.13. . and”... ‘L”‘-‘“““‘ ,1“. .,., '1 n-\.~:;.'p. .: u» \_ "m , , . . t ' .x. . «mash 1‘5 mtm.&...v ‘ in .r'", W‘ . ;- .'.« .7 .ym ud.f~.:'I‘:"' :3“: . . a‘ 5‘» ’LV., _. ”In“. ‘,. .‘ ,."....., ..’ "' .-,-:. .‘QL ,w .n': ”4”, ,. . ,‘..‘,. . . ..‘ .....‘, , . v a"- A I ,— ,.. ,. ...,.,,,-...m~..an "H5899 3 1293 00898 8226 This is to certify that the thesis entitled A Cross-Cultural Comparison of Success and Failure in Sport and School arenas between Japanes%n%ggn%fie£}can Students Rika Kawano has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for M.A. degree in Physical Education 6% (5: flsz Major professor 3 Date M447; 4 [Z /7fl2 0-7639 MS U is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution LIBRARY Michigan State niversity PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. DATEDUE DATE DUE DATEDUE 76872999.; 7 MAR 899 ' w k, MAN—04901 \ x 443 NY ‘ H \ \ MSU is An Affinnative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution C:\CUMR’n3—p.i — A CROSS-CULTURAL COMPARISON OF PERCEPTIONS OF SUCCESS AND FAILURE IN SPORT AND SCHOOL ARENAS BETWEEN JAPANESE AND AMERICAN STUDENTS BY Rika Kawano A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Physical Education and Exercise Science 1992 ABSTRACT A CROSS-CULTURAL COMPARISON OF PERCEPTIONS OF SUCCESS AND FAILURE IN SPORTS AND SCHOOL ARENAS BY JAPANESE AND AMERICAN STUDENTS BY Rika Kawano The present cross-cultural study was designed to replicate and extend previous research on achievement motivation by comparing the perceptions of success and failure among Japanese and American college students. A two step procedure which was developed by Triandis (1977) was employed in this study. Phase 1 solicited perceptions of success and failure from both male and female students in both countries.to construct a antecedent and consequent questionnaire. This questionnaire was used in phase 2 to assess sex differences within culture as well as cross-cultural differences. Responses to the questionnaire were analyzed using a chi- square for differences in sport and school situations. Results revealed that gender differences within each culture and cultural differences in perceptions of antecedents and consequents of success and failure in sport and school contexts were due to child-rearing, education and cultural background. .A CROSS-CULTURAL COMPARISON OF PERCEPTIONS OF SUCCESS AND FAILURE IN SPORT AND SCHOOL ARENAS BETWEEN JAPANESE AND AMERICAN STUDENTS BY Rika Kawano We approve the thesis of Rika Kawano Date: ggéfi ,/QQZ ’ 1 i I (ll/as HA Signature: 4. AT) 4.? /f6222§4u La C7AM¢4M3 Martha E. Ewing, Ph.D. Thesis Advisor Associate Professor Department of Physical Education and Exercise Science \;Z;%V’y/Vféa7naifhz/éégg; f Tane C. Akamatsu, Ph.D. Committee Member, Associate Professor Department of Counseling, Educational Psychology and Special Education George K. Chapin, M.A~ Doctoral Student Department of Physical Education and Exercise Science ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to acknowledge several individuals who, through their perseverance, encouragement, and assistance, were instrumental in helping me complete my thesis. I would like to express my deepest appreciation to my advisor, Dr. Marty Ewing for her conscientious support in this study. I am grateful for all the time she spend reviewing each chapter and for always being available to offer help and advice. Most of all I would like to thank her for her encouragement and inspiring and making it possible for me to pursue my masters degree in this country. I would like to thank my committee members: Dr. Tane Akamatsu, who allowed me a chance to finish this study by joining my committee on such short notice; Mr. Keith Chapin, doctoral student at Michigan State University for supporting me in data collection and computer works; Dr.Annelies Knoppers, my former committee member for her guidance and feedback in the research process. I would like to also thank Dr. Leonard Bianchi, who assisted in the statistical analysis of data the data. I am grateful to Dr. Yutaka Haruki and Mr. Akio Suzuki, who gave their time and assistances in the data collection in Japan. I would like to thank Cathy Lirgg, former doctoral student at Michigan State University, for showing me the iv .wwv- £15,”; - m 5.2: "93.2% “ £8; ‘22—... I. I... 31M“? > mechanics of computer, programing and data entry. Finally, I thank all the students for their cooperation in filling out the questionnaires and making my research possible. TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE List of Tables ....................................... viii List of Figures ...................................... x Chapter I: INTRODUCTION ............................. l Achievement Motivation ......................... 1 New Theory of Achievement Motivation ........... 5 The Need for the Cross-Cultural Study and Etic Approach ............................ 9 Statement of the Problem ....................... ll Hypotheses ..................................... 12 Definitions .................................... l3 Delimitation ................................... l3 Limitation ..................................... 13 Basic Assumptions .............................. 14 Chapter II: REVIEW OF LITERATURE .................... 15 Maeher and Nicholls' Approach to Achievement Motivation ....................... 15 Antecedents and Consequents of Success and Failure ....................... 26 Achievement Pattern in Japan ................... 36 Effort and Ability in Japan and the United States ............................ 36 Summary ........................................ 39 Chapter III: METHOD ................................. 43 ...................................... 43 Subjects ..................................... 43 Instrumentation .............................. 43 Questionnaire-I ............................ 43 Procedure .................................... 44 Results ...................................... 46 Construction of Questionnaire-II ............. 46 ...................................... 47 Subjects ..................................... 47 Procedure .................................... 48 Instrumentation .............................. 49 Questionnaire-II ........................... 49 Treatment of Data ............................ 52 Chapter IV: RESULTS & DISCUSSION .................... 61 Sex Differences within the United States ....... 63 Sex Differences within Japan ................... 75 vi Cross-Cultural Differences: Males ............. Cross-Cultural Differences: Females ........... Summary ........................................ Chapter V: CONCLUSION ............................... List of References ................................... Appendeses A: Consent Form (1) ........................... B: Antecedents-Consequent Questionnaire ....... C: Antecedents-Consequent Questionnaire (Japanese) .................. . ............ D: Frequency of Responses For American and Japanese Males and Females for Antecedents and Consequents for Success/Failure in School/Sport Situations .................. E: Consent Form (2) ..... ...................... F: Antecedents-Consequent Questionnaire II .... G: Antecedents-Consequent Questionnaire II (Japanese) ............................... Personal Data Questionnaire ................ I: Personal Data Questionnaire (Japanese) ..... vii (DQO‘U'IPWNP Sex 9. 10. ll. 12. l3. l4. l5. l6. 17. Sex 18. 19. 20 21. 22. 23. 24. Cross-cultural Differences: 25. 26. TABLE Antecedents Antecedents Antecedents Antecedents Consequents Consequents Consequents Consequents for for for for for for for for Differences within the United States Antecedents Consequents Antecedents Consequents Antecedents Consequents Antecedents Consequents Antecedents for for for for for for for for for Differences within Japan Consequents Antecedents Consequents Antecedents Consequents Antecedents Consequents Antecedents Consequents Antecedents Consequents Antecedents Consequents Antecedents Consequents for for for for for for for for for for for for for for for Cross-cultural Differences: 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. Antecedents Consequents Antecedents Consequents Antecedents for for for for for LIST OF TABLES PAGE Success in Sport ................ 53 Success in School ............... 54 Failure in Sport ................ 55 Failure in School ............... 56 Success in School ............... 57 Success in Sport ................ 58 Failure in School ............... 59 Failure in Sport ................ 60 Success in Sport ................ 63 Success in Sport ................ 66 Success in School ............... 67 Success in School ............... 69 Failure in Sport ................ 70 Failure in Sport ................ 71 Failure in School ............... 73 Failure in School ............... 74 Success in Sport ................ 75 Success in Sport ................ 77 Success in School ............... 78 Success in School ............... 79 Failure in Sport ................ 81 Failure in Sport ................ 82 Failure in School ............... 83 Failure in School ............... 85 Males Success in Sport ................ 86 Success in Sport ................ 89 Success in School ............... 91 Success in School ............... 94 Failure in Sport ................ 97 Failure in Sport ................ 100 Failure in School ............... 102 Failure in School .............. 105 Females Success in Sport ................ 107 Success in Sport .... ............ 110 Success in School ............... 112 Success in School ............... 114 Failure in Sport ................ 116 38. 39. 40. Consequents for Failure in Sport Antecedents for Failure in School Consequents for Failure in School ix oooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooo oooooooooooooooo LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE PAGE 1. McClelland's Hypothesis regarding Culture, Personality, and the "Achievement Society" ...... 19 2. Basic Patterns Followed in the Study of Achievement Motivation ...................................... 2O 3. Maehr and Nicholls Model of Cognitive Model of 23 Achievement Motivation (1980) ................... CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Motivation has been traditionally defined as “how behavior gets started, is energized, is sustained, is directed, is stopped, and what kind of subjective reaction is present in the organism while this is going on (Jones, 1955)“ (cited in Atkinson, 1978). The formal discussion of motivation within the discipline of psychology began with William James' introspective analysis of conscious volition in 1890, and included the subsequent contributions of Freud, Lewin, and Tolman which culminated in a definition of the problems of motivation. One of the central themes of this important issue was the evolution in thought within stimulus- response analyses of behavior from the time of Thorndike and Pavlov to the time of Drive theory (Hull, 1943; Spence, 1956). The theory of achievement motivation evolved in studies concerned with the relationship between performance and individual differences in the strength of achievement motives as inferred from the thematic apperception measure of n- Achievement (McClelland, Atkinson, Clerk, & Lowell, 1953). This n-achievement theory classifies people as scoring high 1 2 or low on motivation. This theory was criticized because it ignores the notion of contexts (Maehr & Nicolls, 1980), it is an ethnocentric approach (Devos, 1973; Maehr & Nicolls, 1980), and generally has been derived from and standardized on the basis of men's interpretations of data drawn predominantly from studies of white males. Men's behavior related to achievement motivation has, therefore, been well explained and predicted, but women's behavior has not(Alper, 1974; Gilligan, 1982). The second approach was an interaction of personal disposition and the situation (Atkinson & Feather, 1966; Atkinson & Raynor, 1974). The theory was a mathematical model, centering on the multiplication function of motivation probabilities of failure for a given situation. That is, a person's behavior is determined by the immediate relationship between his/her personality and the environment. This approach has been criticized because (1) too much weight was placed on the personality variable (Maehr, 1974; Maehr & Nicholls, 1980; Weiner, 1972; Brawley & Roberts, 1984); (2) the task was inadequate and unidimensional; and (3) Atkinson's work failed to take into account gender and cross- cultural differences (Deaux, 1976; Duda, 1980; Ewing, 1981; Harris, 1978; Horner, 1968; Maehr, 1974; Maehr & Nicholls, 1980). The third approach is the attributional approach which was the efforts of Rotter (1966) and Heider (1958). It assumes that achievement striving is mediated by cognitives 3 pertaining to success and failure (Weiner, 1972, 1974, 1979). That is, the way people perceive the cause of success and failure in a given situation should influence their emotional reactions to the outcomes and the degree to which the outcome, success or failure, will change the expectance of success for a future situation. These are internal elements of ability and effort and the external (environmental or situational) elements of task difficulty and luck. In this theory three dimensions have been identified: locus of causality, stability, and controllability. Locus of causality refers to the location of a cause inside (internal to) or outside (external to) the person. Causality relates to feelings of pride and shame; stability (i.e., ability and the task difficulty) refers to the expectation for the performances to be consistent and similar in the future; and controllability relates to our judgement and responses to others. Consequently, Weiner's work, which was conducted mainly in educational contexts, has shown that many of the specific causes that people attributed to the events fell into categories that are described by four elements. This attribution theory, however, has been criticized because it is both, in concept and methodology, culture- biased and sex-biased. In addition, attribution theory has failed to recognize that different behavior may represent different goals or achievement orientations (Maehr & Nicholls, 1980) in sport settings, laboratory specific 4 (Kukla, 1972, 1978), and that the four attributions alone were not adequate (e.g., Bukowski & Moore, 1980; Gill, Ruder & Gross, 1982; Roberts & Pascuzzi, 1979). For example in a cross-cultural study, Azuma (1989) and Devos (1986) suggested that in the attribution theory internality is found to be positively associated with high cognitive achievement. That is, when the locus of control tends to be internal, there is a close interrelationship between effort and achievement as well as self-esteem. In contrast, the Japanese studies failed to find a significant relationship between a developmental tendency toward 'internality and high achievement. This might be explained in that it is closely related to strictness or modesty and self- criticism.in the evaluation of one's own performance. For Japanese, the pattern of internalization occurring within the context increases sensitivity to the feelings of others. Achievement motives exist with a strong need for group affiliation and delicate sensitivity to the feeling of others. The Japanese assessment of what constitutes accomplishment places a consistently high emphasis on effort. The Japanese concept of "luck", for example, is translated in a different way than the American concept. "Luck", as equally helpful in achievement for the Japanese attribute, has the underlying meaning that "I worked hard enough to bring or control my luck from heaven". The Japanese of luck as equally helpful in accomplishment does not negate the belief in the necessity of a great deal of effort. Luck is not 5 perceived as an excuse; it is seen as something that helps you at a time when you have done your best. Effort, in contrast, may prove unsuccessful if your luck is bad, you cannot succeed without it. It is an ethnocentric convention in research method which equates high rating on luck with negatively correlated attributes toward effort. This suggests that without knowing the cultural background, it is not enough to identify behavioral patterns and associated attributions which define achievement motivation from Weiner's theory. That is, the attribution and locus of control theory are culturally specific and these are related to ethnocentrism in the research. On the basis of these criticisms, Maehr and Nicholls (1980) proposed that achievement motivation should be defined in terms of its purpose or meaning for people rather than in terms of overt behavior or the characteristics of the situation in which the behavior occurs. Therefore, according to Maehr and Nicholls (1980), success and failure are best understood if they are regarded as psychological states that are based on the individual interpretation of outcomes. Maehr and Nicholls (1980) then proposed that the next step in defining achievement motivation was to take the function and meaning of behavior into account. Two approaches were proposed that investigate achievement motivation in this manner. The first approach proposed was the identification of the meaning of achievement and 6 achievement behavior for any given group or for individuals within a group (i.e., sex differences and cross-cultural differences). This approach is designed to develop an analysis of achievement motivation in terms of the subjective meaning of behavior for the persons who compose that group, and it represents an active search for diversity. Maehr and Nicholls (1980) hypothesized that success and failure might have different meanings in gender. Following these works, it was suggested that the athletic experience may have different meanings and different goals for women and for men (Ewing,1981; Roberts & Duda, 1984). It was concluded that sex differences did exist in perceived ability and subjective meaning in defining success and failure in sports. Ewing (1981) found that males follow the traditional View of success being caused by "ability" and "money“ which result in "the good life" and "pride". On the other hand, females perceived the cause of success to be “doing your best", "understanding", and "fun" which result in "achieving a goal" and “a good attitude". Similar research on gender differences has not been conducted with Japanese males and females. Maehr and Nicholls (1980), then, hypothesized that success and failure might have different meanings in different cultures. This hypothesis has been supported by several studies. The first strategy employed was the examination of semantic differential data in the United States, Iran, Japan and Thailand (Osgood, Miron, & May, 7 1975). They found various concepts were associated with success and failure. For example, there was a relationship of 'a choice' and 'free will' to success and failure in Iran and the United States. The U.S. apparently can be characterized by an emphasis on the relationship of choice and free will to success and failure. Moreover, in Japan, since the family relationship plays a strong role in one's life, a relationship was found between 'a big family' and 'success'. Triandis, Kilty, Shanmugam, Tanaka, and Vassiliou (1977) supported the conclusion of Osgood, et al. (1975). They investigated the perceived antecedents and consequents of success in the United States, Greece, India, and Japan. In this study the subjects were asked to identify a word which they thought best completed the sentences, "If there is ( ), then there is success" and, “If there is success, then there is ( )". The conclusion of this study supported the notion that success has different meanings in different cultures. For both antecedents and consequents of success, Japanese and Americans were found to be similar compared to other countries. Japanese and American subjects reported a greater connection between individual effort and success in antecedents. With respect to consequents, achievement and pride were related to success for both the Americans and Japanese with the exception that Japanese regarded status (social prominence and respect) as additional consequents. The findings were important to understand how an individual 8 views an objective outcome subjectively. Also, these different types of attributions are differentially important for males and females within a culture as well as cross- culturally. The second approach in defining achievement behavior proposed by Maehr and Nicholls (1980) involves defining a class or classes of achievement behaviors in terms of the meaning or goals of the behavior. The aim of this second approach is to investigate the hypothesis of universality, i.e., to seek similar behavior in diverse cultures even if such behavior may vary in frequency and in importance across cultures. Maehr and Nicholls (1980) proposed three forms of achievement goals which may affect the behaviors of individuals in achievement contexts: (1) self-enhancing achievement behavior; (2) task-oriented achievement behavior; and (3) socially desirable behavior. Self-enhancing orientation is defined as the subject's goal is to maximize the subjective probability of attributing high ability and to minimize the probability of attributing low ability to oneself. This definition includes active avoidance of tasks or situations as well as strong approach behavior. The goal of task-oriented achievement behavior is defined as behavior where the goal is more to produce an adequate product or to solve a problem, more so, for its own sake rather than to demonstrate ability. The goal of socially desirable behavior is defined as behavior directed at producing or maintaining perception of high effort in situations like school that are as? N :w...-.~' ' :41. m M 9 commonly considered as achievement domains (Maehr & Nicholls, 1980). If behavior directed toward these goals is found within a culture, the next question would be to what extent is this behavior found in different cultures. This strategy represents an active search for universals. Because the provisional definition of achievement motivation is made in terms of a psychological theory developed in a particular culture, there is some chance that it will not define a universal. In this paper, therefore, as the first step in following Maehr and Nicholls' approach (1980) to understanding achievement behavior, it was proposed to study the diversity of meaning of achievement behavior among males and females in two different cultures, Japan and the United States. W Following Maehr and Nicholls'(1980) notion of finding the diversity of definition of behavior, it is necessary to understand why the cross-cultural study is needed. According to Duda and Allison (1990), though sports and exercise are often an expression of culture-specific values and a minority group's ethnic identity, the possible effects of race and ethnicity in research on sports and exercise psychology have been ignored. Cross-cultural study in psychology is conducted basically to test the generality of psychological laws, and it is imperative to establish cross-cultural generalities in order to understand what cultural differences are observed 10 (Triandis, 1980). Triandis explained that cross-cultural psychology is defined by its methodology rather than by its theory. A major aspect of this methodology is the distinction between universal dimensions for the description of a phenomenon, which are called etic analysis, and culture- specific dimensions for such a description, which are called emic analysis. Devos (1986) pointed out that the understanding of dynamic effects of the perception of "meaning" can be attained only by an observer's getting "inside" a society, where the individual's perception of his/her reality give us a better understanding of behavioral causality. From an etic perspective all human behaviors are more frequently seen as patterned by social structure or by psychological structuring than is ordinarily apparent. Such structure influences in any society are not perceived by its actors with objectivity. Therefore, social and behavioral research will have to deal more systematically with both etic and emic approaches as two interrelated aspects of research into human behavior (Devos, 1986). Consequently, Maehr and Nicholls (1980) argued that both the first strategy (pursued in this paper) and the second strategy require the establishment of behavioral goals. Only when the goal is specified is it safe to futher examine the causes and consequences of attributional and other mediators of behavior. In finding the methodology toward etic analysis in the study of achievement behavior, it was argued that many . i: :7 ,_ 11 categories are culturally universal. The structures of co- occurrence of attributes in the real world (Rosch, 1977) suggested that there might be the possibility of discovering the prototypical categories or forms of achievement behavior that would be recognized in all cultures. Rosch's categorization process of the cross-cultural examination of categorization of motivation and behavior might eventually lead to a unified analysis (Maehr & Nicholls, 1980). Therefore, when considering these categorizational processes and Maehr and Nicholls' two approaches, the diversity of definition of success and failure among Japanese 'and Americans can be used to construct a unified analysis and a full understanding of achievement motivation. W The theory of achievement motivation has been investigated in different ways. In this paper the new approach of Maehr and Nicholls (1980) was investigated. Specifically, the concept that achievement motivation should be defined in terms of its purpose or meaning for people rather than in terms of overt behavior or the characteristics of situations in which the behaviors occur was investigated. Thus, it was necessary to find the diversity of subjective meaning of behaviors in achievement situations (success/failure and sports/school) among Japanese and American students. This study is an important attempt to develop an understanding of behavioral phenomena and cultural 12 differences in perceptions governing the traditional and socializational experiences in both societies. Hypotheses There were four hypotheses in this study regarding gender differences in defining the causes of success and failure within a culture and cross-cultural differences between Japan and the United States. The first hypothesis was that male and female American students would differ in their definitions of success and failure within both the school and sports contexts. The second hypothesis was that male and female Japanese students would differ in their definitions of success and failure within both the school and sports contexts. If the first two hypotheses were not supported, then male and female subgroups would be collapsed and culture differences would be assessed. It was hypothesized that Japanese and American students would differ in their definitions of success and failure in both school and sport contexts. If the first two hypotheses were supported, the following hypotheses would be tested. It was hypothesized that American males and Japanese males would differ in their definitions of success and failure within both the school and sport contexts. And the last hypothesis was that American females and Japanese females would differ in their definitions of success and failure within both the school and sport contexts. 13 E" . . 1. Antegedents;flgnseguents_Metth: The method for the study of implicative relationships, established by Triandis et a1. (1977). 2. American: A native inhabitant of the United States. 3. Japanese: A native inhabitant of Japan. 4. Culture: The changing patterns of learning behavior and the products of learned behavior (including attitudes, values, knowledge, and material objects) that are shared by and transmitted among members of society (Cuber, 1968). J' . . This study was limited to American students who attend a large midwestern university. Japanese students were limited to those attending a major university located in the Tokyo metropolitan area. The scope of this study was limited to the definitions of success and failure in sport and school context S . This study included all the limitations which are characteristic of survey studies (e.g., nonrandom assignment to groups and inability to control extraneous variables). Additionally, the Japanese questionnaires were originally written in English and translated into Japanese. The affection of the translation was accounted for through back- l4 translation and accommodating for situations where back- translations failed to make sense. We 1. Subjects in this study understood the questionnaire and were willing and able to give their causes of success and failure in both sport and school contexts. 2. The intent of the questionnaire was not changed in translation. 3. Cultural influences are not only important to a determination of the content of the questionnaire but also to the subjective probabilities that one perception is related to another. CHAPTER II REVIEW OF LITERATURE The approach which was introduced by Maehr and Nicholls (1980) to study the cross-cultural difference in value and perception in achievement motivation was reviewed in this chapter. Research investigating cultural influences in both the sport and educational achievement arenas was discussed. For understanding the achievement motivation in various cultures, Maehr and Nicholls (1980) proposed that achievement motivation should.be defined in terms of its purpose or meaning for people rather than in tenms of overt behavior or characteristics of situations. This approach was designed as the identification of the subjective meaning of achievement behavior for a group and for individuals. It was assumed that whether a person demonstrates motivation in any competitive context depends upon the achievement goal of the peOple. For example, in a sports context, when members of athletic teams enter into sport settings with different goals, their individual concepts of the outcome (i.e., success and failure) might be different. Maehr and Nicholls' differing approach (1980) represents a starting point to investigate differing achievement behavior and goals. 15 W, ”.y 16 The perception of success and failure is the important measurement because success and failure are not concrete events, but are best understood if regarded as psychological states that are based on the individual's interpretation of the outcomes based upon perceptions of reaching or not reaching goals (Maehr & Nicholls, 1980). This approach was based on two lines of research: (1) the failure of previous approaches to study achievement motivation cross-culturally, and (2) sex differences in achievement motivation in the United States and Japan. The failure of previous approaches to study achievement motivation cross-culturally. Weber (1930), a German sociologist, described how Protestants produced a new character type which influenced a more vigorous spirit into the attitude of both workers and enterprisers which resulted in the development of industrial capitalism. Furthermore, the differences of the Protestant and the Roman Catholic countries in terms of achievement motivation was in productivity; that is, attitudes such as economic rationality and the enterprising spirit of modern capitalism were consequences of certain religious world views. The doctrine was based on the "elect of God" which would be evident through the success they achieved in life. Protestant believed they were blessed by God once they had achieved success. Thus, the concept of need for achievement became an integrated part of the personality and the basic values in Protestantism. The value of ascents also led to the l7 accumulation of wealth and to Western capitalism (Cuschen, 1980). An interesting historical parallel to the need for achievement suggested that socialization practices differed for youth who were high and low in their need for achievement (Winterbottom, 1958). Specifically, Winterbottom reported that mothers of eight year old.boys who were the "highs" in need for achievement expected their sons to master earlier such activities as know his ways around the city, be active and energetic, try hard for the things for himself, make his own friends, and do well in competition. Furthermore, the mothers of the boys who were "lows" in need for achievement reported more restrictions; they did not want their sons to play with children not approved by the parents, and they did they want them to make important decision by themselves. Thus, mothers of young males who were high in need for achievement have set higher standards for their sons and they expect self-reliance and mastery at an earlier age (cited in McClelland, 1961). McClelland argued that these socialization practices represent a link between achievement motivation and economic development of a mother. If McClelland's concept is turned to sport, Gunther Luschen (1967) argued that max Weber's findings about the relationships between the Protestant ethic and spirit of capitalism may well be extended to be the "spirit" of sport. 18 Luschen found that the religious preference of Olympic medal winners on the based of the greatest percentage of difference (more than 50%) favored Protestantism up to 1960, however, these data were theoretically insufficient. Extending Weber's idea, McClelland (1961) hypothesized that the social structure and people's personalities were the critical variables for achievement behavior, and emphasized the role of early social learning. A relationship between entrepreneurial behavior and modes of child-rearing that stress early independence and a sense of personal mastery was studied. Thus, in McClelland's theory the ethic of 'Protestantism was considered as a special case of the general achievement of a system. Achievement orientation precedes all periods of high cultural achievement. McClelland (1961) hypothesized that achievement oriented culture leads to achievement training of children which results in the development of achievement motivated persons which leads to the emergence of achievement oriented social leadership. Thus, social achievement was a by-product of the culture, personality and the "Achievement society" (see Figure 1). In McClelland's model, the need for achievement was acquired in childhood. People high in need for achievement as defined by McClelland's model paralleled Weber's characterization of the "protestant ethic" (Maehr & Nicholls, 1980). McClelland's concept, however, has been attacked in three ways. One, his concept has a tendency to ignore the notion of context, in which the behavior is determined by 19 [ignre_l. MacClelland's hypothesis regarding culture, personality, and the "Achievement Society." Achievement-Oriented Culture Achievement Training of Children Emergence of Achievement- Oriented Societal Leadership Development of Achievement Motivated Persons Emergence of Achievement- Oriented Societal Leadership Social Achievement various contexts, social structural patterns, social expectations (Maehr & Nicholls, 1980). Second, diverse modes of achievement in different cultures are overlooked (Devos, 1973; Maehr & Nicholls,1980). Third, McClelland's approach is not suited to females. This is because men's behavior related to achievement motivation has been examined and predicted reasonably well, such that men's behavior is considered as the "norm" (Griffin, 1986; Maehr & Nicholls, 1980). Maehr and Nicholls (1980) summarized graphically the historical approaches to studying achievement motivation and culture (see Figure 2). 20 Aebmav Home: "oaoacxm H0H>mcwfl coflum>fluofi ucwEm>wfino< .IIIIASDHHMSOmemv coHumnuflm 9|ll.wu:uanu .m Abhma .uonkmm one consexud Kebma .Hoc>mm ode cemcfixud “mmma .MmSumwm one cowsflxumown G0eum>euofi unmade/$5.504“. cl coaomouam all SDAHMGOmem cl wwsuaso .N AHbmatpflmHHmHUUE “mmma .HOCHOZ ocm UGMHHOHUOE “HmmHVUGMHHwHUOE ”OHQEMKM u0e>cnmn cofium>HuOE ucw8o>wflno< olll.AcoHumsuHmvhuAHMGOmuwm elll wusuaso .a coeum>fluoz ucoEw>oe£o< Mo monum one ca omSOHHom mnuwuumm venom .NIflHfldAN 21 The first basic patterns is presented in terms of personality, the second of these patterns emphasized the role of situational factors, and the third patterns viewed situations and personality interactions. Maehr and Nicholls (1980) incorporated aspects of these three approaches in to a single perspective for the study of culture and achievement motivation. The model proposed by Maehr and Nicholls (1980) is grounded in cognitive psychology. Maehr and Nicholls argue against a singular view of achievement motivation. They proposed these cognitive orientations which may impact a person's achievement behavior. These orientations are substantiated by research in attribution theory. In Weiner's model of the attributional approach of achievement behavior (Weiner, 1974), it was assumed that individuals make attributions about their successes and failures in achievement situations and that those attributions affect achievement and behavior. Attribution theory has three dimensions (locus of causality, stability, and controllability) which have elements of ability, effort, task difficulty, and luck. This is a cognitive theory that explains the people's perceptions and interpretations of reasons for both their own behaviors and the behaviors of others. However, when individuals think about their outcome or performance, the answer is not always experienced by the four basic attributions in all cultures (Maehr & Nicholls, 1980; Weiner, 1979). In addition, research in the sport 22 arena demonstrated that four attributions alone are not adequate (Bukowski & Moore, 1980; Gill, Ruder & Gross, 1982; Roberts & Puscuzzi, 1979). Maehr and Nicholls (1980) created a cognitive model of achievement motivation in which the experience of success and failure may be mediated by different attributions in different cultures. In this model (see Figure 3) individuals will experience success when the outcomes are perceived as desirable personal qualities within the culture. The basic assumptions of this theory are that people's actions are purposeful and are motivated by a desire to demonstrate and/or develop a desirable characteristic (high ability) and to avoid demonstrating an undesirable characteristic (low ability). Cultural variations in qualities perceived as desirable will produce a variety of different forms or qualities of success. Sex differences in achievement motivation Maehr and Nicholls (1980) argued that a two-step approach may be needed to analyze achievement motivation cross-culturally as well as sex differences within a culture. The conflicting literature on sex differences in achievement motivation has provided a productive perspective for the cross cultural study of achievement motivation generally. 23 £1gnre_3. Maehr and Nicholls Model of Cognitive Model of Achievement Motivation. : Behavior / Ontcl°mes\ Attributed Attributed to personal to personal characteristics characteristics defined by culture defined by culture as desirable as undesirable Success Failure Experience Experience Expectation pf Conse uences of subsequent behavior isubjective probability of demonstrating desirable vs. undesirable personal characteristics) 24 The research on sex differences on achievement behavior (e.g., Griffin, 1988), in general, has been about deviation from men's behavior. That is, women have been compared to men and the study has considered why the behavior of women differs from men's behavior, which is the “standard“, and why women are less motivated toward achievement than are men (Griffin, 1986, 1988; Gilligan, 1982; Spence & Helmreich, 1983). For example, studies have concluded that females were less motivated than males, less likely to attribute success to high ability and more likely to attribute failure to poor ability than males (Deaux, 1976; Dweck & Goetz, 1978; Lenney, 1977). The research on the female achievement motivation from a male point of view, that is, the research on female's causal attributions for success and failure, has all the qualities of ethnocentric cross-cultural research (Maehr & Nicholls, 1980). Maehr and Nicholls (1980) suggested that research should check the goals of behavior for males and females before examining the situational and cognitive determinants of behavior. To understand the goals, it is necessary to understand the groups' the perception of success and failure. Thus, the researcher should consider what is the nature of such motivation in women as well as the women's development and value (Griffin, 1986, 1988; Gilligan, 1982; Spence & Helmreich, 1983) without considering the ways women's behavior differs from male behavior. Women's achievement has been traditionally considered as a male dominant form, and 25 has traditionally been viewed from a male perspective (Griffin, 1986, 1988; Gilligan, 1982; Spence & Helmreich, 1983). In studying achievement motivation, the traditional male arenas of school, paid work, and sports, which are defined by males, have been generally examined (Griffin, 1988; Maehr & Nicholls, 1980). Other achievement arenas and other definitions needed to be investigated. For example, achievement motivation can be expressed in various settings, such as volunteer work, hobbies, child rearing, and homemaking, and amateur sports. In those situations where achievement motivation has 'been studied, achievement behavior has been interpreted by what Maehr and Nicholls (1980) have termed the self-enhancing form of achievement behavior. Female achievement behavior is better described as a combination of self-enhancing motivation and socially desirable motivation (Maehr & Nicholls, 1980). Thus, considering only the level of achievement motivation is not the ideal approach. In order to understand the motivation and subsequent achievement behavior of individuals in any context, it is necessary to understand the subjective meaning of achievement to the achiever, and it is legitimate to assume that whether a person demonstrates motivation in any competitive context depends upon the achievement goal of the individual. 26 WW To fully understand the achievement goal of a person, we must first recognize that different perceptions of success and failure may exist. Success and failure are best understood if regarded as psychological states that are based on the athletes' interpretation of outcomes (Maehr & Nicholls, 1980). Outcomes do not necessarily refer to the objective outcome of the games (Duda & Devinatez, 1982; Spink & Roberts, 1980). Though there has not been much research on the perception of success and failure, Ewing (1981) found sex differences in perceptions of success and failure among American high school students. In this study subjects responded to the questions: "If you have ( ), then you have success/failure", and “If you have success/failure, you have ( )." The question was studied both in general achievement situations and sport situations by asking students to select the best word to complete the sentence from a set of words. Each set contained "male unique words (M)“, "female unique words (F)". "common words (C)", and "hunch words (H)." The following findings from this study were found. Success: In general, males identified money and skill as being the antecedents of success more than did females. In contrast, females identified doing your best, fun, understanding, trying hard and patience as the causes of success. Thus, males perceived the cause of success to be more tangible and objective. Females were less objective, 27 considerably more personal, internal and subjective (i.e., tried hard and patience). As consequents of success, males identified a good life and pride, whereas females perceived the achievement of a goal and a good attitude as the consequents of success. In terms of temporal differences with males and females, Ewing explained that males perceived success to be more global and long-lasting, while females perceived success to be more situation specific or short-tenm (i.e., tried hard and will to go on). The hard work was emphasized.both in females' antecedents and consequents of success. Thus, for females, the definition of success emphasizes the importance of effort, a controllable factor. Males, on the other hand, perceived a concrete and quantifiable measure of success (i.e., money and skill). These definitions might limdt the ways men can experience success. By the male definition of success, pressure is increased if one wishes to prove that he/she was a success or had experienced success. In support of Maehr and Nicholls'(1980) argwment, men and women are explaining experiences differently when asked to make attributions for success (Ewing, 1981). Failure: Male choices for antecedents of failure in general,were "no intelligence", "no job", "problem", and "no goals" while female responses were "lack of effort and no patience." For the consequents of failure, the male definition of failure was much more Objective, external and depressing (i.e., no money, no friends, no talent) than.was 28 the female definition (i.e., to try again and no respect). Rather females viewed their failure as more optimistic and positive compared to male view. Success in Sport: Sex differences were found in specific sport situations. Males identified ability, skill, and hard work as antecedents of success in sport. These definitions were different from the antecedents of success in general. Females identified playing your best, team work, and determination. These terms were initially the teams identified by males in Phase one of her study. Ewing argued that it may be that females perceived sport as male- appropriate and that the initial male responses (played your best, team.work, and determination) represented the female perception of what was necessary for males to be successful in sport. Males reported "having friends", "ability“, "medals", "pride", "girls“, and "fame" as the consequents of success in sport. In contrast, for females, "having done one's best", "ambition", "having worked hard", "strength", "a physically fit body", and "self-satisfaction" were perceived as the result of success in sport. Ewing (1981) explained that the males definition of success in sport fell along lines of traditional expectations. Previous research (e.g., Otto & Alwin, 1977; Coleman, 1961) has supported the important notion that males in sports are popular (i.e., friends, girls, and fame; wants to be an athletic star) with peers. Females perceived the consequents of having succeeded in 29 sport to be more personal and less likely to be rewarded externally. Failure in Sport: Males defined "no talent", "no ability", and "no dedication," which were internal, stable, and ability-related responses, as the causes of failure in sport. Females, on the other hand perceived failure in sport to be caused by attitudinal deficiencies (i.e., no interest, a don't care attitude, no will, and a bad attitude). Ewing concluded females' failure in sport is not caused by a person's physical attributes, but rather is more psychological with respect to the way one approaches the sport situation. As the consequents of failure in sport, males defined "no talent", "no ability", "failed", and "a bad feeling." For females, failure in sports was associated with more positive future expectations such as "to try again", "not doing one's best", and "other things to be good at" (Ewing, 1981). These differences reflect the fact that sports is a male-appropriate activity and, for males, failure in sports represents total failure, but for females failure in a male- appropriate activity represents a temporary state and perhaps a relatively unimportant concern. Ewing's (1981) data supported the notion that sex differences do exist in perceptions of both the antecedents and consequents in general achievement situation and sports. The existence of sex differences meant that subsequent analyses of achievement goals should be conducted separately 30 and researches should consider situational factors for males and females when studying achievement motivation (Spence & Helmreich, 1983; Ewing, 1981). Triandis et a1. (1972) studied the perceived antecedents and consequents of success in the United States, Greece, India, and Japan. In this study the subject was asked to respond to the questions. "If there is ( ), then there is success," and "If there is success, then there is ( ), " by selecting one word or phrase from the lists of “uniquely American", "uniquely Greek", "uniquely Indian", and "uniquely Japanese", and "Hunch" words. In this study the Americans saw hard work and ability as most important, whereas the Greeks saw patience and willpower as the most important. The Indians saw tact and leadership as the most important, whereas Japanese saw effort and willpower as the important antecedents of success. Thus, Japanese, Greek, and American respondents found a greater connection between individual effort and ability to succeed. However, the Indians perceived success being related to social factors that promote success (i.e., tact, leadership, and unity etc.). With respect to the consequents of success, for Greeks success leads to greater acceptance by the ingroup, and the Indians perceived enhanced achievement status (fame, social distinction, respect). Japanese and Americans were similar to each other, however; the Japanese disregarded status (social prominence and respect) more so than the Americans did. “ r, .— 31 AW Japan has had great influence on the economic aspects and the international market during the 1970s and 1980s. Researches have argued that this success was derived from human resources which were enhanced through Japanese education and socialization practice of the family (DeVos, 1973; Koschmann & Koschmann, 1976, White, 1987; Shimahara, 1986). Specifically, the educational process provided the base that significantly affected the Japanese achievement pattern. Also, the mother's role in child-rearing was to motivate the child and create an environment that would encourage him/her to engage in achievement situations. In addition, research on Japanese achievement indicated the importance of goals in organizing a range of achievement- related beliefs and behaviors. These goals appear to be similar to Nicholls (1978, 1983) distinction between task involvement and ego involvement (cited in Holloway, 1988). Educational Setting. The Japanese educational system is honorable for its emphasis on a strong academic orientation and for the fact that its general education develops group orientations characterized by homogeneity and inclusiveness (Shimahara, 1986). The Japanese process of education, integrating the students' work habits, motivations toward learning and maintenance of social cohesion, is designed for class management and guidance. Inagaki (1986) argued that the quality of education and its social and sociological background must be broadened to include intracultural IIIIIIIIIE:________________________________________________________________________ 32 difficulties and prdblems. He analyzed the quality of education, both formalization and deformalization. Formalization refers to such aspects of education as institutional, subject-matter centered, teacher-centered, rigid curriculum and scheduling, restricted decision making by teachers, and transmission from above. Deformalization of education refers to such practices as individual, child centered, flexible curriculum.and scheduling, decision making by teachers and innovation from below. In this sense, the concept of deformalization would be more characteristic of American education and formalization would be more 'representing of Japanese education. These concepts influence the pattern of achievement motivation and contributes the differences in society in general. The group-consciousness or harmonious and cooperative behavior in school were the products of these formalization procedures and contributed to Japanese achievement motivation (Devos, 1973; McCormic, 1988; Shimahara, 1986; White, 1987). For instance, class management refers to establishing a class environment conducive to effective learning and teaching. Class meetings usually take place 10 to 15 minutes in the morning and afternoon. During the meetings students can discuss problems the things that they have to do that day. In addition, these discussions foster mutual help and understanding. Student guidance refers to that inclusive, diffuse guidance given students regarding the gamut of prOblems including study habits as well as other academic, 33 social, and.personal problems. These activities aim to promote the formation of habits characterized by cooperation, order, participation, group-orientation, and self-discipline, as well as cognitive and emotional dispositions toward school achievement motivation (Shimahara, 1986; Lewis, 1984; White, 1987). Research concluded on the Japanese preschool and elementary classroom, children were often referred to by the name of their small work group, not by their own names (Hendry, 1986; Lewis, 1984). Therefore, in group-life, they learn and play together, do group activities, and perform academic tasks together. At the same time that the children perceived how to overcome their selfishness and individualism, they ended up despite a group consciousness with no spontaneity, and a phobia of making personal decisions (Hendry, 1986). Cross-cultural studies (Hamilton, Blumenfeld, Akoh, & Miura, 1988) showed three differences in active instruction of the whole class. First, Japanese teachers were more likely to check students' work in a group format. The American teachers, on the other hand, were likely to check work while students work individually. Second, Japanese classrooms, either the whole group or small groups, were more often the target of the teacher's communications. Third, in Japanese classrooms, when instruction to the whole group was occurring, teachers were more likely to address the group as a whole. On the other hand, American teachers sought to 34 engage particular individuals during group instruction sequences. These findings suggested that Japanese children experience less success or failure as an individual than American children do. In addition, the teachers' evaluation methods helped the students to endeavor to do school work in which performance of the individual student contributed to the satisfaction of all the students, according to ability, in Japan. The Japanese educational system also emphasized another variable which compelled children to devote long hours to study to prepare for college entrance. The college entrance examination was considered to be the gate for future success. In addition, the name of the graduate college is sometimes considered a good indicator of personal ability itself. Because the stiff entrance requirements for college, the majority of students were engaged in supplementary school which was held after the regular school day. Success in school is synonymous with success in life and social states (Hara, 1987; Holloway, 1988; Kondo, 1973; White, 1987). There is no doubt that this educational process increases pressure on the children's lives. Child Rearing Process. Japanese education produces striking results which are the product of co-operative efforts by parents, teachers, and children. The relationship between the mother and child is another significant characteristic for investigating Japanese achievement (DeVos, 1973; White, 1987; Miyamoto & Kato,1982). Taniguchi (1986) 35 studied the well-established Suzuki method of music instruction as a good explanation of the educational procedure. This procedure is based on the group-method, such that the method displays significant cultural continuity in terms of pedagogical aspects and procedures in Japan. In the Suzuki method the partnership between the child and.mother becomes important. The mother is required to take an active part, particularly in the early stage of learning, to help her child acquire readiness for lessons and skills, beginning at around the age of three. She is not only an advisor and listener, but must also become a diligent student, putting lessons before her dispositions toward work. In this method parents are held responsible for developing not only their children's instructional competence but also for their children's motivation. This socialization process is responsible for the child's success because mothers attain in winning the compliance of their children so that this bond facilitates the children's internalization of their mothers' expectations (Biggar, 1987; vogel, 1978). The Japanese mother's intense interest in developing good work habits for him/her, such as the entrance exam for college and getting a good job, are so important and become the reason for her living. Thus, the mother's role is to motivate the child and to create an environment that encourages the child to engage in a sustained learning process. The way of Japanese children's socialization also demands that children develop a sense of obligation to meet 36 the expectations of the families of groups to which they belong (Hayashi & Suzuki, 1975; Kikuchi & Gordon, 1970). Comparisons of the expectations Japanese and American mothers hold for their children's behavior indicate that Japanese mothers expect earlier mastery of skills indicating emotional maturity, obedience, and social courtesy, while American mothers expect earlier mastery of verbal assertiveness and leadership in peer interactions (Hess, Kashiwazaki, Azuma, Price, & Dickson, 1980). The relationship between mother and child remains close by U.S. standards by an interlocking set of behaviors from teachers, mothers and children. The mother-child relationship through child rearing has been culturally rooted as dependency in Japanese culture. That is, children depend deeply on the mother and family throughout life because so much care was taken for a long period of time by the mother. This emphasis on child-rearing has been identified by some as a cultural problem in Japan (Doi, 1973). Other research on Japanese achievement motivation has focused on ethnopsychological aspects, such as effort and ability. Ability and effort were viewed as the significant attributes for success in both for Japan and America (Friend, & Neale, 1972; Triandis et al., 1977). However, ability and effort have different degrees of emphasis from social and educational contexts in each country (Holloway, Kashiwagi, Hess, & Azuma, 1986). 37 Differential weightings of the concepts of ability and effort seemed to be given through educational interaction. According to Shimahara (1986), in the Japanese view, all normal children could develop the ability to learn well. On the basis of this belief, the Japanese educator placed emphasis for learning on effort, not to innate ability. Subsequently, the differences in student achievement are thought to be a consequence of diligence and self-discipline. In the elementary school's classroom, it was observed that teachers tried to avoid ability grouping, and composed groups purposely of children at different skill and cognitive levels which encouraged students to improve their ability (Shimahara, 1986; Lewis, 1984). Teachers usually valued ability and effort relationships, assessing "point of effort" (White, 1987). Furthermore, the teacher attempted to keep children moving at the same pace though the materials (Cummings, 1980). In contrast, American teachers composed ability based subject matter groups in the classroom (Holleway, 1988). With regard to teachers' evaluation of students (Hamilton, Blumenfeld, Akoh, & Miura, 1988), Japanese teachers were more likely to give feedback concerning academic procedures (promoted to stay on the task to persist, as well as comments related to following routines, completing assignments, obtaining assistance correctly, and being prepared). In contrast, teachers in the United Stats were more likely to make comments about academic performance, 38 including the format (e.g., neatness) and content (i.e., correctness) of work. In avoiding comments regarding academic performance, Japanese teachers removed the focus from children's ability and instead placed it on the level of effort being exerted. Hollway et. a1 (1986) studied fifth- and sixth-grade children and their mothers in the United States and Japan and found that American children placed greater emphasis on lack of ability than any other reason to explain low performance in mathematics, whereas Japanese children stressed lack of effort, but only slightly less on lack of ability and inadequate training at school. In Japan mothers focused on lack of effort. Similar results have been reported by other researches (Lee, Stigler, & Stevenson, 1986). In Japan teacher's feedback reflected.more on attitudes toward studying. ‘Japanese children were more likely than American children to cite internal reasons for why they work hard in school (e.g., "it helps you learn"). In contrast, American children relied heavily on external sanctions as reasons for working in school (e.g., "you're supposed to"). When asked, however, why they feel the way they do as a result of their achievement, Japanese children were more likely than Americans to provide external reasons (e.g., "my teacher would be disappointed in me")(Hollway, 1988). It was suggested that Japanese children get the message that effort is the positive orientation to the intrinsic benefit as well as meeting the expectation of the teachers. 39 These studies supported the notion that effort was identified as the primary determinant of achievement in Japan. However, effort received relatively less emphasis in the United States in comparison to ability. The influence of the socialization practices of teachers and parents on how children of Japan and the United States define success and failure in school and sport contexts is unknown. Also, unclear is whether these socialization practices impact boys and girls similarly or differently. Summary The first section of this chapter examined literature that attempted to apply the approach of Maehr and Nicholls (1980). Defining the concept of success and failure suggested the investigation of sex differences and cross- cultural differences in sport and school contexts. Rather than simply saying that some genders or cultures have more and some have less, the thrust of this chapter is that they are qualitatively different. It ought to be Obvious that a quantitative analysis often misses the mark even when predicting objective criteria. This may be particularly true when the criteria are representative of a Western conception of achievement behavior (Maehr & Nicholls, 1980). If success and failure are viewed as different psychological events in different cultures, the case needs to be clearly established at the level of individual goals and at the level of shared 40 views of socially desirable achievement motivation (Maehr & Nicholls, 1980). The second section of this chapter examined literature on how existing cultural differences in education and family reflects on the concepts of success and failure. That is, the Japanese and American's.commitment was to effort in order to determine the conditions under which elements of their motivational system.might be successful. Messages from the educational setting, the practices of child-rearing and the socialization of the family changed children's perceptions of ability and effort. In the Japanese case, effort was seen as the means to fulfilling distant goals, whereas the United States, ability is perceived as a more stable and fundamental factor to achieving a goal. In the United States exerting effort has not been perceived as the most important determinant of achievement. Japanese child-rearing provided the evidence for the consequences of parental involvement and played a key role in children's achievements because they are so dependent on each other. Japanese parents share failure as well as success with their children. Thus attributing failure to lack of effort may increase the children's feelings of shame, but it is clear that he or she is not the only one who failed and who is ashamed. In the United States desire to boost children's achievement has also resulted in parental pressure on American preschools to include more " academic" content. Yet, regardless of the national college entrance 41 exam.in the Japanese case, increasing the time spent on academic tasks must result in tremendous pressure on the children. Therefore, achievement motivation of Japanese and American children appears to ensure a later academic and professional achievement stage by developing commitment in school which provides the motivational framework for acquiring whatever the individuals obtain as success. CHAPTER III METHOD This study was constructed in two phases in order to study the differences in selected concepts between two cultures. The method employed in this study was the "Antecedent-Consequent Method" developed by Triandis et a1. (1977). This was a modification of the well-established free association procedure but which appeared directly relevant for studies of subjective culture. Subjective culture is defined as a group's characteristic way of perceiving its social environment, i.e., attitudes, roles, and values. This procedure appears worthwhile for examining not only the perceived consequences of a particular event or state of affairs but also the perceived antecedents of the events which have implicative relationships. The purpose of Phase I was to solicit word/phrases that would define success and failure for males and females from different cultures. These word/phrases would then be used to construct a questionnaire that would directly test for sex differences within a culture as well as identify cultural differences. The initial questionnaire was developed as the first step in testing Maehr and Nicholls' (1980) approach to cross-cultural and sex differences in achievement motivation. 42 43 In this study the same type of information-seeking questionnaire that Ewing (1981) used.was admdnistered. Based on these studies, the causes of success and failure in school contexts and success and failure in sports contexts were investigated. Phase 1. Subjects The subjects involved in this study were 288 Japanese college students (mean age = 19.4, S.D.= 1.23) and 282 American college students (mean age = 20.85, S.D.= 1.45). The Japanese (165 males and 123 females) were students attending a major university in the Tokyo metropolitan area. The American students (123 males and 159 females) were Obtained from a major midwestern university. A consent form was signed by all of the American students who indicated a willingness to participate in this study (see Appendix A). Instmmentation QueSLianaireLI. An open-ended questionnaire based on the "Antecedent-Consequent Method" was prepared to Obtain antecedents and consequents for success and failure (see Appendix B). The instrument used was a modified.version of the questionnaire used in Ewing (1981) and.was designed to study the implicative relationship of the concept. Modifications involved obtaining demographic information and responses to each concept of achievement in the school 44 context. The questionnaire was translated into Japanese for Japanese subjects (see Appendix C). The format of the statements to obtain antecedents was presented in both questionnaires as follows: "If you have ..., then you have SUCCESS/FAILURE in SCHOOL/SPORTS." Subjects were asked to provide three words or short phrases to fill in the blanks for each sentence and for each of two concepts (i.e., success/failure) in school and sport situations. Thus, a list of the antecedents of the two concepts in each context was obtained. Similarly, the subjects were asked to fill in three words or a short phrases for each sentence in the following form: "If you have SUCCESS/FAILURE in SCHOOL/SPORTS, then you have ...." Again, the subjects supplied responses for each of the two concepts in school situations and sport situations. Thus a list of "consequents" for each concept was obtained. Procedure For Japanese subjects, telephone contact with the director of the university was arranged to discuss the nature and purpose of the study. Printed materials describing the nature of the study and the questionnaire were sent to the director. Permission was obtained both from the director of the department and from an instructor in the class to invite participation in this study. Following this procedure, the director agreed to provide his cooperation in allowing the students at the university to serve as subjects. A.class for 45 freshman students was selected randomdy from among the introductory psychology classes. The students agreed to participate voluntarily as subjects in this study. The instructor distributed the questionnaire and explained to the students their rights as subjects in this study. Consent from the Japanese students was not required in Japan, however, assent from the students was shown if they provided the words or phrases to the statements on the questionnaire. For American subjects, the students enrolled in physical education activity classes were used in order to make comparisons with the Japanese subjects. Because there was not a single class with a large enough number of students to meet the needs of this phase, several classes were randomly selected from among the physical education activity classes. Instructors of these classes were contacted in order to explain the nature and the purpose of this study. Following this meeting, the instructors agreed to provide their cooperation in allowing the students to volunteer as subjects. The investigator contacted the students during class to inform.them of their rights as subjects and to ask them to consider participating in this study. A consent form was signed by all American students who indicated a willingness to participate in the study. The Antecedent-Consequent Questionnaire was then introduced to the subjects. Subjects were told that the purpose of this study was to understand how students define the causes of success and failure in school achievement 46 situations and sport achievement situations. Subjects were asked to read each statement and to provide three words or three short phrases that they thought would best complete the statement. It was emphasized that there were no right or wrong answers. Results .A separate tabulation of responses was made for the concepts of success and failure for both males and females in the two cultures (see Appendix D). Based on the tabulated frequencies, responses were ranked in descending order of 'frequency for each sex within each culture. All the responses were used to create the second questionnaire. First, for each concept (success and failure) in both contexts (school and sports), in each culture (Japan and the United States of America) and for each sex (male and female), the 20 most frequent antecedents (As) and consequents (Cs) were selected. Second, the five "cross- culturally common words" were determined from the 20 most frequent words. Based on the culture the 20 most frequent As (or Cs) for each context (success and failure) were examined to determine if an.A (or C) with a high frequency in one culture had a high frequency in the other culture. For instance (see Appendix D), both American males and females had the high-frequency word "talent" in the antecedents of 47 success in sports; thus, this word was selected as a cultural-common word. This procedure was continued until a list of five "cross-culturally common words" was obtained. Third, the sex-unique words in each culture were selected according to whether they were "Japanese male unique words", "Japanese female unique words", "American male unique words", and "American female unique words". The 15 responses for each sex in each culture were compared to determine if an.A (or C) with a high frequency for one sex had a low frequency for the other sex. .As an example of selecting American male unique words for antecedents for success in sports, the high frequency phrase "good attitude" was compared with the other lists to determine if this word had a low frequency in American female as well as Japanese male and female antecedents for success in sports. If this was shown to be the case, this word was labelled as one of the American male unique words. This procedure was continued until five "sex unique words" were identified both for the Japanese and American males and females. The words/phrases identified for each construct are presented in Table 1 to 8. Phase 2 Snbiecis Subjects in Phase 2 were a new sample of 335 Japanese (the mean age was 19.0 and the SD was 1.1 for males and 18.6 and the SD was .9 for females) and 279 American college students (the mean age was 21.0, and the SD was 2.2 for 48 males, and 20.4 and the SD was 1.8 for females). The Japanese sample (182 males and 153 females) consisted of students attending the same college in the metropolitan Tokyo area as identified in Phase I. American students (137 males and 142 females) were drawn from the same major university distributed in Phase 1. A.majority of American subjects were from suburbs of metropolitan area (34.1% for males and 40.1% for females), while Japanese subjects were from the inner city of metropolitan.area (30.2% for males and 35.9% for females). For the experience for the member of the sport team, 94.1% of American males, 87.3% of American females, 90.1% of Japanese males, 35.9% of Japanese females experienced for the member of the sport team. The most popular sport was football (17.0%) for American males, softball and soccer (9.9%) for the American males, basketball (12.1%) for Japanese males, and tennis (16.3%) for Japanese females. Procedure Penmission was obtained from the director of the Department and an instructor in the class to invite participation in this study following the same procedure as in Phase I. .A class for freshman was selected randomly from one of the introductory psychology classes and each subject volunteered to participate in this study. Because the freshman subjects were prohibited from repeating this class and because the data were collected during a different term 49 from Phase 1, there were no students who participated in Phase 1. The questionnaire was distributed by the instructor in the class. .A consent form.was not required for Japanese subjects. Consent from Japanese subjects was indicated if the subjects participated by providing an answer. However, the Japanese students rights as subjects were explained to them.before they were asked to complete the questionnaire. For American subjects, the students were enrolled in physical education activity classes which were randomly selected. The instructor asked the students if they participated in Phase 1. If students had participated in Phase I, they were eliminated from.participation in Phase 2. .A consent form.was signed.by all of the American students who indicated a willingness to participate in this study (see Appendix E). Instnimentation Questionnaire;ii. In this questionnaire (see Appendices F and G), the response categories formed the basis for constructing the Antecedent-Consequent Questionnaire which was used in order to test sex differences in each culture, as well as cross-cultural differences in defining the cause of success and failure. Subjects were told that this questionnaire was being used to understand how students perceived the cause of success and failure in school and sport achievement situations. Subjects were asked to pick one word or phrase from each set of responses to complete a 50 sentence. There were two types of sentences to answer. The first type assessed antecedents and consisted of the following format: "If you have..., then you have SUCCESS/FAILURE in SCHOOL/SPORTS." Beneath each sentence were five sets (ArE) of five words each. The subjects were told that in each set of five words they were to check the one which, in their opinion, best completed the sentence. What they were being asked for in the first sentence was what precedes the concept in question or causes it to come about. They were asked to note that all five alternatives in the set were reasonable; thus, they were to pick the one which they thought best preceded the concept or caused it to come about. In the second set of sentences subjects were asked to pick one word for the result, consequence, or outcome of the capitalized concept. The following is an example of this type of sentence: If you have SUCCESS/FAILURE IN SCHOOL/SPORTS, then you have.... Again, beneath the sentences subjects found five sets (ArE) of five responses each. Again the order of the five words was randomly distributed within each set. The subjects were to check one of the five words in each set. Because all five words in the set were reasonable, the subjects were being asked to check the one which they thought was the best result, consequence, or outcome of the concept. Subjects were asked to read and respond at a fairly high speed in order to give their best "first impressions". The format of the instrument was constructed as 51 described below. Each basic set of five sets of five words had the following characteristics: .the set had one culture- common (C-C), one American male-unique (ArM), one American female-unique (ArF), one Japanese female-unique (J-F), one Japanese male-unique (J-M) word/phrase. The frequencies of these As or Cs (obtained in phase I) were approximately the same; the order of presentation was varied randomly. It was obvious that the context of judgement would determine whether a particular A.or C was chosen as the best. The order of five words was randomly distributed within each set. Below is an example of one such set. __ Culturally common words __ Japanese female-unique American male-unique American female-unique __ Japanese male-unique In other studies utilizing this procedure it was shown that the respective culture had "preferred antecedents or consequents" which they chose over the As and Cs provided in Phase I by other members of their own culture (Triandis et al., 1977). In addition to the Antecedents-Consequent Questionnaire, a demographic questionnaire was used to Obtain personal and sports history data for each subject. The English and Japanese versions of demographic questionnaire are presented in Appendices H and I, respectively. 52 W A two-step approach employing chi-squire tests was used to analyze the sex differences within each culture and cross- cultural differences. Responses to Antecedent-Consequent Questionnaire (see Appendices F and G) were analyzed using a 2 (gender) x 5 (response category) chi-square test for each culture. If sex differences were found within the culture, cultural differences would be examdned for males and females separately, if no sex differences were found, cultural differences would be examined with responses collapsed across sex. Table 1 Antecedents for Success in Sport Type of Word Culturally common Japanese male unique Japanese female unique American male unique Antecedents talent athletic ability self-confidence good skill motivation money enthusiasm power courageous the natural physical endowment endurance time good friends in a team calm encouragement good attitude good physical condition good coaching support faith American female unique positive attitude drive good physical stamina sportsmanship hard work Table 2 Antecedents for Success in School Type of Word Culturally common Japanese male unique Japanese female unique American male unique American female unique Antecedents motivation intelligence patience ability desire money good luck good connection been humorous short time to attend school cooperation a precision inquiring mind open character charm knowledge good attitude self-confidence good instructors will to succeed self-goals interesting in learning will to work harder good time management done your best Table 3 Antecedents for Failure in Sport Type of Word Antecedents Culturally common laziness injuries lack of motivation lack of skill given up easily Japanese male unique Japanese female unique American male unique American female unique lack of ambition not been serious girls satisfaction evil mind too much pressure apathy feel inferiority lack of physical strength vanity poor physical condition poor coaching no will to win stress fights bad sportsmanship poor self-esteem not done your best no fun not tried hard enough Table 4 Antecedents for Failure in School Type of Word Culturally common Japanese male unique Japanese female unique American male unique American female unique Antecedents laziness lack of motivation bad attendance no intelligence no goal had friends no courage girls lack of sleep lots of part time jobs self-centered depression not been sincere too much self confidence too much seriousness too many parties drop out prOblems no understanding of materials lack of self-confidence cheated lack of interests in learning not learned anything lack of will to learn lack of mental ability Table 5 Consequents for Success in School Type of Word Culturally common Japanese male unique Japanese female unique Consequents more opportunity to get a good job knowledge money/wealth satisfaction good grade girls passed(got a credit) diploma real ability purpose to live for popularity fulfillment motivation superiority ambition American male unique good education desire to study used good study habit smart discipline American female unique happiness good attitude good career achievement goals Table 6 Consequents for Success in Sport Type of Word Culturally common Japanese male unique Japanese female unique American male unique American female unique Consequents self-confidence health accomplishment money fun social status girls reliance gold.medal physical strength admiration well-knowness superiority record mental toughness good feeling about yourself spiritual well being done well developed your time intelligence worked hard a sense of being one of the best played.well recognition energy Table 7 Consequents for Failure in School Type of Word Consequents Culturally common disappointment bad grades Japanese male unique Japanese female unique American male unique American female unique destroyed self-confidence low motivation poor future aspects blamed(criticized) dishonored expelled from school feeling defeat suicide self-hatred a feeling of inferiority given up all hopes feel regret real friends no desire low self-image less money nothing failed depression not worked hard enough loss of self worth bad attitude unhappiness Table 8 Consequents for Failure in Sport Type of Word Consequents Cultural common low self-confidence disappointed low motivation try again given up Japanese male unique hwmiliation heartbreak good experience lost honor bad reputation Japanese female unique self-hatred blamed(criticized) apathy distrusts comforted other American male unique not tried.your best not helped the team sense of failure desire to improve better chance to do well in school American female unique not worked hard enough little athletic ability frustration depression low self discipline CHAPTER IV RESULTS and DISCUSSION Responses to the Antecedent and Consequent Questionnaire (see Appendices F and G) were analyzed using a 2 (Culture) x 5 (responses set) chi-square test for each gender on each response set. As noted earlier, each set of responses contained a word/phrase common to both sexes from Japan, a word/phrase common to both sexes from America, and a culturally common word/phrase. Because of the number of analyses to be done (five per antecedent and consequent), it was necessary to adopt a strict statistical significance alpha level of .01 to offset the potential significance due to chance. In addition, it was assumed that one response set per concept could be significant by chance alone. Therefore, at least two of the five response sets per concept had to attain a chi-square value significant at the .01 level or lower in order to verify the existence of cross-cultural differences. Specifically, on those tables achieving a chi-square significance of .01, the percentage of difference between the cultures for each sex selecting a word/phrase had to equal or exceed 5 percent. This post-hoc procedure was used to identify where the greatest difference existed. Before 61 62 discussing the specific concepts, a word of explanation on the presentation of results is warranted. A separate table has been prepared containing the aggregated results of the chi-square analyses of the antecedents and consequents for the sex differences within each culture, (see Tables 9-24), and for cross-cultural differences in each concept (see Tables 25-40). The 25 words/phrases constituting the five response sets for each concept have been presented in three categories for each sex: American choices; Japanese choices, and choices with no cross-cultural differences. The parentheses following each 'word/phrase contain abbreviations which designate the origin of the word/phrase: CC designates cross-cultural common word/phrase; AM, American males-unique; AF, American female-unique; JM, Japanese males-unique; and JF, Japanese females-unique. A column specifying the percentage of difference between cultures in their response to the significant word/phrase has also been noted. All responses under the no cross-cultural differences heading represent a selection difference of less than 5 percent. Because each of the four concepts was defined in terms of its antecedents and consequents, the results will be presented separately by concepts. In this way, cross-cultural differences and similarities for each sex can be illustrated fully. The sex differences for the concepts of success and failure in sport/school achievement situations will be presented first, followed by the cross- 63 cultural differences of the concepts of success and failure in sport/school. Sex_Differenees_within_the_united_9tates American Antecedents for Success in Sport. Results of the five 2 (gender) by 5 (response item) chi-square analysis was non-significant for each response set. Specifically, the following results were obtained for each set: set 1, X2(4)=8.55, p >.01; set 2, x2(3)=3.39, p >.01; set 3, x2(4)=2.33, p >.01; set 4, x2(4)=5.11, p >.01; set 5, X2(4)=9.41 , p >.01. Table 9 presents the antecedents that were included in the analyses. Table 9 Sex Differences within the United States Antecedents for Success in Sport Males %Different Females %Different Choices from Females Choices from.Males None None No Difference good skill(CC) courage(JM) motivation(CC) endurance(JF) good physical stamina(AF) money(JM) good coaching(AM) time(JF) support(AM) good friends on a team(JF) sportsmanship(AF) self-confidence(CC) the natural physical positive attitude(AF) endowment(JM) drive(AF) faith(AM) good physical condition(AM) power(JM) encouragement.01; set 2, X2(4)=.86 , p >.01; set 3, x2(4)=13.92, p <.01; set 4, X2(4)=7.28, p >.01; set 5, x2(4)=15.55, p <.01. A summary of the results of the chi-square analyses is presented in Table 10. American males (see Table 10) perceived psychological aspects, e.g., "fun" (differences of 65 14%) and "superiority" (differences of 8%), to be the consequents of success in sport. American females, in contrast, perceived personal and physical benefits, e.g., "energy" (differences of 11%), "played well" (differences of 6%), and "physical strength" (differences of 5%), to be the consequents of success in sport. Ewing (1981) reported that American high school males perceived "having friends“, "ability", "medals", "pride", "girls", and "fame" to be the consequents of success in sport. The notion of being popular among peers was very important for American.males in high school. Becoming popular might lead to feelings of "superiority“ which supported the traditional expectations and the findings of previous studies. American high school females perceived more personal consequents, i.e, "played your best", "teamwork", "determination". In this present study American college females perceived.personal physiological consequents of success which were similar to the previous study. One explanation for the sex differences in consequents for success in sport is in the different orientation toward the sport activities. American males tend to identify the winning orientation. American males would have the feeling of superiority, e.g., "I am the best", if they have a win. MOreover, they would have much fun if they could win. In contrast, American females tend to identify with a personal and physical fitness orientation. Perhaps, that is because aerObic exercise is popular among females, but it is not so 66 jpopular among males. Interestingly, males perceived "superiority" and females perceived "physical strength" to be the consequents of success in sport. These words, however, 'were identified as the Japanese unique words in the Phase 1. Perhaps this is because in Phase 2 subjects had to confront several potential responses and choose the most important terms . Table 10 Sex Differences within the United States Consequents for Success in Sport Males %Different Females %Different Choices from Females Choices from.Males fun(CC) 13.8 energy(AF) 11.4 superiority(JF) 8.1 played well(AF) 6.3 physical strength(JM) 5.0 No Difference accomplishment(CC) good feeling about money(CC) yourself(AM) done well(AM) health(CC) devoted your time(AM) self-confidence(CC) intelligence(AM) mental toughness(AF) worked hard(AF) spiritual well being(AM) gold medal(JM) well known(JF) record(JF) reliance(JM) social status(JM) girls(JM) admiration(JF) a sense of being one of being the best(AF) recognition(AF) E American Antecedents for Success in School. Significant sex differences were found among American college students for the antecedents for success in school. The results of the five 2 (gender) by 5 (responses item) chi-square analysis 67 are as follows: set 1, X2(4)=5.52, p >.01; set 2, X2(4)=18.22, p <.01; set 3, x2(4)=3.93, p >.01; set 4, X2(4)=11.06, p >.01; set 5, x2(4)=7.2o, p >.01. A summary of the results of the chi-square analyses is presented in Table 11. Table 11 Sex Differences within the United States Antecedents for Success in School Males %Different Females %Different Choices from Females Choices from.Males intelligence(CC) 16.1 interested in learning (AF) 20.0 No Difference patience(CC) a will to work hard(AF) ‘desire(CC) motivation(CC) self-confidence(AM) good time management(AF) a will to succeed(AM) good attitude(AM) money(JM) knowledge(AM) inquiring mind(JF) done your best(AF) humor(JM) good instructors(AM) charm(JF) cooperation(JF) self goals(AF) good connection(JM) open character(JF) good luck(JM) ability(CC) short time to go to school(JM) precision(JF) American college males chose "intelligence" as important (differences of 16%), while American females chose "interested in learning" (differences of 20%) to be the antecedent for success in school. Thus, concrete and.menta1 ability were perceived to be the antecedents for success in school among males particularly, whereas changeable curiosity to study was perceived to be the cause of success in school 68 to study was perceived to be the cause of success in school by American college females. Ewing (1981) reported that American high school males identified.more tangible and Objective, i.e., money and skill, while high school females identified.more personal, internal and subjective aspects (i.e., doing your best, fun, understanding, trying hard, and patience) as being antecedents for success in general achievement situations. Comparisons with Ewing's study may not be appropriate as it is unclear how the high school students were perceiving success in general. Some may have thought of school while others were thinking about success at tasks outside of school. The results of this study would suggest that American college males and females do define the causes of success in school in very different qualitative tenms. The antecedent for success in school for males appears more stable and more variable for females. American Consequents for Success in School. Results of the five 2 (gender) by 5 (response item) chi-square analysis was non-significant for each response set. Specifically, the following results were obtained for each set: set 1, x2(4)= 4.26, p >.01; set 2, x2(4)=7.57, p >.01; set 3, X2(4)=8.46, p >.01; set 4, X2(4)=6.67, p >.01; set 5, X2(4)=10.84 , p >.01. Table 12 presents the consequents that were included in the analyses. Thus, regardless of gender, the consequents of success in school is perceived similarly. Due to the gender differences reported for the antecedents for success in 69 school subsequent analyses will be conducted separately for .American males and females. Likewise, males and females were judged to be someWhat divergent in their definition of success in sport and must be treated as separate groups in subsequent analyses. Table 12 Sex Differences within the United States Consequents for Success in School Males %Different Females %Different Choices from Females Choices from.Males None None No Differences money/wealth(CC) discipline(AM) good grade(CC) a good education(AM) used good study habits(AM) good career(AF) goals(AF) good attitude(AF) smart(AM) purpose to live for(JM) diploma(JM) motivation(JF) ambition(JF) desire to study(AM) popularity(JF) real ability(JM) passed(JM) superiority(JF) fulfillment(JF) knowledge(CC) more opportunity to get a achievement(AF) good job (CC) satisfaction(CC) girls(JM) happiness(AF) American Antecedents for Failure in Sport. Results of the five 2 (gender) by 5 (response item) chi-square analysis was non-significant for each response set. Specifically, the following results were Obtained for each set: set 1, x2(4)=12.17, p >.01; set 2, x2(4)=1.59, p >.01; set 3, X2(4)=7.86, p >.01; set 4, x2(4)=2.49, p >.01; set 5, 70 were included in the analyses. The results of this analysis differed substantially from.the findings of Ewing (1981). The high school students in Ewing's study identified many differences in the cause of failure in sport. Table 13 Sex Differences within the United States Antecedents for Failure in Sport Male %Different Females %Different Choices from Females Choices from Males None None No Differences lack of motivation(CC) poor self-esteem(AF) laziness(CC) bad sportsmanship(AF) injuries(CC) girls(JM) . no skill(CC) evil mind(mM) given up easily(CC) satisfaction(JM) no willing to win(AM) lack of ambition(JM) stress(AM) not been serious(JM) fights(AM) vanity(JF) poor coaching(AM) too much pressure(JF) poor physical condition(AM) lack of physical strength(JF) not tried hard enough(AF) apathy(JF) no fun(AF) feel inferiority(JF) not done your best(AF) The college male and female students were consistent in their thinking about the causes of failure in sport. The difference in the two groups of subjects may be attributable to the salience of sport for high school students. Failure is caused by stable factors for high school males and by more controllable factors for high school females. When combined with the consequents for failure in sport for high school students, particularly, the males, the importance of succeeding in sport is apparent. 71 For college students, failure in sport may not be so onerous and, consequently, viewed more Objectively and similarly. American Consequents for Failure in Sport. Contrary to the results reported by Ewing (1981), results of the five 2 (gender) by 5 (response item) chi-square analysis was non- significant for each response set. Specifically, the following results were obtained for each set: set 1, x2(4)=5.72, p >.01; set 2, X2(4)=.67, p >.01; set 3, X2(4)=3.O3, p >.01; set 4, x2(4)=5.45, p >.01; set 5, x2(4)=2.49, p >.01. were included in the analyses. Table 14 Table 14 presents the consequents that Sex Differences within the United States Consequents for Failure in Sport Males %Different Males %Different Choices from Females Choices from Females None None No Differences better chance to do well in school(AM) not helped the team(AM) little athletic ability(AF) bad reputation(JM) been comforted by others(JF) blamed(JF) low self-discipline(AF) low self-confidence(CC) low motivation(CC) disappointment.01; set 2, X2(4)=6.32, p >.01; set 3, x2(3)=2.42, p >.01; set 4, X2(4)=6.35, p >.01; set 5, X2(4)=8.51, p >.01. Table 15 presents the antecedents that were included in the analyses. These data are not comparable to the findings in general achievement situations that were reported by Ewing (1981). The American college students is unanimous in their view of the causes of failure in school. Many factors appear to contribute to cause of failure in school for college students. Table 15 73 Sex Differences within the United States Antecedents for Failure in School Males %Different females %Different Choices from Females Choices from.males None None No Differences laziness(CC) no confidence(AM) no will to learn(AF) too many parties(AM) no mental ability(AF) too much self-confidence(JF) too much seriousness(JF) no courage(JM) girls(JM) lack of sleep(JM) cheated(AF) lack of interest in 1earning(AF) bad attendance(CC) not learned anything(AF) dropped out(AM) no intelligence(CC) no understanding of materials(AM) lack of motivation(CC) problems(AM) not been sincere(JF) self-centered(JF) bad friends(JM) depression(JF) no goal(CC) a lot of part time jobs(JM) American Consequents for Failure in School. Results of the five 2 (gender) by 5 (response item) chi-square analysis was non-significant for each response set. Specifically, the following results were obtained for each set: set 1, X2(4)=3.89, p >.01; set 2, X2(4)=5.60, p >.01; set 3, x2(3)=12.99, p >.01; set 4, x2(4)=7.17, p >.01; set 5, x2(4)=9.71, p >.01. were included in the analyses. Table 16 presents the consequents that 74 Table 16 Sex Differences within the United States Consequents for Failure in School Males %Different Females %Different Choices from Females Choices from.Males None None No Differences less money(AM) depression(AF) blamedhhn) destroyed self-confidence(CC) expelled from school(JM) poor future aspects(CC) dishonor(JM) real friends(JF) suicide(JM) bad attitude(AF) regret(JF) no desire(AM) self-hatred(JF) bad grades(CC) a feeling of inferiority(JF) low self-image(AM) given up all hopes(JF) not worked hard enough(AF) nothing(AM) disappointment(CC) been defeated(JM) loss of self worth(AF) -failed(AM) unhappiness(AF) low motivation(CC) The combined results of the antecedents and consequents for failure in school revealed no gender differences in defining this concept. It is not clear from these data why gender differences were found for success in school but not for failure in school. Perhaps, with the systematic elimination of persons (both.males and female) who did not apply for college or who did not stay longer than one year, the students who remain may not have experienced failure in school. Thus, there is no differentiation of the antecedents of consequents for failure in school. 75 Sex_Differences_within_danan Japanese Antecedents for Success in Sport. Results of the five 2 (gender) by 5 (response item) chi-square analysis were non-significant for each response set. Specifically, the following results were obtained for each set: set 1, X2(4)=3.8l, p >.01; set 2, X2(4)=6.50, p >.01; set 3, x2(3)=9.73, p >.01; set 4, X2(4)=5.63, p >.01; set 5, X2(4)=1.16, p >.01. Table 17 presents the antecedents that were included in the analyses. Table 17 Sex differences within Japan Antecedents for Success in Sport Males %Different Females %Different Choices from Females Choices from Males None None No Difference good skill(CC) courage(JM) motivation(CC) endurance(JF) good physical stamina(AF) money(JM) good coaching(AM) time(JF) support(AM) good friends on a team(JF) sportsmanship(AF) self-confidence(CC) the natural physical positive attitude(AF) endowment(JM) drive(AF) faith(AM) good physical condition(AM) power(JM) encouragement(JF) enthusiasm(JM) good attitude(AM) athletic ability(CC) hard work(AF) talent(CC) calmlJF) 76 These data suggested that college males and females perceived the causes of success in sport similarly. It would be interesting to determine if these similarities in views are arrived earlier (e.g., high school) or if younger boys and girls in Japan would report different antecedents similar to these reported by Ewing (1981). Japanese Consequents for Success in Sport. Significant sex differences were found among Japanese college students for the consequents for success in sport. Results of the five 2 (gender) by 5 (response item) chi-square analysis were obtained for each set: set 1, X2(4)=9.94, p >.01; set 2, X2(4)=15.81, p <.01; set 3, X2(3)=23.O6, p <.01; set 4, x2(4)=9.15, p >.01; set 5, X2(4)=6.96, p >.01. A.summary of the results of the chi-square analyses is presented in Table 18. Males perceived external and psychological reward; (i.e., “superiority" and "girls") to be important consequents, whereas Japanese females perceived.more personal, less objective, and more internally rewarding benefits, (i.e., "spiritual well-being", "health", "played well", "done well") as being the consequents for success in sports. The response pattern for males and females was very interesting. Specifically, males preferred the Japanese unique word/phrase and females identified with the cultural common or American unique word/phrase as being the consequents of success in sport. Japanese males' definitions were similar to those of American males with the only the 77 differences being "fun" and "girls". The American males' traditional view of being popular, and getting a girl might imply that he could get the girl who might be the best or most popular in school. A.similar view may exist among Japanese males' today. In general, females in both the United States and Japan perceived the rewards from success in sport to be more internal and less likely to be tangible. Table 18 Sex Differences within Japan Consequents for Success in Sport Males %Different Females %Different Choices from Females Choices from.Males superiority(JF) 17.5 spiritual well being(AM) 10.7 girls(JM) 10.4 health(CC) 9.0 played well(AF) 7.4 done well(AM) 5.7 No Differences accomplishment(CC) good feeling about money(CC) yourself(AM) devoted your time(AM) self-confidence(CC) intelligence(AM) mental toughness(AF) worked hard(AF) well known(JF) gold medal(JM) reliance(JM) record(JF) recognition(AF) social status(JM) fun(CC) admiration(JF) energy(AF) a sense of being one of Physical strength(JM) being the best(AF) Although Japanese males and females agreed on the antecedents for success in sport, there were clear gender differences in the consequents for success in sport. Thus, gender differences do exist in Japan in defining success in sport. 78 Subsequent analyses will need to consider males and females separately. Japanese Antecedents for Success in School. There were no significant sex differences in antecedents for success in school in Japan. Results of the five 2 (gender) by 5 (response item) chi-square analysis revealed the following values: set 1, X2(4)=6.66, p >.01; set 2, x2(4)=4.94, p <.01; set 3, X2(3)=7.47, p <.01; set 4, X2(4)=3.91, p >.01; set 5, X2(4)=7.05, p >.01. A summary of the results of the chi- square analyses is presented in Table 19. Table 19 Sex Differences within Japan .Antecedents for Success in School _Juales %Different Females %Different _Choices from Females Choices from Males _;None None _;No Difference jpatience(CC) a.will to work hard(AF) desire(CC) motivation(CC) self-confidence(AM) good time management(AF) a will to succeed(AM) good attitude(AM) money(JM) knowledge(AM) inquiring mdnd(JF) done your best(AF) humor(JM) good instructors(AM) charm(JF) cooperation(JF) self goals(AF) good connection(JM) open character(JF) good luck(JM) ability(CC) intelligence(CC) short time to go to interesting in 1earning(AF) school(JM) precision(JF) Males and females agreed on the antecedents for success in school. As with success in sport, for college students in 79 Japan are consistent in identifying the same causes of success in school. Perhaps the early socialization by the parents and the schools is invariant for boys and girls. Japanese Consequents for Success in School. Significant sex differences among Japanese males and females for the antecedents for success in school. Specifically, results of the five 2 (gender) by 5 (response item) chi-square analysis revealed the following values: set 1, X2(4)=l6.06, p <.01; set 2, x2(4)=11.22, p <.01; set 3, x2(3)=4.92, p <.01; set 4, X2(4)=9.80, p >.01; set 5, x2(4)=8.57, p >.01. A summary of the results of the chi-square analyses is presented in Table 20. Table 20 Sex Differences within Japan Consequents for Success in School _3Males %Different Females %Different __Choices from Females Choices from.Males girls(JM) 9.2 happiness(AF) 8.4 __No Differences money/wealth(CC) discipline(AM) good grade(CC) used good study habits(AM) goals(AF) smart(AM) diploma(JM) ambition(JF) popularity(JF) passed (JM) fulfillment(JF) more opportunity to get a good jOb (CC) a good education(AM) good career(AF) good attitude(AF) purpose to live for(JM) motivation(JF) desire to study(AM) real ability(JM) superiority(JF) knowledge(CC) achievement(AF) satisfaction(CC) 80 Japanese males perceived external rewards (i.e.,"girls") as being the consequents of success in school, whereas Japanese females perceived internal reward (i.e., "happiness") as the consequents for success in school. Again, similar to the sport context, Japanese males identified "girls" as being the consequents of success in a school context. Achievement in either a sport or school context is likely to provide elevated status to males, particularly with girls. Thus, success provides Japanese males with the expectation they will be able to date a popular girl or a girl with high status. For females, success in school does not appear to elevate one's status 'with the opposite sex, but does provide personal happiness. However, it is important to note that for Japanese students there was greater similarity than difference in consequents for success in school. Japanese Antecedents for Failure in Sport. No sex differences were found among Japanese students for the antecedents for failure in sport. The results of the five 2 (gender) by 5 (responses item) chi-square analysis are as follows: set 1, X2(4)=6.33, p >.01; set 2, x2(4)=10.74, p <.01; set 3, X2(4)=10.l4, p >.01; set 4, x2(4)=.73, p >.01; set 5, X2(4)=5.31, p >.01. A.summary of the results of the chi-square analyses is presented in Table 21. Japanese males and females are consistent in their perception of the causes of failure in sport. 81 Table 21 Sex differences within Japan Antecedents for Failure in Sport Male %Different Females %Different Choices from Females Choices from.Males None None No Differences lack of motivation(CC) poor self-esteem(AF) laziness(CC) bad sportsmanship(AF) injuries(CC) girls(JM) no skill(CC) evil mind(JM) given up easily(CC) satisfaction(JM) no willing to win(AM) lack of ambition(JM) stress(AM) not been serious(JM) fights(AM) vanity(JF) poor coaching(AM) too much pressure(JF) poor physical condition(AM) lack of physical strength(JF) not tried hard enough(AF) apathy(JF) ~no fun(AF) feel inferiority(JF) not done your best(AF) Japanese Consequents for Failure in Sport. There were no significant gender differences among Japanese students for the consequents for failure in sport. The results of the five 2 (gender) by 5 (responses item) chi-square analysis are as follows: set 1, X2(4)=6.85, p >.01; set 2, X2(4)=12.91, p (.01; set 3, X2(4)=2.55, p >.01; set 4, X2(4)=2.38, p >.01; set 5, x2(4)=6.32, p >.01. A.summary of the results of the chi-square analyses is presented in Table 22. When combined with the results of the antecedents for failure in sport, it is evident that Japanese males and females are very similar in their view of failure in sport. These findings would suggested that failure in sport is viewed as a very negative experience. NOte the very 82 distressing psychological impact failure in sport has for males and females (e.g., humiliation, self-hatred, distrust, lost honor). Table 22 Sex differences within Japan Consequents for Failure in Sport Males %Different Males %Different Choices from Females Choices from Females None None No Differences better chance to do well in frustration(AF) school(AM) not tried your best(AM) not helped the team(AM) desire to improve(AM) little athletic ability(AF) not worked hard enough(AF) bad reputation(JM) humiliation(JM) been comforted by others(JF) self-hatred(JF) blamed(JF) good experience(JM) low self-discipline(AF) depression(AF) low self-confidence(CC) sense of failure(AM) low motivation(CC) heartbreak(JM) disappointment(CC) given up(CC) lost honor(JM) apathy(JF) to try again(CC) distrust(JF) Japanese Antecedents for Failure in School. Significant sex differences were found among Japanese males and females for the antecedents for failure in school. Specifically, results of the five 2 (gender) by 5 (response item) chi- square analysis revealed the following values: set 1, x2(4)=1.43, p <.01; set 2, x2(4)=1.37, p <.01; set 3, x2(3)=17.59, p <.01; set 4, X2(4)=5.64, p >.01; set 5, X2(4)=8.43, p >.01. .A summary of the results of the chi- square analyses is presented in Table 23. 82 distressing psychological impact failure in sport has for males and females (e.g., humiliation, self-hatred, distrust, lost honor). Table 22 Sex differences within Japan Consequents for Failure in Sport Males %Different Males %Different Choices from Females Choices from Females None None No Differences better chance to do well in frustration(AF) school(AM) not helped the team(AM) little athletic ability(AF) bad reputation(JM) been comforted by others(JF) blamed(JF) low self-discipline(AF) low self-confidence(CC) low motivation(CC) disappointment(CC) lost honor(JM) to try again(CC) not tried your best(AM) desire to improve(AM) not worked hard enough(AF) humiliation(JM) self-hatred(JF) good experience(JM) depression(AF) sense of failure(AM) heartbreak(JM) given up(CC) apathy(JF) distrust(JF) Japanese Antecedents for Failure in School. Significant sex differences were found among Japanese males and females for the antecedents for failure in school. Specifically, results of the five 2 (gender) by 5 (response item) chi- square analysis revealed the following values: set 1, x2(4)=1.43, p <.01; set 2, x2(4)=1.37, p <.01; set 3, x2(3)=17.59, p <.01; set 4, x2(4)=5.64, p >.01; set 5, X2(4)=8.43, p >.01. .A summary of the results of the chi- square analyses is presented in Table 23. 83 Table 23 Sex Differences within Japan Antecedents for Failure in School Males %Different females %Different Choices from Females Choices from.males bad attendance(CC) 8.6 not learned anything(AF) 20.4 No Differences laziness(CC) lack of sleep(JM) no confidence(AM) cheated(AF) no will to learn(AF) lack of interesting too many parties(AM) in 1earning(AF) no mental ability(AF) dropped out(AM) too much self-confidence(JF) no intelligence(CC) too much seriousness(JF) no understanding of no courage(JM) materials(AM) girls(JM) lack of motivation(CC) bad friends(JM) problems(AM) depression(JF) not been sincere(JF) no goal(CC) self centered(JF) a lot of part time job(JM) Japanese males perceived "bad attendance" and females perceived "not learning anything" to be the antecedents for failure in school respectively. This difference shows that males' attitudes toward school works are different from females' attitudes. Males' decisions are whether to attend or skip the class, yet females are more concerned with the subject matter of the class. It is easier for Japanese students to skip classes because it seems much easier to catch up on materials in a Japanese college than in an American college. The issue here is whether he or she has a strong interest toward the subject or is serious about learning. These data suggested that for males the cause of failure in school in under their control. However, for 84 :Eemales, the antecedents for failure in school is more intrinsic and.may or may not be under the females' control. Japanese Consequents for Failure in School. Significant sex differences among Japanese males and females for the consequents for failure in school. Specifically, results of the five 2 (gender) by 5 (response item) chi-square analysis revealed the following values: set 1, X2(4)= 13.46, p (.01; set 2, x2(4)=11.55, p >.01; set 3, x2(3)=11.92, p >.01; set 4, x2(4)=1.03, p >.01; set 5, X2(4)=ll.65, p >.01. A.summary of the results of the chi-square analyses is presented in Table 24. Japanese males perceived "depression" and Japanese females perceived "destroyed confidence" as being the consequents of failure in school. Both.terms were equally tragic. However, the difference in terms of may reflect the pressure that Japanese males would experience if they were to fail in school. In a male dominated society males have to feel pressure and responsibility and worry about failure more than females. The status of the males and his family may be influenced negatively if he fails in school. Taken together, the results revealed a gender difference in the concept of failure in school. Thus, in subsequent analyses, males and females will have to be analyzed separately. In summary, gender differences were found.among the Japanese and.American students for several constructs. Thus, the investigation of cultural differences will be conduct separately for males and females. 85 Table 24 Sex Differences within Japan Consequents for Failure in School Males %Different Females %Different Choices from Females Choices from.Males depression(AF) 11.8 destroyed self-confidence (CC) 15.2 No Differences less money(AM) poor future aspects(CC) blamed(JM) real friends(JF) expelled from school(JM) bad attitude(AF) dishonor(JM) no desire(AM) suicide(JM) bad grades(CC) regret(JF) low self-image(AM) self-hatred(JF) not worked hard enough(AF) a feeling of inferiority(JF) disappointment(CC) given up all hopes(JF) loss of self worth(AF) nothing(AM) unhappiness(AF) been defeated(JM) low motivation(CC) failed(AM) Cress;Cultural_Differenees: Males Antecedents for Success in Sport. Cross-cultural differences did exist in defining the antecedents for success in sport. Specifically, results of the five 2 (culture) by 5 (response item) chi-square analysis revealed the following values: set 1, x2(4)=60.18, p (.01; set 2, x2(4)=20.15, p <.01; set 3, x2(3)=3o.75, p >.01; set 4, x2(4)=27.23, p <.01; set 5, X2(4)=56.07, p <.01. A summary of the results of the chi-square analyses is presented in Table 25. American males perceived changeable and internal terms (i.e., "self-confidence", "positive attitude", "drive", "good physical condition", "encouragement", and "good attitude") as the antecedents for success in sport. In contrast, Japanese males identified internal, innate and concrete physical terms 86 Table 25 Antecedents for Success in Sport: Males American %Different Japanese %Different Choices from.Japanese Choices from American self-confidence(CC) 35.8 the natural physical positive attitude(AF) 22.1 endowment(JF) 26.2 drive(AF) 17.8 faith(AM) 22.2 good physical condition(AM) power(JM) 18.2 14.4 enthusiasmiJM) 10.6 encouragement(JF) 13.5 athletic ability(CC) 10.1 good attitude(AM) 11.3 hard work(AF) 9.3 talent(CC) 7.0 calm(JF) 6.6 No Difference good skill(CC) motivation(CC) good coaching(AM) support(AM) sportsmanship(AF) good physical stamina(AF) courage(JM) endowment(JM) money(JM) time(JF) good friends on a team(JF) 87 (i.e., "his natural physical endowment", "faith", "power", "enthusiasm”, "athletic ability", "hard.work", "talent', and "calm") as being the antecedents of success more than American males. The responses which Japanese males chose suggested that Japanese males consider physical traits, effort and hard work, and American males considered the antecedents for success in sport to be less physiological and more internal and mental aspects (e.g., self-confidence, positive attitude, drive, and encouragement). It is necessary for Japanese to address the issue of physical traits as the antecedents for success in sport because the Japanese body structure (i.e., height, weight, muscle tone) compares unfavorably with the American and European male bodies. Thus, success in sport depends on a higher level of belief in one's physiological attributes and athletic skills. In Ewing's study (1981) of gender differences "ability", "hard work", and "skill" were identified as the antecedents of success in sport by American males, but in this cross- cultural study these terms were chosen less frequently by American males. White (1987) reported that Japanese students tended to attribute their success to effort and hard work and less to ability in an educational setting, but, in this sport situation, athletic ability orientation was distinguished. In terms of the recognition process (Phase 2), both Japanese and.American males tended to choose their own cultural unique words/phrases (AM/AF or JM/JF) or culturally 88 common words/phrases (CC) which was the result of Phase I. Consequents for Success in Sport: Males. Cross-cultural differences existed in the consequents for success in sports. Specifically, results of the five 2 (culture) by 5 (response item) chi-square analysis revealed the following values: set 1, x2(4)=4o.24, p <.01; set 2, x2(4)=47.53, p <.o1; set 3, x2(3)=32.51, p <.01; set 4, X2(4)=9.87, p >.01; set 5, X2(4)=14.55, p <.01. A.summary of the results of the chi- square analyses is presented in Table 26. American males perceived personal, internal and subjective satisfaction (i.e., "sense of being one of the 'best", "good feeling about yourself", "fun", "health", and "played well") as resulting from success in sports. These terms showed that American males complimented themselves on what they achieved toward their success. These internal psychological rewards were more important to American males than to Japanese males. In contrast, Japanese males perceived "self confidence", "mental toughness", "spiritual well being", "superiority", "well known", "reliance", "girls", and "recognition" as the consequents for success in sports. Japanese males paid attention more to materialistic, objective and visible reputations, and valuation (e.g., having girls, being well known, being reliant, feeling superior, and having recognition) as the result of success in sports. The terms selected by the Japanese males were more similar to the results of Ewing's study (1981) than were American males. 89 Table 26 Consequents for Success in Sport: Males American %Different Japanese %Different Choices from Japanese Choices from.American a sense of being one of self-confidence(CC) 26.0 being the best(AF) 34.2 mental toughness(JF) 16.7 good feeling about spiritual well being(AM) 15.8 yourself(AM) 31.8 superiority(JF) 15.0 fun(CC) 19.7 well known(JF) 10.2 health(CC) 15.0 reliance(JM) 10.2 played well(AF) 13.7 girls(JM) 9.1 recognition(AF) 8.6 No Difference accomplishment(CC) money (CC) done well(AM) devoted your time(AM) intelligence(AM) worked hard(AF) energy(AF) physical strength(JM) gold.medalhhM) record(JF) social status(JM) admiration(JF) 90 That is, Ewing reported that American males perceived "friends", "ability", and "medals", "pride", "girls", and "fame" as the consequents of success in sports which suited the "American traditional expectation", boys want to be remembered as athletic stars (Coleman, 1961). In addition, in contrast to the objective and visible reputations gained from success in sport, Japanese males did experience internal aspects, such as "self-confidence", as the result of success in sports, whereas "self-confidence" was perceived as an antecedent for success in sports for American males. For the recognition phase (Phase 2), American males tended to choose their own culturally unique words/phrases (AM/AF) or culturally common words/phrases (CC), but Japanese did not. Antecedents for Success in School: Males. Significant differences were found in the antecedents for success in school. .A series of five 2 (culture) by 5 (response item) chi-square analyses revealed the following values: set 1, X2(4)=79.53, p (.01; set 2, X2(4)=56.58, p <.01; set 3, X2(3)=60.80, p <.01; set 4, X2(4)=26.51, p <.01; set 5, X2(4)=26.01, p (.01. A summary of the results of the chi- square analyses is presented in Table 27. Americans identified the antecedents for success in school to be "a will to work hard", "motivation", "intelligence", "good time management", "good attitude", "knowledge", "having done your best" and "good instructors". In contrast, Japanese males perceived the antecedents of 91 Table 27 Antecedents for Success in School: Males American %Different Japanese %Different Choices from Japanese Choices from.American a will to work hard(AF) 34.3 cooperation(JF) 33.4 motivation(CC) 32.3 good connection(JM) 26.3 intelligence(CC) 20.9 good luck(JM) 17.1 good time management(AF) 16.1 interesting in learning good attitude(AM) 13.3 (AF) 11.7 knowledge(AM) 12.0 humor(JM) 11.5 done your best(AF) 11.6 charm(JF) 10.5 good instructors(AM) 9.9 self goals(AF) 8.3 open character(JF) 8.2 ability(CC) 6 3 short time to go to school(JM) 6.2 precision(JF) 5.3 No Difference patience(CC) desire(CC) self-confidence(AM) will to succeed(AM) money(JM) inquiring mind(JF) 92 success in school to be more interpersonal and desirable characteristics of a good person (i.e., "cooperationfl, "good connections", "good luck", "interested in learning", "humor", "charm”, "self goals", "open character", "ability", "a short thme to go to school" and "precision"). The differences were that American males perceived.more flexible internal terms such as hard work, and.motivation. Thus, their chances of success in school were changeable and depended on how much time they devoted to study or other activities in school. Japanese males, on the other hand, perceived interpersonal interactions and desirable characteristics to be highly valued. DeVos (1973) pointed out the importance of cooperative behavior which is valued highly for functioning in Japanese society. It was confirmed that in an educational setting Japanese students were well- instructed to be harmonious, and to provide mutual help or cohesion (Holloway, 1988) as indicated by the selection of cooperation as an antecedent (33% differences between Japanese males and American males). The strength of the difference implied a less individualistic consciousness by Japanese males. "Good connections" (26% differences between Japanese males and.American males) were important to interactions among peers in school. Thus, as the literature of Japanese education reported (White, 1987), Japanese educators were successful in instructing group conscious motivation toward success. Interestingly, the studies on cross-cultural achievement 93 motivation have also reported that ability was attributed more to success among Americans than among Japanese (e.g., Holloway, 1988; Kashiwagi, Hess, & Azuma); however, in this study, ability (6% differences between Japanese males and American males) was perceived as more important among Japanese males. Comparisons with Ewing's study may not be appropriate as it is unclear how the high school students were perceiving success in general. Some may have thought of school while others were thinking about success at tasks outside of school. Ewing reported that American high school males perceived "money" and "skill" to be the antecedents for success in general. In this study the results suggested that "skill" may be interpreted as a strategy such as "good time management" for American males and "cooperation", "good connection" and "to get a desirable character" for the Japanese males to be successful in school. Therefore, in general and in school achievement "skill" may have an important role among American and Japanese males. The similarity was that both American and Japanese males had a tendency to choose their own culturally unique words or culturally common words/phrases (AM/AF; JM/JF, or CC) in the recognition phase. Consequents for Success in School: Males. Consistent with the previous cross-cultural findings for males, significant results emerged from the five 2 (culture) by 5 (response item) chi-square analysis. 94 Table 28 Consequents for Success in School: Males American Choices %Different from Japanese more opportunity to get a good jOb(CC) achievement(AF) satisfaction(CC) discipline(AM) a good education(AM) good career(AF) good attitude(AF) 28.8 26.3 26.3 22.1 16.1 15.1 11.4 Japanese %Different Choices from.American happiness(AF) 34.4 purpose to live for(JM) 33.7 motivation(JF) 19.4 desire to study(AM) 11.5 real ability(JM) 8.8 superiority(JF) 8.7 girls(JM) 7.9 knowledge(CC) 6.8 No Differences money/wealth(CC) accomplishment(CC) used good study habits(AM) goals(AF) energy(AF) diploma(JM) ambition(JF) popularity(JF) passed(JF) fulfillment(JF) 95 The following results were reported for each analysis: set 1, X2(4)=69.24, p <.01; set 2, x2(4)=15.47, p <.01; set 3, x2(3)=50.47, p <.01; set 4, X2(4)=27.88, p <.o1; set 5, X2(4)=67.78, p <.01. .A summary of the results of the chi- square analyses is presented in Table 28. Japanese males perceived "happiness", "purpose to live for", "motivation", "desire to study", "real ability", "superiority", "girls", and "knowledge" as the result of success in school. Thus, the Japanese males perceived internal satisfaction, motivation, and tangible rewards from others as the consequents of success in school. American males perceived external and pragmatic causes, such as "more opportunity to get a good job", "achievement", "satisfaction", "discipline", "a good education", "good career" and "good attitude" as the result of success in school. The reason Japanese males perceived internal and personal happiness as the consequents for success in school was that success is viewed important in their lives as well as their families with whom they spend so many years; the success brings them every joy for their significant others. In tenms of external rewards, "girls" was perceived again in the school specific situation among Japanese males. American males perceived highly individualistic motivation, desire and self-confidence as antecedents and tangible benefits of the consequents of success in school. Comparing the success in sports and school, American 96 males reported that self-confidence, motivation and individualism were the important factors. In the same contexts, for the American males, having good abilities and creating better conditions were the keys to success, as well as increasing their future motivation. The similarity was that both male groups tended to prefer culturally specific words/phrases or culturally common words/phrases (AM/AF, or CC; JM/JF, or CC) in the recognition phase. Two notable exceptions occurred when the Japanese chose the American female unique word "happiness" (34% different from American) and the American male unique word "desire to study" (12% different from American). This suggests that in phase 1 Japanese did not recall these terms, but they recognized these terms as important in the selections of phase 2. Antecedents for Failure in Sport: Males. Significant differences were also seen in the antecedents for failure in sports. .A series of five 2 (culture) by 5 (response item) chi-square analyses revealed the following values: set 1, x2(4)=1o.72, p <.01; set 2, x2(4)=25.21, p <.o1; set 3, X2(3)=9.81, p >.01; set 4, X2(4)=94.78, p <.o1; set 5, X2(4)=8.24, p >.01. A summary of the results of the chi- square analyses is presented in Table 29. Specifically, for Japanese males, in contrast to the antecedents of success in sport where Japanese males perceived.more concrete and innate physiological terms, the antecedents for failure in sports were not the antithesis of 97 Table 29 Antecedents for Failure in Sport: Males American %Different Japanese %Different Choices from Japanese Choices from American poor self esteem(AF) 40.3 apathy(JF) 38.1 bad sportsmanship(AF) 18.8 lack of ambition(JM) 10.6 poor coaching(AM) 6x7 not been serious(JM) 5.7 No Differences lack of motivation(CC) laziness(CC) injuries(CC) no skill(CC) given up easily(CC) no willing to win(AM) stress(AM) fights(AM) poor physical condition(AM) not tried hard enough(AF) no fun(AF) not done your best(AF) girls(JM) feel inferiority(JF) evil mind(JM) satisfaction(JM) vanity(JF) too much pressure(JF) lack of physical strength(JF) 98 those identified for success. Rather, Japanese males perceived changeable, internal psychological terms or attitudes, such as_"apathy", "lack of ambition" and "not been serious", as the cause of failure in sport. Particularly, apathy (38% different from.American) was perceived highly as an important/significant factor among Japanese males. In contrast, American males perceived internal changeable, and external terms (i.e., "poor self-esteem”, "bad sportsmanship", and "poor coaching") as the antecedents of failure in sport. The term, "poor self-esteem" (40% different from Japanese) was found as a very important antecedent for the American males. The similarity was that both American and Japanese males tended to prefer their own culturally unique words/phrases or culturally common words/phrases for the antecedents for failure in sports. Interestingly, in Ewing's study (1981) American high school males perceived internal, stable, and ability~related responses as the causes of failure in sport (i.e., "no talent", "no ability", and "no dedication"). In contrast, in this cross-cultural situation stable, and ability-related responses were not found for either group of males. This tendency seems to be preferred because selecting the concrete ability oriented terms could cause a person to drop out or to have an unenjoyable experience. Consequents for Failure in Sport: Males. Cultural differences also emerged.among American and Japanese males in 99 response to the consequents for failure in sport. Specifically, results of the five 2 (culture) by 5 (response item) chi-square analysis revealed the following values: set 1, X2(4)=64.OO, p <.o1; set 2, x2(4)=54.07, p <.01; set 3, X2(3)=66.85, p <.01; set 4, x2(4)=34.55, p <.01; set 5, X2(4)=53.85, p <.01. A summary of the results of the chi- square analyses is presented in Table 30. American males perceived "low-self discipline", "low self-confidence", "low motivation", "disappointment", "lost honor", "trying again", "frustration", "not trying your best", "desire to improve", and "not worked hard enough" as being consequents for failure in sport. The terms suggest that American males perceived failure in sport resulting in low self-image, feeling depressed and having to accept personal responsibility for the consequents for failure in sports. In addition to these negative perceptions, these remained a positive tenor and optimistic hope conveyed though the selection of "to try again", and "desire to improve". Comparisons with Ewing's study (1981) the external and uncontrollable terms (i.e., "no ability“, "no talent", and "no dedication") were not found among American college males males. In contrast, Japanese males perceived their failure as more negative, depressing, tragic and dry in tenor (i.e., "humiliation", "self-hatred", "good experience", "depression", "sense of failure", "heartbreak", "given up", "apathy", and "distrust"). This may result from.American and 100 Table 30 Consequents for Failure in Sport: Males American %Different Japanese %Different Choices from Japanese Choices from American low self-discipline(AF) 34.8 humiliation(JM) 35.0 low self-confidence(CC) 30.7 self-hatred(JF) 33.0 low motivation(CC) 29.2 good experience(JM) 26.1 disappointment(CC) 17.1 depression(AF) 23.7 lost honor(JM) 15.7 sense of failure(AM) 23.3 to try again(CC) 15.7 heartbreak(JM) 12.4 frustration(AF) 12.6 given up(CC) 6.3 not tried your best(AM) 11.0 apathy(JF) 6.0 desire to improve(AM) 8.6 distrust(JF) 5.9 not worked hard enough(AF)6.7 No Differences better chance to do well in school(AM) not helped the team(AM) little athletic ability(AF) bad reputation(JM) been comforted by others(JF) blamed(JF) 101 Japanese males getting pressure from one's family to be successful. In addition, competing with others in an educational setting and.making the effort to achieve a goal are very valued among Japanese children (Hara, 1987; Hollway, 1988, Kendo; 1973, White, 1987). Thus, with this extra pressure to succeed Japanese males might be feeling more helpless, depressed, and stressed than American males. The similarity was that both groups of males tended to prefer culturally specific words/phrases or culturally common word (AM/AF, or CC; JM/JF, or CC) in the recognition phase. Antecedents for Failure in School: Males. Significant cross-cultural differences emerged for the antecedents for failure in school. Specifically, results of the five 2 (culture) by 5 (response item) chi-square analysis revealed the following values: set 1, X2(4)=51.43, p <.01; set 2, x2(4)=15.44, p <.01; set 3, X2(3)=13.85, p <.01; set 4, X2(4)=18.62, p <.01; set 5, x2(4)=52.42, p <.01. A summary of the results of the chi-square analyses is presented in Table 31. American males defined the antecedents for failure in school as more changeable, internal and undesirable behaviors which may have related to their personal attitude for schooling: e.g., "cheated", "lack of interest in learning", "no understanding of materials", "dropped out", "bad attitude", "no intelligence", and "lack of motivation". The Japanese perceived internal, external, interpersonal and depressive factors as important (i.e., "problems", "not 102 Table 31 Antecedents for Failure in School: Males American %Different Japanese %Different Choices from Japanese Choices from American cheated(AF) 34.9 problems(AM) 25.4 lack of interested not been sincere(JF) 14.7 in 1earning(AF) 22.2 self-centered(JF) 12.7 dropped out(AM) 16.2 bad friends(JM) 9.7 bad attendance(CC) 12.3 depression(JF) 8.3 no intelligence(CC) 11.2 no goal(CC) 6.3 no understanding of a lot of part time job(JM)5.1 materials(AM) 8.2 lack of motivation(CC) 7.7 No Differences laziness(CC) ~too many parties(AM) no confidence(AM) no will to learn(AF) not learned anything(AF) no mental ability(AF) too much self-confidence(JF) too much seriousness(JF) no courage(JM) girls(JM) lack of sleep(JM) 103 being sincere", "self-centered", "bad friends", "depression", "no goal", "a lot of part-time jobs") as being the cause of failure in school. In contrast to the American males' perceptions which tie undesirable attitudes to personal behavior, Japanese males tended to perceive undesirable internal attributes as the antecedents for failure in school. It was unexpected that Japanese tend not to identify the terms related to schooling as the cause of failure. Both academic achievement and social relationships with peers (i,e., social cohesion, harmonious and cooperative behavior in school) were well-instructed and valued in the Japanese educational framework (McCormic, 1988; Shimahara, 1986). Therefore, the result reflected in the educational consequences for failure in Japan included Obstructive things that (i.e., problems, bad friends, no goal, a lot of part time jobs) which were perceived to be antecedents for failure in school. Both American and Japanese males tended to perceive their own culturally unique or culturally common words/phrases (JM/JF, or CC) as the antecedents of failure in school. In Ewing's (1981) findings "no intelligence", "no jo ", "problems", and "no goals" were perceived to be important the consequents for failure in general among American high school males. In the recall phase (Phase 1) "no intelligence" and "no goal" were identified as culturally common words, "prOblems" was the American male unique word, but "no job" was not recalled in the specific school context. 104 In this study Japanese males perceived "problems" and "no goal" to be important, whereas American males perceived "no intelligence" to be the cause of failure in school. It was interesting that "problems" which was an originally American males' unique word had the largest difference (25%) for the cause of failure among Japanese males. Consequents for Failure in School: Males. Cultural differences did emerge for the consequents for failure in school. Specifically, results of the five 2 (culture) by 5 (response item) chi-square analysis revealed the following values: set 1, x2(4)=72.29, p <.01; set 2, X2(4)=52.78, p <.01; set 3, X2(3)=36.74, p <.01; set 4, X2(4)=111.28, p <.01; set 5, X2(4)=15.78, p <.01. .A summary of the results of the chi-square analyses is presented in Table 32. American males tended to perceive depressive, internal and reasonable causes (i.e., "bad attitude", "no desire", "bad grades", "low self-image", "not working hard enough", "disappointment", "loss of self worth", "unhappiness", and "low motivation") as the consequents for failure in school. In contrast, Japanese males were conscious more of the internal, interpersonal, miserable, and tragic causes (i.e., "regret", "self hatred", "a feeling of inferiority", "having given up all hopes", "nothing", "having been defeated", "failed", "poor future aspects", and "real friends"). Both perceptions of the consequents for failure in school are depressive, but the Japanese consequents seem.more pathetic and irreversible than American consequents. 105 Table 32 Consequents for Failure in School: Males American %Different Japanese %Different Choices from Japanese Choices from American bad attitude(AF) 30.7 regret(JF) 32.4 no desire(AM) 29.4 self—hatred(JF) 30.3 bad grades(CC) 23.6 a feeling of inferiority low self-image(AM) 19.8 (JF) 28.5 not worked hard enough given up all hopes(JF) 21.8 (AT? 19.8 nothing(AM) 16.4 disappointment(CC) 16.6 been defeated(JM) 15.9 loss of self worth(AF) 12.9 failed(AM) 10.9 unhappiness(AF) 12.0 poor future aspects(CC) 9.2 low motivation(CC) 5.7 real friends(JF) 6.0 No Differences destroyed self-confidence(CC) less money(AM) depression(AF) blamed(JM) expelled from school(JM) dishonor(JM) suicide(JM) 106 In the antecedents of failure in school, Americans perceived school work itself as important, and the American perceptions of consequents for failure in school seem to be less responsible for other outcomes that might happen in his future (e.g., bad attitude, no desire, and low motivation). Japanese males perceived failure in school as the worst tragic event in their lives. These pathetic perceptions originally might come from a lot of pressure and expectations in educational settings or from their families. The consequents for failure in school reflected the Japanese concepts that success in school means success in life (e.g., Hara, 1987; Kondo, 1973; White, 1987). In addition, Japanese and American males tended to prefer their own culturally unique or culturally common words/phrases (JM/JF, or CC; AM/AF, or CC) as the antecedents of failure in school. Cress;Cultural_Differenees: Females Antecedents of success in Sport. Significant cross- cultural differences in antecedents for success in sports were prevalent among females. The following results of five 2 (culture) by 5 (response item) chi-square analysis revealed the following values: set 1, X2(4)=87.40, p <.01; set 2, x2(4)=34.37, p <.01; set 3, X2(3)=6.9l, p >.01; set 4, X2(4)=47.l7, p <.01; set 5, x2(4)=33.37, p <.01. A.summary of the results of the chi-square analyses is presented in Table 33. 107 Table 33 Antecedents for Success in Sport: Females American %Different Japanese %Different Choices from Japanese Choices from American positive attitude(AF) 37.1 the natural physical self-confidence(CC) 22.1 endowment(JM) 28.0 condition(AM) 20.3 power(JM) 24.2 encouragement(JF) 14.6 talent(CC) 18.6 good attitude(AM) 11.7 athletic ability(CC) 17.9 support(AM) 9.6 faith(AM) 18.4 time(JF) 9.0 good physical stamina(AF)10.0 No Differences motivation(CC) good skill(CC) good coaching(AM) sportsmanship(AF) drive(AF) hard work(AF) enthusiasm(JM) courageous(JM) money(JM) good friends on the team(JF) calm(JF) endurance(JF) 108 American females perceived internal and external changeable factors to be the antecedents for success in sport (i.e., "positive attitude", "self-confidence", "condition", "encouragement", "good attitude", "support" and "time"). Thus, American females perceived changeable, internal factors which are dependent on self-beliefs or self-reliance to be the antecedents for success in sport. These factors are similar to those reported.by Ewing (1981) who found that American females perceived internal factors as important and represented what was necessary to be successful in sports, e.g., "playing your best", "teamwork", and "detenmination" were the antecedents for success in sport. Thus, the causes of success in sport were changeable and depended upon how much effort they devoted to the sport. In contrast, Japanese females mostly perceived unchangeable, physiological and uncontrollable ability related factors (e.g., "the natural physical endowment", "power", "talent", "athletic ability", "faith", and "good physical stamina") as the antecedents for success in sport. Japanese females perceived fundamental ability as the antecedents for success in sports, therefore, their chances of success in sport were concrete and predeterminal. The similarity was that both Japanese and.American females tended to perceive their own culturally unique or culturally common words/phrases (JM/JF, or CC; AM/AF, or CC) as the antecedents for success in sport. Consequents for success in Sport: Females. Significant 109 differences emerged among American and Japanese females for the consequents for success in sports. Specifically, results of the five 2 (culture) by 5 (response item) chi-square analysis revealed the following values: set 1, X2(4)=60.25, p <.01; set 2, X2(4)=34.85, p <.01; set 3, x2(3)=22.54, p <.01; set 4, X2(4)=8.30, p >.01; set 5, X2(4)=35.78, p <.01. A summary of the results of the chi-square analyses is presented in Table 34. American females identified both internal and external physical aspects (i.e., "good feeling about yourself“, "a sense of being one of the best", "fun", "played.well", '"energy", "health", "physical strength") as the results of success in sport. Thus, these terms supported Ewing's study (1981), in which she fond that feeling satisfaction of the body and mind, which were more personal and less likely to be rewarded externally, were more important to American females. In contrast, Japanese females perceived socially desirable, internal and psychological aspects (i.e., "well- known", "reliance", "superiority" , "done well", "self- confidence", "spiritual well being", "mental toughness") as the consequents for success in sports. In antecedents for success in sport Japanese females perceived unchangeable physical ability aspects as important. Japanese females would be very pleased to have gained great internal satisfaction and to have received recognition when they succeeded in sports given the limiting aspects of the perceived antecedents for success. 110 Table 34 Consequents for Success in Sport: Females American %Different Japanese %Different Choices from Japanese Choices from.American good feeling about self-confidence(CC) 35.0 yourself(AM) 36.8 mental toughness(JF) 30.8 a sense of being one of spiritual well being(AM) 24.1 the best(AF) 29.8 reliance(JM) 8.7 fun(CC) 14.6 well-known(JF) 7.9 played well(AF) 12.6 done well(AM) 5.9 energy(AF) 10.0 superiority(JF) 5.6 health(CC) 7.5 physical strength(JM) 6.2 No Differences money(CC) accomplishment(CC) devoted your time(AM) intelligence(AM) worked hard(AF) recognition(AF) social status(JM) admiration(JF) girls(JM) gold medal(JM) record(JF) 110 Table 34 Consequents for Success in Sport: Females American %Different Japanese %Different Choices from Japanese Choices from American good feeling about self-confidence(CC) 35.0 yourself(AM) 36.8 mental toughness(JF) 30.8 a sense of being one of spiritual well being(AM) 24.1 the best(AF) 29.8 reliance(JM) 8.7 fun(CC) 14.6 well-known(JF) 7.9 played well(AF) 12.6 done well(AM) 5.9 energy(AF) 10.0 superiority(JF) 5.6 health(CC) 7.5 physical strength(JM) 6.2 No Differences money (CC) accomplishment(CC) devoted your time(AM) intelligence(AM) worked hard(AF) recognition(AF) social status(JM) admiration(JF) girls(JM) gold medal(JM) record(JF) 111 In terms of internal aspects (e.g., self-confidence) both American females and Japanese females have an interesting difference. American females were likely to perceive the psychological aspects as antecedents for success in sport (e.g., self-confidence and self-esteem), whereas the Japanese females perceived these terms as consequents for success in sport. The similarity was that both Japanese and American females tended to prefer their own culturally unique or culturally common words/phrases (JM/JF, or CC; AM/AF, or CC) as the consequents for success in sport. Antecedents for Success in School: Females. Significant cross cultural differences did emerge in the antecedences for success in school for females. Results of the five 2 (culture) by 5 (response item) chi-square analysis revealed the following values: set 1, x2(4)=78.04, p (.01; set 2, X2(4)=37.07, p (.01; set 3, X2(3)=62.50, p <.01; set 4, x2(4)=32.99, p <.01; set 5, x2(4)=54.01, p <.01. A summary of the results of the chi-square analyses is presented in Table 35. American females perceived internal, personal and changeable aspects (i.e., "motivation", "good time- management", "will to work hard", "will to succeed", "knowledge", "good attitude", and "self-confidence") as the antecedents for success in school. These tenms were specific for achieving success in school, and they were supported with the findings of Ewing (1981) in which American females 112 Table 35 Antecedents for Success in School: Females American %Different Japanese %Different Choices from Japanese Choices from.American motivation(CC) 30.1 cooperation (JF) 29.9 good time management(AF) 27.5 good connection(JM) 18.9 will to work hard(AF) 26.6 inquiring mind(JF) 16.9 .will to succeed(AM) 22.0 open character(JF) 12.8 knowledge(AM) 10.9 charm(JF) 12.8 good attitude(AM) 15.4 desire(CC) 12.3 self-confidence(AM) 11.4 good luck(JM) 11.6 done your best(AF) 9.3 self goals(AF) 10.2 ability(CC) 8.0 humor(JM) 6.6 short time to go to school (JM) 6.1 No Differences intelligence(CC) patience(CC) good instructors(AM) interesting in 1earning(AF) money(JM) precision(JF) 113 perceived more personal, and internal and subjective aspects (e.g., tried hard and patience) to be the antecedents for success in school. Japanese females perceived internal, but less individualistic, and interpersonal aspects (i.e., "cooperation", "good connection", "humor", "open character", "charm", "desire", "good luck", "self goals", "ability", "humor", and "short time to go to school") to be the antecedents for success in school. Thus, Americans identified personal desirable behaviors that they thought they needed for school work. Japanese, on the other hand, identified a more socially desirable personality to communicate with peers. Both Japanese and.American females tended to prefer their own culturally unique or culturally common words/phrases (JM/JF, or CC; AM/AF, or CC) as the antecedents for success in school. Consequents for Success in School: Females. Significant differences did emerge for success in school among American females and Japanese females. A series of results of the five 2 (culture) by 5 (response item) chi-square analysis revealed the following values: set 1, X2(4)=74.85, p <.01; set 2, x2(4)=32.55, p (.01; set 3, x2(3)=76.62, p (.01; set 4, X2(4)=l6.08, p <.01; set 5, X2(4)=7l.96, p <.01. A summary of the results of the chi-square analyses is presented in Table 36. It 114 Table 36 Consequents for Success in School: Females American %Different Japanese %Different Choices from Japanese Choices from American achievement(AF) 40.9 happiness(AF) 41.8 more opportunity to purpose to live for(JM) 34.0 get a good jOb(CC) 22.3 knowledge(CC) 30.1 a good education(AM) 22.3 desire to study(AM) 18.9 good career(AF) 18.7 motivation(JF) 14.5 good attitude(AF) 15.7 real ability(JM) 7.5 goals(AF) 10.8 superiority(JM) 7.5 discipline(AM) 7.4 good grades(CC) 5.9 used good study habit(AM) 5.7 No Differences money/wealth(CC) satisfaction(CC) smart(AM) diploma(JM) girls(JM) passed(JM) popularity(JF) fulfillment(JF) ambition(JF) 115 American females perceived both internal and external causes which were more situation specific and more long- lasting terms (i.e., "achievement", "more opportunity to get a good job", "a good education", "good career", "good attitude", "goals", "discipline", "good grades", and "used good study habit") to be the consequents for success in school. Comparatively, the Japanese perceived internal, subjective, and short-term.aspects (i.e., "happiness", "knowledge", "purpose to live for", "motivation", and "desire to study") to be the consequents for success in school. Interestingly, overall differences for both American males/females and Japanese males/females, especially Americans, were likely to perceive internal and psychological aspects (e.g., self-confidence, self esteem and achievement) as antecedents for success, whereas the Japanese perceived these terms as consequents for success both in school and sport achievement situations. Both American and Japanese females tended to select their own culturally unique or culturally common words/phrases (AM/AF, or CC) in the recognition phase, yet "happiness" which was the American females' unique word/phrase was perceived highly (42% difference from American females) by Japanese females. Antecedents for Failure in Sport: Females. Significant differences did emerge in the antecedents of failure in sport among American females and Japanese females. Results of the five 2 (culture) by 5 (response item) chi-square analysis 116 Table 37 Antecedents for Failure in Sport: Females American %Different Japanese %Different Choices from Japanese Choices from American poor self-esteem(AF) 49.7 apathy(JF) 39.9 bad sportsmanship(AF) 25.0 lack of physical strength given up easily(CC) 23.3 (JF) 12.9 not done your best(AF) 13.4 not tried hard enough(AF)12.6 no skill(CC) 13.4 lack of ambition(JM) 10.0 no fun(AF) 6.6 no willing to win(AM) 8.5 evil mind(JM) 6.8 too much pressure(JF) 6.5 vanity(JF) 6.4 injuries(CC) 5.5 laziness(CC) 5.4 -No Differences lack of motivation(CC) fights(AM) poor physical condition(AM) poor coaching(AM) stress(AM) girls(JM) not been serious(JM) satisfaction(JM) feel inferior(JF) 117 revealed the following values: set 1, X2(4)=31.71, p <.01; set 2, x2(4)=44.95, p <.01; set 3, x2(3)=17.33, p <.01; set 4, x2(4)=95.57, p <.01; set 5, X2(4)=21.93, p <.01. A summary of the results of the chi-square analyses is presented in Table 37. American females perceived internal, controllable and changeable causes for failure in sport (i.e., "poor self- esteem", "bad sportsmanship", "giving up easily", "not doing your best", "no fun", "no skill"). "Self-esteem”, especially, had a 50 percent difference between Japanese females and American females as an antecedent of failure in sport. Thus, American females chances of failure in sport were changeable and dependent upon how they perceived themselves as athletes or as athletes in a masculine achievement arena. In Ewing's study (1981), "no interest", "a don't care attitude", "no will", and "a bad attitude" were found as significant for American high school females; these terms were not found in this study, but American females perceived more internal causes with respect to failure in sport. In contrast, Japanese females perceived internal, controllable and less serious attitudes (i.e., "apathy", "lack of physical strength", "not tried hard enough", "evil mind", "vanity“, "laziness", "lack of ambition", and "not willing to win") to be the antecedents for failure in sport. Japanese females perceived failure in sport to be caused by more attitudinal aspects. Especially "apathy", Japanese 118 females chose this term 40 percent more than American females. Both Japanese and American females tended to prefer their own culturally unique or culturally common words/phrases (JM/JF, or CC; AM/AF, or CC) as the antecedents for failure in sport. Consequents for Failure in Sport: Females. Significant differences emerged in the consequents of failure in sports among American females and Japanese females. .A series of results of the five 2 (culture) by 5 (response item) chi- square analysis revealed the following values: set 1, X2(4)=61.75, p <.01; set 2, X2(4)=48.59, p <.01; set 3, X2(3)=90.82, p <.01; set 4, X2(4)=26.29, p >.01; set 5, X2(4)=74.10, p <.01. A.summary of the results of the chi- square analyses is presented in Table 38. American females perceived internal, depressive, controllable but positive causes (i.e., "low self discipline", "low self-confidence", "low motivation", "frustration", and "disappointment", "desire to improve", "to try again", "not tried your best", "not helped your teamP, and "not worked hard enough") to be the consequents for failure in sport. Optimistic aspects such as to try again and a desire to improve, which suggest positive approaches for the next sport experience, may lead to a higher possibility of success in the next experience. Japanese females perceived internal, depressive, controllable, but more negative causes (i.e. , "self -hatred", 119 Table 38 Consequents for Failure in Sport: Females American %Different Japanese %Different Choices from Japanese Choices from American low self discipline(AF) 32.3 self-hatred(JF) 39.6 low motivation(CC) 29.4 humiliation(JM) 32.4 disappointed(CC) 22.8 depression(AF) 22.4 frustration(AF) 20.9 sense of failure(AM) 21.4 low self-confidence(CC) 20.9 good experience(JM) 18.8 desire to improve(AM) 13.0 heartbreak(JM) 15.7 to try again(CC) 11.5 given up(CC) 15.3 not tried your best(AM) 10.1 apathy(JF) 13.1 not helped your team(AM) 7.5 not worked hard enough(AF)6.9 No Differences better chance to do well in school(AM) little athletic ability(AF) bad reputation(JM) lost honor(JM) been conformed by others(JF) blamed(JF) distrust(JF) 120 "humiliation", "depression", "sense of failure", "good experience", "heart break", "given up", and "apathy") to be the consequents for failure in sports. Thus, most Japanese females' definitions were so negative that the possibility of their succeeding again might be severely decreased. Both Japanese and American females tended to prefer their own culturally unique or culturally common words/phrases (JM/JF, or CC; AM/AF, or CC) as the consequents for failure in sport. Antecedents for Failure in School: Females. Significant differences emerged in the antecedents for failure in school among American and Japanese females. .A series of results of the five 2 (culture) by 5 (response item) chi-square analysis revealed the following values: set 1, X2(4)=80.35, p <.01; set 2, X2(4)=24.78, p <.01; set 3, x2(3)=29.oo, p <.01; set 4, X2(4)=21.15, p <.01; set 5, X2(4)=65.51, p <.01. A summary of the results of the chi-square analyses is presented in Table 39. Japanese females perceived.both internal and external, as well as controllable causes (i.e., "problems", "self- centered", "not being sincere", "a lot of part-time jobs", "bad friends", "no goals", and "too much self-confidence") to be the antecedents for failure in school. As the Japanese females' terms which were identified as antecedents for success in school, i.e., harmony and cooperative factors related to desirable personality as peers, similar aspects were identified in the antecedents for failure in school. 121 Table 39 Antecedents for Failure in School: Females American %Different Japanese %Different Choices from Japanese Choices from American lack of interest problems(AM) 32.3 in 1earning(AF) 31.6 self-centered(JF) 29.4 cheated(AF) 29.0 not been sincere(JF) 15.0 bad attendance(CC) 24.1 a lot of part time jobs not learned anything(AF) 23.8 hfln) 8.8 dropped out(AM) 13.4 bad friends(JM) 8.0 no intelligence(CC) 13.1 no goal(CC) 6.7 no will to learn(AF) 6.3 too much self-confidence lack of motivation(CC) 5.4 (JF) 6.1 No Differences laziness(CC) no confidence(AM) no understanding of materials(AM) too many parties(AM) no mental ability(AF) no courage(JM) depression(JF) girls(JM) lack of sleep(JM) too much seriousness(JF) 122 Among Japanese females too much confidence was defined higher than among American females. This is related as a desirable characteristic and might be explained in that being modest is considered a good behavior, therefore, too much confidence was associated with destroying the harmony and cooperation. In other words, this term.implies "being obstructive" and "being sniffy", and the Japanese like modesty as a manner in general. Therefore, Japanese success in school means success in life (e.g., Hara, 1987; Kondo, 1973; White, 1987) might be imply that one should have a good relationship with other students to succeed in Japanese society. Therefore, Japanese females have to deal with interpersonal relationships for failing in school. In contrast, Americans perceived personal, internal and negative attitudinal aspects (i.e., "lack of interest in learning", "having cheated", "bad attendance", "not learned anything", "dropped out", "lack of motivation", "no will to learn", "bad attitudes") as the antecedents for failure in school. 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