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'3,. _, V u... m- I , "’9"an " J ‘ ‘ ‘ ' , , , ,." < I .~ ¢ . mm:- 2!“ n n v; u eranu ...'... ufl!‘ *1 I" ' rule TYARLIBR I IIIIIIIIII IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII 31293098 This is to certify that the thesis entitled THE JOY AND THUNDER DAYS: Michigan Railroading During the Twentieth Century in the Time of the Steam Locomotive presented by David Dylan Jones has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for M.A. American Studies degree in file/<11 ( O 0-7639 MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution I)ate PLACE IN REI'URN Box to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINE return on or before date due. MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE 4A a 1‘. in _qu I J 1/98 cJCIRC/DaleDue,pGS-p.14 THE JOY AND THUNDER DAYS: MICHIGAN RAILROADS DURING THE TWENTIETH CENTURY IN THE DAYS OF THE STEAM LOCOMOTIVE BY David Dylan Jones A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Program of American Studies 1991 ABSTRACT THE JOY AND THUNDER DAYS: MICHIGAN RAILROADS DURING THE TWENTIETH CENTURY IN THE DAYS OF THE STEAM LOCOMOTIVE BY David Dylan Jones From 1900 to 1960, in the era of steam locomotive use, Michigan railroaders formed a unique subculture that grossly and subtly affected themselves and Michigan citizens, positively and negatively. Twenty railroaders interviewed recall at length consequences of their time--some of which were unforeseen. Steam railroading was a vulnerable industry with imperfect technological development. Many accidents occurred, caused in part by advancing technology. The period was unparalleled for the state, and will not return; as one interviewee commented, "The joy and thunder days are over now." Copyright by DAVID DYLAN JONES 1991 For TAMI iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Thanks are due to Dr. David E. Wright, Dr. Maurice Crane, and Dr. James McClintock. Much appreciation goes to the members and friends of the Michigan State Trust for Railway Preservation, Inc. TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Tables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . viii List of Figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Chapter One: Results of Michigan Railroading, 1890-1960 Part One: Peacetime Joy and Prosperity . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. Economics . . . . . . . . . . Industries and Coal Users . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Hoboes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Bulk Commodities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l4 2. Finances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 3. Society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Communications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Telegraphy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Wintertime Necessity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 4. Recreation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 "Resort Specials" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 Local Trade . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Sports, and other, Specials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 5. Linguistics and Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 6. Higher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 Recruiting Trains . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 Exhibit Specials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 7. Politics and Law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 "Whistle-stopping" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 State Law . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 Part Two: In the Thunder of War . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 1. Defense Shipping . . . . . . . . . . . 2. Teenage Labor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 3. "Oil Trains" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 4. Communications and "Defense Railroads" . . . . . . . . . . . 37 5. Munitions Shipments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 o o o o o U \0 Part Three: Blood and Thunder . . . . . . . . . . . 1. Affecting the Public . . . . Grade Crossing Accidents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 Train Wrecks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 Trespassers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 Asphyxiation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 Environmental Degradation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 Financial Mismanagement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 vi 2. Resetting the Railroaders . . . . . . . Steam Locomotive Dangers . . . . . . General Dangers . . . . . . . . . . Consequences of Changing Technology On-the-Road Incidents . . . Grade Crossing Accidents . . Maintenance-of—Way Accidents Perils of the Railroad Shop Yard Accidents . . . . . . . Wrecking Crew Accidents . . Runaway Trains . . . . . . . Chapter 1. The 2. The Two vii The Subculture of the Rails . . . . . . . . . . Uniqueness of Michigan Railroading . . . . . . . . . . Uniqueness of the Michigan Railroader Dress . Language . . . . . . . . . Fanaticism about Time . . Seniority . . . . . . . . Union Practices . . . . . . . Racial and Gender Discrimination Occupational Safety and Health . Legendary Status . . . . . . . . Pride Conclusion . Glossary Appendix Pere Appendix 1945 Appendix Appendix Appendix Endnotes A: O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O 0 Major Shippers/Receivers Outside Detroit on the Marquette Ry. during World War Two . . . . . . . . . Some ”Captive" Communities on the Pere Marquette, O O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O Toxic Substances of a Railroad Shop . . . . . . . Trace Element Components of Waste Oil . . . . . . Interviewee Information . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . O O O O O O O O O O O 93 98 99 100 101 103 117 2. 3. 4. LIST OF TABLES Pere Marquette Depot Cubic Footage 1945 Demographics on the Pere Marquette Railway U.S. Intercity Passenger Traffic, 1941-1945 0.8. Intercity Freight Traffic, 1941-1945 . Railroad Employment, 1929-1975 . viii O 33 34 34 75 rHE! 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. LIST OF FIGURES Grant, Michigan, February, 1950 (Leisgang/C&OHS) . . . . Williamston, Michigan, 1910 (Merrifield and Howarth) . . Random Sampling of Michigan Hoboes (Author) . . . . . . . "Fruit Tramps," Berrien County, Michigan, 1940 (Allsop) . Principal Lower Peninsula Railroads (Rand McNally) . . . Railway Post Office Communities, Grand Trunk Western R.R. (Rand McNally) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Near Flushing, Michigan, February 22, 1912 (Author's collection) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Better Dairy Sires Train, September, 1929 (MSU Archives) Pere Marquette Shippers, 1945 (Pere Marquette) . . . . . "Oil Trains" (Farrington) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Van Sweringen Pyramid (1934) (Haberman) . . . . . . . Pere Marquette Shops, Wyoming, Michigan, 1942 (c&o RR/C&OHS ) O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O 0 "Boilermaker's Deafness" (Hunter) . . . . . . . . . . . . Afro-American Railroaders (Beebe; Santino) . . . . . . . View of a caboose interior, 1943 (Delano/Valle) . . . . . View of a backshop, 1943 (Delano/Valle) . . . . . . . . . ix ll 12 16 18 20 27 32 36 51 60 62 78 81 84 -_ I'V— INTRODUCTION The evolving, expanding technology that railroads were for decades in Michigan had many consequences, some good, some bad, some unexpected. In Parts One and Two of Chapter One, I will outline and examine some of these consequences. I have laid out my analysis and findings like a balance sheet: positive effects appear first, then negative--”joy" and "thunder." The particular decades considered here are from 1900 to 1960--the more modern of the 123 years that the steam locomotive operated in Michigan. The looming, dramatic steam locomotive that Michigan's many railroads used has been the subject of countless popular and technical articles. Not so appreciated--indeed, going to their graves by the scores without notice--have been the thousands of workers who tended, ran, managed, maintained, and kept in check these machines. Isolated interviews by journalists and railroad enthusiasts have caught only a fraction of the information which these people know. It is a blatant fact that one cannot understand even one steam locomotive as a unit of technology unless one grasps the service these workers provided, and the closely-knit community they were. Thus, Chapter Two will quote from oral history at length-—some of these workers remembering, in certain cases back to the turn of the century, aspects of their community, which in fact comprised a subculture. They revive its way of life, its own tragedies and triumphs. Theirs was a broad domain. Michigan railroads were once a sprawl- ing, influential network. With over 6,600 miles of track in the Lower Peninsula alone--the area of my study--they reached and changed every county. The steam locomotive whistled through township after township 2 from 1837 until well into our century. It burned omnipresent wood, at first, and boiled common water, thus satisfying the first needs of a burgeoning technology that it be sustained by ordinary means. Develop- ing greater and greater pressure, with stronger and stronger metals, steam locomotives evolved into huge machines, of many different wheel arrangements for yard or road duty-~including some passenger pullers with wheels 77 inches in diameter--and were masters of almost any weather. As I will show, Michigan railroads touched Michigan like no technology before or since. Even before the tumultuous 20th Century, the railroads brought jobs, settlers, and trade to the state, carried off much of Michigan's natural resources, and held no little sway in the legislature. From 1900 to 1960, they further affected Michigan's economy, finances, and society, influenced recreation, education, and communications, and changed linguistics, politics and laws. Part One of Chapter One will give some examples. During World War Two--when Michigan railroads had to move immense quantities of goods on very demanding schedules, despite manpower shortages--state railroaders and the steam locomotive reliably distributed war materiel, transported troops and prisoners, and tied together the "home front" with effective communications. Part Two of Chapter One, though only a sketch, gives due emphasis to this distinct time. And Part Three of Chapter One--the negative side of the balance sheet-—will outline the continuous prob- lems, hazards, and dangers that railroaders and the public faced because of the steam locomotive and its technological web. Many strange and sad consequences came about that no one could have foreseen in 1837-- outcomes that even in the 20th Century could be unpleasantly surprising. Chapter Two, by examples and photographs, will show how and why Michigan railroaders were unique. Oral histories will tell the way a railroad man dressed, spoke, worked, and guarded his status. In particular, this section portrays the flavor of railroad life, and how, above all else, the railroader had to be tough. Certain quotes may seem 3 quaint and odd. But if the reader will draw on Chapter One, and rely on my Glossary, Chapter Two will seem less distant. And the two chapters together may begin to offer ways to understand this most unusual period of Michigan's history: "the joy and thunder days." CHAPTER ONE RESULTS OF MICHIGAN RAILROADING, 1900-1960 CHAPTER 1: RESULTS OF MICHIGAN RAILROADING, 1900-1960 _art One: Peacetime Joy and Prosperity 1. Economics A. Industries and Coal Users Steam locomotives working in Michigan for sixty years reached almost everywhere; the relationships between railroads and citizens were elaborate. The engines could be awesome performers. Run on good tracks, they could exceed 100 miles an hourx‘ Rapid schedules were therefore possible to set--and to keep. Railroads toted freight and passengers; transportation enriched the railroads. An example of this symbiosis appears in Figure 1. Grant, Michigan, seen in February 1950, is bisected by a steam locomotive passing through with a freight train. The railroad is the long-time Pere Marquette, named after the Jesuit explorer Jacques Marquette, which has become the Chesapeake and Ohio, on its "North End" from Grand Rapids to Traverse City. At left, the Grant Lumber and Fuel Company sheds, their loading docks on the railroad's siding, wait for flatcars of lumber and gondolas of coal when the "local" train will stop in Grant, as engine #1067 here will not. Area builders, and area residents who burn coal in stoves and furnaces, value that "local," which will also haul out from the siding at the right that refrigerated boxcar--possibly packed with area fruit. Unseen in this--over the photographer's left shoulder--is the Grant Elevator Company, another stop for the "local"--and a vastly important one for area farmers. Engine #1067 will leave all this behind rapidly and move onward through several other such communities--each similarly linked to the railroad. Notable by its absence is effective line protection, physical barriers between these tons of rushing train and anyone line-side. There are no fences, no crossing flashers or bells, no gates to drop in HI muswflm Ammoegmcmwmfid owe inning 5323.: 3235 r 6 place, and only the minimum "crossbuck" sign of "Rail/Crossing/Road." Even given the year of 1950, this indicates an American philosophy: on almost every line in Michigan, and virtually all across the nation, the track is open to trespassers, livestock, vehicles, and vandals. This habit of poor line protection runs counter to the original, British plan of strictly protected rights-of-way and uniformly guarded grade cross- ings at roads. Decades of injuries and deaths have resulted. Moreover, in Michigan, farmers whose cows were struck by trains fought a civil insurrection in the 19th Century, trying to win compensation from the Michigan Central.2 In World War Two, fearing sabotage, Michigan lines put a guard on every significant railroad bridge in the state, and had strict security measures at all shops.“ Equally significant, though underplayed in this photograph, is the railroad's competition: trucks and automobiles. The muddy road across the foreground already carries customers to the Grant Lumber and Fuel Company, and in time will be roiled by lumber trucks. Vehicles rest here and there in the picture, including one at the depot (just past #1067). Indeed, Michigan highway M-37 runs north and south just beyond the row of businesses on the right. In time, "the road" will kill this train, and many others. Forty years earlier, but on the same Pere Marquette, another scene is revealing. Figure 2 lacks only an arriving train to be stereo- typical. Economic inter-relationships and interconnections are plain here in Williamston, among all the photogenic features: the depot with three carts ready for incoming baggage and trunks; the stationmaster at ease in shirt-sleeves, away for a time from his telegraph; the grain elevator encroaching on the siding; the fat water tower sweating by the freight house; and three small boys posing akimbo by the end of a boxcar. Past the elevator, invisible to the photographer, a yard on yet another siding has tons of soft coal beside it. Grain——coal-- . . .Oumu 5 ounce.— uw m4 wfimfism 550m :0 .8355 5.95 can 553m cwouddmwsmsvhaz 0.8% n LII . 232531 2:. 3333on 22 6&2on 5825333 ”N 25m: 8 passengers--freight--and probably express business--definitely, William- ston and Pere Marquette were working together this fine day in 1910. Two implications of this photograph are worth noting. The photog- rapher was attracted not only by the quaint scenery but by the steam locomotive--not visible here, but suggested by the engineman under the dropped spout on the water tower and betrayed by the steam at the rear of the picture. The steam locomotive guzzled water, often had to "stop to feed itself at tanks," in Emily Dickinson's phraseu‘ Williamston was therefore a regular water stop for Pere Marquette engines--a "jerk-water town" in railroad slang. It may also have been a refueling stop once, where two-foot billets of local lumber, stacked in a woodlot, were pitched into the tiny bunkers of wood-burning engines.‘ Engines took on wood in as little as one-half-cord lots.7 The implications are these: 1) that such inefficient small locomotives stopped at dozens of such "Williamstons," helping to denude the landscape, and 2) that because of locomotive lifetimes lasting 40 or more years, well into the 20th Century the railroads were hampered by scores of such "hayburners." These little engines demanded more crewmen, more supplies, and more maintenance as part of the railroads' "over-expanded and obsolescent plant."‘ Interdependencies, however, went far beyond the rural level, where seasonal business predominated. The case of coal is an excellent example of volume business that steadily affected masses of Michigan's population. Lower Michigan, the state's population center, burnt much coal annually for building heat, steam generation, and electric power. Native Michigan coal was sparse and poor; the railroads thus hauled in many tons from Appalachian mines. Huge concerns, including municipali- ties, industries, and utilities had ”black snakes," trains of nothing but coal cars, supply them. At Marysville, the Detroit Edison power plant relied on Pere-Marquette-borne coal.9 At East Lansing, the Pere Marquette periodically dropped off at Michigan State University gondolas 9 full of coal--a practice dating from 1889.lo At Lansing, the city Board of Water and Light took in New York Central coal from 1940 onwards at its Ottawa Street Plant. Also in Lansing, the Grand Trunk Western fed coal to the Oldsmobile Plant of General Motors Corporation (G.M.C.). In Flint, a group of G.M.C. units received coal by rail: the Turnstead, Fisher Body, A.C. Spark Plug, Truck and Bus Assembly, and Buick Plants.’l And at Midland, coal by the trainload disappeared into the boilers and furnaces of Dow Chemical Company; "2,226 cars of coal and coke" in 1944.12 Another, subtler interdependency went on. The railroads burnt much coal themselves in locomotives, Great Lakes car ferries, and buildings. Locomotive and car ferry coal use was obvious, but building consumption is little recognized. Considerable space in uninsulated, or poorly insulated, physical plants had to be heated yearly. Some statistics suggest the situation: Table l: Pere Marquette Depot Cubic Footage13 Place Construction Total Cubic Feet St. Louis Tile and Stucco 40,550 Belding Brick 61,600 Bangor Brick 106,697 Holland Brick 116,700 Grand Haven Brick 121,659 Traverse City Brick 186,454 And at the Union Product Depot in Detroit, partly owned by the Pere Marquette, cubic footage ran to 3,706,192.“ Thus the railroads were consumers as well as carriers of coal. Because they could be stymied by shortfalls of it, they created many local landmarks--high coal piles, such as at Baldwin--to ride out delays or coal miners' strikes.” B. Agriculture Cleaner commodities than coal prevailed in rural Michigan. In season, crates of baby chicks--at one time, 300,000 animals a day--left Zeeland.16 Carloads of cherries and other fruit left Michigan canneries, 10 like the one at Suttons Bay. Dozens of other products departed, via the "local"--a purely freight train--or on a "mixed”--on a freight-and- passenger train. Churns of milk often rode with the expressman in a baggage car, lending his route the nickname of "milk run." Farm goods reached market reliably, some even to the Union Depot in Detroit. What was less reliable--lacked any tariff, in fact--but nonetheless blessed growers year after year, was the arrival of hoboes atop, in, and under freight trains to harvest Michigan crops, notably fruit. C. Hoboes Figure 3 suggests hobo habits. All the railroads shown lead west or north to the great Michigan fruit-growing counties at the western edge of the Lower Peninsula. Here, on sandy soils, amid Lake Michigan temperateness, fruits abound.” The growing season begins at the Indiana border in early spring, ending around Grand Traverse Bay in fall. Millions of sweet cherries, tart cherries, apples, peaches, plums, and pears weigh down their trees. Fruit without pickers rots by the ton. Farmers in this fruit belt sought hoboes as pickers. They worked for little--and were many. Michigan saw at least 1,704 of them.18 Jessie Fox remembered some of these "knights of the road" at Port Huron, ca. 1910: Every spring-~or in the fall, let's say--they would come in to the depot, to the office, and a lot of them were well-educated men. They were not bums to begin with. And the (railroad) men wouldn't give them money, because they knew if they did, they'd drink . . . they'd let these hoboes sleep on the Tappan (Junction tower) floor . . . then they would leave in the spring, andwstay up north, where the weather was good. . Figure 4 shows "fruit tramps,” hoboes out of work after picking fruit, in Berrien County while "the weather was good." Fox continued: But then in the fall they'd be back. They were headed for Florida . . . this was a twice-a-year occurrence, years and years. Did you ever see them cooking out as you went riding on a train? . . . you'd see maybe three of them. They'd have a pot . . . cooking out. . . .” ’/ 6' Figure 3: Random Sampling of Michigan Hoboes (Author) ’ - limitquw I III” 0 principal Michigan fruit-growing counties (Source: Atlas 3; Michigan) C) - hoboes or hobo jungles mentioned by sources . (4“):in ('17 iii-T ___.. ' Tobi.) 12 AQOmHH