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RELIGION OF FAMILY
AS RELATED TO THE AMOUNT OF
SEX EDUCATION RECEIVED IN THE HOME

by

Kimberly A. Wallet

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Family and Child Ecology

1990

ABSTRACT

The primary goal of this thesis was to determine whether
the perceived amount of sex education information transmitted
to students by their parents was related to the religious
affiliation of the family. A total of 189 University Juniors
and Seniors, who were enrolled in a Human Sexuality course,
completed a survey which was designed to measure the amount
of sex education received from their parents.

Included. in this sample were Jewish, Catholic, and
Protestant students, as well as students with no religious
affiliation. A questionnaire was designed to measure
students' perceptions of the amount of sex education discussed
or presented by their parents.

The overall findings of this study indicate that
religious affiliation had little or no bearing on the amount
of sex education received in the home. The key finding of
this study was that the religious affiliations' beliefs about

sexuality are not taught by the parents to their children.

Copyright by
Kimberly A. Wallet
1990

This thesis is dedicated to my parents,
Joseph and Dorothy Wallet,
for their support throughout
all of my academic endeavors.

iv

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT S

In appreciation to my committee members, Dr. Donald
Melcer and Dr. June Youatt, for their special assistance
throughout my Master's program, and especially for their
support and encouragement in the completion of this thesis.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

METHODOLOGY

RESULTS

DISCUSSION

APPENDIX A - COVER LETTER FOR INSTRUMENT
APPENDIX B - INSTRUMENT

APPENDIX - PERCENTAGE BREAKDOWN FOR ALL STUDENTS

APPENDIX

C
APPENDIX D - PERCENTAGE BREAKDOWN FOR CATHOLIC STUDENTS
E - PERCENTAGE BREAKDOWN FOR JEWISH STUDENTS

F

APPENDIX - PERCENTAGE BREAKDOWN FOR

PROTESTANT STUDENTS

APPENDIX G PERCENTAGE BREAKDOWN FOR STUDENTS

WITH NO RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION

LIST OF REFERENCES

vi

33
37
65
76
78
82
89

94

99

105

111

LIST OF TABLES

Percentage of Parents Who

Expect to Discuss Each Sexual Topic . . . . . . . . . . 8
Sources of Information Concerning Sex . . . . . . . . . 10
Sources of Information - North America . . . . . . . . 11

Sources of Sexual Information for

Young Adults by Topic Areas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Percentage Breakdown for All Students . . . . . . . . . 83
Percentage Breakdown for Catholic Students . . . . . . 90
Percentage Breakdown for Jewish Students . . . . . . . 95
Percentage Breakdown for Protestant Students . . . . . 100

Percentage Breakdown for Students
With No Religious Affiliation . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106

vii

INTRODUCTION

Human sexuality is a developmental process. All
individuals are sexual beings from their conception to their
subsequent deaths. Early childhood experiences, as well as
present and future experiences, combine to form an
individual's sexual self. "Sexual awareness, attitudes, and
behaviors are learned. within. sociocultural contexts that
define appropriate sexuality for members." (Pocs, 1987-1988)
Many of the fundamental values about sexuality that any
individual holds are well established before he or she enters
a school environment.

Religion is a major source of how individuals form
concepts of themselves sexually. This theory is supported in
the following quote from Hyde (1986) in Understanding Human
Sexuality: "Religion and ethics are important influences on

" Religion

people'slbehaviors, especially'in.matters of sex...
gives us a base for developing a sense of right and wrong.
Religious views and.attitudes are likely to.strongly influence
how sexual information is presented to children.

The primary goal of this thesis was to determine whether
the perceived amount of sex education information transmitted
to students by their parents was related to the religious
affiliation of the family. A total of 189 University Juniors
and Seniors, who were enrolled in a Human Sexuality course,

completed a survey which was designed to measure the amount

of sex education received from their parents. Included in

2
this sample were Jewish , Catholic, and Protestant students,

as well as students with no religious affiliation. A
questionnaire was designed to measure students' perceptions
of the amount of sex education.discussed or presented by their
parents.

As a Graduate Teaching Assistant in a college level human
sexuality course, the researcher has noted that a sizable
number of students mention their religion when making a
statement about the amount of sex education received in the
home. It, therefore, appears that the students have made a
connection between their family of orientation's religion and
the discussion of sexual issues within the home.

It was the belief of this researcher that a relationship
would be evident between a religious organization's stand on
sexual issues and the quantity of discussion its adherants
supplied to their children. For example, if a religious
organizationldid not approve of the practice of contraception,
its adherants would be unlikely to discuss this topic in any
depth with their children. In effect, the topic would be
treated as "taboo" because it is a forbidden practice within
the church. Other sexual topics which are viewed as natural
and positive within the church would be more likely to elicit
a greater degree of discussion from parents with their
children. This theory waspurely speculative. Observation
and informal discussion with persons of variuos religious

affiliations contributed to the development of this theory.

3

Several studies have been conducted to determine the
amount of sex education parents have discussed with their
children. Most studies have looked at which sexual topics
(menstruation, sexual intercourse, etc.) are discussed more
often than others, not the degree to which each individual
topic is discussed by each parent. Measurements of the
amount each sexual topic is discussed by each parent will be
conducted in this study.

The Review of Literature provides a summary of research
that has measured the parent's role in. determining the
quantity of sex education discussed in the home, but no
studies have been found which relate religious affiliation as
a variable in determining the amount of sex education received
in the home. This thesis has been conducted to better
understand the role of religion in influencing the amount of
sex education received in the home.

For a sexual belief system to be conveyed from the
religious affiliation to the parents, and consequently to the
children, it must be assumed that the parents agree with the
religious affiliation's stand on sexual issues and will convey

those same beliefs to their children.

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

Several studies have been completed to better determine
what role parents play in their children's sex education. Sol
Gordon is oneesuch researchera Many of his books and articles
reflect his research with university students.

In an article entitled, "What Kids Need to Know", Sol
Gordon makes reference to a study he has conducted that
researched the question of how much sex education children
receive from their parents. Over a period of 12 years, over
8,000 Syracuse University Students wereasurveyed on the topic.
The results indicated that fewer than 15 percent of the
students reported that they received meaningful sex education
from their parents.

In another study by Sol Gordon (1986), students (450 each
semester) in a Syracuse University Human Sexuality class were
asked to read Did the Sun Shine Before you Were Born (1979),
a children's sex education book geared for 4- to 7-year-olds,
by Sol and Judith Gordon. The students were then to ask
their parents to read it. Afterward they were to interview
their parents. According to Gordon, "The students were, for
the most part, astonished by their parents' responses, and
regardless whether the critique of the book was positive or
negative, about 85 percent of the students reported that it
was the best sexuality discussion they'd ever had with one or

both parents."

5
A third study, conducted in the 1960's by Sol Gordon, is

also cited in his article "Sexuality Education - Do it Right
Your Time Around". This study consisted of 100 teenagers (50
boys and.50 girls). The teenagers were asked if their parents
had talked to them about sex. All replied "no". The parents
were then asked if they had talked to them about sex; all
replied."yes". "When pushed, nearly all girls remembered that
their mothers had talked to thentabout menstruation. The rest
of the communication could be summed up in one word: don't.
Some boys eventually recalled 'going out for a walk' or a
discussion about the 'birds and the bees'." It is this
researcher's opinion that the 100 teenagers responded "no" to
a discussion with parents about sex because they could not
recall any meaningful sexual discussions.

An often cited reason for the lack of communication
between parents and children is that the parents are not
comfortable with their own sexuality. "Parents often have
difficulty admitting to themselves that their children are
sexual beings and any feel inadequately prepared to be sex
educators." (Kelly, 1988) Secondly, that the parents
received little or no sex education from their parents when
they were children. As Gordon states in his article, "What
Kids Need to Know", "Without one's parents to draw upon as a
model, the cycle of noncommunication is repeated from

generation to generation".

6

Kelly in his book, §§xu§lity Today: The Human_
Perspective, remarks about his ideas about the roots of the
problem concerning the lack of communication between parents
and their children when it comes to discussing human sexuality
issues. "There are a number of attitudes that have hindered
sex education efforts. One, certainly, is a general
reluctance and embarrassment about discussing the whole area
of sex openly. At the same time, adults often mistakenly
assume that with the new availability of sex information,
young people already know everything about sex."

Still other researchers cite additional factors.
Rosenfeld.et. al. stated "Even sophisticated.parents may feel
uncertain of their own sexual values. Some parents lack
accurate information. Questions may bring back a parent's own
unhappy childhood sexual experiences, or evidence~of awakening
sexuality in their teenage children may be disconcerting."
(Katchadourian, 1989)

It would appear as if a solution for better sexual
communication lies in finding ways to develop better
communication skills between. parents and their children.
Still the question remains: Do children want to receive
information about sexuality from their parents? It appears
that the overwhelming answer is yes. "Studies have shown that
from 50 to 90 percent of respondents would prefer to get their
sex education from their parents. (Richard and Allgeier,

1988). In a sense, then, it is the ultimate goal of children

7

and young adults to receive their sex education from their
parents.

What is the ultimate goal of parents? According to the
results of a survey conducted by Koblinsky and Atkinson, most
parents expected to discuss a variety of sexual issues with
their children. Mothers were asked which of fifteen issues
they expected to discuss with their daughters and which issues
they expected to discuss with their sons. The same responses
were collected from fathers who participated in the survey.
The following table reflects the results of the Koblinsky-

Atkinson study:

8
Table 1

Percentage of Parents Who Expect to Discuss Each Sexual Topic

Koblinsky-Atkinson, 1982

Topic Mothers Mothers Fathers Fathers

of Sons of Daughters of Sons of Daughters

Birth 86 91 72 82
Body 86 87 72 79
Differences

Reproduction 83 87 64 82
Sexual Morals 93 87 61 73
Venereal 83 85 69 73
Disease

Contraception 83 69 73
Obscene Words 74 78 64 85
Sexual 77 81 69 73
Intercourse

Petting 74 76 69 73
Rape/ 71 85 64 73

Sexual Offenses

Abortion 77 70 55 68
Menstruation 80 91 33 56
Homosexuality 74 68 53 65
Masturbation 63 59 33 73

Wet Dreams 51 38 28 73

Now that we have looked at the expectations of parents
and children in regards to sex education in the home, it would
be interesting to look at the opinions of other researchers
as to what is actually being discussed between parents and
children. As is usually expected in this large a review of
literature, the opinions of researchers vary, and.often times,
the results of some of the studies are contradictory with
others.

According to Goldman and Goldman, 1982, "Parents were the
primary source of sexual information in the United States"
(Katchadourian, 1989). Walters and Walters, 1983, contend
that "Research continues to indicate that parents are not
providing adequate sources of education for most young
people." (Kelly, 1988) Much lies 1J1 the careful
interpretation of the above statements. At first it may
appear as if these statements are contradictory; that is, one
source believes parents to be the primary source of sexual
information, while the second.source does not appear to agree.
However, Walters and Walters are not commenting on whether or
not parents are a primary source of sex education for their
children. Rather, it is a comment on the adequacy of the
coverage of sexual issues within discussions between parents
and children.

The following charts are the compiled results of various
studies concerning the sources of information for children and
young adults. The first chart, Table B, is a compilation of

results from studies completed by Anthansion, Hunt, Kinsey,

10

and Schofield. In addition, the percentage results are
computed for both males and females to more specifically

determine where males and females seek information regarding

 

sex.
Table 2
Sources of Information Concerning Sex
Anthansion(1970) Hunt(1974) Kinsey(1950) Schofield(1973)
E. E. E. E. M. E. E. 2.
Peers 64 51 59 46 61 39 74 81
Parents 8 l7 9 17 5 14 18 31
School 3 3 3 5 1 5 5 8
Books 23 23 20 22 - - 26 20
Mixed 2 6 9 10 33 42 - -

Table C reflects the findings of Goldman and Gordman from
their 1982 study concerning the sources of sexual information
for children and young adults in North America.
Interestingly, the Goldmans' study breaks down the category
of "Parents" into “Mothers" and "Fathers", and "Both Parents".
The use of this technique helps to better distinguish which
parent (or both parents) is most often utilized as a source

of sexual information for their children.

11

 

 

Table 3

Sources of Information North America
Parents

Mothers 32

Fathers 2

Both Parents 9
Teachers/School Lessons 19
Media ‘ 18
Friends 8 Ronald and Juliette
Siblings 5 ‘ Goldman, Children's
Street/Playground 6 ' Sexual Thinking.
Medical People 1 London: Rutledge,1982

Both.Kinsey and.Gebhard have conducted studies which look
at the sources of sexual information for children and young
adults. What is unique about their studies is that Kinsey and
Gebhard categorized their data according to specific sexual
topics. In addition, the data is also categorically divided
by male and female. Surprisingly though, fathers are not
listed as an option as a source of sexual information. This
factor may detract from the validity of the studies as it is
expected that fathers do provide sexual information to their
children. It appears as if Kinsey and Gebhard based their
studies on the assumption that sex education is the
responsibility of the mother. As Peter Kilmann records in his

book, Human Sexuality in Contemporarerife, "Sex education is

 

12

seen as more the mother's responsibility by many parents."
On the other hand, these Kinsey and Gebhard studies do show

an excellent breakdown of sources outside of the home.

13
Table 4

Sources of Sexual Information for Young Adults by Topic Areas

 

 

Topic Source Males Females
Kinseyfi Gebhard; Kinsey’ Gebhagd
Coitus Same-Sex Peer 73.3 50 49.1 48
Mother 3.1 9 17.7 15
Mass Media 3.9 12 9.8 5
Fertilization
Same-Sex Peer 17.8 0 11.5 3
Mother 4.4 13 14.6 14
Mass Media 24.1 23 19.9 14
School/
Formal Training 39.5 45 43.4 22
Pregnancy Same-Sex Peer 52.7 3 33.5 44
Mother 14.2 53 35.7 6
Menstruation
Same-Sex Peer 51.5 27 18.7 70
Mother 9.3 16 46.6 17
Experience .4 4 19.2 36
Mass Media 13.8 14 2.6 8
School/
Formal Training 5.9 16 5 6
Abortion Same-Sex Peer No 8 36.1 9
Mother 20 17.7 17
Mass Media Data 31 19.2 11
School/
Formal Training 8 9.0 13
Condoms Same—Sex Peer 89.7 67 66.8 51
School/

Formal Training 1.5 5 .6.8 16

14

Later research, such as that conducted by Roberts, 1980,
have followed the trend of interviewing both mothers and
fathers. In addition, Roberts includes the practice of
disseminating sexual information into topic areas for both
boys and girls. Roberts conducted one such study in the
Cleveland area, where he interviewed families of 3- to 11-
year-old children.

According to Roberts' findings, the study "showed that
the vast majority of children received little or no direct
information or advice from their parents. Fathers
particularly were uninvolved in the sexual education of their
children; both boys and girls directed their questions to the
mothers (pregnancy and birth being the most talked about
topics). When parents responded to questions about sexuality,
they usually dealt with them as one-time issues rather than
as part of an on-going dialogue." (Roberts et a1, 1978;
Roberts, 1980)

The conclusion of the Roberts' study reveals that, at
least in this particular study, parents discuss little or no
sexual information to their children. In Human Sexuality,
Masters, Johnson, and Kolodny (1988) make reference to this
phenomena; "Sex.education, beyond the most rudimentary 'birds
and bees' facts of anatomy and reproduction, is often ignored
by parents and schools alike until a child reaches
adolescence".

When parents are not prepared or willing to speak with

their children about sexual matters, they may feel trapped

15

when their child asks for some sexual information. In some
such.cases, parents may resort to the technique of information
control. Sears et al have identified three types of
information control.

"Parents exercise three types of information control
concerning sexual matters. First, through unambiguous
labeling, parents point out and label certain behaviors as
wrong but give no explanation why. A child may be simply told
'that's not nice' or 'good girls do not do that'."

Second, through nonlabeling, parents avoid sexual issues
by distracting the child or by shifting the focus of
conversation to a less sensitive area. A girl who asks how
her mother got pregnant may be told that 'mommy and daddy were
in love', leaving the child no wiser.

Third, through mislabeling, a sexual activity is
condemned not for what it is, but for some spurious reason;
a boy may be told not to play with his penis so as not to get
'germs' (Sears et al., 1957). Parents may also avoid labeling
sex altogether or refer to genitals and sexual acts in
ambiguous terms. These maneuvers all prevent understanding
and compound ignorance with shame and anxiety."
(Katchadourian, 1989)

Throughout the various studies that have been explored
in the review of literature, one finding is consistent. These
studies indicate that parents do not often serve as a primary
source of sexual information for children or young adults.

"American teenagers, for example, report that they learned

-16

most of what they know about sex from their friends, not their
parents" (Gebhard, 1977; Kirby, Alter, and Scales, 1979;
Kallen Stephenson, and Doughty, 1983).

A second alternative is described by Parsons (1983) and
Goldman and Goldman (1982). They have reported that "in the
absence of information about sex and reproduction, children
will attempt to devise their own explanations". (Richard and
Rice, 1988)

Additional findings on the specific roles that mothers
and fathers play in disseminating sexual information to their
children reveal that there are two major areas in which
mothers and fathers differ in regard to sharing information
with their children. The first area concerns the amount of
information shared between mothers and their children and
between fathers and their children. The second area involves
the specific topic areas which mothers and fathers are most
likely to discuss.

For the first area, Gagnon and Roberts (1983) found that
"all investigators studying parental involvement in sex
education report that mothers are much more likely than
fathers to discuss sexual issues, although mothers will
usually discuss only relatively impersonal topics." (Gagnon
andfiRoberts, 1983). In addition, Masters, Johnson and Kolodny
(1988) report that "relatively few American fathers play
active role in providing their children with age-appropriate

sex information".

17

Little information was found regarding any distinctions
made between what specific sexual topics mothers are most
likely to discuss from those which fathers are more likely to
discuss with their children. However, Peter Kilmann, does
make a distinction about some topics that fathers are less
likely to discuss. In consideration of various sexual topics,
Kilmann (1984) reflects, "the topics of menstruation and wet
dreams are rarely discussed, especially by the father".

As one learns in reading Pragmatics of Human
Communication, Watzlawick, Bavelas, and Jackson (1967),
individuals cannot not communicate. Nonverbal messages are
always present, even when an individual is not concurrently
giving verbal messages. In fact, when an individual chooses
not to engage in conversation with another, they are still
communicating a message to that other person. It follows,
then, that "all parents cannot help communicating their own
sexual attitudes and values" (Katchadourian, 1989).

How do children interpret the nonverbal messages that
their parents send when asked about sexual information? It
depends on the nonverbal actions of the parent. A smile or
a gesture indicating that the child should sit down with the
parent are signs that communication about sexual issues is
welcomed and encouraged. However, there are other
nonverbal gestures a parent may display when confronted with
a sexual topic. Lack of eye contact between parent and child
canhbe an indication that the parent is uncomfortable with the
issue, or even that the parent is unwilling to share

information on sexual issues with the child or young adult.

'18

According to Kahn and Kline, 1980, "When a parent reacts to
a sexual question or situation by blushing, fidgeting, or
freezing up, the child will pick up the negative message no
matter what the parent answers" (Katchadourian, 1989).

For those individuals who subscribe to organized
religion, their religious teachings may influence their
attitudes about human sexuality. Religion in the church
offers human beings guidelines on how to conduct themselves
as sexual beings. Parents, as members of a church, are
responsible for seeing that their children understand the
church teachings on sexuality. Together then, it is the
churches and the parents who will influence, to a great
extent, how children.and young adults will perceive themselves
and their role as sexual beings in society. Although, it is
the individuals who subscribes to any organized religion who
will ultimately make the distinction for themselves what role
human sexuality will play in their lives.

There are "two major ways in which individuals and
societies approach questions of values: through religious
beliefs and ethical analysis" (Masters, Johnson, and Kolodny,
1988). This second part of the review of literature is
designed to give the reader a brief background into the role
of the church, if any, in determining the extent of sexual
information provided in the home. In addition, a brief
overview of the churches stand on sexual ethics will be
discussed. The review of literature will focus on three

church divisions: Protestant, Catholic and Jewish.

19
In a study by Smith (1978), which was cited in Sex

Education: Theory and Practice, the view of the church
regarding sex education was discussed. The conclusion of the
study was that "Churches are recognizing that sexuality is an
essential aspect of humanity, and that sex education is a
shared responsibility."

The literature addresses the fact that churches, in the
past, possessed negative attitudes toward the topic of human
sexuality. This negative atmosphere, conclusively, could
affect.which, if any, sexual issues are discussed in the home.

Secondly, it appears reasonable that the manner in which
sexual information is presented to children could be
influenced by the way in which the church regards human
sexuality. This conclusion is supported in the following
quote from S3: Education-~The Schools and the Churchaa:
"Growing out of negativistic attitudes toward sex, there came
a refusal to speak. of sexual matters--except by’ way of
euphemism and moralism."

The role of human sexuality has changed over the years
in the Jewish tradition. According to Haeberle, 1978, "The
Judaic-Christian tradition viewed sex as a primarily
reproductive function. For the early Hebrews, the function
of sex was to propagate the family lineage and the Hebrew
people" (Holland, 1981).

With changing times, come changes of opinion and
perspective. Jewish tradition of today teaches that "The joy

of sexual activity is a good in itself, distinct form

‘_20

procreation" (Gordis, 1978). Such changes in
perspectives and attitudes are a result of the need for
religious teachings to be applicable to modern society. "If
the values and insights to be found in the traditional
approach to love, sex, and marriage are to win the allegiance
of modern men and women, especially the young, they need to
be'understood, interpreted, and.applied with due regard to the
complexities of a new world." (Gordis, 1978)

Overall, the Jewish tradition "generally takes the view
that sex is good" (Masters, Johnson, and Kolodny, 1988). On
the other hand, Judaism has taken strong stands on various
sexual issues. These issues include sterilization,
masturbation, menstruation, and premarital intercourse.

Two branches of Judaism will be mentioned within this
section. First is Orthodox Judaism. Orthodox Judaism is
viewed as the conservative branch of the Jewish faith.
Orthodox Jews are guided by a belief system steeped in
tradition and traditional teachings.

An example of the conservative view of Orthodox Judaism,
is their teachings on the subject of menstruation. In
general. menstruation is viewed as unclean. Specifically,
"The sexual relationship is regulated in Orthodox Jewish law
by being forbidden during menstruation or for seven days
afterward, and following this the wife takes a ritual bath in
a pool of running water" (Benson, 1960).

In general, Reform Judaism is viewed as the liberal

branch of the Jewish faith. According to Masters, Johnson,

21
and Kolodny (1988), "Reform Judaism generally takes a liberal

stance on matters such as abortion, masturbation, and
premarital sex".

Although the Jewish tradition views sex as generally
good, individual sexual issues are dealt with by themselves.
The following paragraphs briefly summarize the stand of the
Jewish faith on various sexual topics.

According to "Talmudic law, a woman is permitted to
sterilize herself permanently" (Gordis, 1978). In addition,
the act of masturbation is permitted within the Jewish
religion. According to Gordis (1978), "Judaism.never evinced
the morbid preoccupation with masturbation that has
characterized some Christian religious circles virtually to
our day".

Primarily, Judaism teaches abstinence from intercourse,
except when engaged in within the context of marriage.
Therefore, all outside.sexual relations, such as adultery, are
strictly forbidden. "Jewish attitudes toward sex takes, as
its point of departure, the fundamental principle that
marriage and marriage alone is the proper framework for sexual
experience" (Gordis, 1978).

Like adultery, premarital intercourse is strongly
discouraged by Jewish tradition. "Judaism maintains the
principle that sexual relations are proper only within the
marriage bond. In cases where marriage is not contemplated,

non-marital relations are vigorously opposed (Gordis, 1978).

22

Some individuals in our society may question whether it
makes a difference if the couple who engages in premarital
intercourse is or is not engaged. Within the Jewish
tradition, "intimate relations between engaged couples are
prohibited" (Gordis,1978). Interestingly, though, while
"premarital intercourse is strongly discouraged, a child born
out of wedlock is not regarded as illegitimate" (Rosenheim,
1977).

Concerning contraception, "Jewish law approaches the
issue of birth control from the standpoint of the individuals
involved. Family planning is often a necessity of modern
life, in view of complex: moral, hygienic, and economic
factors" (Gordis, 1978).

While contraception "has been recognized by Conservative
and Reform rabbis to be appropriate in the marriage
relationship" (Benson, 1960), contraception is not to be used
in a haphazard manner. "Birth control should be used
sparingly and only when warranted by conditions."
(Gordis,1978)

Abortion is permitted within Judaism. This, though, is
an instance where Orthodox Judaism and Reform Judaism clash.
Just as individuals will not distinctively agree on all sexual
issues, here too do the individual branches of Judaism.

The second religious affiliation to be discussed is that
of Catholicism. In regards to Judaism, Catholicism shares
'some of the same stands on various sexual issues, but

Catholics are taught to take some alternative perspectives on

23

other sexual issues. "The approaches of Christianity and
Judaism to sex and morals prove on examination to be quite
different, and, in some respects, diametrically opposed to
each other." (Gordis, 1978)

"Within the Roman Catholic Church today sexual questions
and ethics have become one of the most vital areas of debate
and concern." (Curran, 1988) One such area of debate
surrounds the issue of sex education, and more precisely,
where such sex education should be implemented.

A large body of literature addressed the need for sex
education within the home. "The understanding of how to give
and receive affection, which has been passed on through
sexuality education in the family, is closely linked to our
cultural and religious appreciation of the body, which, in
turn, affects our bodily self-image. We who are parents and
educators need to die to 'life according to the flesh' by
acknowledged as a necessity in a survey of the sacred
Congregation for the Clergy, the religious, and for Catholic
education (April, 1973) must extend beyond that called for in
the home and permeate all areas of educational development."
(Kosnik, 1977).

Roman Catholics base their teachings on the subject of
premarital intercourse from the New Testament. Like the
Jewish'tradition, premarital intercourse, even.between.engaged
couples, is prohibited. Members of the Roman Catholic Church
refer to the Humanae Vitae when addressing the churches stand

on issues dealing with the subject of human sexuality. The

24

Humanae Vitae is a statement on sexual ethics written by the
leader of the Catholic Church, the Pope. Where the Humanae
Vitae (1975) addresses the issue of premarital sexual
relations, it states: "Sexuality is a source of great joy,
but ‘marriage is the only legitimate context for sexual
experience that is honorable and good".

In the Declaration on Certain Questions concerning Sexual
Ethics, published in 1975, premarital sexual relations were
addressed. This declaration "condemned 'sexual union before
marriage' even where there was 'a firm intention to marry and
an affection which is in some way conjugal', because
traditional moral doctrine stated that 'every genital act must
be within the framework of marriage'." (Parrinder, 1980)
While individual Catholics may choose to engage in premarital
intercourse, it still holds that Catholics are to reject
sexual relationships not held within the context of marriage,
in reference to official church doctrine.

The reasons given by the church for the strict rejection
of premarital sexual relations are quite diversified, yet
thorough. The most commonly heard reason for justifying the
concept sexual relations only within the context of marriage
is that "there is a need to justify sexual relations between
a man and a woman in the eyes of God the Creator." (Pope John
Paul II, 1981)

The Catholic church views premarital intercourse as a.
means of objectifying people for sexual gratification.

According to Pope John Paul II (1981), "Sexual relationships

25

outside marriage automatically put one person in the position
of an object to be used by another. A 'marital' sexual
relationship outside the framework of marriage is always
objectively a wrong done to the woman. Always - even when the
woman consents to it, and indeed even when she herself
actively desires and seeks it" (Pope John Paul II, 1981).
"Be fruitful and multiply, and fill the earth, subdue it
and have dominion over it" (Genesis 1:28). So began the
Catholic policy of no means of artificial contraception. As
Benson (1960) notes: "The family function of producing
offspring is one which is strongly encouraged by some
religious groups, such as Catholics, because of the belief
that bringing children into the world to become part of the
divine kingdom is regarded as a religious responsibility".
According to the teachings of the Catholic church, all
couples must be open to the possibility of conception when
choosing to engage in.sexual intercourseu The message against
the use of artificial means of contraception is
straightforward. As the Papal Encyclical on Marriage states:
"Since the conjugal act is destined primarily by nature for
the begetting of children, those who in exercising it
deliberately frustrate its natural power and purpose, sin
against nature and commit'a deed which is shameful and
intrinsically viscous". Therefore, artificial means of
contraception are prohibited because they interfere with the

natural rhythm of the process of conception.

26

Sex educators speak of a two-fold purpose for sexual
relations: recreation and procreation. The use of sex for
recreation refers to a couple engaging in sexual intercourse
for the purpose of sexual release and/or as an expression of
love between two persons. With recreational sex, the couple
need not be open to the concept of procreation. The Roman
Catholic church only approves of sexual intercourse that is
necessarily open to the idea of producing offspring. Pope
John Paul II writes in Lovegand Respongibility,:

"When we write about morality in sexual relations and in
marriage we always stress that it depends on conscious and
willing acceptance by the man and.the woman of the possibility
of parenthood, without which a marital relationship between
persons not afflicted with congenital or acquired infertility
will lose the value of a union in love and become merely a
bilateral arrangement for sexual enjoyment."

Prior to 1930, Catholics were not allowed to use any
means of contraception. However, in 1930, Rome approved one
means of contraception for Catholic couples. This means was
the method of fertility awareness, or more commonly known as
the rhythm method. It is at this time that all means of
artificial contraception became the methods prohibited. The
rhythm method was approved because the church felt that
couples who used this procedure were "merely adapting
themselves to the laws of nature. The fertility cycle is part
of that order" (Pope John Paul II, 1981). Imiterestingly,

though, "Catholics are warned against abusing this procedure"

27

(Benson, 1960). Periodic continence is the recommended
standard for the use of the method of fertility awareness.
Catholics are warned not to regard the method of fertility
awareness as alcontinual means to avoid conception altogether.
As stated by Pope John Paul II (1981):

"We cannot speak of continence as a virtue where the
spouses take advantage of the periods of biological
infertility exclusively for the purpose of avoiding parenthood
altogether, and have intercourse only in those periods."

Directly following this line of thought is the
prohibition of sterilization, by means of a vasectomy or a
tubal ligation. This, of course, in direct relation to the
mandate that all sexual activity must be open to the idea of
conception.

Artificial insemination is also strongly discouraged by
the Catholic church. The reasoning for this prohibition lies
in the term 'artificial'. However, the Catholic church has
been open to discussion about the use of the husband's sperm
as a possible exception to the prohibited use of artificial
insemination. "The discussion of the last decade on
artificial insemination by the husband's sperm indicates an
increasing openness to its acceptability." (Kosnik, 1977)

The Roman Catholic church also prohibits execution of the
following sexual acts: extramarital sex, masturbation, and
homosexual acts. The basis for the exclusion of these acts
is that they are both morally unacceptable and do not adhere

to the 'natural philosophy' regarding sexual intercourse.

’__28

However, it has been shown that "the majority of Catholic
believers disagree with the official hierarchical teaching on
such issues as the absolute condemnation of masturbation,
contraception, sterilization and divorce. For example, a
Princeton University study showed that 76.5 percent of
AmericanuCatholic marrieduwomen of child-bearing age used some
form of contraception, and 94 percent of them used a means
condemned by the Pope." (Curran, 1988)

One of the reasons given for Catholic believers to stray
from the word of their leader, the Pope, is that they feel
that such rules and regulations are being mandated by
individuals who have chosen a celibate lifestyle and have
little understanding of the structure and demands of a non-
celibate lifestyle. "In the case of those who feel that they
are concerned about the encyclical, it seems that many of them
have made a distinction between what they regard to be the
essential part of their faith and what they regard to be a
proposed line of moral conduct suggested by the celibate
members of the churchx" (Bockle and Pohier, 1976) As in the
case of many organized religions, it is the individual who
ultimately makes the distinction between what is professed as
proper by the church, and how that individual chooses to
conduct his or her life.

The final organized religion which will be discussed in
this thesis, is Protestantism. There are numerous

denominations that fall under the category of Protestant. For

29

example, Methodists, Lutherans, Unitarians, and Baptists are
all a part of the larger unit known as Protestantism.

In addition to the various denominations within
Protestantism, Protestants may refer to themselves as either
Evangelical Protestants or Moderate Protestants. Evangelical
Protestantism is the orthodox branch of Protestantism.
Individuals who adhere to this branch are considered more
conservative in both their interpretation of church teachings
and in their outlook toward issues of sexuality. Moderate
Protestants tend to be more liberal in their outlook toward
issues of sexuality and sexual responsibility.

To better make the distinction between Evangelical
Protestants and Moderate Protestants more clear, a brief
outlook on each group's stand on some sexual issues will now
be made. Evangelical Protestants are in "opposition to
abortion, rejection of premarital sex, skepticism about
contraceptives, very negative judgements about divorce, and
condemnation of homosexual behavior". Moderate Protestants
, on the other hand, are "no longer willing to condemn
premarital sex outright, regard contraception as a social and
individual good; divorce is often a lesser evil to a
tormented marriage, and are more tolerant of homosexuality"
(Masters, Johnson, and Kolodny, 1988).

As with the differential branches of Judaism, so the
differential denominations of Protestantism nmke individual
distinctions about the teachings and ethics of various issues

dealing with human sexuality. For the most part, the

30

researcher's synopsis of these issues will be representative
of the Protestant tradition as a whole, unless otherwise
indicated.

The concept of sex education programs for youth have been
encouraged by Protestant groups as a means of expressing the
teachings of the church to children and adolescents. Much
like the youth in American society as a whole, Protestant
adolescents do not always view their parents as a viable
source of information regarding sexual issues.

According to Letha.Scanzzoni, she found that "in speaking
to Protestant youth groups, I have heard adolescents
frequently say that they wish adults wouldn't treat sex
secretly or as something dirty or taboo. Children would like
to talk with their parents about the questions on their minds,
but don't feel they can" (Holland, 1981). In response to
this issue Unitarians and the United Methodists, among other
denominations have begun sex education programs for young
people.

As in the Jewish tradition, Protestants are heeding to
the needs to remain flexible in their teachings on sexual
ethics in order to better be able to respond to the needs of
a contemporary and ever-changing world. However, the
Protestant tradition is not willing to compromise its ideals
in the process.

In contrast to other organized religions such as Judaism
and Catholicism, the Protestant tradition does not view the

process of menstruation as 'unclean'. Karen Paige (1976)

31

conducted a research study with 52 women who were using a pill
that minimized hormonal fluctuations. "Catholic and Jewish
women in the study, whose religions tend to view the
menstruating women as 'unclean', showed more premenstrual
anxiety than did Protestant women." (Hall and Rosen, 1984)

As a rule, Protestants are in agreement with Catholics
and Jewish believers in regards to the issues of premarital
intercourse and adultery. Premarital intercourse and adultery
are strongly discouraged acts. However, some researchers,
such as Benson, believe there is a growing acceptance of
premarital intercourse under certain conditions. As Benson
(1960) states, "There appears to be an increasing tacit
acceptance, although still a decidedly minority one, among
those speaking from the tradition of Protestantism, of the
ethical appropriateness of coitus before marriage, especially
when engaged in by those who expect to marry and whose family
or economic circumstances make postponement necessary".

Protestants view sexual activity as a positive act, and
a good in itself. The ideal circumstance for sexual activity
is within the confines of a nmrital relationship. "Sexual
expression is generally regarded as natural and desirable
within the situation of a stable marriage." (Benson, 1960)
In addition, there is no distinction made between intercourse
as a means of procreation or sexual intercourse as a means of
recreation.

The Protestant stand on the issue of contraception is

best summarized by the following statement adopted by the

32

Committee on Marriage and the Home of the Federal Council of
Churches of Christ in America (1931):

"A majority of the committee holds that the careful
and restrained use of contraceptives by married people is
valid and moral. They take this position because they believe
that it is important to provide for the proper spacing of
children, the control of the size of the family, and the
protection of mothers and children; and because intercourse
between the mates, when.an expression of their spiritual union
and affection, is right in itself. They are of the opinion
that abstinence within marriage, except for the few, cannot
be relied upon to nmet these problems, and under ordinary
conditions is not desirable in itself."

More recent statements by the Department of Family Life
of the National Council of Churches and by the Commission of
the Churches on International Affairs of the World Council of
Churches fortify and expand this view." (Benson, 1960)

In sharp contrast to the teachings of the Catholic
church, Protestant believers have not been denied the freedom
to use any means of contraception, whether artificial or
natural. "In practice, Protestant couples have freely used
contraceptives without feeling at any time that they were
betraying their Christian or human vocation." (Fuchs, 1983)
In addition, the Protestants were among the organized
religions who did not offer any opposition to the Planned

Parenthood Movement.

METHODOLOGY

Upon reflection of the content of the review of
literature, the researcher decided to focus upon whether the
perceived amount of sex education information transmitted to
students by their parents was related to the religious
affiliation of the family. The following is a list of
objectives for this particular study:

Objective;

1. To determine the amount of sex education discussed
or presented by parents of various religious
affiliations for their children.

2. To determine the differential emphasis placed on
major sexual topics by parents in their discussion
of sex education with their children.

3. To determine if it was the students' mother, father,
or both who presented any meaningful sex education
in the home.

4. To determine a measure of the students' satisfaction
with the sex education they received in the home.

5. To determine to what extent students perceived that
their religious affiliation had contributed to their

attitudes about human sexuality.

33

34
Hypothesis

The null hypothesis of this study is that there is no
relationship between the religion of the student's family and

the amount of sex education received in the home.

Sample

The sample for this study was composed of 189 Michigan
State University students. These students were Juniors and
Seniors who were enrolled for Family and Child Ecology 445,
Human Sexuality and the Family, for Winter Term, 1990. This
is a post-hoc study utilizing recall of university students
who have been away from home for at least two years.

As a Graduate Teaching Assistant for one section of FCE
445, I was able to administer the instrument myself. During
a session of FCE 445, students were requested to fill out the
questionnaire on a voluntary basis. A brief explanation of
how to complete each section was discussed. Questionnaires
were handed out to students in unsealed envelopes with the
instruction to hand back the completed questionnaires in that
same envelope. The envelopes were used as an added measure
of assuring anonymity. In addition to my verbal instructions,

each questionnaire included a cover letter (See Appendix A).

35

Instrument
The measurement of sex education in the family was
assessed through the self-reports of the students. A

questionnaire (See Appendix B) was used which listed ten sex
education topics, and the students responded as to whether
those topics were discussed between the student and the
parents. The questionnaire followed a Likert scale format.
Sex education topics were individually listed above five-
point scales. The scales contained the following items on a
continuum from top to bottom: Never Mentioned; Indirectly
Referred To; Mentioned; Discussed Briefly; and Discussed at
Length.

The questionnaire was divided into three sections.
Section I was developed to assess each individual's
demographics. Included in this section were questions
regarding the individual's sex, religious affiliation, and
level of participation in a religious affiliation.

Section II was the part of the questionnaire where
individuals completed the Likert scales that were described
in the above paragraph. Students were asked to assess the
amount that each sexual topic was discussed by both their
mother and their father. The selection of sexual topics were
determined by reviewing the contents of various human
sexuality textbooksu .An emphasis on personal (anatomy, sexual

intercourse) were selected as a focus of this study. Social

36
issues (abortion, infertility) were not included as part of
the study because it was believed that the inclusion of the
topics would affect the validity of the study.

Section III of the instrument was designed to measure a
global assessment of the amount that the students felt that
their religious affiliation had contributed to their attitudes
about human sexuality. In addition, students were asked to
assess, overall, the amount they believed their religious
education had contributed to the amount of sex education they
had received in the home.

A pilot test of the instrument was conducted
approximately six months prior to the actual administration
of the instrument. The pilot instrument was administered to
approximately 60 FCE 445 students. The pilot testing resulted
in a revision of the original questionnaire, in conjunction
with reviews from experts in the field. A replication of the
study was not completed because of the preliminary nature of

the study.

RESULTS

The number of subjects for this study was 189. Within
the.sample, 25% of the respondents were male; 75% were female.
The ratio of gender was nearly 3:1, females to males. The age
of individuals in the sample ranged between 19 and 40. Ages
of the sample largely grouped around the ages of 20-22. The
average age of the sample was 22; the median and mode were
both 21. This finding was expected because the vast majority
of students enrolled in FCE 445, Human Sexuality and the
Family, are traditional Juniors and Seniors.

The Primary Religious Educator for the majority of the
subjects was their mothers (52%). 39% of the sample specified
that.mothers and.fathers both.contributed equally as religious
that their fathers served as the Primary Religious Educator
(4%). Five percent elected not to answer this question.

The majority (62%) received some form of sex education
in high school, while 38% did not receive any such formal
instruction. This measure did not include any sex information
that may have been received previous to this time in a school
system.

The sample was primarily made up of Catholics (47%) and
Protestants (44%). Protestant denominations (Lutheran,
Methodist, etc.) were not analyzed separately. There was a
small population of Jewish students (2%) included in the

sample. In fact, there was a higher percentage of students

37

38
who indicated that they did not ascribe to any organized

religion. (7%). This percentage is indicated. under the
selection "Other" because all individuals who selected this
category" wrote the ‘word "None" on the line adjacent to
"other".

The majority of respondents were "Moderately Involved"
in their religion. "Highly Involved" participation in
religionwwas selected by 26%.of the surveyed sample. Nineteen
percent responded that they had "No Involvement" in religion.
It is interesting to note that this percentage must include
.other subjects aside from those who indicated that they were
not raised under any organized religion.

A survey of the "Mother's Religion" indicated that 47%
were Catholic; 44% Protestant; 3% Jewish; and 3% No Religious
Affiliation. The number of missing responses equaled 3%. It
is interesting to note that the breakdown. of "Mother's
Religion" and the breakdown of "Student's Religion" carried
different percentage rates, with the exception of the Catholic
religion which remained at 47% for both categories.

A survey of the "Father's Religion" indicated that 47%
were Catholic; 41% Protestant; 2% Jewish; and 5% No Religious
Affiliation. The number of missing responses equaled 4%. It
is interesting to ‘note that the breakdown of "Father's
Religion" and the breakdown on "Student's Religion" carried
different percentage rates, with the exception of the Jewish

Religion, which remained at 2% for both categories.

39

A statistical analysis of the research findings was
completed for each religious affiliation (Catholic, Jewish,
Protestant, and No Religious Affiliation). The following is
a summary of the results of each of the variables broken down

by religous affiliation.

Catholic

The sexual topic most discussed by Catholic mothers was
Female Sexual Anatomy. The sexual topic most discussed by
Catholic fathers was Pre-Marital Sexg 'The topic of Wet Dreams
was least discussed by both Catholic mothers and fathers.

The breakdown of gender for Catholic respondents was
approximately 3:1, females to males (females 74%; males 26%).
The majority 62% did receive sex education in high school;
while the remainder 38% did not receive any sex education in
high school.

"Mother's Religion" was predominantly Catholic (92%),
with the remainder of the mothers (8%) Protestant. The
majority of fathers were also Catholic (83%), with the
remainder of the fathers either Protestant (14%), or having
No Religious Affiliation.

The majority of Catholic students indicated that their
mothers were the primary religious educators (62%). A large
percentage of Catholic students (35%) responded that both

parents served as their primary religious indicator. Only 2%

40
of Catholic students indicated that their father had been the

primary religious educator.

The majority (62%) of Catholic students had indicated
that they were "moderately involved" in their religion. Over
a quarter of the respondents (29%) responded that they were
"highly involved", and 9% indicated that they had "no
involvement" in the Catholic religion.

Female.sexual anatomy was "Never Mentioned" by 11% of the
mothers of Catholic students. An "Indirect Reference" to
Female aexual anatomy was made by 14% of these mothers; 16%
"Mentioned" the subject; 31% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;
and 28% indicated "Discussed at Length". The mean score for
mothers averaged between "Mentioned" and "Discussed Briefly"
(3.46).

Eamale_a§xual anatomy "Never Mentioned" by 45% of the
fathers of Catholic students. An "Indirect Reference" to
Female sexual anatomy was made by 23% of these fathers; 10%
"Mentioned" the subject; 18% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;
and 31% indicated "Discussed at Length". Fathers were far
less likely to engage in a discussion about Female sexual
anatomy than were the mothers surveyed. The mean score for
fathers averaged between "Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned"
(2.08).

Male sexual anatomy was "Never Mentioned" by 24% of the
mothers of Catholic students“ .An "Indirect Reference" to mala_
sexual anatomy made by 15% of these mothers; 20% "Mentioned"

the subject; 27% "BriefLy Discussed" the subject; and 14%

41

indicated "Discussed at Length". The mean score for mothers
averaged between "Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned" (2.91) .

Male sexual anatomy was "Never Mentioned" by 43% of the
fathers of Catholic students. An "Indirect Reference" to Mala
sexual anatomy was made by 23% of these fathers; 11%
"Mentioned" the subject; 20% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;
and 2% indicated "Discussed at Length". The mean score for
fathers averaged between "Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned"
(2.15).

Sexual intercouraa was "Never Mentioned" by 16% of the

 

mothers of Catholic students. An "Indirect Reference" to
Sexual intercourse was made by 9% of these mothers; 23%
"Mentioned" the subject; 23% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;
and 29% indicated "Discussed at Length". The mean score for
mothers averaged between "Mentioned" and "Discussed Briefly"
(3.35).

§aapal intercouraa was "Never Mentioned" by 34% of the
fathers of Catholic students. .An "Indirect Reference" to

Sexual intercouraa was made by 28% of these fathers; 14%

 

"Mentioned" the subject; 19% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;
and 5% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score
for fathers averaged between "Indirect Reference" and
"Mentioned" (2.32).

Menstruation was "Never Mentioned" by 12% of the mothers
of Catholic students. ' An "Indirect Reference" to

menstruation was made by 13% of these mothers; 7% "Mentioned"

42
the subject; 26% "Briefly Discussed" the subject; and 42%

indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for mothers
averaged between "Mentioned" and "Discussed Briefly" (3.74).

Menatraation was "Never Mentioned" by 60% of the fathers
of Catholic students. An "Indirect Reference" to menatruation
was made by 15% of these fathers; 14% "Mentioned" the subject;
8% "Briefly Discussed" the subject; and 3% indicated
"Discussed At Length". The mean score for fathers averaged
beteeen "Never Mentioned" and "Indirect Reference" (1.78).

Wet dreams were "Never Mentioned" by 69% of the mothers
of Catholic students. An "Indirect Reference" to wet dreams
was made by 9% of these mothers; 15% "Mentioned" the subject;
6% "Briefly Discussed" the subject; and 1% indicated
"Discussed At Length". The mean score for mothers averaged
between "Never Mentioned" and "Indirect Reference" (1.61).

Wet dreams were "Never Mentioned" by 86% of the fathers
of Catholic students. An "Indirect Reference" to wet dreams
was made by 3% of these fathers; 8% "Mentioned" the subject;
and 2% "Briefly Discussed" wet dreams. No fathers in this
category indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for
fathers averaged. between "Never' Mentioned" and "Indirect
Reference" (1.26).

Male puberty chapgaa_was "Never Mentioned" by 35% of the
mothers of Catholic students. .An "Indirect Reference" to gala,
puberty chapga§_ was made by 15% of these mothers; 23%
"Mentioned" the subject; 16% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;

and 10% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for

43

mothers averaged between "Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned"
(2.47).

Malejpuberty changes were “Never Mentioned" by 57% of the

 

fathers of Catholic students. An "Indirect Reference" to _m_al_e
puberty change§_ was made by 14% of these fathers; 18%
"Mentioned" the subject; 9% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;
and 2% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for
fathers averaged. between "Never .Mentioned" and "Indirect
Reference" (1.84).

Female puberty changes were "Never Mentioned" by 23% of
the mothers of Catholic students. An "Indirect Reference" to
female puberty change§_ was made by 16% of these mothers; 21%
"Mentioned" the subject; 18% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;
and 18% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for
mothers averaged between "Mentioned" and "Discussed Briefly"
(3.45).

Eamale puberty changes were "Never Mentioned" by 55% of
the fathers of Catholic students. An "Indirect Reference" to
female puberty chapgaa was made by 16% of these fathers; 13%
"Mentioned" the subject; 12% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;
and 5% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for
fathers averaged. between. "Never .Mentioned" and "Indirect
Reference" (1.94).

Pre-marital gag; was "Never Mentioned" by 13% of the
mothers of Catholic students. An "Indirect Reference" to pr_e;
marital sex was made by 10% of these mothers; 21% "Mentioned"

the subject; 27% "BriefLy Discussed" the subject; and 29%

44

indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for mothers
averaged between "Mentioned" and "Discussed Briefly" (3.50).

Pre-marital sex was "Never Mentioned" by 33% of the
fathers of Catholic students” .An "Indirect.Reference" to pga;_
marital sex was made by 22% of these fathers; 18% "Mentioned"
the subject; 15% "BriefLy Discussed" the subject; and 12%
indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for fathers
averaged between "Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned" (2.44).

Contraceptives were "Never Mentioned" by 26% of the
mothers of Catholic students. An "Indirect Reference" to
contgaceptives was made by 16% of these mothers; 21%
"Mentioned" the subject; 18% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;
and 18% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for
mothers averaged between "Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned"
(2.86).

Contraceptive; were "Never Mentioned" by 52% of the
fathers of Catholic students. An "Indirect Reference" to
contraceptives was made by 18% of these fathers; 12%
"Mentioned" the subject; 14% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;
and 3% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for
fathers averaged. between "Never .Mentioned" and "Indirect
Reference" (1.94).

Sexually transmitted diseases were "Never Mentioned" by
43% of the mothers of Catholic students. An "Indirect
Reference" to sexually transmitted diseases was made by 9% of
these mothers; 17% "Mentioned" the subject; 20% "Briefly

Discussed" the subject; and 10% indicated "Discussed At

45

Length". The mean score for mothers averaged between
"Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned" (2.44).

Saapally transmitted diseases were "Never Mentioned" by
66% of the fathers of Catholic students. An "Indirect
Reference" to sexaally transmitted diseases was made by 8% of
these fathers; 12% "Mentioned" the subject; 11% "Briefly
Discussed" the subject; and 2% indicated "Discussed at
Length". The mean score for fathers averaged between "Never

Mentioned" and "Indirect Reference" (1.76).

Jewish

The sexual topic most discussed by Jewish mothers was
pre-marital sea. The sexual topics most discussed by Jewish
fathers were male sexual anatomy, sexual intercours_e, sexually
transmitted diseases, and pre-marital sex. The sexual topic
least discussed by Jewish mothers was wet dreams. The least
discussed topics for Jewish fathers were male puberty changes
and wet dreams.

Half of the Jewish respondents were female, and 50% were
male. The majority (75%) did not receive any sex education
in high school; while the remainder (25%) did receive sex
education in high school.

Mother's religion was 100% Jewish. The majority of
fathers were also Jewish, with the remainder of the fathers

Catholic.

46
Half of the Jewish students indicated that their mothers

were the primary religious educators. Twenty-five percent of
the Jewish students replied that their fathers had served as
the primary religious educator; and 25% replied that both
parents had served as the primary religious educator.

The majority (75%) of the Jewish students had indicated
that they were "moderately involved" in their religion. The
remainder of the Jewish students responded that they were
"highly involved" in their religion.

Female sexual anatomy was "Never Mentioned" by 25% of the
mother of Jewish students. IFemale sexual anatomy was "Briefly
Discussed" by 25% of these mothers; and 50% indicated
"Discussed At Length". The mean score for mothers averaged
between "Mentioned" and "Discussed Briefly" (3.75).

Female sexual anatomy was "Never Mentioned" by 50% of the
fathers of Jewish students. An "Indirect Reference" to female
sexual anatomy was made by 25% of these fathers; and 25%
indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for fathers
averaged between "Never Mentioned" and "Indirect Reference"
(1.75).

Male sexual anatomy was "Never Mentioned" by 25% of the
mothers of Jewish students. Male sexual anatomy was "Briefly
Discussed" by 25% of these mothers; and 50% Discussed the
subject At Length. The mean score for mothers averaged
between "Mentioned" and "Discussed Briefly" (3.75).

Male sexual anatomy was "Never Mentioned" by 25% of the

fathers of Jewish students. An "Indirect Reference" to male

47
sexual anatomy was made 'by 25% of these fathers; 25%
"Mentioned" the subject; and 25% indicated "Discussed At
Length". The mean score for fathers averaged between
"Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned" (2.75).

Sexual intercourse was "Never Mentioned" by 25% of the

 

mothers of Jewish students. gaapal intercouraa_was "Briefly
Discussed" by 50% of these mothers; and 25% indicated
"Discussed At Length". The mean score for mothers averaged
between "Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned" (2.75).

Sexualaintercouraa was "Never Mentioned" by 25% of the
fathers of Jewish students. .An "Indirect Reference" to sexual
intercouraa was made by 25% of these fathers; 25% "Mentioned"
the subject; and 25% indicated "Discussed At Length". The
mean score for fathers averaged between "Indirect Reference"
and "Mentioned" (2.75).

Menstruation was "Never Mentioned" by 25% of the mothers
of Jewish students. Menstruation was "Briefly Discussed" by
25%.of these mothers; and 50% indicated."Discussed.At Length".
The mean score for mothers averaged between "Mentioned" and
"Discussed Briefly" (3.75).

Menatruation was "Never Mentioned" by 25% of the fathers
of Jewish students. Menstruation was "Briefly Discussed" by
50% of these mothers; and 25% indicated."Discussed At Length".
The mean score for fathers averaged between "Mentioned" and
"Discussed Briefly" (3.50).

Wet dreams were "Never Mentioned" by 50% of the mothers

of Jewish students. Wet dreams were "Mentioned" by 25% of

48
these mothers; and 50% indicated "Discussed At Length". The

mean score for mothers averaged between "Indirect Reference"
and "Mentioned" (2.50).

All of the fathers of Jewish students "Never Mentioned"
wet dreams. The mean score for fathers averaged "Never
Mentioned" (1.00).

Male puberty changea were "Never Mentioned" by 50% of the
mothers of Jewish students. An "Indirect Reference" to gala
puberty changes was made by 25% of these mothers; and 25%
"Briefly Discussed" the subject. The mean score for mothers
averaged "Indirect Reference" (2.00).

Malejpuberty chaagaa_werel"Never Mentioned" by 50% of the
fathers of Jewish students. An "Indirect Reference" to gala
puberty chaagaa was made by 50% of these fathers. The mean
score for fathers averaged between "Never Mentioned" and
"Indirect Reference" (1.50).

Female puberty chapgaa_were "Never Mentioned" by 25% of
the mothers of Jewish students. Female puberty changes were
"Briefly Discussed" by 25% of these mothers; and 50% indicated
"Discussed At Length". The mean score for mothers averaged
between "Mentioned" and "Discussed Briefly" (3.75).

Eagale puberty chapgaa were "Never Mentioned" by 50% of
the fathers of Jewish students. An "Indirect Reference" to
fagale puberty chaagaa was made by 25% of these fathers; and
25% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for
fathers averaged between "Never .Mentioned" and "Indirect

Reference" (1.50).

49

An "Indirect Reference" to pre-marital_sex was made by

 

25% of the mothers of Jewish students. Pre-marital sex was
"Briefly'Discussed" by 25% of these mothers; and 50% indicated
"Discussed At Length". The mean score for mothers averaged
"Discussed Briefly" (4.00).

Pre-maritafl sea was "Never Mentioned" by 25% of the
fathers of Jewish students. An "Indirect Reference" to pga;_
garital saa was made by 25% of these fathers; 25% "Briefly
Discussed" the subject; and 25% indicated "Discussed At
Length". The mean score for fathers averaged "Mentioned"
(3.00).

Contraceptives were "Never Mentioned" by 25% of the
mothers of Jewish students. Contraceptives were "Mentioned"
by 25% of these mothers; 25% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;
and 25% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for
mothers averaged between "Mentioned" and "Discussed Briefly"
(3.25).

Contraceptives were "Never Mentioned" by 25% of the
fathers of Jewish students. Contraceptivea were "Mentioned"
by 25% of these fathers; and 50% indicated "Discussed At
Length". The mean score for fathers averaged "Mentioned"
(3.00).

An "Indirect Reference" to aaagally transmitted diaaaaaa
was made by 50% of the mothers of Jewish students. §aagally
transmitted diseases were "Briefly Discussed" by 25% of these

mothers; and 25% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean

50

score for mothers averaged between "Mentioned" and "Discussed
Briefly" (3.25).

Sexually transmitted diseases were "Never Mentioned" by
25% of the fathers of Jewish students. An "Indirect
Reference" to sexually transmitted diseaaes was made by 50%
of these fathers; and 25% "Mentioned" the subject. The mean

score for fathers averaged "Indirect Reference" (2.00).

Protestant

The sexual tOpic most discussed by Protestant mothers was

female aexual anatomy. The sexual topic most discussed by

 

Protestant fathers was pre-marital sea. The sexual topic
least discussed by both Protestant mothers and.fathers was gap
dreams.

The breakdown of gender for Protestant respondents was
approximately 3:1, females to males (females 76%; males 24%).
The majority (64%) did receive sex education in high school;
while the remainder (36%) did not receive any sex education
in high school.

Mother's religion was predominantly Protestant (85%),
with the remainder of the mothers either Catholic (14%) or
Jewish (1%). The majority of fathers were also Protestant
(97%), with the remainder of the fathers (3%) Catholic.

Half of the Protestant student indicated that their

mothers were the primary religious educators. Only 10% of

.51
these students indicated that their fathers had served as the
rpimary religious educator. The remainder of the students
(40%) indicated that both parents had served as the primary
religous educator.

The majority (52%) of Protestant students had indicated
that they’ were "moderately involved" in their religion.
Twenty-two percent indicated that they were "highly involved"
in.their religion; and the remainder (22%) indicated that they
had "no involvement" in their religion.

Female.sexual anatomy was "Never Mentioned" by 11% of the
mothers of Protestant students. An "Indirect Reference" to
female sexual anatomy was made by 19% of these mothers; 16%
"Mentioned" the subject; 27% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;
and 27% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for
mothers averaged between "Mentioned" and "Discussed Briefly"
(3.43).

Femaletsexual anatomy was "Never Mentioned" by 55% of the
fathers of Protestant students. An "Indirect Reference" to
female sexual anatomy was made by 18% of these fathers; 12%
"Mentioned" the subject; 10% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;
and 5% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for
fathers averaged. between "Never .Mentioned" and "Indirect
Reference" (1.83).

Male sexual anatomy was "Never Mentioned" by 37% of the
mothers of Protestant students. An "Indirect Reference" to
male sexual anatomy was made by 14% of these mothers; 18%

"Mentioned" the subject; 20% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;

52

and 11% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for
mothers averaged between "Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned"
(2.61).

Male sexual anatomy was "Never Mentioned" by 58% of the
fathers of Protestant students. An "Indirect Reference" to
male sexual antomy was made by 11% of these fathers; 15%
"Mentioned" the subject; 10% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;
and 6% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for
fathers averaged. between. "Never .Mentioned" and "Indirect
Reference" (1.94).

Saagal intercouraa was "Never Mentioned" by 21% of the
mothers of Protestant students. An "Indirect Reference" to
sexual intarcourse was made by 15% of these fathers; 15%
"Mentioned" the subject; 27% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;
and 20% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for
mothers averaged between "Mentioned" and "Discussed Briefly"
(3.08).

§aaaal intercouraa_was "Never Mentioned" by 50% of the
fathers of Protestant students. An "Indirect Reference" to
s_e_x_u_al intercours_a was made by 13% of these fathers; 12%
"Mentioned" the subject; 16% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;
and 9% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for
fathers averaged between "Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned"
(2.16).

Mapatruation was "Never Mentioned" by 14% of the mothers
of Protestant students. An "Indirect Reference" to

menstruation was made by 7% of these mothers; 12% "Mentioned"

 

53
the subject; 30% "BriefLy Discussed" the subject; and 37%

indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for mothers
averaged between "Mentioned" and "Discussed Briefly" (3.72).

Menstruation was "Never Mentioned" by 65% of the fathers
of Protestant students. An "Indirect Reference" to
‘gaaatruation.was made by 13% of these fathers; 13% "Mentioned"
the subject; and 10% "Briefly Discussed" menstruation. The
mean score for fathers averaged between "Never Mentioned" and
"Indirect Reference" (1.70).

Wet dreams were "Never Mentioned" by 76% of the mothers
of Protestant students. .An "Indirect Reference" to wet dreams
was made by 11% of these mothers; 5% "Mentioned" the subject;
6% "Briefly Discussed" the subject; and 2% indicated
"Discussed At Length". The mean score for mothers averaged
between "Never Mentioned" and "Indirect Reference" (1.46).

Wet dreams were "Never Mentioned" by 86% of the fathers
of Protestant students” .An "Indirect Reference" to wet dreams
was made by 5% of these fathers; 1% "Mentioned" the subject;
6% "Briefly Discussed" the subject; and 1% indicated
"Discussed At Length". The mean score for fathers averaged
between "Never Mentioned" and "Indirect Reference" (1.32).

Male puberty changes were "Never Mentioned" by 47% of the
mothers of Protestant students. An "Indirect Reference" to
gala puberty chaagaa was made by 10% of these mothers; 22%
"Mentioned" the subject; 9% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;

and 12% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for

54

mothers averaged between "Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned"
(2.30).

Malejpuberty changes were “Never Mentioned" by 56% of the
fathers of Protestant students. An "Indirect Reference" to
male puberty changes was made by 10% of these fathers; 19%
"Mentioned" the subject; 8% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;
and 6% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for
fathers averaged. between. "Never" Mentioned" and "Indirect
Reference" (1.89).

Female puberty chaagaa were "Never Mentioned" by 18% of
the mothers of Protestant students. An "Indirect Reference"
to femalejpuberty changes was made by 8% of these mothers; 18%
"Mentioned" the subject; 28% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;
and 28% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for
mothers averaged between "Mentioned" and "Discussed Briefly"
(3.53).

Female paberty chapgaa are "Never Mentioned" by 56% of
the fathers of Protestant students. An "Indirect Reference"
to female pubarty chapgaa was made by 11% of these fathers;
21%. "Mentioned" the subject; 9% "Briefly' Discussed" the
subject; and 4% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean
score for fathers averaged between "Never Mentioned" and
"Indirect Reference" (1.90).

Pre-marital sea was "Never Mentioned" by 13% of the
mothers of Protestant students. An "Indirect Reference" to
pre-marital sex was made by 16% of these mothers; 24%

"Mentioned" the subject; 21% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;

55

and 26% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for
mothers averaged between "Mentioned" and "Discussed Briefly"
(3.37).

Pre-marital m was "Never Mentioned" by 40% of the
fathers of Protestant students. An "Indirect Reference" to
pre-mayital sex was made by 11% of these fathers; 20%
"Mentioned" the subject; 12% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;
and 16% indicated "Discussed at Length". The mean score for
fathers averaged between "Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned"
(2.58).

Contraceptives were "Never Mentioned" by 32% of the
mothers of Protestant students. An "Indirect Reference" to
contraceptives was made by 11% of these mothers; 14%
"Mentioned" the subject; 18% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;
and 25% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for
mothers averaged between "Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned"
(2.94).

Contraceptivea were "Never Mentioned" by 60% of the
fathers of Protestant students. An "Indirect Reference" to
contraceptivea was made by 8% of these fathers; 10%
"Mentioned" the subject; 11% "Briefly Discussed" the subject;
and 11% indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for
fathers averaged between "Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned"
(2.09).

gaagally tpansmitted diseases were "Never Mentioned" by
43% of the mothers of Protestant students. An "Indirect

Reference" to aexually traaamitted diseases was made by 10%

56
of these mothers; 16% "Mentioned" the subject; 14% "Briefly

Discussed" the subject; and 17% indicated "Discussed At
Length". The mean score for mothers averaged between
"Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned" (2.52).

Sexually transmitted diseases were "Never Mentioned" by
65% of the fathers of Protestant students. An "Indirect
Reference" to aaxually traaamitted diseases was made by 6% of
these fathers; 11% "Mentioned" the subject; 10% "Briefly
Discussed" the subject; and 8% indicated "Discussed At
Length". The mean score for fathers averaged between "Never

Mentioned" and "Indirect Reference" (1.89).

No Religigaa Affiliation

Female puberty changes, female sexual anatomy, and sexual

 

intercourse were the topics most discussed by mothers with No
Religious Affiliation. The sexual topic most discussed by
fathers with No Religious Affiliation was pre-marital sex.
The sexual topic least discussed by both mothers and fathers
with No Religious Affiliation was wet dreams.

The majority (85%) of the students with No Religious
Affiliation were female. The remainder of students were male
(15%). The majority of students with No Religious Affiliation
(69%) had received sex education in high school; while the
remainder (31%) did not receive any sex education in high

school.

57

Mother's religion was varied. Thirty-eight percent of
the mothers had No Religious Affiliation; 38% were Protestant;
and 23% were Catholic. Father's religion was equally varied.
Thirty-eight percent of these fathers were Protestant; 38%
Catholic; 23% No Religious Affiliation; and the remainder of
the fathers (8%) were Jewish.

The majority of students with No Religious Affiliation
indicated that both parents had equal involvement as the
primary religious educator. Mothers were the primary
religious educator for 23% of these students; and 15%
indicated that their fathers served as the primary religious
educator.

The vast majority (77%) of students indicated that they
had "no involvement" in their religion. The remainder of the
students indicated that they were "highly involved" in their
religion.

Female sexual anatomy was "Never Mentioned" by 8% of the
mothers of students with No Religious Affiliation” An
"Indirect Reference" to female sexual anatomy was made by 8%
of these mothers; 8% "Mentioned" the subject; 46% "Briefly
Discussed" the subject; and 31% indicated "Discussed At
Length". The mean score for mothers averaged between
"Mentioned" and "Discussed Briefly" (3.71).

Femalersexual anatomy was "Never Mentioned" by 38% of the
fathers of students with No Religious Affiliation. Fagala
sexual anatomy was "Mentioned" by 23% of these fathers; and

38% "Briefly Discussed" the subject. The mean score for

58

fathers averaged between "Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned"
(2.57).

Male sexual anatomy was "Never Mentioned" by 23% of the
mothers of students with No Religious Affiliation. Mala
sexual anatomy was "Mentioned" by 15% of these mothers; 46%
"Briefly Discussed" the subject; and 15% indicated "Discussed
At Length". The mean score for mothers averaged between
"Mentioned" and "Discussed Briefly" (3.21).

Male sexual anatomy was "Never Mentioned" by 38% of the

fathers of students with No Religious Affiliation. Male

 

sexual anatomy was "Mentioned" by 31% of these fathers; 15%
"Briefly Discussed" the subject; and 15% indicated "Discussed
at Length". The mean score for fathers averaged between
"Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned" (2.71).

gayaal intercourse was "Never Mentioned" by 8% of the
mothers of students with No ‘Religious Affiliation” An
"Indirect Reference" to aaygal intercougaa_was made by 15% of
these mothers; 54% "Briefly Discussed" the subject; and 23%
indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for mothers
averaged between "Mentioned" and "Discussed Briefly" (3.71).

Saagal intercouraa was "Never Mentioned" by 23% of the
fathers of students with No Religious Affiliation” An
"Indirect Reference" to aaypal intercouraaawas made by 23% of
these fathers; 31% "Briefly Discussed" the subject; and 23%
indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for fathers

averaged between "Mentioned" and "Discussed Briefly" (3.07).

59

Menstruagon was "Mentioned" by 23% of the mothers of
students with No Religious affiliation. Menatruation was
"Briefly Discussed" by 23% of these mothers; and 54% indicated
"Discussed At Length". .The mean score for mothers averaged
between "Discussed Briefly" and "Discussed At Length" (4.29).

Menstraation was "Never Mentioned" by 46% of the fathers
of students with No Religious Affiliation. An "Indirect
Reference" to menatruation was made by 8% of these fathers;
23% "Mentioned" the subject; and 23% "Briefly Discussed" the
subject. The mean score for fathers averaged between
"Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned" (2.14).

Wet dreams were "Never Mentioned" by 69% of the mothers
of students with No Religious Affiliation. An "Indirect
Reference" to wet dreams was made by 8% of these mothers; 15%
"Mentioned" the subject; and. 8% "Briefly Discussed" the
subject. The mean score for mothers averaged between "Never
Mentioned" and "Indirect Reference" (1.57).

Wet dreams were "Never Mentioned" by 62% of the fathers
of students with No Religious Affiliation. An "Indirect
Reference" to wet dreams was made by 15% of these fathers; 15%
"Briefly Discussed" the subject; and 8% indicated "Discussed

At Length". The mean score for fathers averaged between
"Never Mentioned" and "Indirect Reference" (1.71).

Male;pubarty changes were "Never Mentioned" by 31% of the
mothers of students with No IReligious Affiliation” An
"Indirect Reference" to gale puberty chaagaa was made by 15%

of these mothers; 15% "Mentioned" the subject; 23% "Briefly

60

Discussed" the subject; and 15% indicated "Discussed At
Length". The mean score for mothers averaged between
"Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned" (2.79).

1&3er puberty changes were "Never Mentioned" by 46% of the
fathers of students with No IReligious Affiliation“ An
"Indirect Reference" to gale puberty chaagaa was made by 8%
of these fathers; 31% "Mentioned" the subject; and 15%
indicated "Discussed At Length". The mean score for fathers
averaged between "Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned" (2.38).

Female pubarty changes were "Never Mentioned" by 8% of

 

the mothers of students with No Religious Affiliation. Female
puberty chaagaa_were "Mentioned" by 15% of these mothers; 38%
"Briefly Discussed" the subject; and 38% indicated "Discussed
At Length". The mean score for mothers averaged between
"Mentioned" and "Discussed Briefly" (3.93).

Female puberty changes were "Never Mentioned" by 54% of
the fathers of students with No Religious.Affiliation. Female
puberty chaages were "Mentioned" by 15% of these fathers; 23%
"Briefly Discussed" the subject; and 8% indicated "Discussed

At Length". The mean score for fathers averaged between
"Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned" (2.21).

An "Indirect Reference" to pre-marital sex was made by
17% of the mothers of students with No Religious Affiliation.
Pre-marital sex was "Mentioned" by 25% of these mothers; 17%
"Briefly Discussed" the subject; and 42% indicated "Discussed

At Length". The mean score for mothers averaged between

"Mentioned" and "Discussed Briefly" (3.93).

61

Pre-marritalfl was "Never Mentioned" by 15% of the
fathers of students with No IReligious Affiliation” .An
"Indirect Reference" to pre-marital say was made by 8% cm
these fathers; 23% "Mentioned" the subject; 15% "Briefly
Discussed" the subject; and 38% indicated "Discussed At
Length". The mean score for fathers averaged between
"Mentioned" and "Discussed Briefly" (3.29).

Contraceptives were "Never Mentioned" by 8% of the
mothers of students with No Religious Affiliation. An
"Indirect Reference" to contraceptives was made by 8% of these
mothers; 23% "Mentioned" the subject; 23% "Briefly Discussed"
the subject; and 39% indicated "Discussed At Length". The
mean score for mothers averaged between "Mentioned" and
"Discussed Briefly" (3.71).

Contraceptivea were "Never Mentioned" by 46% of the
fathers of students with No ‘Religious Affiliation“ An
"Indirect.Reference" to contraceptives was made by 8% of these
fathers; 8% "Mentioned" the subject; 31% "Briefly Discussed"
the subject; and 8% indicated "Discussed At Length". The
mean score for fathers averaged between "Indirect Reference"
and "Mentioned" (2.36).

Sexually taansmitted diseases were "Never Mentioned" by

 

23% of the mothers of students with No Religious Affiliation.
An "Indirect Reference" to aexually traaamitted diseases was
made by 23% of these mothers; 23% "Mentioned" the subject; 23%

"Briefly Discussed" the subject; and 8% indicated "Discussed

62

At Length". The mean score for mothers averaged between
"Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned" (2.57).
Sexually transmitted disea§es were "Never Mentioned" by
46% of the fathers of students with No Religious Affiliation.
An "Indirect Reference" to sexually transmitted diseases was
made by 8% of these fathers; 15% "Mentioned" the subject; 23%
"Briefly Discussed" the subject; and 8% indicated "Discussed
At Length". The amen score for fathers averaged between

"Indirect Reference" and "Mentioned" (2.29).

Analysis

The’ data from 'the instrument was analyzed. by SPSS
(Statistical Package for Social Sciences). A Mann-Whitney-
U-test and a Kruskal-Wallis 1-Way ANOVA were conducted to
determine if a significant relationship exists between the
sexual topics from Section II of the questionnaire (B
variables) and Variable A3 - Religion.

The null hypothesis for this study is that there is no
relationship between the amount of sex education received in
the home and student's family's religious affiliation. It
relationship between these variables would be recognized if
a significance level of .05 or lower was found.

The Mann-Whitney U-test was conducted on the sexual
topics from Section II of the questionnaire (B variables) by
Variable A3 - Religion. In this test, only the Catholic and
Protestant religions were analyzed because of the lower number
of Jewish and No Religious Affiliation members in the sample.
A relationship between these variables was believed to be
significant of the score on the two-tailed P-test was .05 or
lower. No "B" variables were found to be significant at the
.05 level, indicating that it is not likely that there is a
relationship between the level of discussion of sexual topics
and religion.

The Kruskal-Wallis l-Way ANOVA was conducted on the
sexual topics from Section II of the questionnaire (B

Variables) by Variable A3 - Religion. For this test, all

64

religious affiliations (Catholic, Jewish, Protestant, and No
Religious Affiliation) were examined. A relationship between
these variables was believed to be significant of the score
on the chi-square test was .05 or lower. No "B" variables
were found to be significant at the .05 level, indicating that
it is not likely that there is a relationship between the
level of discussion.of sexual topics and.a.student's religious
affiliation.

In consideration of the results of the SPSS analysis of
data, it is concluded that the null hypothesis cannot be
rejected. The study does not show a relationship between the
level of discussion of sexual topics and.a student's religious

affiliation.

DI SCUSSION

The primary goal of this thesis was to determine whether
the perceived amount of sex education information transmitted
to students by their parents was related to the religious
affiliation of the family. A total of 189 University Juniors
and Seniors, who were enrolled in a Human Sexuality course,
completed a survey which was designed to measure the amount
of sex education received from their parents. Included in
this sample were Jewish, Catholic, and Protestant students,
as well as students with no religious affiliation. This
questionnaire was designed to measure the students'
perceptions of the amount of sex education discussed or
presented by their parents.

For a sexual belief system to be conveyed from the
religious affiliation to the parents, and finally, to the
children, it must be assumed that the parents agree with the
religious affiliation's stand on sexual issues and will convey
those same beliefs to their children.

A limitation of the study is the small number of Jewish
students who participated in the survey. Only 4 students out
of the 189 surveyed, identified themselves as Jewish. This
sample size limits the generalizability of these data from
Jewish students to a Jewish college student population at
large.

All of the students surveyed were currently enrolled in

a Human Sexuality course. This situation may have affected

65

66
the generalizability of the findings of this study. This

factor is dependant upon the reason for enrollment in a Human
Sexuality course. Students may have enrolled in the course
for several reasons, or even a combination of reasons. The
possible reasons for enrollment could include a lack of sexual
information from alternate sources, a desire to supplement
their current sexual knowledge, a desire for personal
enrichment and self-awareness, an interest in the subject
matter, or an academic need of credits for graduation. If it
were found that most students enrolled in the Human Sexuality
course because they did not receive sexual information from
other sources, the sample would be skewed and could not be
generalized to all university students. However, the reasons
for enrollment in the Human Sexuality course were not explored
as part of this study. .
Included as part of the Review of Literature is an
examination of the sexual teachings of various religious
affiliations. It was the belief of this researcher that a
relationship would be evident between a religious
organization's stand on sexual issues and the quantity of

discussion its adherents supplied to their children.

Jewish
The Jewish religion believes that "the joy of sexual
activity is a good in itself, distinct from procreation"

(Gordis, 1978). Half of the Jewish mothers discussed sexual

67

intercourse briefly with their children; the subject was
Discussed at Length by 25% of these mothers; and 25% of the
Jewish mothers Never Mentioned sexual intercouraa. Jewish
fathers were evenly split in discussing sexual intercouraa,
One-fourth of the fathers made an Indirect Reference to the
subject; 25% Mentioned the subject; 25% Discussed it at
Length; and 25% Never Mentioned aexual intercourse.

The Orthodox Jewish religion views menstruation as
unclean. One-fourth of Jewish mothers and fathers Never
Mentioned menstruation. However, 75% of Jewish mothers and
fathers either "Discussed Briefly" menstruation with their
children, or the subject was Discussed at Length.

Pre-Marital Sex is strongly discouraged in the Jewish
faith. The Jewish religion teaches abstinence for unmarried
individuals. All Jewish mothers discussed pretgaritalaaaa
with their children. The level of discussion ranged from
Indirect Reference (25%) to Discussed at Length (50%). Three-
fourths of Jewish fathers made at least an Indirect Reference
to pre-marital sea with their children. The remainder of
Jewish fathers (25%) Never Mentioned pre-marital sex.

The use of Contraceptives is warranted, dependent upon
the standpoint of the individual involved. Family planning
is considered a legitimate use of Contraceptives.
Contraceptives were Never Mentioned by 25% of the Jewish

mothers and fathers surveyed. The level of discussion for the

68

remainder of the Jewish parents ranged from Mentioned to
Discussed at Length.

For the sexual topics that were viewed as positive or
acceptable under the Jewish religion (Sexual Intercourse and
Contraceptives), they were discussed by at least 75% of the
Jewish parents surveyed. For the sexual topics that were
viewed as negative or unacceptable (Menstruation and Pre-
Marital Intercourse), not more than 25% of the Jewish mothers
and fathers Never Mentioned these topics with their children.

It is interesting to note that, in the case of the Jewish
students surveyed, the level of discussion from their parents
remained virtually the same, regardless of whether the Jewish
religion viewed the sexual topic as in a positive manner or
ixxa.negative manner. The reasons for the lack of distinction
between those topics which were viewed in a positive manner
and those'viewed in a negative manner can be speculated upon,
at best.

Orthodox Judaism and Reform Judaism view certain topics
in a different manner. Menstruation and Pre-Marital Sex are
seen as negative in Orthodox Judaism, but members of Reform
Judaism are far less likely to view these topics in the same
manner. In addition, not all members of the Jewish faith are
in agreement with the doctrine of their faith for all sexual
issues. Therefore, there are bound to be differences of
opinion as to the treatment of a sexual issue.

A second possible explanation for the lack of distinction

between those sexual issues viewed in a positive manner and

,59

those viewed in a negative manner is that Jewish mothers and
fathers are discussing issues viewed in a negative manner by
the faith, and are simply conveying the message that their
religion teaches about the sexual issue. 'Telling a child that
a certain sexual issue, such as Pre-Marital Sex, is forbidden,
would still be considered a discussion about Pre-Marital Sex
between parent and child. In this circumstance a parent does
not treat the sexual issue as "taboo", but sees it as his or

her duty to convey the disapproval of the topic to the child.

Catholic

Pre-Marital Sex is strictly forbidden in the Catholic
Church. A mere 13% of the Catholic mothers Never Mentioned
pre-marital iaaa, and 33% of the Catholic fathers Never
Mentioned theesubject to their children” More than 85% of the
Catholic mother and more than 65% of the Catholic fathers did
discuss pre-marital saa at some level.

The use of Contraceptives is also strictly forbidden
within the Catholic Church. Natural Family Planning is the
only approved method of birth control that is approved by the
Catholic Church, and even then it is only to be used
sparingly. Almost 75% of the Catholic mothers made some
reference to pre-marital sex in discussions with their
children. Less than half of the Catholic fathers made any
reference to pre-marital sea.

The majority of Catholic mothers and fathers discussed

pre-magital sex at some level. This finding indicates that

 

70
these parents were not inhibited by the Catholic Church's

ruling that pre-mayital sea is an activity strongly
prohibited by the Church. It is a possibility that Catholic
parents merely conveyed the message that Pre-Marital Sex was
a forbidden act, and that this single message made up the
entire body of the discussions between parent and child.

Catholic mothers were much more likely to discuss
Contraceptives with their children than were Catholic fathers.
Again, the consequences of the Catholic Church treating the
subject of Contraceptives as "taboo" may have inhibited those
Catholic parents, and in particular Catholic fathers, from
selecting to discuss Contraceptives with their children.

A.second possibility for the reason that Catholic fathers
were far less likely than Catholic mothers to discuss
Contraceptives, is that these fathers hold the belief that
Contraceptives are a woman's issue and are best handled by
mothers.

It can also be speculated that parents are influenced by
multiple sources when deciding the amount of sexual
information they wish to discuss with their children. Their
religious affiliation may provide guidance for them or they
may forsake the Church's teachings for their own sexual morals
and guidelines. Church members are individuals, and as such
cannot be expected to always accept all religious teachings

‘on sexual matters for themselves and their families.

71

Protestant

Protestants do not view JMenstruation in a negative
manner. It is seen as a natural and positive experience.
Over 85% of the Protestant mothers discussed menstruation with
their children. However, only 35% of Protestant fathers
discussed the subject at some level. This discrepancy in
level of discussions between Protestant mothers and fathers
could exist for a number of reasons. One possibility is the
belief that Menstruation is a topic to be discussed by women
for women, since men do not have this physical experience.
This would explain the finding that 18% of the Protestant
mothers did not discuss menstruation because the majority of
the male students in the Protestant sample (24%) may have
indicated that their mothers Never Mentioned menstruation.

Pre-Marital Sex was a activity strongly discouraged by
the Protestants. Over 85% of Protestant mothers discussed
pre-marital saa, and 60% of Protestant fathers discussed this
issue with their children. The level of discussion of paa;
marital sex by Protestant parents negates the theory that a
"taboo" subject would be less likely to be discussed in the
home than a subject which is approved by the Protestant
Church.

Sexual Intercourse is viewed as a positive act; a good
in itself. Over 75% of Protestant mothers discussed pg;
marital sex at some level, and half of the Protestant fathers
discussed.this issue with their children” It is possible that

because the Protestant religion views Sexual Intercourse in

72

a positive light, most Protestant parents engaged in a
discussion of the topic with their children.

The Protestants believe that the careful use of
Contraceptives by married couples is valid and moral. The
results of the study indicated that the majority of Protestant
mothers (68%) discussed contraceptives at some level with
their children. However, only 40% of Protestant fathers
discussed this topic with their children. Once again the
results of the data on contraceptives indicate a wide margin
of discrepancy between the level of discussion of mothers and
their children and fathers and their children. If these
Protestant fathers believe that Contraceptives are a woman's
issue, this would account for the majority of fathers who
Never Mentioned contrageptives.

With one exception, mothers always discussed each sexual
topic to a greater degree of discussion than the fathers in
the sample. This finding was consistent for parents of all
religious faiths, and for those with no religious affiliation.
The one exception to this finding is that of fathers with No
Religious Affiliation discussed wet dreams more frequently
than mothers of No Religious Affiliation. The discrepancy
between the levels of discussion of mothers and fathers
appears to indicate that it is a value of society that it is
the mothers' duty to be the primary sex educator for families.

A section on the most discussed and the least discussed
sexual topics for each Religious Affiliation was included in

the Results section of this thesis. There were some

73

consistencies in the most discussed and the least discussed
sexual topics across religious affiliations.

Female sexual anatomy was the topic most often discussed
byWCatholic and Protestant mothers” There was a three-way tie
for the most discussed sexual topic by mothers of No Religious
Affiliation, and one of these was female sexual anatomy. The
other two topics were female puberty chaagaa and sexual
intercourse. Jewish mothers most often discussed menstruation

and pre-marital sex.

 

Pre-marital sex was the most often discussed topic for
fathers in all religious categories. Jewish fathers did not
have one predominant sexual topic that could be described as
most often discussed. Male sexual anatomy, sexual
intercourse, aexually transmitted diseases and pme-marital
aaa were all discussed by 75% of the fathers, the highest
percentage for any sexual topic.

Wet dreams was, overwhelmingly, the topic with the least
amount of discussion from pat; parents from all religious
categories. Half of the Jewish fathers surveyed Never
Mentioned wet dreams or male puberty chaagaa, the highest
percentage of any sexual topic for having been Never
Mentioned. This finding is particularly interesting because
it appears to indicate that the topic of wet dreams is an
uncomfortable topic for all parents, despite their religious
affiliations.

The overall findings of this study indicate that

Religious Affiliation appears to have little or no bearing on

 

74

the amount of sex education received in the home. Whether or
not a sexual topic was viewed as positive or negative within
an individual's Church teachings did not appear to increase
or decrease the amount of discussion about those topics.
Subjects that were viewed as positive by the religious
affiliation.did not necessarily elicit discussion of the topic
between parents and children. Subjects that were viewed as
negative were not necessarily ignored as a topic for
discussion. Church teachings and beliefs about sexuality did
not significantly affect what parents in those religious
groups teach their children about sexuality. The null
hypotheses could not be rejected. The key finding of this
study was that the religious affiliation's beliefs about
sexuality are not taught by the parents to their children.

It has been speculated that a number of influences can
determine the amount of sex education a parent will discuss
with their children, only one of which is Religious
Affiliation. One conclusion of this study is that every
church.member is an individual, and as such will make a final
determination of the amount the teachings of his or her church
will influence the amount of sex education received in the
home.

It is not enough that churches convey their positions to
the adult members of the church. Members of the church have
a responsibility to understand the church's position aag to
,convey that information to their children. The churches

should emphasize the importance of parents conveying those

 

75

teachings to their children. Indeed, the churches hold an
excellent opportunity to bridge the gap between addressing
parents and addressing children.

The installation of a program of sex education for
parents may help to encourage parents to discuss sexual issues
with their children by easing their anxieties and providing
ideas to parents for presenting this information to their
children” In addition, the churches should. build more
effective sex education into their programs with youth. In
this way, churches will have the opportunity to express their

teachings about sexuality directly to the children.

APPENDIX A

77
RELIGIOUS INFLUENCES OF SEX EDUCATION IN THE HOME

As a Graduate Assistant in PCB 445, Human Sexuality and the
Family. I have noted the importance of religion as an influence
in the amount of sex education received in the home. I would
like to collect information on this topic through this
questionnaire. The survey will take approximately 5-10
minutes of your time. ‘Your response is completely voluntary
and anonymous. Participation or not participating will not
affect your grade in this course. You may refuse to answer
certain questions or to discontinue responding at any time
without penalty. However, full completion of the
questionnaire would be greatly appreciated. To keep this
anonymous, please do not write your name on this sheet. You
indicate your voluntary agreement to participate by
completing and returning this questionnaire. If you have any
questions or concerns that have been raised by participating
in this study, please contact me at the following address:

407 Human Ecology
353-3392

Thank you for your cooperation.

Kim Wallet

APPENDIX B

79

RELIGION AND SEX EDUCATION

 

I. DEMOGRAPHICS

 

 

Sex: 1. Male
2. Female 553‘
"Religion You Were Brought Up Under": 1. Catholic
2. Jewish
3. Protestant
4. Other

 

(Please Specify)

Family's Level of Participation in Religious Affiliation:

 

1. Highly Involved
2. Moderately Involved
3. No Involvement '

Mother's Religion:

 

 

Father's Religion:

 

 

Which Parent Was Primary Religious Educator:

1. Mother
2. Father
3. Equal Involvement

Did You Participate in a Sex Education Course in High School:

1. Yes
2. No

II. For the following sexual topics, please indicate the
amount that the subject was discussed_in the home. In
Part A, under each topic heading, indicate the amount
that the subject was discussed by your mother. Use Part
B to indicate your father's degree of discussion. Be
sure to circle your reSponse for both Parts A aaa B
under each subject heading.

FEMALE SEXUAL ANATOMY

 

A. MOTHERV B. FATHER
1. Never Mentioned 1. Never Mentioned
2. Indirectly Referred To 2. Indirectly Referred To
3. Mentioned 3. Mentioned
u. Discussed Briefly a. Discussed Briefly
5. Discussed at Length 5. Discussed at Length

 

MALE SEXUAL ANATOMY

 

 

 

A. MOTHER
1. Never Mentioned
2. Indirectly Referred
3. Mentioned
u. Discussed Briefly
5. Discussed at Length
SEXUAL INTERCOURSE
A. MOTHER
1. Never Mentioned
2. Indirectly Referred
3. Mentioned
a. Discussethriefly
5. Discussed at Length
MeNSTRUATION
A. MOTHER
1. Never Mentioned
2. Indiractly Referred.
3. Mentioned
u. Discussed Briefly
5. Discussed at Length
WET DREAM§_
A. MOTHER
1. Never Mentioned
2. Indirectly Referred
3. Mentioned
h. Discussed Briefly
5. iscusscd at Length

80

To

To

To

_MALE PHYSICAL CHANGES DURING PUBERTY

A. MOTHER

 

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Indirectly Referred To

Mentioned
Discussed Briefly
Discussed at Length

B.

mt-‘wNH

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Never Mentioned
Indirectly Referred
Mentioned

Discussed Briefly
Discussed at Length

FATHER

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3. Mentioned

a. Discussed Briefly
5. Discussed at Length

FATHER

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Indirectly Referred
Mentioned '“
Discussed Briefly
Discussed at Length

FATHER

mtuNH

Never Mentioned
Indirectly Referred
Mentioned

Discussed Briefly
Discussed at Length

FATHER

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Indirectly Referred
Mentioned ,
Discussed Briefly
Discussed at Length

To

To

To

To

To

 

III.

81

FEMALE PHYSICAL CHANGES DURING PUBERTY
A. MOTHER B. .EAIHEB.

Never Menfioned
Indirectly Referred To
Mentioned

Discuessed Briefly

. Discussed at Length

. Never Mentioned
Indirectly Referred
Mentioned

Discussed Briefly

. Discussed at Length

\ACKDNH
\AC‘UNH

APPROPRIATE PRE-MARITAL SEXUAL BEHAVIOR

 

 

A. MOTHER B. FATHER
1. Never Mentioned I. Never Mentioned
2. Indirectly Referred To 2. Indirectly Referred
3. Mentioned 3. Mentioned
4. -Discussed Briefly 4. Discussed Briefly-
5. Discussed at Length 5. Discussed at Length
CONTRACEPTIVES ‘
A. MOTHER B. FATHER
1. Never Mentioned 13 Never Mentioned
2. Indirectly Referred To 2. Indirectly Referred
3. Mentioned 3. Mentioned
4. Discussed Briefly 4. Discussed Briefly
5. Discussed at Length 5. Discussed at Length
SEXUALLY TRANSMITTED DISEASES
A. MOTHER B. FATHER
I. Never Mentioned 1. Never Mentioned
2. Indirectly Referred To 2. Indirectly Referred
3. Mentioned 3. Mentioned
4. Discussed Briefly 4. Discussed Briefly
5. Discussed at Length 5. Discussed at Length

.Amount Religious Education Contributed to Your Attitudes
About Human Sexuality:

1. Contributed A Great Deal
2. Made-A Moderate Contribution
3. No Contribution

Amount Religious Education Contributed to The Amount Of

Sex Educatygn Received lg 19”; figma;

 

1. Contributed A Great Deal
2. Made A Moderate Contribution
3. No Contribution

To

To

To

To

APPENDI X C

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LIST 01“ REFERENCES

LIST OF REFERENCES

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Children's Sex Education." In Family Relations - Journal
of Applied Family and Child Studies. January, 1982,
Volume 31, pp. 29-35.

Benson, Purnell Handy. Religion in Contemporary Culture: A
Study of Religion Through Social Science. New York:
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Bockle, Franz and Jacques Marie Pohier (eds.), Sexuality in
Contemporary Catholicism. New York, The Seabury Press,
1976.

Curran, Charles E. Tensions in Moral Theology. Notre Dame,
IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1988.

Curran, Charles E. Toward an American Catholic Moral
Theology. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame
Press, 1987.

Doherty, Dennis (ed.), Dimensions of Human Sexuality. New
York: Doubleday and Company, 1979.

Durkin, Mary C. Feast of Love: Pope John Paul II on Human
Intimacy. Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1983.

Fuchs, Eric. Sexual Desire and Love: Origins and History of
the Christian Ethic of Sexuality and Marriage. New York:
The Seabury Press, 1983.

Gardella, Peter. Innocent Ecstasy: How Christianity Gave
America an Ethic of Sexual Pleasure. New York: New York
Oxford University Press, 1985.

Geer, James, Julia Heiman and Harold Leitenberg. Human
Sexuality. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-
Hall, 1984.

Gordis, Robert. Love and Sex: A Modern Jewish Perspective.
Toronto, Canada: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, Ltd., 1978.

114

115

Greaves, Richard L. (ed.). Triumph Over silence: Women in
Protestant History. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood
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Hall, Elizabeth and Raymond Rosen. Sexuality. New York:
Random House, 1984.

Holland, John M. (ed.). Religion and Sexuality: Nudiac
Christian Viewpoints in the USA, Monograph #1. The
Association of Sexologists. San Francisco, CA: 1981.

Katchadourian, Herant” Fundamentals. of Human Sexuality.
Chicago, IL: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1989.

Kelly, Gary P. Sexuality Today: The Human Perspective.
Guilford, Connecticut: Dushkin Publishing Group, 1988.

Kilmann, Peter R. Human Sexuality in Contemporary Life.
Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Inc., 1984.

Kosnik, Father Tony. Human Sexuality: New Directions in
American Catholic Thought. New York: Paulist Press,
1977.

Masters, William H. and Virginia E. Johnson. Human Sexuality.
Glenview, Illinois: Scott, Foresman and Company, 1988.

Nelson, James B. Between Two Gardens: Reflections on
Sexuality and Religious Experience. New York: The
Pilgrim Press, 1983.

Parrinder, Geoffrey. Sex in the World's Religions. London: -
Sheldon Press, 1980.

Richard, Albert and Elizabeth Rice. Sexual Interactions.
Lexington, Massachusetts: Allgeier D.C. Heath and
Company, 1988.

Wojtyla, Karol (Pope John Paul II). Love and Responsibility.
New York: Parrar, Straus and Giroux, 1981.