have improved their practices, set a good 1e of labor relations for local entrepreneurs and ally have had a positive impact on the economy and the force of the host countries. According to Lim and the gender gap visible in the industrial arena is not 11t of transnational corporations' practices but the : of preexisting local traditions based on gender ification in the society. Phus, the "integration/liberation" versus >itation" debate highlights some extremely important uts from opposite camps. However, each side makes a 'Simplistic presentation of a complex reality which Es elements of both exploitation and liberation. continue to be employed for their low cost and ty. Hence a majority of jobs, assigned as "women’s," pay them wages not 1 little "real" oppor- Because work is gen domain, women find ‘ wagework and housew to have a deep and and, further, on th power at home and i degree of independe and personal consun The "integratj theses are inadequa position of women : rEdisons. First of ideologically Oppo: on one side of the Partial picture of Secondly, muc tacit assumption t homogeneous group lo research focus to in better iObS. Home“ w°rk in bett situati°ns is jusp 22 y them wages not much beyond subsistence and allow women ttle "real" opportunity to exercise independence. cause work is gender-divided and housework is their main, women find themselves excessively burdened with gework and housework. However, having wagework is likely have a deep and lasting impact on a woman's self image , further, on the process of renegotiation of status and er at home and in the workplace. Women may also gain a ree of independence in such matters as mate-selection personal consumption pattern. The "integration/liberation" versus "exploitation" ses are inadequate to comprehend the dynamics of the ition of women in the Third World for a number of sons. First of all, theSe theses are derived from alogically opposed paradigms. Ensuing research focuses ane side of the issue, leading researchers to paint a :ial picture of the women’s situation. Secondly, much of the current literature reflects a t assumption that working women constitute a geneous group in terms of class and are clustered in r rung occupations. This assumption has restricted the arch focus to bottom level jobs and left out the women etter jobs. Although a relatively small proportion of n work in better occupations, a study of their ations is just as important to gauge the impact of work >men . Current resear methodological omis relatively new " exp several rural and u domestic market are the interest in exp lives, a relatively the relationship be of working women’s evaluations of the: class and gender is An important I work and their star emToverment in the examine important appeared in the th uupomen and family 23 Current research also suffers from a few thodological omissions. Much research is done on the latively new "export-processing zone" employment, while veral rural and urban industries producing for the nestic market are not taken into account. Also, despite interest in exploring the impact of working on women’s es, a relatively limited amount of work has been done on relationship between work variables and the structure working women’s households, women's subjective fluations of their own status, and women's awareness of ss and gender issues. An important link in the relationship between women's k and their status in the society is the issue of their owerment in the household. The next section will mine important concepts and propositions that have eared in the theoretical discourse and research on men and family power." WOMEN AND FAMILY POWER Scholars have concerned themselves with the processes enhance women's prestige and power in the family and ined the role of work in women’s empowerment. Power, ned as the ability of an individual within a social tionship to carry out his or her will, even in the face esistance by others (McDonald 1980). Initially, archers emphasized the economic resources as important elements in power i Later, researchers to include normativ characteristics. 'I the cultural and nc applicability of ti based on the data 1 balance of power he is influenced by t} of husband and wife the distribution 0: Thus, the rest are suliposed to in cultural and norma' Opportunity to def anda chance to co where they can ach (199°). The same emillilllluent in gene Some research hills‘éhold status 1 Into the labor ma] Ge , Tier leiSion or CT ltures' evolv es 24 ements in power in the family (Blood and Wolfe 1960). ter, researchers extended the sources or bases of power include normative, affective, and personality racteristics. The normative resources theory looked at cultural and normative context. Rodman (1972) claimed licability of the theory in varied cultural context ed on the data from four different countries. The ance of power between spouses, according to this theory, influenced by the interaction of comparative resources husband and wife, and the cultural expectations about :distribution of marital power. Thus, the resources brought by wife to the marriage supposed to influence her power within the given tural and normative context. TNC employment, argues d, allows women not only economic independence but Drtunity to defy family's traditional power over women a chance to come together in a sex-segregated workplace re they can achieve solidarity due to common interests )0). The same logic logic can be extended to factory .oyment in general. Some researchers have focused on assessing women's ehold status based on the premise that women’s entry the labor market initiates changes in the household. er division of labor, which is found in almost all ares, evolves and stratifies genders in the household 1. If the workplace is a "contested terrain," the e of class conflict, the household is the scene of gender contradictio and unhonored" work lover status in rel 1980). Structural cha forthcoming mainly market (Safilios-Rc to the public arena only make them ecou allow women less t: Therefore, wageworl division of labor commitments get st household division renegotiated (Safi illTlicitly recogni °f remunerated wor industrial societi ““1013ng societi Safilios~Roty Third World can re or on St-rvauts of household, an d be 1 ll 1 25 oder contradiction. Women perform long hours of "unpaid lunhonored" work and still experience dependent and rer status in relation to men in the household (Sen 0). Structural change in the household is perceived to be thcoming mainly through the "dual linkage" to the labor ket (Safilios-Rothschild 1976). Women's greater access the public arena through employment is likely to not y make them economically less dependent on men but also ow women less time to perform household duties. refore, wagework is supposed to reorganize the gender ision of labor in women’s favor. As women's labor force mitments get stronger and come closer to those of men, sehold division of labor and leisure will be egotiated (Safilios-Rothschild 1976). This argument icitly recognizes the liberating and conflict potential emunerated work. However, this vision pertains to strial societies. Does it have application in the loping societies? Safilios-Rothschild contend that elite women of the d World can rely on women relatives of the same class, n servants of the lower classes to manage the ehold, and need not challenge patriarchal structures. working class women, I would argue, lack these ileges and access to such resources. Thus class (or ) enters as a variable that affects outcomes under iarchal capitalism." It can be 61'9“ participate in page load. It is also c absolute or relativ household income, t her, as stable empl reduction in patria is likely to be ion as well as prolong: forces a reorganiz; Hartmann (198 conflicting forces household division for women's labor, women's struggles housework may resu “Sis to the marks housework allocatj evident in the fin The Precedim as a measure of [3‘ resource theory 0: movement throu. distribution of p cultural context 0i ll W88 that patri 26 It can be argued that working class women who ticipate in wagework have to carry an enormous work d. It is also conceivable that the more crucial, in olute or relative terms, a woman's employment is for the sehold income, the greater the autonomy experienced by , as stable employment may initiate a gradual and subtle uction in patriarchal control. Gender division of labor likely to be influenced by women's economic contribution well as prolonged absence from the household, which ces a reorganization of the housework. Hartmann (1981b), on the other hand argues that flicting forces are at work which may influence sehold division of labor. For instance, capital’s need women’s labor, households' need for women’s wages, and en’s struggles against the patriarchal legacy of sework may result in reduced standards or shift of some ks to the marketplace. However, equalization of sework allocation between husbands and wives is not ent in the foreseeable future. The preceding arguments highlight the use of housework measure of power in research on family power. The urce theory of power emphasizes the potential for werment through economic and other resources. ribution of power in the family may be a function of ural context which provides the normative expectations ow power is divided. The socialist-feminist theory es that patriarchy, the driving force behind the unequal and gendere when women take up Global R03“ Ward (1990) e) restructuring and 1 women in developin‘ on global level ha: to semi-peripherY ‘ development provid participating in t of production. Gl countries is marks the informal sectc We and loca labor of women to flexibility of ini WT. Women’ s hou SubSidizes product rates for men in . Ward raises . 1‘0168 in the 910i) illuminant-s 27 a1 and gendered division of housework, persists even women take up waged work. Global Restructuring and Women's Empowerment Ward (1990) examines the links between global ucturing and housework, formal and informal work by in developing countries. Restructuring of production obal level has meant assembly line work is relegated mi-periphery or periphery. Export-oriented opment provides the impetus for the host countries for cipating in the new division of labor in the structure roduction. Global restructuring in the developing :ries is marked by women’s increased participation in .nformal sector, argues Ward. TNCs and local capitalists use the informal-sector of women to avoid labor legislation, achieve bility of informal work, and to keep labor costs Women's household labor as well as informal labor izes production and reproduction and allows low wage for men in the marketplace. ard raises an important question: How do women’s in the global restructuring affect their rment? Some of the issues raised by Ward are ent to our study. How do women manage the time res and tensions resulting form their heavy workload eir responsibilities as wife and mother? How does work affect their sense of self, autonomy, and power? The studies out the contradict: empowerment. The s and offers little I prevails at home an women's independent find ways of achie resistance through Whether women nations allows the home and the workp capitalist and pa debated but undec' review the releva STUDIES EXAMINING Is the avail: critical in alter status? A number recent years by e onwouen and thei nations of East a Young single wome industrializatior for assessing W01 0f global econom: 28 wer? The studies incorporated in her collection point t the contradictory impact of TNC employment on women's powerment. The work is limiting since it is underpaid 1 offers little mobility. The patriarchal ideology avails at home and through state policies. Nonetheless, men’s independence and autonomy is enhanced. Women also 1d ways of achieving solidarity and registering their :istance through subtle or blatant struggles. Whether women's work participation in the developing ions allows them relief from gender subordination in the m and the workplace, or whether it furthers their dtalist and patriarchal exploitation, has been a much ated but undecided issue. The following section will iew the relevant empirical work. IE8 EXAMINING THE IMPACT OF INDUSTRIALIZATION ON WOMEN Is the availability of manufacturing jobs for women ical in altering women’s roles and, thereby, their us? A number of studies have tackled this question in nt years by examining the impact of gainful employment omen and their families. The rapidly industrializing ons of East and Southeast Asia have relied heavily on 9 single women’s labor for their export-oriented strialization, thus providing a fruitful testing ground assessing working women’s changing roles in the context lobal economic forces. These studies have shown that there are both pos employment for van In a recent 5 of manufacturing e behavior of young According to her f independence and affords them. No risen among women ties remain stron repayment, women salaries to their remain the suprem seem to experiencr their esteem for ‘ the poor reputati‘ status accorded t Foo asserts dichotomous conce having a traditic necessarily a sit; the tension of C! thus, while womer 29 e are both positive and negative consequences of oyment for women. Women’s Changing Roles In a recent study, Foo (1987) investigates the impact anufacturing employment on nuptial attitudes and vior of young female Malaysian factory workers. rding to her findings the women enjoy the sense of oendence and opportunity to meet non-kin men their work :ds them. Not surprisingly, the age of marriage has 1 among women in this group. Nonetheless, familial remain strong. Prompted by the value of parental rment, women continue to remit a portion of their ries to their parents. Also, marriage and children .n the supreme goals in their lives. Women, however, to experience ambivalence about their status. While resteem for themselves is high, they are also aware of cor reputation suffered by factory girls and the low s accorded them by society. Foo asserts that modernity and traditionalism are not omous concepts, but, rather, a continuum. Nor is a traditional value orientation toward family arily a sign of exploitation of women. Women resolve nsion of conflicting values by accomodating them; while women enjoy the mobility and financial independence, they wives, and mothers rationality rather In her study the perceptions of working women on w the older women I economic resource women's status. daughter’ 5 depend continues to exer view, daughters c the husband's fan Primary goal in t obligated to make they do not feel 1 Younger working wr earnings into grep Salaff (1981 done in Hong Kong freedom while, at remained a signif Considerable cont That factor) the patriarchal 1 Ono's (1937) stw research on f emai 30 lependence, they honor their obligations as daughters, es, and mothers, which, Foo declares, is a sign of ionality rather than exploitation. In her study of women in Taiwan, Kung (1981) compares ,perceptions of older, non-working to those of younger, king women on working women's status. She reports that older women recognize the daughter to be a valuable nomic resource suggesting an increment in working en’s status. This, however, has not changed the ghter's dependent status at home and the family tinues to exert control over women. In the parents’ w, daughters cannot assume autonomy; they "belong" to husband's family and marriage is supposed to be the nary goal in their lives. While the daughters feel igated to make economic contributions to the family, do not feel free to influence decisions at home. The ger working women are not able to translate their ings into greater power, Kung reports. Salaff (1981) has echoes a similar theme in her study in Hong Kong, where working women have gained personal dom while, at the same time, family loyalty has ined a significant value and families exert iderable control over the young women’s lives. That factory work often proves to be an extension of atriarchal relations in the family is revealed in (1987) study of women factory workers. In her rch on female workers in a small Malaysian town, Ong notes that the fact workers’ families were under a type Thus, patriarchal Some scholars available to women better jobs can tr and society. In h that women have ma successful industr Ideology of women exist despite an 42% for the women putting the horde Moreover, women's gender-segregated dependence at hom Greenhalgh ( analysis of the 6 national developm daughters in Taiv Control over wont used for enhancir securing its fut' on the work-shat bomebound women their families h 31 as that the factory management arranged socials with the :ers' families and conveyed to them that their daughters 2 under a type of fatherly control in the factories. n patriarchal relations extended to the factory. Some scholars have looked at the kind of jobs lable to women, taking the premise that access to er jobs can translate into greater esteem in the family society. In her Singapore study, Wong (1986) notes women have made modest gains despite a spectacularly essful industrialization program in the country. logy of women's home-bound roles still continues to t despite an impressive economic participation rate of for the women above 15 years of age, thus inevitably ing the burden of the "double day" on the women. >ver, women’s access to jobs is limited to low-paying, ar—segregated occupations which reinforce women’s idence at home and low status in the workplace. Greenhalgh (1985) and Gallin (1984) present an sis of the economic role of women in the family and nal development in their separate studies of working ters in Taiwan. Greenhalgh finds that families retain 01 over women's labor and that the woman's income is for enhancing the family's social standing and ing its future. Gallin, on the other hand, elaborates a work-sharing between younger, working and older, >und women both of whose labor benefited not only families but the capitalist system as a whole. Greenhalgh (1 has mobilized wome women to enter th baughters’ income status or to inve pursuits as insur entry into the la daughters are a t patriarchal explo emphasizing that benefit to the we In a similar Taiwan's industri drawing young wo women take care nintains that th docile work force domestic work rel work also provide Children, thus s: familial ideolog: capitalist state relative to men, vis-a-vis older family. These 0 Eastern developi 32 Greenhalgh (1985) observes that capitalist expansion mas mobilized women to work in factories. Families allow women to enter the labor force but control their incomes. )aughters' incomes are extracted by the families to raise status or to invest in sons"educational or business >ursuits as insurance for the future. The young women’s :ntry into the labor market and the remittances by the aughters are a testimony to their capitalist and atriarchal exploitation, proclaims Greenhalgh, thus mphasizing that work does not result in any significant enefit to the women. In a similar vein, Gallin (1984) points out that aiwan’s industrialization has relied on women’s labor - by rawing young women in the labor force, and letting the old omen take care of the unpaid household work. Gallin aintains that the subordinate position of women assures a >cile work force at a low wage rate. Also, older women's >mestic work releases younger women for employment. Such >rk also provides the older women old age security from dldren, thus saving the state welfare money. Thus milial ideologies and women's subordination benefits the pitalist state. The position of women remains unaltered lative to men, but the position of younger women improves s-a-vis older women when they are earning members of the mily. These observations may find parallels in other stern developing countries. While the pre also greater patri workers, in other influence of age, and ethnicity on 11 examined the strat on female workers. Influence r In a study 0: (1985) reports tn; differently. Saf. smaller rural pla Militant towards Counterparts work YWilder wome and transfer the Younger women 11‘ is done, ThEY a] women, but Perhap contrast, Older I also less hold 0 t he women experi 33 ile the preceding studies show greater mobility and eater patriarchal exploitation of young female , in other studies scholars have observed the ce of age, education, marital status, social class, nicity on how work affects women. Research has also d the stratification of labor markets and its impact 1e workers. Influence of Social and Demographic Factors a study of female workers in Puerto Rico, Safa reports that work affects young and old women ntly. Safa observes that younger workers working in rural plants are more complacent with work and less t towards the management compared to their older parts working for older plants in an urban area. nger women come from patriarchal rural traditions sfer the father’s authority to the managers. Also, women live in joint families where income-pooling They are therefore more secure than the older ut perhaps more docile because of the security. In , older married women are more worried about and hence are more assertive and militant. Absence etwork to care for the house means more work but 5 hold of patriarchy on the working women. Thus n experience work differently due to a number of factors ' age, mar urban backgr°und' their respeCtive f Salaff and We has a significant sinan°re' "Withj work force is stri and industrial ni< Women’s class p053 instrumental in m industrial order, stratified job ma‘ While class industrial employ the basis of age, Comparative studi industrial units industrializatior address the issue Electronics indus lOrld market, is educated women, * terms of educatir Status (SES) (Fe Moreover, i U‘S'iltkican bor F. “It (1988) fin 34 rs - age, marital status and family type, rural versus background, and, perhaps, the work organization in respective firms. Salaff and Wong (1984) have argued that social class significant effect on women’s employment in pore. "Within the narrow range of jobs, the female force is stratified with regard to family background ndustrial niche at the time of development" (p. 190). ’5 class position and related family support are mental in not only their adjustment to the new trial order, but also in their access to the ified job market. While class position improves access to better jobs, trial employment sometimes stratifies female labor on asis of age, marital status, education, or race. ative studies of the electronics and garment rial units in maquiladoras, the export-processing rialization program at the U.S.-Mexico border, 5 the issue of workers' stratification. The onics industry, by virtue of its strength in the market, is able to attract younger and better ed women, thus enhancing workers’ stratification in of education, age, and marital and socioeconomic (SES) (Fernandez-Kelly 1983; Tiano 1987). reover, in the study of female workers in the xican border industrialization program, Tiano and (1988) find that workers employed by transnational electronics factor importantly, show their counterparts This suggests that in the stratificat differences in see A reverse ca: status has been r in two major Indi In both cities th higher in large- small-scale firms women work betwe disappear from t saying: “Women h factory. As a re take up alternate requirements are This suggesl cultural norms on are in the labor norm. Women see‘ but leave jobs a early exhaustion any case, this 1: Observed in the leave, the labor 35 nics factories are younger, more educated and, most ntly, show greater class consciousness compared to ounterparts in the garment and service industries. ggests that global economic forces are instrumental stratification of labor markets, and creating nces in socio-political awareness among workers. reverse case of stratification based on marital has been reported by a study of electronics workers major Indian cities (Ramanamma and Bambawale 1987). cities the percentage of older married women was in large- and medium-scale industries than in the cale firms. Also, the researchers observed that ork between the ages of 21 and 35 and then slowly ar from the labor market, which they explained by "Women have a heavy schedule at home and at the As a result many may be opting to leave jobs or alternate employment after the financial ments are considerably reduced" (p. 50). .5 suggests a different pattern based on the local . norms or economic conditions. More married women he labor market because early marriage is the omen seem to work when they have young children, e jobs around the age of 40. Is this a case of uaustion prompting exit from industrial jobs? In , this pattern of life cycle is different from that in the West where women tend to enter, and not re labor force after children are grown (Oppenheimer 1970, in India need to l Studies from that Asian and otl pockets of garment of the industrial workers according lower end of stra race preventing t Export-proc above-mentioned developing count assertions that women workers . division of Iabo of final processi known for its ave industrial parks Host countries f1 to attract capit2 in Mexico, India cast doubt on th female work forc unions are out, hazards for the happy even to hc conditions, the) 36 eimer 1970; Fox and Hesse-Biber 1984). The findings 'a need to be further explored and explained. udies from the U.K. (Westwood 1985) have indicated ian and other minority women are employed in the of garment and other firms that are at the bottom industrial ladder, thus stratifying the female according to race. Thus, minorities remain at the nd of stratified workers. Workers are divided by eventing their unity. ort-processing zones, similar to the entioned maquiladoras, that have sprung up in most ing countries provide evidence to scholars' ons that global restructuring has a deep impact on orkers. In the past two decades a new international n of labor has emerged that has triggered a transfer l processing units to the Third World, which is >r its availability of cheap labor. These .al parks have shown preference for female labor. intries for their part treat them as an opportunity ct capital and create jobs. However, studies done 0, India, the Philippines, and other places have bt on the net results of such ventures for the ark force employed in them. The wages are low, :e out, and there is evidence of serious health for the women in the long run. Although women are an to hold a job due to their stressful economic 5, they do not have job security. Neither is there any guarant another country i (Fernandez-Kelly 1986). Many of the I'liberation" thes able to achieve p and self-esteem b studies find that mainly because th from wagework (Ku evidence that wo matters as mate- (OM 1987; Tiano At the same paid work does nc patriarchal contr lloreover, propone pointed out that persists. If wor low paid jobs, t? to manage their the impact of wa to intervening f tYllt of work org older, married as but may have a I 37 ny guarantee that the shops will not leave for country in search of even cheaper labor dez-Kelly 1983; Tiano 1987; Sharma and Sengupta ny of the above-mentioned reports support the tion" thesis by pointing out that a working woman is achieve personal gains such as greater independence f-esteem by bringing valued incomes to her family. find that women attach a positive value to working because they experience some independence ensuing gework (Kung 1981; Foo and Lim 1989). There is that women gain a degree of independence in such as mate-selection and personal consumption pattern 87; Tiano and Fiala 1988). the same time, studies have also suggested that :k does not always result in the lessening of :hal control of the families over women's lives. 7, proponents of the "exploitation" thesis have out that gender discrimination in hiring and wages :. If women’s access to employment is limited to jobs, they are less able to achieve the capacity e their own affairs. Research also reveals that ct of wagework on women’s status may vary according vening factors such as job content and rewards, ork organization, age, and marital status. Thus, rried women have greater domestic responsibilities ave a less favorable labor market position compared to younge employing firm anr women's status. Previous stu personal characte education, but ha workers’ stratifi households. The comparing the str industry in terms and attitudes anc Scholars ha and distancing f employment may collective inter position as wome: their own circum has been interes class and gender Women The relatir worker's person and studies hav 0cCllpational cc finclining. l rellication in 38 red to younger women. Also, the nature of the ying firm and job content and rewards may influence '5 status. Previous studies have taken into account effects of nal characteristics such as age, marital status, and tion, but have paid less attention to the process of rs' stratification and its impact on women and their holds. The present study fills this deficiency by ring the stratified work force in the pharmaceutical try in terms of material rewards, household status, ttitudes and opinions. Scholars have argued that women’s experiences at work istancing from the household because of paid yment may gradually initiate awareness of their ctive interests as workers or their disadvantaged ion as women, and provide an impetus for changing own circumstances at work and home. Social research een interested in gauging women's awareness of their and gender issues as a result of working. Women's Awareness of Class and Gender he relationship between work characteristics and the ’s personality has generated some research interest, udies have found a strong relationship between tional conditions and workers' psychological oning. A path-breaking American study and its ation in Japan revealed that occupational self-direction - closeness of supe intellectual flex self-directed ori Schooler 1982; Na Similarly, r relationship betw of their exploita genre is that do collective actio “collective acti consciousness, b action. This st various sizes an women who worked rigid division or collective actior small-scale firm less prone to po Some other between the work lorkplace and cl her study of fer (1985) finds th- closely linked a1Sovorking to factory manager 39 irection - measured in terms of complexity of work, ss of supervision, and routinization - leads to ctual flexibility and a positive, flexible, and 'rected orientation to self and society (Kohn and r 1982; Naoi and Schooler 1985). 'milarly, researchers have sought to explore the nship between work variables and women’s assessment r exploitation. One of the important works in the s that done by Tilly (1981) on women workers’ ive action in nineteenth-century France. Here tive action" can be treated as a measure of class lusness, because such consciousness precedes actual This study distinguished between organizations of sizes and work characteristics, and found that ho worked for larger organizations, and within a ivision of labor, exhibited greater propensity for ive action. On the other hand, women employed in cale firms controlled by father-like figures, were one to political mobilization. e other studies have also tried to establish a link the worker control techniques employed in the e and class consciousness among the workers. In y of female garment workers in Puerto Rico, Safa inds that young women living with parents and linked to patriarchal norms and practices, who are king for small firms, are deferential to their managers and seldom question their authority. similar paternalir factories by Ong demonstrates to tl fatherly care and factory for the f community feels c insures obedience Tiano and F' between the type gender conscious between technocr work in the maqu from Burawoy’s ( company state, m paternalistic — r differences in w« In Tiano an hold strong ties larger in size, 'Patronistic" fa "Company st State interventi domination by GE father-like fig\ configuration; ' elployer closely leisure activit: welfare (Buraw01 from Tiano and l 40 ilar paternalistic control system was found in Malaysian tories by Ong (1987). She reports that the management onstrates to the families that the workplace provides herly care and control by arranging social events in the tory for the families of female workers. This way the unity feels confidence in the factories, and the latter res obedience by the workers. Tiano and Fiala have discovered a similar connection een the type of control at work and women’s class and er consciousness (1988). The researchers distinguish een technocratic versus patronistic control systems of r in the maquiladora firms. The concepts are derived a Burawoy's (1983, 1984) typologies of factory regimes - >any state, market despotism, patriarchal, and rrnalistic - which Burawoy developed to explain the ’erences in workers' class consciousness.1 In Tiano and Fiala's scheme "technocratic" factories .strong ties to the state; they are less patriarchal, er in size, and characterized by de-skilling of labor. onistic" factories, on the other hand, represent "Company state" regimes are characterized by heavy intervention; "market despotism" represents ation by capital; "patriarchal" regimes involve a r-like figure organizing labor in a "family-like“ 'guration; "paternalistic" factory regimes imply yer closely regulating the lives of workers through re activities and other attempts directed at family re (Burawoy 1983; 1984). This discussion is taken Tiano and Fiala (1988)- control of worker technocratic firm modern enterprise organizational te links to the stat patriarchal than are largely local unstable and low- enploy arbitrary other such decis personal and pat Tiano and F the women workin electronics firm consciousness an in the patronist previous studies organization of gender issues. Are differs differentiation study done in Re and non-industri groups would earl of embourgeoisei consumption and better working 41 trol of workers based on personal relations. The hnocratic firms are subsidiaries of TNCs, defined as ern enterprises that use modern machinery and anizational techniques. These firms also have strong ks to the state. Supervision is impersonal and less riarchal than in smaller firms. The patronistic firms largely locally-owned, small-sized firms that offer table and low-wage jobs, involve strenuous work, and loy arbitrary rules and procedures for recruitment and r such decisions. Supervision frequently involved onal and paternalistic elements. Tiano and Fiala found support for the hypothesis that women working for technocratically-controlled :tronics firms would exhibit greater class and political sciousness and gender awareness than their counterparts :he patronistically-controlled garment industry. Thus, dous studies establish a strong link between .nization of work and women's awareness of class and er issues. Are differences in the work setting related to status erentiation and concomitant attitudinal differences? A done in Kanpur, India, comparing female industrial on-industrial workers, tested hypotheses that the two s would exhibit differences in the SES and the level ourgeoisement - measured in terms of middle-class mption and educational/career aspirations - and that r working conditions would result in less awareness of workers' exploita data suggesting t industrial and no differences in SE enhancing the gap found that non-in status and embour working class iss The present look at the relal organization, me attitudes on sev Household c study of women’ s with their house. employment outsi household by cha The following se on working womer Women a Social sci: the household a! role in the hou: elsewhere tests 42 orkers' exploitation. Both hypotheses were supported by ata suggesting that workers’ stratification into ndustrial and non-industrial jobs was related not only to ifferences in SE5 but also to aspiration levels, thus nhancing the gap between them. Furthermore, the study ound that non—industrial work was related to greater tatus and embourgeoisement, and also to less awareness of orking class issues of exploitation. The present research will draw on this literature and ok at the relationship between the size of the ganization, mechanisms of control used, and women’s titudes on several work and household issues. Household constitutes another important element in the :udy of women’s status. Women are primarily associated .th their household and mother/wife role. Does women’s ployment outside home redefine women’s relation to the usehold by changing the traditional division of labor? e following section will discuss some important findings working women and their households. Women and the Organization of Household Social scientists have viewed the division of labor in household as a crucial test of women’s position and e in the household. Research done in India and ewhere tests the proposition that wagework increases women's influence workload and incr decision-making. In her study working women's c impact on their 5 low-income women contribution to t better say in hoe spend on their on result of their In a detail (1984) compares to assess the am gender-specific 1 by both genders. is clearly demar laundering, and and looking afte working women at compared to the towards role-she lore likely to l hon-working went the male and fa] non-working woml women . 43 en’s influence at home, as reflected in the reduced (load and increased participation in the ision-making. In her study of bidi workers, Bhati (1985), explores ting women's contribution to household budget and its act on their status. The respondents, predominantly -income women who made a substantial economic :ribution to their household, asserted that they had a :er say in household spending, increased freedom to 1d on their own, and better treatment in the family as a llt of their earning power. In a detailed study done in Jodhpur, India, Talwar :4) compares working and non—working women’s households ssess the amount of work done by each gender, the er-specific allocation of tasks, and role-sharing done oth genders. Her data show that women’s and men's work learly demarcated, with women doing the cooking, dering, and cleaning tasks, and men doing purchasing looking after the children’s education. However, more ing women are drawn into the traditional male work ared to the non—working women, thus suggesting a move :ds role-sharing. Working women’s husbands/fathers are likely to participate in housework than those of forking women. However, working women seem to do all ale and female tasks and thus carry out more work than orking women, suggesting a greater burden for working the reality is f working woman in household work b labor-saving gad housework, care religious duties Thus, worki Not surprisingly indicate that th work for them is due to the econo Sawara 1986; Ram This suggests th wagework - creat supposed "indepe outweighed by th the clock in the duties are share motivation for m self-enhancement hgarwal's : role of middle I learnt, a town Strong link bet income, and occ 44 These findings concur with Bhoite's (1988) report on re typical workload of an employed woman. She argues that me reality is far different from the hypothetical model of orking woman in which she is supposed to be relieved of >usehold work by helpful husband, relatives, servants, or rbor-saving gadgets. In fact the women in her sample do musework, care for children, and follow time-consuming aligious duties besides working full-time. Thus, working results in a "double day" for women. m surprisingly, researchers have found that working women dicate that they mainly work for economic reasons, that rk for them is not a "career decision," that they work e to the economic necessity (Safa 1985; Sharan 1985; wara 1986; Ramanamma and Bambawale 1987; Joshi 1988). is suggests that doubling of work - household and gework - creates an enormous stress, that the value of pposed "independence" gained by wage earning is tweighed by the prospect of working practically around a clock in the absence of help. Unless women’s household :ies are shared, income is going to be the overriding :ivation for working; it will not be for .f-enhancement, or other lofty goals. Agarwal’s study, done in 1988, examines the status and .e of middle class educated women in the Indian family in rut, a town in North India. She reports that there is a ong link between the level of the wife’s education, ome, and occupational status relative to the husband’s and her status a husband’s sharin decision-making. nuclear family i in the housework educated or other status to the wi home compared to higher occupatio wife earn simila participate in t observations abo about child-rear However, t money-related d power. Sixty-fa husbands and the never even consr controlled by no education, or or class families . changing at the of educated wor‘ In another eXplored the di and blue—collar Power for house 45 1d her status at home. Agarwal’s indices of status are sband's sharing in housework and wife’s contribution in cision-making. She observes that urban residence in the clear family is more conducive to husband's participation the housework. Also, where wife and husband are equally ucated or where the husband’s occupation is of a similar atus to the wife’s, the husband is more likely to help at me compared to the husband who has greater education or gher occupational status than his wife. When husband and Ee earn similar incomes, husband is more likely to :ticipate in the housework. Agarwal reports similar servations about the wife's participation in decisions >ut child-rearing. However, these observations do not apply to uey-related decisions, where women have considerably less er. Sixty-four percent of wives are only consulted by bands and the remaining thirty-six percent of wives are er even consulted on money matters. Money was, thus, trolled by men irrespective of the wife's income, cation, or occupation. The role of women in middle 35 families is changing fast but their status is not aging at the same rate, concludes Agarwal in this study educated working women. In another interesting study, Sinha and Prabha (1988) ored the difference in the household status of white- blue-collar women. Their indices of status include r for household decisions, freedom of movement, perception of on resolving disagr report that whit respect to chil However, these or economic activit Blue-collar wome money. Sinha and P women's mobility relatively fewer counterparts. C the family reve position. Comp also indicated women have to gi indicates that, women may not be These studz‘ status does not employment. Why interest in hou‘ equalization is that there migh that the nature husbands' may 1: home. Equalize 46 ception of ones’ status at home, and measures of olving disagreements with the husband. The researchers art that white-collar women enjoy more power with past to children's education and discipline, or cooking. ever, these women in general have a smaller role in 10mic activities such as the purchase of clothing. e—collar women experienced less restriction on spending 2y. Sinha and Prabha examined eleven different areas of :n's mobility. They found that blue—collar women face tively fewer restrictions than their white-collar terparts. Comparison of self-perception of status in family revealed that blue-collar women enjoy a better tion. Comparison of mechanisms of conflict resolution indicated that a greater proportion of white-collar a have to give in to their husbands. This study :ates that, contrary to common assumption, white-collar 1 may not be better off than blue-collar women. These studies clearly suggest that women's household is does not automatically improve with paid yment. While husbands seem to be taking greater est in household work, the prospect of gender ization is a distant dream. Thus, studies suggest there might be class differences in women’s gains, or the nature of women's employment relative to their ads' may be a crucial factor in women’s status at Equalization of incomes, education, and occupational status breeds gr research on vome different socioe understanding of Next, we wi segmentation. T divided into fi rewards to worke the placement of In the followin light on the se developing coun The theory provide an expla based on social rather than on s division of labt sectors, and in‘ ”primary" secto: and better wage: hand, is charac conditions, and (Edwards 1979) - presuppose diff 47 atus breeds greater equality between men and women. More search on women in different work situations and fferent socioeconomic strata is needed to improve our ierstanding of the mechanisms of women's status change. Next, we will touch on the concept of labor market gmentation. The pharmaceutical industry is vertically lided into firms of different scales that offer varying wards to workers. What are the factors that influence a placement of workers in the firms of different size? the following section, theory and research that sheds lht on the segmentation of labor markets in the sloping countries will be discussed. LABOR MARKET SEGMENTATION: THEORY AND LITERATURE The theory of labor market segmentation attempts to wide an explanation of unequal access to employment ed on social characteristics such as gender and race, aer than on skill levels. The theory identifies .sion of labor markets into dynamic and peripheral ors, and into sub-sectors within the two. The mary" sector employment offers job security, mobility, better wages. The "secondary" sector, on the other , is characterized by poor pay scales and working itions, and a lack of job security and mobility ards 1979). Although the jobs in different sectors appose different education and skill level of workers, the theory empha extra-economic f ethnicity, migra Women are overre suggesting gende of labor markets The theory capitalism is ch structure and th count toward dis Socialist-femini of gender furth with capitalism, that implied by capitalism perv stratification i society. The notion over to analyze The labor market caste lines (M1 countries provi< context, that 0! advanced indust: place in a prom In the urb- hetween the seq 48 theory emphasizes that recruitment is also based on ra-economic factors such as workers' gender, race and nicity, migratory status, and rural or urban origin. en are overrepresented in the secondary labor market, gesting gender bias and imperfection in the functioning labor markets. The theory of labor market segmentation maintains that italism is characterized by a polarized industrial acture and that sociocultural and institutional factors at toward discriminatory practices and stratification. ialist-feminists, on the other hand, take the analysis gender further and claim that patriarchy, in conjunction a capitalism, creates gender hierarchy far deeper than t implied by simple discrimination. Patriarchal italism pervades and institutionalizes gender atification in all social and cultural aspects of rety. The notion of labor market segmentation can be carried 'to analyze the labor markets in developing countries. labor markets are segmented on gender, ethnicity, and e lines (Mukhopadhyay 1981). However, developing tries provide a significantly different structural ext, that of "dependent capitalism," compared to need industrial nations, and hence "segmentation" takes a in a pronouncedly dissimilar manner. In the urban context, researchers have distinguished Ben the segments by using concepts such as "dual" (primary and sec sectors, organiz secondary and te leading authorit Deshpande and Pa markets into “fa World Bank-spons India. They not workers in term the temporary f and the mass of They also to one segment higher segment a function of n to key people a: cities are typii they are equall occupying bette Deshpande that workers in have higher edL‘ factories. Sill Joshi (1976) W1 enterprising P‘ sector. Holmsi good, and gett. 49 rimary and secondary) economy, formal and informal :tors, organized and unorganized sectors, or primary, :ondary and tertiary sectors (Joshi and Joshi 1976). Two rding authorities on the labor markets in India, :hpande and Papola (1979), conceptually divide the labor :kets into "factory," "workshop," and "casual" in their :1d Bank-sponsored study on labor markets in Bombay, lia. They note the privileged position of the factory rkers in terms of pay and job security when compared with a temporary factory workers, workers in the workshops, l the mass of casual workers in the labor market. They also found that the workers are largely confined one segment and an upward move from the lower to a [her segment is difficult. The entry into any segment is function of not only training and skill, but also access key people and information. Thus new migrants to the ies are typically clustered in low grade jobs, even when Y are equally or better educated than the old migrants Upying better jobs. Deshpande (1979, quoted in Holmstrom 1985) reports t workers in smaller establishments/workshops tend to a higher educational levels than those working for tories. Similar findings are reported by Joshi and Ii (1976) who argue that a wide range of skilled and 3rPrising people work for low wages in the unskilled :or. Holmstrom maintains that information 15 not a free [a and getting jobs depends largely on contacts and influence, which markets. Since (75% in Deshpande ". . .So factory, in on the netw to, since t' of industry Scholars ha of developing cc of available poo (Kannappan 1983) dissemination of criteria are bas criteria. In hi cities of develc emphyment excha lab” markets . DO these no ~ ' . , °°untries? Wha i0b5? Studies SilrdeQ IQVEIS iabor markets . that Women! S pa steadily filler t0 the CenSUS ‘ r ecsntly Se en . C the“ is a rig' 50 Eluence, which explains imperfection in the labor rkets. Since most workers in Bombay are rural migrants 5% in Deshpande's sample): "...So much depends on the first job - is it in a factory, in a workshop or casual labour? - or, rather, on the network of relationships one already belongs to, since this largely determines the sector and type of industry where the first job will be" (p. 188). Scholars have discovered that in urban labor markets developing countries quality of available jobs and that available pool of workers can dramatically vary annappan 1983). Informal kinship ties play a role in ssemination of job information. Even the recruitment iteria are based on ascriptive as well as more modern iteria. In his review of data from a number of large ties of developing countries, Kannappan finds that ?10yment exchanges play a "negligible" role in urban aor markets. Do these informal networks determine privilege and l-privilege in the crowded labor markets of developing intries? What role does gender play in allocation of 6? Studies of labor markets have not explored beyond face levels the role of gender in the segmentation of or markets. However, the Census and other data indicate t women’s participation in the "factory" sector has adily fallen - 10.4% in 1963 to 8.7% in 1972, according the Census (Sharan 1985) — a trend that has only ently seen a reversal. It has widely been noted that re is a rigid occupational segregation allow1ng women entry only in tend to occupy they predomin The decline i evident, from and their per 1911 to 17. 3% Censuses. Al that there we according to unorganized 5 Country Study trend analysi home—based pr< is only a lim organized sec Percenta 20.2% in 1981 processing, 5 in the state where women m 'manufacturir meagre 12% . 2 These f Maharashtra Statistics, 51 try only in a few industries and jobs, and that women nd to occupy less desirable jobs in all sectors while ey predominate in the casual sector (Mukhopadhyay 1981). e decline in the total number of female workers was ident, from 41.8 million in 1911 to 31.2 million in 1971, d their percentage in the labor force fell from 34.4% in 11 to 17.3% in 1971, according to the Population nsuses. Although this trend has reversed itself, and at there were over 63 million workers in the labor force cording to the Census 1981, 95% of them are in the organized sector (Census 1981, referenced in A World Bank untry Study 1991). Despite the problems associated with end analysis such as changes in definitions especially of me-based productive activities, one can assume that there only a limited growth at best in women’s industrial and anized sector employment. Percentage of women in India’s labor force stood at 2% in 1981, with their share in "manufacturing, cessing, servicing, and repair" being 14.6%. However, the state of Maharashtra, whose capital city is Bombay, re women made 30% of the labor force, their share of nufacturing, processing, servicing, and repair" was a gre 12%.2 Women’s levels of participation in These figures were taken from Economic Survey of arashtra (1986—87), Directorate of Economics and tistics, Government of Maharashtra, Bombay. manufacturing and even lowe continued to market in the emerged in re magnitude of employment (R their precari (Hussain 1985 small-scale f Studies and generaliz analytical ca “unorganized . informational differences w that a wide r I‘segment" men female pharma varied range sector, a re] 11011911 . 52 ufacturing activities seem to be low in all of India, even lower in Maharashtra, which suggests that women tinued to have a disadvantageous status in the labor ket in the 1980's. Studies on female workers have rged in recent years which document the nature and nitude of women's role in the unorganized sector loyment (Ranade and Ramachandran 1970; Banerjee 1985) or ir precarious situation in home-based production ssain 1985). Some work has been done on the women in ll-scale factories (Kalpagam 1981). Studies on India’s labor markets brilliantly classify generalize information with a parsimonious use of a few lytical categories, e.g. "organized" versus organized." However, they also suffer from the loss of ormational detail in doing so and fail to capture erences within each sector. Thus, it can be argued a wide range exists among jobs classified within each ent" mentioned above. The present case study of le pharmaceutical workers will give insight into the ed range in the situation of women within the "factory" or, a relatively privileged group of working class n. The pr disadvantag the process markets. '1‘ significan The interpl factors in still not w This study origins ex; is their sp socioeconor While wagework or contributit omissions. differenti impacts 0 stratific of insert' important needed on or firms 53 concluding Remarks The preceding discussion emphasizes the relative rdvantage of women in Third World labor markets where process of development creates segmented labor :ets. The level of entry into the labor market nificantly influences the life chances of the worker. interplay between gender and other political-economic :ors in determining women’s labor market status are .1 not well understood, and call for more research. :study attempts to determine whether women’s class ins explain their different entry levels, or whether it .heir specific job placement that defines their current oeconomic strata. While the above-mentioned studies on the effects of work on women and their households make valuable ibutions to the discipline, there are certain glaring ions. For example, less emphasis has been placed on rentiating between types of work and their varying ts on women's status. Industrialization may create ification among workers, and a woman’s specific level sertion in the stratification is likely to be an tant determinant of her status. Greater focus is d on the comparison of different sectors, industries, rms of different sizes to identify mechanisms that :1 women’s status change. Some empirical questions emerge from the preceding ‘ review of I when the fv industrial different significan Do women’ s gender iss Three vi] the preser The r industriai India. 54 Lew of literature. How do work and its rewards compare a the female workers are placed at different levels of astrial employment? Would women’s households show Eerent adjustment patterns if the women were placed in aificantly different job and wage-benefit categories? women’s attitudes and perception of their status and ier issues vary with the type of work they do? Chapter ee will discuss the hypotheses designed to be tested in present study. The next chapter presents a broad picture of India’s astrialization and the pharmaceutical industry in La. Under industrial' textiles, r chemical, a rudimentary channeled i establishir of indepenc dominated l (Holmstrom The f Nehru and I industrial It antici planning CHAPTER TWO INDIA’S INDUSTRIAL GROWTH Under British rule, India embarked on the path of lustrialization with four industries: jute, cotton (tiles, railways, and coal. Steel, engineering, emical, and other modern industries showed only a limentary existence. During World War II, the government anneled its resources to meet defense needs by :ablishing aircraft and weapon industries. At the dawn independence in 1947, India’s industrial base was inated by industries such as jute and cotton textiles. lmstrom 1985). The first government of independent India, led by ru and his cabinet, affirmed the goal of becoming an ustrial economy by building basic and heavy industries. anticipated that establishment of large units through ning would encourage the growth of small, ancillary 5 dependent on them. This policy, while discouraging ign investment, embraced planned economic development public sector investment as measures of rapid growth. government stimulated both public and private erprise; it intended to develop basic heavy industry, 55 and antic ancillary By t India’s c prolifera progress of develc industria enterpris establisl influence Village 1985). v enterpri: impact 0 (Joshi a Jha POSt-ind Structur Process middle c working State at element: eXplain: “Suite. \ i Jh 56 anticipated the rise of small entrepreneurship in Lllary industries. By the end of the First Five-Year Plan (1952-1957), ia’s characteristic "small-scale industry" had liferated while its heavy industry was showing moderate grass at best (Holmstrom 1985). Despite the avowed goal developing basic and intermediate industries, the .ustrial policy weakened large scale foreign and national .erprise, while fostering the growth of the small-scale :ablishments. Some scholars have attributed this to the Tluence of Gandhian teaching glorifying the traditional .lage (Dhar and Lydall, 1961, quoted in Holmstrom, =5). Others have traced the importance of small :erprise to government ideology, and also to the negative tact of labor legislation and unions on large firms shi and Joshi 1976; Holmsrom 1985). ‘ Jha, on the other hand, explains India’s t-independence, slow industrial growth in terms of class cture and the state in India. He argues that the ess of development may lead to politicizing of lower 1e classes, prosperous peasantry, and sections of the ing classes whose interests are represented by the “e at the cost of those of big monopoly houses or feudal hents in the countryside. In the Indian context, he iains that empowerment of intermediate classes has llted in a clear policy bias towards the small-scale.1 Jha emphatically argues that the Indian state is In the pro consumer g and from 1 (Jha 1982) Lal ( reluctance the intere suspicious enhancemer such mecha Price-fix: "necessit: the "nece: are fixed of making HOWEVer, - 57 the process, industrialization has shifted from basic to nsumer goods, short term gains versus long term gains, 1 from large-scale to less risky, small-scale industry na 1982). Lal (1981?)2 has similarly described the government’s luctance to let market forces define industrial growth in 3 interest of poor consumers. The government is spicious of powerful industrial leaders and their profit aancement, and intervenes from the beginning to end, with :h mechanisms as controlled licensing and ice-fixation. The government classifies production into acessities" and "luxury goods." Priority is given to e "necessities" and "luxuries" are discouraged. Prices 2 fixed on the basis of outdated estimates, with the goal making essentials available to the poor at a low cost. kever, when production costs make production unprofitable i-monopoly business and pro-small and medium erprise. In support of his argument, Jha details the edural obstacles in obtaining licenses — application, ening, and decision making, which on an average waste days - ‘pro-labor' legislation, controlled import nses, and a general harassment of big business. l-scale firms, in comparison, enjoy a freer reign. have access to subsidies for power, raw materials, and n. They often enjoy guaranteed markets. This publication (14 p.) by Sanjaya Lal was obtained the files of the Center for Education and entation, Bombay, a prestigious research library. The cle, unfortunately, does not bear a date, although from references in the article it is likely to be a script of a lecture delivered in the early 1980's. at the give from the ma essentials proven to t virtually c competitior Prolit eXpected d: Because of small-seal: Pool of av. Stagnation and, conco are in the and Provis l“Drivers is with hirin Hot enterj Wages in t even One i Similar in A1”will r the page S Striking. accent on benefited 58 .the given price, the "necessities" in fact disappear cm the market. Thus the government's measures for making sentials available at a lower cost to the masses have ’oven to be counterproductive. These policies have rtually choked industrial progress by discouraging mpetition and innovation in the marketplace, argues Lal. Proliferation of small-scale firms has not had the pected distributive effect for the working class. cause of the labor intensive nature of their technology, all-scale firms may have created employment for the large 01 of available labor. However, it can be argued that agnation also translates into limited economic growth d, concomitantly, a low demand for labor. When the firms 3 in the unorganized sector where governmental controls provisions for labor do not apply, the position of kers is precarious. Many small-scale firms get away h hiring temporary instead of permanent workers, or with entering many workers on official pay-rolls at all. es in the unorganized sector firms are less than a half, n one third of ones paid by the large scale firms for ilar work and skill level (Joshi and Joshi 1976). hough many small-scale firms are in the organized sector wage gap between small and large firms is still quite 'king. Thus, the pattern of industrial growth with the nt on the small-scale enterprise has only marginally fited the worker. The India’ s : governmer and a po indigeno most in observat its labo Inc‘ the nine establi: India. Indian 1 and beg. f°r tro success colonia Th impresS has ris 1988) .3 59 The preceding discussion sheds light on the course of dia’s industrialization which is characterized by vernment controls through licensing, production quotas, d a policy of curbing the growth of foreign and digenous large firms. Ironically, labor stands to gain st in large firms where labor unions are strong. These servations also apply to the pharmaceutical industry and s labor force. THE PHARMACEUTICAL INDUSTRY IN INDIA India's pharmaceutical industry was conceived during 3 nineteenth century when British manufacturers :ablished trading branches to import finished products to iia. In the early part of the present century, three lian entrepreneurs entered the pharmaceutical industry 1 began an ambitious attempt at innovating formulations 'tropical diseases. These attempts had only limited cess in the face of foreign competition and lack of the onial government's support (Ahmad 1988; Pillai 1984). The pharmaceutical industry in India has shown ressive growth since independence. The number of units risen from 1,700 in 1952 to over 6,000 in 1983 (Ahmad ).3 The investment has gone up from Rs.240 million in This information is quoted in Ahmad (1988). Sources: (Organization of Pharmaceutical Producers') Annual 1952 to over After i drugs, or 10 production 0 reached near materials as production c formulations foreign tecl development 4’6 0f the tr development than Rs.5 c1 many Parade: relatively ; its much ta (mills and f pmduCt 1 On \ Repert 19 82 Tether est firms a1 1983) . the 4 The en The amount minim) in 5 Ibid. 60 52 to over Rs.7 billion in 1983.4 After independence the industry moved from importing ugs, or local manufacturing of imported ingredients, to oduction of bulk drugs themselves. Today India has ached near self-sufficiency in the production of raw terials as well as drug formulations. In 1984-85, the oduction of bulk drugs stood at Rs.3.7 billion and rmulations at Rs.18 billion.5 However, dependence on reign technology continues. Investment in research and velopment is very low leading the government to mandate of the total sales value to be spent on research and Ielopment by the foreign companies with turn-over more an Rs.5 crore. India’s pharmaceutical industry shows 1y paradoxes such as a strong foreign sector, and yet, .atively low levels of investments in R&D. Also, despite ~much talked about advance in the production of bulk gs and formulations, India’s share of the world duction is as low as 1.2%; its per capita drug >rt 1982, and Chemical Weekly (Annual Issue) 1986. By :her estimate there are close to 9,000 pharmaceutical is although some may exist only on paper (Abrol and Guha .), The exchange rate in 1984-5 was roughly Rs. 13 to $1. amount of investment in dollars comes to over $500 ion in 1983. Ibid. The dollar to rupee exchange rate in 1984-85 roughly Rs.13 to $1. The production of bulk drugs 1 at $290 million and of formulations at over $1.4 .on. consumptir meagre 205. This public sev private sf organized are TNCs other Eur equity (I over 25% other han small ca; caPital 1 local fi] The Concentr, 349‘ of 11 Share of Brazil or. Period ( Control uhder th Formlllat pr°°eSse firms Cc due to i Dds 198( 61 :onsumption is one of the lowest in the world, embracing a meagre 20% of the population (Pillai 1984). This industry incorporates three sectors: 1. the public sector, 2. the foreign sector, and 3. the local private sector. There are some 250 large-scale, organized-sector firms in the industry out of which 45-odd are TNCs from U.K., U.S., Japan, Germany, Switzerland, and other European countries that enjoy more than 40% foreign equity (India 1987). Within the large-scale firms, well over 25% enjoy full or partial foreign ownership. 0n the other hand, 99% of small scale firms represent indigenous small capital. These figures show the strength of foreign :apital in the Indian economy. Over 6,000 small-scale .ocal firms are in production. The market share of foreign companies is also highly oncentrated in India. The top four TNCs controlled nearly 4% of India's drug market in the early 1970's. The market hare of the top four foreign firms in Japan, U.S. and razil was 24%, 22%, and 14%, respectively, during the same eriod (Pillai 1984). Even more importantly, foreign firms >ntrol new technology and the production of formulations der the international patent protection laws. rmulations manufacture involves relatively simple ocesses but high returns. The foreign pharmaceutical rms control a sizeable market for formulations, partly a to their efficient marketing techniques (Majumdar and .1986). Thus, TNCs have a controlling position despite limited inv bulk chemic concentrate formulatior enjoyed his figures on Table 2-2). 62 nited involvement in research or in production of basic, Lk chemicals. Table 1 below indicates that the TNCs acentrate on the production of more lucrative rmulations, rather than bulk drugs. TNCs seem to have joyed high profit margins as it is obvious from the gures on repatriation of profits abroad by 6 TNCs (see ale 2-2). TABLE 2- Sector National TNCs ...... 63 BLE 2-1 Production of Bulk Drugs and Formulations, 1976-1977 and 1983-84 :tor Bulk Drugs Formulations 1976-77 1983-84 1976-77 1983-84 :ional Sector 85* 290 406 930 ZS 63 65 292 615 *Rupees in crores or tens of millions. . . Source: Indian Drug Statistics, 1984-85, Ministry of chemicals and Fertilizers, quoted in Majumdar, 1986, p.13 BLE 2-2 Remittances by Companies with More than 26% Foreign Equity me of Co. Original Remittances Equity 1974—75 1976-77 1978-79 rxo —- -— 86.44* 120.82 tchst 20.00 -— 20.36 20.43 'ke Davis 87.50 —- 49.66 55.12 he 10.00 16.52 30.74 20.02 zer 2.00 18.71 94.86 45.36 nson & Johnson 20.00 -- 13.96 11.54 *Rupees in lakhs or hundreds of thousands. . Source: Hathi Committee Report, 1975, quoted in Mujamdar, 1986, p.38 The TNCs, whj modern tr eventuall 1980’ 5 hi productir priority the 1986 numerous allottin firms, a in the n The the indr the fort forced 1 prOdUCt“ drug at Produc i] \ 6 l . January A1l Iii Interna 7 “out: a Ik 64 The government’s initial hospitable policy towards TNCs, which was based on the optimism that TNCs would bring modern technology and conduct R&D activities in India, eventually changed. The drug policy in the 1970’s and 1980’s has aimed at diluting foreign ownership, making production of basic bulk drugs mandatory, and making priority drugs available at controlled prices.6 Although the 1986 Drug Policy releases some of the price controls, numerous restrictions and delays by the government in allotting licenses, its production ceilings for large firms, and protection for the medium- and small-scale firms .n the national sector have hurt profits.7 These restrictive policies have stifled the growth of he industry and brought on absurdities and imbalances in he forces of supply and demand. Thus, big firms are orced to produce under capacity despite a demand for the roduct; or, local firms are given a license to produce a rug at a higher cost even when cheaper technology for 8 roducing the drug is available with a TNC. The results 1. "A Shot in the Arm." Cover Story in Update, 10-13 rnuary 1987, on Pharmaceutical Industry. 2. New Drug Policy - A Farce on Health? A report by 1 India Drug Action Network, A part of Health Action ternational Network, January 5, 1987. This is taken from the notes of discussion with a owledgeable public relations official at Glaxo. Ibid. have been shortages drugs, all plight. policy, Tl industry of FERA ( governmen less, and out that effective The With over of the ox research f0! subsi evidence subCOntr: Controls °f the r. Preducti Fem industry mainly a filling tubes, k Seals ar 65 have been price hikes in non-control drugs, severe shortages in the market, and continued imports of many drugs, all which prolong the consumer’s disadvantage and plight. Ironically, despite an unfavorable government policy, TNCs remain a strong and significant sector of the industry (Pillai 1984; Ahmad 1988). With the introduction of FERA (Foreign Equity Regulation Act, 1973), the government aims at diluting foreign ownership to 40% or less, and reducing foreign control. However, experts point but that it is not difficult for a TNC to exercise effective control without the majority interests. The small-scale sector presents a different character rith over 6,000 units in operation that contribute but 20% if the overall production. They are unable to support esearch and development expenditure, and are often blamed or substandard products in the market. Moreover, there is vidence of large firms using small-scale firms as ubcontractors. Cheaper labor costs, less government ontrols, and freedom from hassles from unions may be part B the reasons why large companies transfer some of the :oduction to small-scale firms. Female workers have become an integral part of the [dustry for over four decades. They have been working inly as packers, doing such non-production jobs as lling ointments, tablets, liquids, and capsules into bes, bottles, or ampoules; putting caps on; affixing als and labels; and inspecting for quality. Some of these jobs firms. In remain manr the larger machines (( Althon the industr benefits ma differing : hierarchic 0n the wor' the umbrel laws. How attractive firms has Stagnatior attractive Small"Seal paid, and This that grow 66 these jobs are fully or partially automated in large firms. In the small—scale firms, many of these jobs still remain manual. There is some evidence that women’s jobs in the larger companies are replaced either with men or machines (Gothoskar 1982). Although the content of jobs is essentially similar in the industry, organization of work as well as wages and benefits may be significantly different across the firms of differing sizes. Thus, specific placement within the hierarchical structure of the industry has a direct impact an the worker. Women in the organized sector work under :he umbrella of strong unionization and protective labor Laws. However, these precise advantages make women less rttractive to managers.9 Women's recruitment in large firms has slowed down to a snail's pace, partly due to tagnation, and, perhaps, also because they are less ttractive as workers. 0n the other hand, work in mall-scale firms is harder, more hazard-prone, poorly aid, and in increasing demand of female labor. This is consistent with labor economists' observations mat growth of the organized sector lags behind the icrease in the labor supply, leading to the burgeoning of One manager bluntly said, "If it was up to me I would at rid of all female office staff because, legally, I nnot keep them after sunset even if there is work to do. me with the factory workers." casual a question are the in the " in the m these jc attitude differer chapters researcl 10 1989. 67 10 The important asual and informal sector jobs. uestions this study will examine are the following. What re the differences in the characteristics of women placed a the "wage enclaves" of large corporations as opposed to 1 the much weaker jobs in the small-scale sector? Do iese jobs impact women’s socioeconomic status, their :titude to work and family, and their self-esteem .fferently? These questions will be dealt with in the apters following the next one on the study’s hypotheses, search design, and methods of data analysis. Swapna Mukhopadhyay "Urban Labor Markets in India", 39. This str the var} organiz: about WI an em. in Bomb. differe women's Will ex SYSteIna workers corpora 1&ng Compan; l. we , wOmen thEir $0ci0e CHAPTER THREE SUBSTANTIVE ISSUES AND PROPOSITIONS This study proposes to fill the gaps in prior literature on the varying impacts of work on women’s social strata, organization of their households, and on their attitudes about work, household and gender—related issues. This is an exploratory case study of female pharmaceutical workers Ln Bombay, India. The pharmaceutical industry is lifferentiated in terms of size and ownership, in which the mmen’s tasks are limited mainly to packing. The study ill explore the question of whether there is any ystematic difference in the characteristics of female orkers found in the three types of firm - transnational orporations (large-scale firms with foreign equity), rge—scale Indian companies, and small-scale Indian mpanies (private capital). We will attempt to determine whether the placement of men into different firms can be explained in terms of eir age, education, caste, religion, or father’s cioeconomic status. Of particular interest is women’s 68 stratificai firms, and the materi; organizati' 2. An impo the relati stratified households is economi likely to household incomes, c eXtended 1 fallilies 1 hierarchi. “Oreover, household her Statu contentio terms of 3' Final] firm Size “Chen’s E (if gender self‘dec: AA 69 tratification into TNCs, and large- and small-scale Indian irms, and the consequences of stratification in terms of me material rewards they receive and the type of work :ganization they experience. An important goal of the present research is to assess re relationship between level of insertion in the :ratified labor market and the structure of the women’s luseholds. If the income is sizable, a nuclear household economically viable. The nuclear household in turn is kely to allow a woman greater autonomy and power in usehold matters compared to the extended household. Low comes, on the other hand, make income—pooling and tended families necessary for collective survival. Such nilies may observe intergenerational and gender erarchies, thus reducing women's power and autonomy. reover, the proportion of the woman's contribution to the isehold income may be an important issue in determining 7 status and power. The study investigates whether these tentions are supported in the data by comparing women in ms of their work and household characteristics. Finally, the study will examine the relationship between size and women’s attitudes on a variety of issues. n's appraisal of work and their bosses, their awareness ender issues, and their perception of autonomy and -decision are of interest. Moreover, we will examine the nature of self-reported whether women' members, or i: The follor that will govt hypotheses ha' first set exa measured with structure of attitudes and second set of “My and a1] nature, mOTHESES E} I‘YPotheseg, R! 1' There are wages and be large Iridian and offer no Larger f their Work f Due to their fl 70 1e nature of women's aspirations for the future. This elf-reported information will indicate rether women’s wishes and dreams are directed at family embers, or if they exhibit a sense of individuality. The following section will delineate our hypotheses rat will govern the data analysis. Two types of potheses have been incorporated into this study. The .rst set examines the objective implications of work, asured with the socioeconomic status (SES) and the ructure of the household. The subjective aspect involves titudes and self-perceptions, which are captured by the cond set of hypotheses. This is basically an exploratory udy and all hypotheses should be considered tentative in ture. ?OTHE8E8 EXAMINING THE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN STRUCTURAL VARIABLES votheses Related to Women’s Education, Work, and Rewards There are significant differences in the women workers' es and benefits in the three types of firms: large TNCs, ge Indian and small-scale Indian. Larger firms pay more offer more benefits than the small ones. Larger firms are not only economically strong, but ir work force is typically well-organized and powerful. to their strong bargaining power, workers in the larger 5 are much better off than their counterparts in the smaller f i the TNC an 2. There e rewards ba Althou qualificat rewards di size. 3. Women w than those working fr living the 4. Women' 1 varies win proportion I“diam fi: ComParties HYPoti Sta“herds The Stildy tYPES of Standaras We" wit the fami] lower Sal 71 maller firms. We also expect to find differences between he TNC and Indian firms in terms of pay and benefits. . There exists a difference in women’s work and its ewards based on ownership of the firms. Although there is little difference in women's Jalifications measured in terms of education, work and awards differ between TNC and Indian firms irrespective of ize. Women working for the TNCs enjoy higher living standards ran those in the local sector firms; similarly, women wrking for the large local firms have better standards of ving than their counterparts in the small-scale firms. Women’s proportional contribution to family income ries with firm type, with TNC workers making the highest oportional contribution, followed by workers in large iian firms and then those working in small-scale Indian npanies. Hypothesis 3 is based on the premise that women’s rndards of living concur with their wages and rewards. 2 study expects to find that women working for three res of firm are stratified in terms of their living ndards. Moreover, the study intends to see whether en with well-paying jobs contribute a greater share of family income than their counterparts in jobs paying er salaries (Hypothesis 4). 5. All t backgror fathers‘ Born thesis : study hj respond. educati- levels are cha their d market. 6. The the won measure and far 7‘ W010: with f proper Small. Th in the P°Sitj 72 Hypotheses on women's Social Background 5. All three groups of women originated from similar SES backgrounds, measured in terms of their education and their fathers' education and occupation. Borrowing from the "convergence of labor markets" thesis suggested by prior research (Holmstrom 1985) the study hypothesizes that the class background of the female respondents is fairly homogeneous. They have similar educational backgrounds and their fathers had similar levels of education or occupations. These women, however, are channeled into different strata of society because of their different entry levels into a stratified labor market. 6. The present SES of the women varies across firms with the women in the large firms enjoying the highest status, neasured in terms of their husband’s education, occupation, ind family’s joint income. ’. Women’s proportional contribution to family SES varies dth firm type, with TNC workers making the highest roportional contribution, followed by large Indian and mall-scale workers. These propositions suggest that the level of insertion n the job market creates vast differences in the class asition of the female pharmaceutical workers. ...-— KY] 8. Warner large he compare Thi; earning familie income- 9. Hou of firm less pe Alt the pp the loa couples housew: he a m, intere, bringi; eCheat Th could famili hWSew 10. WC 73 HYPOTHESES REGARDING WOMEN AND THEIR HOUSEHOLDS . Women in smaller firms tend more often to belong to arge households made of an extended family structure ompared to women working for the larger firms. This proposition is based on the contention that women arning low wages are likely to belong to low-income amilies who need to live in an extended structure for acome-pooling. Household division of labor varies across three types 5 firm, with women in the large ones enjoying relatively ass personal responsibility for housework. Although, in India, men do not directly participate in e performing of housework, and women typically carry all e load even when they are doing wagework, among modern uples men seem to be making some contributions to usework. In upper-class couples, there is thus likely to a more equal division of labor at home. It will be teresting to see whether the data show that women inging good money home are also likely to be married to icated men holding a "modern" outlook on life. This is a tentative hypothesis since, alternatively, it le be argued that women in TNCs in fact live in small ilies, have less help available, and end up doing more sework. Women workers in the TNCs have greater decision—making power whic require be money. This female TN< power beca their hou: 74 power which is measured by their involvement in tasks which require handling money, namely, shopping and managing money. This hypothesis expresses the rationale that the female TNC workers would enjoy greater decision-making power because of their sizable financial contribution to their household. HYPO‘I‘HBSE 11. Womer firms are and their larger f: Thi: that the paternal female w allegian injustic 12- Wome Varied s This is exPectat 13. Worm "gehder W0: Stabili fr°m Pa °f send Sons an 75 YPOTHESES DESIGNED TO RELATE STRUCTURAL VARIABLES TO ATTITUDES Work appraisal 1. Women in the smaller, paternalistically-controlled irms are likely to be less critical of their management nd their working conditions than their counterparts in the arger firms. This exploratory proposition is based on a rationale at the manager/owner in the smaller firms may maintain a ternalistic, personal relationship and control over his male work force. Hence, women will exhibit loyalty and legiance to the owner/manager despite the evidence of rjustice. :. Women from the three types of firm make distinctly ried suggestions for the improvement of the workplace. is is a consequence of differences in women’s pectations regarding the employers and the workplace. Gender awareness Women working for the larger firms exhibit greater :nder awareness" than those working for the small firms. Women in the larger firms represent greater economic bility, smaller households, and, thus, a partial freedom n patriarchy. This may lead them to be more conscious gender issues such as dowry, equal opportunities for i and daughters, or sharing of housework. 14. Won "self" are lee contras Tl women c family have d: status D incorp eXplai method indust 0f Mal having begin] the 9; Phase °°mPa Pharm ma1qu ihVo] 76 Individuality 4. Women from large firms express aspirations focused on self" rather than "family." This will indicate that they re less "family-centered" and more "individualistic" when ontrasted with their counterparts in smaller firms. The differences in the economic situations of these omen define their ability to separate themselves from the amily and expect different things in life. Women also ave different perceptions of their independence, and their :atus and empowerment in their households. Definitions and measurements of variables are rcorporated in Appendix One. The following section :plains the research design, sampling, and other :thodological issues. METHODOLOGY This research was undertaken in Bombay, a leading dustrial center and the capital city of the western state Maharashtra, India. Bombay also has the distinction of ing nurtured India’s pharmaceutical industry since the inning of the twentieth century. Bombay has witnessed growth of the pharmaceutical industry in different ses. The industry started with subsidiaries of British panies which organized imports of British rmaceuticals. Later, these subsidiaries undertook some ufacturing locally. The next stage of industrial growth olved Indian entrepreneurs setting up small factories to develop over St a strat Tl gather: follow: study: books I whole indust on tra PUblis report expert and t1 and re Part1, in th. SeVer. two i thamb the A fema] the p Marm the l 77 lop and manufacture pharmaceuticals. Today there are 500 pharmaceutical companies in Bombay, making Bombay rategic place for the study of pharmaceutical workers. The research was carried out in two stages of data ering. The first phase involved examination of the owing documents to obtain background materials for the y: a) historical and current information in the form of s or monographs on the pharmaceutical industry as a e and its status in Bombay; b) government documents on .strial planning and drug policy; c) books and reports ,rade union activity in Bombay’s pharmaceutical industry ished by researchers and activists; d) consumer rts, newspaper and magazine editorials, and reports by rts within the pharmaceutical industry on drug policy the status of the pharmaceutical industry; e) studies eports on women’s industrial employment, their 'cipation in the trade union movement, and their status e pharmaceutical industry. The researcher accessed al libraries for these documents - three university, ndependent research and two trade union libraries, )er of Commerce Library, Times of India library, and rsiatic library. The second part of the study involved interviewing e workers. Interviews were schedule-structured for ost part, and involved some open-ended questions. ii, the local mother tongue, and English, because of reponderance of Christian women in the pharmaceutical work forc interview Marathi. reliabili command c questions about the languages The] in Bombaj in the n. equity 4 large fi emPloyee are larg employee PharmacE Sir nedimn t Based on Th: foreign foreign Part Of 78 k force, were the languages used in the interviews. The erview schedules were printed in both English and athi. The interview schedule was later checked for iability by getting it translated by a person having a and over both Marathi and English languages. Two tions were dropped from the analysis due to some doubts t the consistency in their meaning in the two uages. Sampling There are two broad categories of pharmaceutical firms Bombay: TNCs with foreign equity over 40%,2 and firms :he national sector which include foreign firms with ,ty 40% or less. There is a clear gap between small and e firms in terms of assets, turnover, and number of oyees. Most foreign firms and some locally-owned firms large in terms of scale of operations and number of oyees they hire. There are a plethora of small-scale naceutical firms in Bombay. Since the pharmaceutical firms range from large to m to small, a listing of all firms was obtained. on the suggestions from the secretary of the Bombay The Indian Government has been pursuing the policy of gn equity dilution to under 40 per cent. Firms with a gn equity of 40 per cent or less are considered to be of the national sector. Chamber 0 about twe suggestio impressic of resear Glaxo and oldest f i and hence After vi: managers owners 0: ten f irm: factory 1 Sam two fact number 0 allow du dGCided system-cu One larc the 0the from ear t° allow Bel intend, t° an h 79 mber of Commerce a list of firms was narrowed down to ut twenty representing all three types. These gestions were based on the secretary's informal ressions that the management would be open to the idea esearch being conducted about their employees. Also, 0 and CIPLA were recommended because they were the st firms in the TNC and Indian sectors, respectively, hence were considered important firms in the industry. r visits and prolonged negotiations with the personnel gers and production managers in the large firms, and rs or managers in the small firms, it became clear that firms would permit the researcher to interview on the :ory premises. Sample size in each firm category was decided upon by factors: the total pool of female workers, and the er of interviews the firm officials actually agreed to w during the negotiations. Once the sample size was ded on in each firm, the women were selected with a ematic random sample (every Kth woman). In two firms, arge and one small, all women were interviewed. On ther hand, in two other firms, both small, five women each firm were interviewed as the managements refused low more interviews. Because of the broad range of items encompassed in the views, each interview took between forty-five minutes hour. The researcher interviewed seventy-five women two TNC firms, thirty-five from two large Indian, and thirty-f i cases, t managemen the resea to allow researche unique na relations having t< Int. income, .- educatio‘ question Children and Occu the hells Politica htttavior Inter-ViE issues c decisiOI t° quesl ct’iltrol In: phaI‘mdc 80 rty-five also from small-scale Indian firms. In most es, the researcher needed to negotiate with both the agement and the union. In one case, the union compelled researcher to drop the union—related questions in order allow interviews. While going through these steps, the earcher also gained privileged information about the que nature of management—labor union relations, and the ations between labor and the unions in each firm from ing to negotiate with both management and labor union. Interviews allowed me to gather information on work, ome, and demographic characteristics such as age, cation, marital status. Data collection included stions on area of residence, size of household, ages of ldren, years married, father's and husband’s education occupations, husband’s salary, and number of earners in household. Information on religion, caste, preferred Ltical party, favorite political leader, and voting ivior was collected. erviews explored personal views of the women on the res of women’s household chores and their right to sions affecting themselves and their families. Answers uestions about women's perceptions of supervisory rol, union, and the firm itself were also recorded. Information on the historical background of India’s naceutical industry was gathered through informal discus relati in the hypotl analys and al descr: inferq cross regre and a indep 81 iscussions with owners, managers, corporate public elation officers, social workers, and trade union leaders n the pharmaceutical industry. Data Analysis In order to examine the fourteen exploratory ypotheses formulated in an earlier section, a statistical nalysis of the data was conducted by using SPSSX. Over nd above the use of frequency distributions and the ascriptive statistics, the research also employed nferential statistical techniques such as toss-tabulations, tests of significance, and multiple egression, in order to understand and describe the data 1d assess relationships among various dependent and ndependent variables. the u' Gende defin women occu; teach servi socie wome: Lamp] 00nd Work Opin Sawa home free 1984 CHAPTER FOUR WOMEN’S WORK IN THE PHARMACEUTICAL INDUSTRY Studies of women’s work have assumed prominence since the upsurge of the feminist movement in the 1970's. Gender-specific division of labor in society has not only defined household as female domain, but has also limited women’s participation in the marketplace to certain occupations and industries - for example clerical, nursing, teaching, and blue-collar work in textile, garment and service industries. Researchers have investigated the social, economic and normative changes that accompany women’s entry into the labor market (Tilly and Scott 1978; Lamphere 1987). A few studies have examined working conditions, presented an ethnographic account of the workplace, and let women articulate their attitudes and opinions about work and their own status (Westwood 1985; Sawara 1986). Sociological and anthropological studies of women in export-oriented industries of Southeast Asia and free-trade zones of Mexico, India, and so on, (Jones ed. 984; Ong 1987; Fernandez-Kelly 1983; Tiano 1988; Sharma 82 and Se women' and em women’ Women‘ status Also, indusl blue-. cmpa pharm descr attit setti worke their thiJ Fina rtco expe the Work like 83 nd Sengupta 1986) have attempted to gauge work’s impact on omen’s material well—being and on their sense of autonomy nd empowerment. The relationship between type of work and change in amen's household status is a rather neglected issue. amen’s household status maintains a crucial link to their tatus in public arena and needs to be studied further. [50, there is a glaring lack of studies on India's female ndustrial workers. The present case study of female Lue-collar workers in India fills these gaps by taking a amparative approach to female workers in the stratified rarmaceutical industry. The present chapter is devoted to ascribing work in the pharmaceutical industry and women's :titudes towards work. This chapter briefly describes female workers’ job ttings and their work. The chapter then explores these rkers' previous work experiences, their attitudes towards eir present jobs, their opinions about their bosses, work ironment, and work-related issues such as safety. ally, the chapter reviews the female workers’ ommendations for improvements to make their work erience more desirable. This study hypothesizes that women working for the TNCs are more critical of their kplace than their counterparts in the Indian firms; ewise, women in the larger Indian firms are more critical th starts by e work women This : pharmaceut leading in. Western In beginning century, a Plastic, 9 industries t0 Phenome million. Prestigio, firms, or aWearing Cities, The 1 growing it Working 0 Part of t Working m as fillin 84 itical than those in the smaller firms. The chapter arts by elaborating on the work setting and the type of rk women do. SETTING IN WHICH THE STUDY WAS SITUATED This study of blue-collar women workers in India’s armaceutical industry was conducted in Bombay, which is a ading industrial city on the coast of the Arabian Sea in stern India. Bombay has been hospitable to industries [inning with the textile industry in the nineteenth rtury, and to pharmaceutical as well as the engineering, rstic, garment and, more recently, electronics, lustries in the last hundred years. The city has grown phenomenal proportions and the population stands at 10 lion. The older pharmaceutical firms are located in the stigious business districts of Bombay, whereas newer s, or the branches of older firms, are increasingly aring in suburban industrial estates or satellite 'es. The pharmaceutical industry is a well-established and ing industry that boasts of modern technology and clean ing conditions. Female workers have been an integral of the industry for over four decades. They have been ing mainly as packers, doing such non-production jobs illing ointments, tablets, liquids, and capsules into 5, bottles, and ampoules; affixing caps; sealing; labellir packing. automate of these All across < level 01 benefit: industrj classif; 2) Large over 401 aliproxir JaPan, e Countri. Private 1987). Product Power . \ 1 h o“tside Ma indie a Incltide routJhly °t hati thEir F 85 abelling; inspecting for quality control of products; and acking. Some of these jobs are fully or partially rtomated in large firms. In the small-scale firms, many F these jobs remain manual. Although the content of jobs is essentially similar ross different firms in the industry, work organization, vel of mechanization, working conditions, and wages and nefits may significantly vary in different firms. The dustry is hierarchically structured so that it can be assified into three broad segments: 1) Public sector1 Large-scale, modern transnationals (TNCs) which have ar 40% to as much as 100% foreign equity. There are >roximately forty-five TNCs from the U.K., the U.S., nan, Germany, Switzerland, and other European 2 ntries. 3) Local firms which include about 200 large vate, and over 5,000 small-scale local firms (India 7). These different classes of firm embody different iuction capabilities, market strengths, and economic ar. They also offer different reward and benefit There are only five public sector companies, all ide Bombay; they are not included in the study. Majumdar (1986) says that there are forty-five TNCs in a according to the government sources. These only ude ones with more than 40% foreign equity. There are ly twenty more companies with less than 40% foreign y in business. Although these are treated as a part tional sector, they are under effective control of parent companies, claims Majumdar. structures Bombaj large-seal impressive smaller f i large-seal practice 0 smaller f i increasing gradually frequent t offering j way 0f sax instead 01 Small and paid on a the absene hazardous Unions ha' dWh‘trod. aCCQunt 0 Most \ 3 I wi wtriers 1 ining in “like“ d which uni 86 ructures to their work force. Bombay has a strong labor movement and labor in rge-scale firms is well-organized and has earned pressive salaries and benefits when compared to labor in aller firms. Perhaps to reduce labor costs, many rge-scale firms in the industry are resorting to the notice of subcontracting part of their production to eller firms (Joshi and Joshi 1976). There also is an :reasing drive towards automation. These trends may dually create worker redundancy. Larger companies have quent hiring freezes. Moreover, some companies are ering incentives for older employees to retire. Another of saving labor cost has been to hire temporaries head of regulars, a practice that is rampant in both Ll and large firms. Companies hire temporaries who get 1 on a day-to-day basis, cannot claim any benefits in absence of job tenure, and in some cases are assigned lrdous jobs that unionized labor would refuse. Existing >ns have not pursued their cause. They are the -trodden of the industry, and there is no reliable unt of how many there are or who they are.3 Most pertinent to our study is the question of female I witnessed the situation of non-unionized, contract ers in a large chemical company outside Bombay when 1g in the township built for its employees. These ers did hazardous jobs at a very low pay, the jobs 1 unionized workers refused to touch. labor. female 1 suggest recruit labor a hire wo' employe protect offer w separat WC EXpandi modest, Effect. Primiti Women V rooms, Chemice induSt: 87 bor. In larger companies a large proportion of the ale work force is in the middle or older age categories, gesting that new, younger women workers have not been ruited in the past several years. According to some or activists, large companies are becoming reluctant to e women at the prevalent high wage rates. Some loyers seem to consider women a liability because of the tective labor regulations which require the employers to er women six weeks worth of paid maternity leave, arate ladies washrooms, and exemption from shift work. Women's employment in the small-scale enterprises is nding. Here, not only are the women’s wage rates est, but many of their legal protections are not in ect. Moreover, women’s work takes place in more nitive conditions compared to the large-scale firms. an work under poor light and ventilation, in small rs, and often come in contact with potentially hazardous licals. TRANSNATIONAL CORPORATIONS (TNCS) These are in the most prosperous segment of the stry. Five of the ten largest pharmaceutical companies idia are transnational corporations. They have access aw research and technologies through their parent lhiéS, enjoy established product markets because they been Operating longer than most local firms, have r budgets for advertising, and enjoy a competitive edge be of TNCs sector. Su introdu distril: the imp repacki manufac the lat manufae the Ine Transne drugs ; 0f bull They e: countr Middle in qua T 88 edge because of the economies of scale. The profitability of TNCs is greater than the firms in the national sector.4 Subsidiaries of British pharmaceuticals were 'ntroduced in India in the late 1800’s, which imported and istributed medicines for their parent companies. Under he import substitution policy of the government, epacking, production of formulations, and some anufacturing of basic and intermediate drugs started in he late 1940's and 1950's (Majumdar 1986). Basic drug anufacturing was heavily pushed by the government under he Industrial Development and Regulations Act, 1952. ransnationals are now engaged in production of both basic rugs and formulations, although their total market share f bulk drugs is far lower than their Indian counterparts. mey export drugs to many developing and industrial auntries including the Soviet Union and countries in the lddle East and Africa. TNCs have had an excellent record 1 quality of their products.5 The working conditions at TNCs are far from ideal, but See the discussion of relative profitability, aduction of bulk versus formulation drugs and market rength of TNC, large- and small-scale firms in :ansnational Corporations in the PharmaceutiCal Industry Developing Countries," United Nations Center on ansnational Corporations, New York, 1984. Ibid. certair facilii Female with me bonuse: and wo: Someti overti‘ O segreg differ hechan the ot grades women there: 1 makes them in The thello may r from woIke mind are t that 89 rtainly happen to be some of the better and more modern cilities in the entire industrial sector (Banaji 1985). male workers working for them usually get wages on par th men when at the same grade level. They also get nuses, different allowances, vacation time, sick leave, d work between forty-five to forty-eight hours-a-week. etimes their five-day work weeks get extended due to rtime. On the down side, transnational firms have practiced regation of male and female jobs and assigned them ferent grades. Thus, men work in production. :hanized jobs are typically a male preserve. Women, on a other hand, are restricted to packing jobs. Women’s rdes are also rated lower than men's grades. Usually, len are found in semi—skilled or unskilled categories reas men tend to work in the "skilled" categories. As the demographic data presented in Appendix Two as clear, the median age of women working for larger panies is quite high. This may mean that the employment TNCs is shrinking, or that women are not getting .oyed on the same scale as before. Or this phenomenon reflect a combination of these two factors. Executives l different companies stressed that women make fine ers because they are tenacious, hard-working, do not repetitive jobs which men detest, have no vices, and better at taking orders. A few executives expressed the number of women working in the pharmaceutical industry restricti example, sundown, that crec twenty-mi maternity sickness laws stre time mak; In 1 labor is fllture. not wome: Sector 0 Thi its hams there, j terms 01 ahd 933 With a1 inthrnai II within 90 industry is likely to shrink because of the legal restrictions that accompany women’s employment. For example, laws prescribe that women cannot work after sundown, that separate bathrooms be given to women, and that creche facilities are mandatory if more than twenty-nine women work at the facility. Women also need maternity leave, and get distracted from work if there is sickness or other problems in the family. Such protective laws strengthen women’s reproductive roles, at the same ime making them undesirable workers. In the opinion of other industry executives, women’s abor is crucial and will be part of the industry in the future. At this point, it remains to be seen whether or mot women's employment is going to prevail in the TNC sector of the pharmaceutical industry. Environment at Glaxo This United Kingdom-originated company, which changed ts name to Glindia in 1987, after I completed my research here, is the largest pharmaceutical company in India in arms of its sales. As of 1987, Glindia employed 599 women 1d 938 men in its Bombay operations, out of which 574 >men and 703 men worked in the factory. Glaxo has had an rternal6 union since 1951, although external unions have "Internal" unions are built and led by employees thin the company. "External" unions, on the other hand, ofte vio] stoe Boml expe thre and sta whe and on occ loc wor imp mus tee USE Sh] th. 91 ften tried to penetrate causing much tension and even iolence. At the time of research, the foreign equity tood at 75%. Glaxo has occupied a strategic location in one of mbay’s better business districts - Worli - on an pensive piece of real estate. The premises house a ree-story office building, a few manufacturing plants, d a cafeteria. Over 1500 employees, including workers, aff and management personnel, worked there at the time en this research was being conducted. A medical office rd a creche equipped with a trained nurse are also housed lthe premises. The cleanliness of the entire area cupied by the company, the elegant reception area (by cal standards), and well-dressed staff and uniformed rkers of modern appearance all make a favorable pression on the visitor. During the lunch hour, popular sic was piped into the enormous cafeteria, a further stimony to the prosperity of the corporation and to the a of modern methods by the management. The company employs a full-time welfare officer who is eposed to work closely with the workers and take care of :ir needs. If there is a marital conflict, alcohol those which are affiliated to local, regional, or even ional level organizations of unions. These union erations sometimes include different industries. dership of an external union may come from the outside the company. abuse, underm: provide or fif‘ and a 1 get re' worker idea, T over t cloak- is a r system condit l diffe] the me and t1 Fermi cmma had c even inter fur 5 main treae 92 abuse, or some psychological problem that can potentially undermine the worker's performance, counseling is provided. When the workers have worked twenty-five years or fifty years for the company, they are honored with gifts and a hand-shake from the chairman of the company. Workers get rewards for other reasons as well. For example, if a worker comes up with some ingenious labor- or time-saving idea, s/he gets a special recognition. The company has introduced many comforts and amenities ver the years. Workers get subsidized food, spacious loak-rooms, a sports room, and subsidized transport which is a useful service in Bombay's congested public transport system. Thus, the workers have experienced improved work :onditions over the years. I began the process of study by paying brief visits to ifferent department heads, union officials and managers in he main office. After a lengthy process of making my case nd thrashing out the details of the study, I received ermission to interview roughly 10% of the workers in the ompany's plant in Bombay. I found that many of the bosses ad condescending attitudes towards the workers, some were ’en disdainful of the fat salaries made by the workers. I terviewed forty—five women at Glaxo. Visitors are not allowed into the actual work areas r security and sanitary reasons. These standards were intained with rigor; I was not allowed in the restricted eas and conducted interviews just outside the forbidden areas. myself caps a1 rooms e were c: time. were w much e T availa cafete The mc exhaue the 11 they r reSpo] and h child is ma anoth She u acth of w, State fI‘Om 93 areas. Whenever a glass window was present, I satisfied myself by observing work through the window. Workers wore caps and white gowns, the floors looked clean, and some rooms were air-conditioned. I was told that the work lines were crowded and speedy, creating tension from time to time. Most of the immediate supervisors on packing lines were women who had been promoted to the positions after uch experience on the shopfloor. The best opportunities to observe the women were vailable in the cloak-room (large rest-room), the :afeteria, or during their commute on the company buses. The most striking thing I found about them was how exhausted and, in some cases, haggard, they looked. During :he interviews, a large majority of them emphasized that :hey worked long work-days, carried out tough household 'esponsibilities, and lacked sufficient help or rest. "Difficult to cope with long hours and work at home nd here," said one. "(There is a) lot of housework, hildren's responsibility, especially girls’ responsibility 5 major, but (there is) no time to look into it," said nother. Yet another complained that it was a problem that he "cannot participate in children’s educational :tivities, or pay enough attention to children." A number women complained of "double duty" and one of them even ated that the working hours be "less for married women." One respondent observed, "Women here are separated om the outside world. Quite likely, they have become narr (get here act: befe shoy wori mer Pal out man the ear ma] fee of 0f 94 narrow in their outlook. (Buying) matching blouses, saris, (getting) waxing (done) and facials - everything is done here." The only recreation at hand seemed to be their activities during breaks, lunch hours, and a few minutes before and after work. They did their sari and cosmetic shopping, or bought cakes or other goodies while still at work. Enterprising women and men sold this interesting merchandise on the factory premises if they were on the payroll, or outside the compound walls if they were outsiders to the company. Most of these women maintained manicured appearances although their eyes looked baggy and their skin pale. Women seemed to joke around and tease each other, showing camaraderie. At the same time, some managers pointed out that there were some ongoing, nasty feuds between some women, and that these women were capable of fighting tooth and nail, and that they did not spare use of foul language when tempers flared. Another important observation was about the mixture of different cultural groups at Glaxo. It was obvious that a large number of Christian women worked there, making it ecessary for everyone else to speak English. It was quite nteresting to see even older Hindu women carrying on onversations in a special type of "factory" English, the nglish that was characterized by frequent use of words such Many cole the occ Nak the and pre mar bu: ma Sp tw Sll 5F 95 such as "man" and "y’all," and which bore a Goan flavor. Many Catholics in Bombay come from Goa, a former Portuguese colony about four hundred miles south of Bombay. Parke Davis The parent company of this firm is Werner-Lambert from the U.S. with the equity share of 82.33%. The company occupies a large area in an industrial suburb called Saki Naka. The interior of the compound presents a contrast to the outside environment, which is that of an old, filthy, and decaying industrial area. By contrast, the company premises are very well-maintained. Tall trees and manicured lawns adorn the grounds. There are several buildings that contain offices, plants, laboratories, a medical office, a large cloak-room for women, and a spacious cafeteria. All these buildings are one- or two-story structures connected with pathways that are surrounded by green foliage. The buildings are clean, spacious, and most of them air-conditioned. The company, borrowing its creed from the parent :ompany, announces its commitment to better products and >etter service with innovativeness in this age of the ‘global market." The managers often express awareness of heir privileged access to research in the West. They also alk about their wider responsibilities as a transnational 0 Providing health care, bringing out better products, and ommitment to the welfare of the work force. Tl overloe window dam belts, loadin go. I was go lmmedi rank-a made 1 with r worker in the the m schis faced Some ahSer invo] Sick their atti. all, home 96 The office that I occupied to conduct interviews overlooked the packing department through a large glass window. The workers in white uniforms presented a picture of a modern industry. They were busy racing with conveyor belts, monitoring filling, capping, sealing, stamping, or loading the products in cartons and getting them ready to go. In another room, inspection of tablets and capsules was going on; it is a job that is quite hard on the eyes. Immediate supervisors were women risen from the rank-and-file. All the managerial staff above them were made up of men with technical or business education. The managers supervising the operations were distant with workers, the only exchange between them and the workers being about work. When I spoke to women informally in the cafeteria, many women expressed their resentment at the managers' matter-of-fact way of pushing work. The schism between the two groups was obvious. The management faced a problem of chronic absenteeism by some workers. Some of the female workers argued that they had to be absent for extended periods because of family emergencies involving sickness. They were expected to take care of sick parents and children, which the family considers to be :heir first priority over paid work. Women expressed bitterness towards the management's rttitude. "They don’t understand women’s problems. After i1, women have to carry all the pressure of work." Many Omen complained that management favored men in promotions to big was ha did me small interr decad pharm impor formu credi serie lOb < in t] with tech: have dchi gain hffe tone Pro] 97 to higher grades. They also seemed to think that the work was hard, at least on some lines, and that the management did not understand the workers who had to fight for even small concessions from the management. Nearly 250 female employees worked in the factory. I interviewed twenty-two female workers at Parke Davis. LOCAL LARGE-SCALE FIRMS Large-scale firms in the national sector were founded decades ago and have established themselves in the pharmaceuticals market. Although many companies engage in importing foreign technology and basic drugs, and in making formulations developed in the West, some of them are also :redited with developing remedies for leprosy or other serious local ailments. These companies have done a good lOb of adapting foreign technology to local conditions or Ln the manufacture of bulk drugs. Many firms collaborate with foreign firms to bring in new formulations and :echnology. Workers in the large local firms are organized. They ave made increments in their pay scales and benefits, and Chieved improvements in their working conditions. These ains, however, have not come close to what the TNCs can ffer. A woman said the following about the working Dnditions in the past: The company has "solved all the thlems....When we were doing a catacin product, we used to fee about we ham down r change There not me compa showe the f decis persc him, in ac work Womer bell tIPr one 98 to feel weak, and were given milk and cookies." Comment about today's work: "Water filling is troublesome (because) we have to fill at the speed of the machine. We cannot sit down when filling. This goes on for 8 hours." Work has changed tremendously over the years, according to her. There is, now, a conveyor belt system. However, this does not mean that "work is more systematic." The present research included two large Indian companies. In these two companies, however, managers showed an inclination toward not hiring female workers in the future. In one of the companies, a clear policy decision had been made to this effect; in the other, the personnel manager quite bluntly said that if it was up to him, he would get rid of all female employees, especially in administrative areas, because he could not ask them to work late due to laws prohibiting late working hours for women . CIPLA (Chemical, Industrial and Pharmaceutical Laboratories, Ltd.) This firm was founded in 1935 by a chemist who elieved in the cause of developing medicines locally. IPLA is still controlled by the founding family. This is he of the oldest Indian companies and also one of the few ompanies that has remained independent, and, instead of impor' own b to Ja compa branc Great mmlo respe of ex reduc other to a to we heChe Condr Vacal Seeme the; most told 0lde comp Cafe allc 99 importing, has engaged in research and production of its own bulk as well as formulated drugs. CIPLA exports drugs to Japan, the U.K., the U.S. and the Soviet Union. The head office and a plant are located in the company’s outfit in the central Bombay area. Other branches of the company are located about 10 miles from Greater Bombay. In their present old location, the company employs about 100 men and 22 women, down from 138 and 30, respectively, in 1978. The reduction is explained in terms of expansion in other places, on the one hand, and by reduced need for workers due to mechanization, on the other. Need for women workers has tapered off, according to a plant manager, because an important quality attached to women, finger dexterity, is no longer important due to mechanization of operations. The work areas were closed to visitors, and I conducted interviews in the office of a manager who was on vacation. Considering the small number of workers, there seemed to be too many supervisors and managers looking over the shoulders of the workers, which the female workers, most of them middle-aged or older, clearly resented. I was :old of many verbal clashes between younger managers and >lder veteran workers. The workers also expressed that the :ompany should provide transportation, better food in their afeteria, and a better ladies’ room in the factory. Through collective bargaining the workers received llowances, some medical care, and subsidized travel. The M company - for brig A m family-r manageme TNCs the for stea Won who rese spoke ar intervie Un. estate .‘ huildin. the off t°hpany The com leave t allowan r0om. elsewhe time I 100 company also offers fringe benefits such as scholarships for bright children of their employees. A manager at CIPLA asserted that in Indian, especially family—run companies, the relations between labor and management are stable, close, and deep. Compared to the TNCs there is less turnover in the management, which allows for steady, family-like relationships. Women in this plant were relatively older employees who resented the fact that too many younger bosses came in, spoke arrogantly, and gave contradictory orders. I interviewed twenty women in CIPLA. Unichem Unichem is located in a newer, suburban industrial estate although it was established as early as 1944. The buildings are modern, and small but clean premises house the office and plant. There is a medical office, but the company has not provided creche services to its workers. The company has granted some attractive benefits such as leave travel allowances, housing and conveyance (commuting) allowances, and it boasts a cafeteria and a recreation room. The company has expanded and has two more plants elsewhere. It maintains a technical collaboration with pharmaceutical enterprises in Belgium and Japan. At the time I was conducting the present research, by some claims, sixty per cent of the work force was idle because of a tame an es been India hundr idle. talke been were The 1 fifte admir blue! 590 j inve $20 Only larg Dhar lare 101 temporary ban on two of its products, a multi-vitamin and an estrogen-progesterone test. These two products have been banned by the World Health Organization outside India. The matter was in court affecting the business of hundreds of thousands of rupees and making the work force idle. Both the management personnel and union workers that I talked to conveyed the fact that the need for workers had been shrinking due to gradual automation. Male workers were preferred because they are available for shift work. The policy of not hiring women had been in effect for over fifteen years. Out of the 300 managerial, technical, or administrative personnel less than 20 were women; in the blue-collar work force there were only 31 women to about 590 men. I interviewed fifteen women at Unichem. SMALL-SCALE LOCAL FIRMS Current definition of small-scale industry is investment in plant and machinery less than Rs.350,000 or 20,000.7 They are a separate category of firms that not nly have smaller investments and work forces than the arge-scale firms, but also occupy a different place in the harmaceutical market. Most of these firms produce for arge firms on loan license or subcontracting systems. Financial Times, India, 6/1/1990. Large they I the le small cmme the s subsi the m past manae and ( diff: PIOdr larg. mark eduC SCho ever in 1 thar Smai 102 Large companies are interested in subcontracting because they get their production done at a lower costs because of the lower wages at small-scale pharmaceuticals. These small—scale companies that otherwise find it hard to compete in an open market find their niche in this system. The Indian government’s industrial policy has promoted the small-scale sector and protected its profits through subsidies and tax breaks. These policies have resulted in the mushrooming of small pharmaceutical businesses in the past three decades. Small-scales do not have technical or management expertise, nor the capacity to maintain research and development facilities. Their large number has made it difficult for the government to keep quality control on the products entering the market. Small-scale firms are largely to be blamed for the substandard drugs in India's markets.8 Work in the pharmaceutical industry calls for an educated work force. Workers are typically at least high school graduates. The standards of recruitment are rising even in small-scale firms, although they are not as high as in large-scale firms. Workers’ situations have been less than enviable in the small-scale sector. Workers in many small factories are not able to effectively organize. Even Ibid. 1984 ,_ ._,._—_~-.._ when t does n availa transp allows such a availa other: women long ] or an their Payin 0f wo elude keep keep in t1 Strer Sign, in t OUtf Sixt 103 when they are organized, the company’s economic strength does not allow the same wages and benefits that are available in the large-scale firms. Thus company transportation, vacation travel allowance, educational allowance for children, housing loans, or even basic things such as adequate cafeterias and rest-rooms, are usually not available in small-scale companies. Interestingly, the five firms I studied and a few others that I visited had work forces made mostly of women. The women working for small firms are fated to work long hours, six- or seven-day weeks with no paid holidays or any other benefits. Some companies even hire most of their female employees as temporaries, thus doing away with paying for these workers' benefits. By keeping the number of workers on their payroll low, the small-scale companies elude legal requirements such as setting up a creche, or to keep the size of the company small on paper to be able to keep the status as a small-scale. The working conditions in this sector are health hazardous, and work is strenuous. Even the women who are in their thirties show signs of decay on their faces and bodies. Medicare This is possibly the oldest and most established firm 'n the sample taken of small—scale firms. It is a small utfit employing a three-person office staff and about ixty-five workers, forty-three of which are regulars and twenty-r common ] canteen actuallj Also, 0« visited intervi Th What wa at the allegia These 5 firms. or thej C°hPare the pre area tj and ,3, adding Years Dokoda faCth fOrbiC 104 twenty-four of which are women. The employees share a common bathroom. A small room with a kitchen serves as a canteen, although not more than tea and snacks were actually made there at the time this study was conducted. Also, company transportation was not available. A doctor visited once a month, but medicines were not subsidized. I interviewed ten women in Medicare. The workers were aware of all these deficiencies. What was interesting was that while they were quite angry at the way they were treated, they also showed loyalty and allegiance to their company during informal conversations. These sentiments were not found among the workers in larger firms. Women, however, were less sure about their grades or their prospects for the future in the company, when compared to their counterparts in the larger firms. Lenec Institute This company is located in the same general area as the previous one. In this congested, decaying industrial area the streets are narrow and dirty, traffic is heavy, and radios blast film music from small, roadside cafes, adding to the noise. Children no more than ten or twelve years of age are spotted carrying boiling tea and hot pakodas (a popular savory, deep-fried snack) to nearby factories. The small building that houses this factory is a forbidding sight. Inside, work is carried out in four or five work the f loyal comp] worki of se work manae in t1 disc on d dear Paid cont disn Thi: dVO: hirer mak Tor fir 105 five small rooms right next to the manager’s office. The work force is mostly female, and both males and females in the factory are very young. They are all very bashful, loyal, and also needy, and do not utter a word of complaint. There were thirty-four females and twenty males working there at the time. The technical staff consisted of seven people, including one female. All the workers work on daily wages, are not organized because the management has discouraged it, and work seven days a week in the heat of Bombay with only a fan to dispel the discomfort of heat. Because these workers are temporaries on daily wages, the company gets away without paying them dearness allowances, medical aid, or subsidized food. No paid sick or casual leave is available to the workers. This company started in the 1980's. Another company controlled by the same team of owners and managers was dismantled before the inception of the present company. This strategy was frequently used by small-scale firms to avoid unionization. If labor unrest becomes uncontrollable, the firms simply fold their operations and make a fresh start at a new place with a new name and new work force. I interviewed seven female workers in this firm. Pharmed Gujarat Located in the same industrial area, Pharmed Gujarat, founded in 1972, is an off-shoot of a company that has been in ope of fi deriv small to ta which outgo manag could behae hand- disa} acti: inter ethn work one was thrc Stor on t hare rhle 106 in operation since 1947. This is likely to be an example of firms which, instead of expanding, remain small to derive the benefits offered by the government to small-scale firms. Separate sister concerns are developed to take up manufacturing of different drugs. Pharmed Gujarat employs thirty-eight workers out of which about ten are women. The workers are not bold and outgoing as found to be the case in large-scale firms. The management in this firm is made of people from Gujarat. I could not but notice their friendly attitude and hospitable behavior, the qualities they are known for, which also go hand-in-hand with extremely sharp business acumen. I was disappointed that I never had a chance to observe them in action, dealing with and controlling their work force. I interviewed eight women there. Bezel Pharma This is another company that is owned and run by ethnic Gujaratis. The people involved with it were either working for a large pharmaceutical, or had resigned from one to get involved with this small outfit. This company was visibly young - about four years old - and going through growing pains. The factory manager was full of stories about the hardships that befall small firms. First on the list of troubles were labor unions which ruthlessly harass new firms. Second in line were the government’s rules and regulations. The problems included licensing, restriC' electri hundred and med Th workers problem He pror the far a two-r However keep t1 Paid tr method pots-a festiv W had a1 henefi which thhtre lObs. WQre them 107 restricted quotas, corruption, restriction on the use of electricity, and so on. The company manufactured nearly a hundred products, all of them contracts from several large and medium scale TNCs and local firms. The factory manager was in close touch with his workers. He was familiar with their family situations, problems, and knew how to build confidence among workers. He proudly announced to me that he considered himself to be the father of the workers, almost all of them women. After a two-month long strike and struggle, the union was in. However, the factory manager believed that he knew how to keep the workers happy, and had no fear of the union. He paid the lowest salaries in the sample taken. However, his methods, such as giving shining stainless steel pots-and-pans or saris as gifts to workers on Hindu festivals, had found appeal with the workers. While paying low salaries to the regulars, the company had also maintained a work force of temporaries without any benefits. The manager agreed to allow five interviews, which I conducted. Eupharma This company was involved in manufacturing birth control drugs for the government, among other contract jobs. The powders from which birth control pills were made were creating hormonal imbalances among women, and scaring them immensely. The management had ignored the problem, accordin the mana Wor another had thrc workers the name manager made exe intervi. further Th infrast include Indian appeara volume c0111ple) or(Jeni: some $1 10catr. Places therea union, bosses 'I 108 according to the workers. Workers seemed disillusioned by the management. Workers seemed not to trust their management for yet another reason. After a prolonged clash, the management had thrown out the popular union, then gathered a few loyal workers to form an "internal" union which basically served the management's interests. In fact, when the factory manager sensed that I was closing in on such details he made excuses and kept postponing the scheduling of more interviews with workers. Finally, I had to give up on further interviews as my date of departure approached. The preceding introduction provides insight into the infrastructure surrounding work in the ten factories included in this study. TNCs, large Indian and small-scale Indian firms differed in many aspects: roominess and appearance of buildings, number of workers, range, and volume of products. The firms also differed in terms of complexity of management bureaucracy and nature of union organization. The introduction was also meant to provide some subjective, but nonetheless crucial, observations on location and physical surrounding; cleanliness of the places; availability and quality of cafeterias, healthcare, recreation, and so on; interaction between management, union, and workers; and workers' remarks about work and bosses. The broadest differences visible were between the large and small factories. Differences also appeared between TNC ar large and mode than the other divided into : departments . modest-lookine smaller burea' factories inc workers enjoy have more tha enterprise. Unions 1 small-scale f Size, workers and casual 1, Workers in S, most of these There w, were employ e, was assigned factories fe: about their Having setting, thi characterist 109 between TNC and large Indian firms. To summarize, TNCs own large and modern factories with greater production capacity than the other two. TNCs have an elaborate bureaucracy divided into separate production and administrative departments. Indian large firms, on the other hand, own modest-looking buildings, make fewer products and have smaller bureaucracies compared to the TNCs. Small-scale factories include outfits housed in few rooms, their workers enjoy bare-bone amenities, and the firms may not have more than two or three people to manage the enterprise. Unions in larger firms seemed a lot stronger than in small-scale firms. In direct correspondence with firm size, workers in large firms enjoyed paid vacations, sick and casual leaves, and medical and housing allowances. Workers in small-scale firms in the sample were deprived of most of these benefits. There was one striking similarity in all firms. Women were employed as packers or in inspection while production was assigned to men in all of them. Moreover, in most factories female employees had a few critical comments about their employers. Having provided this brief introduction to the work setting, this chapter will now explore work-related characteristics of the women in the sample. In partie time women ha: before those 1 the firm type The initial i in the women' Table 4-1 An Previous Jobs -------. ----~-_. 110 WOMEN WORKERS’ WORK EXPERIENCES In particular, the study will explore the length of time women have been working, whether they held other jobs before those presently held, and the relationships between the firm type and their attitudes and opinions about work. The initial inquiry is aimed at examining the differences in the women's previous work experience. Table 4-1 Any Jobs Before the Current One, by Firm Type Previous TNC Large Indian Small-scale Jobs 17 14 19 50 Yes 22.7% 40.0% 54 3% 58 21 16 95 NO 77.3% 60.0% 45.7% 75 35 35 145 100.0% 100 0% 100.0% 100% Chi-sq 11.1819 Significance .0037 Table 4-1 reveals a systematic pattern in women's previous work experience. For a majority of the TNC workers (77.3%), the present employment was the first employment. The present job was the first job for a lower percentage of workers in the Indian sector - 60% of the workers in the large Indian firms, and 45.7% those in small-scale Ir stated before industry are 1 employment in at least part their first j significant w level of .003 Why is t Percentage of Greater demar workers had I have to keep Partial eXple lartie-Scale j More. The ml is that ther hetwork of t women in the through the by sheer Cha time when 10 hot availabr wo men's Work 111 small-scale Indian firms had not held other jobs. As stated before, jobs in most firms in the pharmaceutical industry are unionized, stable, and considered attractive employment in the industrial sector as a whole. This may at least partially explain why the workers have held on to their first jobs. This relationship is statistically significant with a chi-square of 11.18 at the significance level of .0037. Why is the current job their first job for a larger percentage of TNC rather than Indian sector workers? Greater demand for labor in the past may have meant that workers had better jobs available, and that they did not have to keep looking for better jobs. This can only be a partial explanation because workers in the older, large-scale Indian firms seem to have worked elsewhere before. The only speculative explanation we can present here is that there may be a difference in the information network of these women about the job openings, and that the women in the TNCs were able to access these better jobs through the informal network of kin or social group. Or, by sheer chance, these women were at the right place and time when looking for a job. Unfortunately, information is not available to unravel the mystery of the difference in women's work trajectories across firms. Table 4-2 no Number of Previous Job The date 0t PreVious j Althoug] employees in first jOb, a. workers in t landing thei pmportion o Other jobs In contrast Wit TNC workers firms - Over have Works d The wor Small‘SCale 112 Table 4-2 How Many Previous Jobs, by Firm Type Number of TNC Large Indian Small—scale Previous Jobs 57 21 16 94 None 77.0% 60.0% 45.7% 12 10 12 34 One 16.2% 28.6% 36.7% 5 4 6 15 Two 6.8% 11.4% 17.6% 74 35 34 143 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (1) (1) (2) Chi-sq 11.6655 Significance .0200 The data show a strong relationship between the number of previous jobs the workers have had and the firm type. Although for a majority of all the pharmaceutical employees in the sample (65%) the current job was their first job, and despite the fact that only 35% of the total workers in the sample in fact did one or more jobs before landing their present positions, it is clear that a greater proportion of women in the newer, small-scale firms worked other jobs before their present employment. In significant contrast with the workers in the larger firms — only 23% of TNC workers and 40% of the workers in the large Indian firms - over 54% of the small-scale employees in the sample have worked elsewhere before their current employment. The work trajectory of young workers in the small-scale firms perhaps indicates that the labor market for the large younger femal small-scale 5 further empha have stayed i seem to be we that the new firms. The varr' continuous vz categories - 113 for the larger firms in the industry is saturated, and that younger female workers are competing for the available, small—scale sector jobs. Table 3 on the length of service further emphasizes that women workers in the older firms have stayed in their jobs for a long period, that there seem to be very few new recruits in the older firms, and that the new recruits are found mainly in the small-scale firms. The variable "length of service" was coded as a continuous variable, but later recoded into three categories - 1—14, 15-24, 25+ - in order to create three roughly equal groupings in terms of years of service. Table 4-3 Le Years wi Present 1 throng 14 Years 15 thror 24 Years Three 1] 4‘3. First, the number 0 the firm typ and hence wo small‘Scarle Secondl thr smaller for feWer Y9 However, a 1 PreViouS jol: settled in t even the Sma 114 Table 4-3 Length of Employment in Years, by Firm Type Years with the TNC Large Indian Small-scale Present Firm 1 through 12 2 31 45 14 Years 16.0% 5.7% 88.6% 15 through 27 18 3 48 24 Years 36.0% 51.4% 8.6% 36 15 1 52 25 years + 48.0% 42.9% 2.9% 75 35 35 145 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Chi-sq 74.3215 Significance .0001 Three important observations can be made from Table 4-3. First, there is a very strong relationship between the number of years spent working for the present firm and the firm type. Large—scale firms have been around longer and hence workers show a longer tenure compared to the small-scale firms. Secondly, one must also note that the women working for smaller firms are younger and have been in these jobs for fewer years than their large-firm counterparts. However, a large proportion of these women have worked in previous jobs for a short time, but quit those, and now settled in these present jobs. We may infer from this that even the small—scale employment, with all its drawbacks mentioned ear women. This for the large The thir once they for sample have e Another inter these large : prefer to rer switch jobs, Our dat and tenaciou Prevalent be these data 3 Seriously, tendency to of the job 5 To sum: SYStematica] trajectory. Stable; the: Women haVe : present. F' 0pp0s‘1te en‘ havthg held shorter ten counterpart "i 115 mentioned earlier, is preferred employment for these young women. This again points to the saturated labor markets for the larger firms. The third interesting observation to note here is that once they found their present employment, the women in the sample have shown remarkable stability in their jobs. Another interpretation of this can be that the jobs in these large firms are relatively attractive, so the women prefer to remain in their present employment rather than switch jobs. Our data indicate that women are committed to wagework and tenaciously stick in the same jobs. Thus, contrary to prevalent belief among researchers as well as employers, these data suggest that women take their employment seriously. Two factors may be at play here: women’s tendency to stick in one job is related to the desirability of the job itself. To summarize, women in pharmaceutical firms systematically differ in terms of job tenure and work trajectory. For a majority of women in TNCs work is stable; their present jobs are their first jobs and the women have stayed with them for many years until the present. For the women in small-scale factories, the opposite end of the spectrum, there is a greater chance of having held previous jobs. Small-scale workers have shorter tenure in their present jobs compared to their counterparts in larger firms. These fi segmentation markets are c subdivided wz' employment 1: charted path: occupational rewards of w abundant sup occupations ,- The present Sh‘lhentatior across f irms unskilled, e tenure, sugr SmhlPercale Indian firm: Workers move desifable 0 th the jOb tYpes 0f fl although th characteriz Next, labs, Safee 116 These findings are consistent with the labor market segmentation theory. According to this theory, labor markets are divided into primary and secondary, and further subdivided within each sector (Edwards 1979). Primary employment is characterized by stable work; skill training; charted paths of career advance within the firm; occupational mobility; and decent monetary and intrinsic rewards of work. Secondary labor markets are identified by abundant supply of labor; clustering of unskilled, low—wage occupations; low mobility; and high turnover of workers. The present data bears out the theory of labor market segmentation in that work tenure and trajectory are varied across firms. Although work in all firms is semi- or unskilled, the workers in large firms enjoy longer work tenure, suggesting a stable work force. The workers in small—scale firms and, to a lesser extent, those in large Indian firms, tend to have worked previously. These workers moved form job to job before they landed a desirable one, which suggests crowding of and competition in the job market. Thus it appears that women in different types of firms are competing in different labor markets, although their work probably falls in the secondary sector, characterized by low skill levels and limited mobility. Next, we will examine female workers’ views on their jobs, safety of the workplace, work's impact on health, fairness of ‘ changes in t and suggesti It is 1 women have r safety condi health. As anomalous is conditions I the sector 1 technology a the women ir case that $1 recreation a they are 1e: Safety, worl This In awareness, Security in Mt many go t° be less Shows, the]: critical be (22.99,) and atTears to 117 fairness of their supervisors, and their perceptions of changes in the work process over the years of employment and suggestions for improving their work environments. It is important to note that a large percentage of women have reported no grievances with respect to the safety conditions and the impact of working conditions on health. As the accompanying table shows, what is most anomalous is that many grievances on health and safety conditions have come from women working in the TNC sector, the sector that is highly regarded for its modern technology and superior working conditions, and not from the women in small-scale factories. While it is often the case that small-scale firms have no budgets for the recreation and comfort of their employees, and also that they are less regulated and show less regard for worker safety, workers there had fewer grievances. This may be an example of the lack of worker awareness. This also may have resulted from the lack of security in the job, or the consciousness that there are not many good jobs out there, which could prompt the women to be less critical of their environments. As Table 4-4 shows, there is little difference in terms of being critical between the women working for large Indian firms (22.9%) and small—scale firms (29%). However, there appears to be a substantial gap of over twenty percentage points betwee and the TNC ‘ employers th Table 4-4 C 118 points between the women working for TNCs and Indian firms, and the TNC women are more frequently critical of their employers than their peers in the Indian firms. Table 4-4 Comments about Health and safety Conditions, by Firm Type Health and TNC Large Indian Small-scale Safety 32 27 22 81 No Comment 49.2% 77.1% 71.0% 33 8 9 50 Grievance 50.8% 22.9% 29.0% 65 35 31 131 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (10) (4) (14) Chi-sq 8.9463 Significance .0114 The chi-square is small but statistically significant, indicating a relationship between the two variables - grievance about health and safety, and firm type. Let us take a brief look at the nature of women’s grievances in different firms. Do the women feel their supervisor is fair to them? Table 4-5 presents the results of this query, and the results are consistent with the finding that the women at TNCs reveal greater grievances than those in Indian firms. Table 4-5 Fe Tr Supervisor: Fair or N0‘ The ini female worke Observe the Workers in 1 Supervisors the industri Percentage Very Small 1 reported di systematic and Shall-s Out of superViS ers TNCS‘ How 119 Table 4-5 Female Workers' Comments Regarding Fairness of Treatment by the Supervisor, by Firm Type Supervisors TNC Large Indian Small-scale Fair or Not 50 30 33 113 Fair 69.4% 85.7% 94.3% Not 14 2 2 18 Fair 19.4% 5.7% 5.7% 8 3 11 Sometimes 11.1% 8.6% 72 35 35 142 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (3) (3) Chi-sq 11.1188 Significance 0253 The information obtained in the interviews with the female workers is thought-provoking. It is interesting to observe the systematic difference between the three sets of workers in terms of their perceptions of their supervisors. Although on the whole 79.6% of the women in the industry find their supervisors to be fair, the percentage is even higher in small—scale firms (94.3%). A very small proportion of all the workers (12.7%) have reported displeasure with their supervisors, showing a systematic difference among the women in TNC, large Indian, and small-scale enterprises. Out of the eighteen women who report that their SuPervisors are not fair, fourteen (77.8%) belong to the TNCs. How do we explain how the well-trained supervisory staff of the in the Indiar that women we more acceptir The broader e was briefly e women’s voio A woman conditions a from a man t not good wit People." After a requested th °°mPany on a ihProve thej t°r their be Which the We 120 staff of the TNCs are more "unfair" than their counterparts in the Indian firms? Or is it a question of perception, that women working for lower wages are at the same time more accepting and less questioning of their circumstance? The broader question of their treatment on the shopfloor was briefly discussed during the interviews and many women's voices came alive with various comments. A woman in a large Indian firm stated, "(working conditions are) not so good. We have to ask for permission from a man to go to the bathroom. (The supervisors) are not good with anyone else other than their favorite people." After asking for comments on their supervisors, I also requested that the respondents make suggestions to the company on any work- or worker-related issues, in order to improve their jobs. What kind of suggestions do women have for their bosses? Table 4-6 delineates the broad areas in which the women suggested improvements. Table 4-6 81 Ce Suggestion Pay, B0 Promoti Loans Better Treatme The no: do with betr workers, on conditions. A Tree Su(Nested tj humane. Th management sophisticat setting . E leSs than a Women 121 Table 4-6 Suggestions for Improvement in Working Conditions, by Firm Type Suggestions TNC Large Indian Small-scale Pay, Bonus, 12 1 3 16 Promotion, 22.6% 5.9% 13.6% Loans Better 26 4 1 31 Treatment 49.1% 23.5% 4.5% Amenities 15 12 18 45 to Improve 28.3% 70.6% 81.8% Work 53 17 22 92 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (22) (18) (13) (53) Chi-sq 23.1999 Significance .0001 The most frequent demands among the TNC workers had to do with better treatment for themselves. Indian sector workers, on the other hand, demanded improved working conditions. A great proportion, about half, of the TNC workers suggested that the dealings with the workers be more humane. This suggestion casts doubt on the assumption that management in the TNC firms is more modern and 30phisticated. Over 28%, the second largest category, of TNC workers made suggestions for improving the work setting. Demand for more money and benefits was made by less than a fourth of TNC women. Women in the Indian sector emphasized amenities - better cloak room, recreation room, cafeteria, and company transportatie suggestion on Indian and 8 quite intere sector, none The dem does not com in TNCs have and amenitie bargaining. better treat indicates t1 between labe In the act{hiring f; better fOOd hhderscores whtCh these hours, Year The su considerabl the three 1; Suggestions phinted to of firm Si: and Shall 1 apart from 122 transportation - as their major priority. This category of suggestion was chosen by 70.6% of female workers in large Indian and 81.8% of those in small-scale firms. It is quite interesting that in the low-paying, small-scale sector, money and benefits was not the majority demand. The demand for humane treatment by the TNC workers does not come as a total surprise. Female and male workers in TNCs have progressively made gains in monetary rewards and amenities over the years through collective bargaining. Hence, their foremost concern seems to be better treatment from the management. This perhaps indicates that on the issue of humane treatment the battle between labor and management continues. In the Indian sector, women are more interested in acquiring fringe benefits such as improved rest rooms, better food service, and sports and music. This underscores the wretchedness of the work environment in which these women have to spend most of the their waking hours, year after year. The surprising finding in the results was the considerable difference in the type of suggestion made by the three types of pharmaceutical industry workers. Suggestions from the workers in TNC and large Indian firms pointed to different priorities despite the common factor of firm size. In making suggestions, the women from large and small Indian companies stood closer together, and quite aPart from the women in the TNC, suggesting that the work experiences a situation art Women in the dealings wit other hand, These r because of t especially f number of mi of non-respc are not usec‘ They are pe] hmothetica: another job to find att: Next, these women in the labo 123 experiences and/or workers’ expectations about their work situation are different in the TNC versus Indian firms. Women in the TNCs were more critical of their management’s dealings with workers; women in the local sector, on the other hand, wanted more facilities and comforts. These results, however, should be viewed with caution because of the large number of missing cases, and especially from the data on large Indian firms. The large number of missing cases in Tables 4—6 and 4-8 is a result of non-response. It is a reflection of the fact that women are not used to articulating their grievances (Table 4—6). They are perhaps also not accustomed to totally hypothetical questions such as whether they would consider another job. They are all too aware that it is difficult to find attractive jobs. Next, I will tackle the question of the commitment of these women to holding on to their current jobs, or being in the labor market at all. Table 4-7 D A mino: Wished to (11 not intend . female work is not nece Wk- This their lives option, Th has reForte 1987) . 124 Table 4-7 Desire to Quit the Job, by Firm Type Want to TNC Large Indian Small—scale Quit? 31 9 2 42 Yes 41.3% 25.7% 5.9% 44 26 32 102 No 58.7% 74.3% 94.1% 75 35 34 144 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (1) (1) Chi-sq 14.4981 Significance .0007 A minority of women - less than 30% of the sample — wished to quit their jobs, a wish which they probably did not intend to act on. At the same time, although most female workers expressed no desire to quit their jobs, this is not necessarily proof of their undying commitment to work. This may instead reflect the economic necessity in their lives which rules out quitting work as a viable option. This is consistent with previous literature that has reported that female blue—collar workers take up employment out of economic need, rather than for a desire to make a career (Sawara 1986; Ramanamma and Bambawale 1987). Table 4-8 G Another When a: the predomi: implying th rather work This c TNCs. large on differer sample repc indicating desirable; Nest w°men superviSOr: grieVaIICes owemmmmi their pres 125 Table 4-8 Considering Another Job, by Firm Type Another Job? TNC Large Indian Small-scale 6 5 3 14 Yes 11.8% 20.0% 37.5% 45 20 5 70 No 88.2% 80.0% 62.5% 51 25 8 84 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (24) (10) (27) (61) significance .2076 Chi-sq 3.1436 When asked if they would like to take up another job, the predominant answer was "no" (Table 4-8), probably implying that as long as they have to work, the women would rather work in the jobs they were well settled into. Concluding Remarks This chapter has described the work settings of the TNCs, large Indian, and small-scale firms, and throws light on differences in the work environment. Most women in the sample reported that the present job was their first job, indicating that jobs in the pharmaceutical industry are desirable; women are not looking for better employment. Most women (80%) in the sample reported that their supervisors were fair. Very few women registered grievances in terms of health and safety conditions. Women overwhelmingly indicated that they did not want to quit their present positions or take up other jobs. On all these counts among women ' Women’s with the TNC their presen Women in 1ar hand, take :5 suggesting n jobs. Womer worked long: scale firms that women': Paying the 3 lowest (Ch. SUCh as Wor work reward tYpes of fi markeii stru Studie (Joshi and explored W< "informal" 1883' and ‘ HWQVQr. r. workel‘s. in points out A 126 these counts, however, there were systematic differences among women working for different firms. Women’s work trajectories varied across the firms, with the TNC workers having the greatest chance of entering their present employment at the onset of their career. Women in large and small—scale Indian firms, on the other hand, take a longer route and first go through other work, suggesting more crowding and competition in acquiring jobs. Women in large firms, TNCs as well as Indian, have worked longer in their present jobs than those in small scale firms. Elsewhere in this study it is also observed that women’s rewards are different across firms, with TNCs paying the highest wages and small-scale Indian firms the lowest (Ch. Six, p.160). Thus, employment characteristics such as work trajectory before entry into the present job, work rewards, and work tenure seem to differ across three types of firm. This suggests existence a of dual labor market structure within one industry. Studies have recognized segmentation of labor markets (Joshi and Joshi 1976; Deshpande and Papola 1979) and have explored women’s relegation to the "unorganized" or "informal" sector, where wages are subsistence level or less, and work seasonal and unstable (Banerjee 1985). However, few studies have looked at stratification of workers into segments within one industry. As this chapter points out, work and amenities at work are differently organized in firms. Also, workers’ expectations seem to differ acros gaps in thei questions a1 1) First, i1 different 51 large firms firms. Thi: of the lowe: Thus, a str exploitatio further inv well unders different 1 the real-11 terms of th workPlace, well'being. This 5 0Ver1y Com fims~ Hot “Dragged , case of gr. having Wor pharmaceut all three 127 differ across firms and can be taken as reflections of the gaps in their socioeconomic strata. Two broad research questions anticipate further research from these findings. 1) First, investigation of the relationship between different strata of the industry. This study found that large firms subcontract some production to small-scale firms. This means that large firms profit partly because of the lower wages paid to small-scale firms’ employees. Thus, a stratified industrial structure may involve greater exploitation of a section of workers, an issue that needs further investigation. 2) Secondly, it is not yet very well understood what factors are related to entry into different levels of industry. We need to know more about the real-life consequences of stratification for workers in terms of their SES, position in the household and in the workplace, and subjective feelings of status and well-being. This study also found that female workers were not overly concerned with health and safety standards in their firms. However, a greater proportion of women in the TNCs expressed grievances about safety standards. This may be a case of greater awareness among TNC women rather than TNCs having worse health and safety records in the pharmaceutical industry. Similarly, while most women in all three types of firm thought their supervisor to be fair, a rela that the sup fair, compar Another the women tc Although TN< the Indian-: the TNCs suq TNC workers work, while was improve. These diffe circumstanc working cla 0f workers. the women 1; life chance The p: Crucial as work based labor marl“ of w°rker : attitudes 1 t° the nee. 128 fair, a relatively greater percentage of TNC women thought that the supervisor was "not" fair or only "sometimes" fair, compared to the others. Another interesting observation was made when we asked the women to offer suggestions to improve their workplace. Although TNC workers make better money than the women in the Indian-sector firms, a greater percentage of women in the TNCs suggested that their pay and bonuses be raised. TNC workers’ most popular demand was better treatment at work, while the overriding demand of small—scale workers was improved amenities and comforts in the workplace. These differences perhaps reflect how expectations adapt to circumstances of work, subdue the weaker section of the working class, and further pave the way for stratification of workers. Or, differences in expectations suggest that the women belong to different social strata, have different life chances, and have different expectations. The preceding findings on women’s attitudes are crucial as they suggest differences in attitude towards work based on women's place of insertion in the stratified labor market. Virtually no study has addressed the issue of worker stratification and its ramifications for attitudes towards work. The findings in this study point to the need for further work on stratification of blue-collar workers. This area of study has a bearing on -_—-.~—-— other import consciousne: the working 129 other important issues such as work satisfaction, class consciousness, and mobilization in the various segments of the working class. FACTORS IN ' Theori those conce have tackle markets whe Wages and 5 included a dl’llamics be access to j is Competit caPital th. employment qudlificat 0the! hand illlllerfect (Holmstrom The t to explain maintains “Equal re basis of E CHAPTER FIVE FACTORS IN WOMEN’S PLACEMENT IN THE PHARMACEUTICAL INDUSTRY Theories focusing on the "supply" factors as well as those concentrating on "demand" factors in the labor market have tackled the problems of the functioning of labor markets where skills and labor power are exchanged for wages and status. Scholarship on labor markets has included a range of theories attempting to explain the dynamics behind workers' placement into different jobs. Is access to jobs determined by the worker’s skill level, and is competition perfect at the given level of skill? Human capital theory argues that unequal access to better employment opportunities is a consequence of unequal qualifications. Some labor studies done in India, on the other hand, explain unequal access to jobs in terms of imperfect information about employment opportunities (Holmstrom 1985). The theory of labor market segmentation was developed to explain unequal access to employment opportunities, and maintains that the economy is divided into sectors carrying unequal rewards. Also, labor markets are divided on the basis of extra-economic factors such as class, race, 130 ethnicity, jobs, pover Socialist-1 the society overreprese Gendei enclaves o: export-pro that the m and single workers wh Older garm Free-trade Shown a pr Suggest tr as age, ma lead to a WON}, in ¢ higher cl: hinting a. In 1 this Stud- into diff these won with, and 131 ethnicity, and gender that perpetuate unequal access to jobs, poverty, and stratification of workers. Socialist-feminist scholars focus on gender hierarchy in the society which, they emphasize, results in women's overrepresentation in secondary sector jobs. Gender and class are both at work when we examine the enclaves of women’s employment. Research on the export-processing zone of the U.S.-Mexican border reveals that the modern electronics industry’s preference for young and single women has created a stratification among female workers where older and married women are relegated to older garment or service industries (Tiano 1987). Free-trade zones worldwide, housing export-processing, have shown a preference for younger females. These findings suggest that employers’ preferences concerning factors such as age, marital status, and rural versus urban origins may lead to a stratification of the work force. Salaff and Wong, in contrast, in their data on Singapore, noted that higher class position eases women’s entry into better jobs, hinting at preexisting and widening class differences. In light of these observations, the empirical problem this study deals with is: What explains women’s placement into different strata of the pharmaceutical industry? Did these women belong to different class backgrounds to begin with, and were they channeled into stratified jobs accordingly based on fa migratory s The pt types of f i employment work in the TNC firms : industrial Chapter Si: wage-gap b- small phar rewards, 1 Of great c To un inVeStigat educaticma respective Provide a illportant facili’tatc The 1 firm SiZe CaSte’ ed 132 accordingly? Or, was their placement in different strata based on factors such as education, age, marital status, migratory status, or religion? The pharmaceutical industry is made up of varying types of firms in terms of scale and ownership. While employment in the pharmaceutical industry is attractive, work in the larger, more established, and, particularly, TNC firms is considered among the best in the entire industrial sector. Analysis of the data, presented in Chapter Six, has indicated that there is a significant wage—gap between women working for TNC, large Indian, and small pharmaceutical firms. Because of the disparity of rewards, level of employment in this stratified industry is of great consequence to the workers’ lives. To understand women’s job placement, this study will investigate the influence of fathers' and mothers’ educational and occupational status on entry into their respective firms. Parents’ education and occupation status provide a proxy for women’s socioeconomic status, and it is important to know whether the family’s socioeconomic status facilitates a woman’s entry into a given job. The following tables reveal the relationships between firm size and workers’ age, migratory status, religion, caste, education, and parents’ education and occupation. DEMOGRAPHIC Table 5-1 Age i: Older wome] enterprise: in more re °VerWhelmi emploYees TNC and 8. this Young middle (30 the TNC Se is “Verse Category 1 oldeSt (5, (37.1%) . 133 DEMOGRAPHIC AND SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE WOMEN WORKERS Table 5-1 Age by Firm Type Age TNC Large Indian Small-Scale 13 3 29 45 low - 29 17.3% 8.6% 82.9% 33 13 5 51 30 - 44 44.0% 37.1% 14.3% 29 19 l 49 75 35 35 145 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Chi-sq 61.34 Significance .00001 Age is an important predictor of placement because older women are mainly found in older and larger enterprises. Younger women, on the other hand, are found in more recently established, small-scale firms. An overwhelming majority, nearly 83%, of small-scale firms’ employees are young women under 30, whereas only 17.3% of TNC and 8.6% of large Indian firm female workers belong to this young age group. The proportion of workers in the middle (30-45) and older (45+) age groups represented in the TNC sample are 44% and 38.7%, respectively. This order is reversed in large Indian firms. The biggest age category represented in the large Indian firms is the oldest (54.3%), followed by the middle age category (37.1%). Thus this table clearly shows that age is strongly re relationshi Table 5-2 There between ma Somewhat g fOIIOWed b firms. H o TNCS versu the man. that Women half of ti. late marrj at miqratc 134 strongly related to firm type. Next, we will look at the relationship between marital status and firm type. Table 5-2 Marital Status by Firm Type Women’s TNC Large Indian Small-Scale Marital Status 59 24 18 101 Married 78.7% 68.6% 51.4% Single, 16 11 17 44 Divorced, 21.3% 31.4% 48.6% Widowed 75 35 35 145 100 0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Chi-sq 8.1729 Significance .0168 There is a small but unidirectional relationship between marital status and firm type in the data. A somewhat greater percentage of married women work for TNCs, followed by the large Indian and then the small-scale firms. However, the difference is small - 78.7% in the TNCs versus 68.6% in the large Indian firms and 51.4% in the small-scale firms. An interesting point to note is that women working in the small-scale firms are young, with half of them also single. This suggests a trend towards late marriage for working young women. Next, we will look at migratory status as an explanation of different placements of pharmaceutical workers. Table 5-3 Migrat Status Prior whether on: bearing on have bette cJoining ac on the 0th and end up In tl between mi female W0] elseWhere and Si(311i: \ 1 intermaii which all lived out bOrn and 135 Table 5-3 Migratory Status by Firm Type Migratory TNC Large Indian Small-Scale Status 53 22 24 99 Native 70.7% 62.9% 68.6% New 22 13 11 46 Migrant to 29.3% 37.1% 31.4% Bombay 75 35 35 145 100.0% 100.0% 7100.0% 100% Chi-sq .67 Significance .71 Prior research on labor in India has shown that whether one is a new or an old migrant to the city has a bearing on acquiring industrial employment. Old migrants have better "connections" and hence greater chances of gaining access to better jobs in the market. New migrants, on the other hand, have less information and fewer choices, and end up in less desirable jobs (Holmstrom 1985). In these data, however, no relationship is found between migratory status - as an indicator of whether the female worker was born in the city or migrated from elsewhere - and job placement.1 As the small chi-square and significance level of this table indicate, birthplace 1 While conducting the interviews, I gathered information on age and total years of residence in Bombay, which allowed me to determine whether the respondent had lived outside Bombay for any length of time. I classified the respondents as "new migrants" only those who had been born and had lived outside Bombay. has no bear pharmaceuti In the demographic and, then e will be ex; Table 5-4 In tr firm type. and large (90.5% of firms.2 , he Chrlstian “hum. . 136 has no bearing on the eventual placement of women in the pharmaceutical industry. In the following tables, the relationships between demographic variables of religion, caste and firm type, and, then education of self, father, mother, and firm type will be explored. Table 5-4 Religion by Firm Type Religion TNC Large Indian Small-Scale 47 24 31 102 Hindu 62.7% 68.6% 88.6% 28 ll 4 43 Other 37.3% 31 4% 11.4% 75 35 35 145 100.0% 100 0% 100.0% 100% Significance .0208 In these data, religion shows a relationship to the firm type. Specifically, larger and older firms - both TNC and large Indian - seem to employ more non-Hindu women (90.5% of all non-Hindu women) than the small-scale Indian firms.2 __ 2 The category "other" religions is mainly made up of Christian and Parsi women since there are only a couple of Muslim, and no Jewish or Sikh, women in the sample. Table 5-5 *The ‘ 99 in tota Our d Percentage all their larger fir Percentage respective The 1 TNC firms This find First, it Farsi, Wo and hence firms. S Well as 1 wOmen We: 137 Table 5-5 Caste by Firm Type Caste TNC Large Indian Small-Scale 18 11 28 57 low 41.9% 45.8% 87.5% 25 13 4 42 hlgh 58.1% 54.2% 12.5% 43 24 32 99 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (0) (0) (0) (0)* Chi-sq 17.43 Significance .0002 *The variable of "caste" pertains only to Hindu women, 99 in total in the sample. Our data show that small firms have the highest percentages of people from lower caste groups - 87.5% of all their employees belong to lower castes. Conversely, larger firms, TNCs as well as Indian, employ a greater percentage of higher castes - 58.1% and 54.2%, respectively. The tables above present two interesting findings. TNC firms employ larger percentages of non-Hindu women. This finding can be explained in three different ways. First, it is possible that non-Hindu, mainly Christian and Parsi, women entered the work force before Hindu women did, and hence their proportion is relatively greater in older firms. Secondly, it is also likely that these Christian as well as Parsi women were educated in English while Hindu women were not, so they were preferred by the older companies. On the other hand, it is also possible that the TNCs, who 1 industry wfl preference Also higher cas work in la small-scal Table 5-6 Educat - Se Less High- Di} 138 TNCs, who began female employment in the pharmaceutical industry when the British were still ruling India, had a preference for non-Hindu, mainly Christian, women. Also of interest is the finding that the percentage of higher castes is greater in the sample of Hindu women that work in larger firms, whereas a majority of workers in small-scale firms are members of the lower castes. Table 5—6 Education of the Respondents by Firm Type Education TNC Large Indian Small-Scale - Self Less Than 15 21 11 47 High—school 20.0% 60.0% 31.4% Diploma High-school 60 14 24 98 Diploma + 80.0% 40.0% 68.6% 75 35 35 145 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Significance .0002 The table on education of the workers shows interesting results, with a huge gap appearing between employees at the TNCs and small-scale Indian firms on the one hand, and those working in the large Indian firms on the other. TNCs seem to employ the greatest percentage of workers with educations of high-school diploma or better (80.0%). Small-scale Indian firms are close behind with 68.6% of their work force similarly educated. Large-scale Indian f in: their work greater. Most I hired two < or older a« into TNC j. Indian fir however, s attractive that the 1 getting sa more strir parents' 6 Placement MOthl Educ. Less High Dip1 High Dip1 “~- MiSE ---. chi. 139 Indian firms seem to trail far behind with only 40% of their work force showing education at high-school level or greater. Most women working for older and larger companies were hired two decades ago and now belong to either the middle or older age group. The educational requirements for entry into TNC jobs seem to have been higher than in the larger Indian firms at the time. Similar higher standards, however, seem to apply to more recent entrants of much less attractive, small-scale sector jobs. These results suggest that the labor market for the pharmaceutical industry, is getting saturated. Hence, entry requirements have become more stringent over the years. Now I explore whether the parents’ education and work have a bearing on women’s placement in the pharmaceutical industry. Table 5-7 Education of the Respondents’ Mothers by Firm Type Mother’s TNC Large Indian Small-Scale Education Less Than 49 23 29 101 High-school 81.7% 85.2% 100.0% Diploma High-school 11 4 0 15 Diploma + 18.3% 14.8% 60 27 29 116 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (15) (3) (5) (29) Chi-sq 5.94 Significance .05 mot ver wor ha1 504 W0 an YE T; 140 According to this table, the relationship between mother’s education and type of employment placement is not very strong but nonetheless suggestive. Mothers of the women working for small-scale firms in the sample do not have high-school diplomas, which may be indicative of socioeconomic or cultural differences between the workers in the small- versus large-scale firms. This finding is significant, especially in the light of the fact that these women are younger and are likely to have younger mothers, and that formal education has become more common in recent Similarly, there is weak, but unidirectional years. relationship between the daughters’ placement and whether or not their mothers worked (Table 5-8). Table 5-8 Mother’s work by Firm Type Small-Scale Mether’s Work TNC Large Indian 15 11 16 42 Yes 20.0% 33 3% 48.5% 60 22 17 99 No 80.0% 66.7% 51.5% 75 33 33 141 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% .Missing' (2) (2) (4) Significance 0103 Chi-sq 9.149 This table (Table 5-8) indicates that a greater percentage of mothers of the small-scale workers (48.5%) worked TNC ff mothei norm 1 Table to 1 thar leve Were of 1 Tom Edu Pha 141 worked compared to their counterparts in larger Indian or TNC firms (33.3% and 20%, respectively). Of all the mothers, however, 70% never worked and that seems to be the norm with respect to these data. Table 5-9 Education of the Respondents’ Fathers, by Firm Type Father’s TNC Large Indian Small-Scale Education Less Than 16 16 20 52 High—school 25.8% 57.1% 69.0% Diploma High-school 46 12 9 67 Diploma + 74.2% 42.9% 31.0% 62 28 29 119 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (13) (7) (6) (26) Chi-sq 17.64 Significance .0001 Fathers of the women workers at TNC plants are likely to be more educated - with high-school diplomas or better - than their counterparts in Indian firms. Educational levels of the fathers of women in small-scale factories were the lowest in this sample. Thus, educational levels of both fathers and mothers seem to be related to the women's place of insertion in the industry. There was a difference in fathers’ and mothers’ educational levels. A vast majority of the mothers of pharmaceutical workers were not educated up to the level of earnin with h large worker change all, a diplom small- the fa in re. firms Nonet that mobil diffs modes le1. earning a high-school diploma. 142 The percentage of mothers with high school diplomas was 18.3% in TNCs and 14.8% in large Indian firms. None of the mothers of small-scale workers had acquired a high-school diploma. This scenario changed with respect to the fathers’ education. First of all, a greater proportion of fathers had a high-school diploma - 74.2% in TNC, 42.9% in large Indian, and 31% in small-scale firms. Thus, there is a systematic variation in the fathers’ education levels but a very small difference in regards to mothers’ education levels. One point to consider here is that the women in larger firms are older than the women in small firms (Table 5-1). Nonetheless, their fathers were more educated, suggesting that these women’s families were likely to be an upwardly mobile population. And yet, their mothers were not very different from each other, which may be an indication of modest class origins. Table 5-10 Father’s Occupation by Firm Type Large Indian Small-Scale Father’s TNC Occupation 41 White-Collar 64.1% 23 Blue-Collar 35.9% 64 100.0% Missing (11) -----*---.h_---—-n--w-—---~--—-——--u----—----—---—------ 11 5 33.3% 15.2% 22 28 66.7% 84.8% 33 33 100.0% 100.0% (12) (12) Significance whit what data whit smai lar: sug fir fir cha TN( 101 143 Father’s occupation, differentiated in terms of white-collar and blue—collar, seems to have a bearing on what kinds of jobs the women landed, according to these data. Nearly 65% of the fathers of the TNC workers had white-collar employment, as against 15% of the fathers of small-scale workers. The fathers of the workers of the large Indian firms were in the middle category (over 33%). The preceding information in Tables 5-1 to 5—10 suggests that workers in the three types of pharmaceutical firms — namely, TNC’s, large-scale and small-scale Indian firms - do possess somewhat different social and personal characteristics. The sharpest contrast appears between the TNC and small-scale workers, and the workers of the large local firms fall somewhere in the middle. Women workers’ age is the most distinguishing characteristic in the data. Small-scale firms employ younger women, whereas larger firms have on their payrolls older veterans with long tenure in their jobs. The proportion of Hindu women is greater in Indian firms and proportionately more Christian/Parsi/Muslim women work in the two TNCs examined in this study. Also, castes are unevenly distributed among the Hindu workers across the firms. Small-scale industries have a larger proportion of relatively lower castes. TNCs, also large Indian firms, show the greatest proportion of higher-caste Hindu women. Fathers of the TNC workers were slightly more educated, and a greater proportion of them worked in white-collar jobs. EC workers middle E< patter] least i in law paid) educat accomr ] descri firms above! treat regre REGRE dEpeI educe and1 0rde 144 Educational and work status of the parents of the workers in large-scale local firms fell somewhere in the middle of that of the TNC and the small-scale workers. Education of the workers themselves differed from this pattern. The workers in TNCs were more likely to be at least high-school graduates, and closely following behind in level of education were the younger (and much lower paid) workers from the small-scale firms. In terms of education, the workers in large local firms were less accomplished. In order to identify the characteristics that best describe the workers in the three types of pharmaceutical firms, regression analysis was performed between the above—mentioned social variables and three firm types, treated as three dependent variables. The results of regression are presented in three tables below. REGRESSION ANALYSIS OF DEMOGRAPHIC AND SOCIAL VARIABLES AND PLACEMENT In the first table (Table 5—11), TNC employment is the dependent variable, with age, education, parents’ education, father’s occupation, mother's work, religion, and marital status as independent variables.3 In the 3 The variable of caste was dropped from the analysis in order to not lose too much data. Caste does not apply to 56Cl sam de va OI 145 second and the third tables (Tables 5—12 and 5-13), the same variables function as independent variables; placement in large Indian firms and small-scale firms are the dependent variables. Two methods of regression, "stepwise" and "enter," were used. "Stepwise" was used to pick out the most important independent variables that explain the variance in the dependent variables. On the other hand, the method "enter" was also used to find out the total impact on the dependent variables of the entire range of independent variables that were chosen for theoretical reasons, whether or not these variables had statistically significant relationships with the dependent variables - TNC, large Indian, and small—scale Indian firms. Variables of age and education were both measured in number of years and used in the regression analysis as continuous variables. Variables such as placement in TNC, large local, or small-scale firms, whether mother worked or not, and religion were nominal variables. Father's occupation, an ordinal level variable, was recoded into a two-category nominal variable ("white-collar"/"blue-collar"). These nominal level variables were recoded into dummy variables by assigning the scores of 1 and 0 to the two categories as follows: non-Hindu women, and, hence, to one third of the cases. Inde educ not 146 -Placement into the TNCs versus other placements ~Placement into the large-scale Indian firms versus other placements ~Placement into the small-scale Indian firms versus other placements -Religion - Hindu versus other -Whether mother worked or not -Father’s occupation - white-collar versus blue-collar -Marital Status — married versus single/divorced/widowed Independent variables — education of self, father’s education, father’s occupation, whether mother worked or not, age, marital status, and religion. 147 Table 5-11 Regression Analysis of the Effects of Seven Independent Variables on Placements in TNCs - Stepwise and Enter Steps Education Father’s Mother’s Age Marital Relig. RZN Self Fa. Occupation Work Status (1) B .15 .19 103 SE B .03 Beta .43 F = 24.3150 Significance .00001 (2) B .13 .30 .27 103 SE B .03 .08 Beta .37 .30 F = 19.4280 Significance .00001 (3) - Enter All Independent Variables B .10 .01 .18 -.11 .00 .13 -.12 .33 103 SE B .03 .01 .10 .09 .00 .09 .10 Beta .29 .13 .18 -.10 .08 .12 -.10 F = 6.9723 Significance .00001 B = Unstandardized Regression Coefficients SE B = Standard Error of B Beta = Standardized Regression Coefficients N = No. of cases Tahlu Step (1) SE B Beta (2) SE] Bet Bet 148 Table 5-12 Regression Analysis of the Effects of Seven Independent Variables on Placements in Large Indian Firms - Stepwise and Enter 2 Steps Education Father’s Mother’s Age Marital Relig. R N Self Fa. Occupation Work Status (1) .01 .12 103 SE B .00 Beta .35 F = 15.0507 Significance .0002 (2) B ~.08 .01 .20 103 SE B .02 .00 Beta -.27 .37 F = 13.0367 Significance .00001 (3) - Enter All Independent Variables B -.07 -.00 -.07 .02 .01 .03 .03 .21 103 SE B .03 .01 .09 .09 .00 .09 .09 Beta -.25 -.02 -.08 .02 .39 .03 .03 F = 3.7799 Significance .0012 Ta St 149 Table 5-13 Regression Analysis of the Effects of Seven Independent Variables on Placements in Small-Scale Firms - stepwise and Enter Steps Education Father’s Mother’s Age Marital Relig. RZN Self Fa. Occupation Works Status (1) B -.02 .26 103 SE B .00 Beta -.51 F = 37.4075 Significance .00001 (2) B -.19 -.01 .32 103 SE B .06 .00 Beta -.24 -.45 F = 24.2960 Significance .00001 (3) - Enter All Independent Variables B -.00 -.01 -.11 .09 -.Ol -.12 .05 .36 103 SE B .02 .01 .08 .07 .00 .07 .08 Beta -.02 -.12 -.14 .10 -.40 -.13 .06 F = 8.0456 Significance .00001 150 Education and father’s occupation are the variables that best explain placement into the TNC firms. The total variance explained amounts to 27% (R2=27). The F value is 19.4280 at the significance level of .00001. At this point, other independent variables - whether or not mother worked, age, marital status, and father’s education - are entered into the regression. The model explains 33% of the variance in the placement. The F value lowers to 6.9723 at the significance level of .00001. The beta weights (standardized regression coefficients) allow us to gauge the relative contribution of different independent variables in explaining variation in the placement of workers. As Table 5-11 most clearly shows, respondent’s education and father’s occupation have the most significant, positive effect on the respondent’s being placed in a TNC. Other variables, e.g. religion, marital status, whether or not mother works, and age have smaller beta weights, indicating their limited bearing on the dependent variable - placement into the TNC. The Table 5-12 examines the same seven independent variables to estimate their impact on the second dependent variable - placement into large-scale Indian firms. Independent Variables are education of self, education of father, occupation of father, whether mother worked or not, age, marital status, and religion. As Table 5—12 shows, age and education of self are the two most important independent variables in explaining 151 placement in large-scale Indian firms. Together they explain 20% of the variance (R2=20). The F is 13.0367 at the significance level of .00001. When the other independent variables are entered in the regression analysis, the R2 raises up to 21, and the F value is 3.7799 at the significance level of .0012. The variable education indicates a minus sign; education is negatively related to placement in large Indian firms. Older women in the sample are more likely to work for larger Indian firms. Education, on the other hand, is negatively related to placement, meaning that women placed in large-scale Indian firms are a less educated group in the entire sample. Variables of father’s education, mother’s education, whether or not mother worked, and marital status have low beta values and do not seem to make much impact on placement in large-scale Indian firms. The independent variables together explain only 21% of variation in the placement in large Indian firms versus other firms. The Table 5-13 shows the relationship between placement into small-scale firms and the independent variables of education of self, education of father, occupation of father, whether mother worked or not, age, marital status, and religion. The variables of age and father’s occupation appear to be the strongest explanations of placement in small-scale firms, according to the stepwise regression analysis. 152 The two variables together explain 32% of variance in placement (R2=32). The F stands at a solid 24.2960 at the significance level of .00001. The beta values are -.51 for age and -.24 for father’s occupation. The negative relationship between the dependent and the independent variables suggests that the women working for small-scale firms are younger, and their fathers have a greater chance of being blue-collar compared to the fathers of their counterparts in large-scale firms. All seven independent variables are entered when the explained variance raises to 36%. The F stands at 8.0456, with the significance level of .00001. A comparison of beta weights makes it clear that age, father’s occupation, marital status, and father’s education best explain the placement in small-scale firms. All these relationships are negative. In other words, women in small-scale firms are younger and likely to be single, and they tend to have blue-collar and less educated fathers. The three regression analyses suggest that education, age and father’s occupation have a significant bearing and variables of marital status and father’s education have some impact on women’s specific placements in the industry. Women in larger firms are older and married; women in TNCs tend to have white-collar fathers; women in TNCs and small-scale firms tend to be more educated; and women in large Indian firms are often less educated and have fathers with low education levels. 153 Concluding Remarks The preceding analysis has indicated that differences indeed exist in the social and personal characteristics that describe women attached with the three firm types in the pharmaceutical industry. Age and education are two important variables in predicting placement; women in TNCs and large Indian firms are older and have more education than their counterparts in the small firms. They are also more likely to be married. Father’s occupation is another important variable; women working in TNCs have more chance of having white-collar, educated fathers. Women in Indian firms are distinguished by lower levels of their fathers’ education and their blue-collar status. An interesting finding of the study, and one neglected in prior literature, is that non-Hindu women have privileged access to employment in large firms; they make up between 37% and 30% of the labor force in TNC and large Indian firms, respectively. Why did the TNCs show a preference for Parsi and Christian women? Was it their ability to speak English or their religion that made them attractive to TNC firms? Can this be because non-Hindu women were first to enter the labor market? We need further research in order to better understand such aspects of the labor market. Our study also found that, among the Hindu constituency, upper-caste women were more frequently found in larger firms than in small-scale firms. 154 These data are consistent with Salaff and Wong’s findings in their study of women’s industrial employment in Singapore that class background has a bearing on women’s entry to better positions. Women working for TNCs were more likely to have educated and white-collar fathers, compared with their counterparts in the local sector. This study contradicts previous finding in literature pertaining to this subject that younger and non—married women have a favorable position in the labor market (Tiano 1987; Safa 1985; Fernandez—Kelly 1983). The present data, by contrast, reveals that lucrative jobs in the industry are held by older, married women, and that younger, single women are clustered in small-scale jobs. Finally, these results suggest only small differences in age, education, father’s education and occupation, mother’s work, religion, and marital status across firms; the independent variables explain up to 36% of variance. Thus, differences among women in the three types of firm are not exceedingly sharp, but, nonetheless, noteworthy. These data indicate that neither education nor social characteristics such as religion, marital status, or father’s education or occupation have decisive bearing on workers’ placement. However, since specific placement has lasting consequences in terms of life chances for the workers, the question remains: What are the mechanisms of placement? Is it access to information, a variable not considered in this study? Is it an aspect of recruitment 155 process, which is yet to be understood and considered in the literature? Or, is it more or less a random event? Further research is needed to answer these questions about women’s placement in the industry. CHAPTER SIX WOMEN'S SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS Previous studies on female workers in the developing countries have explored the demographic and social characteristics of workers employed in different industries and sectors of the economy. Such queries are aimed at understanding the structure of the labor market and position of women of different ages, education levels, and marital, ethnic, or migratory status in the labor market (Fernandez-Kelly 1983; Tiano 1987; Foo 1987; Ramanamma and Bambawale 1987). Studies in the past have neglected the analysis of socioeconomic status (SES) of female workers, partly because, customarily, women’s SES is determined by that of their husbands’ or fathers.’ Another possible reason is that studies have focused mainly on the female workers in the lowest rungs of the occupational ladder. In the case of such groups, discussion of social strata is redundant and of limited theoretical or practical import. Indeed, it can be argued that to fully understand the impact of development on female workers, different sectors of female employment need to be examined. Also, impact of work will 156 157 not be completely grasped unless we look at the women as separate entities, as well as parts of their families. Thus, we need to focus on one major aspect - women’s stratification into different segments of the industrial sector. While some scholars have dealt with the problem of stratification of workers (Tiano 1987), there have been few studies on the stratification of workers within a single industry, and its impact on the workers’ SES and on their personal lives. This study fills the gap in the literature by focusing on the SES of women stratified into different firms within the pharmaceutical industry. Bombay’s pharmaceutical industry includes firms of differing sizes in its TNC and national sectors. These firms offer varying rewards and benefits to its employees. This study investigates whether firm type is an important variable in predicting income and rewards, along with the variables of education and years of service. The study hypothesizes that women working for the pharmaceutical industry in Bombay, India, have different incomes; women in the TNCs are expected to have greater incomes than those in the large Indian firms. Women working for small-scale firms are expected to have the lowest income levels in the sample. The study also hypothesizes that women in different firms have different standards of living, measured in terms of the type of dwelling they occupy. The study makes a number of hypotheses to investigate women’s contributions to their households’ incomes and 158 SES. It has been hypothesized that married women's combined family incomes vary across different pharmaceutical firms. In other words, this study contends that female TNC workers belong to higher-income groups than the women in the Indian sector. Within the Indian sector, women in the larger firms have greater family incomes than those in the small-scale firms. This study also investigates the proportions of family incomes contributed by the women who are currently married. A tentative hypothesis made by this study is that women's contributions to their families' incomes vary with the type of firm they work for. The TNC workers make the highest proportional contributions, while the women in large Indian and small—scale Indian firms follow behind. The study also hypothesizes that female pharmaceutical workers’ SES varies across the three firm types. This study contends that type of women's employment is positively related to the SES of their households, and that women working in more established firms and unionized jobs are likely to make greater contributions to their households’ SES compared to those in weaker, small-scale jobs. It has been, therefore, hypothesized that women's SES is influenced by their place of insertion in the pharmaceutical industry, and that their status is not entirely determined by their husbands' occupations and incomes. 159 Finally, this study investigates an important question. Are the social backgrounds of female workers’ natal families varied or similar? If they are stratified in terms of their SES at present, is it due to their employment, or because of their class background prior to employment? My hypothesis is that these pharmaceutical workers come from similar socioeconomic backgrounds, that there is no difference in the fathers’ status across different firms, but that there is a status difference among them today along firm type. My analysis begins with the examination of the women's individual incomes. Thereafter, we will compare the standards of living among them. Our measure is relatively simple, namely, the type of home they live in. WOMEN’S INCOMES AND STANDARD OF LIVING The first table looks at the monthly incomes of female workers in the TNCs, large local firms, and small-scale local firms. 160 Table 6-1 Respondents’ Monthly Income by Firm Type Monthly TNC Large Indian Small-Scale Income* Up to 2 2 32 36 1,500 2.9% 5.7% 91.4% 1,501- 27 19 3 49 2,400 39.1% 54.3% 8.6% 2,401- 40 14 0 54 4,000 58.0% 40.0% 69 35 35 139 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (6) (6) Chi-sq 108.69 Significance .00001 *Income is in rupees. Exchange rate in 1987 was roughly Rs.13 to a $1. The three categories translate into: up to $115; $115 - $184; $184 - $307. The data presented in Table 6-1 clearly suggest that there is a systematic and wide gap between the women's earnings in the large (transnational and local) and small local firms. The highest paying employers are the TNCs, the second best are the large Indian firms, with the small-scale Indian firms trailing far behind. A substantial 88.9% of all those earning Rs. 1,500 or less per month work for small-scale companies. On the other hand, a large proportion (74.1%) of women earning more than Rs. 2,400 per month are found in the TNCs. The remaining 25.9% of women earning Rs. 2,401 or more work in the large Indian firms. The data on salaries indicate that there is a wage hierarchy in the firms; TNCs are at the top and small-scale Indian firms at the bottom. 161 The city of Bombay is notorious for its urban congestion, housing shortage, and astronomical costs of even modest dwellings. Therefore, female workers' urban accommodations provide a measure of the standard of living enjoyed by them. Is there a variation in the dwelling type across different firms? If so, one interpretation would be that there is a systematic SES difference among women. Table 6-2 Respondents' Housing by Firm Type Type of TNC Large Indian Small-Scale Housing Flat 61 12 9 82 81.3% 34.3% 25.7% Chawl, 14 23 26 63 etc. 18.7% 65.7% 74.3% 75 35 35 145 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Chi-sq 39.35 Significance .00001 These data suggest that there is a wide gap between living standards of women working for the TNCs and those working for Indian firms. Of all the TNC workers, 81.3% live in flats, whereas only 34.3% of those working for large-scale Indian firms and 25.3% of those working for small-scale companies can afford the same privilege. Thus, the tables above strongly suggest that there are significant wage differences among women working for the firms within the industry. 162 The information presented in Table 6-2 supports the contention that women working within the hierarchical structure of the pharmaceutical industry in fact have quite disparate incomes and, possibly, living standards. In Bombay, flats are an approximate equivalent of condominiums in the United States and considered one of the better options in accommodations. Chawls, or even lesser-quality accommodations such as hutment colonies, usually involve smaller dwellings with shared bathroom facilities for many households. In the light of this information, it is obvious that the women living in flats are more privileged and enjoy higher SES than those living in chawls. A more involved analysis of women’s relative contributions to household incomes and socioeconomic status pertains to married women only (Tables 6-3 to 6-9). We first present data on husband’s income, household income, and women’s income relative to the household income. Married women’s (69% of the sample) SES has been measured using two scales: the first scale comprises husband’s education, occupation and income; the second one adds the respondent’s income and education. Comparison of the two scores allows us to gauge the wife’s contribution to the socioeconomic status of the household. Single women are excluded from the analysis of socioeconomic status because the data on their fathers’ or siblings’ incomes is not available, and also because working daughters’ roles in household income, and in influencing the SES of the 163 household, is likely to be less critical than that of married women. DETERMINING THE SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS Next, Tables 6-3, and 6-5 examine husbands’ earnings, combined household incomes, and women's incomes relative to the combined household incomes. Table 6-3 Husband’s Monthly Income by Firm Type Husband's TNC Large Indian Small-Scale Income* Up to 7 13 8 28 1,500 15.9% 56.5% 57.1% 1,501- 18 6 3 27 2,400 40.9% 26.1% 21.4% 2,401- 19 4 3 26 6,000 43.2% 17.4% 21.4% 44 23 14 81 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (15) (1) (4) (20) Chi-sq 15.147 Significance .0044. *In dollars, the three income categories are as follows: up to $115; $115 - $184; $184 - $307. Table 6-3 indicates that husbands’ incomes systematically vary with the type of firm their wives work for, and that a significant cleavage appears between the Indian (large as well as small) firms and the TNCs. Over 84% of TNC’s working women’s husbands make more than 164 Rs.1,500 per month. On the other hand, a large proportion of husbands of women in large and small Indian firms make Rs. 1,500 or less per month (56.5% and 57.1%, respectively). This leads us to believe that husbands’ salary levels correspond with those of their working wives. Thus high-income women have a strong chance of being married to high-income men, whereas lower-income women are frequently married to lower-income men. The next pertinent question is: How do women’s salaries compare to those of their husbands? Are women’s salaries always only a fraction of their men’s? Or are women's contributions substantial, equal, or even greater than that of their men? The following tables present the distribution of husband’s and wife’s combined income and, then, the relative income of the wives with respect to the combined household income. Relative income is calculated by dividing the wife’s income by the combined income of both spouses. 165 Table 6-4 Combined Monthly Income by Firm Type Combined Monthly TNC Large Indian Small-scale Income* Up to 3 12 10 25 3,000 7.1% 52.2% 71.0% 3,001- 17 8 4 29 4,500 40.5% 34.3% 28.6% 4,501- 22 3 0 25 9,500 52.4% 13.0% 42 23 14 79 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (17) (1) (4) (22) Chi-sq 31.122 Significance .00001 *In dollars, the three income categories are as follows: up to $230; $230 - $346; $346 - $730. Pharmaceutical workers’ household incomes are closely related to firm type. Women’s household incomes are in the higher range of the spectrum when they work for the TNCs, and the lowest when they work in small-scale factories. Next, we examine what wives’ earnings are relative to their husbands’. 166 Table 6-5 Women’s Relative Income by Firm Type Women’s TNC Large Indian Small-Scale Relative Income Less Than 15 6 9 3O 50% 35.7% 26.1% 64.3% 50% 27 17 5 49 or more 64.3% 73.9% 35.7% 42 23 14 79 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% M1551ng (17) (1) (4) (22) Chi-sq 5.585 Significance .0612 The data presented here suggest that the women in the sample are significant providers in the family. A solid majority of the women working for the larger industries (over 64% of those in the TNCs and almost 74% those in the large local firms) are equal or better partners in the family’s income. This suggests that the level of insertion in the stratified industry has a bearing on the economic role of women in their households.1 The pharmaceutical workers in the sample are important earners in their households. Women’s relative contributions to household income are greater if they work for large-scale firms. Interestingly, the variable of 1 These results should be viewed with caution because of the problem of missing information. Data on income is available for only 79 cases out of 101 married women, so about 20% of the cases are missing. 167 husband’s income is statistically related to the firm type, indicating that women working for larger firms are likely to have husbands earning good incomes. Next, Tables 6 and 7 present data on pharmaceutical workers’ husbands’ occupations and education levels. Table 6-6 Husband’s Occupation by Firm Type Husband’s TNC Occupation white- 36 collar 66.7% blue- 18 collar 33.3% 54 100.0% Missing (5) Chi-sq 6.3903 Large Indian Small-Scale 13 7 56 46.4% 36.8% 15 12 45 53.6% 63.2% 28 19 101 100.0% 100.0% 100% (4) (9) Significance 0409 168 Table 6-7 Husband’s Education by Firm Type Husband’s TNC Large Indian Small-Scale Education Less Than 10 3 13 High School 31.3% 16.7% 21 12 7 40 High School 38.2% 37.5% 38.9% 34 10 8 52 High School+ 61.8% 31.3% 44.4% 55 32 18 105 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (4) (1) (5) Chi-sq 24.4452 Significance .00001 Table 6-6 suggests that the relationship between husband’s occupation and firm type is weak but suggestive of the same pattern as observed before. Husbands connected with TNCs have greater likelihood of being in white-collar occupations, whereas the husbands of local sector workers are more likely to be in blue-collar occupations. Within the local sector, a similar pattern emerges with large- and small-scale firm workers. Data on husband’s education (Table 6-7) are suggestive of a strong correlation between husband’s education and the respondent’s place of insertion in the pharmaceutical industry. Husbands of the women in the TNCs, as a group, have more education. They have at least a high school 169 diploma, while over 60% of them have some college or technical school education. Husbands of the respondents in the Indian sector tend to have relatively less education. This study also attempts to measure the respondents’ SES in two ways. The first measure, Socioeconomic Status I, is based on husband’s occupation, education and income; the second measure, Socioeconomic Status II, on the other hand, includes both husband’s and wife’s income, education, and husband’s occupation. Socioeconomic Status I included three components, education, occupation and income, and it measured husband’s SES. Data on education and income was recoded into three categories each. Occupations were initially recorded into 99 categories but later recoded into two. The variables were scored as follows: a) Education: 1. high - beyond high school (3 pt.s) 2. medium - high school (2 pt.s) 3 low - less than high school (1 pt.) b) Income: 1. high - Rs. 2401-6000 (3 pt.s) 2. medium - Rs.1501-2400 (2 pt.s) 3. low - Rs. low-1500 (1 pt.) C) Occupation: . white collar (2 pt.s) . blue collar (1 pt.) All three scores were added up and then collapsed into NH two categories. The scores ranged from 3 through 8; scores 170 3 through 5 were codes as "low," and 6 through 8 as "high." The frequencies were 49 for "high" and 23 for "low" Socioeconomic Status I. Because of the cluster of scores in the middle, it was a tough decision how to arrive at two categories. I opted for a distribution where the category "high" was larger than category "low." The distribution for Socioeconomic Status I was as follow: high - 49; low - 23. The same policy was followed when the variables of Socioeconomic Status II and Father’s Socioeconomic Status were constructed. Socioeconomic Status II was calculated the same as above but with two additions. Wife’s income and education were added to the scores. a) Husband’s Education: same as above, three categories. b) Wife’s Education: same as above, three categories. c) Occupation: same as above, two categories. d) Income: husband and wife’s combined income 1. high - Rs. 4501-9500 (3 pt.s) 2. medium - Rs. 3001—4500 (2 pt.s) 3. low - Rs. low-3000 (1 pt.) The 4 scores were added up and then collapsed into two categories. The scores ranged from 4 through 11; scores 4 through 7 were codes as "low," and 8 through 11 as "high." The frequencies were 46 for "high" and 25 for "low" Socioeconomic Status II. My hypothesis is that the women’s contribution is crucial in determining the SES of the household. Tables 171 6-8 and 6-9 indicate that this hypothesis is supported by the data. When SES is measured only by husband’s income, education, and occupation, we find a pattern similar to the one we observed with income (see Table 6-8). SES is somewhat higher in the TNC households; households of the workers in large Indian firms are next, followed by the small-scale factory workers’ households. This relationship between status and firm type is statistically non-significant. However, when the respondents’ income and education are included in the status measure (see Table 6-9), the gap between the households widens and the relationship becomes sharper; the respondents in the small-scale and large Indian firms appear more likely to be in the lower status category than those working for the TNCs. In other words, when SES is determined by both husbands’ and wives’ educations and incomes, and husbands’ occupations, the gap between the TNC workers and the workers in the Indian sector becomes wider. The hypothesis that the TNC workers make a greater contribution to their households’ SES is supported by the data. There is, however, little difference between the contributions made by the workers in the large and small-scale Indian firms to their individual households’ SES. 172 Tables 6-8 Socioeconomic status I, by Firm Type Socioeconomic TNC Large Indian Small-Scale Status I 6 10 7 23 low 15.0% 52.6% 53.8% 34 9 6 49 high 85.0% 47.4% 46.2% 40 19 13 72 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (19) (5) (5) (29) Chi-sq 12.1603 Significance .0022 Table 6-9 Socioeconomic status II, by Firm Type Socioeconomic TNC Large Indian Small—Scale Status II 5 11 9 25 low 12.8% 57.9% 69.2% 34 8 4 46 high 87.2% 42.1% 30.8% 39 19 13 71 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (20) (5) (5) (30) Chi-sq 20.3386 Significance .00001 173 Thus, the comparison of Tables 6-8 and 6—9 clearly indicates that when women’s income and education is included in the status measure, the relationship between status and firm type is significantly stronger. In other words, women’s place of insertion has a bearing on the SES of their households, especially when they work in better industrial jobs. Although these measures of SES are not precise or highly sophisticated, they correctly point to a trend towards stratification of workers because of disparate placement in the labor market. The present results also indicate that women’s occupations do influence their SES, and hence should be included in the measurement of household’s SES. This is also an issue of practical importance because the status differences translate into differences in life-style, and education and future of the children who are being brought up in the various types of households. The next hypothesis to be examined is that the female pharmaceutical workers come from similar SES backgrounds, and that there is no difference in the fathers’ status across different firms. This would mean that the present status difference among women is attributable to the women’s place of insertion in the job market. Fathers’ SES is determined from their education and occupations. We defined the socioeconomic status as a Cumulative effect of education and occupation. Education 174 was recorded in the number of years and later recoded into three categories, and given scores as follows: 1. high - beyond high school (3 pt.s) 2. medium - high school (2 pt.s) 3. low - less than high school (1 pt.) Occupations were recorded into 99 categories, later collapsed into two, and scored as follows: 1. white-collar - (2 pt.s) 2. blue—collar - (1 pt.) Education and occupation scores were added up and then collapsed into two categories - Socioeconomic Status high (68) and low (42). The scores ranged from 1 through 5. Scores 1 and 2 were codes into "low," and 3 through 5 into "high. As Table 10 suggests, fathers’ education levels and occupations vary across firms. Contrary to the hypothesis, the women in fact originated from dissimilar social backgrounds. rIIIIIIIIIIIIIlIII---"'E:______________ 175 Table 6-10 Father’s Socioeconomic Status by Firm Type Father’s TNC Large Indian Small-Scale Socioeconomic Status* blue- 11 13 18 42 collar 20.4% 46.4% 64.3% white- 43 15 10 68 collar 79.6% 53.6% 35.7% 54 28 28 110 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (21) (7) (7) (35) Chi-sq 16.5233 Significance .0002 *Since we have calculated this measure to compare married women’s past versus present SES, we have selected only the fathers of the women who are currently married to create this particular measure. The hypothesis that the female pharmaceutical workers came from similar SES backgrounds, but currently belong to groups of varying statuses chiefly because of their particular placement in the industry, was only partially supported. The data on father’s status (Table 6-10) indicates that the women in fact came from different status backgrounds, that women who enjoy higher status today were likely to have fathers from backgrounds of high SES. Thus the first part of the hypothesis is not supported by the data. The latter part of the hypothesis, however, finds support in the data analyzed earlier. There is a status hierarchy across the three types of firm. 176 Concluding Remarks This chapter has thrown light on the SES differences among female pharmaceutical industry workers. The data indicated support for the hypotheses that women have different incomes across firms, and that their present SES differ according to firm type. The study also showed support for the hypothesis that the female workers in this modern sector of employment make significant contributions to their households’ incomes and SES. While the data suggested that the women in larger firms were married to men who have high incomes and status than their counterparts in the smaller firms, the women seemed to be significantly responsible for the higher status of their households. The women with better jobs had fathers who were more educated and had better jobs than the fathers of the women in small-scale industry jobs. The hypothesis that the female workers come from a homogeneous class background was not supported by the data. Nonetheless, the striking differences in the present SES of the women working for large versus small firms allow us to argue that the initial SES differences are enhanced by women’s specific placements in the industry. Previous literature in the area of women and development has not sufficiently dealt with the issue of class and status differences in access to jobs. Salaff and Wong (1984) have made reference to class as an important 177 factor in gaining access to better employment in the stratified job market in Singapore. This study has made similar observations about the link between social strata and type of jobs women get. This study has found that the women in better employment play a crucial role in improving their households’ fortunes. This clearly indicates that women’s wagework should not be ignored by policymakers and researchers in determining their households’ SES. Nor should the role of the women as breadwinners be underestimated by development planners in the West and in the developing countries. Labor policy should take into account the importance of women’s wages to their households and facilitate women's work through provisions such as improved healthcare for women and daycare for their children. Finally, these findings suggest a strong urgency for assessing the link between growth of various sectors of the economy and its impact on the employment of women. Researchers have a great deal of work ahead in understanding long-range consequences of specific placements in the stratified labor market for women’s status. CHAPTER SEVEN WORKING WOMEN’S HOUSEHOLDS This study primarily attempts to examine whether the family characteristics, division of labor in the household, and self-evaluation of status differ among women engaged in disparate types of employment in the pharmaceutical industry. Are there any systematic differences in their household structure in congruence with the women’s age, education, or work-related variables such as income or firm type? The chapter first presents a brief review of women’s marital status, family size, and composition of the household within each firm type. Very little prior work has been done on the relationship between the size and type of the employing firm and a woman’s household. This study hypothesizes that women working for larger firms and earning relatively better wages are likely to live in smaller, nuclear families, and enjoy shared housework and lighter workload than their peers in smaller firms. The present study proposes to examine whether the working women in the sample enjoy differential levels of power and autonomy. 178 179 The extended family is far from being extinct in India, where nearly 70% of the population lives in rural areas. The system of households made up not only of the immediate family consisting of a couple and children, but of married siblings, parents, aunts, and uncles, is not uncommon even in cities. Housing is scarce and expensive in cities and families have to share space and accommodate each other. This option becomes possible because of the tradition and prevalence of the extended family in Indian society. The task now is to determine whether the occurrence of extended family in workers’ lives systematically relates to firm type or not. The following tables indicate that larger households are more common among smaller firm workers, who belong to lower-income families. Table 7-1 Household Size by Firm Type Household TNC Large Indian Small-Scale Size Up to 5 57 24 17 98 members 81.4% 68.6% 48.6% 6 or more 13 11 18 42 members 18.6% 31.4% 51.4% 70 35 35 140 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (5) (5) Chi-sq 11.7833 Significance .0027 180 Table 7-1 provides firm support for the hypothesis that household size is related to firm type. The data inform us that women working for the TNCs (81.4% of them) have a greater chance of living in small households than the women working in large Indian firms or small-scale factories, in which the percentage of small households is lower - 68.6% and 48.6%, respectively. Thus, there appears to be an inverse relationship between household size and firm type. If we can make a tentative assumption that small household size is concurrent with being able to afford an autonomous habitat, workers in large-scale firms are able to maintain nuclear households more frequently than women in small-scale firms. We can infer that larger households, more frequently found among workers in Indian firms, are based on economic necessity of income-pooling. Next, we will investigate marital status, number of children, and type of household in which the pharmaceutical workers live. These are important considerations in evaluating the amount of housework the women have to deal with. 181 Table 7-2 Marital Status by Firm Type Marital Status TNC Large Indian Small-Scale 59 24 18 101 Married 78.7% 68.6% 51.4% single, 16 11 17 44 Divorced, 21.3% 31.4% 48.6 Widowed 75 35 35 145 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Significance .0168 Table 7-3 Number of Children by Firm Type Number of TNC Large Indian Small-Scale Children 38 12 13 63 Up to 2 70.4% 50.0% 76.5% 16 12 4 32 3 or more 29.6% 50 0% 23.5% 54 24 17 95 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (4) (4) Chi-sq 4.0400 Significance .1325 182 Women employed in the pharmaceutical industry seem to favor small families. Nearly two thirds of the women with children fall into the category of having two or fewer children.1 Interestingly, women in the TNC and large Indian firms, although similar in age, differ in terms of family size; the difference, of twenty percentage points, is quite substantial. In fact, TNC workers share small family size with small-scale workers who are much younger as a group. This may be taken as an indication that workers in the TNCs have more modern attitudes. This report now looks at composition of households, divided into two categories - nuclear (comprising husband, wife, unmarried children), and extended (multi-generational, multi-couple). Table 7-4 Household Composition by Firm Type Household TNC Large Indian Small-Scale Composition 39 16 14 69 Nuclear 54.9% 45.7% 40.0% 32 19 21 72 Extended 45.1% 54.3% 60.0% 71 35 35 141 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (4) (4) Chi-sq 2.2943 Significance .3175 Raw frequencies, in fact, show that only three women have five or six children. (See Appendix Two) 183 The nuclear family seems to be as common as the extended family in the sample, with close to 49% of the households falling in the former category. The variable household composition does not have a statistically significant relationship with firm type; however, there is an unmistakable pattern in this relationship. Table 7-3 shows that the nuclear family is slightly more common for women in the TNC sector. Women workers in Indian firms are more likely to be living in multi—generational extended families in which the in-laws or married siblings live under the same roof. In the extended-family household, traditional gender and generational hierarchies are observed; relatively older women and men exercise control. The study expects to find, then, that wives (and daughters) in the larger and extended households experience greater work-loads due to the ideology of female submission and gender-based division of labor in the household. In light of the information on the pharmaceutical industry’s women workers’ households, the study extends its inquiry into two crucial areas: 1. the division of labor in the households of the workers, and 2. workers’ attitudes on several issues. Specifically, the study investigates whether the firm type and the organization of the household are related to the division of labor in the household and to the workers’ attitudes. Or, is it the demographic 184 factors such as marital status and age that have an impact on the household division of labor and on women’s attitudes? WORKING WOMEN AND DIVISION OF LABOR IN THE HOUSEHOLD Gender division of labor has been observed in most known cultures in the past as well as in the present century. Although gender division of work is not uniform or steadfast, it has followed a certain kind of logic. Division of labor based on gender in the society prior to industrialization roughly dictated that men would be involved in securing the bread whereas women would mind the hearth and children. While women’s activities did not preclude farming or participating in the craft production, upkeep of the household was always women's responsibility. As production became separated from home under industrial capitalism, the household changed from being a unit of production to a unit of consumption. Large peasant households gradually gave way to smaller proletarian family units. An ideology of appropriate gender roles emerged that defined man as the wage-earner and woman as the housewife. With this ideology gender division became intensified by strongly tying women to household activities and excluding men from the routine of maintaining the house. Men were supposed to perform productive jobs to earn wages and support their dependent families. 185 In reality, many women, particularly those of the lower strata or those who did not have husbands, entered the labor market. Yet they were also responsible for the reproductive activities in and around the house. Wagework, supposedly the men’s role, was simply stacked on their duties around the house. Despite the ideology of woman as a homemaker, women's participation in the labor market has steadily risen in the present century. Studies indicate, however, that men's contributions to housework have been unequal. Information on gender division of labor in households in developing economies is sporadic, but nonetheless suggests that the household work is tedious, even hard, and men’s assistance negligible. Working women have to cope up with the "double days" which include a full load of paid as well as household work. Recent studies done in India have suggested that the extent of women’s participation in household chores continues even when they work for wages. Moreover, their contribution to tasks previously considered to be men’s work increases (Talwar 1986). other reports, however, have pointed out that working women’s participation in financial decision-making remains marginal (Agarwal 1988). This study attempts to compare working women in three types of firm in terms of their traditional duties at home, their contribution to tasks previously considered as men’s, and their involvement in the management of household income. 186 In the present study, data were collected on the distribution of nine household chores among the members. These chores were basic tasks involved in maintaining the house such as cooking, cleaning (mainly sweeping and wiping the floors), laundry and dish-washing, caring for children as well as old or sick people, and making beds. Additionally, cleaner, and perhaps lighter, tasks such as shopping for groceries, writing letters (handling correspondence), looking after children’s homework, and management of money were also included. Information was collected by asking each interviewee which member, or combination of members, of the household performed each of the above tasks. Later these responses on household work were coded into thirty different categories ranging from servant, self, husband, to sister-in—law and daughter-in-law. The preliminary analysis involved examining how much time the women spent in doing housework per week, and whether or not they had paid help - "servant" - to do some of the housework. The following two tables will examine the relationship between firm type and time spent doing housework and access to a servant’s assistance. 187 Table 7-5 Time Spent Doing Housework, by Firm Type Time Spent in TNC Large Indian Small-Scale Housework/Week 48 26 22 96 15 hours+ 73.8% 81.3% 64.7% 17 6 12 35 0 to 14 26.2% 18.8% 35.3% 65 32 34 131 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (10) (3) (1) (14) Chi-sq 2.3328 Significance .3114 Nearly three women out of four reported that they spent long hours doing housework, irrespective of where they worked. Since they had to clock-in at 7:30 a.m. or 8:00 a.m., and they typically had to commute from some distance, their day started at anywhere between 4:00 and 5:00 a.m. They usually worked 48-hour weeks. Many of the respondents stated that they had to cook lunches, including chapatis (India's unleavened bread), then get themselves ready for work before starting their commute on crowded Bombay buses or local trains. The women worked 8- to 9-hour days amidst the roaring sounds of machinery, after which they had to make it home on roads or trains teaming with with commuters. At home, more housework awaited in the form of hungry family members or children requiring help. How many of these women at least had some hired help available? 188 Table 7-6 Availability of Help from a Servant, by Firm Type Servant TNC Large Indian Small—Scale Available 24 16 29 69 No Servant 40.0% 45.7% 82.9% 36 19 6 61 Servant 60.0% 54.3% 17.1% 60 35 35 130 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Chi—sq 18.6313 Significance .00001 Table 7-6 indicates that, while more than half the women do not have hired help available to them, out of those who do, 60% are TNC workers whereas less than 10% work for the small-scale firms. Two interpretations are plausible. First, women in larger firms are in a better financial position to afford help. Second, women in small-scale firms live in larger households where housework gets shared. However, a more in-depth analysis follows to create a better picture of women’s workload at home. The analysis began by exploring the gender division of labor in the household by separating the tasks into categories of "female" and "female and/or male." This categorization gave insight into how tasks are defined as gender-specific in the working class families in the study. The study primarily focused on two inquiries: 1) The number of tasks respondents themselves performed either alone or with the help of other members. This focus was 189 directed at finding the variety of activities the women respondents were involved in. 2) The type of tasks that women performed exclusively. This inquiry gave us an in-depth look at the range of chores working women carried out without help. At the analysis phase, the above foci evolved into two different strategies of recoding the gathered information: 1. Which tasks were done by women themselves (alone or in combination with other members), and which ones by other members or servants? To find the answer, thirty initial categories of task performance were recoded into two - a) self, or self and others; b) others. These variables are called "division of labor I" variables, which include "cookingl," "cleaningl," "making bedl," "laundryl," "shoppingl," "money-managementl," "kids’ homeworkl," "letter-writingl," "care of the sickl." 2. Which tasks were done by the women exclusively, as opposed to the ones in which they received help, or the ones that were done by other members of the household? To investigate this, the data were recoded into two categories - a) self; b) self and others, or others. These variables are called "division of labor II" variables, which include "cookingz," "cleaningz," "making bedz." "laundryz," "shoppingz." 190 "money—managementz," "kids’ homeworkz," "letter-writingZ", "care of the sick2." After gauging the pattern of division of labor of housework, we came to the central tasks in the analysis - exploring and explaining the differences in the work allocation. The working women in the sample work in the pharmaceutical industry and have a great deal in common. Most of them are organized. They have had ten to fourteen years of schooling and share the experiences of living in Bombay. However, they work for firms that are different in size, two of which have foreign parent companies. Women also belong to different age groups (and different castes and religions are represented in the sample) and differ on the kind of households they belong to. We can argue that marital status is an important variable. Older, married, working women have less work because of the work—sharing from grown children. Younger unmarried women may also have less work because the mother, married sister, or sister-in-law might take the burden of raising the family. Age and education also are important variables since younger age and education have been associated with egalitarian values and work-sharing between husband and wife. Would the division of tasks be different among households of different sizes? Is it likely that married and single women’s work loads will be different? Or, would 191 the firm type explain the division of labor because of the related differences in work, wages, as well as household? To answer the above questions, data were analyzed in two parts. First, household tasks were crosstabulated with firm type. Then two scales, "division of labor I" and "division of labor II", were created by combining variables on household tasks, after which multiple regression analysis was carried out with the division of labor scales as dependent variables. Thus, the question was explored whether division of labor can be explained in terms of firm type, or by three other potentially explanatory variables of age, marital status, and household size. We first present the frequencies on gender division of labor in the nine tasks found in the pharmaceutical workers’ households. This allows us to identify the prevalent norm about gender-division of household chores. 192 Table 7-7 Gender Division of Labor Females Including Husband, Father, other Males, Respondents* Or Males and Females Together Cooking (132)** 121 (91.7%) 11 (8.3%) Cleaning (131) 124 (93.9%) 8 (6.1%) Laundry (119) 103 (85.1%) 18 (14.9%) Making Beds (128) 84 (65.6%) 44 (34.4%) Shopping (131) 84 (64.1%) 47 (35.9%) Caring for the Sick, etc (102) 68 (66.7%) 34 (33.3%) Letters (97) 53 (54.6%) 44 (45.4%) Kids’ homework (73) 38 (52.1%) 35 (47.9%) Money Management (126) 63 (50%) 63 (50%) * Servants are included in this category because household servants replace women’s labor, not men’s. ** Total no. of cases for which data is available or question is applicable. 193 The classification of tasks into female versus male or male/female presented in Table 7-1 brings out the gender allocation of tasks in the households under study. The data clearly show that such tasks as cooking, cleaning, and laundry (and dish-washing) are a female preserve. Over 84% of the women's households assign these tasks to women and hence these are "female" tasks. Making beds and shopping for grains and vegetables are two chores that are clean and relatively less strenuous than cooking and cleaning. These tasks are carried out mainly by female members of the family, while participation of male members seems to be quite prominent (about 35%). Shopping involves handling money, a traditionally male domain, which might also explain men’s participation in this task. In the respondents’ households, men seem to contribute in taking care of the sick, elderly, and children (33.3%). This finding is indicative of the accommodations members have to make in the working women’s households. Since women have to be absent from home for extended periods, other women as well as men have to take over the care of care-dependent individuals. Letter-writing and helping children with studies are tasks that presuppose some education and also a position of control. These two tasks would presume participation of male members. These data show that women still out-number men by a small margin, although a large number of men seem 194 to get involved in performing these tasks. Thus, in over 54% of the cases women are involved in letter-writing, and over 52% of the time women help children with their studies. Finally, we come to the task of money management, an undoubtedly male domain according to previous literature. The households of female pharmaceutical workers in the sample seem to have broken this tradition since half the valid responses (50%) placed women (the respondent or other female member of the family) in charge of the management of money. Thus Table 7—7 on the gender classification of tasks yields some interesting results. While reaffirming cooking, cleaning, and laundry as women’s tasks, it also suggests that women seem to participate in “male" activities such as shopping, managing money, and helping kids with studies. Women’s involvement in tasks traditionally carried out by men can be explained in terms of their increased importance and power as earning members of the household. These women’s power may also have come from their economic contribution as well as their education, self-confidence, and perhaps the increased ability to to manage outdoor tasks based on their work experience. On the other hand, data indicate that women perform most of the household work and that men’s participation in cooking and cleaning has been minimal. -195 Preliminary crosstabular analysis which was done to see whether the variables of firm type, age, marital status or the size of the household are related to gender division of labor, indicated that none of these independent variables are related to gender division labor in the household. In other words, the given gender division of labor is uniformly found in all working women’s households, and that type of work, age, marital status, and household size have little bearing on the gender division of labor found. These crosstabs tables are not presented here; instead, multivariate analyses among these variables were performed, results of which are presented in Tables 7-10 and 7-11. Next, the task of finding how labor is divided between the respondents and other members is undertaken. Tables 7-8 and 7-9 throw light on the respondents’ share of work, i.e., on how the work is divided: a) the respondent (alone or together with others) versus other male and female members in the household, and b) the respondent alone versus the rest of the family. 196 Table 7-8 Division of Labor I Respondents Alone Others in the Household* or w/ Others Cooking (132)** 92 (69.7%) 40 (30.3%) Cleaning (132) 56 (42.4%) 76 (57.6%) Laundry (121) 41 (33.9%) 80 (66.1%) Making Beds (128) 71 (55.5%) 57 (44.5%) Shopping (121) 78 (59.5%) 53 (40.5%) Caring for the Sick, etc 67 (65.7%) 35 (34.3%) (102) Letters (97) 52 (53.6%) 45 (46.4%) Kids’ homework (73) 37 (50.7) 36 (49.3%) Money Management (126) 66 (52.4%) 60 (47.6%) * The second column/category includes servants along with the rest of the household members. ** Total no. of cases for which data is available or question is applicable. 197 Table 7-8 shows that female respondents in the study participate in all household chores chosen for study, and their participation is extensive (more than 50% of the cases) in all chores except cleaning and laundry in which they receive help from family or hired hands. Cooking is the most common chore in which the highest percentage of women are involved (nearly 70%), while caring for sick, elderly, and children is another task in which a large percentage of respondents are engaged (65.7%). The table does suggest that a significant percentage of the working women (from about 34% to 42%) in the sample have to perform strenuous cleaning and laundry tasks on a daily basis, while between 57% and close to two thirds of women are able to get these tasks done from others. Over half the women in the study get involved in helping children with studies, looking after correspondence, and managing money affairs, suggesting that women are entering the areas of power and control in the household. The next table, Table 7-9, provides information on the areas in which women take care of chores alone, without help. 198 Table 7-9 Division of Labor II Respondents Alone other Household Members Alone or Jointly w/ Respondent Cooking (132)** 68 (51.5%) 64 (48.5%) Cleaning (132) 46 (34.8%) 86 (65.2%) Laundry (121) 28 (23.1%) 93 (76.9%) Making Beds (128) 58 (45.3%) 70 (54.7%) Shopping (121) 51 (38.9%) 80 (61.1%) Caring for the Sick, etc 38 (37.3%) 64 (62.7%) (102) Letters (97) 40 (41.2%) 57 (58.8%) Kids’ homework (73) 30 (41.1%) 43 (58.9%) Money Management (126) 47 (37.3%) 79 (62.7%) ** Total no. of cases for which data is available or question is applicable. 199 The figures in Table 7-9 clearly indicate that a significant proportion of female pharmaceutical workers bear sole responsibility for housework while they also bring substantial paychecks home. Cooking involves over 51% of women while chores such as making beds or managing correspondence as well as helping kids’ homework follow closely behind. Thus roughly between a third and a half the women in the sample cannot count on others for help and carry out tasks ranging from cooking to looking after the children. Cleaning and laundry are two activities in which women find assistance - probably from servants. It is also noteworthy that tasks of shopping and managing money are singularly controlled by over 38% and 37% of the women, respectively. Thus these women seem to be working in the areas which are usually considered a men’s domain, such as managing money, or areas that are not necessarily assigned to a particular gender, such as writing letters. After getting a feel for women’s household duties, we will turn to exploring the differences, if any, in the household division of labor. In other words, we will gauge the differences in women's housework across firm size, and also with respect to age, marital status, and size of household. Household division of work is likely to be different for married and single women, and also vary with household size. Age is deemed to be another important factor, with the rationale that a middle-aged woman with 200 grown children is likely to have different workload than a young woman with small children. Two scales, "Division of Labor I" and "Division of Labor II" were created by adding scores on household tasks (see Appendix One). Division of Labor I measures the tasks which women perform either alone or with some help. Because of the large number of missing data, categories of "letter-writing" and "kids’ homework" were dropped at this stage. Thus the scale included the variables cookingl, cleaningl, laundryl, making bedl, caringl, shoppingl, and managing moneyl. Division of Labor II measures the tasks which women perform without help, by themselves. The variables in the scale are - cooking2, cleaningz, laundryz, making bed2, caringz, shopping2, and managing moneyz. The reliability tests on the two variables, done through SPSSX, produced an alpha of .69 and .70 respectively, figures that are considered to be satisfactory by experts, suggesting that the seven individual items in the scales seem to be highly correlated. A multivariate analysis was performed between division of labor I and II and firm type, age, marital status, and household size of the respondent. Other important Variables, education of self and composition of the 201 household, were dropped from the models because of their limited contribution to explaining the variations in the division of labor. Dependent Variable - Division of Labor I Other variables in the model - TNCs, large Indian firms, small-scale firms, age, marital status, size of the household. 202 Table 7-10 Regression Analysis of the Effects of Six Independent Variables on Division of Labor I - Stepwise and Enter Steps TNCs Large Small-Scale Marital Age Household R92 N Ind. Firms Firms Status Size (1) B .54 .22 88 SE B .10 Beta .47 F = 24.9692 Significance .00001 (2) B -1.40 .48 .33 88 SE B .36 .10 Beta -.34 .41 F = 21.8099 Significance .00001 (3) B -1.05 -1.26 .37 .39 88 SE B .35 .35 .10 Beta -.27 -.30 .32 F = 18.8157 Significance .00001 (4) - Enter All Independent Variables B -.77 .33 .40 -1.33 .01 .39 .40 88 SE B .82 .86 .76 .36 .02 .10 Beta -.19 .07 .09 -.32 .08 .34 F = 9.4074 Significance .00001 B = Unstandardized Regression Coefficients SE B = Standard Error of B Beta = Standardized Regression Coefficients N = No. of cases 203 When "stepwise" and "enter" programs, two multiple regression methods, were jointly administered, size of household emerged as the strongest explanation of the variance in division of labor. "Marital status" and "TNCs" followed "size of household" in the two following steps, after which the pin limit of .05 was reached. The three variables accounting for most variance - size of household, marital status, and TNCs - explained 39% of the variance in Division of Labor I (R2=39). When the remaining three variables of age, large Indian firms, and small-scale firms were entered, the value of total explained variance stood at 40% (R2=40). The F was 18.8157 at the significance level of .00001, indicating that the correlations are statistically significant. In Table 7-10, the beta weights, a measure of the relative contribution of each variable in the model when all other explanatory variables have been held constant, reveal that the variables size of household, marital status, and whether are not employed in the TNCs, have a significant impact on how the work is divided. Division of Labor I is defined as work that women do with or without other members’ involvement versus work that is done entirely by others. The analysis shows that women have to carry out many tasks when they live in small households, and work is done by other members in the larger households. Similarly, married women have to carry out more tasks, whereas single, divorced or widowed women often 204 get other members to do the housework. Women in TNCs tend to get involved in most household tasks, whereas in the households of the women in Indian firms, other members do tasks more often. Age and other two firm types seem to have only small influence on the division of labor. Model 2: Dependent Variable - Division of Labor II Other variables in the model - TNCs, large Indian, small-scale, age, marital status, size of the household 205 Table 7-11 Regression Analysis of the Effects of Six Independent Variables on Division of Labor II - Stepwise and Enter Steps TNCs Large Small-Scale Marital Age Household R2 N Ind. Firms Firms Status Size (1) B .52 .19 88 SE B .11 Beta .43 F = 20.5204 Significance .00001 (2) B -1.21 .47 .26 88 SE B .40 .11 F = 15.8256 Significance .00001 (3) B -.84 -1.10 .38 .30 88 SE B .39 .39 .11 Beta -.20 -.25 .32 F = 12.4835 Significance .00001 (4) - Enter All Independent Variables B .04 .96 1.09 -1.20 .01 .41 .32 88 SE B .91 .95 .84 .40 .02 .12 Beta .01 .21 .24 -.28 .08 .34 F = 6.6764 Significance .00001 B = Unstandardized Regression Coefficients SE B = Standard Error of B Beta = Standardized Regression Coefficients N = No. of cases 206 When "stepwise" and "enter" programs, two multiple regression methods, were jointly administered, size of household emerged as the strongest explanation of the variance. As in the case of the previous model, "marital status" and "TNCs" followed "size of household" in the two following steps, after which the pin limit of .05 was reached. The three explanatory variables explained 30% (R =30). The other three variables - age, large Indian and small-scale - were entered as specified in the program. After all six explanatory variables had been entered, the value of total explained variance (Ria remained at .32, the F was 6.6764 at the significance level of .00001. The beta weights - partial regression coefficients - were large for variables of size of household, marital status, and large and small Indian firms. The relationship between marital status and division of labor was negative. The second division of labor variable measures the number of task performed by the women alone, and separates the tasks that are done by others or by the respondents in conjunction with others in the household. Our data analysis shows that, as in the previous model, division of labor between women and others in the household is strongly related to size of household and women respondents’ marital status. The variable TNC emerged as a strong explanatory variable in the stepwise equation and this selection was computer-generated. A more important indicator is the beta 207 weight which indicates a variable’s contribution in explaining variance when other variables were statistically held constant. Placement in Indian firms - large and small - is strongly and positively related to Division of Labor II. Thus, the regression analysis shows that women have to carry out many tasks when they live in small households, but work more often is done by other members in larger households. .Similarly, married women have to carry out more tasks, whereas single, divorced or widowed women often get other members to do the housework. Beta weights of the variables of large Indian and small-scale suggest that women working for these firms in the Indian sector have a greater chance of performing household tasks with help, compared to their counterparts in TNCs. Age, surprisingly, has little influence on work division in both models. These results make intuitive sense. Women living in larger households get assistance from other members. Married women are in charge of the household and have more responsibilities than non-married women who typically live with parents, married siblings, etc. Women working for the TNCs are more affluent and able to afford nuclear households. They end up with more work than the women in Indian firms, because there are fewer adults in their households to share work. The relationship 208 between marital status, household size, and women’s housework is consistent with reports from elsewhere (Safa 1985). MANAGEMENT OF MONEY - AN ISSUE OF POWER The scales on division of labor measured the pattern of work allocation in the respondents’ households. The tasks incorporated in the scale included traditional "female" tasks such as cooking, laundry, cleaning, and making beds. Tasks such as letter-writing, helping the children with homework, shopping and, most of all, management of household money presuppose literacy, control, and authority to some extent. Hence these tasks can be considered "male" tasks. In our frequency distribution presented above, these tasks appear to be gender-neutral, since a little over 50% of the households assign these tasks to women, while in rest of the households men perform these tasks. The following two tables present crosstabular analyses between shopping, management of money, and firm type. The results will suggest that women in larger firms, especially the TNCs, seem to engage in "male" tasks more often than their counterparts in small-scale firms. 1 209 Table 7-12 Shopping, a "Male Task," by Firm Type Shopping TNC Large Indian Small-Scale Women Alone, 44 24 10 78 W/ Others 71.0% 68.6% 29.4% 18 11 24 53 Others 29.0% 31.4% 70.6% 62 35 34 131 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (13) (1) (14) Chi-sq 17.3333 Significance .0001 The Table 7-12 shows a strong relationship between allocation of shopping as a chore and firm type. Over 70% of the women in TNCs do the shopping for their households, whereas only slightly over 29% of those working for small firms do shopping. (Chi—square = 17.3333 and significance level = .0001, both suggest a strong statistical association between the two variables.) This relationship, however, reflects differences among married and unmarried women as well as across firms. As Tables 713a and 7—13b show the relationship between "shopping" and firm type when marital status has been held constant. 210 Shopping by Firm Type by Marital Status - the Table 7-13a Category "Married." Shopping TNC Large Indian Small-Scale Women Alone, 35 18 10 63 W/ Others 74.5% 75.0% 55.6% 12 6 8 26 Others 25.5% 25.0% 44.4% 47 29 18 89 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Chi-sq 2.3968 Significance .3016 Shopping by Firm Type by Marital Status - the Table 7-13b Category "Single/Divorced[Widowed/Separated." Shopping TNC Large Indian Small-Scale Women Alone, 9 6 15 W/ others 60.0% 54.5% 6 5 16 27 Others 40.0% 45.5% 100.0% 15 11 16 42 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing 14 Chi-sq 19.3989 Significance .00001 211 It is clear from Tables 7-13a and 7-13b that the relationship between firm type and "shopping" is weaker when "marital status" is controlled for, suggesting that the difference found in large and small firms was partly the difference between married and unmarried women. The direction of relationship, however, stays the same within two categories of "married" versus "single/divorced/widowed/separated" women. Thus, a greater percentage of married women in large firms participate in shopping activities those in small-scale firms; the same observation holds true among single women. Table 7-14 Management of Money by Firm Type Management TNC Large Indian Small-scale of Money ________ Women Alone, 39 21 6 66 W/ Others 66.1% 61.8% 18.2% --_- ------------------ 20 13 27 60 Others 33.9% 38.2% 81.8% ------------------- 6;- 34 33 126 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (16) (1) __-£3)__--__-£EE) Chi-sq 22.2978 Significance .00001 The crosstabulation between "management of money" and "firm type" is statistically strong which is reflected in the large chi-square (22.2978) with a significance level of 212 .00001. This means that women’s participation in the management of money is not a sporadic event, but is a systematic occurrence related to their placement in the pharmaceutical industry. The data show that women in large firms have a substantially greater chance of participating in the crucial area of money management than the women in small-scale firms. This relationship continues to exist, although it is slightly weaker, when "marital status" of the women is held constant. This strongly suggests that employment in large firms, especially in the TNCs, allows the women greater power in the management of money in the household. 213 Table 7-15a Management of Money by Firm Type by Marital Status - the Category "Married." Management TNC Large Indian Small-scale of Money Women Alone, 29 13 6 48 W/ Others 63.0% 56.5% 33.3% 17 10 12 39 Others 37.0% 43.5% 66.7% 46 23 18 87 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Chi-sq 4.6654 Significance .0900 Table 7-15b Management of Money by Firm Type by Marital Status - the Category "Single/Divorced/Widowed/Separated Management TNC Large Indian Small-scale of Money Women Alone, 10 8 18 W/ Others 76.9% 72.7% 3 3 15 21 Others 23.1% 27.3% 100.0% 13 11 15 39 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing 19 Chi-sq 26.8982 Significance .00001 214 The preceding crosstabular analysis clearly shows that the women working for the larger firms are likely to have a greater role in important matters involving money. The relationship is significant even after allowing for the effect of the intervening variable "marital status." Concluding Remarks This chapter on the division of labor in the pharmaceutical workers’ households has yielded some interesting results. The three groups of women differ from each other in terms of their marital status and household size. Thus, women in larger firms are likely to be married and living in smaller households. Two thirds of all women in the industry tend to have two or less children, suggesting that the modern norms of smaller family size exist in firms of all types. The data also suggest that there is a greater likelihood that women in TNCs and, less often, in large Indian firms, have nuclear households. Women in the small-scale firms, on the other hand, tend to live in the households with extended families. Household division of work was a major inquiry in this study, and I found that households across firms allocate their work on the basis of gender. Thus women perform most of the chores themselves or together with other members although they are out for work nine to ten hours per day. The data have indicated that women in the TNC have the highest chance of being able to afford paid help in 215 housework followed by those in the large Indian firms. These TNCs workers, on the other hand, have less help available from others in the household than their counterparts in the Indian firms. Women in the Indian sector have a greater chance of living in larger households and count on work—sharing from other members. I found that women spend long hours in housework irrespective of their incomes. These results are consistent with prior findings in the literature on women’s work in India. Bhoite (1988) similarly reports that working women do housework, care for children, and follow time-consuming religious duties, making their days painfully long. Talwar (1984) observes that working and non-working women carry out similar tasks, although male members of the working women’s households tend to help out a little more than those of non-working women. Some researchers have reported that women’s wagework earns them greater power in decisions concerning children and purchasing (Talwar 1984), but less so concerning money which is largely controlled by the men (Agarwal 1988). In contrast to these findings, our data show that the women in the TNCs have greater involvement in important tasks such as management of household income. Thus, women in better jobs in larger firms seem to have greater access to power in our sample of pharmaceutical workers. The data from our 216 small sample thus strongly suggest that the type of placement has long-range influence on the material conditions of living and the housework women do. CHAPTER EIGHT WOMEN AND ATTITUDES The households of women employed in the pharmaceutical industry are predominantly small. The women have small numbers of children and majority of them live in units containing five or fewer members. Within the industry, however, there are systematic differences in the households across firms of different size and ownership. Thus women in the Indian firms, especially the small-scale firms, tend to live in larger and multi-generational, extended households. In light of the information on income as well as household structure differences between the TNCs, large Indian, and small-scale firms, we will investigate whether women in different firms assess their position in the household differently, or whether they perceive women’s problems and gender issues differently from each other. WOMEN AND ATTITUDES ABOUT GENDER EQUALITY Women in this study have some important things in common. They work full-time, do similar tasks, and hold permanent jobs. Also, these women have in common the 217 218 industry they work for, one that is part of India’s modern sector. The jobs held by these workers are part of the organized sector, implying privilege in a developing country’s crowded labor markets and large unorganized sector. These females also live in one of the largest, most cosmopolitan, and most populated metropolises in the world, Bombay, which suggests a certain commonality of experience for them. However, there are several crucial differences between these female pharmaceutical workers. In an industry that is stratified into firms of various sizes and differing degrees of economic strength, they are placed into firms offering varying rewards and working conditions. An important research question of the study was: Do the respondents’ attitudes towards sex roles present a picture of homogeneity of attitude due to the commonality of their eXperience, or do they differ because their work and households are different? Very few past studies have investigated the question of sex-role attitudes of women. Studies on modernization have found a link between modern factory work and modern attitudes such as personal independence, gender equality, and interest in current events. This study examines women’s gender awareness by specifically looking at how Working women feel about gender-based division of household work and men’s participation in it. The study also probes oPinions about accepting and offering of dowry, educating 219 sons and daughters, and about whether women should be obedient to elders. Finally, the study attempts to examine whether the women feel that their status has improved in the family and whether they think they are able to make independent decisions. The two most important points that emerge in the following data analysis are that an overwhelming proportion of the female respondents have modern attitudes and opinions, and that, contrary to expectations, there is no difference between women working for different firms. The only exception is the systematic relationship of the variable of "obedience" with firm type; women have different opinions on whether women should be obedient to elders in the family. Crosstabulations between various attitude and opinion measures and firm type are presented below. 220 Table 8-1 "Should Boys and Girls Be Reared Differently," by Firm Type Different TNC Large Indian Small-scale Rearing 12 4 7 23 Yes 16.2% 11.8% 21.2% No 62 30 26 118 Difference 83.8% 88.2% 78.8% 74 34 33 141 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (1) (1) (2) (4) Chi-sq 1.1005 Significance .5767 Table 8-2 "Should Boys and Girls Be Educated Differently," by Firm Type Education TNC Large Indian Small-scale Different 15 2 5 22 Yes 20.0% 5.9% 14.3% NO 60 32 30 122 Difference 80.0% 94.1% 85.7% _- - - 75 34 35 144 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 1006 Missing (1) (1) Chi-sq 4.1379 Significance .1263 221 On the essentially gender issue that is still quite relevant in the old and developing society of India, of whether or not boys and girls should be reared and educated differently, the majority in the present data agrees that there should be no difference in rearing or education for boys and girls (see Tables 8-1 and 8-2). These results are quite important as they are suggestive of the modernizing influence of work (or related factors such as urban residence, education of self and husband, etc.) on opinions and attitudes. I Dowry has been a burning issue among women’s groups over the past two decades in India because it is a cause of much family violence against women, and there have been strong efforts to educate people on the issue through media. This study explored how the women workers felt about dowry, which is a symbol of women’s inferiority in the society. Women were asked whether they would accept or offer a dowry in a family wedding. Their answers are recorded in Tables 8-3 and 8-4. 222 Table 8-3 Accepting Dowry in a Male Family Member’s Wedding, by Firm Type Accept Dowry TNC Large Indian Small-scale 12 4 4 20 Yes 17.4% 11.8% 11.4% 57 30 31 118 No Dowry 82.6% 88.2% 88.6% 69 34 35 138 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (6) (1) (7) Chiesq 0.9429 Significance .6240 Table 8-4 Offering Dowry in a Female Family Member’s Wedding, by Firm Type Offer Dowry TNC Large Indian Small—Scale 16 11 6 33 Yes 23.5% 32.4% 17.1% 52 23 29 104 No Dowry 76.5% 67.6% 82.9% 68 34 35 137 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (7) (l) (8) Chi-sq 2.1949 Significance .3337 223 The responses of the female workers from all three firm types on the question of dowry unequivocally indicate that dowry-giving or -accepting is unpopular with them. However, some of their comments are quite illuminating on the issue: "Dowry custom is not there (in our community). But if they ask, if the family (of the groom) is well-to-do, we might have to give dowry," said one. Another woman played a variation on the tune, with "No dowry, unless the marriage stops without it. Dowry system is wrong, and I have six daughters." Here the point to reckon with is that dowry may be disliked, but is a hard fact of life. Although the attitude towards dowry is common among all workers, it is not clear whether it is treated as a question of women’s compromised dignity. One woman among many put the issue in these words: "No accepting dowry. Can’t afford to give it either. It is wrong, now that we give education (to daughters)." Our respondents are not in favor of raising boys and girls differently, or of giving them different types of education. Dowry is seen as undesirable. Thus, women in the study seem to be free of traditional practices, at least in principle. This probe went further in the area of work-sharing among men and women in the home, and the results are presented in Table 8-5. 224 Table 8-5 Should men help in the housework, by Firm Type Should Men TNC Large Indian Small-Scale Help? 9 10 10 29 No 15.0% 28.6% 28.6% 51 25 25 101 Yes 85.0% 71.4% 71.4% 60 35 35 130 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (15) (15) Chi-sq 3.5185 Significance .1721 A large majority - over 77% of women - express the opinion that men should help with housework. Women workers from all three firm types voiced this opinion, although their proportion is much (fourteen percentage points) larger in the TNCs. These results should be seen with caution, however, because when asked to elaborate on the idea of work-sharing, many women defended this traditional division of work. WOMEN AND INDIVIDUALITY Women in India are socialized to become submissive and obedient. Are these ideals woven into the female personality applicable today, even in cases of working women employed in these highly sought-after jobs? When 225 asked whether the respondents believed that the women should be obedient, the responses were far from being traditional or unanimous. Table 8-6 Obedience to Authority, by Firm Type Obedience TNC Large Indian Small-scale 18 20 20 58 Yes 25.5% 57.1% 57.1% Sometimes, 53 15 15 83 Or Never 74.6% 42.9% 42.9% 71 35 35 141 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (4) (4) Chi-sq 15.0080 Significance .0005 Table 8-6 is important for two reasons. First, while the majority of the women feel that obedience is not an important value, they are systematically divided between TNC and Indian firms. Close to three fourths of TNC workers state that obedience to elders in the family is not necessary, while the proportion of such an opinion drops to less than half in both large and small firms in the Indian sector. We can speculate that work and union experiences have created a sense of esteem and power among women. However, our data is not sufficiently detailed to provide a support for this explanation of the difference between women in TNC and Indian firms. 226 The second important thing to note is that the results in Table 8-6 are somewhat contradicted in the next Table 8-7 in which the issue of independent decision-making among the workers is explored. Table 8-7 Independent Decision by Firm Type Independent TNC Large Indian Small-scale Decision 21 14 9 44 No 30.4% 40.0% 26.5% Always, Sometimes, 48 21 25 94 Or Consensus 69.6% 60.0% 73.5% 69 35 34 138 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (6) (l) (7) Chi-sq 1.5629 Significance .4577 A majority of women in the sample claimed that they enjoyed independence in making decisions on issues concerning themselves. Although the women in TNCs and Indian firms felt differently about obedience as a value for women, they were not too dissimilar in their feelings about self-decision. In fact, the results someWhat reversed; while a greater proportion of women in TNCs stated that they did not believe in obedience for women, the women in small-scale firms out-proportioned them.in claiming self-decision. 227 Women’s approaches to themselves and their families were assessed from their responses to this simple question: What is your greatest wiSh for the future? The responses ranged from "all desires have been crushed," "death in peace," "good marriage for daughter," "good job for husband," to "happy retirement," "financial independence." We recoded the responses into two simple categories -- "family-oriented wishes" as opposed to "self-oriented wishes," -- and crosstabulated them with firm type to see whether there are systematic differences among the workers’ aspirations for the future. The results are presented in table 8-8. The data show a substantively, not simply statistically, significant relationship between women’s orientations and firm type. The women working in the more prosperous TNC jobs appear to be individualistic and show concerns over retirement, building a house, or having a comfortable life. Women in large and small Indian firms, on the other hand, more often seem family—oriented in expressing their wishes where they are concerned about their children’s marriages, jobs, and education. Thus, the variable distinguishes between family-centrality and individuality. The differences among women in this aspect can be taken as signs of different life-styles that emerge from differing work experiences. 228 Table 8-8 Greatest wish by Firm Type Greatest TNC Large Indian Small-scale Wish 4 8 4 16 None 6.7% 24 2% 12.1% Family— 24 16 19 59 Oriented Wish 40.0% 48.5% 57.6% Self-Oriented 32 9 10 51 Wish 53.3% 27.3% 30.3% 60 33 33 126 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (15) (2) (2) (19) Chi-sq 10.9829 Significance .0267 The study, at this point, aims at investigating another important question. How do these working women, significant earners in their families, perceive their position in their families? The study hypothesized that women in the larger firms report that they have acquired more respect and decision-making power within their families. Employment in better jobs is likely to create self-esteem and, in turn, a feeling of having status and power in the household. As the Tables 8-9 and 8-10 exhibit, the data do not support the hypothesis about differences in the feelings of greater status and empowerment. In this area of perception, there is little difference between women in TNCs and the Indian sector, or women in the small and large firms. Nonetheless, it is important to observe that the 229 majority, between 54% and 60% of the female workers, indicated that they feel empowered and find greater status for themselves in their households. Table 8-9 Greater Status by Firm Type Greater TNC Large Indian Small-scale Status 34 17 24 75 Yes 57.6% 51.5% 72.7% 25 16 9 50 No 42.4% 48.5% 27.3% 59 33 33 125 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (16) (2) Chi-sq 3.4495 Significance .1782 230 Table 8-10 Empowerment by Firm Type Empowerment TNC Large Indian Small-scale 26 11 17 54 Yes 56 5% 44.0% 65.4% 2O 14 9 43 NO 43.5% 56.0% 34.6% 46 25 26 97 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (29) (10) (9) (48) Chi-sq 2.3975 Significance .3015 Tables 8-9 and 8-10 strongly suggest that although more than half of all female pharmaceutical industry workers included in the sample do feel their status and power has increased because they work, these females are spread quite evenly over the three types of firm. It would seem that the type of industry they work for has no bearing on the women’s feelings on status or empowerment. Studies done in Southeast Asian societies have argued that the single most drawback of having a manufacturing employment for the women is poor reputation the "factory girls" suffer from in the society (Lim 1983; Ong 1987). Women in this study rarely stated that their employment raised questions about their character. Most women in fact conveyed that working women, because of their earning power, enjoy greater respect in their families than non-working women. "Yes, there is rise in status due to 231 work. Nobody cares unless you work," said a woman working for a small-scale firm. On the other hand, a young female worker from a large-scale Indian company said, "Some people call names, start rumors, ask questions about where the wife goes. (On the other hand) some others respect a working woman." Another woman, in a similar vein, confided, "Some people think working women are no good. But most people like them. (Working women) have a better situation at home." concluding Remarks This chapter examines female workers’ attitudes on gender roles, values of individuality versus family-centrality, and their perceptions of status and power in the household. Women in the pharmaceutical industry hold egalitarian ideas on raising children, offering or accepting of dowry, and work-sharing between genders. This suggests a modernity of attitudes towards gender relations across firms. Our hypothesis that there is a systematic difference in women’s gender attitudes, that women in large firms show more egalitarian gender orientation than those in smaller firms, was not supported by the data. Tiano and Fiala (1988) reports in her study of maquiladoras that workers in the electronics factories held more modern and egalitarian values than their counterparts 232 in textile or service industries. They have attributed this to the modern authority structure in the electronics industry. These data show that, despite the differences in the organization of work, there is no difference in women’s values of gender equality. I would argue that the finding of "no differences" is an important one; it provides a reference point for the future comparative work on gender attitudes among women. This finding also supports the contention among some liberal and socialist feminists that wagework leads to modern value orientations. Some interesting findings emerged when I analyzed the responses to two questions on obedience and independence: "Do you think it is important for a woman to do what her parents, husband or in-laws want her to do?" and "Do you feel that you decide on matters concerning your life, or do you often find yourself doing what others want you to do?" It was found that the hypothesis that women in the large firms enjoy greater sense of autonomy and power was partially supported; women in the TNC firms (nearly 75%) strongly opposed the idea of obedience whereas over 57% of the women in both large Indian and small-scale Indian firms said that they think obedience is a good value for women. These results showed a discrepancy with responses to the question on "independent decisions." Here, 73.5% of the women in small-scale firms claimed that they made their own decisions, followed by the women in TNCs (69.6%) and large 233 Indian firms (60%). In other words, those women who upheld the value of obedience also expressed independence in decision-making. This discrepancy can be interpreted as women’s desire for independence but their conscious effort to find consensus in the household. Foo (1987) has reported similar findings in her data on Malaysian female factory workers in her study of their conjugal attitudes. On the other hand, this discrepancy may mean that working outside home may be creating a contradiction in values and action. Thus, the young women in small-scales are freer in spirit despite their traditional upbringing. The discrepancy may be explained in terms of class differences in interpreting the meaning of obedience and self-decision. Thus, the women in TNCs have greater expectations and hence feel that they are not able to exercise their will. This has a parallel in Sharan’s (1988) report that women in the middle class underestimate their own status whereas their working class counterparts overestimate it. Finally, the contradiction in results can be explained in terms of weakness of methodology, that the questions were not clear enough, causing different interpretations. By asking women what their greatest wish in life was, I assessed whether their thinking is self- or family—centered. There is a finding of weak relationship between firm type and greatest wish; women in small firms 234 show family-centered wishes as opposed to the women in large firms who express individualistic wishes. Thus, employment is likely to have a bearing on one’s values and perceptions. Women working in the pharmaceutical industry uniformly report that there is rise in their status and power in the household. This suggests that working has positive impact on women’s sense of well-being, as suggested by previous research and theory (Lim 1983; Kung 1981). CHAPTER NINE CONCLUSIONS This study aimed to examine the impact of wagework on women and their households. The study design included three groups of female workers employed in the firms of varying sizes in India’s pharmaceutical industry. This study analyzed the differences among women in terms of their work experiences and organization of their households. To further understand the differences among them, the study also compared women’s views about work, self, and more abstract issues such as sense of status, esteem, independence, and attitudes towards gender equality. Such a comparative approach was premised on the assumption that different work experiences have varying impact on the workers’ economic status and attitudes towards crucial aspects in life. Female workers have become an integral part of India’s pharmaceutical industry, where they have been employed in packing or related jobs. The sight of female workers in white gowns busily at work in the clean environments of large pharmaceutical firms symbolizes their victorious entry into the modern-sector employment. However, jobs in 235 236 the pharmaceutical industry confer upon their female workers significantly varied experiences in terms of physical environment, organization of work, and reward structure. This study found that there are significant differences among the firms of different sizes and ownership. WOMEN’S SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS The differences in the wages and rewards are significant in the three types of firm included in the study - TNCs, and large- and small-scale firms. Workers in the TNCs are at the upper end of the spectrum of wages and benefits offered in the industry. Within the Indian sector, workers in the large firms earn better incomes and other benefits than the workers in the small-scale sector. The wages of the workers in small-scale companies are often only a fraction of those offered by the TNC and large-scale Indian firms. Not surprisingly, households of female workers enjoy varying levels of living standards, measured in terms of the type of housing units they occupy. My hypothesis that women in three firm types enjoy different SES levels was supported by the data. One of the most important findings in the study was that women working for large firms, especially the TNCs, make significant economic contributions to their households’ incomes and SES. It can 237 be argued based on the data that women are crucial actors in defining their households’ economic status. The relationship between firm type and SES levels was weak when the SES measure was assessed on the basis of husbands’ education/occupation/income to measure status. When the SES measure included women’s education and income in the measure, the status difference was heightened, underwriting the advantage of women working in large firms over those in small firms. The data also indicate that the wages of the workers in small-scale firms are a smaller but important proportion of their households’ incomes. These results are consistent with previous findings that female blue collar workers’ incomes meet their households’ survival needs, and that women’s work is not a pastime (Ramanamma and Bambawale 1987). WOMEN AND THE SEGMENTATION OF LABOR MARKETS The literature on the labor markets in the developing countries has assessed the problems of overabundance of labor, type of employment growth, and mechanisms of labor allocation visible in the labor markets. Studies have found evidence of separate, non-competing labor market in the urban industrial centers of the developing nations. 238 Existence of dual labor markets has been widely noted by labor economists in India (Mukhopadhyay 1981, 1989; Deshpande 1983), and finds support in my data. This study found that women not only work in differing working conditions, they have different work trajectories. Thus, workers in the TNCs frequently report their present place of employment as their first since their entry into the labor market. Women in the national-sector firms, on the other hand, tend to have worked in other jobs before getting employed into the present ones. The women in larger firms have enjoyed longer tenure in their jobs than their counterparts in the small—scale firms. Thus, my sample suggests that women in the three groups are in different career paths and in the jobs offering varying rewards and benefits. This suggests the existence of separate, non-competing labor markets. The literature on dual labor market theory has dealt with the segmentation of labor markets based on gender or ethnicity whereby women and minorities are pushed into undesirable, secondary-sector employment (Edwards 1979). However, it is important to note that this study finds stratification among the "women’s" jobs. This raises questions about the mechanisms that influence women’s specific place of insertion in the labor market. While the female workers in this study are part of the "factory" or "organized" sector, they are divided into firms that are large and powerful and those that are on the 239 borderline between the "factory" and "workshop" sectors, or "organized" and "unorganized" sectors. The study attempted to gauge the Operational criteria in the labor market that explain women’s particular placements. In other words, the study examined the the differences in the education levels, and other demographic and social characteristics of women working for different types of firm. The study found that age, education, religion, and father’s education and occupation have some effect on women’s placements. Older, married women tend to be in larger firms. Fathers of TNC workers are more likely to have worked in white-collar jobs and had longer schooling. Non-Hindus are found in larger, better-paying firms, whereas lower-caste Hindu women tend to work in small-scale firms. Educational levels of TNC and small-scale workers are higher than those who work for large Indian firms. This last observation indicates that the standards of recruitment are becoming stricter even for the weaker jobs in the industry, suggesting abundance of labor supply. An important observation the study made is that workers in the better jobs in the industry are typically older and married. This contradicts the reports from different parts of the developing world that manufacturing jobs are occupied by young and single women who have an advantage over older, married women in the labor market (Fernandez-Kelly 1983; Jones ed. 1984). One explanation is that this finding may hold true only in unionized jobs 240 in the modern-sector industries offering stable jobs. In industries and firms in the secondary sector where women’s jobs are not secure, older, married women in fact may find themselves in a vulnerable position. This study explored the differences in the class backgrounds of workers. My hypothesis that all pharmaceutical workers come from similar class backgrounds was not supported by the data. Women in TNCs tend to have fathers who had greater education and held white-collar jobs. This suggests that the TNC workers were somewhat more privileged, that the women who had fathers in white-collar jobs also had access to better jobs in the labor market. Although the women working in the TNC jobs had slightly higher SES than the rest, the differences in variables of education levels, ages, and other characteristics of women in the three types of firm, or the tasks they perform are not vastly different from each other. This raises questions about the basis on which their stratification occurs. Is it the difference in their class position, or in the network of kin which provides job referrals of information on jobs that influence their levels of entry in the stratified labor market? Is there a possibility of mobility from lower to higher strata? Is the gap between different different sectors widening or stationary? These questions are outside the scepe of this study but suggest a strong need for research on the issue 241 of workers’s stratification in the labor market. Some studies have noted the importance of informal information networks and availability of referrals from kin-members in initial job placement. Whether or not these observations apply to female workers can be determined by further empirical work on female workers. WOMEN’S ATTITUDES TOWARD WORK This study explored women’s attitudes towards work and made some interesting observations. The female workers in the pharmaceutical industry tend to be complacent about their workplace. They report little grievances over the treatment accorded them by their supervisors or the health and safety standards maintained at their workplaces. However, the women in the TNCs are more critical of their workplace than their counterparts in the national sector. This study observed that proportionately more women in the TNCs feel that the supervisors are not fair, or that the safety conditions are not satisfactory, than the women in the national sector. Thus, the data suggest that the women in the TNCs are more aware and critical of their surroundings than the women in the Indian firms where safety standards are often more questionable than in the TNCs. When asked to make suggestions to their firms, proportionately more TNC workers suggested wage- and 242 benefit-hikes than those in small and large Indian firms. Given that the wages in the TNC sector are among the best in the entire industrial sector, this finding suggests that TNC workers are an upwardly-mobile group with middle-class aspirations. The most frequent demand by the Indian-sector workers was for greater facilities and comforts in the workplace. Sharan (1986) has reported that women workers in better employment are upwardly bound and show greater displeasure with their situation than those in inferior jobs. These data concur with her findings and suggest embourgeoisement of TNC workers. The women also stated that they do not want to quit or that they do not want to find a different employment. This suggests a strong work commitment on the part of female workers, and contradicts a prevalent belief that women are not serious about their wagework. Similar findings have appeared in previous literature assessing women’s job commitment (Ramanamma and Bambawale 1987). WOMEN AND THE HOUSEHOLDS A major research question of the study was whether women with different placements live in correspondingly different types of household. I found strong evidence of differences in the characteristics of households among three groups of women. 243 The study found that there is a difference in the household size; workers in larger firms tend to live in smaller, nuclear households, whereas workers in small-scale firms are likely to be living in larger households. This supports my contention that women with small incomes live in families where income-pooling is done. Although single women tend to live with parents in India, which may explain the larger size of households, the fact remains that daughters and married sons cohabit with parents in large households. This can potentially have a negative impact on women’s autonomy. On the other hand, studies done in the different parts of the developing world have suggested that larger households can also mean shared burden of running a household, and a possibility of some relief from housework for the working woman (Safa 1985; Beneria and Roldan 1987). Contrary to the expectations, I found that the TNC workers spend similar amounts of time doing housework than their peers in large and small Indian-sector firms. These women typically live in small, nuclear households, and have little help available. On the other hand, I also found that women in small-scale firms, and those living in larger households get more help in terms of housework. In other words, the poorly-paid women who live in large households shoulder less housework than women in larger firms who make much better incomes. The trade-off between "relief from patriarchy" in a nuclear household and "shared housework" in an extended 244 household deserves a careful examination. In the heart of the debate are issues of health and longevity of the working women, and welfare of the children, as well as the positive, long-range psychological and ideological consequences of freedom from "patriarchal" domination of women in the extended-family household. The SES level of the household, affordability of help, modern gadgetry, or pre-processed foods, and, importantly, possibility of shared work between genders are some of the important variables in the meaningful consideration of the debate. It is not known whether small, nuclear families or large, extended households foster greater well-being of women. There is nothing inherently desirable about either type of household. The issue whether women are better-off or worse-off in large households can only be resolved with more empirical work. The present data, nonetheless, clearly demonstrate that women in better-paid jobs are able to afford greater living standards, and, therefore, are better-off than those in poorly-paid jobs. Thus, irrespective of the size of the household, women in well-paying jobs report that they enjoy greater autonomy in the household. That TNC workers enjoy a strong position in the household becomes clear from the findings that women in the TNCs and, to a lesser extent, in large Indian firms tend to undertake "men’s" tasks involving money and power - such as shopping and management of money. These results are 245 consistent with the findings from studies in India. Agarwal (1988) has argued that there is a link between wife’s income and occupational status relative to her husband’s, and her status at home. Results from another measure of empowerment - women’s self-perception of improvements in status and power - suggested that, in fact, greater proportion of the women in the small firms report a sense of greater status and empowerment, than their counterparts in larger firms. It clearly shows that although the wages are considerably lower, women in small-scale firms experience a relatively greater increment in their status in their household and community. The issue of empowerment shows links to intangible benefits of working, quite apart from the size of the absolute or relative economic contribution of a woman to her household. The study had hypothesized differences in awareness of exploitation at work or in the household among the three groups of women. Although a small difference was found in the critical attitude toward employers, and that TNC workers were more critical than other workers of their workplace, I found little difference among women in terms of gender awareness. Women reveal egalitarian attitudes in gender-related matters such as education of the children, practice of dowry, and division of labor in the household. They tend to express opinions that boys and girls should receive similar educations and upbringing, that the 246 institution of dowry is demeaning and should be abolished, and housework should be shared between the husband and wife. On the other hand, while there are difference concerning the value of "obedience," and women in the Indian firms tend to believe that women need to be obedient to elders, women in all firms overwhelmingly also claim that they are able to have independence in decision—making. Women in the TNCs and large Indian firms appear more self-oriented than their counterparts in the small-scale firms and this may be sign of the differences in the levels of affluence among the two groups. However, women also report that their status at home has improved and that they enjoy greater power in the households. The data on attitudes tend to suggest that women’s attitudes and sense of status and empowerment are similar across firms. Such similarity is likely to emanate from their engaging in wage employment. These findings are significant because they show a similarity in awareness level, while there exist differences in living standards. Thus women in my sample are culturally and educationally quite similar although they belong to different SES levels. Such circumstances can potentially lead to feelings of relative deprivation among the women in the small firms. 247 The discussion of research findings now brings me to the implicit but fundamental question that motivated this study: Are women better-off or worse of because of their wagework? The objective criterion of increased living standards would suggest that the women are indeed better-off. The women also indicate that their status and autonomy in the household has improved, which is another proof that their employment helps to raise their social status. In consistency with previous reports suggesting greater self—esteem for working women (Kung 1981; Foo 1987), this study found that women have gained a measure of confidence and positive image of themselves which can be attributed to their working outside the home. Although a few women reported that their neighbors or family members secretly question their "character" because they work with men, or that they are treated unkindly because they work outside their home, an overwhelming majority enjoyed acceptance of their status as working women in their social circle. Moreover, there was no evidence of coercion by the family into making the women pursue wagework. With very few exceptions, nor was there an evidence of delayed marriages of daughters to expropriate their salaries. It can be argued that women acquire egalitarianism and self-esteem by working in a modern-sector workplace. Thus, 248 in concurrence with the data from East and Southeast Asian countries, my data shows that women’s status improves with wagework. The next question that derives from the question on working women’s status is: whether or not women’s wagework enhances their exploitation as women, as some socialist—feminist scholars have argued (Elson and Pearson 1981). This is a complex question and many different aspects of women’s employment need to be considered to answer it. First it should be understood that women are exploited in their jobs as any other worker are. Moreover, these workers are branded into packing jobs only. They are also hired for their "patience" and "dexterity." These suggest limits on their access to other jobs in the industry. When mechanization hits, women tend to lose their jobs to men and machines. Unions are not too enthusiastic in pursuing women’s causes, nor can these women be easily employed in other industries. Thus, these jobs show signs of classic "female" jobs which exploit gender in the labor market. There is no evidence, however, of blatant forms of sexism or sexual harassment in the workplace. Nonetheless, the women report that unions or managements are often rude. They also complain that fellow male workers get better grades and skill-training than the women. Moreover, there is some evidence that women’s jobs in large firms are shrinking. These observations point to their exploitation 249 at the workplace. These grievances do not call for withdrawal from the labor market but organization and collective action, in my opinion. The critical problem that the study brings forth is that of women’s segmentation into firms offering varying wage-scales and quality of workplace. This study raises the question of whether women’s exploitation is enhanced by their employment into stratified firms. This problem can be unraveled only by further investigation of the relationship between different strata of the industry. This study found that large firms subcontract some production to small-scale firms. This means that large firms profit partly because of the lower wages paid to the small-scale employees. Thus, stratified industrial structure may involve greater exploitation of the women in smaller firms. To summarize, this study has made a contribution to the discipline of gender studies, and specifically, to the area of women’s work in development. This study of female industrial workers takes a comparative look at the women’s position in the segmented labor market and examines their relative positions as workers and also as female members of their households. Very little prior research has dealt with the question of female workers’ stratification within a single industry. This work attempts to fill the gap in the literature, and addresses the issue of the impact of different types of employment on women’s status. 250 Whereas much current research has been conducted on young, single female workers, and those working in free-trade zones, workers in other, equally important industries and older workers have been neglected. This research focuses on the section of the working class that has been ignored - married and middle-aged or older women with a long tenure in their industrial employment. In contrast to the previous literature that suggests that young, single women have an advantage in the labor market over older, married women (Tiano 1988; Fernandez-Kelly 1983), this study found that older, married women work for larger firms in both transnational as well as national sectors. STRENGTHS AND WEAKNESSES OF THE STUDY The two most striking weaknesses of the study come from its small size of sample and inability to incorporate open-ended interviews in the design of study. Large sample size and long, open-ended interviews would likely have facilitated a better understanding of many issues, such as attitudes of individuality and self-esteem, feelings of empowerment, and allowed more in-depth look at both the workplaces and households. One of the strengths of the study is its address of the issue of women’s status in the small-scale sector where a rising number of women work at low wage-rates. This 251 study also raises questions about the future of female employment in the pharmaceutical industry, quality of the jobs that are available to women, and the real-life consequences of different jobs for the women. Previous research on working women’s status in development has failed to focus on these wider, political and economic issues. This study argues that contexts of the state policy and the nature of economy should be taken into consideration to enhance the understanding about women’s employment and their status in the society. India’s preferential treatment of small-scale sector suggests a steady growth of this sector. Policymakers need to safeguard working women’s interests in this employment by improved industrial inspection to monitor safety conditions, and for the implementation of provisions such as employee benefits, minimum wages, and creche services for their young children. This study is a preliminary attempt to understand women workers’ lives in the vertically divided pharmaceutical industry. Much further research work is needed before we will fully comprehend labor market stratification and its short- and long-term consequences for female workers’ status. APPENDICES APPENDIX ONE DEFINITIONS OF VARIABLES A) Employment Variables: 1. Firm size: Classified into the categories large and small, based on the monetary turnover and number of permanent and temporary workers on the payroll. 2. Firm Ownership: Classified into the categories of transnational corporations or TNCs and locally-owned firms. TNCs have at least foreign equity. The two companies selected for study had 75% and 82.33% foreign equity. The Indian firms are owned by indigenous entrepreneurs. 3. Reward structure: It is measured in terms of pay-scales and bonus, benefits such as dearness allowance, medical allowance, company transportation and vacation allowance (leave travel concession). B) Demographic and Structural Variables: 1. Migratory status - a new_migrant versus a native. A new migrant is defined in terms of whether the worker was born, and has lived part of her life, outside the city of Bombay. A native has been born and brought up in Bombay. Bombay is a city of migrants; it was developed by the 252 |___‘ 253 British for commercial purposes, and most of its growth is not more than a hundred years old. 2. Background socioeconomicggtatus (SES): Measured in terms of father’s education and occupation (details of the scale at the end of this chapter.) This is an independent variable in the present study. 3. Present SES: A dependent variable that will be constructed based on the wife’s education and income; husband’s income, education and occupation; joint family income (details of the scale at the end of this chapter.) 4. Age: Measured as a continuous variable, age serves to describe the sample. Also it is an independent variable. 5. Household Size: Includes all resident members related to each other by blood or other kin ties. 6. Extended Family: Households incorporating multiple generations and couples living under the same roof. This may include married siblings with or without children sharing the same house; parents may be present. Cousins, aunts or uncles may also be present. 7. Nuclear Family: Basic conjugal unit - a married couple living with unmarried children. C) Household Division of Labor: Determined from the self-reports of the allocation of ten household tasks among members of the household. Details in the chapter 7. 1. Division of Labor I: Distinguishes between tasks that are done by the respondents alone or with the help of 254 others (score 1), and tasks done by others (score 2). The scale was created by adding the scores on 7 household tasks. Higher scores meant greater work participation by other members. 2. Division of Labor II: Distinguishes between tasks that are done by the respondents solely (score 1), and tasks done by others, or respondents and others (score 2). The scale was created by adding the scores on 7 household tasks. Higher scores meant greater work participation by other members. D) Employment-Related Attitudinal Variable: 1. Critical Work Appraisal: Measured in terms of suggestions made to the management for improvements, and feeling whether or not the supervisor accords a fair treatment. This attitudinal variable is also a key dependent variable in the study. E) Other Attitudinal Variables: 1. Gender Awareness: Awareness of gender issues is measured in terms of opinions on a variety of issues - equal treatment for male and female children with regard to their education and age at marriage; belief in dowry system; expecting husband’s participation in the housework. a. Do you think girls and boys should be raised differently? b. Do you think boys and girls should get different kinds of education? [— 255 c. Would you mind if your family accepts dowry for your brother or son? d. Would you be willing to offer dowry for your sister, sister-in-law or your daughter? e. Should men help with housework? 2. Individuality: Individuality is gauged by asking five questions. Thoughts on obedience; self-perception about independence in making decisions; their greatest wish in life, whether it reflects family-centered attitude, or individualism; personal assessment on increase in status in the family as a result of employment; feeling of empowerment because of paid work. a. Is it important for a woman to do what her parents, husband or in-laws (elders) want her to do? b. Do you feel that you decide on matters concerning your life, or do you find yourself doing what others want you to do? Who are those other people? c. What is your biggest wish for your life in the years to come? d. Do you think you have a greater status because you work? e. Do you think you have more power in the household because you work? Question c was an open-ended question; responses for the others were yes, no (and elaborate). Answers to c were recorded into 35 responses, and later recoded into 3 - "no wish," "family-oriented wish," and "self-oriented wish." 256 F) Socioeconomic Status (SES): Education, occupation and income have emerged as most useful indicators of status in the prior literature. Some researchers also include caste or ethnicity as added dimensions of status. Sharan (1986), for her study of female workers in Kanpur, developed an SES scale which inspired one I used in the present study of pharmaceutical workers. I did not use caste as a dimension in calculating the SES of Hindu respondents for two reasons: most women in the sample belong to high status groups and there is not enough variace in the variable (see a discussion of this issue in Babbie: 394); small sample size did not allow two separate analyses for Hindu and non-Hindu women. Father’s Socioeconomic Status (SES): We defined the socioeconomic status as a cumulative effect of education and occupation. a) Education was recorded in the number of years and later recoded into three categories, and given scores as follows: 1. high - beyond high school (3 pt.s) 2. medium - high school (2 pt.s) 3. low - less than high school (1 pt.) . b) Occupations were recorded into 99 categories, later collapsed into two, and scored as follows: 1. white-collar - all type of work that requires record-keeping, book-keeping or managing, presupposes education 2 t.s) . . . 2. blue-coilag - skilled or unskilled menial and serVice jobs (1 pt.) 257 Education and occupation scores were added up and then collapsed into two categories — high and low. Frequency Distribution: Father’s Education Father’s Occupation high 22 high 64 medium 45 low 67 low 52 Father’s Socioeconomic Status high 46 low 65 Socioeconomic Status I - Husband’s Socioeconomic status (SES): Essentially the same method as above was used, except that the final score had three components — education, occupation, and income. Education and income had three categories and occupation was recoded into two. a) S MNH .0 Education: high - beyond high school (3 pt.s) medium - high school (2 pt.s) low - less than high school (1 pt.) Income: high - Rs.2401-6000 (3 pt.s) medium - Rs.1501-2400 (2 pt.s) low - Rs.10w-1500 (1 pt.) Occupation: white collar (2 pt.s) blue collar (1 pt.) All three scores were added up and then collapsed into two categories - high and low. 258 Frequency Distribution: Husband’s Income Rs.2401-6000 26 Rs.1501-2400 27 Rs.low-ISOO 28 Education Occupation high 52 high 84 medium 40 low 41 low 13 Husband’s Socioeconomic Status high 31 low 42 Socioeconomic Status II - Household’s Current Socioeconomic Status: Same as above but with two additions. Wife’s income and education were added to the scores. a) b) C) d) Husband’s Education: same as above, three categories Wife’s Education: same as above, three categories Occupation: same as above, two categories Income: husband and wife’s combined income 1. high - Rs. 4501-9500 (3 pt.s) 2. medium - Rs. 3001-4500 (2 pt.s) 3. low - Rs. low-3000 (1 pt.) The 4 scores were added up and then collapsed into two categories - high and low. 259 Frequency Distribution: Combined Income Wife’s Education Rs.4501-9500 25 high 15 Rs.3001-4500 29 medium 83 Rs.low-3000 25 low 47 Husband’s Education Occupation high 52 high 31 medium 40 low 42 low 13 Household’s Socioeconomic Status high 48 low 24 The idea for this scale came from text books on methodology (Nachimas and Nachimas 1987; Babbie 1989) and from Sharan’s work (1985; 1986). Sharan uses an additional component,‘ caste’, in her scale. The problem with having caste in the scale in the present data analysis was that we would have to forego the data on non-Hindu women to whom issue of caste is not applicable. Due to the small size of the sample, we decided against using caste as a component in the socioeconomic status measure. APPENDIX TWO DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION Firms Sample Size TNC - 1. 53 2. 22 Large Indian - 1. 20 2 15 Small-Scale Indian - 1. 5 2. 5 3. 9 4. 8 5. 8 Table A. 2-2 Age Range — 19 - 59 Median - 40 Mode - 45 Average - 38.97 260 261 Marital Status Single - 27 Married - 100 Divorced - 2 Separated - 3 Widowed - 12 Remarried - 1 Table A. 2-4 Number of Children None - 19 One - 24 Two - 39 Three - 23 Four - 4 Five - 4 Six - 1 Not Applicable - 27 Table A. 2-5 Number of Children Under Five None - 82 One - 19 Two - 3 262 Table A. 2-6 Size of the Household One - 3 Two - 15 Three - 19 Four - 29 Five - 32 Six - 19 Seven - 12 Eight - 8 Nine - 2 Ten + - 1 Table A. 2-7 Monthly Income - Self Range - Rs. 300 through Rs. 4000. Median - 2000 Mode - 2500 Average - 1998.84 Husband’s Income Range - Rs. 0 through Rs.6000 Median - 2000 Mode - 2000 Average - 2011.60 263 Table A. 2-9 Combined Monthly Income Range - Rs. 1150 through Rs. 9500 Median - 4000 Mode - 4500 Average - 4082.78 Table A. 2-10 Relative Income (Wife’s Income as a Portion of Combined Income) Range - 29% through 100% Median - 53% Mode - 50% Average — 54% Table A. 2-11 Father’s Occupation Professional/Administrative - 14 Service-Upper Level - 41 Service-Lower Level - 12 Blue-Collar (Skilled) - 24 Blue-Collar (Semi-Skilled) — 12 Blue—Collar (Unskilled) - 15 Self-Employed - 2 Self-Employed-Lower Level - 10 264 Husband’s Occupation Professional/Administrative - 19 Service-Upper Level - 32 Service-Lower Level - 6 Blue-Collar (Skilled) - 22 Blue-Collar (Semi-Skilled) - 8 Blue-Collar (Unskilled) - 0 Self-Employed - 5 Self-Employed-Lower Level - 9 Table A. 2-13 Religion Hindu - 102 Muslim - 5 Christian - 23 Buddhist - 3 Parsi - 11 Jain - 1 265 Table A. 2-14 Caste Scheduled Caste - 1 Kunbi (Peasant Caste) - 2 Occupation-Based (Middle Range) — 16 Vani (Merchant) - 10 Maratha/Patel (Kshatriya, land-owning or warrior castes) - 28 C.K.P./Saraswat/Nayar - 29 Brahmin - 13 APPENDIX THREE PHARMACEUTICAL TRADE UNIONS The pharmaceutical industry boasts of modern technology, clean work environment, and increasing industrial output. Firms within the industry that employ twenty workers without power or ten workers with power fall within the organized sector, as defined by the Factories Act 1948, and are bound by government’s industrial and labor laws. Out of the nine firms included in the sample, all but one have unions. Unions are an integral part of the industrial sector, and the pharmaceutical industry. However, experiences associated with this study suggested that unions vary in their organization, methods and effectiveness. Transnational Companies and Unions Glaxo - This United Kingdom—originated company is the largest pharmaceutical company in India in terms of its sales. As of 1987, Glaxo employed 599 women and 938 men in its Bombay operations, out of which 574 women and 703 men worked in the factory. Glaxo has had an internal union since 1951, although external unions have often tried to 266 267 penetrate causing much tension and even violence. (See Chapter Four for discussion of external and internal unions.) The union office is located on the factory premises with full-time leaders and staff that are on company payroll. During the course of this research, I encountered unions on a number of occasions providing a rare glimpse into the working of the union. It was quite clear that the union has a good standing with workers and played an important role in the organization of work. The management acknowledged that the union was a force to be reckoned with. That the union is a real power became clear on the same day that the personnel department accepted my proposal for conducting the present study in their factory. I was informed that their approval was not sufficient, and the personnel department would have to approach the union leadership for their approval. "Unless the union okays this project, none of the workers would cooperate with the researcher. On the other hand, even unwilling workers would allow an interview if the union puts in its good word." After a brief meeting, the project not only received a stamp of approval, but also received help and useful information from union officials on a number of labor-related issues. These union leaders appeared to be highly educated, charismatic and fully devoted to their cause of protecting the workers’ interests. 268 The union has been influential in the day-to-day operations. The company cannot make any changes in work without discussing them with the union first. Any individual worker grievances are followed through by the union. In the process of collective bargaining the union has proven effective in earning monetary gains for the workers. This union has been supportive of some of the women’s historic struggles such as the struggle in 1960-61 of married women to earn the right to work.. The union also took interest in getting a creche established for workers’ children under five. Despite this commendable record, it seemed that female workers did not participate in union business even though they made about 40% of the work force at the time. Parke Davis - This is another large company with foreign equity. Parent company is U.S.-based Warner Lambert. The union in this company is affiliated to a national-level chemical and pharmaceutical workers’ union. The strength and importance of the union seemed to parallel that of the internal union at Glaxo described above. The union office is located on company premises and enjoys the assistance of a staff that is on company payroll. The company has made impressive productivity increments over the years. Through collective bargaining, the union has helped workers make monetary gains. The union also negotiates solutions to problems between workers and management on issues such as absenteeism, increased 269 work load, mechanization and speed. During my visits there, I once witnessed a work-stoppage. A union representative was immediately summoned who talked to both the supervisor and the workers concerned. Given the mistrust between the workers and the supervisory and upper management personnel, the union’s role was absolutely crucial for conflict resolution. According to the union secretary, there were no women on the committee because they preferred not to stay late for meetings. Naturally, they had no part in the negotiations with management. I was curious to find out what women workers had to say about this. Their response strongly suggested disillusionment. They seemed to think that neither the management nor the union cared about women and hence they did not care to participate in union activities. Large-Scale, Locally-Owned Firms and Unions CIPLA - CIPLA is probably the oldest Indian-owned pharmaceutical company in Bombay. This is the only firm where I was unable to meet with any of the union officials. The information on unions has been derived solely from the interviews with female packers or managers. The union is internal and unionization took place about twelve years back, although the company is about 270 seventy years old. Labor-management relations have been quite stable over the past fifty years, according to the management. Unichem - This firm has had an internal union. In the locally-owned firms, unions seemed less influential to an outsider. The leadership seemed less sophisticated compared to TNC unions. The union secretary casually told me that while pharmaceutical firms will increasingly hire women for various reasons, this was not going to happen at Unichem. After women earned the right to work after marriage in the 1960’s, management in this firm decided not to hire women. As a result, there were only thirty-one women compared to over 500 men in this firm. A member of the management had asserted this was a male-oriented company, obviously the union had not challenged this policy. The union seemed effective in bargaining for more pay, benefits such as leave travel concession (vacation allowance), increments, and medical, housing and educational allowances. On the other hand, union help was essential for the management to enact mechanization and other work-related changes since workers typically resisted productivity increases. Thus, as in other firms, the union seemed to play a mediator’s role between workers and management. 271 Small-Scale, Locally-Owned Firms and Unions Unions in the small-scale factories were a class by themselves; they were organized differently and faced different sets of issues and problems. Here are some examples. Pharmed Gujarat - This is a small company located in an old industrial area in Bombay. It is managed by an energetic and educated man and it employed thirty-eight people in 1987, including ten women. The union in Pharmed Gujarat was affiliated with a powerful, right—wing, regional political party called Shiv Sena. Research in this company was undertaken relatively early in this study. At that time, I had no experience about the union’s important role, but the power of the unions did become apparent in an early encounter. After the manager’s approval of the project, interviews with women workers started the next morning. The first woman interviewee was nervous, and it was a difficult task to derive answers from her. When the woman exited after the interview, two people, a man and a woman, stormed into the room, visibly upset. They were workers who also held elected positions in the union. They were upset because I had not taken their ‘permission’ to conduct the interviews. They seemed suspicious of the management and, hence, suspected my motives. They had no way of knowing what the purpose of the study was, and assumed that the management was surreptitiously making the workers talk 272 to me to serve their own purpose. I tried to appease the two by offering to show them the questionnaire and explaining the nature of the study. I renewed the vow of complete secrecy of the interviews. Unfortunately, it was too late. Although I could see that they trusted me and my motives, now they could not back off. They were offended by the fact that the management did not find it important to consult them before allowing the study. This became a prestige issue. After some negotiation, they agreed to allow the interviews if all the questions about the union were stricken out, and if a female union representative was present in the room during the interviews. I was more than happy to comply with the first demand. I had gotten a lot more information about the union through this episode than would have become available through some routine questions asked of the female workers. However, I, resisted the second demand of having a union representative present at all times during interviews. By this time the tone of conflict had faded and I was informed in a friendly manner that this was in my own interest. The female workers there were quite nervous and would not be comfortable answering any questions unless their trusted union representative and coworker was present. I agreed to the arrangement on the condition that she would not listen to the conversation since it was of personal nature. Thus, we arrived at a mutually agreeable arrangement. 273 Lenec Institute - This company as well as the previous, Pharmed Gujarat, dismantled their outfits due to bitter labor unrest, and later, reinstituted the companies under a different name and registration. Although Pharmed Gujarat, which reopened under a new name in early 1970’s, has a union, Lenec Institute has gotten away without a union after its reopening in the early 1980's. This is possible partly because most workers are young and have worked less than four years. Medicare - This is a fairly well established small-scale company. In the last few years it has had three different unions — one affiliated to a national-level union, one affiliated with the Communist Party of India, and finally, the present one which is affiliated with Shiv Sena. A manager in Medicare described management and unions with the analogy of a lady against a bully, a sentiment that was echoed by at least one more small-scale company manager. This company was small; the factory manager took care of production and marketing. There appeared to be an on-going feud between workers and older members of the office staff who seemed to wield power that was external to their office job. The personnel manager seemed relatively new and ineffective. Workers resented an old clerk fiercely, and on more than one occasion this researcher was a witness to abusive exchanges between workers and this senior staff member. 274 This exchange may have other under-currents. For example, members of upper castes often find it revolting that lower castes have forgotten their traditional humility, stOpped working hard with docility, and aggressively ask for more rewards. It is possible that these older staff members are unable to accept the change in circumstances where the low-caste working people have been fighting for and making monetary gains. A female member of the work force who also is a union representative, pointed out that these senior staff members treat the workers shabbily. She claimed that the workers care about the company’s progress and do hard jobs. However, these people do not appreciate these sacrifices and continue to be abusive. In short, mutual disrespect and distrust was quite apparent which must make work experience quite unpleasant for all employees concerned. Bezel Pharma - This firm had undergone a two-month strike by workers to bring in the union. This was not surprising since the wages in this firm were quite low and management was based on the manager’s personal authority; workers complained of favoritism. More than half the workers, however, were casuals and not protected by unions. Eupharma - The union in this firm is a classic example of co-optation by the management. When the previous union became too inconvenient, management fired a number of workers who were active in the union. Then the oldest, and perhaps most loyal, female worker was invited to form an 275 internal union which the management instantly approved. Most young workers reportedly felt repressed and without any real representation. They had some urgent concerns such as hormonal imbalance (erratic menstrual cycles) due to the exposure to chemicals on the shopfloor. Currently Bombay hosts over 4,000 registered unions many, of which are affiliated with larger unions. Some of these are also affiliated with different political parties. Many pharmaceutical firms enjoy a well-educated work force and happen to have internal, independent unions. The labor movement is strong in Bombay and workers in the large-scale, especially transnational, companies have made progressive gains over the years as the productivity has improved. In smaller companies, unions have had a conflictive relationship with the management, and the industrial sector is ridden with frequent strikes, shut-downs, walk-outs, and loss of work-days. Managements for their part have tried to discourage or co-opt unions. They have also followed the policy of hiring temporary workers so that they do not have to pay benefits. Temporary workers are not organized separately, or by the existing unions, and very few unions have fought for the temporary workers’ cause. In all the unions I encountered, women played virtually no role in negotiations or policy-making. Also, in all firms, women were working in packing (or office) jobs, which were typically rated lower than production 276 jobs. In some firms, automation had excluded women; men had grabbed the new machines and the higher grades that went with those machines. The only forms of automation with which women worked included packing lines such as automatic bottle—filling, sealing, inspection of capsules, or filling bottles in cartons. Conveyor belts increased the output but also put pressure on women without any apparent gains for women. In other words, machines have not necessarily decreased the hardships of manual work. Although not many women workers seemed bothered by it, firms are likely to need less women due to automation. Women's jobs were never on the union’s agenda, thus leaving the women workers quite unprotected in the years to come. This sections elaborates how the female workers feel about their unions. Union membership is automatic; everyone becomes a members of the union as a condition of employment. How serious is their faith in the usefulness of the union? How far do they participate in the union activities? 277 Table A. 3-1 Usefulness of the Union, by Firm Type Is the Union TNC Large Indian Small-Scale Useful? 68 34 17 119 Yes 94.4% 97.1% 81.0% 4 1 4 9 No 5.6% 2.9% 19.0% 72 35 21 128 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (3) (14) (17) Chi-sq 5.8114 Significance .0547 Almost unanimously, women have expressed a vote of confidence in favor of unions. Women believe that unions are necessary for workers to get their demands met. Male and female workers share many demands such as better wages and medical care. Women are not as enthusiastic about their unions if asked about their confidence in the union’s ability to specifically help female workers. Women have special needs that arise from their special status as women. Their lives are demanding as they juggle their domestic responsibilities as mothers, wives, and daughters-in law, with their paid work. They have demands such as flexible timings, better leave structure and shorter work-days. Some of them also expressed dissatisfaction about the 278 company policy of not letting women work with new machinery, thus depriving them of promotions to higher grades and pay scales. Unions have neglected women’s issues. Table A. 3-2 Union Helpful to Women, by Firm Type Is the Union TNC Large Indian Small-Scale Helpful to Women 56 19 13 88 Confident 77.8% 55.9% 61.9% 16 15 8 39 Not Confident 22.2% 44.1% 38.1% 72 34 21 127 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100% Missing (3) (1) (14) (18) Chi-sq 5.8483 Significance .0537 A noteworthy observation here is that the women in the Indian sector seem to have a somewhat less confidence in their union than the women in the TNC sector. Unions are strongest and most powerful in larger and prosperous firms. However, women’s employment and their issues get limited attention from the union. This may partly be the result of women’s lack of energy in 279 participating in the union activities. Women typically showed little interest in formal unionization, though women’s militancy is well—known in times of industrial conflict.1 1 According to a feminist labor activist, women have waged some of the most prolonged and fierce industrial struggles in the State of Maharashtra. They also have militantly supported their husbands' struggles in new and old industries, from textile to engineering. They, however, are unable to get involved in unions on day-to-day basis because they are crushed under their productive and reproductive jobs. Secondly, their lack of participation in unions is caused by male dominance of unions. 9. APPENDIX FOUR Where were you born? How long have you loved in Greater Bombay area? How old are you? How long have you been working in this firm? State the number of years, or the year in which you started working in this firm. Are you married? 1. Yes 2. No 3. Separated 4. Divorced 5. Widowed 6. Divorced and Remarried 7. Widowed and Remarried Did you start working before your marriage? 1. Yes 2. No. Did you work elsewhere before this job? If "yes," name the companies and jobs below: Do you have children? How many? 1. Yes 2. No If "yes," give the number - If "yes", who took care of them while you were at work? 10. What kind of home do you live in at present? 1. Block or Flat 2 Chawl 3. Pucca House 4. Kuchcha House 5. Hutment in a Colony 6. Other 280 11. 12. l3. 14. 15. 281 For those not married: a) Do you live in a joint family situation in your parents' house? 1. Yes 2. NO b) How many other family members are earning in your family? c) Do you keep any portion of your salary for yourself? How much? For those who are married: a) Did you live in a joint family in your parents’ house? 1. Yes 2. No b) Did you live in a joint family right after marriage? 1. Yes 2. No c Do you live in a joint family at present? v 1. Yes 2. No d) How many members are currently earning your family? What kind of home did you live in ten years back? . Block or Flat Chawl . Pucca House . Kuchcha House . Hutment in a Colony . Other O‘U‘IoP-UNH For those who are married: . How long have you been married? How old are your children? State the number and relationship of the members of your family. (DQONUI 1 2 3 4 o 282 How much time does it take each way to get to work? Where do you live? (Please name the area or the suburb.) Do you travel to work by - 1. BEST bus 2. Train 3. Private bus 4. Company bus 5. Other How many hours do you work per day? How many per week? Do you do any overtime? How many hours per month? How much salary do you earn per month? What is your job title? e.g. G.O. How much education have you received? 1. Can not read or write 2. Up to 2nd standard 3. Up to 5th standard 4. up to 8th standard 5. Less than S.S.C. (secondary school certificate) m S.S.C./Matric (old system)/H.S.C. (higher secondary) \l Diploma holder (name) 8. Two years or less of college 9. A bachelor’s degree 10. A master’s degree 11. Some other training 24. 25. 26. 283 How much education did your father receive? 1. 2. 3 01 O\ \l 8. 9. Can not read or write Up to 2nd standard Up to 5th standard Up to 8th standard Less than S.S.C. (secondary school certificate) S.S.C./Matric (old system)/H.S.C. (higher secondary) Diploma holder (name) Two years or less of college A bachelor’s degree 10. A master’s degree 11. Some other training How much education did your mother receive? 1. 2. 9. 10. 11. Can not read or write Up to 2nd standard Up to 5th standard Up to 8th standard Less than S.S.C. (secondary school certificate) S.S.C./Matric (old system)/H.S.C. (higher secondary) Diploma holder (name) Two years or less of college A bachelor’s degree A master’s degree Some other training What was your father’s occupation? Job title - Name of the firm - 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 284 Did your mother work outside home? What was the job? Did she do any other work for money over and above the housework? e.g. bringing home assembly jobs at piece rate; sew1ng; making tiffins for people. Have you ever thought of leaving your job? Why, or why not? If "yes," would you consider taking another job? What kind? Is there something your company can do to improve your job? Please give suggestions. Do you think you are treated fairly by your supervisor? 1. Yes 2. No Are you a member of the union? 1. Yes 2. No If "yes," do you attend union meetings? 1. Yes, 2. Most of the time 3. Some times 4. No Have you participated in any agitation organized by your union? 35. 36. 1. Yes, 2. Most of the time 3. Some times 4. No Do you think unions are good for the workers? Why, or why not? Do you think that your union is helpful with the 'fic roblems of women workers? Name the problems speCi 50 women that have been helped or not helped by the union. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 285 Did you vote in the last election? 1. Yes 2. No Do you think voting is important? Why, or why not? Which political party do you usually vote for? 1. Congress (I) 2. Congress (S) 3. Janata 4. Jansangh 5. Shiv Sena 6. Socialist Party 7. other Which past or present political leader, do you think, has done a great deal of good for India? What is your religion? If Hindu, what is your caste or community called? Which religious activities do you perform? What is your mother tongue? What is your husband’s occupation and income? Job title Firm Income 286 45. What level of education has your husband completed? 46 47 48. 49. 50 1. Can not read or write 2. Up to 2nd standard 3. Up to 5th standard 4. Up to 8th standard 5. Less than S.S.C. (secondary school certificate) 6. S.S.C./Matric (old system)/H.S.C. (higher secondary) 7. Diploma holder (name) 8. Two years or less of college 9. A bachelor's degree 10. A master’s degree 11. Some other training Do you have any friends whom you see at least once a month? 1. Yes 2. No Do you have any friends whom you can talk to about most of your problems? 1. Yes 2. NO Do you belong to any formal or informal group or organization, such as a music club, or a mahila mandal (ladies club)? 1. Yes 2. No Do you think boys and girls should be raised differently? 1. Yes 2. No Do you think boys and girls should get different kinds of education? 1. Yes 2. No 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 287 Would you mind if your family accepts dowry for your brother or son? 1. Yes 2. No Would you be willing to offer dowry for your sister, sister-in-law or your daughter? What would be your reasons for choosing to give or not give dowry? At what age should a girl be married according to you? How much total time do you spend per week in doing housework? Include all activities related to raising a family in calculating the total time. 1. 0 to 5 hours 2. 6 to 10 hours 3. 11 to 15 hours 4. 16 to 20 hours 5. more than 20 hours Who performs the following functions in the family? 1. Making beds 2. Sweeping and wiping the floor 3. Cooking 4. Helping children with their studies 5. Shopping for food and vegetables 6. Money-management 7. Letter-writing 8. Caring for the infants and the sick 9. Laundry 10. Others Whose decision was it to take up a job outside home? 1. Mother 2. Father 3. Husband 4. Yourself 5. Other 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 288 Is it important for a woman to do what her parents, husband or in—laws want her to do? 1. Yes, all the time 2. Sometimes 3. Never Do you feel that you decide on matters concerning your life, or do you often find yourself doing what others want you to do? If you have to listen to others, who are those other people? What are some of the biggest problems facing you or other women around you? 1. 2. 3. What is your biggest wish for your life in the years to come? Has there been a change over time in work?1 1. no change 2. some change 3. a lot of change 8. don't know Open ended questions seeking comments for the respondents 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. on their work environment and their status at home. 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