LIBRARY Michigan State University PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. DATE DUE Dfigfi 9% DATE DUE g 7 e . F’F-"agu; MSU Is An Affirmative Amen/Equal Opportunity Institution arid": urns-o1 FACTORS AFFECTING CITIEEN'S COOPERATIVE ATTITUDE TOWARD POLICE AS PERCEIVED BY JAPANESE, CHINESE AND AMERICANS BY BaikChul Lee A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan state University in partial fullfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY School of Criminal Justice 1991 ABSTRACT BY BaikChul Lee FACTORS AFFECTING CITIZEN'S COOPERATIVE ATTITUDE TOWARD POLICE AS PERCEIVED BY JAPANESE, CHINESE AND AMERICANS The purpose of this study was to examine and compare the factors associated with cooperative attitudes toward police as expressed through perceptions of university students from Japan, China, and the United States. The study examined the subjects’ values, attitudes, and perceptions derived from knowledge of their police and general experience in their countries. The public's cooperative attitude towards the police was the dependent variable. All independent variables were categorized into five factors -- political factors, crime- related factors, police-related factors, community-related factors, and cultural-ideological factors. This study was done mainly through mailed questionnaire surveys and partially through interviews conducted from August through December,1990. The sample consisted of the three groups of university students: Americans and nationals from Japan and China residing temporarily on the campus of a midwestern university in the United States. The sample size of the three groups was made up of 121 Americans, 119 Japanese, and 91 Chinese. The study utilized the t-test, and correlation analysis as major statistical techniques. For the American group, police-related and crime-related factors -- visibility of the police, evaluation of police performance, and perception of crime -- were found to be significantly related to the public's cooperative attitude toward the police and willingness to contact them. For the Japanese group, factors which were obviously community-related -- community cohesion, awareness of the police, awareness of neighborhood police posts, and a feeling of safty due to the existence of these neighborhood police posts -- were found to be associated with police-public relations. For the Chinese group, a greater variety of factors were found to be related with the public’s cooperative attitude to contact the police. Such elements as political, crime- related, police-related, and community-related factors were also determined to be significant regarding the public’s cooperative attitude towards the police. Among these variables, political efficacy and perception of the police appeared to be most significant. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to express my sincere appreciation to Dr. Vincent J. Hoffman for his confidence and faith in me during the whole period of the time of my study. I wish, also, to express my appreciation to Dr. Rosy Ekpenyong, Dr. Peter Manning, Dr. Steve Averill, and Dr. Robert Trojanowicz for their guidance and assistance. Most of all, I want to thank my parents for their unconditional support and love during these many years of study. TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ........................ ...... .......... ii CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION Problem ............................................... 1 Purpose ............................................... 12 Definitions of the Variables .......................... 14 Limitations of the Study .............................. 18 Organization of the Study ............. ....... ......... 19 CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW Public Cooperation and Police .......................... 22 Politics and Police .................................... 24 Crime-Related Factor ......... ............ .............. 29 Police-Related Factor .................................. 35 Community-Related Factor................................ 40 Cultural-Ideological Factors ........................... 47 Summary ................................................ 54 CHAPTER 3. CONCEPTUAL UNDERSTANDING OF THE POLICE SYSTEM IN JAPAN AND CHINA An Introduction to Japan and China ......................56 Historical Background and Basic Structure of the Police System in Japan and China ...............61 Organizational Characteristics :community-related policing organization ..............69 Household Registration System ...........................71 Historical and Cultural Heritage ........................73 Summary .......................... ......... ..............78 CHAPTER 4. METHODOLOGY Research hypotheses .....................................81 Analysis and Statistics .................................87 Research Procedure ......................................92 Demographic Variables ...................................94 Measurement of Variables ................................96 Summary ................................................100 CHAPTER 5 DATA ANALYSIS AND RESULTS Comparisons of Mean Scores .............................10l T-teSt 0.0.0....OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0.0.000000000000118 ii summary Of Findings 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 134 correlation AnaIYSis O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O I O O 137 Additional AnaIYSis O O O O I O O O O O O O O O O O O I I O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 141 CHAPTER 6. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS summary OOOIOOOOOOOOOIOOOOOO00.0.0000...00......00......148 Findings OOIOOOOOOOOO0.000000000000000000000.0.0.0000000150 conc1uSions OOOOOOOOOOOOOOO ...... O. 000000000000 0.0.0.000155 APPENDICES Appendix A: Survey Format (in English)..................163 Appendix B: Survey Format (in Japanese).. ...... .........175 Appendix C: Survey Format (in Chinese)... ..... ..........185 LIST Of REFERENCES...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.00.00.00.00201 iii Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table , Table 5.1. 5.2. 5.6. LIST OF TABLES Demographic Variables ...................... 95 Comparisons of Means Scores of Major Variables among the USA, Japan, and China :Depeggent Variables .. Comparisons of Means Scores of Major Variables among the USA, Japan, and China :ggimg;;glatgd_fiag§g;§ .....................106 Comparisons of Means Scores of Major Variables among the USA, Japan, and China :Police-related Factors ........... ..........109 00.00.00.00000000000102 Comparisons of Means Scores of Major Variables among the USA, Japan, and China :Community-related Factor ............... Comparisons of Means Scores of Major Variables among the USA, Japan, and China :gultural-idgglggigal Factors...............113 Comparisons of Means Scores of Major Variables among the USA, Japan, and China :Political Factors .... ..... ..... ..... ......116 The American Group T-test for Cooperate Attitude of the Public toward the Police ...............120 ...110 The American Group T-test for Willingness of the Public to Contact the Police ......................120 The Japanese Group T-test for Cooperate Attitude of the Public toward the Police ...............l24 5.10 - The Japanese Group T-test for Willingness of the Public to Contact the Police 0.0.0.000000000000000124 5.11 - The Chinese Group T-test for Cooperate Attitude of the Public toward the Police .......... ....129 iv Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table Table 5.17 The Chinese Group T-test for Willingness of the Public to Contact the Police ......................130 Comparson of Significant Variables Resulted from T-test for Cooperate Attitude of the Public toward the Police among the Japanese, the Chinese, and the American groups .......134 Comparison of Significant Variables Resulted from T-test for "Willingness of the Public to Contact the Police" among the Japanese, the Chinese, and the American groups ...........135 Comparisons of Correlated Variables with Cooperative Attitude of the Public towards the Police among the American, the Japanese, and the Chinese Group ................... ....l38 Comparisons of Correlated Variables with Willingness of the Public to Contact the Police among the American, the Japanese, and the Chinese group ......... 139 Comparson of Significant Variables Resulted from T-test for "Perception of the Police" among the Japanese, the Chinese, and the American groups ............ ........ ....141 Comparson of Significant Variables Resulted from T-test for "Fear of Crime" among the Japanese, the Chinese, and the American groups .00...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.0... ...... 0.0.143 Comparison of Major Variables Correlated with "the Public's Perception towards the Police" among the USA, Japan, and China ............146 Comparison of Major Variables Correlated with "Fear of Crime" among the USA, Japan, and China .0...OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO0.00.00.00.000000147 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Problem Police relations with their communities is one of the most critical social concerns today in the United States and elsewhere. It has often been said by scholars that relationships are shaped by a conjunction of such elements as political, socio-economic, cultural, and personal factors in a society. Therefore, police-community relations, in nature, is political, sociological, economic, anthropological, and psychological (Radelet, l986:3). From a cross-cultural point of view, police-community relations vary due to a unique combination of diverse elements in diverse societies or nations. Most societies have their own characteristics of social control mechanisms, which influence the nature of police-public relations. Each society adopts a variety of social control methods, with the major difference among societies being the relative emphasis placed on one strategy versus another (Black, 1984). A part of this study's task is to try and explain this variation in methods of social control and police-public relations. Several scholars in the field of cross-cultural police studies consider cultural and traditional factors critical in 1 2 explaining police-public relations (Ames, 1981; Bayley, 1976; Becker, 1988; Bracey, 1989; Chang, 1989; Clifford, 1976; Johnson, 1983; Parker, 1981). Adler (1983) in her cross- national study, found that low crime rate nations have strong informal social control mechanisms outside the formal criminal justice system. These informal control mechanisms are especially effective in maintaining, preserving, and transmitting shared values (p.133). These mechanisms include "the family and kinship groups, village and neighborhood communities, production communities, voluntary community organizations, political units, and religious organizations."(p.12) Those nations which have low crime rates place a strong emphasis on citizen involvement in the criminal justice system and are characterized by a high degree of social integration. Previous studies have indicated that the policing in Japan and China is quite successful. The two countries have been succeszul in maintaining a relatively low crime rate, as compared especially to the United States. They have preserved their cultural traditions, stressed upon the notions of group responsibility and harmony and hierarchical authority. Both have nation-wide community-related organizations involving interactive dynamics of public-police relations -- e.g., neighborhood police posts and crime prevention associations. To a certain degree, these factors 3 have contributed to the success of mobilization of citizens in crime control strategies. (Ames, 1981; Bayley, 1976; Becker, 1988; Bracey, 1989; Chang, 1989; Clifford, 1976; Johnson, 1983; Kim, 1987; Parker, 1981;Vogel, 1979) Many other studies also point out close police-public relations as one of the most important factors in maintaining a low crime rate in Japan and China. They seem to imply that low crime rate or intimate police-public relations may not be a distinct phenomena in a society, but a reflection of it. Both the low crime rate and the police effectiveness could be outgrowths of a particular social environment (Clifford, 1976:73). In a close-knit society, social cohesion, generated from tradition and culture can facilitate social control mechanisms. Social and cultural organizations often arise in such a society and increase the effectiveness of social controls. From a criminal justice perspective, interactions between societal cohesion and these cultural organization may result in both a low crime rate and successful police system. Among the world's industrial democracies, community- oriented social control mechanisms aimed at establishing effective police-public relations seem to be "progressive and forward-looking" and are a possible solution to the problems of policing (Skolnick and Bayley,l988:1). Numerous studies in this area have been done, mostly in English speaking 4 countries, with the exception of some studies done on policing in Japan and Singapore. However, a clear concept or system of community policing has not yet been established, and, consequently, its practical achievements have also been uneven, especially in the United States (Radelet, 1977: Skolnick and Bayley,1988). Scholars like Trojanowicz and Bucqueroux (1990) define community policing as "a new philosophy of policing, based on the concept that police officers and private citizens working together in creative ways can help solve contemporary community problems related to crime, fear of crime, social and physical disorder, and neighborhood decay" (p.5). They emphasize the importance of the responsibility of the community in effective policing. "History proves that safety and order are not commodities the police impose on communities from the outside; instead they are the hallmarks of communities where people accept responsiblity for improving the overall quality of life."(p.43) Radelet (1977) also points out the role of the public in policing by stating that "Successful police work depends on the cooperation of the public with the police. In fact, in a democracy every citizen has a serious obligation to do police work, and the existence of a paid police force does not alter this duty" (p.4). The central premise of community policing seems to be that the public should play a more active and coordinated 5 role in maintaining order and enhancing its own safety (Skolnick and Bayley,1988z3). On the other hand, community policing is also considered a police response to "the new demands of the public for personalization of their service." It can be seen as "a metaphor based on yearning and the wish for personalization of service which contrasts with bureaucratic/professional policing."(Manning, 1989:395) We, can, therefore, state that community policing appears to be a product of the process of readjusting the traditional role of the police and the public in a social control system. The original concept of community policing can be traCed to the principles of law enforcement posited by Sir Robert Peel in the early 19th Century in England. The key point of Peel's idea was to emphasize "the important part to be played by the ordinary citizen in police services." The idea considered a police officer as "someone who is paid to do what it is a citizen's duty to do without pay," instead of "someone who is paid to do what civilians would prefer not to do." Peel’s principles of law enforcement stated that "... The police must secure the willing cooperation of the public in voluntary observation of the law to be able to secure and maintain public respect. The degree of cooperation of the public that can be secured diminishes, proportionately, the necessity for the use of physical force and compulsion in achieving police objectives...." (Radelet, 1977:3-5). 6 In fact, law and order was once the responsibility of family or community organizations and community participation was greater in pre-industrial societies (Gill and Mawby,l990:l,122). As societies were industrialized, state control including the function of the police expanded. The term "police" is originally derived from the Greek word polis, or city, and has been applied historically to the exercise of civic or collective authority (Manning, 1977:39). According to Chapman, the role of the police in Greek times was to ensure the observance of regulations, keep order in the streets, ensure fair trading in the markets, and suppress scandalous behavior (1970:11-12). The original responsibility of the police, therefore, was to ensure the safety of the republic. The role of the police has become more critical, especially during the Twentieth Century, in part as a result of the changes in patterns of social solidarity and elite interest and involvement (Lundman, 1980:14-15). However, the state has expanded, and its limitations have been realized, making community involvement and informal social control mechanisms desirable and necessary (Gill and Mawby, 1990:122). Many studies have been made dealing with various factors associated with close police-public relations in the United States as well as in other countries. Radelet notes that police officers in their attitudes and values tend to mirror 7 the socioeconomic,. cultural, ethnic, occupational, and educational characteristics of the strata of society in which they are raised (1977:6). Socio-economic, political, and cultural factors determine the range, content, and context of encounters between the police and the citizens and the latter’s perceptions of the processes and. consequences involved. A broad web of interconnections, therefore, exists between perceptions of the police, support for police work and attribution of legitimacy to the law enforcement and criminal justice system in a society (A1emika,l988:161). Bayley (1985) in his cross-national comparative study on policing, notes that police agencies have enormous variability with respect to everyday work, organizational arrangements, crime control strategies, and structures in different countries. The degree of community involvement in policing or the willingness of the public to cooperate with the police also varies depending on such factors as political condition, cultural heritage, and the policing organization. He states that the strategies developed in policing in various countries in the future will vary according to the incidence of collective violence, public perceptions of the seriousness of ordinary crime, and cultural orientations toward the position of individuals in groups (p.223). In his study, Bayley found that in- the modern world, democratic political regimes are largely associated with decentralized 8 police systems and authoritarian regimes with centralized ones. However, he denied any causal relation between structural centralization and/or decentralization and authoritarian and/or democratic policing. His study seems to imply that it is highly unlikely to find the causality between "patterns of policing" based on such variables as formal structure, function, or regime nature, and police- public relations or safe street. He concludes that cultural and traditional factors, possibly involving an interactional dynamic between police and public, may be much more important in explaining police work than structural elements. This study posits that traditional and cultural elements play an significant role in establishing effective police- public relations under rapid societal, economic and political shifts. If it is true, as Trojanowicz and Bucqueroux said (1990:159), that, "We live in a country where too many people do not believe the police can help, so they hide ‘behind locked doors or lash out on their own," the question of what factors are related to the attitude or willingness of the public to cooperate with the police is critical in a cross- cultural perspective. In this regard, Japan and China are good examples. Many scholars, as already mentioned earlier, have described Japanese and Chinese policing as quite successful. They frequently attributed low crime rate and successful policing ‘ 9 in Japan and China to intimate police-public relations, even though the origin or nature of the intimate relations between the the two could be different. Both the public’s view of deviance and the police mode of operation play an important role in molding police-public relations. Black (1980) suggests four distinctive modes of social control across societies, by which people define and respond to deviant behavior. These are the penal, compensatory, therapeutic, and conciliatory styles [1]. Bracey (1989) also notes that the traditional Chinese view of deviance and their policing style provide for a high degree of compensatory, therapeutic, and conciliatory action on the part of the police. Clifford (1976) represents Japan as the single best advertisement for the effectiveness of the consensual as opposed to the coersive social control model featured in nearly all totalitarian states. However, Parker (1986) notes that, as individualism increases in Japan, along with a decrease in traditional ties 1. Donald Black (1980), in his book of The Mange: and Customs of the Pol'c , describes these styles of social control. In the penal style of social control, the deviant is defined as a violator of a prohibition, an offender deserving of condemnation and punishment. In the compensatory style, he or she is understood as someone who has failed to live up to an obligation, and who therefore owes the victim restitution for any damage that was done. According to the therapeutic style, the deviant is someone whose conduct is abnormal and who needs help of some kind, such as treatment by a psychiatrist. Last, in the conciliatory style, deviant behavior is taken as one side of a social conflict in need of settlement, without regard to who is right or wrong (see p.3,131). 10 to the family and community, delinquency is beginning to increase. While the absolute number of adult crimes have actually declined since 1951, the crime rate for juveniles between ages 14 and 19 is 5 times that of the adult rate and has increased considerably since 1969 (White Paper on Crimes, 1988). Tokuoka and Cohen (1987:22) note that the evidence is stronger for a substantial decline in the effectiveness of traditional agencies of social control and for an increasingly proactive ferreting out of crime by the police. It is also asserted that "a new problem" in Japan would be "an old problem in America." (Kim, 1987:116) Although China has become more familiar to the external world since the early 1980’s, knowledge about modern Chinese society, especially about crime and the criminal justice system, is still rather limited._ Frequent public executions in China headlined by Western media tend to make American people perceive the Chinese criminal justice system as unsuitable to emulate. However, the key to understanding Chinese society’s low crime rate is through examining the control exerted over the citizens at the grass-roots level. While the Chinese social control system has woven together a unique combination of formal and informal methods with a strong emphasis on the latter, the existence of this informal network does not mean that the authorities are insignificant. In China, an informal social-control system is actually 11 controlled by Chinese officials (Troyer and Rojek, 1989:6). Therefore, the police play an important role in enforcing the criminal law as well as in the informal social control (Bracey, 1989). Twentieth-Century China has endured immense social upheavals, but has always maintained the posture of a well-regulated and cohesive society. In terms of socializing its youth, China has served as a model of social control, and the West could stand to profit from a study of this relatively crime-free society (Rojek,1989:85). However, contemporary China is beginning to experience some cracks in its social control network, and this society which has traditionally been seen as the epitome of conformity and rigorous social control is now beginning to confront social deviance, particularly in the area of juvenile misconduct (p.84). The present study attempts to examine factors involving police-public relations in Japan, China, and the United States through the perceptions of the young or the new generation. This generation has grown up in a different social environment than the older generation. This study can identify whether the newly emerging problems in Japan or China are already existing problems in the United States. Through this kind of study, one society may learn from the others the importance of, and the variables associated with, close police-citizen interaction as it affects the goals of 12 effective law enforcement. P1122086 A good deal of attention has been focused on perceptions of the crime problem, fear of victimization, the role of police in politics, and social and demographic correlates of cooperative attitudes toward the police. In contrast, little empirical research has been done to examine the relationship of a cooperative attitude of the public towards the police with historical or cultural values as affecting factors of crime control in cross-cultural comparative studies in particular. The purpose of this study is to examine and compare the factors, associated with the attitude of the public towards cooperation with their own police, through the perceptions of three groups of university students: Americans and nationals from Japan and China residing temporarily on the campus of a midwestern university. All data in this study is based on the respondents’ values, attitudes or perceptions derived from their experience in their respective home-countries. ‘ The study notes, as stated earlier, that: Japan and China have.maintained a low crime rate over time; there exists a nation-wide community-related policing organization (e.g.,neighborhood police stations, crime prevention 13 associations) in these countries; both countries emphasize socio-cultural values stressing the notions of group responsibility and harmony, and hierarchical authority; and they have succeeded, to a certain degree, in mobilizing their citizens in crime control strategy (Ames, 1981; Bayley, 1976; Becker, 1988; Chang, 1989; Clifford, 1976; Parker, 198l;Vogel, 1979) In addition, the study also notes that, Japan has maintained political and societal stability for the last forty years, while China has experienced severe incidents of political turmoil. Initially, the study examines the differences between these three countries through such elements as cultural- ideological factors ( group-oriented values, attitude toward authoritariansim, and patriotism); community-related factors (community cohesion and awareness of community-related policing organizations i.e., neighborhood police station and crime prevention associations); and political factors (political efficacy and trust in government). The study also compares police- and crime-related variables so often examined by American scholars, including the perception the public has of the police and police performance, the crime situation ( perception of crime and fear of crime ), and the visibility of the police. Finally, the study examines how and why such factors in the three countries have an impact on the public's attitude toward cooperation with the police. 14 In a comparative cross-cultural study, the initial problem in the analysis lies in defining each variable appropriately on the basis of the uniqueness of each society. All variables are assumed to represent perceptions, attitudes, or values the participants have derived from the experience in their own societies. In this study, the major dependent variable is the "cooperative attitude of the public toward the police." However, for more valid and comprehensive interpretations of the data, the study also examines variables associated with such factors as willingness of the public to contact the police, perception-of the police, and fear of crime. The definitions of the variables in this study are as follows: 1). "gogperative attitgde of tn; pgtlig toward the police" indicates the public's attitude towards cooperating with the police in situations they face as witnesses or collaborators. The "cooperative attitude" includes the public's attitude toward reporting a crime to the police, furnishing information to the police, having the police come to one's door, and participating in community activity initiated by the police. (See Appendix B, Questions 54,54, 56,61,74-80.) 15 2) "Willingness 22 the putiie te make contect with the po;ice" indicates the public's willingness to turn to the police in situations they face as a victim or as a person in need. (Questions 63-73.) 3) " 't co ' " refers to the familiarity or the sense of belonging the public feels towards their community. (Questions 39-40.) 4) "Awereness of community-related policing organigetion" refers to whether or not the public knows of the neighborhood police station and the neighborhood association for crime prevention in their neighborhood. (Questions 41,45.) 5) "Perception of community-related policing organization" indicates the public’s perception of their safety generated by the existence of their neighborhood police stations and neighborhood assocations for crime prevention. (Questions 43,46.) 6) "Trust in overnm nt" indicates the public’s evaluative orientation towards the government. (Questions 30-33.) 7) "Politieel etfieeey" indicates the public's self- perception of their capacity to understand politics and to 16 have an impact on government. (Questions 17-19.) 8) "Pereeption or gripe" refers to the public's perception of the seriousness of crime in their neighborhood. (Questions 34-35). 9) "Fear of crime" refers to the degree of fear the public feels towards crime and victiminzation. (Questions 36-37.) 10) "General perception of the police" refers to the public's perception of the behavior and activities of the police. (Questions 20-25.) 11) "Evaluation of the pelice" refers to the public's evaluation of the understanding the police have of the local situation and their capacity to help them. (Questions 50-51.) 12) "Visibility of the ppliee" refers to how often the public sees the police in their neighborhood. (Questions 48-49.) 13) "Group-oriented velpe" refers to a value which subordinates a personal goal to the goal of a collective. The collective could include the family, the society, and the state. (Questions 6-11). 17 14) "Attitude towerds epthoriterienism" refes to exertion of authority and the .willingness to submit to it in relation to society, the state, and the family. Those who have a positive attitude towards authoritarianism ought to be consistently and regularly accepting of those who are similar to them and rejecting of those who are different from them (Adorno et al, 1950). (Questions 1-5.) 15) "Patriotism" indicates the feeling the public has towards their country, and their national symbols such as the national anthem and the national flag. (Questions 26-29.) Limitations of the Study All research is more or less subject to some limitations. Researchers in the field of cross-national comparative studies have to deal with problems involved with avoiding misperceptions and misunderstandings derived from the variations in different socio-cultural backgrounds. In the following analysis, several limitations of this study will be discussed. Firstly, the researcher obtained the basic theoretical framework and understanding of this study from interviews with the Chinese in China as well as in the United States, and the Japanese in the United States. This study depended 18 mainly on the retrospective self-reports of the subjects' experience in their own countries rather than their direct and immediate observations. It is assumed that this could result in selective memory or reporting to a certain degree. Secondly, unlike typical experimental research, this study examined information retained over considerable periods of time. Therefore, the impact of declining effects with the passage of time could not be isolated. Thirdly, it is difficult to ignore the possiblity of misunderstanding between the researcher and the respondents, possibly caused by inadequate translation. Although the questionnaires were translated into the Japanese and Chinese languages and reviewed by several native speakers, it is difficult to estimate that possible negative impacts from mis-translation were completely eliminated. Fourthly, most respondents surveyed and interviewed in the present study were relatively well educated. Most of them were pursuing a college education, or had already received a college degree. Therefore, this study does not intend to generalize that the findings are applicable to the entire population of each nation. Fifthly, although the political situation in China thas improved somewhat over time, the issue of political sensitivity could not be totally excluded. Much attention has been paid to the in selection of words or cases to minimize 19 the reluctance of the respondents which was possibly caused by political sensitivity. Organization or the Study In Chapter 1, the purpose of this study and definitions of major variables, were presented. Chapter 2 gives a review of literature regarding five factors associated with the public’s attitude towards the police. The five factors include political factors, crime-related factors, police- related factors, community-related factors, and cultural- ideological factors. Chapter 3 provides a basic information on and an historical background of Japan and China. Unique features of Japanese and Chinese policing are also described. These include community-related policing organizations, household registration systems, and information on each country's cultural and traditional heritage, as it relates to police-public relations if possible. The research methodology is described in Chapter 4. Results of the data and analyses are presented in Chapter 5. Chapter 6 includes a summary of the research, findings, and conclusions. CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW The purpose of this study is to examine similarities and differences in major factors associated with the cooperative attitude of the public towards their own police among the three groups of university students from Japan, China, and the United States. The study examines the subjects' values, attitudes, and perception derived from their experiences in their home countries. The factors or major variables proposed to be associatied with the public’s cooperation toward the police were divided into five categories -- political factors, crime-related factors, police-related factors, cultural-ideological factors, and community-related factors. The study assumes that the relative importance of the five factors as associated with police-public relations, could be an indicator of how and why a particular social control mode in a society exists. The three nations of Japan, China, and the United States which have different social controls and modes of policing in their societies, have also shaped their own unique police-public relations. Cooperative attitude of the citizen 'towards the police would be influenced by the relative importance or prevalence of the five factors in the various societies. 21 22 This chapter proposes to present a review of literature relating to the factors that impinge upon the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on the five categories as previously defined. Public Cooperation and Police As Skolnick and Bayley mentioned, without community feedback and participation, the police are in no position to tailor developmental resources to local needs in any sort of optimal fashion (1986:213). Security and order, the two main goals of policing, are co-produced rather than the responsibility of the police alone (Marenin, 1989:74). The Manual of the Los Angeles Police Department (1988) shows that public support is an absolute requisite to successful law enforcement: "Peace in a free society depends on voluntary compliance with the law." Particularly in a democratic society that ensures great personal freedom, the willingness of citizens to be controlled is crucial. Presence of police officers is not enough to force acceptance of rules in a free society. Citizens in a free society must be willing (Coffey, 1990:35). Unwillingness to accept enforcement, can become the proverbial two way street; the more unwilling the people are to accept enforcement, the more certainly the police may respond in ways that create further unwillingness (p.37). 23 Public demand for police services is shaped by the public’s needs and by their willingness to turn to the police to handle them (Bayley, 1985:131) Conversely, the way the police handle situations also affects the public’s willingness to contact the police, thus shaping situations through molding demand (p.144). Bayley suggests that calls for police services are related to interpersonal relations in society. The perceived need for police service will rise in communities that cannot maintain social discipline and order through informalisocial processes. As societies develop modern economic systems and social structures, calls for services will increase relative to the population, but the proportion of non-crime related requests will become greater (P.131). Citizens' demand for police services will be affected by the vitality of primary social groups; by the level and distribution of wealth; and by the cultural value placed on maintaining tight-knit proximate groups. What the public actually takes to the police as requests for services depends not only on what they feel they need, but also on what they believe the police are willing to handle (p.137). The nature of the term "public support" or "cooperation" differs in many ways depending on a community or a country. The population of a community or a country, the result of differences in population size, composition, culture, and 24 wealth creates its own unique philosophy and politics. The uniqueness of each community creates major differences in police services. It also creates differences in the approach needed by the police to gain and hold the support of the community (Coffey,1990:25). Public cooperation, in general, involves the opinion that reporting a crime as a witness, is the citizen's duty; and that inconveniences such as testifying in court, or having the police coming to one’s door, should not prevent the citizen from cooperating with the police (Quah and Quah, 1987:10). In this study, "cooperative attitude" involves the public’s attitude towards reporting a crime, even a minor offense, releasing information to the police, having the police come to one’s door, and participating in community activity initiated by the police. Politics and Eoliee It is important to consider the role of politics as a correlate shaping police-public relations in a society. There is a variation in the degree of political impact in shaping police-public relations from one society to another. Bayley describes well the relations among society, politics, government and police: The relation between police and society is reciprocal - society shapes what the police are, the 25 police influences what society may become. The deliberated interactions between police and society belong to the domain of politics and occur primarily through government (Bayley,1985:159). The character of government and police action is virtually indistinguishable. Police affects the character of the government because what they do is in itself an indicator of the character of the government (Bayley,1985:210). A government is recognized as being authoritarian if its police is repressive, democratic if its police is restrained. The maintenance of social control is fundamentally a political question (p.189). Police service is the most visible part of the governmental process, performing a range of activities far broader than law enforcement (Wasserman,1982:30). Anderson also argues that the police is part of the politics of social control (1979:57). Regarding determinants of police intervention in politics, Bayley's (1985) findings in contemporary cross- national research show that an active police role in politics is less common in countries that are relatively well developed economically (see Coulter, 1972), have democratic regimes, . and are administratively decentralized. He specifies the conditions in detail regarding police involvement in politics: Police will play a more active role in politics if competition for political power is deliberately restricted by government; if public police have been created initially to defend political regimes; 26 if an existing political order is threatened by social violence; and if there is a cultural tradition of insistence on right belief (P.209). The relationship between police attributes, such as centralization and their role in politics, and the character of government demonstrates a pattern of mutual impingement with the police affecting politics, and politics affecting the police. (P.210) Police repression, for example, is assumed to be regime repression. Even when the police is studiously neutral in terms of direct impingements, it can contribute to the erosion of political legitimacy by being venal, brutal, arrogant, or secretive. Historically, policing has tended to be viewed primarily as a political institution. Politics and policing are considered integral. Policing, in nature, is linked with authority and power. It is obvious that the police has a perfectly legitimate, respectable, and indeed indispensable political role to play. But history -- even contemporary history -- is replete with examples of the police playing the role of enforcers of political tyranny (Radelet, 1986:379- 380). Traditionally, the Chinese have had a strong tendency to solve their problems without the intervention of a formal criminal justice system. The reason for this persistence Clark (1989) argues is that the Chinese have never been 27 treated very well by their governments. Totalitarian, injudicious, corrupt, tenuous, and frequently disorganized, governments in China can hardly be said to have earned the wholehearted trust and respect of the citizenry, even with the ideological legitimation of Confucianism (P.58). Both traditionally and contemporarily, the Chinese philosophy and law have been less concerned with the defense of individual interests than with the protection of the social and political order (Bodde and Morris, 1967; Chu, 1961). Regarding political impact on policing in contemporary China, Phillips (1978:1560) argues that "Politics govern everything. Policies in industrial production, agriculture, education and science are all guided by political objectives, and the police and public security are no exception." From a communist perspective, legal institutions are parts of the superstructure of an economic base. They are tools of class rule designed to promote the interest of the ruling class (Marx and Engels, 1958:49). "Law is a political instrument. It is politics," as Lenin said (Hazard, 1969:69). The importance of politics in 'Chinese policing is well represented in Mao's statement ; "Such state apparatus as the army, the police, and the courts are instruments with which one class oppresses another. As far as the hostile classes are concerned these are instruments of oppression" (Mao, 1951:16-17). Mao regarded law as merely a useful tool to 28 political ends (Leng and Chiu, 1985). According to Bayley (1985:226), in the case of China, Taiwan, and Korea, the public has an active sense of participation in policing, not because they can influence the regime, but because they share responsibility with the police for public safety. They are participant subjects in policing rather than nonparticipant subjects (Almond and Verba,1965). As implied above, the public’s attitude towards cooperation with the police may have a relationship with their perception or evaluation of their government or politics. Positive evaluation of the government generally include expressions of support for government and acceptance of the legitimacy of the political regime. Trust in government and political efficacy could be indicators of the public’s evaluation of their police system. In this study, trust in government can be viewed as "the public's basic evaluative orientation toward the government." Political efficacy indicates the public's belief that "they are capable of understanding politics and competent enough to participate in political acts, and that they can have an impact on the political process because government institutions will respond to their needs" (Miller and Traugott, 1989:254). Hudzik and Cordner say that criminal justice is a public concern, and citizens expect to play a major role in determining what ends are pursued and by what 29 means ( 1983:151, 161). Clifford also argues that in a democracy, calls for the involvement of the community in policing must mean more than "calling for public support in implementing policies" already decided upon by police officials. Involvement means "bringing the public in, not only at the implementation levels but at the decisionmaking levels as well." Community participation in a democracy has to be at policy levels. (1983:12-3) Crime-Related Factor Previous studies show that "Japan is one of the few major nations - perhaps the only one - where one can walk the streets of its large cities late at night and feel in no danger" (Ames, 1981:1). It is further stated that "This stems not only from an efficent and strong police organization, but from general cooperation by the community in fighting crime." According to White Paper on Police 1989, the number of Penal Code offenses recorded by the Japanese police in 1988 was about 1.6 million, recording the highest since World War II. However, the rate of crime per person was about 1.4 out of 100 people, which may be the lowest among the industrial democracies. When comparing the rate of crime and clearance in Japan, based on 1987 statistics, with that in the United States, the crime rate for homocide, robbery, and rape in 30 Japan was 1.3, 1.5, and 1.5 per 100,000 respectively, while in the United States it was 8.3, 212.7, and 37.4, respectively. The clearance rate for homocide, robbery, and rape in Japan was 98%, 78.2%, and 87.4% respectively, while in the United States it was 70%, 26.5%, and 52.9%, respectively. In the case of China, official statistics on crime can hardly be reliable. However, the Lew Year Book er China 1988 shows that the crime rate in 1987 was 54.1 out of 100,000 people which is incredibly low, and the clearance rate was 81.3%. According to interviews conducted with the Chinese people, [1] "In the early 1950s, immediately after China was communized, there was little crime in China. No one stole anything like a watch or money on the street. Nobody locked their doors. Police officers could spend most of their time in serving people. They were really the 7people’s police.’" The interviewees in general concluded that "crime situation has become serious especially since political turmoils of 1960s-705, and that social change derived from economic reform and open policy since the early 19805 has excelerated 'rapid increase in crime." Regarding fear of crime or perception of crime in Japan 1. Interviews with the Chinese were done intensively during the author's trip to China in October-December in 1989. The author interviewed government officers, professors, students, institutionalized juvenile delinquents, and foreigners in such cities as Beijing, Shanghai, Gwangzhou, and Shenzhen. 31 and China, few empirical studies have been published in the United States. The Japanese interviewees expressed the belief that "Juvenile crime is becoming more serious, but, in general, the citizens are not afraid of being victimized in their day and day life." But, according to their Chinese counterparts, crime was a very serious problem, especially in big cities. They had to be careful when walking down a busy street. Associated literature and interviews further indicated that the Japanese and the Chinese consider crime in their countries as a serious social problem, but the Chinese perceive crime to be a more serious problem than the Japanese. The Figgie Report shows that "There is clearly a deep- seated fear of crime in America, a fear that is growing and is slowly paralyzing every level of society." (Pollock et al.,1983:11) The fear of crime is not just a consequence of a direct experience as a victim of crime, and is one of the most vital problems in contemporary America. Trojanowicz and Bucqueroux (1990) describe fear of crime as "crime's evil and insidious shadow" that victimizes all (p.130). The economic and social damage to individuals and a society from the fear of crime has become as important an issue today as crime itself. The Figgie Repert made a distinction between two basic types of fear of crime:"Concrete fear is the fear of becoming the victim of a specific violent crime; formless 32 fear is the nonspecific, amorphous, almost subconscious fear about general safety." (Pollock et al.,1983:44) Numerous studies on the fear of crime and its cause, distribution, or impact have been done, especially in the United States. Most of the research is based on data from the National Public Opinion Polls and other national crime surveys as the sources for research. The level of fear of crime was examined from several perspectives. The fear of crime is not distributed in the same patterns across the whole population. The variation in the level of fear of crime existed between cities as well as within a city, due mainly to the different physical and social characteristics of cities and neighborhoods or communities. Much research supports the finding that the level of fear varies in each neighborhood in a city. For example, central city residents were more likely than rural and suburban residents to feel unsafe (Boggs, 1971). The residents of large cities expressed much more fear than those in medium-sized cities, suburbs, small towns, and rural areas (Clemente and Kleiman, 1977). Skogan and Maxfield (1977) also found that predominantly black neighborhoods or heterogeneous neighborhoods had considerably higher average scores on the level of fear of crime than predominantly white neighborhoods. McPherson's study (1978) also indicated that neighborhoods with relatively low crime rates had a 33 relatively low level of fear of crime, while neighborhoods with high crime rates had a high level of fear. Regarding the fear subgroups, Clemente and Kleiman (1976) used data from the 1973 and 1974 General Social Surveys conducted by the National Opinion Center. They found that gender, race, and community size are significantly related to the fear of crime, while age, income, and education have some relationship to the fear of crime. Regarding the consequences of citizens feeling unsafe, many studies examined behavioral changes and what people do in response to the fear of crime. The National Crime Surveys in the mid-19705 reported that between 35 and 75 percent of adults limited or changed their activities because of crime, and people perceived their neighbors as more likely than themselves to limit or change their activites (Garofalo, 1977). Lavarakas (1981), in his review of the surveys on house protection, found that the majority of the public locked doors and windows when they were home, and left their lights or radio on when they were away from home. Many owned theft insurance or had neighbors watch their home and stopped delivery when they were away from home. Skogan and Maxfield examined how frequently the public took particular precautions at night because of crime in Chicago, Philadelphia, and San Francisco. About half of the 34 respondents drove their car most of the time instead of walking. About one-fourth avoided going out at all, and about one-fifth took something useful for protection when going out at night. Most research came to a somewhat consistent conclusion that the fear of crime requires individuals to make behavioral changes or even put limitations on their activities, take extra precautions, and that it costs individuals extra money. In response to the fear of personal crime, individuals limit their exposure to the potential crime by simply avoiding certain times and places in relation to certain types of activities or' behaviors (Boggs, 1971; Clemente and Kleiman, 1977; Mcpherson,1978; Skogan and Maxfield,1977). The basic role of the police is to control, prevent, and repress crime, and reduce the degree of fear of crime. Police and crime, in nature, cannot be separated. In order to examine the police-public relations, the association of crime issues with this relationship must be considered. Prevalent social controls and policing modes are important elements in shaping the public's reporting behavior or cooperative attitude, and in generating the impact of crime issues on the public's willingness or attitude towards contacting the police. 35 Beliee-Reiateg Eactgr The public's perceptions of police have enormous implications for police-citizen encounters, support for police work and the legitimacy of the legal order (Alemika, 1988:161). Obuzuwa, in his article regarding public image towards the police force in Nigeria, describes the relationship of the public's perception of the police with public cooperation towards the police: "If the public feel that policemen and women are poorly behaved and dishonest you can expect very little assistance from them. Public cooperation depends largely on their attitude towards you." (Obozuwa 1970:11, quoted from Alemika) Where police officers are viewed negatively there tends to be hostility towards police work. Policy-makers and police authority also need to appreciate the structure and nature of public perceptions of the -police in order to institute measures that maximize public support for police work and minimize police-public discordiance (A1emika,l988:162). Police cynicism and unprofessional conduct usually result from and are promoted by police alienation from the public (Braithwaite and Sonnad, 1984). Much literature on the image the police have of the public is generally consistent with the following points: Police frequently perceive their work environment to be 36 hostile and uncooperative, and these perceptions encourage the adoption of attitudes and behaviors which can have important consequences for both police performance and police-community relations (Thomas and Hyman, 1977:307). Public opinion poll data reported by the American Institute of Public Opinion and Louis Harris and Associates is remarkably consistent in its conclusions. According to this data, in opposition to many police perceptions of public opinion, most citizens hold the police in high regard and feel that the police is performing an important job effectively. Most citizens, in general, express positive evaluations of the police. Levels of public support differ according to age, race and gender (Hindelang, Dunn, Aumick, and Sutton, 1975:170-224) Women were more supportive of the police than males, whites more than blacks, older citizens more than young adults, and suburban residents more than urban dwellers. Despite the fact that these variables are correlates of public support, virtually all groups were generally more supportive than unfavorable. These poll data also show that the level of public support for the police was high even though the majority of the citizens sampled in numerous studies felt that crime was a major social problem and that the probability of their becoming the victims of criminal offenses was increasing._ Thus, the implication is that public evaluations of the police is not being adversely 37 affected by virtue of increasing public concern with and fear of crime (Thomas and Hyman, 1977:308). According to the study by Biderman and his associates (1967) done in Washington, D.C., consistent with other studies, citizen perceptions of crime and fear of victimization were salient concerns of those they interviewed. However, the public showed little inclination to blame the police for perceived increase in crime. On the other hand, race, gender and education level made a difference in the levels of public support. Support for the police was higher among whites, females, those who were better educated, those who were less fearful of being victimized, and those who had not witnessed any improper conduct. Ennis’s study (1967) examined a multi-stage probability sample of 10,000 households throughout the country. When questioned about the general quality of police performance, police respect for citizens, and police honesty, a vast majority of respondents were favorable to the police. However, blacks were much more critical of the police than whites, and levels of support generally increased with the increase in income levels of the respondents. Smith and Hawkins's (1973) study found that such variables as educational attainment, occupational prestige, income, sex, victim status, and fear of crime were unrelated to attitudes toward the police. 0f the numerous variables 38 examined, the best predictors of attitudes toward the police proved to be race, observation of a police conduct considered unproper by the respondent, and, for those who had contact with the police after having been the victims of an offense, satisfaction with police performance. Regarding police visibility, although some suggest the increased level of police visiblity as one of the general strategies for crime prevention or reducing the fear of crime, it remains controversial even now. However, it was reported that individuals depend heavily on the informal social control rather than on the formal control enforced by public agencies for their protection from crime. This argument might be supported in part by the finding that individuals would attribute their perception of safety or unsafety to the inadequate informal social controls rather than the inadequate formal controls provided by the law enforcement agencies. Thomas and Hyman (1977) examined the interconnections among perceptions of crime, fear of victimization, and public perceptions of police performance. They concluded that most citizens throughout the nation have a far more positive evaluations of the police than the police believe them to have. The support which does exist, however, cannot provide a real resource unless its presence is realized and its determinants properly understood. 39 Despite the common conclusion that public support for the police is widespread and that some variables appear to be generally sound predictors of levels of public support, there is considerable inconsistency in many of the findings of prior research. Based on above findings, the present study expects that the public's perceptions of the police and the police performance would play an important role in establising police-public relations. Community-related Eaetor This section contains a review of literature regarding community cohesion and community-based policing organizations, as associated with police-public relations. (1) Community Qohesieh As already shown in Chapter One, Adler (1983) found in her cross-national study that low crime rate nations have strong social controls outside the formal criminal justice system and have a strong emphasis on citizen involvement in the criminal justice system. These nations are characterized by a high degree of social integration. Community or neighborhood character has been an important factor in 40 explaining police-public relations and the fear of crime. Wilson argues that predatory crime does not merely victimize individuals, it impedes and in the extreme case, prevents the formation and maintenance of a community (1975:21). McIntyre also expresses similar concerns that social interaction is reduced and people have restricted their activities because of fear of crime. The citizens "forego opportunities for pleasure or cultural enrichment, and they become less social, more suspicious. The level of interaction and mutual trust in the society is reduced; public places become less safe than they otherwise might be".(1967:46) Cohen (1966) discusses how deviance may erode social organizations through its impact on the trust among members of a group. Sundeen (1977) examines the relationships among the degree of social supports, the perception of safety in the neighborhood, and the fear of specific crimes. According to his study, social supports and interpersonal connections appear to be highly correlated to the fear of specific crimes and perception of safety. Those who had higher expectations that neighbors would call the police in case of an emergency had much lower level of fear of burglary, robbery, and fraud, and had increased perception of safety, compared to those who had low expectation. Those who had higher perception of their neighborhoods as good places to live in were more likely than 41 their counterparts to express much less fear of fraud, relatively less fear of burglary, and slightly increased perception of safety. Those respondents who felt closer to their community had less fear of all three crimes and higher perception of safety, compared to their counterparts. Hartnagel’s study (1979) also indicates that there is a relationship between the fear of crime and neighborhood cohesion, social activity, and affection for the community. His study hypothesizes that fear of crime has a negative relationship with such psychosocial variables as neighborhood cohesion, social activity, and affection for the community. However, the results show that while those who perceived their neighborhood as a good place to live in were less likely to be afraid of crime, compared to their counterparts, Social activity and neighborhood cohesion were not significantly related to the fear of crime either in the neighborhood or in the city. Toseland (1982) examined such psychosocial variables as helpfulness of people, alienation, satisfaction with neighborhood, and cynicism in order to find the factors affecting fear of crime. He found that those who were satisfied with their neighborhood and those who perceived that their neighbor would help them in the case of emergency indicated having less fear of crime. Jane Jacobs (1961) attributed the perception of safety to the informal social 42 control defined as an intricate, almost unconscious network of voluntary contols and standards among the people themselves. Boggs’s study (1971) found that a majority of respondents attributed their perception of safety in their neighborhood to informal controls such as residents’ character, community character, and social network. Regarding the relationship between community cohesion and police-public relations, Black (1976) says that people will resort to law when the relational distance between them is greater. The more intimate they are in their daily life, the less likely they are to invoke legal processes (PP.40-46). Banton (1964) also notes that police work is related to "social density," meaning the closeness, intimacy, and integration of community life (PP.224-232). If the policemen are close to a community, they are less likely to act as enforcers, even though the proportion of enforcement requests is higher. Bayley (1985) argues that although intimate communities do not necessarily have integrated policemen, it may be true in certain countries that, in intimate communities, the police are close to people (P.133). The results of the research on the neighborhood foot patrol in Flint, Michigan shows that the citizens felt especially safe when their foot patrol officer was well known and highly visible. (Trojanowicz and Bucqueroux, 1990:217) The foot patrol officers most frequently cited their 43 familiarity with both the people and places in their beats to explain their feeling of security (P.224). This study expects to show that in an intimate society, community cohesion, meaning members having a strong feeling of belonging toward their community and that they maintaining a close relationship with each other, have an impact on the public’s willingness to contact the police. (2) Neighborhood Policing Organization Many studies on the successful policing in Japan, China, and Singapore describe that neighborhood policing organizations -- a neighborhood police post or a crime prevention association -- play an important role in establishing close police-public relations, and reducing crime rate and fear of victimization. The common functions of the neighborhood police posts in the three countries include patrolling their own street and maintaining contact points with the police. House visits by the police and facilitation of public crime prevention associations are also included (see Chapter 3). In the case of Singapore, the Neighborhood Police Post system (NPP) is an adaptation of the successful "koban" (neighborhood police box) system of policing in Japan. The purpose of the NPP system is twofold: to improve police- 44 community relations; and to prevent and suppress crime through the cooperation of and support of the community. The NNP also functions as an information centre for residents, and as a crime prevention centre. It also patrols and house visits twice a year (Quah and Quah, 1987). According to the survey regarding the impact of Singapore’s 8 neighborhood police posts on crime levels and community residents’ attitudes toward the police, respondents had a positive attitude toward the police and regarded them as friends rather than merely as law enforcers. Residents reported more minor crimes after the inception of the NNP system than before its creation. The crime rate in the participating communities dropped by 10%, and robbery, car and snatch theft fell by 11.4% (the Mirror, 1983, December 15, Quoted from Quah and Quah, 1987:101-102). There was a small group of residents for whom the NNP system (especially the family or house visits by NNP officers) served as a polarizer, sharpening their latent antagonism towards the police. This population tended to have little or incorrect information about the crime situation in their neighborhood as well as the nature of police work. | Bayley (1989) also mentions the importance of the NNP in Singapore policing and believes that the transition to community policing has involved three elements:development of community-based crime prevention, deemphasis on motorized 45 patrol in favor of foot patrol, and the creation of decentralized area commands within the precints. All the components are coordinated through the NNP. Singapore police regularly visit residences and businesses to offer security- related services, organize crime prevention groups and maintain liaison with the public. There is also some research done on neighborhood police posts in Canada and the United States. Walker and Walker (1989) examined the effects of five police mini-stations in Victoria, Canada. The goals of the mini-stations were to enhance police-community relations and bolster proactive services. Crime prevention programs were decentralized into mini-stations, and each station has begun to develop strategies based on the needs of its neighborhood. They found high level of awareness about the mini-station, a proactive view of its function, and a decrease in fear of crime. They reported that the management and structure of each station has been well conceived, and involvement of the community is more intensive than in any other program of its kind in Canada. Another study in Canada is done about a mini-station established in 1983 by the Metropolitan Toronto Police, to promote general community policing goals. The report on the evaluation of the Toronto Mini-Station shows that although lack of baseline data and clear objectives limit any attempts 46 at evaluation, the mini-station has generated positive and increased citizen participation in crime prevention activities. Proper staff selection was also found to be crucial to its success (A.R.A.Consultants, 1985). Wycott and her associates (1985) report the impacts of a storefront police station with a variety of programs to bridge the distance between police and area residents in Houston. Two surveys found statistically significant reductions in fear of personal victimization, as well as in perceptions of area crime, property crime, and social disorder problems. The study reported that the programs had less effects on blacks and renters as a result of their lack ofawareness of the program. In relation to house visits by the police, Skolnick and Bayley (1986) say that Detroit and Houston police have made house visits and, contrary to some expectations, were welcomed with enthusiasm rather than being told to get lost. House visits are also made by Community Service Officers in Santa Ana and Oslo. Marenin also notes the importance of regular police- public contact in community policing. He argues that community needs and problems may vary, and reflect . the characteristics and cultures of the community. Agencies need to establish methods to obtain ideas from a variety of organizations and individuals outside the agency. Such ideas 47 are obtained through "regular meetings with persons who live and work in the area" (1989:75). The present study assumes that a fixed police post or a crime prevention association in a neighborhood may function as a means of enhancing police-public relations and in solving community problems. Cultural-ideological Fectors Cultural-ideological factors in this study include group- oriented values, patriotism, and attitude towards authoritarianism. (1) Qroup-oriehted Values Numerous studies show that individualism-collectivism is the major dimension of cultural variability, which affect intergroup processes. These two value emphases presumably function as group ideologies and as guides to individual behavior. They are also part of broad syndromes of attitudes, self-concepts, and behaviors (Triandis, 1988). Individualist cultures emphasize values that serve the self by making the self feel good, be distinguished, and be independent. The core meaning of collectivism is giving priority to ingroup goals over personal goals. Collectivist 48 cultures emphasize values that serve the ingroup by subordinating personal goals for the sake of preserving ingroup integrity, interdependence of members, and harmonious relationships (Triandis et al.,1986; Triandis et al., 1985; Triandis, 1988). There is empirical evidence that individualism- collectivism is a dominant value system which differentiates cultural groups and nations (Hofstede, 1984). Societies showing a high degree of individualism -- e.g., the United States, Australia, Great Britain, and Canada -- were described as characterized by features such as their emphasis on personal autonomy and self-realization, on individual achievement and initiative, and on identity based on an individual’s personal attributes. In societies reflecting a less individualistic orientation -- Hong Kong, Singapore, and Taiwan --, Hofstede said that there was likely to be greater emotional dependence on organizations and groups, less privacy, and a tendency for an individual’s identity to be defined by one’s place in the social system. The latter set of characteristics reveal a value orientation in which various groups look after the individual’s interests in return for loyalty to the group. Contrasted with North American cultural ideals, values in traditional Chinese society reflect this group-focused orientation (Hsu, 1981; Chu, 1985; Dion & Dion, 1988). 49 A substantial literature, reviewed by Triandis, Leung, Villareal, and Clark (1985) suggests that the relative emphasis on individual versus collective goals has important implication for a wide range of variables, including gross national product (Adelman & Morris, 1967), cognitive differentiation (Witkin & Berry, 1975), and crime, suicide, child abuse, and divorce rates (Naroll, 1983). Naroll’s central insight concerns the importance of "moralnet" for human well-being. Moralnets are basically primordial communities -- primary groups such as extended families, lineages, religious congregations, military units, or clubs that serve the individual as part of his or her normative reference group." For him, "weakened moralnets mean trouble" (1983:139). The present study attempts to examine the differences in attitudes between a more individualistic society and a .more group-oriented society toward the police or police-public relations. (2) Patriotism The most common definition of "patriotism," is "love of country," which is obviously subjective and psychological. Doob defines patriotism as: "the more or less conscious conviction of a person that his own welfare and that of the significant 50 groups to which he belongs are dependent upon the preservation or expansion (or both) of the power and culture of his society. (1964:6) Doob says that the strength of patriotism can be considered a function of the patriot’s conviction that his welfare or that of his group depends upon the preservation or expansion of the power and culture of the society. He also specifies characteristics of strong patriotism and weak patriotism. One who has strong patriotism feels that: his welfare is intimately connected with the nation’s power and culture; hence he subjugates many of his own important needs to the demands of the state;.....he seeks and finds evidence for his country’s distinctiveness and aspiration; Of all his group loyalties, he is convinced that the allegiance to his country is the most compelling.. (1964:12-13) One who has weak patriotism feels that: his welfare is much more intimately connected with other groups than the nation; when he obeys the state, he does so unwillingly or begrudgingly; Allegiance to his country, has an exceedingly low priority; the state exists to serve people...(P.13) In the cross-cultural perspective, there are obviously important differences between societies that give rise to variations in the content of patriotism. Certainly, the conviction that there is a significant connection between personal or group welfare and the government or state varies from nation to nation. Although the content of the demands behind nationalism and the nature of national actions vary, patriotism from which they spring 51 have certain ingredients that are roughly the same everywhere (P.24). Patriotic dispositions are seen as universal, built within each group through repeated reinforcements derived from growing up in a given land, among given people, with a given culture. It is thus simply a psychological correlate of growing up in human groups --. land, people, culture, and symbols. The recollection of the flag, a concrete symbol, or something as fleeting as a national song may on some occasion arouse an internal response. Generally, people’s reactions are likely to reflect feelings to a greater degree than the contents: the name of the nation is heard and they feel happy or proud.(P.33) Doob puts forward a model of communication in which stimuli reaches people through communication; people then react and also evaluate. What emerges are the convictions of patriots regarding their own welfare and that of the significant groups to which they belong. These convictions in turn lead to demands and actions, "the hallmarks of nationalism," and to justifications of these demands and actions (PP.22-23) Regarding the relationship of patriotism with nationalism, he says that the step from patriotism to nationalism is unavoidable. He defines nationalism as a set of demands, arising from patriotism, for the stengthening and 52 expansion of the society. Nationalism becomes a prime motivating set of beliefs, and becomes a way of motivating people to work for social change and of harnessing their energies into cooperative and coordinated activities. Common sense suggests that strongly patriotic people willingly support the policies of their government and are even eager to make sacrifies demanded by their leaders. Based on the analysis above, this study anticipates that patriotism could also be a psychological factor affecting the public’s attitude towards cooperation with the police. (3) Attitude toward Apthoritariehisp There are hundreds of studies made which identify and understand the concept of authoritarian personality. The authoritarian character is hypothesized as the psychological structure most receptive to rigidly hierarchical antidemocratic social structures (Levinson,1968) The rise of fascism offered a prototypic example for social-psychological analysis of authoritarianism. A The study regarding the authoritarian personality has sought to answer the following question -- How are the ethnocentric attitudes and authoritarian ideology of prejudiced individuals reflected and manifested in their beliefs, attitudes, and actions? Most research has produced a 53 common conclusion that prejudiced individuals do live their lives in accordance with their ethnocentric attitudes and authoritarian ideologies (Snyder and Ickes,1985:885-887). According to Adorno et al (1950), prejudiced individuals were the children of domineering fathers and punitive mothers who engaged in austere and punitive child-rearing practices. They claimed that the insecurity and dependence that these individuals experienced during their childhood is translated in adulthood into submission and obedience to those in positions of power and authority. By the same token, the fear and hostility of their childhood years is translated in their adult years into hostility and antagonism toward members of minority groups and other people perceived to be less powerful than themselves. Highly prejudiced individuals display the behavioral elements of a syndrome that has come to be known as authoritarianism. Major characteristics of authoritarian personality have been found in various areas. Within the cognitive domain, authoritarians display considerable cognitive rigidity and intolerance for ambiguity (Block and Block, 1951; Rokeach, 1948; Steiner and Johnson,l963), as well as the firm beliefs that other people tend to think and feel as they do (Granberg, 1972; Simins, 1966). Within (the attitudinal domain, authoritarians reject minorities and foreigners (Adorno et a1,l950; Martin and 54 Westie, 1959), accept the attitudes of those in power (Izzett, 1971). Within the behavioral domain authoritarians are more obedient to authority (Chapko and Lewis, 1975), and raise their own children in a traditional manner. Prejudiced individuals live their lives in accordance with their ethnocentric attitudes and authoritarian ideologies. The present study focuses on authoritarianism in relation to the state, the family, and social issues (e.g., crime and sexual immorality). It attempts to explore how different attitude of the public towards authoritarianism have an impact on police-public relations. Summary This chapter provided a review of related literature regarding the five factors -- political factors, crime- related factors, police-related factors, cultural and ideological factors, and community-related factors -- as associated with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. The study assumed that relative importance of the five factors in shaping the public’s attitude .toward the police would be different in terms of different countries. CHAPTER 3 CONCEPTUAL UNDERSTANDING OF THE POLICE SYSTEM IN JAPAN AND CHINA Previous studies seem to agree that policing in Japan and China is quite successful, at least, in mobilizing community resources in police work. At the same time, they point to close police-public relations and community-based policing organizations as correlates of successful policing in the two countries. Police-public relations and the mode of police operations are shaped by a unique combination of various factors in a society. Particularly in Japan and China, traditional social control methods and cultural factors seem to play an important role in molding the police-public relation and the method of policing. This chapter will describe cultural traditions and the unique ways of policing, possibly associated with their successful policing. The first two sections are concerned with a brief introduction and a historical background of the police system in Japan and China. Next sections consist of community-related policing organizations, household registration system, historical and cultural heritage, and their functions in shaping police-public relations in Japan and China. 55 56 A t u t'o t d ' This section -provides basic information and knowledge regarding demographic features, the government, and ‘modern history in Japan and China. Jepan[l] Japan is one of the world’s leading industrial nations and the first Asian nation to develop a technologically advanced industrial economy. It is slightly larger than the United Kingdom and Italy, and slightly smaller than the State of California. Japan’s current population is 122 mil (1987). The population is predominantly urban, with about 76% living in cities with populations of more than 30,000. Although Shintoism and Buddhism are the predominant religions, a majority of the people do not participate actively in religious rituals. Virtually the entire population - 99% of adult population - is literate. The Japanese, a Mongoloid race form a dominant ethnic group people. The Japanese are homogeneous, for the most 1. The description of this section was based on the following literatures:Academic emericep Ehcyeiopedea, Vol.12, Danbury, Connecticut: Grolier Incorporated, 1985; Beasley, W.G. Modern History pf Japah, London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson,1981; Ja an: ount tu , Department of the Army, 1983; Morton, W.Scott., Japan: its history ehg Culture,New York:Crowell, 1970. 57 part, sharing a common history, language, and culture. The largest minority group is composed of the approximately 600,000 Koreans, who began settling in Japan mostly during the 1920s and have retained their own language and culture. The Japanese have developed a culture that was strongly influenced between the 3rd and 10th century by contact with the Chinese and the Koreans, contact with the West during the 16th century, isolation during the Tokugawa period (1603- 1868), and renewed contact with the West and the rest of the world after 1854. In less than half a century Japan was trasformed from a secluded feudal society into an industrialized world power. During the Meiji period (1868- 1912), firm centralized bureaucracy was established. A conscript army replaced the military authority of the samurai. The government imported foreign advisors and technology for industrial, commercial, and educational purposes. Adopting the slogan "rich country, strong army," Japan determined to gain a position of equality with the West. It won both the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95 and the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-05, however, it was defeated in the World War II by the United States. But since the War, the United States has played a major role in supporting social, economic, and political reform and recovery during the occupation, and assisting Japan in gaining access to foreign resources and markets later. Despite rapid changes in all 58 areas of the society, the form and functioning of Japan’s political order has remained remarkably stable since 1955, and parts of the traditional cuture and social system has been strengthened and revitalized. The present government is a constitutional monarchy, with a hereditary emperor and a parliamentary system of government. The Emperor was defined in the 1947 Constitution as "the symbol of the State and the unity of the people." National Diet consists of two houses, the House of Representatives and the House of Councillors, which designates the prime minister. Political and social stability has arisen to a large extent because of the dominance of a single political party, the conservative and pragmatic Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). Liberal Democratic Party has been in power since its formation in 1955. The LDP and the government adopted the strategy for rebuilding Japan as an industrialized nation, based on scientific principles and technology borrowed from the West and to participate extensively in international trade. Public support coalesced behind the drive for economic growth. The very strong sense of national identity may have also lent zest to this effort, making it into a shared national mission of survival and renewal. As many observers have pointed out, much of Japan’s success in the past has arisen out of an acute sense of isolation and of vulnerability to foreign developments over 59 which it has had no control. mm] The People’s Republic of China (PRC) is the third largest country in the world in terms of area. It is smaller than the USSR and Canada, and slightly larger than the United States. It is the world’s most populous nation, with a population of more than 1 billion, which is nearly one-fourth of the world’s total population. China is divided into 22 provinces, 3 municipalities, and 5 autonomous bordor regions, which other ethnic groups constitute a majority of the population. As of 1987 China has recognized 55 minority nationalities, numbering about 70 million people which is less than 7% of the total population. Urban population was officially about 380 million, or 37% of the total in 1985. About 94% of the population lives on approximately 36% of land. Literacy rate was 34% of the adult population in 1979. With the longest continous history of any present-day nation, China for over 3,000 years has been a major center of civilization. It has undergone several major political transformations, from a feudal-like system in early 2. The description of this section was based on the following literatures :MMW. Vol - 4 . Danbury, Connecticut: Grolier Incorporated, 1985 :9h1ne; A erhty Study, Department of the Army, 1988; Hook, Brian, ed., The W. 1982- Morton. Woswttu Chiha; its history end Qplture,New York:Lippincott & Crowell,1980. 60 historical times, to a centralized bureaucratic empire that lasted through many vicissitudes from 221 B.C until 1911 when the Ch’ing dynasty (1644-1911) collapsed. Since 1949, Mainland China is a republic with a Communist form of government. For over two millennia the dominant orthodoxy, Confucianism, has been a secular social and political philosiphy. The present Chinese government is considered a communist dictatorship, or a unitary and socialist state of dictatorship of the proletariate, based on Marxism-Leninism- Mao Zedong Thought. It is led by 46-million-member Chinese Communist Party. The early 1950s witnessed social and economic reorganization based on the Soviet model, with the support of the Soviet Union. A nationwide land reform system wiped out the landlord class and divided the land among the peasantry. Women were given full equality with men, and official corruption and bureacratism were denounced. Mobilization of the masses in these enterprises may have been facilitated by the patriotism generated by China’s involvement in the Korean War (1950-53). The Chinese Communist Party used ideological campaigns to mobilize the populace and arouse enthusiasm for rapid radical changes. Striking economic and social advances occurred in many areas, but there were also disastrous food shortages and starvation as well as bloody violence. After Mao’ death, disillusionment with excesses committed and inefficiencies of radical 61 policies led new Chinese leaders like Deng Xiaoping to favor a more moderate pace of development based on individual initiative and material incentives. Historical Bachgrgphd epd peeie Streetpre or the Poiiee Syetem ih Jepah epd Chihe In this section, origins and basic structures of the police system in Japan and China will be discussed briefly. Japah[3] The Japanese police system is a centralized body and maintaines a national police force. On the top of its hierarchical pyramid is the Prime Minister, followed by the National Public Safety Commission, the National Police Agency, Regional Police Bureaus, and Metropolitan and Prefectual Public Safety Commissions. National Police Agency staffed by almost 2,500 officers and some 5,500 civilians supervised forty-five prefectural police forces. Tokyo 3. The description of this section was based on the following literatures: Academic Americen Encyclopedea, Vol.4, 12, Danbury, Connecticut: Grolier Incorporated, 1985; Ames, Walter L. Poiice end Qopmuhity ih dapan, Berkeley, Ca: University of California Press, 1981; Clifford, William. Crime Qohtrol in dapeh, Lexington, Mass: Lexington Books, 1976; depan: A Ceunty Stpdy, Department of the Army, 1983; Kurian, George Thomas, Wgrld Encyclopedie of Eoiice Foreee epd Penai Systems, New York: Facts and File, 1989; Parker, L.C. J a ese 0 ' 5 od : n e 'ca Perspective, New York: Harper and Row, 1984. 62 Metropolitian Police and Hokkaido Prefectural Police altogether employ over 200,000 police officers. Population per police officer in 1988 was is 480 in number. All police forces are under civilian control. There have been two formative periods in the development of the modern Japanese police: the Meiji Restoration, especially the years from 1872 to 1889, and the Allied occupation from 1945 to 1952. In 1871 the new government organized the nation’s first civil police force, modeling it along continental European lines. The police force was used for maintaining order during the government’s founding period and for putting down internal disturbances and counterrevolutionary uprisings. Police officers served primarily as roving guardians of public morality. They worked with local leaders as a uniformed expression of official approval for the local order. They were held in high esteem especially in the rural areas. and accorded the same mixture of fear and respect directed towards the village headman and the local schoolmaster. Their increasing 'involvement in political affairs became one of the foundations upon which the twentieth century authoritarian state was erected. The centralized police system steadily controlled almost all aspects of daily life, including fire prevention and mediation in labor disputes. This system remained in force until 1947, when it was 63 totally reorganized by the occupation authorities. The principal thrust of this reorganization was to decentralize the police establishment on American lines. All large cities and towns in the country with populations over 5,000 were given an independent police force. The Public Safety Commission System was introduced at national levels and a democratic system of administration and command developed. In rural communities with population of less than 5,000 the National Rural Police was established. The responsibility of the police was limited to affairs strictly concerned with keeping peace and order, dealing with crime, and protecting life and property. It was soon found that decentralization had many drawbacks that considerably impaired police effectiveness and resulted in increased financial burdens for the cities, town, and villages. In order to correct theSe defects, the system was changed again in 1954. The dual system of municipal police and rural police was abolished and the two forces were integrated into a central police force under the name of Prefectural Police. The Public Safety comminssion was established as the principal administrative agency with the right to intervene in prefectural police matters. At the same time, political neutrality and democratic administration of the police force were clearly defined and guaranteed. 64 Chima[4] The People’s Republic of China has a national police force that is headed by the Minister of Public Security, a member of the State Council. Under this Ministry there are four levels of public security organs:Public Security Departments at the provincial and special municipal level: Public Security Bureaus at the county and municipal level; Public Security Subureaus at the rural or urban district level; and Public Security Stations at the commune and city district level. The police force is composed of three basic units. Firstly, the People’s Armed Police Force estimated to be 600,000 in number, responsible for primarily demobilizing the the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). troops estimated at 600,000. Secondly, the armed militia estimated to be 4.3 million in unmber relying on the support of the , grass-roots party, government, and neighborhood organizations. Thirdly, 4. The description of this section was based on the following Literatures:Academic emeriean Ehcyciopedea, Vol.12, Danbury, Connecticut: Grolier Incorporated, 1985; Chen, Phillip M. Law ahd Justice, New York:Dunellen Publishing Company, 1973;China: A Couhty Study, Department of the Army, 1988; Kurian, George Thomas, World Encyclopedia of Police Forces and Penal Systems, New York: Facts and File, 1989; Leng, Shao-Chuan and HungDah Chiu. Criminal Justice in Post-Mao China. New York, Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985; Li, Victor H. "The Public Security Bureau and Political-Legal Work in Hui-yang, 1952-64. in The City in Sommunist Shine edited by Lewis, John Wilson, Stanford, Ca:Stanford University Press, 1971; Vogel, Ezra F. "Preserving Order in the Cities," in The City in Communist Chine edited by Lewis, John Wilson, Stanford, Ca:Stanford University Press, 1971. 65 at the bottom of rung is unarmed militia estimated to be 6 million in number. Population per police officer is 1,360 in 1988. Supplementing the work of the police are a variety of neighborhood and workplace committees composed of residents and workers who maintain security and order and help settle disputes. These were established in the 1950s and have been affirmed in the post-Mao period. The committees assist the police in maintaining order, preventing criminal activities, and investigating crime. All members of the committees are local residents who know their neighbors well, and are able to provide valuable information and assistance to the authorities.[5] The public security system in contemporary China may have been influenced by communist ideology and practice, but it remained rooted directly in the traditional Chinese concept of goverment control through imposed collective responsibility. Confucian China had no professional police force. The teachings of Confucius have had an enduring effect on Chinese life and have provided the basis for the social order through much of the country’s history. The Confucians believed in the fundamental goodness of man and advocated rule by moral persuasion in accordance with the concept of "Li", a 'set of 5. The role of neighborhood committees will be discussed more detailedly in the section 3, 4, and 5 of this chapter. 66 generally accepted social values or norms of behavior. Li was enforced by the society rather than by the courts. Most legal professionals were not lawyers but generalists trained in philosophy and literature. The local, classically trained, Confucian gentry played a crucial role as arbiters and handled all but the most serious local disputes. The criminal code was not comprehensive and often not written down, which left magistrates great flexibility during trials. The accused had no rights and relied on the mercy of the court. Defendants were tortured to obtain confessions and often served long jail terms while awaiting trial. A court appearance, at minimum, resulted in loss of face, and the people were reluctant and afraid to use the courts. Rulers did little to make the courts more appealing, for if they stressed rule by law, they weakened their own moral influence. In the final years of the Ch’ing dynasty (1644-1911), reform advocates implemented certain aspects of the modernized Japanese legal system, which was based on German judicial precedents. These efforts were short-lived and largely ineffective. After the collapse of the Ch’ing dynasty, the Republic of China was established in 1912 under the leadership of the Nationalist Party. At the end of the 1920s, Chiang Kai-shek and the Nationist Party suppressed the warlords and gained control of most of the country. The 67 Nationalist government attempted to develop Western-style legal and penal systems. However, the traditional Chinese preference for collective social sanctions over impersonal legalism hindered constitutional and legal development. Few of the Nationalist Codes were implemented nationwide. In the end, most of the new laws were discarded as the Nationalist Party became preoccupied with fighting the Chinese Communists and the invading Japanese. In 1932 Chiang’s regime reinstituted the pao-jia (tithing) system [6] which was traditional Chinese way of social control. The Japanese also used the pao-jia system in Taiwan when they assummed control of the island. They instituted modified versions of it in north China to impose severe restriction on the population. In 1949, the People’s Republic of China came into being under the leadership of Mao Zedong and the Chinese Communist Party. Police forces resembling the Soviet police in organization, power, and activites were organized with the aid of Soviet advisers. During the early 19505, the Chinese government made use of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), militia units made up of demobilized soldiers, the police, and loyal citizens to put down resistance and to establish order. The PLA and the militia continued to share responsibility for internal security and public order. The PLA’s involvement in internal affairs was most extensive 6. The pao-jia system will be discussed in the section 5 of this chapter. 68 during the more turbulent period of the Cultural Revolution (1966-76). Mao instructed youthful Red Guards to smash police, proscutor, and court establishments. As a result, they singled out the police, attacking them for abuse of power and for taking a reactionary stand. Since the early 19803, reform and reorganization of the police have consisted of decentralization of the police apparatus and to use it to balance the power of the military. Thus, in 1983 25 division of the People’s Liberation Army were transferred from the military to the Ministry of Public Security, where they were known as the Armed Police. At the same time, however, responsibility for prisons and most other correctional institutions were moved from the Ministry of Public Security to the Ministry of Justice. Counterespionage activities, formerly handled by the police, became the task of the newly created Ministry of State Security. - In the first two sections, basic information on Japan and China, and their brief history and basic structure of the police system were given. In the following sections, community-based policing organizations, house registration system, and cultural and traditional heritage, as associated with the police-public relations in the two nations, will be discussed. 69 Or ' ' C t ' ' gSommunity-Reieted Eoiieimg Orgenization This section focuses on community—related policing organizations including neighborhood or local police posts and crime prevention associations in Japan and China. The actual police operations in Japan are based on fixed police posts: "kobans" in cities and "chuzaisho" in rural areas. Two important tasks of these posts are to conduct the "residential survey" twice a year and to facilitate the public "Crime Prevention Association." (Ames, 1981; Bayley, 1976; Becker,1988; Chang, 1989; Clifford, 1976; Craig, 1981;8chembri, 1985). There are 5,800 police boxes (koban) throughout the cities, each serving about 10,000 residents. These police boxes are located within seven or eight blocks of every urban resident. Since almost eighty percent of the Japanese population lives in urban areas, most Japanese citizens are within .several blocks of a permanent police establishment (Ames, 1977). China has also fixed police stations on every road in the cities and in the country side with some variations in their size. "Paichusuo" - translated as "neighborhood police station" - consists of 10-15 people. It usually covers a district of about 10 streets, and there is one security officer for each street, running the "street committee" 7O (Tung, 1966). For example, the neighborhood police station of Keiko Road in Jinan controls over 6,300 households and population totalling 27,000. The police station have five major tasks: the administration of the registration of the residents; education of the legal system; enforcement of measures for public security by relying on the work of the "neigborhood committee"; education and help to the juvenile in trouble; doing good deeds for the masses (Johnson, 1983). A similarity between the two countries is that both their local police stations have a systematic and close relations with semi-official or civil organizations. In Japan, every neighborhood has a "crime prevention association." These are traditional voluntary associations, whose purpose :is to cooperarate with the police in maintaining social order. About 1,200 geographical and 8,000 functional crime prevention units are federated into prefectural crime prevention associations. These associations are usually organized on the basis of police jurisdictions. They serve as convenient channels for the police and citizens to exchange information with each other. Their main functions include patrolling their own street and maintaining contact points with the police (Kim, 1987). In the case of China, the local police station or neighborhood police station (paichusuo) maintain more formal linkages with the "street committees" (jiedao banshichu). The 71 street committee is the lowest government administrative apparatus. For example, the Erlong road street committee in Beijing governs over 22,000 households, with 73,000 persons. The street committee has 18 sections, one of which is in charge of public security. Other sections, including law section or civil affair section, also deal with public security, mediation, juvenile rehabilitation, and so on. Under the street committee, there are 35 autonomous organizations - the "residents committees" (from the brochure of the Erlong Road Street Committee). It is often translated in English publications as the "neighborhood committee" or the "public security committee." According to Johnson (1983), in the case of Keiko Road in Jinan city, "the task of the residents committee is to help the government and the public security organizations to propagate the legal system and also to carry out education for/against the masses. The committees organize the masses to carry out effective measures in the prevention of criminal activities and in maintaining social order and public security." Household Registretion System Another similarity between the two countries is that both have a household registration system. In Japan, the residential survey ‘ underlines the pervasiveness and 72 permanence of the police in society. Patrolmen are required to visit every residence twice a year and obtain general data such as, the number of people living there, their occupations, and their relationship with one another. Inquiries are also made concerning possible criminal activity in the neighborhood, the presence of suspicious persons, and even problems regarding municipal services. The survey not only provides valuable information but also permits the police to meet the normal people of the community (Ames, 1981; Bayley, 1976; Becker,1988; Chang, 1989; Clifford, 1976; - Kim, 1987). In China, administration of household registration is the most vital role of the neighborhood police station. The Register of Persons (hukoupu) includes general information of all household members. To the individual Chinese, the Register of Persons booklet is the most important item. One of the main functions of the registration system is of regulating the distribution of housing, foodstuffs and goods, job allocation, and school admission. This system also enables the government to keep track of the movements of its citizens within the country. Every visitor is expected to. report to the police station (usually in the case of more than three days’ stay). These jobs are usually done through cooperation with the street committee or the residence committee. Therefore the public security organizations have 73 records of all the political and other activities of the people in their district, and little escapes their attention (Johson, 1983; Phillips, 1966; Tung, 1966; Whyte & Parish, 1984). Historical and Cuitpral Heritege Many western experts on Japanese studies often point to homogeneity, hierarchy, and a sense of group as characteristics of Japanese traditional and cultural heritage. They have attempted to find the secrets of Japan’s great achievements from those factors. Such trends are also shown in Japanese policing methods based on the assumption that police is the creature of their society and culture. The entire socio-economic fabric of Japan is woven in terms of seniority and the prestige which comes from being the older, senior person. This reflects well in Bayley’s (1976) description that "the American observer is amazed when seeing the Japanese suspect who is more likely to be compliant and cooperate in supplying information and submitting to a search," especially when the suspect is younger than the police officer. Hagihara, a Japanese psychologist, also explains that "Even in the case of motorcycle gang members, when you are sobserving them individually, they are quite obedient, passive, and polite... 74 ....They don’t have their own ego, but seek identity through gang behavior."(Quoted from Parker, 1981:144) Regarding individual—society relation in Japan, Parker argues that "Most Japanese do not consider the pressures of their society to be the problem, but rather the increasing inability to force individuals to submit to those pressures (1981:147). Bayley also makes interesting comparisons of the American policeman with the Japanese policeman that "the Japanese policeman is concerned about home threatening the work community, the American policeman is concerned about work threatening home life." and that "an American policeman is like a fireman: he responds when he must. A Japanese policeman is more like a postman: he has a daily round of low-key activities that relate him to the lives of the people among whom he works," (1976:91) If these observances are true, what factors account for them? Kim argues that "the single most important ingredient in Japan’s success is the Japanese attitudes toward work. The Japanese police have been successful because they have worked harder. The individual policeman brings a set of attitudes and expectations, derived from the cultural ethos of conformity, submission to hierarchy, group loyalty, a sense of national uniqueness that make him (her) the perfect policeman"(1987:114). Chang also argues that "the most important factor, 75 though, is the attitude of the Japanese people in general. There is immense public support, on both individual and community levels, for the justice system, and few are afraid to ‘work actively to aid the capture of the criminal. .... Such sentiments are derived from the deeply rooted Japanese values of responsibility to the community, social unity and harmony, and family honor"(1988:142). The structural outline and character of Japan’s and China’ present-day police force were visible in their history. Japanese "koban" traces its origin to the network of bansho (checkpoint) set up by the "samurai" who protected the populace in the feudal period of the Tokugawa Shogunate (1603-1867). According to Wesney (1982), the formalized police services as we know them today did not appear until the Meiji period (1868-1912). Features inherited from the Meiji era include the routine family visits to households by police officers, and the scattering of police boxes - koban and chuzaisho — throughout the country (Parker, 1981:32-3). The attitudes of present-day citizens toward the police have been shaped, in part, by the police behavior of the Meiji and pre-Second World war periods (P.42). In the Meiji era, there also were neighborhood associations as the forerunners of crime prevention associations of modern Japan, which were called "burakukai" in the rural areas and "chonaikai" in the 76 urban areas. Associations in which neighbors assisted each other in a variety of activities, such as planting rice, building houses, and other aspects of daily living, were integral part of the social fabric (P.37). Even ancient China had a precedent in community policing or self-policing: the mutual responsibility and surveillance system (pao-chia) of rural areas. Ideally, one hundred households formed a "chia" and ten chia a "pao." Beginning in the Ch’ing Dynasty (1616-1912), headmen of each village were given the responsibility for local registration of the population and to watch the local residents. The pao-chia performed local patrol and otherwise enabled the government to extend its control over villages and towns outside the range of official surveillance (Ch’u, 1962). In the People’s Republic (1949 -present), the Chinese Communist Party has also organized the Chinese people into small, local groups which were instituted all over the country, in school, government offices, urban neighborhoods, and prisons, and so on. Individuals generally carry out their normal activities in these groups, and also meet for extracurricular activities - "political study," "self- examination session," or "criticism and self-criticism session" - all aimed to formulate the official ideology. These group activities play a semi-judicial role, to a certain degree, outside the formal criminal justice system. 77 The activities of the resident committees can also be understood to have a semi-judicial function within the residential areas (Dittmer, 1974; Shurmann, 1968; Whitehead, 1977; Whyte, 1974, 1979; Whyte 8 Parish, 1983). As regards cultural or ideological backgound in order to understand dispute-solving mechanism within civil organization settings in present day China, many authors note that two models of law have coexisted in China -the jural (formal) model and the societal (informal) model. Just as Fa (positive law) and Li (moral code) coexisted in traditional China to regulate human behavior and social order, so do the jural and societal models of law coexist in contemporary China. The jural model stands for formal, elaborate, and codified rules enforced by a centralized and institutionalized bureacracy. The societal model, on the other hand, focuses on socially approved norms and values, implemented through political socialization and enforced through education and mass participation in the political- legal process. (Cohen, 1968; Leng, 1977; Leng & Chiu, 1985; Lubman, 1969; Tao, 1974). Compliance is secured by the individual’s internalization of social norms and by community pressure and coercion. The formal sanctioning process of the state comes into play only in cases of serious deviance (Johnson, 1986). A Similarly, Japan has traditionally been described as a 78 nation in which the formal system of justice is shunned, and extrajudicial informal procedures sought (Parker, 1981:23). Strong social and psychological pressures discouraged the filing of lawsuits, and manifold out-of-court resolutions, techniques and mechanisms, such as mediation by relatives, court marshals, or local leaders, were commonly used. The compromise of civil disputes was generally regarded as the most desirable solutions (Tanabe,1963:77, Quoted from Parker, 1981:24). Summary There are similarities between the Japanese and the Chinese traditions which affected their police system and mode of policing. Both have maintained Confucianism-oriented social controls and community-based policing organizations. At the same time, differences can be found in their social system, the nature of government, and origin of the police system. The basic structure of modern police system in Japan was initially established, mainly by the influence of centralized police system of Germany. It was totally reorganized later on the American line, resulting in complete decentralization of the police system. After the occupation era, the decentralized police system was modified for 79 effective and efficient policing by the Japanese government. The current police system-has been shaped by a blend of European, American, and Japanese tradition in policing. On the other hand, the police system in China was established on the Soviet model after the Liberation (1949), and became a centralized and military-like system. Chinese policing can be characterized by a combination of Chinese cultural traits and certain elements of Communist ideology. The most distinct characteristic of Chinese policing is contributions of civilian groups, organized for political purpose, such as the residential committee, the security and defense committees, and other small groups, to do police work. Another major difference between the two nations, is that Japan has maintained political stability backed by economic properity during the last forty years, while China has experienced tremendous economic, political, and social disturbances for the same period of time. The linkage of the neighborhood police post or station with the residents committees or crime prevention associations is shown as a classic pattern of self-policing. The residents committees and neighborhood associations are also the vehicles of self-policing that deemphasizes bureaucratic features and the professionalized system of western policing. Such neighborhood police posts and 80 neighborhood committees can be viewed, in theory, as part of a community. Therefore, if a community is cohesive, it can facilitate the effectiveness of associated policing organizations, and produces close police-public relations. Although causal relations between such factors as traditional social values, community cohesion, neighborhood-related policing organization, and police-public relations have not been proven, the study posits that these factors are associated each other, and such associations could be a key in explaining successful policing. In the first two sections, basic information on Japan and China, and their brief history and structure of the police system were given. In the following sections, community-based policing organizations, house registration system, and cultural and traditional heritage, as associated with the police-public relations in the two nations, were discussed. Next chapter will discuss methodology of this study. CHAPTER 4. METHODOLOGY This study is a perception study regarding the public- police relations. Perception may not perfectly reflect the object being represented. However, perceptions derive from, and are continuosly influenced by, direct and indirect contacts and experience with the objects of perception. The study examined and compared the perceptions of the Japanese and the Chinese who stayed temporarity in the United States, and the American citizens, on police-public relations and the factors affecting the relations. The purpose of this study is to examine the factors associated with cooperative attitude of the public toward the police by examining how the subjects perceive situations or factors, possibly associated with police-public relations. All the data in this study is assumed to be derived from the subjects’ experience in their home countries. The study also attempts to compare similarities and differences in major factors among the three groups of university students from Japan, China, and the United States. This chapter includes research hypotheses, analysis and statistics, research procedure, demographic variables, and measurement of variables. 81 82 Research Hypetheeee In this section, the hypotheses are developed based on the literature review and interviews with the subjects. As mentioned in Chapter 2, the definition or nature of the term "public cooperation" differs in many ways from society to society. The uniqueness of each society in its culture, political situation, population size and composition, and wealth generates differences in the approach taken by the police to obtain the cooperation of the community. Therefore, the factors associated with the public’s cooperative attitude towards the police vary among different societies. This study assumes that there would be variations in the subjects’ perception toward major factors associated with the public’s cooperative attitude towards the police among the three countries -- Japan, China, and the United States. In this study, the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police indicates, as shown in Chapter One, whether or not the subjects would turn to the police in situations they face as a witness of even a minor crime; whether the subjects would be willing to cooperate with the police when they were asked to be a collaborator by the police. Along with this major examination, the study also attempts to explore what factors are related with the subjects’ willingness to contact the police when they were a victim or in need. 83 All the independent variables were categorized into five factors, community-related factors, political factors, crime- related factors, police-related factors, cultural-ideological factors. In this study, the public’s cooperation towards the police and the public’s willingness to contact the police, as perceived by the subjects, is assumed to be a function of the following variables as indicated; Y1 Y2 f ( x1, x2, x3 .............. x19) f ( x1, X2, X3 ...... ........ X19) Attitude of the public to cooperate with the police as a witness or collaborator, where, Y1 Y2 = Willingness of the public to make contact with the police as a victim and a person in need, 1. Community-Related Factors: X1 = Community cohesion X2 = Awareness of the community-related policing organizations X3 = Awareness of the police in the neighborhood X4 = Perception of the community-related policing organizations 2. Political Factors: X5 = Trust in government X6 = Political efficacy 3. Crime-Related Factors: X7 = Perception of crime X8 = Fear of crime X9 = Experience of victimization 4. Police-Related Factors: X10 = Perception of the police X11 = Evaluation of the police performance X12 = Visibility of the police 84 5. Cultural-Ideological Factors: X13 = Group-oriented values X14 = Attitude towards authoritarianism X15 = Patriotism (Demographic Variables) X16 = Gender X17 = Age X18 = Socio-economic status X19 = City size As mentioned earlier, the unique conjunction of socio- cultural environments of the three countries would create the differences in factors affecting the public’s cooperative attitude towards the police. In the American case, the study anticipated that crime-related and police-related factors would be more critical than cultural, political, or community-related factors in explaining police-public relations, as perceived by the subjects. In the Japanese case, the study expected that community-related factors and cultural values would play a more important role in forming the police-public relations than political or crime-related factors, as perceived by the subjects. In case of the Chinese group, the study anticipated that political and cultural- ideological factors would be more important than any other factors, regarding police-public relations, as perceived by ’the subjects. Since each factor consisted of more than two operational variables, the hypotheses were developed based on both the five factors and the operational variables. In the next 85 section, null hypothese will be developed in order to test these hypotheses,. Hi: For the American group, the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police will be associated with crime-related factors more than any other factors. (a) The perception of crime will be associated with the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police in the American group. (b) The fear of crime will be associated with the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police in the American group. (c) The experience of victimization will be associated with the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police in the American group. 82: For the American group, the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police will be associated with police-related factors more than any other factors. (a) Perception of the police will be associated with the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police in the American group. (b) Evaluation of the police performance will be associated with the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police in the American group. (c) Visibility of the police will be associated with the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police in the American group. H3: For the Japanese group, the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police will be associated with community-related factors more than any other factors. (a) Awareness of community-related policing organizations will be associated with the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police in the Japanese group. H4 H5 H6 86 (b) Community cohesion will be associated with be the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police in the Japanese group. (c) Awareness of the police in the neighborhood will associated with the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police in the Japanese group. (d) Perception of the community-related policing organizations will be associated with the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police in the Japanese group. For the Japanese group, the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police will be associated with cultural-ideological factors more than any other factors. (a) Group-oriented values will be associated with the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police in the Japanese group. (b) Attitude towards authoritarianism will be associated with the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police in the Japanese group. (c) Patriotism will be associated with the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police in the Japanese group. For the Chinese group, the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police will be associated with political factors more than any other factors. (a) Trust in government will be associated with the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police in the Chinese group. (b) Political efficacy will be associated with the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police in the Chinese group. For the Chinese group, the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police will be associated with cultural-ideological factors more than any other factors. (a) Group-oriented values will be associated with the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police in the Chinese group. 87 (b) Attitude towards authoritarianism will be associated with the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police in the Chinese group. (c) Patriotism will be associated with the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police in the Chinese group. Analysis and Statistics Initially, in order to check the internal consistency of multi-item summed indices, the values of Cronbach’s alpha was examined through a reliability analysis. The range of them was from .65 to .85. Factor analysis was also conducted to identify these factors that are substantially meaningful. Factor analysis is "a technique used to identify a relatively small number of factors that can be used to represent relationships among sets of many interrelated variables" (SPSS/PC+ Advanced statistics V2.0, 1988:B-41). Even though most items for factor analysis were chosen from the indices already identified as having high validity and reliability in the United States, the study expected to find differences in the items represented as a factor among the three countries. As a first step of the analyses, the mean scores of all variables were compared in order to examine the differences in them as regards the three countries. As a second step, t-tests were conducted in order to examine the relationships between the independent and the 88 dependent variables. T-test is a statistical test conducted to examine whether two means differ in a population. For this, the analysis dichotomized continous measures of independent variables, that is, divided them into two groups. For example, community cohesion was divided into two groups - - those with stronger community cohesion and those with lesser community cohesion. For example, if we hypothesize that for the Japanese group, community cohesion is associated with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, a symbolic form is: H1: #2 =’r #1 where #2 is the mean of "cooperative attitude of the public towards the police" of the population with stronger community cohesion, and pl is the mean of "cooperative attitude of the public towards the police" of the population with lesser strong community cohesion. To evaluate the hypotheses, the study needs to state null hypotheses, Ho, that can be tested and presumably rejected by the data. Since the substantial hypothesis is that the two means are unequal, the null hypothesis must be that the mean are equal (Bohrnstedt and Knoke, 1988:188-91). Hence, the contrasting null hypothesis, in symbolic terms, is: 89 Ho: #2 pl If the observed significant level is less than .05, the null hypothesis (Ho) that the population mean are equal is rejected. The observed significant level is "the probability that a difference at least as large as the one observed would have arisen if the mean really equal" (SPSS/PC+ V2.0 Base Manual,1988:B-122). In this study, hypothesis verification was tested at a significant level of P <.05. The separate- variance t test was used because the study suspected that the variances were unequal. Null hypotheses of this study are: Hlo: For the American group, there is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police between crime-related factors and other factors. (Hlo-a): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on perception of crime in the American group. (Hlo-b): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on fear of crime in the American group. (Hlo-c): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on experience of victimization in the American group. H20: For the American group, there is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police between police-related factors and other factors. (H2o-a):There is no significant difference in the 9O cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on.perceptions of the police in the American group. (HZo-b): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on evaluations of the police performance in the American group. (H20-c):There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on the visibility of the police in the American group. H3o: For the Japanese group, there is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police between community-related factors and other factors. (HBO-a): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on awareness of the community-related policing organizations in the Japanese group. (HBO-b): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on Community cohesion in the Japanese group. (HBO-c): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on Awareness of the police in the neighborhood in the Japanese group. (H3o-d): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on Perception of the community-related policing organizations in the Japanese group. H4o:For the Japanese group, there is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police between cultural-ideological factors and other factors. (H4o-a): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on Group-oriented values in the Japanese group. (H4o-b): There is no significant difference in the 91 cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on Attitude towards authoritarianism in the Japanese group. . (H4o-c): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on patriotism in the Japanese group. HSo:For the Chinese group, there is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police between political factors and other factors. (HSo-a): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on Trust in government in the Chinese group. (H50-b): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on Political efficacy in the Chinese group. H6o:For the Chinese group, there is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police between cultural-ideological factors and other factors. (H6o-a): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on Group-oriented values in the - Chinese group. - (H6o-b): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on Attitude towards authoritarianism in the American group. (H60-c): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on patriotism in the Chinese group. As a third step, correlation analysis between independent and dependent variables were conducted to validate the results of the t-tests. Correlation analysis is done in order 92 to measure "association between two continous variables that estimates the direction and strength of linear relationship." Pearson’s correlation coefficient is symbolized "r" in the table. Values of the correlation coefficient range from 0 - no relation to 1, a perfect relationship. In interpreting a correlation coefficient, the closer to zero the weaker the relationship, while the stronger correlation is closer to 1.0 (Hagan, 1982:251-2). Through t-test and correlation analysis, . the study attempted to examine factors that are associated with the cooperative attitude of the public toward the police. Research Proeedpre The study is exploratory in nature. Ideally, an empirical study of this kind should be done through direct interviews with various levels or kinds of people, or by long term on- the-spot observations. However, the study was done mainly through mail questionnaire surveys with a limited population, and partly through interviews conducted in August-December, 1990. The sample consisted of American citizens, Japanese and Chinese nationals residing temporarily, in a mid-western university town in the United States. The questionnaire was written on the basis of the associated literature and the interviews with about 20 people, 10 each from Japan and China 93 conducted in July and August. First, the questionnaire was translated into Japanese and Chinese languages by the native speakers who had majored in Linguistic or Literature. Later, the first version of the questionnaire was reexamined by about ten different native speakers who majored in History, Business, Sociology, and Political Science. For Japanese and Chinese subjects, all the items, indices, and scales were translated into Japanese and Chinese under assumption of "cultural translation" instead of linguistic translation. (see Appendix B,C.) The ambiguity of wording and comprehensiveness of the questionnaire was examined through a pretest conducted in August-September among approximately 80 people, that is about 40 each from Japan and China. For the American sample, about 150 questionnaires were distributed by mail and in a classroom, out of which 140 were returned. In the cases of the Japanese and the Chinese samples, about 150 questionnaires each were distributed to each group directly or by mail out of which 131 and 98 were returned. However, the final sample size was 121, 119 and 91 for the American, the Japanese, and the Chinese samples respectively, mainly due to late or incomplete response. The responding rate was 93, 87, and 65 percent in the American, the Japanese, and the Chinese group. 94 Demographie Veriehles Table 4.1 shows the frequencies of the demographic variables. The sample size was 119 for the Japanese group, 91 for the Chinese group, and 121 for the American group ranging from ages 18 to 30. The average age of the American group was 19.7, that of the Japanese and the Chinese was 21.9 and 27.4 respectively. The distribution of males and females in the samples was approximately equal. All respondents are in the process of college level education, or graduate education. Regarding socio-economic status, about sixty percent of the Japanese and the Chinese respondents indicated that they belonged to the middle class, while forty percent of the American respondents did so. Fifty three percent of the American participants thought that they belonged to the upper class, while twenty three and twenty six percent of the 95 Table 4.1 Demographic Variables U.S.A JAPAN CHINA Sender Male 67 58 45 Female 52 61 45 Missing 2 1 Total 121 119 91 Race White 105 Black 13 Missing 3 Means Age - 19.7 21.9 27.4 Family Soeio-eeehomie Stetpe High 64(53%) 28(23%) 24(26%) Middle 49(40%) 70(S9%) 55(60%) Low 8( 7%) 21(17%) 12(13%) City Popuiatioh Below 30,000 37(30%) 19(16%) 2(2%) 30,000-50,000 30(25%) 12(1o%) 2(2%) 50,000-300,000 30(25%) 37(31%) 10(11%) 300,000- 1 million 11(9%) 14(12%) 13(14%) More than 1 million 9(7%) 32(27%) 61(67%) Missing 4 5 3 Japanese and the Chinese participants thought so. Concerning the size of the city the respondents belonged to, sixty seven percent of the Chinese respondents were from a city with more than one million population, while seven and twenty seven percent of the American and the Japanese respondents were from cities of similar size. Fifty five 96 percent and twenty six percent of the American and the Japanese respondents were from a small size city with a population of less than fifty thousand, while only four percent of the Chinese respondents were from a small size city. Meesuremeht of Veriehiee The major variables of this study are two dependent and nineteen independent variables, as shown in page 86-7. The dependent variable concerning the "attitude of the public to cooperate with the police" was designed to measure the public’s attitude to cooperate with the police in situations they would face as a witness and as a collaborator. It was measured according to 11 questions (see Appendix, questions 54,55,56,61,74-80), constructed by the author, on the basis of interviews with the Japanese, the Chinese, and the American participants. The questions asked if the respondents would contact the police in a. given situation as witnesses and as collaborators. The "cooperative attitude" involves the public’s attitude towards reporting a crime to the police, furnishing information to the police, having the police coming to one’s door, and participating in community activity initiated by the police. In each situation, the respondents were asked to indicate whether 97 they would contact the police, solve the problem without intervention of the police, or do nothing about it. The questions dealing with "The willingness of the public to contact the police" (Questions 63-73) was also used as a dependent variable. These questions included 11 different situations people would face as a person in need and as a victim. These questions also asked the respondents to indicate whether they would contact the police, solve the problem without the intervention of the police, or do nothing about it. In order to measure the individual’s community cohesion, the author also established two questions (Questions 39-40) on the basis of the interviews with the subjects. The respondents were asked to define the number of neighbors they knew, and indicate its extent to which they felt a sense of belonging towards their community. The quesions were measured through a modified 4-likert scale (indicating from "many" to "none," and from "very much" to "never.") As a variable associated with community-related policing organizations, the questionnaire included two items (Questions 41,45), asking whether the respondents knew about their neighborhood police posts or station and crime prevention associations. They were also asked if they felt safer because of these organizations (Questions 43,46). The questions were rated by subjects on a 5-point . scale 98 indicating from "strongly agree" to "strongly disagree." "Unsure" was not included in actual computation. The participants were also asked to indicate how many police officers working in their neighborhood they knew by name or face. Group-oriented value was measured through six questions '(Questions 6-11) selected from the individualism-collectivism scale used by the Hui and Triandis (1986) study. Respondents were asked to indicate the extent to which they strongly agreed or strongly disagreed with five-likert scale items. To measure the public’s attitude towards authoritarianism, five items (Questions 1-5) were chosen from the New General Authoritarian Scale used by Gerda Leasrer.(1982) Respondents were asked to indicate the extent to which they strongly agreed or strongly disagreed with five-likert scale items. The variable ranged from the desire to exert authority to a willingness to submit to it in relation to society, the state, and the family. Those who had a positive attitude towards authoritarianism were assumed to accept those who are similar to them and reject those who were not. Patriotism (Questions 26-29) was measured through the scale used by the American National Election Studies. The questions required the respondents to indicate how they perceived their country, the national anthem, and the 99 national flag. Through these questions, the study examined the level of their conviction that their welfare or that of their group depended upon the preservation or expansion of the power and culture of their society. The questions were measured on four-point likert scale. For political variable, four and three items respectively were used for the scales which measured the "trust in government" (Questions 30-33) and "political efficacy" (Questions 17-19). The indices for the two variables were chosen from The American Natiopal Election Studies Data Source 00 , and modified by the author. "Trust in government" was defined as "the public’s evaluative orientation towards the government." The questions (Questions 30-33) aimed at determining the perceptions of the respondents about their government and the government officials. "Political efficacy" (Questions 17-19) indicates "the public’s self-perception toward their capacity that they can understand politics and have an impact on government." (Miller and Traugott,1989:254) Respondents were asked to indicate the extent to which they strongly agreed or strongly disagreed with four-likert scale items. To measure the general perception towards the police, six items (Questions 20-25) were selected from Phillips and Coates’s (1971) likert-type scale and Alpert and Hicks’ the Prisoner’s Attitude Scale (1977). These were also modified 100 by the author. With regard to the perception of crime and fear of victimization, four' items (Questions 34-37) were selected from the National Crime Panel Attitude Questionnaire (Garofalo,1977), and modified by the author. Regarding visibility of the police on the street, respondents were asked how often they had seen the police and patrol cars (Questions 48-49). Summary The research methodology was presented in this chapter. The chapter provided research hypotheses, statistics, research procedure, demographic variables, and measurements of the variables. In next chapter, data analyses and findings will be provided. CHAPTER 5 DATA ANALYSIS AND RESULTS The study attempts to compare major factors associated with cooperative attitudes of the public towards the police among the three groups of nationals by examining their perceptions and experiences in their home countries. The subjects consist of three groups of university students from Japan, China, and the United States residing temporarily on the campus of a midwestern university. In the first section of this chapter, mean scores of all the variables will be compared to examine differences in them in relation to the American, the Japanese, and the Chinese participants. In the second and third sections, t-test and correlation analysis will be conducted in order to examine the relationships between the dependent and the independent variables. In the final section, all the findings will be summarized. Comparisons of Mean Scores The initial task was to examine the differences among the three countries using all the variables in the study. The 101 102 Table 5.1. Comparisons of Means Scores of Major Variables among the USA, Japan, and China :W USA JAPAN CHINA Cooperation of the Public towards the Police as a Witness and a Collaborator: Total 2.6604 2.4652 2.1698 Male 2.6341 2.5157 2.2929 Female 2.6626 2.4173 2.0586 White 2.6600 Black 2.6014 Willingness of the Public to Contact the Police as a Victim and a Person in Need: Total 2.5372 2.5095 2.5135 Male 2.5034 2.5172 2.5717 Female 2.5559 2.5022 2.4586 White 2.5280 Black 2.5385 (Range:1-3) study compared the mean scores of the variables. The results are presented in Tables 5.1 - 5.5. Regarding the cooperative attitudes of the public towards the police (see Table 5.1), the mean score of the American respondents was the highest, that of the Japanese was second, and that of the Chinese was third. In particular, there was a striking discrepancy in the mean scores between the American group and the Chinese group. It may suggest that the American respondents have a more cooperative attitude towards the police than the Japanese and the Chinese respondents. 103 However, we should note that: the lower mean scores of the Chinese and Japanese groups do not necessarily indicate that the American group has more intimate relationship with the police than the other two. Any society has its own patterns of crime control and crime-solving, and this depends, for example, on the degree of reliance the public places on the formal or informal system of justice. As implied in Chapter 3, Japan and China have been described as nations in which informal judicial procedures were more prevalent in dispute resolution than formal judical mechanisms. Regarding judicial tradition in Japan, Tanabe notes that "the compromise of civil disputes was generally regarded as the most desirable solution. Strong social and psychologiCal pressures discouraged the filing of lawsuits, and mainfold out-of-court resolution, techniques and mechanisms, such as mediation by relatives, court marshals, or local leaders, were commonly used." (1963:77) Parkers also suggests that "even today, some contracts and agreements are still concluded orally without relying on lawyers."(1984:24) Both historically and contemporarily, the Chinese have also demonstrated a strong interest in locally or informally negotiated resolutions of problematic behavior. Interestingly, Clark argues that both the formal and informal manners of handling problem behavior in China appears to be expanding with modernization. Furthermore, rather than one 104 replacing the other, the expansion of one appears to be dependent on expansion in the other.(1989:58) Therefore it is safe to say that the American participants are more willing to turn to the police when they witness a crime than the Japanese and the Chinese participants. The Chinese respondents are in particular, reluctant to contact the police as a witness or a collabolator, especially more than the American respondents. Clark illustrates the reasons the public is unwilling to contact the police. Both the Confucian philosophy itself and the social mechanism provide for authority -- e.g., government officers, older persons, heads of families or units, and adult males in general -- everywhere in society. Reinforcement of proper behavior has always been expected of nearly everybody. The Chinese people have never been treated very well by their governments. The China’s government, known as totalitarian, injudicous, corrupt, tenous, and frequently disorganized , has earned very little trust and respect of the people, dispite its ideological legitimization by Confucianism. As a factor related with social control patterns, local or people’s justice is still officially recognized as neccessary and legitimate. In spite of China’s great centralization of power and its accompanying growth of formal social-control institutions, a significant emphasis is placed on localized control over a large portion 105 of less serious conflicts among individuals, groups, and organizations. Unlike the West interpersonal relations, that is, being responsible to others and responsible for others are obligations that everyone share in China. Interest in other’s affairs is commonplace (1989:58-59). Regarding the attitude of the genders towards the police, significant differences were not found between men and women in the three groups, except in the case of China where some difference were found. In the case of the Chinese group, the male respondents were slightly more cooperative than the female respondents. Regarding the willingness of the public to contact the police, there was no significant difference among the three groups. There was also no difference between the male and female, and between the white and black. The result may indicate that the attitudes of the citizens in contacting the police as a victim or as a person in need are almost the same . 106 Concerning crime-related factors (see Table 5.2), the American and the Chinese groups showed almost the same mean scores in their perception of crime and the fear of crime. The mean scores of the two variables of the Japanese group were much lower than those of the other groups. Especially, the mean score regarding their perception of crime was very low, compared to the others. Therefore, we may conclude that the American and the Chinese groups regard crime as a more Table 5.2. Comparisons of Means Scores of Major Variables among the USA, Japan, and China :Qrime-related ragters . USA JAPAN CHINA Perception of Crime Total 3.3678 2.6261 3.4011 Male 3.2015 2.6466 3.3778 Female 3.5288 2.6066 3.4333 White 3.3221 Black 3.6538 Fear of Crime Total 1.9298 1.7773 2.1319 Male 1.5821 1.4307 1.8556 Female 2.3365 2.0984 2.4333 White 1.7692 Black 2.6538 Experience of Victimization 46/121 (38%) 15/119 (12%) 12/91 (13%) Range (1-4) 107 serious problem, and are more fearful of victimization, than the Japanese group. This result is consistent with previous research done on crimes in Japan. Ames noted that "Japan is one of the few major nations - perhaps only one - where one can walk the streets of its large cities late night and feel no danger."(1981:1) As found in the other research, this study (see Table 5.2) also showed that the female respondents feel more fearful of crime or victimization than the male respondents in the three groups. In the American case, the result also supported the existing findings that the blacks regard crime more seriously and are more afraid of crime than the whites. With respect to the experience of victimization (see Table 5.2), the result showed that 46 out of 122 (38%) American respondents had an experience of victimization, while 15 out of 119 (12%) Japanese respondents and 12 out of 91 (13%) Chinese respondents had a similar experience. The percentages may indicate that the American respondents had more experience of victimization than the Japanese and the Chinese respondents. As mentioned above, the Chinese respondents (13%) experienced victimization of crime no more than the Japanese respondents (12%), and had a more positive attitude towards 108 the police and the police performance than the Japanese respondents (see Table 5.3, p.109). However, the Chinese respondents perceived crime much more seriously, and were much more afraid of being victimized than the Japanese respondents. We may explain the results as a psychosocial factor. As Table 5.4 (see p.110) will show, the mean score of community cohesion in the Japanese participants was much higher than that of the Chinese particiapnts. Therefore, we may say that community cohesion can be an important factor in explaining the difference in the level of fear of crime between the two groups. Regarding the public’s perception towards the police (see Table 5.3, p.109), the mean scores of the Chinese group was the highest, and the scores of the American and the Japanese were almost the same. The scores may indicate that the Chinese group has a more positive attitude toward the police than the American and the Japanese groups. In the Japanese group, the female respondents had a much more positive attitude than the male respondents. In the case of the American group, the black respondents had a much less positive attitude towards the police than the white respondents. 109 Concerning evaluation of the police performance, the mean score of the Chinese group was slightly higher than the other groups. We may say that the Chinese group evaluate their police performance slightly higher than the American and the Japanese group. There was no significant difference between male and female in the three groups, and between the white and black in the American group. Almost the same high scores Table 5.3. Comparisons of Means Scores of Major Variables among the USA, Japan, and China :zoiice-reieted gactors USA JAPAN CHINA Perception of the Police Total 2.7149 2.6443 2.9560 Male 2.6418 2.5690 2.9511 Female 2.8205 2.8470 2.9600 White 2.6827 Black 2.0769 Evaluation of the Police Performance Total 3.0868 3.1303 3.3516 Male 3.0373 3.0948 3.3778 Female 3.0962 3.1639 3.3333 White 3.1154 Black 2.8854 Visibility of Police Total 2.6901 2.6429 2.5769 Male 2.6642 2.9138 2.4444 Female 2.7019 2.3852 2.6778 Range (1-4) 110 may mean that most of the respondents of the three countries have a good perception of the police performance. The mean scores of visibility of police were also approximately the same. We may say that each group has seen the police as often as the other group. Table 5.4. Comparisons of Means Scores of Major Variables among the USA, Japan, and China :Commupity-reieted zactor USA JAPAN CHINA Community Cohesion Total 2.6529 2.8571 2.6445 Male 2.5373 2.9828 2.6556 Female 2.7596 2.7377 2.6333 White 2.6442 Black 2.6538 Awareness of Neighborhood Police Posts 37/121 (30%) 91/119 (76%) 85/91 (93%) Feeling Safer Due to the Existence of Neighborhood Police Posts . 22/121 (18%) 51/119 (43%) 45/91 (50%) Knowing the Police officer in the Neighborhood 33/121 (27%) 88/119 (74%) 89/91 (98%) Awareness of Neighborhood Crime Prevention Associations 44/121 (36%) 57/119 (48%) 53/91 (58%) Experience of Participating in a Crime Prevention Meeting 13/121 (10%) 12/119 (10%) 19/91 (20%) Feeling Safer Due to the Existence of Neighborhood Crime Prevention Associations 26/121 (21%) 36/119 (30%) 30/91 (33%) 111 Concerning community cohesion (Table 5.4, p.110), the mean score of the Japanese group was the highest, and that of the American and Chinese group were almost same. The scores may indicate that the Japanese group has stronger sense of belonging towards their neighbors, and know more neighbors than the American and the Chinese groups. In the Japanese case, the male respondents felt a greater intimacy towards their neighbors than the female respondents. On the other hand, in the American group, the female participants felt a greater sense of belonging towards their neighborhood than the male participants. 4 The Japanese society is preeminently a family- and group- oriented society. Many scholars pointed out that the Japanese moral theory relied only on the surrounding people and circumstances, while the western moral theory was based on absolute or universally applicable moral principles. (Becker, 1988:427) Therefore, the notion of community has always been psychologically important to the Japanese. Such community activities as publishing neighborhood newspapers, organizing writing groups, arts lessons, or debating societies, responding to depersonalization and lack of community (in the metropolises, play an important role in encouraging and reinstating a sense of community belonging (PP.427-432) 112 Besides, traditional and cultural heritage also facilitate cohesive community control mechanisms. Community-policing organizations like neighborhood police stations or crime prevention associations exist as a part of the community. Along with it, a police officer also exist as a member of the community. When asked whether they knew a police post or station in their neighborhood, 76% and 93% of the Japanese and the Chinese particiapnts each answered "yes," while only 30% of the American participants answered "yes." 43% and 50% of the Japanese and the Chinese participants believed they felt safe due to the existance of the police post in their neighborhood, while only 18% of the American believed so. As to the awareness of the police officers working in their neighborhood, 74% and 98% of the Japanese and the Chinese participants answered that they knew at least more than one police officer, while 27% of the American participants did so. Regarding the crime prevention association in their neighborhood, 36%, 48%, and 58% of the American, the Japanese, and the Chinese respondents knew their existence, and 10%, 10%, and 20% of the three groups said that they had participated in such associations. About 20% of the American group, and about 30% of the Japanese and the Chinese group Table 5.5. Comparisons of Means Scores of Major Variables among the USA, Japan, and China 8W USA JAPAN CHINA Attitude toward Authoritarianism Total 2.8512 2.6471 2.4341 Male 2.7612 2.6466 2.3556 Female 2.9423 2.6475 2.5222 White 2.8317 Black 3.0000 Group-oriented value Total 2.9890 2.7353 2.5678 Male 3.0249 2.7155 2.5926 Female 2.9038 2.7541 2.5407 White 3.0160 ‘ Black 2.7436 Patriotism Total 3.2190 2.3592 2.8938 Male 3.2127 2.6121 2.8989 Female 3.1923 2.1189 2.8963 White 3.2981 Black 2.4808 Range (1-4) answered that they felt safe because of the neighborhood crime prevention associations. With respect to cultural-ideological factors (Table 5.5), the American group, unexpectedly showed the highest mean scores in the three variables of authoritarianism, group- oriented values and patriotism. While the Japanese group 114 showed the lowest score in the variable of patriotism, the Chinese group showed the lowest scores in the two variables of group-oriented values and attitude toward authoritarianism. We may interprete from the scores that the American participants were more prejudiced and authoritarian, more group-oriented, and more patriotic, than the Japanese and the Chinese participants. We may also say that the Japanese participants are less patriotic than the American and the Chinese participants. The Chinese group is less group- oriented and has less positive attitude toward authoritariansim than the American and the Japanese group. Regarding the attitude toward authoritarianism, the results were, to a certain degree, consistent with the finding of Lederer’s research (1982) on the attitudes of the adolescents towards authoritarianism in West Germany and the United States. According to his article, authoritarianism scale scores decreased significantly over time in each country. The changes were greater in West Germany than in the United States. Whereas German adolescents were far more authoritarian than their American contemporaries in 1945, American adolescents were somewhat more authoritarian than those in West Germany in the late 19705.(P.299) Many studies point to the new trend in Japan and China -- the unwillingness of the Japanese and Chinese youngsters to obey 115 the authority and the authority’s relative unwillingness to exert authority. The result may indicate that the trend in the younger generation towards being less authoritarian is greater in Japan and China than in the United States. Increasing teenage crime rate including "violence in schools and against parents, joyriding, use of narcotic, marihuana, and alcoholism, and motorcycle gangs" in Japan can be seen as a reflection of their unwillingness to obey the authority. It is an indication of a moral failure inherent in Japan’s "shame culture." (Becker, 1988:426-427) In the American case, there was a significant difference between the black and the white respondents in the mean score for patriotism (see table 5.5, p.113). The scores may mean to suggest that the whites were more patriotic than the blacks. In the case of the Japanese group, the score indicated that the male respondents were more patriotic than the female respondents. 116 Table 5.6. Comparisons of Means Scores of Major Variables among the USA, Japan, and China :W 083 new CHINA Trust in Government Total 2.4669 2.6050 2.1575 Male 2.4254 2.4397 2.1259 Female 2.4615 2.7623 2.2000 White 2.4663 Black 2.1923 Political Efficacy Total 2.7149 2.5672 2.4066 Male 2.6866 2.5690 2.4222 Female 2.4187 2.5656 2.1111 White 2.3750 Black 2.0769 ** Range (1 - 4) Table 5.6 shows comparisons of mean scores of political factors among the three groups., Regarding the trust in government (see Table 5.6), the mean score of the Japanese group was the highest, that of the American was next, and that of the Chinese was the lowest. We may say that the Japanese participants have a more positive evaluative orientation towards their government and government officers than the American and the Chinese participants. In the Japanese case, the female respondents placed greater trust in their government than the male respondents. In the case of the American group, the black participants had a more 117 negative perception of their government than the white particiapnts. In relation with the political efficacy, the three groups of participants had almost the same degree of confidence in their ability to understand politics and their impact on government. In the Chinese case, the male respondents felt greater confidence in the political efficacy than the female respondents. In the case of the American group, the black respondents had a less positive perception of their capacity in understanding and involving in politics than the white respondents. 118 T-test The purpose of t-test was to examine factors related with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. In addition, t-test for three other variables was also conducted in order to obtain the data from another angle for a more comprehesive and valid interpretation. Three variables included willingness of the public to contact the police, perception of the police, and fear of crime. Table 7 and 8 show results of t-test for the American sample. A se The alternative hypotheses based on five categories and null hypotheses based on operationalized variables for the American group were as follows. The following research hypotheses were tested through t-test. H1: For the American group, the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police will be associcated with crime-related factors more than any other factors. (Hlo-a): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on perception of crime in the American group. (Hlo-b): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the 119 police, based on fear of crime in the American group. (Hlo-c): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on experience of vitimization in the American group. H2: Por the American group, the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police will be associcated with police-related factors more than any other factors. (H20-a):There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on perception of the police in the American group. (H20-b): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on Evaluation ‘of the police performance in the American group. (H20-c):There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on visibility of the police in the American group. Table 5.7 (see p.120) shows statistically significant variables resulting from t-test for cooperative attitude of the public towards the police as a witness or as a collaborator, and Table 5.8 (see p.120) from t-test for willingness of the public to contact the police as a victim or as a person in need. All the variables that were not significant at the .05 level were not included in the tables. Table 5.7 shows only one variable -- visibility of the police 120 Table 5.7 T-test for Cooperate Attitude of the Public toward the Police :the American Group Pooled Variance Estimate Separate Variance Estimate F 2-Tail : t Degrees of 2-Tail t Degree of 2-tail Value Prob Value Freedom Prob Value Freedom Prob Visibility of the Police 1.20 .514 :-1.98 119 .050 : -2.03 96.63 .045 Table 5.8 T-test for Willingness of the Public to Contact the Police :the American Group Pooled Variance Estimate Separate Variance Estimate P z-Tail : t Degrees of 2-Tail t Degree of 2-tai1 Value Prob :Value Freedom Prob Value Freedom Prob Perception of Crime 2.37 .001 :-2.43 119 .017 : -2.52 112.72 .013 Evaluation of the Police Performance 2.50 .000 :-2.28 119 .025 : -2.08 71.72 .041 Attitude towards Authoritarianism 2.23 .003 :-1.88 119 .062 -2.00 118.27 .048 121 -- as statistically related with the cooperative attitude of the public toward the police (d.f=96.63, p=.045). That is, a null hypothesis (H20-c) was rejected at a significant level of .05. Therefore, all null hypotheses except H20-c were statistically true. Table 5.8 contained three variables of the perceptions of crime, evaluation of the police performance, and attitude toward authoritarianism. Therefore, for the American group, police-related and crime-related factors appeared to be related with the public’s attitude or willingness to contact the police. These factors included visibility of the police, evaluation of the police (d.f=71.72, p=.041), and perception of crime (d.f=112.71, p=.013). These results support, in part, the hypotheses that "For the American group, the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police will be associated with crime-related factors more than any other factors,"(H1) and I"For the American group, the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police will be assoicated with police-related factors more than any other factors"(H2). However, experience of victimization and fear of crime were not statistically significant variables in terms of police-public relations. Interestingly, the public’s attitude towards authoritarianism (d.f=118.27, p=.048) was 122 associated with the public’s willingness to contact the police as a victim or as a person in need. That is, those with more favorable attitude towards authoritarianism tend to turn to the police when they need help from the police more than those with less favorable attitude towards authoritarianism. As seen in Table 5.5 (see p.113), the American group had a more favorable attitude towards authoritarianism than the Japanese and the Chinese groups. Based on the characteristic features of authoritarian personalities, within the attitudinal domain, authoritarians reject minorities and foreighers, and accept the attitudes of thoese in power. They are also more conservative and more obedient to the authority (see chapter 2). The unexpected results concerning attitude towards authoritarianism and its relationship with police-public relations may reflect a newly emerging trend among the new generation in the three countries. Ana se t e se In order to test two alternative hypotheses (H3 and H4) based on five categories, seven null hypotheses were developed. H3: Por the Japanese group, the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police will be assoicated H4 Japanese group. Out of seven, three null hypotheses (HBo-b, 123 with community-related factors more than any other factors. (H3o-a): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on awareness of the community-related policing organizations in the Japanese group. (H3o-b): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on community cohesion in the Japanese group. (H3o-c): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on awareness of the police in the neighborhood in the Japanese group. (HBo-d): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on perception of the community-related policing organizations in the Japanese group. For the Japanese group, the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police will be assoicated with cultural-ideological factors more than any other factors. (H4o-a): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on group-oriented values in the Japanese group. (H4o-b): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on attitude towards authoritarianism in the Japanese group. (H4o-c): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on patriotism in the Japanese group. Table 5.9 (p.124) show the results of t-test fbr the 124 Table 5.9 T-test for Cooperate Attitude of the Public toward the Police :the Japanese Group Pooled Variance Estimate Separate Variance Estimate F 2-Tail : t Degrees of 2-Tai1 : t ‘Degree of 2-tail Value Prob :Value Freedom Prob : Value Freedom Prob Community Cohesion 1.83 .021 :-3.71 117 .000 : -.3.56 88.30 .001 Awareness of the Police 1.03 .950 :-2.66 117 .009 : -2.67 76.37 .009 Feel Safer due to the Neighborhood Police Posts 1.07 .885 :-2.13 72 .036 : -2.16 43.91 .036 Socio-Economic Status 1.48 .172 : 2.48 117 .015 : 2.23 38.85 .031 Table 5.10 T-test for Willingness of the Public to Contact the Police : the Japanese Group Pooled Variance Estimate Separate Variance Estimate F z-Tail : t Degrees of z-Tail : t Degree of 2-tail Value Prob :Value Freedom Prob : Value Freedom Prob Awareness of the Neighborhood Police Posts 1.29 .368 : -3.78 117 .000 : -3.53 40.68 .001 Awareness of the Police 1.33 .288 : -3.02 117 .003 : -2.88 66.68 .005 125 H3o-c,H3o-d) were rejected at the .05 level. That is, community cohesion (d.f=88.30, p=.001), awareness of the police working in neighborhood (d.f=76.37, p=.009), and "feeling safer due to the neighborhood police posts"(d.f=43.91, p=.036) were statistically related with the cooperative attitude of the public with the police. Table 5.10 (see,p.124) also shows that community-related factors are more important in explaining the public’ willingness to contact the police than any other factors. That is, . only the two variables of "awareness of the neighborhood police posts" (d.f=40.68, p=.001) and "awareness of the police working in neighborhood"(d.f=66.68, p=.005) out of nineteen independent variables were significantly related with the willingness of the public to contact the police for the Japanese group. These results supported the hypothesis well (H3). However, cultural-ideological factors did not appear to be significantly related with the cooperative attitude of the public. That is, group-oriented values, attitude towards the authoritarianism, and patriotism were not related to the public’s attitude or willingness to contact the police in any situation. Therefore the null hypotheses (H4o-a, H4o-b, H40- 0) were not rejected. 126 As seen in Table 5.4 (see p.110), the Japanese sample had greater community cohesion than the American and the Chinese sample. That is, compared to the other groups, the Japanese group had a stronger sense of belonging towards their community, and knew more neighbors by name or face. Table 5.4 also showed that 76% and 74% of the Japanese respondents knew the neighborhood police posts and at least more than one police officer working in their neighborhood, while 30% and 27% of the American respondents did so. These results were quite close to those of the public opinion survey done in the early 1980s in Japan. The survey showed that 86% of all those polled knew their local police box, and 41% knew the face of one or more officers stationed there. Also about 46% had spoken with a police officer for various reasons over a period of time (Clifford, 1976:78). Police officers on foot or on bicycles, or sitting in a neighborhood police posts ("koban" or "chuzaisho" in Japanese, see chapter 3, p.69) were much more readily accessible for a friendly greeting or a chat and, citizens were more likely to cooperate with police officers with whom they were familiar than with those with whom they were not (Ames, 1981:70). Both the previous literature and the present data indicates that the neighborhood police posts or the police officers in Japan exist as part of the community or the neighborhood, and at least there is no serious alienation 127 between the police and the community. Close police-public relations and community cohesion are, to a certain degree, identical issues in Japan. This may be a key in understanding why the public turn to the police in any situation they face as a witness, a collaborator, a victim, or a person in need. 128 WW2 The hypotheses for the Chinese group were as follows: H5: For the Chinese group, the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police will be associated with political factors more than any other factors. (H50-a): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on trust in government in the Chinese group. (H50-b): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on political efficacy in the Chinese group. H6: For the Chinese group, the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police will be associated with cultural-ideological factors more than any other factors. (H60-a): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on group-oriented values in the Chinese group. (H6o-b): There is no signifiCant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on attitude towards authoritarianism in the American group. (HGo-c): There is no significant difference in the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, based on patriotism in the Chinese group. 129 Table 5.11 T-test for Cooperate Attitude of the Public toward the Police :the Chinese Group Pooled Variance Estimate Separate Variance Estimate F 2-Tail t Degrees of 2-Tail : t Degree of 2-tail Value Prob 1 : Va ue Freedom Prob Value Freedom Prob Political Efficacy 1.61 .130 :-3.30 89 .001 : -3.41 88.74 .001 Community Cohesion 1.84 .043 :-3.18 89 .002 : -3.00 62.01 .004 Perception of the Police 1.61 .116 :-2.38 89 .019 : -2.40 86.50 .018 Gender 1.85 .044 :-2.55 88 .012 : -2.55 80.83 .013 Table 5.11 shows the results of the t-test for the Chinese group. The table shows that four variables were found to be statistically related with cooperatiye attitude of the public towards the police. As seen in Table 5.11, the null hypothesis (H50-b) was rejected at the .05 level. Other hypotheses (HSo-a, HGo-a, H6o-b, HSo-c) except H50-b were statistically true. That is, political efficacy (d.f=88.74, p=.001) was statistically related with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. Community cohesion (d.f=62.01, p=.004) and perception of the police (d.f=86.50, 130 p=.018) also appeared to be statistically associated with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. Table 5.12 T-test for Willingness of the Public to Contact the Police :the Chinese Group Pooled Variance Estimate Separate Variance Estimate F 2-Tail : t Degrees of 2-Tail : t Degree of 2-tail Value Prob :Value Freedom Prob : Value Freedom Prob Group-oriented Values 1.91 .033 : 2.20 89 .030 : 2.21 81.98 .030 City Size 1.97 .027 : 3.88 89 .000 : 3.47 43.97 .001 Gender 1.32 .360 : -2.14 88 .035 : -2.14 86.35 .035 Unlike the Japanese group, in case of the Chinese group, not only community cohesion, but political factors and police-related factors were also significantly related with the public’s cooperation with the police. As seen in Table 5.1 (see p.102), among the three groups, the Chinese group was most reluctant to contact the police as a witness or as a collaborator. The main reasons for their reluctance to turn to the police, are the alien government-public relations and a heavy reliance of dispute-solving on informal social 131 control mechanisms, as has been explained earlier (see chapter 3 and section 1 of chapter 5). As seen in Table 5.11 (p.129), political efficacy was the most important reason that the public turned to the police even when there was no need to do so -- e.g., to report an observed crime to the police voluntarily. This result supported the hypothesis (H5) that "For the Chinese group, the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police will be assoicated with political factors more than any other factors." However, trust in government did not appear to be significantly related with the public’s cooperation with the police. The impact of politics on police-public relations in China was supported by the t-test conducted to determine perceptions of the police (see Table 5.16,p.139). Political efficacy, in this study, was defined as the public’s self-perception toward their capacity to understand politics and to have an impact on government. In theory, there are. many social organizations in China in which all citizens are supposed to participate and take active part in politics. in China. It is also true, as mentioned by Phillips (1978:1560), that in China "nothing is divorced from politics or everything is in some way political." However, the public’s involvement in politics has been very limited, as argued by Nathan (1985). "Chinese democracy involves 132 participation without influence"(P.227). "The public had more nominal power than actual influence"(P.xi). "Chinese democracy is the domination of public life by propaganda"(P.xiii). "Chinese people may have a theoretical right to influence government, but the political system is so complicated and biased that they give up trying" (P.226). As shown in Table 5.11 and 5.12 (see p.129-30), community cohesion (p=.004) and group-oriented values (p=.030) were related with the public’s attitude or willingness to contact the police. At the same time, the public’s perception of the police (p=.018) was also a significant variable as associated with the public’s cooperative attitude. These results partly supported the hypotheses (H6) that "For the Chinese group, the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police will be associated with‘ cultural-ideological factors more than any other factors." However, the public’s attitude towards authoritarianism and patriotism were not associated ’with the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. As seen in Table 5.4, even though the Chinese partipants knew the neighborhood police posts (93%) and the police (98%) more than the Japanese participants (76% and 74%), it did not create closer police-public relations in the Chinese sample, as it did in the case of the Japanese sample. In sum, we may say that for the Chinese group, they are, in general, 133 reluctant to contact the police, especially as a witness or a collabollator. Political factor -- e.g., political efficacy - - is most influential in shaping police-public relations. Although community cohesion is also associated with the public’s cooperation with the police, the police is not considered a part of the community by the Chinese. Regarding demographic variables, those from small cities were less willing to contact the police than those from big cities (d.f=43.97, p=.001). It may imply that in small cities, citizens are inclined to rely more on informal social control mechanisms than on formal control systems, including the police. As expected, men were more willing to turn to the police than women (d.f=86.35, p=.035). 134 §ummarx.2f_the_£indinss This section summarizes the findings of t-test, and compare similarities and differences among the three groups. Table 5.13 Comparson of Significant Variables Resulted from T-test for Cooperate Attitude of the Public toward the Police among the Japanese, the Chinese, and the American groups USA Japan China Visibility of Community Political the Police Cohesion Efficacy (p=.045) (p=.001) (p=.001) Awareness of Community the Police Cohesion (p=.009) (p=.004) Feel Safer Perception of due to Police the Neighborhood (p=.018) Police Posts (p=.036) Socio-Economic Gender Status (p=.013) (p=.031) Table 5.13 shows significant variables associated with the cooperative attitude of the public towards the police as results of the t-test, while Table 5.14 shows variables related with willingness of the public to contact the police 135 Table 5.14 Comparison of Significant Variables Resulted from T-test for "Willingness of the Public to contact the Police" among the Japanese, the Chinese, and the American groups USA Japan China Perception of Awareness of Group-oriented Crime the Neighborhood Values (p=.013) Police Posts (p=.030) (p=.001) Evaluation Awareness of City Size of the Police the Police (p=.001) Performance (p=.005) (p=.041) Attitude toward Gender Authoritarianism (p=.035) (p=.048) as a victim or as a person in need. All variables were included in the tables atra significant level of .05. For the American group, police-related and crime-related factors -- visibility of the police, evaluation of the police performance, and perception of crime -- were significantly related to the public’s cooperative attitude or willingnes to contact the police. As a cultural-ideological factor, the attitude of the public toward authoritarianism was included as associated with the public’s willingness to contact the police as a victim or as a person in need. For the Japanese case, obviously community-related factors -- community cohesion, awareness of the police, 136 awareness of neighborhood police posts, sense of safety due to the neighborhood police posts -- were included as associated with police-public relations. As a demographic variable, socio-economic status was included. Those with lower socio-economic status, as perceived by the subjects, tended to cooperate with the police more than those with a higher status. For the Chinese case, political, community-related, and police-related factors were significant regarding the public’s cooperative attitude towards the police. These included political efficacy, community cohesion, and perception of the police. Group-oriented values were also related to the public’s willingness to contact the police as a victim or as a person in need. Gender and city size were also included. Women and those from small cities were less likely to turn to the police than men and those from big cities. 137 Correlation Analysis As a third step, correlation analyses were conducted to examine the strength and direction of the association between the variables. The study intended to obtain more valid interpretations by comparing results of the t-test and the correlation analysis. Table 5.15 (p.138) shows a summary of the results of correlation analyses of the three groups for cooperative attitude of the public towards the police, while table 5.16 (p.139) shows willingness of the public to contact the police. In case of the American group, the results of the t-test for both the public’s cooperative attitude and willingness were not exactly identical with those of the correlation analyses, but in nature, they were consistent to a certain degree. Table 5.15 shows that crime-related factors and ideological factors were related with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. They included perception of crime (r=.26, p=.01), attitude toward authoritarianism (r=.23, p=.01), and patriotism (r=.36, p=.001). As seen in table 5.5 (see p.113), the American group had a more positive attitude towards authoritarianism, and a stronger sense of patriotism than the other groups. 138 Table 5.15 Comparisons of Correlated Variables with Cooperative Attitude of the Public towards the Police among the American, the Japanese, and the Chinese group. USA‘ JAPAN CHINA Perception .260 -.11 -.26* of Crime Fear of Crime .09 .07 -.29* Attitude towards .20 .01 .27* the Police Community .18 .26* .17 Cohesion Awareness of .04 .31** .08 the Police Attitude toward .23* -.18 .18 Authoritarianism Patriotism .36** .03 .12 Political .20 .02 .28* Efficacy N of Cases: USA=121, Japan=119, China=91. 1-tailed Signifi: * - .01, ** - .001 As correlated variables with willingness of the public to contact the police, table 5.16 shows that crime-related, police-related, cultural-ideological, and political factors except community-related factor, were associated with the public’s willingness. They included perception of crime (r=.30, p=.01), attitude towards the police (r=.27, p=.01), group-oriented values (r=.26, p=.01) and political efficiacy 139 (r=.27, p=.01). Perception of crime and attitude towards authoritarianism were included in results of both t-test and correlation analysis. Table 5.16 Comparisons of Correlated Variables with Willingness of the Public to Contact the Police among the American, the Japanese, and the Chinese group. USA JAPAN CHINA Perception .30* .06 .00 of Crime Attitude towards .27* .16 .07 the Police Awareness of .13 .33** .06 Neighborhood Police Posts Awareness of .02 .30** -.05 the Police Authoritarianism .19 -.12 -.37** Group-oriented .26* .04 -.08 Value Political .27* .01 .06 Efficacy N of Cases: USA=121, Japan=119, China=91. 1-tailed Signifi: * - .01, ** - .001 For the Japanese case, the results of the t-test and correlation analysis were almost consistent. Community- related factors were significantly associated with police- public relations. Community cohesion (r=.26, p=.01) and awareness of the police working in the neighborhood (r=.31, 140 p=.001) were positively correlated with the public’s cooperative attitude towards the police. Awareness of the neighborhood police posts (r=.030, p=.001) and the police (r=.033, p=.001) were also positively associated with the public’s willingness to contact the police. These results indicate that for the Japanese group, knowing more neighbors, knowing the police and the neighborhood police posts (koban), and having a sense of belonging to the community are indicators of the public’s cooperative attitude or willingness to contact the police. In the Chinese case, political efficacy (r=.28, p=.01) and perception toward the police (r=.27, p=.01) were included as significant variables resulting from the t-test and correlation analysis. As seen in table 5.3 (see p.109), the Chinese respondents, in general, had a more positive perception of their police, evaluated their police performance higher than the American and the Japanese respondents. There was no significant difference in political efficacy between the Chinese and the Japanese groups. (see table 5.6, p.116). However, for the Chinese participants, positive perceptions of the police and their capacity to understand politics and to have an impact on the government were most important factors associated with the cooperative attitude of the public. Interestingly, two crime-related variables were 141 negatively related with the public’s cooperative attitude. It may mean that those who perceive crime more seriously are more inclined to avoid the police than those who perceive crime less seriously. Those who are more afraid of being victimized are less likely to contact the police as a witness or as a collaborator than those who are less afraid of being victimized. In contrast to these results, in the American case, those who perceive crime seriously were more inclined to cooperate with the police than those who did not. It may indicate that the Chinese group tend to rely less on the police in settling crime-related problems than the American group. Additional Analyses Table 5.17 Comparson of Significant Variables Resulted from T-test for "Perception of the Police" among the Japanese, the Chinese, and the American groups USA Japan China Trust in Trust in Trust in Government Government Government (p=.001) (p=.000) (p=.017) Race City size Political (p=.043) (p=.009) Efficacy (p=.000) The table 5.17 shows variables significantly associated 142 with the subjects’ perception of the police in the three countries. The outcomes of the t-test were very similar. Trust in government was significant in all three countries. P value was .001, .000, and .017 in the United States, Japan, and China, respectively. It may indicate that the public’s perception or image of their government played an important role in shaping the public’s perception toward the police in the three countries. Police work, in its nature, is inevitably carried out under the domain of power and politics. Power and politics are fundamental dimensions in the implementation of police work regardless of the nature of regime. As expected, political efficacy -- the public’s self-perception of their capacity to understand and participate in politics -- was also important to the Chinese respondents. As a demographic variable, race and city size were included as associated with the public’s perception of the police in the American and the Japanese respondents, respectively. Correlation analyses also supported strong associations between political factors and the public’s perception toward the police (see table. 5.19, p.146). Table 5.19 shows both trust in government (r=.23, .31, and .45) and political efficacy (r=.32, .50, and .38) were positively correlated 143 Table 5.18 Comparson of Significant Variables Resulted from T-test for "Fear of Crime" among the Japanese, the Chinese, and the American groups USA Japan China Awareness of Group-oriented Perception of the Police Values the Police (p=.033) (p=.015) (p=.012) Feel safer Participation Political due to the in the Crime Efficacy Neighborhood Prevention (p=.042) Police Posts Associations (p=.034) (p=.012) Race Gender Gender (p=.000) (p=.000) (p=.005) Age (p=.001) Socio-economic Status (p=.016) with the public’s perception in the United States, Japan, and ' China. For the American group, political factors along with group-oriented values and patriotism were positively associated with the public’s perception of the police (see table 5.19). In case of the Chinese group, crime-related factors -- fear of crime and experience of observing crimes - - were correlated with it. In the Japanese case, community- related factor -- feeling of security due to neighborhood 144 police posts -- and city size were related to the public’s perception. Table 5.18 (see p.143) provides the results of the t-test for the fear of crime. In case of the American sample, many respondents knew about neighborhood police stations or the police in their neighborhood (see 5.4,p.110). They indicated that they were less afraid of being victimized than those who did not. It indicates that neighborhood police stations like "koban" in Japan or "paichuso" in China could be one means of overcoming the alienation between the police and the citizen, and reducing fear of crime eVen in the American society. In the Japanese case, consistent with other results, crime or police related factors had no relationship with the subjects’ fear of crime. Gender (p=.001) and age (.000) were most significant, as related with fear of crime. That is, women and younger people were more afraid of being victimized than men and older people. Group-oriented values (p=.015) and experience of participating in crime prevention associations (p=.012) were also significant variables. In case of the Chinese participants, the citizen’s perception of the police (p=.012) and political efficacy (p=.042) were significant with fear of crime. Unlike the Japanese case, political and police-related factor were significant in the case of China. As a demographic variable, gender was included at .05 level. Women were more afraid of 145 being victimized than men. Correlation analyses, in general, supported the results of the t-test (see table 5.20,p.147). In the Chinese sample, as in the t-test, political efficacy (r=-.29, p=.01) and perception of the police (r=-.27, p=.01) were negatively correlated with fear of crime. In the Japanese group, gender (r=.53, p=.001) and age (r=.23, p=.01) were also associated with fear of crime, as in the t-test. Unlike the results of the t-test, experience of victimization (r=.26, p=.01) in the American case and feeling of patriotism (r=-.36, p=.001) in the Japanese group, were correlated with fear of crime. Table. Comparison of Major Variables 146 5.19 Correlated with "the Public's Perception towards the Police" among the USA, Japan, and China USA JAPAN CHINA Political Efficacy .23* .31** .45** Trust in Government .32** .50** .38** Group-oriented .23* Value Patriotism .25* City Size -.29** Safer due to .29** the Neighborhood Police Posts Fear of Crime -.26* Experience of -.32** Observing Crime N of Cases: USA=121, Japan=119, China=91. 1-tailed Signifi: * - .01, ** - .001 147 Table. 5.20 Comparison of Major Variables Correlated with "Fear of Crime" among the USA, Japan, and China USA JAPAN‘ CHINA Experience of .26! Victimization Political Efficacy -.29 Perception of -.27 the Police Patriotism -.36** Gender .53** 39° .23. N of Cases: USA=121, Japan=119, China=91. 1-tailed Signifi: * - .01, ** - .001 CHAPTER 6. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS Summary EHIEQSQ The purpose of this study was to examine the factors associated with the attitude of the citizens towards cooperation with the police, and to compare the similarities and differences in the major factors among citizens of Japan, China, and the United States. The subjects chosen were the three groups of university students: Americans and nationals from Japan and China residing temporarily on the campus of a midwestern university in the United States. The data of this study was based on the subjects’ attitude, values, and perceptions derived from their experience in their own countries. L' e e v Social controls and the mode of policing operations, derived from tradition and culture, may help in shaping police-public relations. In a close-knit society, social cohesion facilitates social control mechanisms. Social control organizations in such a society can increase interaction between different elements in society. From a 148 149 criminal justice perspective, such interactions may produce effective police-public relations and low crime rates. Each society has unique correlates associated with the willingness of the citizens to cooperate with the police. This study has categorized associated variables into five factors. They include political factors, crime-related factors, police- related factors, community-related factors, and cultural- ideological factors. Chapter 2 has provided a review of related literature, mainly regarding the five factors. In Chapter 3, demographic information, historical background, and unique features of policing in Japan and China have been discussed. Methodolegy The study was conducted from August through December, 1990, on the campus of a midwestern university in the United States. It was done mainly by mailed questionnaire surveys, and partially through interviews with the subjects. The sample consisted of 121 American, 119 Japanese, and 91 Chinese. All the respondents were in the process of college education, or graduate education. As major statistical techniques, comparison of the mean scores, t-test, and correlation analysis were adopted. "Cooperative attitude of the public towards the police" was the dependent variable. All independent variables were 150 categorized into five factors: political, crime-related, police-related, community-related, and cultural-ideological. For a more comprehensive interpretation, the relationships of such variables as willingness of the public to contact the police, perception of the police, and fear of crime were also examined with other independent variables. Findings As implied in Table 5.2 (see p.106), the Japanese group did not regard crime as a serious social problem as the American or the Chinese group did. They were not afraid of being victimized as much as the Americans or the Chinese. They had much less experience of victimization than the American group. As expected, the Japanese group had a closer relationship with their community_ than the other two groups (see Table 5.4, p.110). However, the data did not show that the Japanese group had a greater willingness to contact the police in situations provided in this study than the American group. The data also showed that the American group considered crime as a serious social concern, especially when compared to the Japanese group. Contrary to common knowledge, the American group was more patriotic, group-oriented, and had a more positive attitude towards authoritarianism than the 151 Japanese and the Chinese group. Although their perception of the police and the police performance was not more positive than that of the other groups, they showed a greater willingness to cooperate with the police, at least in reporting crimes, than the other groups. The Chinese group also considered crime as a serious problem in their society, and, surprisingly, felt more fearful of crime than the American and the Japanese groups. These results support Chiu’s (1977:375) statement that "The assertion that crime is no longer a serious social problem in China is certainly not true....one sees barred windows, walls with spikes on the top, crops guarded by the barbed wire, and watchmen duty..." However, the data of this study revealed that the actual experience of victimization by the Chinese was almost the same as the Japanese’ and three times less than the American’s. (see table 5.2, p.106). This result is also supported by the belief of the Chinese interviewees’ that "Crime has increased rapidly mainly because of the political turmoil of the years 1966-76 and rapid social changes derived from the economic reforms since the late 1970’s. However, as compared to other countries, the average crime rate is still very low." [1] We may say that the Chinese group consider crime as a serious social problem and are afraid of being victimized. But actual crimes in China 1. The author interviewed government officers and professors in China from October through December of 1989. 152 do not occur as much as in the United States. Unexpectedly, the Chinese had a less positive attitude towards authoritarianism than the other groups. In fact, they had a more positive perceptions of the police and the police performance, but less trust in the government than the other groups. And, as expected, the Chinese group was less willing to cooperate with the police as a witness or as a collaborator than the other groups. Regarding the public’s willingness to contact the police as a victim or a person in need, there was no difference among the Japanese, the American, and the Chinese groups. As stated earlier, the public’s attitude towards cooperating with the police was defined in terms of situations they faced as a witness and as a collaborator. The cooperative attitude involved the public’s disposition towards reporting a crime to the police, furnishing information to the police, having the police coming to one’s door, and participating in community activity initiated by the police. Willingness of the public to contact the police indicated the public’s willingness to turn to the police in situations they faced as a victim and as a person in need. The findings of this study resulting from the t-test and correlation analyses are summarized as follows: For the American Group 153 I‘EQSL’ 1. Visibility of the police is statistically related with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. 2. Perception of crime is statistically related with willingness of the public to contact the police. 3. Evaluation of the police performance is statistically related with willingness of the public to contact the police. ' 4. Attitude toward authoritarianism is statistically related with willingness of the public to contact the police. Correlation Analysis 1. Perception of crime is positively associated with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. 2. Attitude toward authoritarianism is positively associated with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. 3. Patriotism is positively associated with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. 4. Perception of crime is positively associated with willingness of the public to contact the police. 5. Attitude toward the police is positively associated with willingness of the public to contact the police. 6. Group-oriented values are positively associated with willingness of the public to contact the police. 7. Political efficacy is positively associated with willingness of the public to contact the police. For the Japanese Group T- s . 1. Community cohesion is statistically related' with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. 2. Awareness of the police is statistically related with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. 3. Perception toward the neighborhood police posts is statistically related with cooperative attitude of the 154 public towards the police. 4. Socio-economic status is statistically related with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. 5. Awareness of the neighborhood police posts is statistically related with willingness of the public to contact the police. 6. Awareness of the police is statistically related with willingness of the public to contact the police. Sorrelatioh eheiyses 1. Community cohesion is positively associated with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. 2. Awareness of the police is positively associated with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. 3. Awareness of the neighborhood police posts is positively associated with willingness of the public to contact the police. 4. Awareness of the police is positively associated with willingness of the public to contact the police. For the Chinese Group T-test 1. Political efficacy is statistically related with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. 2. Community cohesion is statistically related with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. 3. Perception toward the police is statistically related with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. 4. Gender is statistically related with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. 5. Group-oriented values are statistically related with willingness of the public to contact the police. 6. City size is statistically related with willingness of the public to contact the police. 7. Gender is statistically related with willingness of the 155 public to contact the police. ; J !' E 1 . 1. Perception of crime is negatively associated with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. 2. Fear of crime is negatively associated with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. 3. Attitude toward the police is positively associated with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. 4. Political efficacy is positively associated with cooperative attitude of the public towards the police. 5. Attitude toward authoritarianism is negatively associated with willingness of the public to contact the police. Conclusions Previous studies have indicated that, while crime and delinquency rates in the United States and Europe have been soaring, crime rates in Japan seem to have stabilized or declined during the last forty years. The stabilization or decline of crime in Japan occurred in the midst of a rapid industrial growth and urbanization - events that are usually associated with increase in rates of crime and delinquency (Friday and Hage, 1976; Johnson, 1974; Martin and Conger, 1986). There seems to be no disagreement among scholars that Japan has been relatively more successful than the United States in containing the crime problem. 156 Scholars like Clifford (1976) and others have suggested that cultural variables, for example, the pervasive network of informal social controls in Japan, may account for much of the ability of the Japanese to control crime. The role of social controls in the United States and its influence on delinquency has also been emphasized by scholars like Hirschi (1969). Adler (1983) considers the existence of informal social control mechanisms as a uniquely common factor among "nations not obssessed with crime." These nations have a high degree of social cohesion and a strong integration between the community and the formal criminal justice system. In the field of police studies, the role of the police in the network of informal social controls has been significant and is one of the critical concerns of this study. According to the findings of this study, the American group is more willing to contact the police in situations they face as a witness or as a collaborator than the Japanese and the Chinese groups (see table 5.1, p.106). If "this tendency of the citizen to rely on the police" can be viewed as an indicator of the citizen’s cooperation toward the police, the American group may be said to have the most cooperative attitude towards the police among the three groups. But such a willingness to turn to the police cannot provide a real resource for close police-public relations unless its determinants are properly understood (Thomas and 157 Hyman, 1977). When factors associated with the public’s cooperative attitude were examined for the American group, visibility of the police, perception of crime, attitude of authoritarianism, and patriotism appeared to be significant variables. That is, crime-related, police-related, and personal ideology-related elements were represented as associated factors with the citizens’ cooperative attitude. We may interpret from this that those who perceive crime seriously and have seen the police frequently tend to have a cooperative attitude towards the police. Also, authoritarian and patriotic people tend to be more cooperative with the police. The willingness of the public to cooperate with the police for the American group seems to occur because of the individual ideologies, incidental visibility of the police, or perception of the crime. Community-related variables were not linked with the public’s willingness to contact the police in any situation. A greater willingness to report crimes as a witness does not neccesarily indicate effective police-public relations. If the level of fear of crime or the perception of the seriousness of the crime can be seen as an indicator of succesful policing, then policing in Japan appears to be more successful than in the United States and China, at least as perceived by the subjects of this study (see table 5.2, p.106). For the Japanese group, crime-related problems such 158 as fear of crime are not serious concerns in their daily life. The data does not indicate that the Japanese group has a more positive perception of their police or a greater willingness to turn to the police than the American group. Police-related factors such as the public’s perception of the police and police performance, and visibility of the police are not associated with the willingness or attitude of the public to contact the police. The unique feature of the data for the Japanese group lies in co-existence of the police with the citizens in a network of informal social control mechanisms. The data shows community-related factors -- knowing the neighbors, the police working in the neighborhood, or the neighborhood police posts, and having a greater sense of belonging towards the neighborhood -- are major reasons for the Japanese group’s willingness to contact the police regardless of situations they face as a witness, as a victim, or in an emergency. ’The Japanese police may act as a member of their community rather than as a law enforcer, while the Japanese citizen may see the police officer or the neighborhood police post as a part of their neighborhood rather than as part of a law enforcement organization. Therefore, the average Japanese citizen would have greater opportunity to know the police officers than the American citizen, whose contact is 159 limited to stressful circumstances like reiceiving a ticket or in situations of victimization. The data of the Chinese group provides interesting implications. Most of the Chinese group know neighbors, police officers, and the neighborhood police posts (see table 5.4, p.110). These results are quite consistent with previous research done on policing in China. (Bracey, 1989; Johnson,l983; Phillips, 1978; Tung, 1966). But the interesting point which emerges from this sudy is that even though police and community policing organizations have always existed in their neighborhood in China as well as in Japan, the Chinese group has a more positive perception of the police and of the police performance than the Japanese group. However, this study found that knowing the police and the neighborhood police posts were not associated with the public’s willingness to contact the police in situations discussed in this study. Moreover, the Chinese group had greater fear of crime, and less willing to cooperate with the police than the Japanese and the American groups. For the Chinese group, in contrast to the Japanese group, political efficacy and crime- and police-related factors were more important than community-related factors associated with police-public relations. Particularly political efficacy -- the public’s belief or perception of their 160 capacity to understand politics and to have an impact on their government -- was found to be significantly related with the public’s attitude to contact the police in the situations provided by this study. This result may reflect a strong political impact on policing in China. Police may be regarded as a tool of the much feared political system and hence avoided. This political impact makes existing policing organizations less effective in raising the public’s cooperative attitude toward the police. Based on the data of this study, police-public relations in Japan appear to be more idealistic than those in the other two nations. Police exists as a part of the community. The relationship between the police and the citizen seem to be influenced by community integration. Neighborhood police posts as a community organization also plays an important role in bringing the police closer to the community.- The data demonstrates that young college students in America have become more group-oriented, authoritarian, and patriotic (see table 5.5, p.113), and shows a positive attitude towards the police. From a criminal justice perspective, this new trend could support the formation of anti-crime ideology. This ideology may facilite the effectiveness of policing organizations. Nation-wide neighborhood police posts with well-educated police officers could be a useful means for crime control in the United 161 States, as in Japan and Singapore (see p.44-46). However, as shown in table 5.5 (see p.113), unlike popular belief, the Japanese and the Chinese groups were less group-oriented, patriotic, and authoritarian than the American group. At the same time, they were less willing to cooperate with the police than the American group. Although such ideological variables were not found significantly related to police-public relations, these trends could be a warning of an emerging problem in Japan and China, a problem which has already existed for a long time in the United States. With rapid economic development and modernization, Japan and China could become nations in which the number of informal social mechanisms including family, school, community, and work, would lose their capacities for integrating youth. The five factors discussed in this study can hardly explain all aspects of the public’s attitude towards cooperation with the police. The statistical data of this study could not comprehensively include the unique inheritance or experience of the three countries, for example, homogeneity of race and culture, economic prosperity and political stability in Japan, heterogeneous ethnic composition, broad social unrests, and intermittent recessions in the United States, occasional political turmoil, communist ideology, and the underdeveloped economy 162 in China. Ideally, such a study should combine quantatitive data with qualitative data for a comprehensive interpretation of the data. Further studies should conduct an indepth investigation of each nation’ unique cultural and historical traditions, and socio-political experiences as correlates determining police-public relations. APPENDIX A SURVEY FORMAT IN ENGLISH 163 Dear friends: We are trying to learn something which may help people in societies to which you belong. This questionnaire is designed to understand and learn more about community-police relations and the factors affecting this relation in different cultural settings - Japan, China, and the United States. Therefore, your response would be of great help in enhancing the knowledge of how to promote citizen-police relationships, protect public security, and prevent crime. You do not need to write your name, so that all participants will remain completely anoymous. All answers are subject to the strictest confidence. No one except a research person will be allowed to see the finished questionnaire. Even a research person will in no way be able to identify your questionnaire, and, of course, your participation is completely voluntary. After the information from your questionnaire is entered in computer, your questionnaire will immediately be destroyed. It will take about twenty minutes to complete this questionnaire. Even though it might give you some trouble, you might also learn more about yourself and your society by participating in this study. We would appreciate so much if you could send the questionnaire back to us by using the stamped envelope enclosed. Please contact us if you have any questions regarding this study. Our address and phone number are: Baik-chul Lee Vincent J. Hoffman.,Ph.D Baker Hall Baker Hall School of Criminal Justice School of Criminal Justice Michigan State University Michigan State University Tel) 517-355-6603 Tel) 517-355-6603 517-349-8029 164 I. We would like to know the extent to Vbidh you agree or disagree with the following statements. Please check only one which most closely reflects your opinion after referring to the explanation below. S.agree. refers to "strongly agree“ S.disagree. refers to “strongly disagree“ Patriotism and loyalty are very important requirements of a good citizen. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure It usually helps the Child in later years if he/she is forced when young, to conform to his/her parent’s ideas. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure In this complicated world, the only way we can know what is going on is to rely on leaders or experts who can be trusted. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure What the youth need most is strict discipline and the ‘will to work and fight for family and country. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure The facts on crime and sexual immorality suggest that we ‘will have to crash down harder on some people if we are going to save our moral standards. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure If the group is slowing me down, it is better to leave it and work alone. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure My happiness is related to the well-being of my coworkers. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure My parents’ opinions are important in my Choice of a 10. 11. 12 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 165 spouse. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure When a close friend of mine is successful, it does really make me lock better. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure I am‘worried as to what the neighbors say about whom I should marry. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure I would participate in a war for my country if a war occurs. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure Laws are so often made for the benefit of .all selfish groups that a man cannot respect the law. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure I can generally trust the criminal justice system. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure Laws are frequently unjust. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure We should obey the law even though we criticize it. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure Mankind is basically good, and if the authorities would just let people alone, crime would be no problem. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure People like me do not.have any say about what the government does. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure I do not think public officials care much what people like me think. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure 166 19. Sometimes politics and government seem so complicated that a person like me'can not understand what is going on. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure 20. Police often overstep their legal authority. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure 21. On the whole, policemen are honest. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure 22. Policemen are a great help to folks. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure 23. The police are unresponsive to the lower-class community. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure 24. Policemen are more loyal to other police than to the citizens. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure 25. The police in.my city are doing an effective jOb and deserve our thanks. 1) S.agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S.disagree 5) unsure 26. How good does it make you feel to see the flag of your country flying? 1) very good 2) good 3) somewhat 4) no feeling 27. How strong is your love for your country? 1) very strong 2) strong 3) somewhat 4) no special love 28. How emotional does it make you feel to hear the national anthemR 1) very much 2) much 3) somewhat 4) never 29. now proud are you to be an.American (Japanese, Chinese)? 1) very proud 2) proud 3) somewhat proud 4) never proud 30. How much of the time can you trust your government to do 31. 32. 33. 34. 1) 35. 36. 37. 38. 167 what is right? 1) most 2) much 3) some 4) none Do you think that the people in government waste a lot of money you pay in taxes? They waste: 1) a lot 2) some 3) not much 4) none WOuld you say that the government is run by a few big interests locking out for themselves, or is it run for the benefit of all people? 1) for all 2) for most 3) for some 4) for a few How many of the people running government do you think are crooked? 1) most 2) many 3) a few 4) none The crime around the city you lived in your country has increased rapidly. 8. agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) 8. disagree 5) unsure Do you feel that crime is a very serious problem, a somewhat serious problem, or not much of a problem in your country? 1) very serious 2) somewhat serious 3) not so serious 4) not serious How safe would you feel while walking alone at night in your neighborhood in your country? 1) very safe 2) somewhat safe 3) somewhat unsafe 4) very unsafe Have you ever changed your plan to go out at night because you thought it would be unsafe to go there in your country? 1) many times 2) some 3) few 4) never How often do you think each of the following crimes occurs around the city you lived in your country? often sometimes rarely never a) burglary b) robbery c) rape 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 168 d) assault e) auto theft new many of the adults in your neighborhood would know by name, if you meet them on the street? (1) many (2) some (3) few (4) none Do you perceive that you are a part of the community in your neighborhood? (1) very much (2) much (3) somewhat (4) never Is there a neighborhood (or mini-) police box near your house, school, or work place in your country? (1) yes (2) no (if your answer is no, go to f 44) Appoximately, how long does it take to get the neighborhood police station from.your place on foot? ( minutes) Do you feel more safe because a neighborhood police station is located near your place? 1) 8. agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) 8. disagree 5) unsure Approximately how ‘many names or faces of the police officers working in your neighborhood, school, or work place, can you remember? (1) none (2) persons Do you know any civil organization for crime prevention in your neighborhood? (1) yes (2) no (if your answer is "no", go to #48) I feel safer because a crime prevention organization exists in your neighborhood. 1) 8. agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S. disagree 5) unsure Have you ever participated in any civil organization for crime prevention in your neighborhood or work unit? (1) yes (2) no now often have you seen police officers walking a beat, talking to people, working in the police station, around your neighborhood? (1) often (2) sometimes (3) rarely (4) never 169 49. How often have you seen police officers on car patrol in your neighborhood? (1) often (2) sometimes (3) rarely (4) never 50. I think police officers working in.my neighborhood understand local situation very well? 1) S. agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S. disagree 5) unsure 51. I know'where the police are around.my neighborhood, and believe the police would come to help me within a few minutes in emergence. 1) 8. agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S. disagree 5) unsure 52. I don't know where the police are around.my neighborhood, and doubt whether they would come in time when I am. in trouble. 1) S. agree 2) agree 3) disagree 4) S. disagree 5) unsure II. PLEASE CHECK THE ONE REFECTING YOUR.OPINION HOST CLOSELY. 53. Suppose you saw a car accident on the street. How would you act? (1) I would stop what I am doing, call the police, and explain the situation. (2) I would see the situation for a while, if it is not serious, I would ignore it. (3) I would not get involved. (4) Others (please describe: ) 54. Suppose, for the purpose of crime prevention or community policing, a police officer visits your house once or twice a year, and asks about your family members, occupation, strangers in neighborhood, etc, how would you feel or act about it? (1) I would answer all questions as much as I could. (2) I would not like the visit, but would try to answer some questions. (3) I would feel uncomfortable, and not cooperate with the police. (4) Others (please describe: ) 55. Suppose a police chief plans to organize "crime prevention association“ in your neighborhood. now would you act? 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 170 NH ) I would gladly participate in it. ) I would not participate in it voluntarily, but would consider it. ) I would not get involved in it. ) Others (please describe: ) AA AA é U Suppose a police officer visits your house and asks about your neighbor being charged with dealing drugs. How would you act? (1) I would tell the police all I know about my neighbor. (2) I would tell the police something, but nothing very important. (3) I would not get involved in it. (4) Others (please describe: ) Suppose you saw that someone you know entered into neighbor’s house and stole something at about 2:00 AH. How would you act? (1) I would report it to the police immediately. (2) I would meet the person, and persuade him/her to return the stolen goods to the original owner. (3) I would ignore it. (4) Others (please describe: ) Suppose you encounter a person being robbed by a couple of juvenile delinquents on the street. How would you act? 1) I would call the police. 2) I would persuade the juvenile delinquents to stop the robbery. ) I would ignore it. ) Others (please describe: ) AA AA fi U Suppose several young kids you know are drinking and making a lot of noise near your house at night. How would you act? (1) I would call the police. (2) I would call their family. (3) I would ignore it. (4) Others (please describe: ) Suppose you.were drunk at midnight, and you found you did not have any means to get home, how' would you act? - (1) I would go to a nearby police station and ask for some help. (2) I would call my family or friends. (3) I would neither go to the police nor call my family or friends. - 61. 62. 171 (4) Others (please describe: ) Suppose you got caught by the police because of drunken driving. When the police officer attempts to educate you on the spot, how would you act? (1) I would feel sorry, and apologize for my mistake. (2) I would not like to listen to him, and would try to remain silent. (3) I would interrupt his speech, and ask him to give me a ticket quickly. (4) Others (please describe: ) Suppose you were suspected of embezzling money from your work place. How would you act when the police seemed to have clear evidence? (1) I would admit guilt, repent my wrong doing, and wait and hope for lenient punishment. (2) I would negotiate with the police officer not to be prosecuted. (3) I would not say anything until I was in a better position, and would make every effort to protect my rights. (4) Others (please describe: III. ) IN WHICH CASES IN YOUR.COUNTRI, WOULD YOU TURN TO THE POLICE? PLEASE CHECK 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. "1." = "I would turn to the police" "2." - "I would try to solve it without intervention of the police" "3." = "I would do nothing about it" your bike was stolen You lost your wallet in public place You were robbed on the street You got strange phone calls repeatedly during the night Your parents hit a family member habitually A family member was sexually abused by non-family member EITHER 1, 2, OR 3 EACH EXAHPLE GIVEN BELOW. 1. 1. 1. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 172 You were drunk on the street, so needed some help 1. 2. 3. You lost your way while walking or driving 1. 2. 3. Your neighbor made a lot of noise at late night 1. 2. 3. A family member has disappeared 1. 2. 3. You got into a car accident 1. 2. 3. You saw a stranger entering into the neighbor's 1. 2. 3. house through a window You knew someone in your neighborhood was 1. 2. 3. dealing drugs You saw a car hit someone and drive away 1. 2. 3. You saw a parent abusing his/her child 1. 2. 3. You saw a stranger hanging around near your 1. 2. 3. neighborhood You saw a person stealing something in a store 1. 2. 3. You saw a gang fighting on the street 1. 2. 3. IV. Have you ever been a victim,of crime,(e.g, shoplifting, stealing, assault, robbery, fraud, sexual abuse...) during the last five years? (1) yes / please write how many times ( ) (2) no (if your answer is "no," go to #85) 82. Approximately how many times did you contact the police 83. to report the crimes you were a victim, under #81 above, during the last five years? (1) none (if your answer is none, go to #85 ) (2) ( ) times Please describe all cases you reported and not reported briefly under #82 above.(e.g, stealing, shoplifting, fighting, robbery, fraud, sexual assaults...): (1) cases reported: (2) cases not reported: 173 84. Do you think that you were satisfied with the police's response to your reports in #83? 1) very satisfied 2) satisfied 3) unsatisfied 4) very unsatisfied 5) unsure 85. Have you ever seen someone else commit a crime (e.g, shoplifting, assault, fraud, fighting, sexual abuse, stealing, etc...) during the last five years? (1) yes (approximately how many times: ) (2) no (if your answer is "no," go to #89) 86. Approximately how many times did you contact the police to report crimes you saw committed by someone else, under #85 above, during the last five years? (1) none (2) ( ) times 87. Please describe all cases you reported and not reported briefly in #86 (e.g, shoplifting, assault, fraud, fighting, sexual assaults......): (1) cases reported: (2) cases not reported: 88. Do you think that you were satisfied with the police's response to your reports in #87? 1) very satisfied 2) satisfied 3) unsatisfied 4) very unsatisfied 5) unsure 89. Approximately how many times did you contact the police to ask for some help not related.with criminal cases, ( e.g, asking a way, domestic dispute, conflict with the neighborhood, or personal emergency...) during the last five years? (1) none (if your answer is "none," go to #91) (2) ( ) times 90. Please describe all cases you contacted briefly in #89: 91 . Do you think that you were satisfied with the police's 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 174 response to your reports in #90? 1) very satisfied 2) satisfied 3) unsatisfied 4) very unsatisfied 5) unsure Approximately how many times did you participate in the meeting for public security, or crime prevention organized by community association or the police involved with community affairs during the last five years? (1) none (2) times Age Gender (1) male (2) female city size you lived in your country: (1) below 30,000 (2) 30,000 to 50,000 (3) 50,000 to 300,000 (4) 300,000 to one million (5) more than one million Socio-economic status of your family low middle high I II I I, II I I II I Education level (1) below college level (2) college level (3) graduate level or higher Is there a police officer in your family? (1) yes (2) no You are: (1) Black (2) White (3) Hispanic or, other APPENDIX B SURVEY FORMAT IN JAPANESE 175 :fifiLT<fi36§flN. at.flfifi.iékmfimfiékonfUV—+§lb180$¢.:07 yr-iu.at.¢m.7xuncsnaaeeigemwn.:t.%ow fifthwflfifi.ImminmlofEfifib6#&fl&6:tEEWtL (hit.fiékt§§tmwfi.“%m§£.m#mitflfiomfiéfilfi tmfiéibfnbflfin.85frfiflTéh. Cory?-tt316CtufifiTubvitkfi.EékwrfifiuES K.BEIRGHTH.-W.fififintétfhtfiéif. :07V7-tu.fi:+fimfifiEEL21.:07V7-FEELT.E fiaflb.%hfh®&£tonf.IOfiHmbéfithiLtefihtt. 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ESE. ’EEE‘EEJ? f3 4 EI‘EB‘JE {EILEE- £8 (E E" EEEBF’ El -14- 199 LL ET ET... .Hfllvxx’ -Bmm... ...Ti LT A... .TTMETTEEEEEETTTE. fir. _J H D Wfim EH“- FiWEEEE? IEEEEWEfi-IWWWW) RE E55. \ .s-fi . ‘ 1 ' r . E. T. W En... mane WW 3 _ WW aw“? WW En... WW Em Earn. 3% .. .- . TJ EEK. -15.. 200 —n "Lt. +L + -‘ . 44% J — In; a? n% mflfifl: ’T .—J .6 I fl+m 3 WW -nfi m. E 14. NJ. .8 .3 . TUNE“ . .fi+#i ifiiifl Hi 3: F» 3 533+? EE£E_ EEEEE -. . UUUUU | I» ‘v I‘ ..I. ...u .'- .l I: .%§&§%R= .H ..-.-J f +431... ..$ Tflfi H$E ¢$E Eifi fifié ¢$E Efim n.- ) u... ‘22.... 3. v I n1. a aw 114+IIH'N' £3 :21" mg. 21 M. m f!“ 2 fl 201 REFERENCES ed , Vol.4, 12, Danbury, Connecticut: Grolier Incorporated, 1985 Adelman, 1., and C. T, Morris. Society, Politics, ond Economic peyoloomcngg A Qoaotitative Approach, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1967. Adler. Freda. Eati2ns_H2;_Qh§e§§ed_flith_grime Littleton. Colorado: Fred B. Rothman & Co, 1983. Adorno, T.W., E.Frenkel-Brunswik, D.J.Levinson, and R.N.Sanford. Ihc Aothozitoriao Pogoonality, New York: Harper, 1950. Alderson, John. 0 ' ' eed o a on 9£_£Qligi_g_in__e§__rn_2__2§rasie§ MaCDonald and Evans, 1979. Allen, G. Frederick, "Reforming Criminals in China: Implications for Corrections in the West" Ioccznocionol loocool o: comparotivc goo Applieo ccimioal lostico, VOloll’ No.1, 1987. Almond, Gabriel A. and Sidney Verba. Inc civic cultocc, Boston: Little, Brown & Co. Ames. Walter L- E2li2e_and_92mmuni§x_in_lenan. Berkeley. Ca: University of California Press, 1981. A-R-A- Consultants. Einal_Be22rt_2n.the.§xalua£ign_2£_§ne - ° . Ottawa, Can:Ministry of the Solicitor General of Canada, 1985. Archambeault William G and Charles R. Fenwick, "A Comparative Analysis of Culture, Safety, and Organizational Manage- ment Factors in Japanese and U. S Prisons" Inc_£11§oo looznol, Vol. 68, No. 1, 1988. Austin, W. Timothy. 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